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The commentaries and criticisms of William Foster Apthorp

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The commentaries and criticisms of William Foster Apthorp
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Nelson, Robert B., 1952-
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vii, 310 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

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Composers ( jstor )
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Music education ( jstor )
Musical aesthetics ( jstor )
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Curriculum and Instruction thesis Ph. D
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1991.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 302-308).
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Typescript.
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Vita.
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by Robert B. Nelson.

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THE COMMENTARIES AND CRITICISMS OF
WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP














by

ROBERT B. NELSON


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA



























Copyright 1991

by

Robert B. Nelson














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


As one wends along the path of scholarly endeavors, there are certain

markers that seem to say you are on the right track. My supervising chairman, Dr.

David Kushner, is one of the most illuminating of those markers. He has guided my

progress not only through his feedback but by his example as well, and I shall always

be indebted to him. The others of my committee have also taken numerous hours

out of their schedules to lend a hand. Special thanks go to Dr. Camille Smith for

her willingness to step in on relatively short notice. Another valuable asset to any

researcher is those librarians who provide much-needed technical assistance.

Robena Cornwell, the music librarian, and the interlibrary loan staff deserve my

gratitude. I wish to acknowledge my parents for their support and for encouraging

me to persevere toward lofty goals, and past teachers and professors who have

provided me with the specific tools and examples to achieve them. I especially wish

to thank my wife, Diane, for her encouragement and for keeping things going while

I was "away." Otto and BJ have also been somewhat neglected while I was hard at

work on this project, and I look forward to spending more time with them. Finally,

I wish to express thanks to friends and fellow students who have always had an

encouraging word.














TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ..................................... iii

ABSTRACT .................................... ........... vi

CHAPTERS

1 INTRODUCTION ............. ........... ............ 1

The Problem .................. ........... ........... 6
Research Questions ................................... 11
Focus of the Study .................. .................. 12
Limitations ................... ....................... 13
Significance of the Study ................................. 13
Assumptions................... ............ .......... 15
Review of the Literature ................................. 16
Method of Analysis ..................................... 22

2 JOHN SULLIVAN DWIGHT ....................... .......... 25

3 ATLANTIC MONTHLY ................................. 50

The Folio ....... ......... ........ .......... 50
Dexter Smith's Paper ........................ ........... 59
Dwight's Journal and the Atlantic Monthly ................... 67

4 BOSTON EVENING TRANSCRIPT ........................ 99

Edward H. Clement .................................... 100
Boston Daily Advertiser .................................. 104
William Foster Apthorp ................................. 107
Henry T. Parker .................. .................... 111
Specific Reviews .................. .................... 117

5 BOSTON SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA PROGRAMME ........... 161

General Comparison .................................. 164
Specific W orks ............................ ........... 178








6 MUSICIANS AND MUSIC-LOVERS ........................ 199

Musicians and Music-Lovers .............................. 200
Johann Sebastian Bach .................................. 204
Additional Accompaniments to Bach's and Handel's Scores ....... 209
Giacomo Meyerbeer .................................... 219
Jacques Offenbach ..................................... 223
Two Modem Classicists (Robert Franz and Otto Dresel) ......... 226
John Sullivan Dwight ................................... 231
Some Thoughts on Musical Criticism .................. ..... 232
Music and Science ..................................... 234

7 OTHER WRITINGS ................................... 242

Hector Berlioz .... .................................. 242
By the Way, Vol. 1, "About Music"......................... 247
By the Way, Vol. 2, "About Musicians" ...................... 253
The Opera Past and Present............................... 259

8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ....................... 268

Summary ............................................ 268
Conclusions .......................................... 270
Implications for Higher Education .......................... 272
Suggestions for Further Research .......................... 274

APPENDIX A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP ............................. 278

APPENDIX B WRITINGS OF WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP .... 283

APPENDIX C INDEX OF TOPICS, MUSICIANS, AND MUSIC
REVIEWED IN THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY, 1872-1877 .......... 285

BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................... 302

Books and Articles ....................................... 302
Journals and Newspapers ................................... 308

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .................................. 309








Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

THE COMMENTARIES AND CRITICISMS OF
WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP

by

Robert B. Nelson

December 1991

Chairman: Dr. David Z. Kushner
Major Department: Instruction and Curriculum

Much is known and has been written of John Sullivan Dwight, Boston's infamous

music critic of the latter 1800s, largely due to the significance of his Journal of Music.

Likewise, there is much information available on the life and work of Philip Hale

and other well-known music critics around the turn of the century. However, the

man in the middle, William Foster Apthorp, has received no attention in the

literature whatsoever. This is unfortunate, since it was Apthorp who parted from

Dwight's dogmatic style of music criticism and developed a more temperate,

objective, personal-opinion style that became the norm for critics that followed.

Apthorp wrote music columns for the Atlantic Monthly, the Boston Courier, and

the Boston Evening Traveller. His most remarkable work, however, was for the

Boston Evening Transcript, from 1881-1903. Apthorp was praised for his

open-mindedness, perception, and common sense, and he successfully balanced

progressive and conservative viewpoints in his criticisms. He championed new music

and American music. Ever mindful that the public was his true audience, his lucid,

instructive writing style appealed to everyone.








Although he had significant influence on public taste and music criticism as a

form of literature, Apthorp is better known for his commentaries. He was the

annotator for the Boston Symphony Orchestra Programme book, authored several

books about music, and selected, translated, and edited writings of Hector Berlioz

and Emile Zola, as well as songs by Robert Franz and Adolf Jensen. In these

educational writings he used his vast knowledge of science, math, psychology, and

painters and writers to inform the public on the proper relationship of music to

society. In so doing, he provided modern music scholars with valuable accounts of

some little-known musical matters.

William Foster Apthorp was a significant influence both on his public and on

the next generation of music critics. Others have gained recognition for their work,

but it was Apthorp who paved the way for them, enabling them to flourish. It is

time he received credit for his notable work.



















































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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

There are two major areas of concern to music educators: musical concepts

or content, and the teaching of those concepts or content. The content area that is

the most exhaustive, and is therefore the most interesting and receives considerable

attention, is the history of music.For example, the time line of music history is

divided into style periods, such as Baroque and Romantic, based on various features

that the music of that style period has in common, and music curricula require

courses in such style periods. Music students, then, do learn something about music

of the past. What is often missing from music courses, even at higher levels, is an

examination of the people who listened to that music as evidenced by those who

wrote about them, the music critics. Critics' views were but a reflection of society,

its tastes and appreciations. This study will focus on one such music critic, William

Foster Apthorp, and will legitimize the study of his criticisms in higher lever

education.

As important and elemental as the study of composers and their music is, it

is unidirectional. It flows from the composer to the audience. It is here that the

role of music criticism comes into sharp focus, for it is the music critic who records

for posterity how society feels about the music it is hearing. Although the role of

music critics is extremely valuable, little research has been completed in this area,

and music criticism is largely missing from music curricula in higher education.










Perhaps a fundamental cause for this shortcoming is the subjective nature of such

a study. Music criticism is but a branch of the stout trunk of musicology. Music

theory, historiography, performance practice, bibliography, and acoustics and physics

are only a few of the areas of "hard" research wherein definitive data are sought to

discover relics of the past. For example, music students learn that La Serva Pedrona

was a comic intermezzo composed by Giovanni Pergolesi (1710-36). Its first

performance in Paris took place without incident in 1746. Such definitive data will

never change.

The raison d'tre for music critics, on the other hand, is the audience, which

is always changing and is more difficult to "define." When La Serva Pedrona played

in Paris only six years later, in 1752, the attitude of the audience was so different

that its performance sparked what is now known as the "War of the Buffoons," and

an entirely new style of opera, comic opera, was born.1

Music criticism, then, is an extremely valuable area of study, since it calls

attention to the audience. Commentaries on musical matters significantly enliven

the music for future generations, for they are provided through the writings of critics

a social context. We are able to experience vicariously the music as it was, which

enhances our hearing of it today and deepens our understanding and appreciation.

A study of a music critic, then, would be enlightening and informative.

Criticism itself is difficult to define. We have often heard it said that

everyone is a critic. But just what is a critic, or just what is it that everyone is doing




1 For more on the War of the Buffoons, see the essay on Giacomo Meyerbeer
in Chapter 6, "Musicians and Music-Lovers," 219ff.










when they are being "critical"? That is a question that has received more attention

within the general heading of music criticism than any other. Today's music journals

are sprinkled with regular contributions attempting to clarify the goals of criticism.

Ever since musicians and journalists have been writing music reviews of one sort or

another there has been a concomitant discussion, either from the pen of the writer

himself or from a second or even third party, of what the role of a music critic is.

What is the objective? What are they attempting to accomplish?

These are pertinent queries, and the answers naturally lead to discussions of

how critics go about their work. For example, is the writing style appropriate? Does

the critic accomplish the task by writing stinging, caustic reviews, or would a less

dogmatic approach, perhaps, be more suitable? Does the critic broach topics of

discussion that are pertinent, or are there areas that are extraneous to the topic at

hand? This is, in itself, a noteworthy feature of music criticism, for what is discussed

in reviews, especially consistently among critics of a particular time and place, is a

reflection of the people of that time and place. About what are they interested in

reading? Are they interested in musical compositions, or how the ensemble or

soloist sounded, or how the performers) were attired, or who else was at the

performance and what they wore and how they behaved?

The role of a music critic, then, is not a simple one, nor can it be described

simply. Oscar Thompson's statement that "criticism is opinion and opinion is

criticism" does little to clarify the issue.2 Nevertheless, it is a valid statement, and




2 Oscar Thompson, Practical Musical Criticism (New York: M. Witmark & Sons,
1934), 5.










it was written in all candor. The task is never-ending, and the reason for this endless

discussion deals more with the audience--the readers--than with musicians and music.

To Joseph Kerman, "Criticism deals with pieces of music and men listening, with fact

and feeling, with the life of the past in the present, with the composer's private

image in the public mirror of an audience."3

Each generation formulates its own perspective on current events, even in the

arts, based on what has preceded it and on where it hopes to go from there. There

is no aspect of a culture that is not redefined in this manner, and music is no

exception. As demonstrated in the La Serva Pedrona example, the music did not

change. What did change was the manner in which a new generation perceived that

music. As historical events unfold, ideas and values are re-examined in light of the

new present. There comes a time when a society contemplates the past, reconsiders

it, and honors it or casts it aside. It has to move on from there, however, with its

own sense of ethics and values. Thompson's observation on criticism and opinion,

then, begins to ring true.

The role of a music critic, as seen in its practice throughout the ages, is to

offer insight and opinion with regard to musical tastes and standards. One

qualification of a music critic, then, is keen perception of the components of music,

or what is considered compositional craftsmanship, and, more important, of the

affective impact of music. Call it cultivated musical taste. More than any other art

form, music has the capacity to affect human feelings and emotions. What is




3 Joseph Kerman, "A Profile for American Musicology," Journal of the American
Musicological Society 18 (Spring 1965): 63.










emotionally stimulating and pleasing to one society, however, probably will not have

the same effect on another. Witness La Serva Pedrona. The emotional impact of

the music, therefore, needs to be reconsidered.

There is more to music criticism than musical knowledge and taste. The critic

must also possess journalistic skill, the ability to convey ideas in a manner that is

comprehensible to the audience. Oscar Thompson states the case plainly: "The

ability to write is second to no other qualification.... Criticism is literature ....

Vital among the critic's qualifications is the literary gift .. The critic .must

possess and cultivate a love of words."4

It is clear, then, that a critic who is not read is not contributing to his society.

Indeed, the critic who is widely read by his constituents may be taken as a faithful

representative of the values of his society.

A third qualification of a music critic is fair, practical assessment of what is

heard. The public will tolerate a writer so long as the content is accurate.

Sentimental attachments aside, if a concert were poorly done, the critic is not out

of bounds in saying so. If, however, the critic seems to engage in personal vendettas,

needlessly attacking the musicians, then the public will soon lose respect for the

writer, and the effect will be lost.

Music educators traditionally study the music of the past. It is also important,

however, to go beyond the music itself and to study, at least to some degree, how

the people felt about music in their day. Music critics play a key role in this

extended study of the history of music, and music educators need to be


4 Thompson, Practical Musical Criticism, 26f.










knowledgeable of critics' views of music in order to develop curricula and

instructional techniques at higher levels of education that will present a more-

comprehensive impression of music in society throughout its history.

The Problem

The purpose of this study is to investigate the musical criticisms and other

written works of William Foster Apthorp (1848-1913). There have been studies

completed on his immediate predecessor and successor in Boston--John Sullivan

Dwight and Philip Hale, respectively. No research has been published on Apthorp,

however, and this study is intended to fill that gap.

It was John Sullivan Dwight (1813-93) who became the first significant voice

in musical matters in America. Dwight's Journal of Music, which graced the

American scene from 1852 until 1881, was the first organ of musical thought and

opinion that succeeded in interesting the musically literate, the musically untrained,

and even the musically indifferent reader.

Because his Journal is such a rich source of information about music in

America during the latter half of the nineteenth century, much study has focused on

Dwight and the precedents of music criticism that he established. There have been

four dissertations in the past thirty-five years devoted to John Sullivan Dwight:

Walter L. Fertig, "John Sullivan Dwight: Transcendentalist and Literary Amateur of

Music"; Marcia Wilson Lebow, "A Systematic Examination of the 'Journal of Music

and Art,' Edited by John Sullivan Dwight: 1852-1881, Boston, Massachusetts";

William Joseph Beasley, "The Organ in America, As Portrayed in Dwight's 'Journal

of Music,'"; and William Anson Call, "A Study of the Transcendental Aesthetic










Theories of John S. Dwight and Charles E. Ives and the Relationship of Those

Theories to their Respective Work as Music Critic and Composer." In addition,

George Willis Cooke has written a biography on Dwight: John Sullivan Dwight: Brook

Farmer, Editor, and Critic of Music. There has been sufficient research, then, into

Dwight and the mark he has made on the history of music in the United States.

It may seem extraordinary, but in spite of his esteemed reputation as a writer

of music in Boston, Dwight never undertook any formal study of music. His degree,

which he took from Harvard University in 1836, was from the Divinity School. He

was always an enthusiastic supporter, however, of music as an art. To him, the aim

of art music, as well as the other art forms, was "to remedy the effects of

materialistic society by familiarizing men with the beautiful and the infinite."5

Indeed, even in his Harvard dissertation, "The Proper Character of Poetry and Music

for Public Worship," he expressed a need to view music on its own terms and as a

means of genuine culture.

The views Dwight expressed, however, were of a man who experienced music

more than studied it. His mother had a keen sense of aesthetic value and beauty

which had a lasting impact on him. It was this affinity for the beautiful in music,

coupled with his intense desire to write his thoughts and his ability to do so in a

popular manner, that made possible his reputation as an authority on music.

In Introduction to Musicology Glen Haydon addressed the issue of the

shortcoming of the appreciation of aesthetic values by itself in music criticism:




5 H. Wiley Hitchcock, Music in the United States: A Historical Introduction
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1969), 47.










Criticism implies evaluation. It is based upon evaluation but is not
identical to it. The critical evaluation of a work of art implies more
than a mere appreciation of aesthetic values; it requires a justification
of the evaluative judgment through pointing out potential aesthetic
values. Hence, criticism is not mere evaluation, but justification
through intelligent description and comparison.6

This statement would explain Dwight's dogmatic approach to music criticism.

His sense of aesthetic value, gifted as it was, nevertheless lacked a rigorous

involvement of the intellect. He relied on feeling, not thought; on imagination, not

understanding.7 His opinions could never be explained; they could only be felt.

Fertig also noted Dwight's disdain for education; he always had trouble coping in the

real world, and he lamented that his education did him little good in finding a

secure vocation.8 Aside from Dwight's chapter "The History of Music in Boston" in

Justin Winsor's The Memorial History of Boston and Dwight's continuation of Charles

C. Perkins's History of the Handel and Haydn Society, Fertig concluded that "Dwight

had little taste for research or antiquarianism."9 It would seem inevitable, then, that

some change had to take place to further music criticism in the United States.






SGlen Haydon, Introduction to Musicology: A Survey of the Fields, Systematic and
Historical of Musical Knowledge and Research (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1941), 151.

7 Walter Fertig, "John Sullivan Dwight: Transcendentalist and Literary Amateur
of Music" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 1952), 65f.

8 Ibid., 180f.

9 Ibid., 256. The references are to Justin Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston
4 (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1881): 415-64, and Charles C. Perkins and John S.
Dwight, History of the Handel and Haydn Society, of Boston, Massachusetts (New
York: Da Capo Press, 1977). Perkins completed only the first three chapters, and
Dwight wrote chapters four through fifteen.










The next Boston critic who receives attention is Philip Hale (1854-1934),

although less research has been completed into his life and work than Dwight's. At

least one dissertation has been cited: Jean Ann Boyd, "Philip Hale, American Music

Critic, Boston, 1889-1933." Hale wrote for several Boston dailies during his

illustrious career. Standard music biographical dictionaries have made glowing

pronouncements regarding his writing of the program notes for the Boston

Symphony Orchestra, which he recorded from 1901 to 1933.

There is even an entry for Hale in the monumental Die Musik in Geschichte

und Gegenwart.10 What is curious about this fact is the absence of an entry for John

Sullivan Dwight, who was perhaps better known in Europe than Hale. It is no

surprise that Apthorp is not included. Finally, although Henry W. Levinger does

mention Apthorp in "The Critic's Eye View," he further asserts that "the greatest

critic of this time was his successor in writing the program notes [of the Boston

Symphony Orchestra] up to 1933, Philip Hale."" Warren Storey Smith wrote on

"Four Distinguished American Music Critics--A Centennial Note," and his discussion

includes Hale and three New Yorkers: Henry Krehbiel, William Henderson, and

Henry Finck.12 The slighting of Apthorp in both of these writings is only further

indication of the need to complete the story of music criticism in America.





10 Article "Philip Hale," in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 5:1341.

1 Henry W. Levinger, "The Critic's Eye View," Musical Courier 151 (1 Feb.
1955): 58.
12 Warren Storey Smith, "Four Distinguished American Music Critics--A
Centennial Note," Musical America 74 (15 Feb. 1954): 6, 130, 134.










One might assume from the literature that Philip Hale was direct heir to

Dwight's legacy, since his career blossomed in Boston soon after. That is not the

case, however. Another voice was heard after John S. Dwight's but before Hale's,

one that reflected greater musical training, one that changed the direction of musical

criticism in the United States from the somewhat dogmatic, authoritative approach

of Dwight toward the French style of personal criticism. That voice was of William

Foster Apthorp.

The opinions he expressed were not only personal, as were Dwight's, but were

educated as well. He studied harmony and counterpoint with John Knowles Paine

at Harvard University and took a degree from there in 1869. He was an

accomplished pianist, and he even composed a song; Dwight was neither an

accomplished pianist nor a composer. So sufficient was Apthorp's reputation as a

music scholar that he joined the faculties at the National College of Music, the New

England Conservatory of Music, and the College of Music of Boston University.

During these tenures he taught piano, general theory, harmony, counterpoint, fugue,

aesthetics, and musical history. In addition, he presented a series of lectures at the

prestigious Lowell Institute, a series which he repeated in New York and at the

Peabody Institute in Baltimore.

His music criticism career began in 1872 with the Atlantic Monthly and

mushroomed into assignments with dailies and journals. In his criticisms he

preferred not to make pronouncements; rather, his aim was to set people thinking.

Of his programs for the Boston Symphony Orchestra, no less than the New Grove

Dictionary of Music and Musicians, a preeminent resource in English, says he gave










them "a value and an individual character that were afterwards maintained by Philip

Hale."13 It was this style of writing that influenced and became the standard for the

next generation of music critics, beginning with Philip Hale and even extending to

his peers in New York.

Time seems to have forgotten the significant work of Apthorp. Like Hale,

he contributed articles and writings to numerous dailies and journals in the Boston

area. His work on the program notes for the Boston Symphony Orchestra, from

1892 to 1903, has already been cited. In addition, Apthorp busied himself with

translating writings from French and German into English and with editing songs

of Robert Franz and Adolf Jensen. He coedited a single-volume encyclopedia about

music, and one of the first histories of opera came from his pen. In spite of his

numerous contributions to music in America, his name is surprisingly missing from

musical studies and journals. There is discussion of Dwight, Hale, and the New

York critics, but Apthorp is barely mentioned. There have been no theses or

dissertations about him. Since he was such an important and pivotal figure in music

criticism, he deserves serious scrutiny. It is the purpose of this study, then, to

investigate and discuss the contributions to music journalism of William Foster

Apthorp.

Research Ouestions

It has been generally accepted that the musical commentaries of John S.

Dwight were somewhat dogmatic and authoritative and that music critics who




13 Richard Aldrich, "William Foster Apthorp," in New Grove Dictionary of Music
and Musicians, 1:511.










followed him were more tempered in their writings. Since William Foster Apthorp

immediately followed Dwight in music criticism in Boston, it would be appropriate

to begin to trace the development of modern music criticism with Apthorp. There

are two major research questions concerning him that this study will attempt to

answer in an effort to clarify this aspect of music history, especially as it relates to

the inclusion of Apthorp in curricula in higher education.

1. What were the contributions made by Apthorp to music criticism,

especially when compared to his predecessors?

2. Were his contributions to music criticism recognized and adopted by his

successors?

Focus of the Study

There are natural points of division for this study. The first delimitation is

time, which ran from 1872, when Apthorp began to write for the Atlantic Monthly,

to 1903, when he left the United States to retire in Switzerland. Although the major

focus was on Apthorp, it was necessary to deal with immediate predecessors,

especially John Sullivan Dwight, to emphasize the contributions made by Apthorp.

In addition, it has already been noted that his work was ably continued, especially

by Philip Hale. Looking at his immediate successors validated his work, i.e., were

his changes accepted, or did further improvements need to be made?

The second area of concern is place. Here again the choice was easily

defined: Boston. There was no need to investigate beyond this important New

England city.










The third area of concern is writings. There are two categories here:

criticisms and commentaries. Criticisms were regarded as reviews that appeared in

any of several daily newspapers. The pertinent issues were what these critics wrote

about and what kind of language they used. Commentaries include other writings,

such as program notes, entr'actes (editorial columns within the program bulletins),

journal and newspaper articles, books, etc.

Limitations

One important matter that prevailed throughout this study was the matter of

personal opinion. The views expressed by Apthorp and the other critics are their

own. There never has been, nor will there ever be, any set standards of music

criticism. Any reservations or weaknesses, then, are simply human.

Significance of the Study

The names of Dwight, Hale, and the New Yorkers--Richard Aldrich, Henry

T. Finck, William J. Henderson, James G. Huneker, and Henry E. Krehbiel--are

commonplace in sources and literature, but Apthorp is seldom mentioned, if at all.

This will become evident in the "Review of the Literature." Because there is a

definitive gap in our knowledge of the development of music criticism in the United

States during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, a study focusing on this area

will serve to advance recognition of the true state of the practice. In so doing,

general knowledge, as purported in most music textbooks, will necessarily be

redefined or re-evaluated in light of new information and/or relationships that will

be discovered.










Music educators today are becoming increasingly aware of the relationships

of the various disciplines under the general rubric of music. It is becoming more

difficult to view any one area of music without acknowledging its dependence on and

relationship to other areas. This recognized need for an integrated approach to

music education is clearly shown by the Contemporary Music Project [CMP].

Conceived by Norman Dello Joio and funded by the Ford Foundation, this project,

which began in 1959, was designed to teach students the relationships between music

theory, music history, and performance. This is a fundamental shift from the norm

in music teaching, particularly in public schools, where education is performance

oriented. The goal of the CMP was to emphasize musical literacy and musical

understanding.

As a result of this renewed awareness of the integration of music disciplines,

such fields as performance practices, aesthetics, and music criticism have made

progress. Because the in-depth study of music criticism is still relatively new, it is

no surprise that there are some gaps in our understanding of specific critics.

Apthorp is one of those critics.

With regard to curriculum and instruction, the implications are important.

Despite a growing interest in music criticism in America, most standard textbooks

do not sufficiently address the topic. To cite only three examples here, Donald J.

Grout's A History of Western Music, a popular text for undergraduate students,

contains no references to music criticism in the table of contents or in the index in

spite of the fact that a Library of Congress subject heading for this book is Music--










History and Criticism.14 The Schirmer History of Music contains two brief sections

on music criticism, but they are limited to Europe and do not go beyond the middle

of the nineteenth century.15 Finally, the article on music criticism in the New Grove

Dictionary of Music and Musicians includes its discussion of music criticism in the

United States during the last quarter of the nineteenth century under "Early 20th

Century," which is obviously misrepresentative.16 It is apparent, then, that little

attention is paid to music criticism in standard sources and texts, and what attention

there is is sometimes inaccurate. In addition, courses in music criticism are not

included in many curricular programs, even at the graduate level. For these reasons

succeeding generations of music students have been uninformed or, worse,

misinformed on the value of music criticism in our culture.

Assumptions

Because most, if not all, of this research study will focus on primary sources,

i.e., newspapers and similar published works, and the purposes of printing these

works are, in effect, to make a profit for the publisher, one would expect some

subjectivity in what information is printed. This is a matter of external criticism,

since the source itself may come under question at times. There may also very well

be a personal slant or bias on the part of the writers, which is a matter of internal



14 Donald J. Grout, A History of Western Music (rev. ed., New York: W. W.
Norton, 1973).

15 Leonie Rosentiel, ed., Schirmer History of Music (New York: Schirmer Books,
1982). See "The Rise of Music Criticism," 463, and "The Rise of Music Criticism,"
592f.

'6 Winston Dean, "Criticism," in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians,
5:36-50.










criticism. In general, however, since most of these sources will be newspapers,

journals, and publishers of high standards and esteemed reputations, there should

be little doubt as to their integrity. With regard to the authors themselves, it has

been stated that what they have written for print is simply personal opinion. They

are subjective impressions, but that is precisely what this study proposes to

investigate.

Review of the Literature

In his address "A Profile of American Musicology" Joseph Kerman has stated

a case for criticism as being the top rung of a musicological ladder whose steps are

comprised of specialized studies, such as biography, bibliography, performance

practice, theory, etc.17 With this in mind, one would expect to find references to

music criticism, and perhaps even notable music critics, in standard musicological

works. In general, however, that is not the case. Glen Haydon's comments on

criticism as evaluation in Introduction to Musicology has already been cited under

"The Problem."18 The essays in Musicology by Frank Ll. Harrison, Mantle Hood,

and Claude Palisca contain no mention of music criticism. Research Guide to

Musicology by James W. Pruett and Thomas Slavens includes analytical and style

criticism as research, but not as a journalistic endeavor for the enlightenment of the

public. Denis Stevens also recognizes analytical criticism, but he does note that the

analysis of music is heavily technical and not humanistic, since "it is incomparably

easier to write plausible analysis than to give the impression that musical criticism



17 Joseph Kerman, "A Profile For American Musicology," 61-69.

18 See pp. 7-8 above.










should belong to the sphere of humane letters."19 Noting that criticism has played

a vital role in art and in English literature, Kerman laments that "theory and

analysis are still being treated as ends rather than as steps on the ladder of

criticism."2 Henry Levinger states the case well: "Music, to really come alive, needs

four helpers: the composer, the re-creative artist, the audience, and (last but not

least), the critic. For, it is the latter who, pleading its case sine ira et studio, puts it

in its proper place and perspective and makes it the commonplace property of all."21

Hosts of musicologists seem to have forgotten the beauty of live music and

the important role of the critic to make that music come alive to those who were not

fortunate enough to have been present at the performance. There is no

acknowledgment of criticism of musical performances in any of these sources. It

seems, therefore, that while noting its eminent position, musicology texts are slight

in their coverage of journalistic music criticism.

A search of the Music Index and RILM, two major preliminary sources of

articles and writings about music, has turned up no references to Apthorp

whatsoever, save reprints of his books. Looking further into more general articles,

only one has been found that includes any mention of Apthorp, "The Critic's Eye

View," and it is only a mention. There are five sentences that are merely a






19 Denis Stevens, Musicology: A Practical Guide (New York: Schirmer Books,
1980), 46.

20 Kerman, "A Profile for American Musicology," 65.
21 Levinger, "The Critic's Eye View," 60.










distillation of Max Graf's brief discussion in Composer and Critic.22 Interestingly,

there are more substantial writings on Philip Hale and especially the New York

"Mighty Five," but that is beyond the scope of this discussion. As regards

dissertations, Rita H. Mead's Doctoral Dissertations in American Music has likewise

turned up no references to Apthorp.

The information on this subject in major reference books presents quite an

interesting picture. One standard music reference, Harvard Dictionary of Music, does

not even list Apthorp's name in its article on music criticism in America, although

Dwight's name is prominent, and Hale is also mentioned.23 In most standard music

references, however, citations of Apthorp are at least present, but they are

exceedingly brief. The first major work to cite a biography of him was the third

edition of Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, which came out in 1935.24

The article was written by Richard Aldrich, who was one of the next generation of

American music critics working in New York. Actually, the articles on Apthorp are

nearly identical in this, in the International Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians, in the

New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, in Baker's Biographical Dictionary of








22 Levinger, "The Critic's Eye View," loc. cit.; Max Graf, Composer and Critic
(New York: W. W. Norton, 1946), 307ff.
23 Hugo Leichtentritt, "Music Criticism," in Harvard Dictionary of Music (2nd ed.,
ed. by Willi Apel, 1970), 553ff. Article revised by John Reeves White.

24 Richard Aldrich, "William Foster Apthorp," in Grove's Dictionary of Music and
Musicians (3rd ed., ed. by Henry C. Colles), 1:104.










Musicians, and in the New Grove Dictionary of American Music.25 It is obvious that

they have not been updated at any time during the past fifty years.

As previously mentioned, New Grove proclaims that Apthorp gave the

program notes for the Boston Symphony Orchestra "a value and individual character

that were afterwards maintained by Philip Hale."2 It is interesting to note, however,

that the article on Hale gives no credit to Apthorp for beginning this momentous

work. Here, too, this important standard reference fails to give Apthorp due honor

or credit.

It is strange that the editors of both Grove's Dictionary and the New Grove

Dictionary seemingly paid no attention to the entry on Apthorp in the American

Supplement to Grove's Dictionary, which also came out in 1935. Apthorp is treated

in more detail here by the editor, Waldo Seldon Pratt.27 By far the most substantial

article on Apthorp, however, was published over forty-five years earlier in A

Hundred Years of Music in America, edited by G. L Howe and published in 1889.28

Apthorp's career was well underway but by no means over when this was printed,




25 Article "William Foster Apthorp," in International Encyclopedia of Music and
Musicians (9th ed., ed. by Robert Sabin, 1964), 78; Richard Aldrich, "William Foster
Apthorp," in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 1:511; article "William
Foster Apthorp," in Baker's Biographical Dictionary of Musicians (7th ed., ed. by
Nicolas Slonimsky, 1984), 68; Richard Aldrich, "William Foster Apthorp," in New
Grove Dictionary of American Music, 1:62.

26 Aldrich, "William Foster Apthorp," in New Grove Dictionary ofMusic, loc. cit.

27 American Supplement to Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians (Waldo
Seldon Pratt, ed., 1935), 116f.

28 Granville L Howe, ed., A Hundred Years of Music in America (Chicago: G.
L. Howe, 1889), 370f.










for Apthorp did not retire until 1903. It is uncertain why, then, Aldrich's article on

his near contemporary was relatively sparse, for not only did he certainly know

Apthorp personally but he must also have been familiar with Howe's A Hundred

Years.

Still another curiosity is found in Friedrich Blume's German monument Die

Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, as previously cited. This would be an unlikely

reference to search, and it is mentioned only because it highlights the inconsistency

that is present in American sources. If one were to expect any entry at all, it would

be one on Dwight, to whose Journal Europeans did indeed contribute articles. His

name is absent, as is Apthorp's. There is, however, an article on Philip Hale!29 No

possible explanations for this anomaly come to mind.

Finally, standard textbooks are worthy to note, since few undergraduate

students go beyond what is contained in such references, and their sense of what

constitutes musical studies is usually limited to them. Certainly the most common

music text is Donald J. Grout's A History of Western Music. Here, there are

references to the rise of music criticism in Europe in the early 1800s, including

quotes from E. T. A. Hoffmann (1776-1822) and from Robert Schumann (1810-56),

whose founding of the Neue Zeitschrift fr Musik was an important event in music

history. There are, however, no citations beyond these.30 References to the




29 Article "Philip Hale," in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 5:1341.

30 Grout, A History of Western Music. The E. T. A. Hoffmann quote, p. 536,
concerns Beethoven's romanticism. Of Schumann's Neue Zeitschrift Grout states,
"His essays and reviews were an important progressive force in the Romantic
movement," p. 563.










illustrious writings of Hector Berlioz (1803-69) and Richard Wagner (1813-83) are

missing. Likewise, Cannon, Johnson, and Waite's The Art of Music mentions

Schumann's newspaper--in parentheses--but there is no discussion of any other music

critics.31 It is no surprise, then, that music criticism in America is omitted. In

another popular text, the Schirmer History of Music, there is a section, "The Rise of

Music Criticism," devoted to the topic, but there is little here that is not in Grout,

and there is still nothing on music criticism in America.32

The most glaring deficiency is in Paul Henry Lang's Music in Western

Civilization. His discussion of music criticism in Europe is more detailed than most

texts and includes more writers. Of particular interest is a remark on John S.

Dwight: "After his journal ceased publication, he joined the staff of the Boston

Transcript as its first music critic."33 This contrary to the facts. From 1874 to 1881

an assistant editor, Edward H. Clement, took care of dramatic and musical subjects,

but William Foster Apthorp was added to the staff of the Boston Evening Transcript

in 1881, as was Francis H. Jenks, to "devote their whole attention to the subject."

Apthorp concentrated on music and theater, while Jenks spent more of his time on

administrative matters, as well as "everything that Mr. Apthorp did not choose to






31 Beekman Cannon, Alvin Johnson, and William Waite, The Art of Music: A
Short History of Musical Styles and Ideas (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company,
1960), 357.
32 Rosentiel, Schirmer History of Music, 592f.

33 Paul Henry Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York: W. W. Norton,
1941), 983. The last issue of Dwight's Journal appeared 3 Sept. 1881.










take in hand."3 In his biography of Dwight, Cooke noted that while Apthorp was

away in Europe Dwight did indeed fill his post with the Transcript. So although

Dwight may have served as an interim, he never actually joined the staff full time,

and he certainly was not the first music critic for the Transcript. Lang's assertion is

simply incorrect. Whereas most textbooks are noneducational by not including any

discussion of music criticism in America, Lang's Music in Western Civilization is

miseducational by this erroneous statement. It is of utmost importance that

American music criticism in general, and William Foster Apthorp in particular,

receive their rightful places in music curricula and textbooks. This study is intended

to begin this process.

Because the dissertation is in essence a study of what Apthorp has written,

it was appropriate to include a list of works by Apthorp, some of which will be

scrutinized in this study. This list in included as Appendix B. These writings have

been compared with contemporary documents in order to determine more precisely

what contributions Apthorp made with regard to content and style. All of these

writings, taken together, present a clear picture of the activities and contributions of

Apthorp. Noteworthy features are discussed and compared and/or contrasted with

writings of Apthorp's peers.

Method of Analysis

Preliminary sources such as RILM and the Music Index have been searched

to discover primary and secondary sources. Also, music biographical dictionaries




34 Joseph Edgar Chamberlin, The Boston Transcript: A History of its First Hundred
Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), 206.










such as Baker's Biographical Dictionay of Musicians have revealed additional primary

sources, including newspapers and journals to which Apthorp contributed.

Most of the sources pertinent to this study are available in one form or

another. Books by Apthorp are in the holdings of the University of Florida library,

as are some of the journals. Other periodicals, as well as newspapers, can be found

in the Library of Congress, the New York Public Library, and the Boston Public

Library. Still other sources are available through Interlibrary Loan.

Although the quantity of material to be investigated was voluminous, the

method of analysis was relatively simple. There are two primary matters here: what

was said, and how it was said. Topics of discussion were compared, as was the

language used to describe those topics.

The procedure was to compare the subject matter with which Apthorp dealt

with the writings of his immediate predecessors) and successor(s). Topics of

discussion were various, including analyses of musical compositions, background

information on composers and their works, how the performance sounded, what the

performers were wearing, who was at the performance, etc. This phase of analysis

shed light on the reading tastes of the audience, since critics endeavor to write what

the audience will read.

The second area of analysis was Apthorp's exposition of subject matter as

compared to his predecessors) and successor(s). Writing styles ranged from

stinging, caustic language to flowery praises, from popular to erudite. The critics'

personal style of scholarship ranged from cursory to substantive.










From this analysis, conclusions have been drawn concerning the importance

of Apthorp in the history of music criticism, particularly the changes that became

evident when examining writings before and after Apthorp. The conclusions were

divided between actual criticisms and commentaries, since the purposes of each were

very different. Other contributions were duly noted as they became evident.

Finally, a place for the study of Apthorp and his criticisms has been related directly

to the study of music in higher education.

There are three other concerns that are worthy to observe. First, the matter

of presentism, or the viewing of past events with contemporary perspectives, was

lessened by a near emersion in the times, the late 1800s. In addition to the primary

sources described, additional secondary sources provided insight into the scope and

vitality of the musical scene in the last decades of the nineteenth century in the

Northeast. Second, the purpose here was not necessarily to show causal inference

with regard to the influence of Apthorp on his peers in New York and on his

successors in Boston. Third, there was no intention to generalize the results of this


study to other times and places; the focus here was narrow.














CHAPTER 2
JOHN SULLIVAN DWIGHT

However useful it would be to examine the criticisms and commentaries of

William Foster Apthorp, their significance would be mitigated it they were not

placed in the context of his time. To give them still greater import it would be

illustrative to describe the constitution of music criticism from which his writings

sprang. There was but a single luminary on music in America immediately prior to

Apthorp: John Sullivan Dwight. This chapter is a discussion of Dwight's style of

music criticism.

Numerous appellations have been bestowed on Dwight, all of which reflect

the highest respect and admiration for his contributions to music in Boston. The

most common is "the father of music criticism" in the United States. High praise,

indeed. As Franz J. Haydn is considered the father of the symphony and W. A.

Mozart the father of the concerto, so Dwight is the one most recognized as the

person who brought music criticism into full flower in America. Apthorp himself

described Dwight as "a born critic in the highest sense." Of his professional life,

Apthorp said, "It is exceedingly seldom that one finds such a man pass a long life in

intimate, almost daily, communion with literature and the fine arts, and preserve

intact all the native spontaneity and naivete of his feelings."' Of course, the organ



William Foster Apthorp, Musicians and Music-Lovers, and Other Essays (New
York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1894), 284, 277.










of preservation to which Apthorp was referring is Dwight's Journal of Music: "In it

Dwight's fineness of artistic instinct and his unflinching intellectual honesty found

adequate expression."2 It is obligatory to examine and understand Dwight's style of

music criticism in order to discern Apthorp's approach to the task. Dwight truly

passed the torch to Apthorp, but what was the nature of that torch? That is, what

was the status of writing about music that Apthorp inherited from Dwight?

John Sullivan Dwight was born 13 May 1813. He was the eldest of four

children--two younger sisters and a younger brother. Being the first-born, he was

given his father's name, a practice that had been in the Dwight family for

generations. His father prepared for the ministry, but, finding Calvinism too severe

for his personal taste, he undertook the study of medicine, a profession in which he

was moderately successful. He was a free thinker in religion, a background which

would become a strong force in young John's life. His mother "was a handsome

woman, sweet, amiable, and sensible, of exquisite taste, and of superior character."3

It was her natural inclination toward the aesthetic, the artistic, and appreciation of

beauty that played a major role in the life of Dwight.

Dwight's early musical experiences were practically nonexistent. Music classes

did not exist at the grammar school and Latin school where he attended. He was

impressed by brass bands and street music, but, according to Walter Fertig, he






2 Ibid., 283.

3 George Willis Cooke, John Sullivan Dwight: Brook Farmer, Editor, and Critic of
Music (Hartford: Transcendental Books, 1973), 6a. Hereafter Brook Farmer.










played no instrument until he entered Harvard College.4 It was in the summer of

1829 when he enrolled at Harvard, and while there was no course of study in music

there at that time, there was a club of students who were interested in the study and

practice of music called the Pierian Sodality. Dwight was "captivated and converted

to the gospel of the college flute, as the transcendent and most eloquent of

instruments."5 Since the club was amply endowed with flutists, however, Dwight took

up the clarinet. Not being a respectable performer--Fertig claims he could not play

a note on any instrument--he was interdicted from playing with the Pierian Sodality.

Instead, as Dwight himself put it, he was ushered into the Arionic Society, "the

purgatory which half-fledged musicians of [my] own ilk had to pass through before

they could be candidates for the Pierian paradise."6 It was during and especially

after his days at Harvard that he spent time learning how to play the flute and

piano.

Dwight graduated from Harvard in 1832, whereupon he entered the Divinity

School of Harvard College. But music was never far from his thoughts. His thesis,

"On the Proper Character of Poetry and Music for Public Worship," dealt specifically






4 Walter Fertig, "John Sullivan Dwight: Transcendentalist and Literary Amateur
of Music" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 1952), 8. Hereafter
"Transcendentalist." Cooke asserts that Dwight "devoted much time to the piano and
flute" (Brook Farmer, 6a). Whether or not he did so prior to his Harvard years is
flummery, since if he did, he did not achieve a level of performance corresponding
to that of his peers.

5 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 7a.

6 Fertig, "Transcendentalist," 9; Cooke, Brook Farmer, 7a.










with church music.7 His position on music in the church reveals a great deal of how

he viewed both music and the church. In an article in the 18 May 1872 issue of his

Journal he outlined six "Hints on Musical Worship." First, music "must be dealt with

as principal, and not as mere subordinate and handmaidd' to some other language,

... but as a thing sacred in itself." Good music does not depend on a text, which

may be rather ambiguous. "True music is a direct, transparent medium of the living

Word." He felt that "a few genuine tunes, with the divine spark in them," wedded

to "few spontaneous, short, sweet poems, may answer the real needs of worship

better than the thousands of new psalm tunes manufactured every year to sell."8

Second, since "all tunes grow commonplace and stale by frequent

repetition," they should rather be set in harmony, in polyphony, so that "they are

rescued from decay and clothed with a perennial freshness." He cited various

combinations of congregation, choir, and organ. Third, Dwight did not appreciate

popular tunes, such as "snatches of Verdi and Donizetti," finding their way into the

worship service: "Better silence than such mockery of music."9

Fourth, pure music deepens feeling and musical experience. Specifically, he

cited Beethoven's Third Symphony (the Funeral March), the Fifth Symphony (the

Andante), and the Ninth Symphony (the Adagio). "They that know the experience

of being completely transported under a Beethoven Symphony, can well believe

that Music has but very feebly yet fulfilled its mission as an element in public



7 The work was published in the Christian Examiner 21 (Nov. 1836): 254-63.

8 Dwight's Journal of Music, 18 May 1872, 238b, 238c.

9 Ibid., 238c, 239a.










worship." Fifth, he urged quality over quantity: "All bravura and mere music of

effect, is false in Art and ministers to no religious feeling." It is the practice of

engaging huge choruses and the like that he was addressing here. "The miracle

resides, after all, in the composition itself, and not in any magnifying glass of

countless armies of executants."10

Finally, since true art "seeks perfection" and "aspires forever," it is religious,

and "to think of having true religious music by shutting Art out, in the idle interest

of what we call 'simple,' 'unsophisticated,' 'popular,' is the sure way to run into all

sorts of affection and of shallow sentimentalism." He concluded that worshipers

have not believed in great music, which is why "music has not done its great work

in the churches.""

Dwight completed his course of study in 1836 and undertook his first real

position, that of preacher. At the same time he remained passionately devoted to

music. He contributed articles to the Christian Examiner and played piano whenever

he got close to one. His success as a preacher, however, was marginal, and less than

one year later he confided to Theodore Parker, "I am almost afraid that I cannot

succeed as a preacher." Parker responded kindly and honestly, pointing out his

merits as well as his shortcomings. In essence, Dwight had strong likings, a keen

love for the beautiful, and creative imagination, but his discernment of the truth fell

short and remained cloudy and vague, and he was directed by impulse and not will.

"Duty, not dreaming, is for men. You must get a place in the real world before you



10 Ibid., 239a.

Ibid., 239b.










can walk into the ideal like a gentleman."12 Finding that place in the real world

eluded him for most of his life.

Perhaps his ineffectual pastorate is directly related to his view of music in

worship, especially the fourth item discussed above. "We want to avail ourselves, in

worship, of the religion which is in all high and real music; that interior religion,

though it be untaught, unformulated, out of which all great, inspired, enduring music,

of whatever form, originally sprang."13 In "The Catholicity of Music" he spoke of the

Catholic Church: "Where it could not teach the Bible, where its own formal

interpretations thereof were perhaps little better than stones for bread, it could

breathe the spirit of the Bible and of all love and sanctity into the most ignorant and

thoughtless worshipper, through its sublime Masses."14 He was not interested in

teaching his parishioners about the gospel, in leading them to a greater understanding

of their Lord, or in instructing them on the specifics of music. He merely

endeavored to stir their souls and transport them to higher planes, even if they had

no understanding of what was going on.

It is uncertain precisely when Dwight's career in the ministry ended.

Convinced that he was unable to bring his ideals to the church and the profession,

he ventured forth, unknowing where the winds of fate would lead him. While his

work as a minister waned, he took up with the Transcendentalism movement. In the

thinking of George Ripley and Ralph Waldo Emerson, principals in the Brook Farm



12 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 8a, 8b.
13 "Hints on Musical Worship," Dwight's Journal, 18 May 1872, 238c.

14 Ibid., 18 July 1868, 278c.










experiment, Dwight found the rich, fertile soil suitable for his sensitive ideals. The

major purpose of the Brook Farm experiment was to develop individual talent and

character, including individual expression. It was a noble shibboleth in freedom of

thought and expression wherein members encouraged others, even if they did not

necessarily agree. Emerson plainly stated that the Transcendentalists were "lovers

and worshippers of Beauty. In the eternal trinity of Truth, Goodness, and Beauty,

each in its own perfection including the three, they prefer to make Beauty the sign

and the head."15 Dwight would have appreciated and was perhaps aware of the

resemblance between this "trinity" and Paul's message in I Corinthians 13:13: "But

now abide faith, hope, and love, these three; but the greatest of these is love."

Dwight's ideas of music as a religion in itself fit right into place at Brook

Farm. In fact, he was expressing the Transcendental attitude toward music even

before the group was formed, indeed even before he finished his ministry degree.

Simply, if words were regarded as the language of thought, then music must be the

language of feeling--especially religious feeling or devotion. One did not have to

understand the particulars of music to plumb the depths of truth and life. Although

Emerson himself "was totally unacquainted with musical technique,"16 being a true

Transcendentalist he was transported by music beyond reality: "[Music] takes us out







15 Irving Lowens, Music and Musicians in Early America (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1964), 249. The quote is from Ralph Waldo Emerson, The Transcendentalist.

16 Vivian C. Hopkins, Spires of Form: A Study of Emerson's Aesthetic Theory
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), 190.








32
of the actual and whispers to us dim secrets that startle our wonder as to who we

are."17

The role of music in this society was extremely important. These men were

seeking a better world, if only in their minds. Money and power had become the

idol of society, due largely to the Industrial Revolution, and "it was the holy mission

of music to remedy the defect by 'familiarizing men with the beautiful and the

infinite.'"18 Just as music in worship brought the people closer to God by the its

sheer beauty, so music would improve the aesthetic, moral, and spiritual values of

society.

But not any music--only great music. Pure music--since greatness was in the

music itself and not in any association with words--and the works of Bach, Handel,

Mozart, and especially Beethoven withstood this trial by fire. Perhaps it would be

more illustrative to describe music that was not great than to discern the infinity of

"great" music.

Dwight scorned virtuosity. "All vain musical display and sounding

advertisement, all bravura and mere music of effect, is false in Art."19 Too, "When

perfect execution becomes so indispensable to true enjoyment of great music, we

begin to have our doubts about the quality, the depth of the enjoyment."2 Indeed,




17 Lowens, Music and Musicians, 262. Lowens cites Hopkins, ibid. The quote
is from The Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson (1838).

18 Ibid., 256; Fertig, "Transcendentalist," 35.

19 Dwight's Journal, 18 May 1873, 239a.

2 Ibid., 26 June 1875, 47b.










it was the spirit of a performance that appealed to Dwight more than the technical

execution of the music. In addition to virtuosity, Dwight railed against brass bands,

"those brazen lungs of the Sax family," and the sentimentalism of brass music, which

he felt was "of a positively rancid quality";21 Patrick Gilmore's jubilee concerts,

although he did acknowledge a certain positive, patriotic effect; and Italian opera,

not to mention Richard Wagner's opera dramas and New Music.

On the other hand, Dwight's affinity for "great" music came about because he

saw a direct relationship between music of the masters and the yearning for spiritual

freedom, for the dignity of human nature that was largely responsible for the settling

of America in the first place. These ideas are plainly outlined in "Music a Means

of Culture." The culture they sought was freer and more open--and superior--than

"the barren routine of a narrow, utilitarian, provincial, and timid education."22

Dwight was speaking here of an "atmospheric" education necessary in a democracy

to luxuriate a beautiful, lovely culture devoid of the crudities of everyday life. To

be sure, understanding was not at all important, since great paintings, poems, and

cathedrals are enjoyed by many who have absolutely no understanding. They simply

feel the presence of and are thus influenced by something great.






21 Ibid., 1 Aug. 1868, 287a, 286c.

22 Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1870, 321-31, 322a. Dwight had presented "Music in
Relation to Culture and the Religious Sentiment" on the Horticulture Hall Sunday
Afternoon Lectures series on 26 March 1870. Publication of the homily, which came
about at the impulse of a leader of musical interests in Boston, was printed in two
parts: this, and "The Intellectual Influence of Music," Atlantic Monthly, Nov. 1870,
614-25.










Dwight pondered what such a culture would be without art, and what form

of art better meets the needs of the people and is more available than music? "The

great music came in then because it was in full affinity with the best thoughts stirring

in fresh, earnest souls." The music of Beethoven, Handel, and Mozart was eagerly

accepted by "these believing ones, who would not have belief imposed upon them,

who cared more for life than doctrine, and to whom it was a prime necessity of heart

and soul to make life genial." Still, a precise definition of "great" is remiss. Dwight's

point, simply, was that "the great music has been so much followed and admired

here, not by reason of any great musical knowledge in the said followers, not

because we have any technical musicianship or proper musicality, but purely because

the music was great, deep, true, making itself felt as such; we love the music for the

great life that is in it."23

Whether he knew it or not, Dwight was completely absorbed in the general

philosophic tone of the nineteenth century, that of neo-Platoists such as Immanuel

Kant (1724-1804) and Georg W. F. Hegel (1770-1831). Kant espoused that we can

know only our reality, which we experience through our senses. We are certain of

existence beyond our experience, so using what we do know we can reason the rest,

this world of idea. There is, then, a higher truth than human intelligence. Moral

integrity is achieved, since we believe in the existence of such ideals--God and

freedom, for instance--when we are impelled to behave as if they were real. That

is, we create our own existence, as opposed to existential thought. Furthermore,

since our minds basically think in the same manner, knowledge is universal. These


2 Ibid., 323b, 323-24, 325a.










ideas are apparent in Dwight's article "Music a Means of Culture," wherein he

envisioned a democratic society whose members found pleasure in great music.

Hegel took the idea of moral integrity a step further. Such universal reason

is reached only in a society of free individuals, where each member is focused on

this universal truth and not their own ideas. An individual who exercises his own

caprice is not free. True freedom is attained by blending with the group so the will

of the whole is his own will. Hegel's idea is clearly the basic ideology of the

members of Brook Farm.

Marcia Lebow interprets these concepts in the following manner. Scientific

knowledge is sought by industrious people, but only truly inspired people may attain

artistry and prophecy. Since human knowledge and reason are firmly rooted in the

scientific realm, it is only natural that the supernatural realm, wherein lie aesthetic

and religious truths, would be of a higher order. Further, since music is the art form

most removed from materialism, it must be the most spiritual. "Music, accordingly,

may no longer be regarded as mere entertainment and pleasure ... but as a pure

art with a social mission."24 Again, Dwight conceived a culture that loved great

music--even though the people did not necessarily understand it. Finally, since these

ideals were grounded in nineteenth-century German philosophy, it is no surprise that

music of German composers--details of precise dates and locale aside--was most

venerated, namely, that of J. S. Bach, Handel, Mozart, and Beethoven.





24 Marcia Wilson Lebow, "A Systematic Examination of the 'Journal of Music
and Art,' Edited by John Sullivan Dwight: 1852-1881, Boston, Massachusetts" (Ph.D.
dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1969), 22.










Dwight's ideals were harmonious in toto with those of the Transcendentalists

and were expounded in the Dial, a journal which came slightly before the Brook

Farm experiment, and in the Harbinger, the organ devoted to the interests of Brook

Farm which soon became the distinct voice of the American Union of

Associationalists. In short time Dwight became co-editor of the journal, and he

contributed editorials on the association, literature, book reviews, and poems. More

important, he deliberately set aside a portion of each issue to musical interests. In

the very first issue he reviewed the musical defects with present society and heralded

the new social spirit which would cling to the highest ideals of music.25

After that, Dwight turned to more practical musical matters: he endeavored

to convey "(1) the criticism of music as an art; (2) the interpretation of it as an

expression of the life of the age; and (3) the development of its correspondence as

a science with the other sciences."2 Indeed, in its four years of existence in Boston,

from 1844 to 1847, Dwight contributed over one hundred articles on the musical

scene, and he continued to contribute even after the paper was removed to New

York.27 Because of his straight-forward approach to musical interests, the Harbinger

soon became one of the best musical journals the country has ever seen. The

criticisms were strong and effective, the literary style inspiring, and artistic insight






25 Dwight's prospectus to the Harbinger, quoted in Cooke, Brook Farmer, 33.

26 Ibid.

27 A list of Boston articles--183 of them--is included in Lowens, Music and
Musicians, Appendix C, 311-21.










keen.28 Because of his significant work with the Harbinger, Irving Lowens christened

Dwight "the Transcendental pope of music."29

Already experiencing financial difficulties, the Brook Farmers suffered a

disastrous fire in 1846. In spite of a vigorous effort to keep alive an interest in the

association, Dwight and his fellow prophets of a new society were unable to restore

their noble experiment, and Brook Farm breathed its last the following year, leaving

Dwight to face yet another turning point in his diverse career.

As it happened, several of the residents of Brook Farm attempted to continue

their concept of social living in a boarding house in Boston. The Religious Union

of Associationists was formed, and Dwight, ever the harbinger of great music, led the

music at their meetings. He continued to write for a number of tabloids, including

the Boston Commonwealth, the Daily Chronotype, the Daily Advertiser, Sartain's

Magazine in Philadelphia, and the Messenger Bird in New York. In addition, he was

in demand as a speaker on music.

During this same time period, around 1850, efforts were made on behalf of

Dwight by George Ripley (leader of Brook Farm), Charles Dana (member of Brook

Farm), and Parke Godwin to lure him to New York City to continue his career as

a music journalist. He was well known in New York, having contributed articles for

several periodicals and given a series of lectures on music during the Brook Farm





8 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 33f. See also Lowens, Music and Musicians, 253.

29 Lowens, Music and Musicians, 250. Lowens's discussion of the Harbinger,
Transcendentalism, and music, 249-54, is enlightening. See also Fertig,
"Transcendentalist," Chapter 4, "Association and the Harbinger: 1845-1847," 104-74.








38
days. Dwight did not find New York to his liking, however, and he hastened his

return to Boston.

While Dwight's spirit was suffering--with no real work and no real income--

good fortune did waft his way, for it was in 1851 that he married Mary Bullard. A

frequent visitor to Brook Farm, she "was a beautiful, winning, unselfish woman, a

fine singer, and a person of many attractions of body and mind."30 Actually, the

wedding was postponed while he endeavored to secure rewarding pursuits. It was

during this time that he seriously considered editing and publishing his own music

journal. Perhaps he felt sufficiently confident in his plan that he felt it safe to take

on the added responsibility of a wife.

To gain support for his journal project, Dwight took the idea to the Harvard

Musical Association [HMA], an organization from which he was never far removed.

The HMA offered its undivided endorsement. Dwight suggested that the endeavor

would be successful if each member secured ten subscribers to the journal, a plan

to which they agreed. Naming the periodical was another major concern. Dwight,

"not liking to hear persons say that 'Harper's has come,' decidedly objected

to 'Dwight's has come.'"31 A New York friend, George William Curtis, took the

problem to the staff at the New York Tribune, and their suggestion was decided upon:

Dwight's Journal of Music, with the subtitle "A Paper of Art and Literature."

Just as Dwight has been dubbed numerous superlatives, his Journal is similarly

praised and esteemed. It is a comprehensive digest of musical events especially in



30 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 43a.

31 Ibid., 44b.










Boston, but also around the United States and, indeed, the world. Composers,

performers, works, concerts, philosophy, and other musical matters were extensively

reported. As a primary source of the music scene in America it is without peer.

In the "Prospectus" in the first issue of the Journal Dwight outlined the

purposes of his work.32 The journal would include critical reviews and "timely

analyses" of notable works of major genres performed, notices of new music

published in America and overseas, a summary of musical news around the country

and Europe, correspondence, essays on a wide assortment of musical topics, and

translations "from the best German and French writers upon Music and Art." Since

it was a paper of art and literature, Dwight also wished to include occasional notices

of other art forms, as well as poems and "short tales."

The relevance of a deliberation of Dwight's Journal to a study of Apthorp is

apropos. Apthorp was a mere four years old when publication of the Journal began.

Since it is such a significant chronicle of the music scene in America, it would

naturally reflect musical tastes of society, especially in Boston, during Apthorp's

formative years. These tastes and convictions would become a permanent ingredient

of Apthorp's personality and musical sense which, in turn, would be reflected in his

own criticisms and commentaries. Hence, understanding the musical setting in which

Apthorp developed and matured is paramount to understanding his views. We shall

see if he was conservative, looking back to past ideals--as expressed in Dwight's

Joumal--or if he was progressive. With this in mind, it is important to take a close

look at Dwight's views of how old music reflected the ideals of the past and new


32 Dwight's Journal, 10 April 1852, 1.










music of the present. Since American music was still relatively young during

Dwight's most productive years, it would also be enlightening to see how he, and

later Apthorp, viewed American music.

When there is a reference to "old" music, naturally there follows the question,

"How old?" Indeed, how old does a composition have to be before it is regarded as

"old"? In the case of Dwight, there is no clear delineation. He was more interested

in the spirit of the music than when it was composed. The music that he most

revered was that of L. van Beethoven, W. A. Mozart, G. F. Handel, and J. S. Bach.

That the works of these masters span over a hundred years is inconsequential.

Clearly there was no single musical ideal, but that is no surprise, considering

Dwight's concept of "great music" as discussed earlier.

In Dwight's time the spirit of romanticism was fresh, and he was absorbed in

the ideas of free thinking and free spirits. While he was yet a preacher he

envisioned a church where the pulpit was in the center; the preacher and

congregation could thence engage in a free exchange of ideas. He was always

earnestly opposed to any prescribed doctrine. He simply felt that each person could

find truth and beauty in the high ideals of "great thoughts," and music was certainly

included in his Elysian world. He never strayed from his ideals. Later, Dwight was

one of those cultural leaders, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry Wadsworth

Longfellow, Oliver Wendel Holmes, George Ripley, and others, who met in










intellectual fellowships like the Saturday Club for "social recreation" and "mental

stimulus."33

Against this background, Dwight's veneration of Beethoven is to be expected.

He greatly praised Beethoven in his earlier Harbinger articles, and his opinion never

changed; indeed, some of the articles were reprinted without revision in his Journal.

Beginning with Brook Farm, it was true that "music, and of the best kind, the

Beethoven Sonatas, the Masses of Mozart and Haydn ... was one of the chief

interests and refreshments of those halcyon days." The reason was simple: "The

music was quite innocent of creed, except that of the heart and of the common

deepest wants and aspirations of all souls, darkly locked up in formulas, till set free

by the subtile [sic] solvent of the delicious harmonies."35 These "disciples of

newness" pursued only the finest in life, believing that the rest of society, witnessing

the profundity of their example, would themselves come to worship this great music.

As late as 1877 Dwight confessed, "For some time I have begun my day's work with

delightful matins:--I read every day a Quartet by Haydn,--to the most pious Christian

a chapter from the Bible can do no more good."3 The music of Bach was certainly

included, since it "testifies to the profound religious nature of man; it is the daily,

hourly offering of a sincere, a rich, all-absorbing, manly, cheerful, childlike piety; an



33 For more on the Saturday Club, see Cooke, Brook Farmer, Chapter 10, "The
Saturday Club," 67-75.

SFertig, "Transcendentalist," 292. Fertig's study encompasses Dwight's writings
in both the Harbinger and his Journal.

5 "Music a Means of Culture," Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1870, 322b.

36 Dwight's Journal, 4 Aug. 1877, 70c.








42
offering in which all his faculties gathered themselves up for a complete, ideal art,

to realize the beauty of holiness."37 Man instinctively knows what is good and right,

and great music resounded with that goodness.

Perhaps one of the most obvious of Dwight's shortcomings as a true music

critic was his ability to keep up with the times. Even Apthorp recognized this

peccancy in Dwight's vestment. By the 1870s, new music--that of Berlioz, Liszt, and

Wagner--had taken root. Dwight tried to fight off its adverse effects, but to no avail.

It is all over with the old art of Music which as ministered so sweetly
and so deeply to our souls. That is the divine Art no longer. Bach
and Handel, Mozart and Beethoven, and all that sit upon high thrones,
are superceded, hurled like Saturn down into endless night to make
way for this terrible Jupiter, this Nibelungen cloud-compelling Wagner.
Yet we dare believe that musical humanity will still hail with more
delight than ever "the large utterance of the elder gods."38

Dwight was not at all opposed to "new music" in the early days of the Joural.

Not wanting to commit to new music as the wave of the future, he nevertheless

hoped to receive it without prejudice and prayed for "a long life on this earth ..

that we may hear and hail the MUSIC OF THE FUTURE!"3 He hailed Wagner's

opera of the future as a "creative act of genius." But near the end of the 1860s his

views turned. What was it about new music that offended his sensitive soul? By

1877 he was possessed to enumerate nine reasons why Wagner's music would not




37 Ibid., 18 May 1861, 53b.

8 Lebow, "Systematic Examination," 217. The quote is referenced to Dwight's
Journal, 14 April 1877, but the page number is omitted, and a search through the
entire issue has not revealed the citation. As before, however, this is a just
representation of Dwight's attitude toward the classics and new music.

39 Dwight's Journal, 30 July 1853, 133a.










endure, including the elevation of words over the music, endless melody, leitmotifs

("Exasperating bores, the pack of them!"), lack of real beauty, and, most important,

a wont of quiescence." Dwight acknowledged that although Beethoven was restless

and driven by passion he never "violated that principle of repose, which critics

celebrate in all the perfect models of all Arts, but toward which Wagner is the

Macbeth that murders sleep."41 Finally, while great music ministered to his aesthetic

instincts, the "new in music fails to stir us to the same depths of soul and feeling that

the old masters did and doubtless always will."42

Although Dwight was born and raised in the United States, he was not an

advocate of the music of American composers, except for music that reflected

German influence: "Native composers are treated on a par with their European

contemporaries, criticized with the same severity, and expected to conform to

technical and genre standards of the 'best' German school."43 John Knowles Paine

clearly fit the mold (need we be reminded that Paine's musical training was

primarily German), and his work was esteemed in Dwight's Journal. Of his Mass in

D, which was premiered in Berlin in 1867, Dwight printed, "A genuine German

musical spirit breathes through the work, which, built up in the school of Bach and







40 Ibid., 28 Apr. 1877, 15.

41 Ibid., 15a.

42 Ibid., 3 Sept. 1881, "Valedictory," 123b.

3 Lebow, "Systematic Examination," 320.










Handel, yet reveals throughout the writer's own creative power."44 Dwight found

Paine's "New Symphony" (Symphony No. 1 in c) "beautiful," "earnest," "learned"; "[it]

flows naturally as from a full deep source." More important, "The work is free from

modern extravaganza and mere straining for effect, and yet it is original."45 A

portion in the middle of Paine's "Domine, fac salvum Praesidem nostrum" reminded

Dwight of Mozart's Requiem.4 A "chaste and learned composition," it provided

welcome relief for Dwight from the raucous brass bands which usually provided

music for Harvard ceremonies. Finally, Dwight felt that Paine's Spring Symphony

(Symphony No. 2 in A) marked "the highest point yet reached in the early stages of

American creative art in music. It is worthy to hold a place among the works of

masters."47 Dwight's veneration of Paine was as great as for the past German

masters simply because Paine poured old wine into new skins. He did not adopt the

compositional techniques of the new school, but rather chose to utilize established,

if not exhausted, practices. Perhaps that is why the music of Paine is relatively

obscure to today's audiences. Why should we listen to a portion of Paine's "Domine"

when Mozart's Requiem is so much more popular?





Dwight's Journal, 24 Nov. 1866, 352b. The quote is from a leading Berlin
critic, Flodoard Geyer, and appeared in the Spenische Zeitung.

45 Ibid., 5 Feb. 1876, 175a-b.

46 Ibid., 7 Mar. 1863, 391b. The work was performed by a choir of some thirty
men at inauguration exercises for Harvard University President Thomas Hill (1862-
69).

47 Ibid., 27 Mar. 1880, 54a. For more on this symphony, see also Chapter 4,
"Boston Evening Transcript," 142.










Dwight spent a good deal of effort in exalting Paine, not only as a composer,

but also with regard to the ultimate establishment of the first professorship of music

in the United States. Dwight made certain to include articles in his Journal pressing

for the need for the scholarly study of music. Indeed, the conferring of a Doctor of

Music on Lowell Mason, the appointment of Levi P. Homer as the first instructor

of music at Harvard University, and finally the engagement of John Knowles Paine

as the first professor of music in America (also at Harvard University) can all be

attributed to Dwight's influential pen. He also made his position known on such

academics as coursework and the need for ensembles so students may receive

practical experience in the performance of music.

Dwight was far less genial with popular American music, as might be

expected. Little attention is given to folk, popular, or ethnic music. Of Patrick

Gilmore's National Peace Jubilee of 1869, and the World Peace Jubilee three years

later, Dwight had little good to say. His principal objection was that there was "no

genuine recognition to music as an expression of the deeper sentiments of mankind,

and that the whole spirit of it was dominated by show and self-gratulation."48 Even

so, he did recognize the success of Gilmore's endeavor, praising the execution of the

music and, in particular, of the chorus.

With Dwight's objections to these jubilee concerts in mind, it is no surprise,

then, that he shunned virtuosity. For this reason, and others, he defamed America's

own Louis Moreau Gottschalk. He was contracted to perform two recitals in

Boston, the first being primarily of his own works, and the second being more


48 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 56a.










traditional fare--classical music--although he did add a few of his own compositions

there, as well. Dwight said little of the first, remarking that he played "like a merely

executive virtuoso."49 That Bach, Mozart, and Beethoven were acknowledged virtuosi

in their respective times seems irrelevant. Dwight also noted that the few pieces of

his own (on the first concert) could not be compared to the "little mazourkas [sic]

or notturnos [sic] of Chopin and much more that we might name."50 Finally,

Dwight missed the fire and earnestness of Beethoven in the Adagio of the Kreutzer

Sonata (Mr. Suck, violinist). Of the second concert, Dwight said Gottschalk played

"with clearness, delicacy, and feeling." Some of the passion may have been missing

due to the fact that just prior to the second concert Gottschalk received word of his

father's death. Dwight mentioned this parenthetically and added that it had perhaps

actually enhanced his playing: "There was a touch of genuine feeling added to his

grace of execution."51

As a music critic, John Sullivan Dwight happened to be the right person at

the right place at the right point in time. In Apthorp's words, Dwight was drawn to

music because it was "the art which could be enjoyed most intensely, immediately,

and with the least effort."52 Even by his own admission, Dwight was not "in any

sense a thoroughly educated musician, either in theory or practice." Nevertheless,

this "most hacknied [sic] player ... seemed invested with a certain halo, and saving



49 Dwight's Journal, 29 Oct. 1853, 30b.

50 Ibid., 20 Oct. 1853, 30.

51 Ibid., 30b-c.

52 Apthorp, Musicians and Music-Lovers, 279.










grace, as it were, from a higher, purer, and more genial atmosphere than this of our

cold, selfish, humdrum world."5 He possessed a "keen instinct for and appreciation

of the highest and noblest things in life, whether in art, literature, or the character

of men and women whom he knew and met." He had a sunny disposition, a sweet

nature, and a love of beauty. Dwight was sensitive, bashful, and diffident in

extreme. He loved flowers and watching fireflies. He had no appreciation for

money, probably because, as Apthorp asserts, he had contempt for greed.5

Dwight had a passion for music and felt called to educate the public on its

finer points. He became the autocrat of musical taste in Boston, and his opinions

were unquestioned. He advised cultured intellectuals and directed amateurs on what

to expect in classical music. Great music was not mere entertainment but had

spiritual meaning which would transport the listener above the trivialities and

fribbles of everyday life.

To Dwight, "one of the most important and useful functions of criticism is

that of measuring acknowledged great men by the highest, even an absolute

standard."" Although he did study musical scores before performances, his primary

modus operandi was intuition. "I have divined, recognized (through the glass

darkly), genius in the works of great composers through the imperfect medium of



53 Dwight's Journal, 10 Apr. 1852, 4a, 4b.

5 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 76b. Cooke devoted an entire chapter, Chapter 10, to
Dwight's personal traits, 75-80.

55 Lebow, "Systematic Examination," 376. The quote is referenced to Dwight's
Journal 13 (n.d.): 21, but the citation cannot be found. Nevertheless, this view is
consistent with Dwight's practice of assessing American composers against the same
high standards as the masters--the Germans. See Note 43 above.










uninspired performers, or through my own poor efforts to study myself into their

meaning by slow and painful transfer of the printed notes to the keys of my piano."5

Although he was not deaf to the quality of a performance, it was the spirit of

the music that made the greater impression on him, hence his disdain for virtuosity

for virtuosity's sake. Too, since he interpreted the music through the mind of a

poet, technical analysis was unimportant to him. In particular, Dwight felt that

explication of Beethoven's music was unnecessary, since understanding Beethoven

was not found in the details but in the depths of the music itself.

Marcia Lebow highlighted three tenets that Dwight followed in his music

criticism: (1) musical expression is of an intellectual sort, (2) its creators use

God-given genius, and (3) their works reflect their spiritual commitment.7 Such

music is fit for society and will improve it. In fulfillment of his purposes as a music

critic, Dwight was candid, appreciative, and faithful to his convictions. Although he

was vibrantly gregarious, he remained at arm's length from artists. Finally, Apthorp

especially praised his writing style as brilliant, although he also noted that that style

did not reach the general public.

While remaining true to personal convictions is a virtue, in Dwight's case it

was also a flaw, simply due to the longevity of his Journal. His ideals were twenty

years behind the times when he started, and he never caught up. Although he






6 Dwight in a letter to Lydia Maria Child, 24 Dec. 1843, quoted in Cooke,
Brook Farmer, 25b.

57 Lebow, "Systematic Examination," 158.










recognized the fashion of giving new music a chance, his vilification of it is

notorious. He never deigned to embrace the music of the future:

Are we, (the learning public, yet a child in music), so thoroughly well
versed in the music of the great masters, those works of highest genius
which are called "classics," simply because they are of no age,--are we
so settled in our taste, that these heaven-stormers, piling Ossa upon
Pelion, can expect us to spend all the precious s are time we can save
for music, in settling their tremendous claims?

Society had changed, and Dwight had not kept pace but rather marched to

his own drummer. Dwight lamented a "serious blunting and demoralization of the

musical sense ... in the young generation born into this strange phase of what its

disciples call musical 'progress.'"N William Foster Apthorp was the preeminent

critic of that next generation.























8 Dwight's Journal, 29 May 1875, 30c.

9 Ibid. 37 (April 14, 1877), 6b.














CHAPTER 3
THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY

In 1872 the editor of the Atlantic Monthly, William Dean Howells, at the

suggestion of composer Francis Boott, asked Apthorp to write a music column for

that periodical, which he did until 1877. It was unusual for such a journal to include

a regular column devoted to music, but the Atlantic Monthly was no ordinary

periodical. The Monthly provided its readers with a wide variety of interesting and

informative articles, including columns in art, literature, music, and education.

Apthorp's contribution to the Monthly is without peer, as there were no other

journals published in Boston during the period 1872 to 1877 that were comparable

to the Atlantic Monthly in depth of coverage. Since Apthorp's columns were geared

toward an educated audience, one might assume that his articles would compare to

those found in periodicals that were devoted primarily to the musically literate.

There were three such journals in Boston at that time: John S. Dwight's Journal of

Music, The Folio, and Dexter Smith's Musical Literary, Dramatic, and Art Paper.

Apthorp's columns compare only to those in Dwight's Journal, as we shall see.

The Folio

The first to be discussed is The Folio, which was published monthly in Boston

from 1869 to 1895. White, Smith & Perry, a music publishing firm, issued the

journal, and Dexter Smith served as its first editor, from 1869 through 1871. The

next editor was George Lowell Austin, in 1872, which was the first year that Apthorp










began to write for the Atlantic Monthly. Austin was followed by T. D. Hooker, from

1873 to June 1881, which encompasses the balance of Apthorp's tenure with the

Atlantic Monthly.

The full title of the paper was The Folio, A Monthly Journal of Music, Drama,

Art, and Literature. The paper initially cost ten cents per copy, a dollar for a year's

subscription, and claimed a wide distribution--Boston, New York, Philadelphia,

Chicago, St. Louis, New Orleans, San Francisco, and even London. Part of the

reason for the wide appeal of The Folio was the fact that "presents" and "splendid

gifts" were awarded for subscriptions. In addition to premiums (sheet music or music

books) or cash commissions (forty cents per subscription), patrons ("agents") could

also receive Watham watches, Weed sewing machines, New England parlor organs,

and Henry F. Miller pianos for supplying the publisher with lists of names (along

with a one-year payment) of new subscribers.' Each issue was generally about thirty

pages--approximately five pages of articles, five pages of notes, ten pages of sheet

music, and ten pages of advertisements. Articles about music and musicians were

quite short and general, as were music reviews.

Surprisingly, there was little attention to drama, art, and literature; the paper

was mostly concerned with musical happenings in Boston. Regular features of The

Folio included a story that was usually continued over several issues, foreign

correspondence, Book Table, Drama in Boston, Minor Chords (brief notices of

musicians, musical events, and anecdotes), cards (music teachers), schools

(advertisements), various short articles (usually about one-half column out of three


1 The Folio, Dec. 1876, 204b.










on a page) of some musical interest (including "reviews"), a fashion column, and lots

of ads for music (songbooks, piano music, brass band music, music rolls) and

accessories (pianos, Ole Bull violin strings) available from White, Smith & Perry.

A strong selling point of the paper was the sheet music. There were usually

four or five songs and piano arrangements published in every issue, as might be

expected from a paper issued by a music publisher. Sheet music was of the simple

and popular variety, primarily songs and piano solos. For example, the January 1872

issue included "The Poor Drunkard's Child" (words by G. L Austin, music by C. A.

White, arranged by Wimmial Gooch), the "Fairy Dream Waltz" (piano solo by J. W.

Turner, Op. 311), and "Be Thou Faithful" (sacred quartet by C. A. White, arranged

by William Gooch).

Each monthly also featured a fine portrait, usually of a musician, including

soprano Adelina Patti (1843-1919), bandleader Patrick S. Gilmore (1829-92),

composer/educator Lowell Mason (1792-1872), soprano Ilma di Murska (1836-89),

pianist/conductor Hans von Billow (1830-94), French composer Charles Gounod

(1818-93), and German violinist Joseph Joachim (1831-1907). Other celebrity

portraits that appeared in the journal included Phineas Taylor (P. T.) Barnum and

"Buffalo" Bill Cody.2

White, Smith & Perry's selection of Dexter Smith as the first editor must have

quite deliberate. They published a great deal of "popular" music, and Smith




2 Ibid., Mar. 1872, 80b (Patti); Apr. 1872, 112b (Gilmore); May 1874, 157
(Mason); Nov. 1874, 166 (Murska); Nov. 1875, 182a (Bilow); July 1876, 17a
(Gounod); Sept. 1877, 324a (Joachim); Aug. 1873, 91b (Barnum); Aug. 1874, 51
(Cody).










admirably set the tone of light entertainment and easy, fun reading. He quickly

became disfranchised, however, with editing a paper that was issued by a music

publisher. Feeling that he was constantly catering to their vested interests, Smith

struck out on his own. His Paper will be discussed later.

The Folio was continued under the hand of George Lowell Austin, and then

under T. D. Hooker. The format remained essentially the same. Hooker's

"Salutatory" stated that

To be truly valuable, a magazine should be, not the exponent of any
particular hobby, but a repository of all things worth knowing, so far
as that may be possible, in its own particular domain. Our best
energies shall be devoted to rendering the FOLIO both interesting and
instructive, and, in doing this, we have the promise of assistance from
some of the best talent in the country.3

Indeed, the list of contributors is extensive. The Folio was entertaining, to be

sure. The paper was in line with the thinking of Joseph W. Turner, a composer and

arranger of piano music: "There is a grandeur in simplicity, and it is this simplicity,

this pure melody, God's sweetest gift to mortals, that this world at large delights in

as music and literature." As Turner composed, so the Folio was compiled and

edited for the immediate pleasure of its readers. Articles were short, the writing

was personable, and the topics were current and amusing, seldom controversial. The

Folio was just plain fun to read.

For all its trifles, The Folio did make attempts to be instructive. Articles

concerning topics of music that would be enlightening or informative were few, but




3 Ibid., Jan. 1873, 8.

4 Ibid., Nov. 1873, 132.










interesting. Generally, there was no discussion of facts or views, only plain

statements that were probably intended to foment discussion among readers. For

example, an article in the March 1873 issue, "Wanted; An American School of

Opera," commented on the fact that many talented American singers had to go to

Europe to learn the art of operatic singing and argued that opera in America was

developed to the point that we should be able to support our own training schools.6

Beginning in the October 1872 issue (p. 102) and concluding in November (p.

133) were three questions that were--and are--frequently posed by people that know

a little about music, and the answers, presumably by the editor (many comments and

reviews were taken from other sources) were simple, direct, and succinct. The first

question was why is C called 1, Do, and Tonic? The answer: C, the note name, is

Absolute; 1, the degree of the scale, is Relative; Tonic is Technical; and Do, a

solfege syllable, is Auxiliary. That is a good answer to a question that vexes

nonmusicians but does not bother musicians, who simply accept them as different

names for the same thing, as if distinguishing one term from the other is pointless.

Question two was why are so many teachers dissatisfied with the antiquated method

of teaching? The answer assumed the question was in reference to solmization and

basically said that teachers were not disillusioned with the method. Finally, why do

students of figured bass theory progress slowly? Answer: students do not progress

when working with figured bass because it does not call on their powers of

invention. Why this question/answer rapport between editor and readers was not


5 Ibid., Mar. 1873, 72.










continued is puzzling, since these are sincere, fitting queries for the readers of a

music journal.

Another instructive yet interesting article was "How Pianos are Injured,"

which dealt primarily with improper tuning. The same issue recounted the story of

how the text for the hymn "From Greenland's Icy Mountains" came to be.6 This

article made an unfortunate use of the pronoun he, however, thereby confusing who

actually wrote the text: Bishop [Reginald] Heber or Dean Shirley, Vicar of

Wrexham, with whom Heber was staying. A true example of the perfunctory style

of the Folio, however, the article failed to mention that Lowell Mason composed the

tune that appears in most hymnals today.7 That such an article was published

nevertheless shows some interest, albeit scant, in such matters.

A series of brief, two-line "Musical Biographies in Miniature" were published

in March and May of 1876. These were taken from the Organists Journal. In July

1876, in honor of America's centennial, the texts to J. G. Whittier's "Centennial

Hymn" (from the Atlantic Monthly) and the Centennial Cantata (Centennial

Meditation of Columbia, text by Sidney Lanier, music by Dudley Buck) were

included. A most interesting feature was the inclusion of the "Centennial Hymn"




6 Ibid., Jan. 1874, 4, 5.

7 Heber wrote the text at the request of Dean Shirley, who happened to be his
father-in-law, for a series of sermons to begin Whitsunday, 1819. Heber used an old
ballad, "'Twas when the seas were roving," for the tune, and the hymn was published
in February 1823 in England and America in The Christian Observer. Mary W.
Howard, of Savannah, Georgia, noticed the hymn and asked Lowell Mason to
compose a new tune for the hymn. "Missionary Hymn" was composed by Mason the
next year and appeared in the ninth edition of the Boston Handel and Haydn Society
Collection.








56

that first appeared in Gospel Magazine, March 1776. "The hymn," said Hooker, "is

appropriate from its merits as well as the accident of its age for centennial

occasions."8

James M. Tracy, a professor of music at the Boston Conservatory of Music,

provided several notable articles to the Folio. In April 1873 he wrote on "The

Importance of Systematic Studies in Music." In January 1876 he wrote on the

"Education of Pianists."9 Most ambitious, however, was his "Theory and Rudimental

Harmony." Published in ten parts, from February to November 1877, each issue of

the Folio printed four pages of the theory manual (reduced to the size of one

journal page), which explained notes, rests, intervals, scales, the circle of fifths,

syncopation, graces and embellishments, time signatures, phrases, arpeggios,

fermatas, and musical shorthand for repeated notes. There were a total of

forty-seven pages published in all. The December 1877 issue began a similar series

on harmony.

Not all articles were for the edification of the readers. In fact, most were of

the "interesting notes" variety. The paper was full of columns--"Official Bulletin" and

"Minor Chords" in particular--of one- and two-line anecdotes and remarks

concerning who was where doing what. Such briefs served more to entertain the

audience and provide them with humorous material that would be appropriate in the

parlance of light social settings. For example, the April 1872 issue included these

"Minor Chord" items:



8 The Folio, July 1876, 7.

9 Ibid., Apr. 1873, 102; Jan. 1876, 6, concluded June 1876, 205.








57

(1) --The height of impudence--Taking shelter from the rain in an
umbrella shop. (2) --A clean shirt is one of woman's best gifts to man.
(3) --Schoolmistress:--"Johnny, I'm ashamed of you! When I was your
age I could read as well as I do now." Johnny-- "Aw! but yow'd a
different taycher to wot we'm got!" (4) --"You there Jenkins! How the
deuce did you find your way out?" "Find my way out? Out of where?
What do you mean?" "Why, the last I saw of you, you were lost--in
slumber." "Oh, ah; well, I rode out on a nightmare."

There were also short articles that delighted the readers. For example, the

February 1872 issue included an article of Gioacchino Rossini's personal comments

on how the deal was struck for him to compose his Stabat Mater. A May 1873

article claimed that Johann Strauss, Jr., conducted with "friskiness," whereas Richard

Wagner hissed, stamped, and used facial expression: "Wagner's men appear to derive

the notes they play from his glances as much as from their books." The September

1872 issue featured an article on "How P. T. Barnum Paid the Trombone Player.""

Barnum expected the musicians to pay him for providing them a place to practice

and an audience, so the story goes.

Finally, the June 1874 issue featured an article to answer the query posed by

a reader "What is the highest note any soprano has sung, and who?" The editor

replied that the Queen of the Night in Mozart's Magic Flute reaches a high F, and

that Carlotta Patti, [Ilma] di Murska, and other sopranos can sing that high. (Note

that the particular aria, "Der Holle Rache kocht in meinem Herzen," is not

mentioned, as Apthorp would have done.) The editor commented that the usual

was a high C, adding that [Maria Felicita] Malibran (1808-36) could sing a C or




10 Ibid., Apr. 1872, 108.

Ibid., Feb. 1872, 42-43; May 1873, 138; Sept. 1872, 71.










C# and that [Kristina] Nilsson (1843-1921) could sing a high D. In a follow-up

entry in July 1874 a reader commented that Mrs. H. M. Smith could sing a G or A

and had a range of three and one-half octaves. The editor then quipped, "If

anything better can be repeated, lets [sic] hear it."12 Such information was not

printed for any serious interest but was primarily intended for conversational

purposes.

As informative and entertaining as articles in The Folio were, such concern

for the public did not include meaningful reviews of music and performances.

Seldom was complete information cited as regards date, time, place, performing

group/soloist/director, and program. It is possible that most readers were aware of

such information, so the editor saw no need to reiterate known details. Comments

on the music were completely missing, and remarks concerning the performance

were scant. For example, a review of a concert by the Apollo Club stated:

We must specially note the appreciative rendering of Fischer's Spring
Night, and we have never heard the Chorus of Dervishes given with so
much truth, and natural vigor. Mendelssohn's grand overture, Calm
Sea and Prosperous Voyage, was almost faultlessly played, and served
as a fitting prelude to the Soldier's Farewell." Mr. [Benjamin J.]
Lang's playing of Chopin's Scherzo, in Bb minor, was in his usual style,
and of course above criticism.13

Another entry in the Opera and Concert column stated that "Mr. [Whitney]

Eugene Thayer [1838-1889, organist, Boston Music Hall] gave an interesting Organ

Recital March 3d, on the Boston Conservatory organ. He had the assistance of Mr.

[Julius] Eichberg [director of the Conservatory], and Miss Persio Bell, with her



12 Ibid., July 1874, 6.

13 Ibid., Feb. 1872, 40a-b.










violin. Those present were most agreeably entertained [emphasis added]."14 Finally,

again from the Opera and Concert page: "Mr. B. J. Lang's series of concerts at

Mechanic's Hall closed March 26. They have been decided favorites with the lovers

of classical music, every concert being largely attended. With able assistants, Mr.

Lang presented on each occasion good selections, and rendered them in a manner

worthy of his high reputation as a musical artist."15

There were numerous topics that were treated in the Folio, among them

festivals (including those of public school children), Anton Rubinstein, Chopin, Liszt,

Schumann, Wagner, Theodore Thomas, C. A. White (who contributed many of the

songs printed in The Folio), Cherubini, the Fisk Jubilee singers, Anton Stradivarius,

Lowell Mason, classical music, Guido and the staff, church acoustics, and vocal

technique. There were brief obituary notices for such music personalities as Lowell

Mason, Ferdinand David, Sir William Stendale Bennett, and Jule E. Perkins (a

whole page!). Beginning in August 1876 was a column devoted to the Freemasons.

Finally, to accompany the full-page portrait of some musician--usually local--that was

included in every issue, there was often a short article about that artist.

Dexter Smith's Paper

After setting The Folio on its course, Dexter Smith, its first editor, struck off

on his own. The first issue of Dexter Smith's Musical Literary, Dramatic, and Art

Paper, edited and published by Dexter Smith, appeared in January 1872. In the

salutatory Smith proclaimed that his paper was "the only musical monthly in the



14 Ibid., Apr. 1874, 110.

15 Ibid., May 1874, 148.










United States that is not issued by a music-publishing house. We intend to make

our paper the most lively and progressive musical journal in the country."16 The

monthly was to include Reading matter ("Not a line shall be published in these

columns that may not be safely placed before the purest minded lady in the land"),

stories, poems, "spicy paragraphs," "Sparks" (news, gossip, one-liners), jokes, and

foreign correspondence. There were also columns devoted to Masonic activities and

baseball. Like The Folio, Smith's paper contained sheet music: "We shall regard

quality, rather than quantity, and shall prefer to give our subscribers two good pieces

rather than a hundred commonplace ones, which hardly repay the trouble of

learning." Most of the songs and piano pieces were composed or arranged expressly

for the Paper. Smith also included a column by Mme. Demorest of the "newest and

most reliable fashions," as well as illustrations. Finally, like The Folio (again), in

order to entice subscribers Smith offered premiums: "We present every subscriber

with a splendid picture, entitled 'The Catspaw!' which is valued at four dollars." The

picture was from Bufford's engraving house.

When Smith moved to his own monthly, he took with him the list of The

Folio's subscribers in order to bolster his circulation. He also had the advantage of

adding to his list of subscribers the readers of Boston's People's Leader and

Chicago's Musical Independent. Edited by W. S. B. Matthews, the Musical

Independent had folded shortly before. As a result, as of January 1874, Smith

proclaimed, "We are able to claim the largest circulation of any musical journal in




'1 Dexter Smith's Musical Literary, Dramatic, and Art Paper, Jan. 1872, 6.
Hereafter Smith's Paper.










the United States." Smith claimed a readership from Boston, New York,

Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Cincinnati, Chicago, San Francisco, Montreal,

Toronto, Dublin, Glasgow, and London. So Smith's enterprise started off on a

positive note, with a large circulation base. Advertisements appeared for Steinway

pianos, Wm. A. Ponds (publisher), Weber pianos, Haines pianos, Boston Musical

Instrument Manufacturers, etc. As with The Folio, Smith's Paper included some fine

portraits of musicians of local prominence, including soprano Clara Louise Kellogg

(1842-1919), Carlotta Patti, Emma Albani, Pauline Lucca, and Theodore Thomas.

One portrait of particular interest was of "Little Charlie Ross." Apparently

the lad had been abducted from his home in Philadelphia, 1 July 1874, and held for

$20,000 ransom. The portrait was run in the November 1874 issue, along with two

songs written in his support: "Bring Back Our Darling" (words by Dexter Smith,

music by W. H. Brockway) and "Poor Little Lost One" (words by George Cooper,

music by Violetta). Whether Smith was sincere in this effort or promoted the affair

simply for circulation is unknown. But at least it indicates that he was aware of

what was on the minds of his readers and the community.

Smith made it a point to provide his readers with material that they could

digest quickly and easily. His writing style was personable. Anecdotes and

humorous stories were commonplace in Smith's Paper. Direct quotes of a humorous

nature were often used to make composers and musical celebrities more

approachable. For example, in an interview with Julius Eichberg, the director of the

New England Conservatory of Music, he was asked about his forthcoming operetta

Mackerel Catcher. "The absurd rumor about my writing the "Mackerel Catcher" was










a foolish joke, based probably upon the fact that during my summer vacation at the

Isle of Schoals, I amused myself in catching a large number of mackerel."17

Other items of interest to Smith's readers were diverse, but all were intended

for light, easy reading. A series of articles appeared on man/woman relationships:

why men don't marry, why women lose their beauty, what women look for in a man,

why rich men don't marry, marrying for money, "How she got a husband," etc. Like

The Folio, Smith's Paper contained stories, like "Why the Organ Whistled" and

"Choosing a wife, or melting an icicle." For the sports-minded, the Baseball column

kept them abreast of happenings. The February 1873 issue printed a list of scores

for the complete 1872 season of the Boston Club baseball team. For those that love

animals, Smith included stories like the "Canine Chorus," a pack of dogs that barked

during the performance of Wagner's Tannhauser in Vienna; as well as "Snakes that

love music," an item about a boa constrictor that responded to an accordion; and

"Monkeys for opera bouffe."18 Smith made no further comment there. There were

also entries on "Cow Music," "Horse Music," and "Singing Mice." For the lady of the

house, Smith provided a domestic column and a fashion column. Finally, a column

called "Sparks" featured short notices of local interest (?): "Tom Karl is again ill";

"Boston's Pantheon is worth visiting"; "Louis P. Goulland has published a

'Spelling-Match' song, which is having immense popularity" [popular is a word that

appears with regularity in both Smith's Paper and in The Folio]; "J. H. Bartlett is

engaged upon a bust of Oakes Ames"; "'Are hard boiled eggs healthy?' We never



'7 Ibid., Nov. 1874, 132.

'8 Ibid., Feb. 1876, 39; Dec. 1876, 169; Dec. 1876, 176.










heard one complain"; "The tenor and soprano in a Boston choir were married

recently. They met by chants, the usual way, and ultimately agreed to duet." No

further comment here, either.

How well received was Smith's Paper? The Boston Times, for one,

complimented it in high fashion. It was issued for the first time in January 1872,

and a letter from the Times was printed in the March issue:

It is not a dry, "classical" paper, filled with uninteresting treatises on
"hobbies," but a lively, spicy journal, running over with good things.
A glance at the list of contributors will show the strength of the
musical and literary talent engaged to furnish articles for its columns.
In addition to its excellent reading-matter, the February number
contains seven complete pieces of beautiful vocal and instrumental
music. It is not surprising that such a paper is in great demand. It
deserves its wonderful success.19

The reference to sheet music is particularly interesting. As mentioned, Smith

promised his readers quality sheet music. Songs of Arthur Sullivan were often

"arranged expressly for Dexter Smith's Paper." In general, however, the songs were

extremely simple and, most important, "popular." For example, "Dot Leedle Yawcob

Strauss" first appeared in Smith's Paper in April 1877. The following issue claimed

that over 100,000 copies had been sold. On such was built the popularity of Smith's

Paper.

The Times made reference to the music in the February issue. Those items

were "Strangers Yet" (music by Claribel), "I'd Choose to be a Daisy" by Frederick

Buckley, "The Lone Fish-Ball" (directions are for all to join on the chorus), "Saw My



19 Ibid., Mar. 1872, 60. The reference could be either to the Boston Evening
Times, which also was simply known as the Boston Times, a paper that was issued
from Monday through Saturday, or to the Boston Times, which was issued on
Sunday and continued the Boston Sunday Times as of 1871.








64

Leg Off' (the words are "Saw my leg off, saw my leg off, saw my leg off short"; the

entire song is then repeated), "Laurel Schottisch" for piano by E. Mack, "Les Roses

Grand Waltz" for piano arranged by J. S. Knight, and "Come Where My Love lies

Dreaming" for piano by C. Foster. Perhaps the Boston Times had some vested

interest in promoting such ditties as "beautiful vocal and instrumental music." They

are distinctly in the popular vein, a genre that Apthorp chose not to review, as we

shall see.

On the subject of music reviews, it was not Smith's intention to provide his

readers with penetrating, discerning reviews of music or performances. The

superscript to the December 1872 issue quoted W. S. B. Matthews: "There is no such

thing as intelligent and discriminating criticism possible while the music-publisher

pays the editor's salary." Smith's relationship with any music-publisher is consistent

with Matthews's statement, since Smith broke away from White, Smith & Perry's

Folio. The first part of Matthews's dictum, however, is completely absent in Smith's

Paper. At least the Folio featured an Opera and Concert column; Smith's Paper did

not include a regular column devoted to commenting on musical events in and

around Boston. When he did attempt remarks of a performance, his words were

drivel. For example, a review of the "Seventh Symphony Concert" in the March

1872 issue states, in toto,

This concert took place at Music Hall, Feb. 1st. It was not very well
attended, nor did the performance very greatly please those who were
present. Liszt's Symphonic Poem, Haydn's Symphony, No. 3, in E-flat
and Rubenstein's [sic] Piano-forte Concerto No. 3 in G were the new










numbers on the program. Mr. B. J. Lang gave a very effective
rendering of the concerto.2

There is no meaningful comment on either the music or the performance.

To Oscar Thompson, the function of music criticism is to "hold up a mirror to what

has been composed or performed and to the performance."21 Dwight and Apthorp

both held to this concept of musical criticism. Using this definition, then, it is

apparent that Smith was not a music critic.

One of Smith's most detailed reviews can be found in the June 1877 issue,

wherein he commented on a recent Handel and Haydn Society Festival. There was

no mention of where and when the performance took place. He did remark that

such a festival "could not be gotten up in any other city in the country" because

"there is no such chorus anywhere else in the country. And an oratorio needs a

good chorus!" He then named the principal singers and listed some of the works

performed, including Felix Mendelssohn's Elijah and G. F. Handel's Samson and

Israel in Egypt, "all of which were artistically performed." Clara Louise Kellogg was

praised first, but she was also admonished not to devote herself to oratorio but to

remain on the opera stage. Soprano Emma Thursby (1845-93) "gave evidence of

much ability as a bravura singer. But she has not yet a sufficiently massive style for

oratorio." Contralto Annie Louise Cary, as usual, "is a thorough artist." English




2 Ibid., Mar. 1872, 57. The concert was presented by the Harvard Musical
Association, and the program consisted of Beethoven's overture to Coriolanus, Liszt's
symphonic poem Tasso: Lamente e Trionfo, Haydn's symphony, Rubinstein's piano
concerto, and Weber's overture to Oberon. The review in Dwight's Journal, 10 Feb.
1872, 182f, was more substantial. Apthorp did not cover the event.
21 Thompson, Practical Musical Criticism, 28.










contralto Adelaide Phillips's voice was lauded as "rich, sweet and powerful."

Dramatic tenor Charles Adams, who "had scarcely recovered from the effects of

sea-sickness," nevertheless gave a fine performance. Mr. Whitney was praised for

his "dramatic intensity and freedom." William and John F. Winch were mentioned.

Carl Zerrahn conducted in a "masterly fashion, and B. J. Lang as organist and

pianist, won high encomiums."22 Further comment described the audience as large

and from far and near. That the management made mistakes was mentioned, but

no specifics were supplied.

These comments focused on the performance. As regards the music,

"Selections from French opera--although admirable in their place--are hardly in

keeping with the severely classical works called for by high art."2 That remark in

itself causes one to reflect on whether these are in fact the words of the editor,

Dexter Smith. Indeed, there are other examples of satisfactory reviews in Smith's

Paper, but they are credited to other sources, such as Watson's Art Journal (New

York) and the New York Herald. A letter from New York to the editor dated

16 October 1876 offered an opinion "Why Theodore Thomas Failed," stating that it

was the balance between "the classical symphony and the popular waltz" that was

responsible for his fame. He gradually dropped the popular music and became

"intensely classical. Only the cultured few could appreciate his music." Patrick

Gilmore appealed to the public; Thomas did so no longer. "Let Thomas return to

the good old style of program he commenced with, and the people will rally to his



22 Smith's Paper, June 1877, 166a.
23 Ibid.










support."24 It is likely that Smith would have emphasized the "selections from

French opera" and deprecated the "severely classical works."

For all the buffoonery that the Paper contains, an occasional gem can be

harvested. The portraits, as mentioned, are truly fine. The one piano solo that

comes the closest to what may be considered art music is J. W. Turner's Battle of

Bunker Hill, Op. 370. Despite the fact that Ludwig van Beethoven's Wellington's

Victory and Peter Tchaikovsky's (1840-93) 1812 Overture have been criticized for

wont of quality compositional practice, they are nevertheless significant works of

literature. So Turner's Battle is. It is a programmatic work, depicting the battle,

from the opening bugle call, preparation for battle, cannon fire, the advance and

attack of the British (to the tune "Rule Britannia"), the counterattack of the

Americans, the retreat of the British, and victory of the Americans (to the tune

"Yankee Doodle"). The work closes with final Hurrah!s and "Hail! Columbia." To

be sure, Turner's Battle is a fun piece, but it is technically demanding, not for the

household parlor pianist.

Dwight's Journal and the Atlantic Monthly

As mentioned in the introduction, the only journal during 1872 and 1877 that

was published in Boston that could compare with Apthorp's writings for the Atlantic

Monthly was John S. Dwight's Journal of Music. Each issue was divided into two

parts, the first being articles from outside sources (including foreign correspondence,

mostly from Europe), and the second being articles from Dwight's own hand.





24 Ibid., Nov. 1876, 136.










Although there is merit to the outside articles that Dwight chose to print, this

discussion will focus on his own words, since all of Apthorp's writings were his own.

Dwight was part of the inner circle of Boston figures, and even Apthorp

recognized that his Journal was respected as the "official" word on what was proper

in the realm of music. During Apthorp's tenure with the Monthly, Dwight's Journal

included a wide assortment of articles. All were rather lengthy and were clearly

intended for those in the know. The writing style was masterly, and the articles

were detailed. Music of the masters--J. S. Bach, Ludwig van Beethoven, Felix

Mendelssohn--was treated at length. To his credit, Dwight did include a good deal

of discussion on the music of Wagner, although it was purely for the information of

his readers. He did not condone the new music. Apthorp wrote an entire article

on a new work by Franz Liszt, Die Glocken des Strassburger Minsters (The Bells of

the Strasbourg Cathedral, 1874), that was not mentioned in Dwight's Journal.25 There

was a great deal of attention to what was going on in Europe, as if that were the

model for American music. It should be no surprise, then, that the music of such

Americans as Louis M. Gottschalk was not discussed by Dwight.

Another curious omission on Dwight's part regarding music education in

America was the opening of the National College of Music in Boston, September

1872. The school was established by the Mendelssohn Quintette Club. B. J. Lang

headed the piano department, Vincenzo Cirillo of Naples headed the voice

department, and members of the Quinttete Club served as instructors of string



25 Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1875, 377-82. The piece is a sacred choral piece for
mezzo, baritone, chorus, and orchestra. Apthorp's article includes several musical
examples.










instruments. Apthorp spoke highly of the establishment of the school and expected

a great deal of it.2 Dwight made no mention of the event.

Turning to matters that both Dwight and Apthorp addressed, let us begin

with Patrick S. Gilmore's World Peace Jubilee and International Musical Festival of

1872 (the first was the National Peace Jubilee, 1869). Dwight's entries were

threefold, occupying fifteen columns (each at slightly over ten inches in length) of

print that became very fine at the very end--fourteen lines per inch!--that it is

advisable to use a magnifying glass to read. Apthorp, on the other hand, devoted

only a single issue, September 1872, to the event, totaling just over six columns (each

at slightly over seven inches). In Dwight's first entry he discussed the outer aspects

of the festival, emphasizing that it was primarily a business venture. He questioned

whether it was indeed an art jubilee, a music jubilee, or even a peace jubilee.

Besides, just what is a "peace" jubilee? He also was curious as to whose jubilee it

was--Gilmore's, Boston's, or the nation's. Dwight detailed the numbers of

instruments, voices, bands, and the coliseum audience. Apthorp, too, remarked on

the business end of the festival, noting that "Art in any shape can nowhere live

without money. ... We poor art-lovers and artists should be only too thankful when

men who have the means think it worth their while to invest in art-stock instead of

in railway bonds."27 While Dwight decried the festival as a business venture,

Apthorp, recognizing that artists, too, need money for sustenance, was encouraged





26 Ibid., Mar. 1873, 376.

27 Ibid., 376a-b.










that people with money chose to invest it in art. As to Dwight's other remarks

regarding the dimensions of the jubilee, Apthorp made no comment.

Dwight's second entry focused on the music itself. Gilmore fell into the way

of thinking that if ten--or ten thousand--voices are good, then twenty--or twenty

thousand--are twice as good. Dwight noted that such a large chorus (which boasted

some twenty thousand voices, although he was certain that there were only eighteen

thousand at the beginning, the number tapering off as the festival ensued) could not

possibly have projected a precise sound. The problems of seating far apart and

filling the hall space were simply overwhelming. Apthorp avoided Dwight's wont to

excess verbiage and simply remarked that "there was not and could not be any

clearly defined outline to the singing, but everything was blurred and indistinct."28

Apthorp did add, however, that the large audience contributed enough of its own

clatter as to further interfere with the strains of the voices.

As regards the program, both Dwight and Apthorp commented on the

performances of works as G. F. Handel's Israel in Egypt and the "Anvil Chorus" from

Guiseppi Verdi's II Trovatore as music merely to give the jubilee credibility. Holding

to his traditional view, that of holding up music of the masters, Dwight pled, "But

in all this was Music paramount, or something else? ... Was Art revered? Did

Bach and Beethoven still keep their places on the equal platform?"2 Apthorp was

more perceptive, noting that these two works were "opposite magnetic poles of the





28 Ibid., 378b.

2 Dwight's Journal, 27 July 1872, 278c.










Jubilee. What one attracted the other repelled."3 This is another way of phrasing

what Apthorp saw as a major problem of the jubilee: a want of unity of purpose.

Dwight saw this, too, but not in terms of the program. Dwight's remarks concerned

the festival as a whole, but only after reading Apthorp's column can one clearly

summarize Dwight's words.

The third part of Dwight's trilogy discussed the instrumental music and

soloists, vocal and instrumental. Apthorp did so, also, but, again, he was much more

compact in his remarks. In particular, the European bands received attention.

Gilmore did promise an international festival, and European nations were indeed

represented--by bands. Apthorp and Dwight both commented on the French,

German, and English bands. Dwight was distressed that European culture would be

represented by a band and not a symphony orchestra. Further, he did not consider

the German emperor's cornet quartet "a very significant contribution to the greatest

of all Music Festivals."31 Apthorp made no comment here. As might be expected,

Dwight had high praise for the Prussian (not German) band. Noting the strong

brass, the band nevertheless was "thoroughly musician-like" and "entirely musical."32

Apthorp did note the fine, precise, stirring performance of the German band, but

the strong brass to him were not so musical. "The opening chords of the Egmont







30 Atlantic Monthly, Mar. 1873, 377a.

31 Dwight's Journal, 27 July 1872, 278c.

32 Ibid., 10 Aug. 1872, 287c.










Overture, for instance, sounded as if they were trying to blow down the walls of

Jericho." To him, the overblown low brass sounded "coarse and blaring."33

Dwight commented that he thought the French band was the best, but he had

no specific remarks on the music, namely, works of Wagner. Apthorp's opinion was

the same regarding the French band, but he provided specific comment on the

selections from Richard Wagner's Lohengrin. "This was almost the perfection of

playing, never lacking life or emphasis; yet throughout, even in the ball-music

(which, by the way, was taken in a most furiously rapid tempo), full of delicate lights

and shades, and in fine, full, unforced tones."34 Dwight's remarks included such

generic yet effective words as "fire," "intense," and "passion." Apthorp went a step

further by making specific reference to the music and noting tempo marks,

expressive elements such as crescendo, and the like. Dwight provided an aura of

how the music sounded; reading Apthorp, one can actually hear the music.

Another major event inn the musical life of Boston was the tenth

anniversary--and one hundredth concert--of the Harvard Musical Association [HMA].

Both Apthorp and Dwight provided retrospective on the work of this orchestra.

Dwight's two articles (again, Apthorp was more succinct, with only one) were purely

historical. He highlighted the progress of the Association, including program, the

audience, management, and finances. The bulk of the space was devoted to listing

by composer the works performed by the orchestra. Apthorp, too, provided a

historical sketch, but he went back another two years, to 1863 and the Orchestral



33 Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1872, 377a, c.

34 Ibid., 377b.










Union. Dwight said nothing of how the HMA sounded, which Apthorp did.

Apthorp found the performances of the Orchestral Union "very rough, but not

without a certain enthusiasm and unity of purpose."3 On the actual founding of

the HMA, Apthorp let Dwight speak for him, quoting from Dwight's Journal of

9 December 1865 (one of the few times that Apthorp did not speak for himself,

although the style is entirely like his own).

Ever the critic, Apthorp commented that "Some of the airs of J. S. Bach's

Passion-Music were given, and very unsatisfactorily given, leaving the most dreary

impression on the public."3 The HMA was too precious to Dwight for him to speak

anything other than praise.

Apthorp took a step that Dwight perhaps found irrelevant: he compared the

HMA concerts with those of the Theodore Thomas Orchestra. Again, Apthorp

included a quote from Dwight's Journal (9 Nov. 1869) that called attention to the

superiority of New York orchestras, including Mr. Thomas's. Apthorp continued the

narrative on the quality of the Thomas Orchestra and how the HMA orchestra

measured up. Boston soon came to expect the precision and attention to detail of

the Thomas Orchestra, and the HMA group soon fell into disfavor because it did

not keep stride. As usual, Apthorp made reference to specific compositions to

illustrate his point. In this case he singled out Robert Schumann's Traumerei as

performed by the Theodore Thomas Orchestra, which made a deep impression for

their pianissimo effect. Apthorp closed his article with some comments from the



3 Ibid., June 1875, 754a.

6 Ibid., 755a.








74

Boston Daily Advertiser on a performance of Beethoven's Symphony No. 5 in c minor.

An example of earnest criticism is as follows:

One particular effect was given just as Beethoven had indicated, and
most superbly given too, and that was the perfectly even pianissimo for
forty-two bars at the close of the scherzo before the entrance of the
finale. The crescendo began exactly eight bars before the end of the
scherzo, as it is written. Our orchestra invariably begins the crescendo
too soon.37

The HMA attempted to live up to Thomas's new, higher standard, but could not

maintain that level of performance. The quote is a fine example of Apthorp's high

standard of criticism.

Rather than listing ten years' worth of HMA programs, Apthorp simply listed

the most recent (Winter 1875), as well as Thomas's of the same time period. He

then offered one possible cause of the eventual demise of the HMA: programming.

New music was seldom heard at the HMA concerts. Apthorp noted that Dwight was

persistently antagonistic toward "Music of the Future," which some perhaps had

taken as an assault on Thomas himself. (Ironically, Thomas eventually lost a degree

of popularity because audiences felt he programmed too much new music and not

enough of the favorites.) That Dwight championed the HMA was no secret, since

he played a large role in its establishment and continuation. Indeed, he served as

its librarian for a number of years. After making his point, however, Apthorp

quickly set the record straight: "The all-sufficient cause is, as we have said already,

the great inferiority of the playing of the Harvard orchestra."3



37 Ibid., 757b.

38 Ibid., 757a. Like Dwight, Apthorp also had close ties to the Harvard Musical
Association. He served on its concert and program committee.








75

Of special interest is an article that appeared in Dwight's Journal (4 October

1873) entitled "What are Symphony Concerts for?" Apthorp made a direct response

two months later. The impetus was the beginning of the ninth season of the

Harvard Musical Association concerts. Dwight opened with a review of the original

purpose of the HMA Orchestra, "namely, to insure [sic], at stated times, year after

year, a hearing to those acknowledged masterworks of Symphony and other forms

of instrumental music, which, otherwise, amid so many money-seeking musical

competitors and caterers, are in much danger of neglect." He then decried concerts

that featured virtuosos, for the public was invariably interested only in their

execution and not in the music itself. While he noted that soloists were needed to

perform concertos of the masters and that singers added variety to programs,

"Beethoven and Mozart lose their place of honor."39

His second point was that it is not the duty of concerts to introduce music of

new composers--"These things they can safely leave to others." Rather, "Their chief

aim is to keep the standard master works from falling into disregard, to make Bach

and Handel, Haydn and Mozart and Beethoven, Schubert, Mendelssohn and

Schumann, and others worthy of such high championship, continually felt as a living

presence and blessed influences among us."40 Musicians may find the new music

interesting, "but it is not the way to educate the public, or establish any standard of

pure taste."41



39 Dwight's Journal, 4 Oct. 1873, 102b-c.
40 Ibid.

4' Ibid., 103a.










Dwight's final point was that orchestral virtuosity should not be the principal

focus, but that "Music is the first point; execution, or interpretation ... is the

second." Perfection of execution is to be esteemed, to be sure, but to Dwight the

music is paramount. Noting that Boston did not have an orchestra as good as

Thomas's, he felt it was worthwhile to "keep Beethoven with us."42 Noble and rich

programs would overshadow any shortcomings of performance.

In his reply, Apthorp remarked that Dwight's conservative point of view did

have an element of truth to it that is worthy of careful attention. He selected a few

choice quotes to recap Dwight's position. The first point that Apthorp took

exception to is whether new compositions could be safely left to others. "We do not

think that the introducing of new composers can as yet be safely left to others, and

it can hardly be doubted that the hearing of their works is now almost an artistic

necessity with many of us, especially the younger ones." Dwight was not raised in

a generation in which the music of Hector Berlioz, Franz Liszt, or Richard Wagner

was readily accepted, but Apthorp was. He specifically named Johannes Brahms,

Max Bruch, Charles Gounod, and Jules Massenet as composers whose works were

unheard in Boston. Without discarding the music of Dwight's masters, Apthorp and

his generation actively sought the new music, "not from mere curiosity, but from a

need to imbue ourselves thoroughly with the musical spirit of our own time."43 He

did not buy the philosophy of "none but the ancients can be classical." Even if a

contemporary composer may not achieve immortality (who of that generation could



42 Ibid.

43 Atlantic Monthly, Dec. 1873, 757a.










know?), at least the music would be fresh in its day, and it should be embraced for

the good in it while it is still fresh. That was Apthorp's philosophy.

Apthorp's reason why new music should not be left to others was if not us,

then who? But his main point was that new music was often treated more as

novelties than as serious compositions. Even the great Theodore Thomas, he

thought, puffed his concert programs with new music--"His chief object seems to be

to present as many novelties as possible." On the other hand, what would the

audience think if a piece by Bach or Handel or Mozart or Beethoven were

performed for the first time? New music should not be scheduled as a novelty but

as music, and "in a programme constructed upon some really artistic principle."44

Then, having heard a new piece, it should be performed once or twice during the

winter to become further acquainted with it. He noted that the concerts of the

Harvard Musical Association were "fitting and congenial" but that they needed to

expand their repertory to include contemporary music.

Concerning Dwight's concern that soloists stole the thunder from the masters,

Apthorp had a contrary viewpoint. He reminded his readers that "one of the prime

objects of a concerto is and ever has been to show off individual virtuosity and

highly developed technique," adding, "We are most of us inclined to take concertos,

especially the older ones, much too religiously."45 He further remarked that

composers of concertos imbued their music with all the "brilliance and astonishing

things" of the day. He explained that Handel wrote out all his vocal roulades to



44 Ibid., 757b.

45 Ibid., 758b.










outwrite [Giovanni] Buonnocini [sic, 1670-1747], and because he wanted to impress

his audience. "The only difference between him [Handel] and the mere

effect-composers is that he wrote good ones. Just so with Mozart!"4 W. A. Mozart,

he recalled, was trying to outdo Muzio Clementi and the Abbe Vogler as a pianist.

He cited Mozart's G major Concerto as an example, noting the "runs and flourishes."

(Dwight seldom referred to specific works in this manner to illustrate a point.) To

summarize how Apthorp differed from Dwight on the subject of concertos, Apthorp

asserted, "That there is in them something much higher and nobler than mere

virtuosity and bravura is most true, or else any Herz or Litolff concerto would be as

fine as they; but the virtuosity and bravura are distinctly there for all that."47

How do Dwight and Apthorp compare in the category of "old" music? The

Handel and Haydn Society performed J. S. Bach's St. Matthew Passion, conducted

by Carl Zerrahn, during Holy Week, 1876, and Dwight reported on the event in the

29 April 1876 issue of his Journal. Apthorp's remarks on the same performance

appeared in the Monthly for September 1876.

Dwight devoted the first half of his article primarily to individual movements

that had not been performed in two previous hearings of the work. To make room

for the additions, some movements were omitted, which he listed. "On the

performance on the whole, considering all the circumstances, we can hardly say too

much in praise."4 He referred to specific arias and choruses and commented on



4 Ibid., 758b-59a.

47 Ibid., 759a.

48 Dwight's Journal, 29 Apr. 1876, 222c.










clarity, tempo, and balance with instrumental soloists. For remarks on a

performance, there was still a good deal of comment on the music itself--he found

it difficult to treat the music and the performance separately. He proceeded to

mention several of the instrumental soloists by name and said that the solos "were

very nicely played." The vocal soloists were "creditable" considering that "hardly any

have been nurtured upon Bach." He did acknowledge that they were indeed "artists

in more modern styles of music."4

As might be expected, Dwight waxed eloquent on Bach's melodies: they are

"too serious, too quiet, too sincere, too devoid of modern effects, and it demands too

entire a self-surrendering of a singer, to make it readily appreciable to all, to any

who have not something in their nature that draws to it any innate affinity."

Henrietta Beebe sang the soprano role well, but neither her voice nor her culture

were "much in sympathy with Bach." Alto Hermine Rudersdorff had been steeped

in the Bach tradition, and she provided a "fine lesson for our singers," despite some

"unpleasant tones." Another alto, Laura Hastings, projected rich and large low

tones, but her delivery was "somewhat constrained and cold." Although bass John

F. Rudolphsen was praised for stepping in on short notice, there were no comments

specifically on his performance. Bass John Winch was in his best voice--"Bach

evidently has begun to gain possession of him." The most difficult part fell to the

tenor, William J. Winch, who sang "admirably with sweet, clear voice," although





49 Ibid., 223a.

50 Ibid.










he did simplify some of the recitatives. Finally, "Mr. [B. J.] Lang presided ably at

the organ."51

Apthorp apologized for postponing his remarks and noted that he had written

an article a few months earlier on how difficult it is to sing Bach.52 Although he did

not completely alter his position, he did remark, "It would seem that a good

performance of a Bach choral work is not so impossible as we had supposed." He

did not feel that the overall performance was resplendent, "but there were some few

isolated points in it that were superb."5 Foregoing the preliminaries that Dwight

highlighted concerning what arias and choruses were and were not sung, Apthorp

moved directly into the performance. (It should be noted that Dwight's article was

two large pages, Apthorp's only one medium page.)

First to be addressed was the singing of Mme. Rudersdorff. "It is safe to say

that nothing finer of the sort has ever been heard here." His praise was higher than

Dwight's here. Apthorp demonstrated his knowledge of music literature when he

said that to sing "Erbarme dich" is to a singer what playing the Adagio of

Beethoven's Piano Sonata, Op. 106, is to a pianist: "As the one touches the highest

point yet attained of tragic instrumental music, so is the other the highest expression

of the tragic element in song."54



51 Ibid., 223b.
52 See Atlantic Monthly, May 1876, 633ff. The comments grew out of a review
of an unsatisfactory performance of Bach's Magnificat by Sharland's Choral Society
and the Theodore Thomas Orchestra.

53 Ibid., Sept. 1876, 379b.

Ibid.










Second to Mme. Rudersdorff, to Apthorp, was the singing of William Winch

as the Evangelist. (Dwight did not identify the role, only the voice range. It is

possible that most of his readers knew that the Evangelist is a role for tenor.)

Apthorp noted that the recitatives are aided by thin accompaniments, thus allowing

the vocalist to sing naturally rather than with great effort. Hence, Winch was more

successful in the recitatives, stated Apthorp, than in the more orchestral airs. Noting

the difference demonstrates Apthorp's musical perception. Dwight made no such

distinction. Apthorp's remarks on John Winch, John F. Rudolphsen, and Miss

Beebe were brief and similar to Dwight's. In conclusion, then, whereas Dwight's

article spanned well over a long page, Apthorp's remarks, which were more

penetrating as regards the performance, occupied less than a single page.

If Apthorp demonstrated a keener sense of detail in "old" music, Dwight's

forte, it would be expected, then, that the difference between the two would be even

more pronounced when commenting on "new" music. To be sure, Dwight made no

remarks on several pieces of new music, notably, Franz Liszt's The Bells of the

Strasbourg Cathedral, to which Apthorp devoted nearly an entire article, including

substantial musical examples.5 In Dwight's defense, however, Apthorp's

commentary was not on a performance but was rather a literature review.56 Another

piece of new music, Wagner's Lohengrin, was performed by the Strakosch opera




5 Ibid., Sept. 1875, 377-82. See Note 25 above.

6 Apthorp's articles often contained reviews of songs, piano works, and other
musical pieces that had been sent from several publishers for that purpose. Dwight
did not make it a practice to review music, even though his Journal was published
by Oliver Ditson.










troupe, and Apthorp reviewed the performance in the March 1875 issue of the

Monthly. Dwight, sad to say, made no comment on this performance.

While the music of Wagner was generally highly regarded in Apthorp's

columns (a performance of his Kaiser Marsch did disappoint Apthorp), Dwight was

not very open to the "new" music. Dwight summarized his thoughts on the music of

Wagner in "Richard Wagner and his Theory of Music." Drawing on an article by

Richard Grant White that had appeared in Galaxy on a Wagner festival that had

taken place in England, including a "brilliant" performance of Lohengrin, Dwight

made reference to the "Wagner fever" that had gripped the people, a fever that

"must have its run, both there and elsewhere, for heaven knows how long, like all

fashions and the fevers which by turns possess and tyrannize the souls and tastes of

fickle, novelty-seeking men and women."5

Dwight then defended his efforts to "form a fair and candid estimate of what

he aimed at," translating from Wagner's writings, etc. After careful study of

Wagner's writings and hearings of his music, "We have arrived at some convictions

on the subject, which, though we cannot speak as a musician [emphasis added], do

spring from a sincere, earnest, lifelong love and loyalty to music."5 Briefly, Dwight

scoffed the idea that music is not valued for itself by Wagner and his followers, a

reference to Wagner's Gesamtkunstwerk. Dwight wondered if a painting would have

to be wed to sculpture to have meaning. He then questioned whether Wagner

treated opera as an "arbitrary product" instead of "a necessary outgrowth from the



7 Dwight's Journal, 27 June 1874, 254b.

58 Ibid.








83

very nature both of music and the human soul."5 Dwight's argument is questionable

here. Rather than view Wagner's dramas as reform operas, as Wagner did, Dwight

could see only that they were not in sympathy with opera's "best and purest models."

Dwight's next question concerned Wagner's subject matter. It seems that if

historical and human subjects, if the heroes of the Greek dramas were good enough

for Christoph W. Gluck (1714-87), they should be good enough for Wagner. None

of these Odins, Thors, Walkurie maidens, or Nibelungen trilogy. Dwight seemed to

have forgotten that Wagner's Flying Dutchman was indeed based on an age-old

legend and that Die Meistersinger von Nirnberg highlighted an actual figure in

Germany's musical heritage, Hans Sachs. And what of the love of Tristan and

Isolde? What could possibly be more human? "Isolde!--Tristan! geliebter" is one

of the most famous love duets in opera literature. Dwight completed his raking of

Wagner's operas with a broadside against Wagner's concept of endless melody and

his huge orchestration.

Apthorp did not defend Wagner's theories in the Monthly per se. His article

on Wagner's Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen summarized Wagner's views in

a manner that did not heap coals upon him but rather presented them in a

forthright, even-tempered style. It is clear that Apthorp was not chastising Wagner

but was agreeing with him. He carefully explained Wagner's concept of music and

poetry, using choice quotations. "He says: 'The mistake in the art-form of the opera

has been, that the means of expression (the music) has been made the end of

expression, and the end of expression (the drama) the means.' According to


59 Ibid., 255a.








84

Wagner, music in its highest form is the outgrowth and necessary complement of

poetry." Nevertheless, "in spite of his theories, much of his music has a purely

musical, not a dramatic or poetical basis." Apthorp pointed out that no truly

innovative artist of any genre will take off in a new direction unless he has "tried the

old beaten path and found it too narrow."6

As regards subject matter, in The Opera Past and Present Apthorp referred to

Die Meistersinger as "an inspiration, it came right out of the blue; no rummaging

about among musty old myths was needed to make that!6' In that same work he

reminded his readers that in melding text and music Wagner went back to the very

roots of opera, to the Florentine Camerata. Apthorp clearly saw the past and the

future, those two diverging roads, and he chose the one less traveled. Dwight's lot

was to take the path more traveled, and that has made all the difference.

Having addressed both "old" and "new" music, there remains American music.

American composers struggled to gain acceptance within the music world. The high

spirit that impelled society was also evident in many of their works, for which they

were criticized as being too spontaneous and undeveloped. Apthorp included in

many of his articles reviews of new music, including songs by Francis Boott and

Julius Eichberg (as well as numerous Europeans) and piano works by Stephen

Emory, William Mason, and Louis M. Gottschalk.2



60 Atlantic Monthly, Feb. 1874, 253a-b, 254a.

61 William Foster Apthorp, The Opera Past and Present: An Historical Sketch
(New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1901), 163.
62 Apthorp's reviews are included in Appendix C, "Index of Topics, Musicians,
and Music Reviewed in the Atlantic Monthly, 1872-1877."








85
One of the most prominent American composers of the nineteenth century

was composer/pianist Louis M. Gottschalk (1829-69). Apthorp included several

entries on Gottschalk, but during the same period (1872-77) Dwight paid him no

mind. To Dwight, Gottschalk was perhaps the best example of the American

"spontaneous and underdeveloped" composer, which interested him not in the least.

Apthorp, on the other hand, recognized the talent and energy of Gottschalk. His

Cdlbre Tarantelle de Bravura received a substantial review by Apthorp.63

Two other noteworthy Americans that received significant attention by both

Apthorp and Dwight were Dudley Buck (1839-1909) and John Knowles Paine

(1839-1906). Several works by Buck were reviewed by Apthorp, including his short

Te Deum in Eb; Te Deum in b with Benedictus in E, Op. 58; Te Deum in C, Op. 60;

Forty-sixth Psalm; The Legend of Don Munio, Op. 62; and the Centennial Meditation

of Columbia cantata. There were only two works by Paine that Apthorp discussed:

St. Peter oratorio and Symphony No. 1. Buck's Centennial Meditation and Paine's St.

Peter will be considered here.

In Philadelphia there was a celebration in honor of the first centennial of the

American nation. Richard Wagner composed Centennial March for the event, and

Dudley Buck composed his Centennial Meditation of Columbia, for chorus and

orchestra, for the inaugural ceremonies in Philadelphia, 10 May 1876. Apthorp's

comments on the music appeared in the July 1876 issue of the Monthly." His

opening statement was: "Mr. Dudley Buck's Centennial Cantata is a very favorable



63 Atlantic Monthly, Mar. 1875, 380f.

4 A review of the performance appeared in the Atlantic Monthly, Jan. 1877.








86

example of the composer's style. Anything other than a masterly treatment of easily

melodious and dramatically pertinent themes, coming from his facile pen, would

have surprised us."65 He then launched into a discussion of the text by Sidney

Lanier, which was criticized to such an extent by numerous writers that Lanier wrote

a letter to the editor of the Philadelphia Tribune to defend his work.6

Apthorp began by highlighting the points that Lanier made in his defense and

basically had no argument with him, except on one point. Acknowledging Lanier's

sincerity, Apthorp was opposed to his idea that poetry written for music need no

longer be perfectly clear, smooth, and natural. Lanier felt that music was an

indistinct medium, but Apthorp argued that "the syllables 'zig, zig, zig' cannot

possibly be made impressive in non-musical utterance."67 And even if music did

make the text vague, then all the more reason to make the text as clear as possible.

Apthorp recalled to mind the vocal works of Beethoven (Shiller's "Ode to Joy" in his

Ninth Symphony), Wagner (operas), William Sterndale Bennett (1816-75, Coleridge's

Ancient Mariner), and Hans von Billow (Uhland's "Sangers Fluch" in his ballad for

orchestra Des Sangers Fluch, Op. 16). Again, his knowledge of musical literature

was vast, and he used that knowledge to make clear his point.

Apthorp concluded his remarks with a few observations on the character of

Buck's music, praising it for keeping with the spirit of the text. Because the poem




65 Atlantic Monthly, July 1876, 122f.

6 The letter was addressed New York, 10 May 1876, and was printed in Dwight's
Journal, 10 June 1876, 242f.

67 Atlantic Monthly, July 1876, 123b.








87
was more dramatic, in the "Liszt-Wagner style," than fitting for the more melodious

style of Buck, there were some instances where the total effect was unconvincing.

For example, Apthorp noted one quatrain, the first three lines of which concluded

with the exclamation "away!" Apthorp noted that the whole chorus shrieked on the

first "away!" but that on the next two lines that effect was lost. Nevertheless,

"musically considered, the cantata is a capital piece of writing."6 Buck's tendency

toward the "trivial and commonplace" were mentioned, but he was not chastised.

Apthorp then selected two examples, a bass solo and a fugal chorus, to highlight

Buck's successful cantata.

Considering that Buck's Centennial Meditation was an important work for its

time and place, Dwight did not use his own words to describe it. In the 8 July 1876

issue of his Journal he printed Apthorp's article from the July Atlantic Monthly.6

Earlier, in the May 27 issue, Dwight printed an article from the Philadelphia Tribune

that highlighted the centennial music, including Buck's cantata. The following

month, June 10, Dwight published Lanier's reply to his critics.70 But he did not

make known his own opinion of the work.

The final work to be discussed is the St. Peter oratorio, for SATB soloists,

chorus, and orchestra, by John Knowles Paine, composed in Boston in 1872. The

premiere performance took place not in any of the musical meccas of the young



68 Ibid., 124b.

69 Apthorp's comments on Buck's Centennial Meditation were copied in toto,
including the footnote reference to the cantata. Dwight made only four innocuous
editorial changes.
70 See Note 66.








88
nation but in Portland, Maine, 3 June 1873. (Portland was Paine's birthplace.) The

choir was composed of local residents, but the soloists were well known in Boston:

Mrs. Wetherbee (of Portland), Matilda Phillips, George Osgood, and John

Rudolphsen. Apthorp made no specific mention of the orchestra or the director,

although sufficient clues revealed that the orchestra was comprised of Boston

musicians and that the entire ensemble was conducted by Paine.

It seems that there was a flurry of commentaries on the work before it was

even performed. Having only a piano/vocal score to study (as did all the other

critics), Apthorp was reluctant to state an opinion until he heard the work. But an

article in the February 13 issue of The Nation that cast St. Peter in an unfavorable

light finally spurred him to speak out. He chastised critics for commenting on a

work based only on a piano/vocal score, noting that only "exceptional men, gifted

with exceptional musical insight, may find hints of something beyond this [technical

musicianship] in a piano-forte score, and may arrive inductively at very shrewd

conclusions as to the aesthetic value of the work."71 Robert Schumann, he noted,

was such an exception, recalling Schumann's remarks on Franz Liszt's piano

arrangement of Hector Berlioz's Symphonie Fantastique.72 All the average critic

could do, he chided, was to discern technical details and compare them with "some



71 Atlantic Monthly, Apr. 1873, 507a. On Apthorp's view on inductive reasoning,
see "Music and Science" (Ch. 6, "Musicians and Music-Lovers"), 234ff.

72 Apthorp did stretch the point here, since a piano/vocal score and a
transcription for piano of a work are quite different. The former is for rehearsal,
the latter for performance. For more of Apthorp's opinion on working from a
piano/vocal score, see the discussion on the court litigation related to the
performance of Charles Gounod's The Redemption in Chapter 4, "Boston Evening
Transcript," 144ff.








89
ideal standard in his own mind of what an oratorio ought to be."73 The Nation

writer would also have melodies fall into symmetrical phrases, which affords the

singer the greatest passion while offering the average listener complete repose.

Such "sentimentality" in religious music was rebuked by Apthorp.74 Again, Apthorp

defended Paine, because "earnest musicians do not write music for the 'average

listener.'"75

The article in The Nation went on to find fault in the text, declaring it want

in emotion. Apthorp cited several lines from the work to illustrate how emotional,

in fact, it was. Criticism of one particular phrase, "Awake, thou that sleepest; arise

from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light. The darkness is past, and the true

light now shineth," received this reply from Apthorp: "Unemotional! Has The

Nation's appetite for emotion become so jaded that these things leave it calm and

unmoved?"76 Denial, repentance, and Pentecost--the rushing, mighty wind, the flame

that danced on the disciples' tongues, the speaking in tongues--were specifically

noted: "What better chance for dramatic musical writing could the veriest sensational

effect-seeker desire?"77

Apthorp's final thrust came in response to The Nation's remark that St. Peter

"was too devotional, too monotonous in its emotional range, to serve as an



73 Atlantic Monthly, Apr. 1873, 507a.

74 See his article in the Atlantic Monthly, Jan. 1873, 118f.
75 Ibid., Apr. 1873, 508b.

76 Ibid., 507b.

7 Ibid., 508a.










amusement [emphasis added]." "But whoever thought of an oratorio in the light of

an amusement?" He assured his readers that Paine did not intend St. Peter to be

amusing. Comments in The Nation on oratorios by Mendelssohn, how they are both

melodious and religious, were summarily put to rest, as well. Apthorp saw nothing

distinctly religious in "He watching over Israel" and "Blessed are the men that fear

Him" from Elijah; they were "nothing but the purely sensuous development of a

sensuously beautiful melody."78

Apthorp had high praise for the work and for the premiere performance,

calling it the "great event of the season. .. [It] is the first direct proof we have had

of the existence of creative musical genius in this country."79 The chorus was from

Portland, as was the soprano soloist; the other three soloists and the orchestra were

from Boston. The entire ensemble was conducted by Paine. Calling it "unwise" to

compare St. Peter with established treasures as Handel's Messiah and Mendelssohn's

Elijah and St Paul, he nevertheless placed St. Peter on the pinnacle of American

choral music. He also noted that America had yet to hear Paine's Mass in D, which

was premiered in Berlin, a comment, perhaps on "our best-known choral

associations"?

Apthorp's analysis of the work was rather technical but was closely tied to the

text. This served two purposes: (1) to be as precise as possible, and (2) to make it

easier to follow. If the reader did not know what a second subject is, for example,

the references to the music would be of great assistance, and the reader may be able



78 Ibid., 508a-b.

79 Ibid., Aug. 1873, 248a.










to discern the meaning of "second subject" from hearing the work and following the

analysis. To illustrate,

After a short melody by the wind instruments, accompanied by a rapid
upward movement of strings, the dominant chord of C major asserts
itself, being repeated, with sundry inversions, through a dozen bars,
and leading directly into the triumphant and majestic chorus, "The
time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of heaven is at hand."8

Apthorp was being informative to both the musically literate and the novice.

His analysis (just over two pages) followed the work step by step. Aware that

some moments were especially moving, Apthorp restrained himself from waxing

poetic, "lest it should be supposed that our enthusiasm has got the better of our

sober judgment."81 He also knew that his readers were knowledgeable of other

great choral works, as by Bach, Handel, and Mendelssohn, and he made occasional

comparisons where they served the purpose. He also noted traditions in such

large-scale choral works and where Paine remained in accordance with these

traditions. Too, there were some usual practices that annoyed him, and he pointed

these out as well. For example, "The cadence prepared by the 6-4 chord, now

become so hackneyed from its perpetual and wearisome repetition in popular church

music, seems to be especially disliked by Mr. Paine, as it occurs but once or twice

in the course of the work."82 He then launched into a brief discussion of various

types of cadences, together with their strengths and weaknesses. Thus, he was





80 Ibid., 248b.

81 Ibid., 249a.
82 Ibid., 250b.








92

furthering the musical knowledge of musical novices and reviewing known material

for the enlightened. It also clearly demonstrates his attention to detail.

The final page (out of four) of Apthorp's entry was devoted to the

performance itself. He praised the choral society of Portland for its dynamics and

precision: "The Portland singers can easily teach the Handel and Haydn a quarter's

lessons."8 The only fault he found in the chorus was its diminutive size, of one

hundred twenty-five voices, where a chorus of six hundred would have achieved the

effect that Paine intended.

The soloists (named) were admirable, although he felt that Wetherbee, the

soprano, was too enthusiastic. She apparently sang along in the choruses, as well,

robbing her of endurance to finish the work in full voice. Apthorp had the harshest

words for the orchestra: the brass blared, the hautboy [oboe] whined, and the strings

scraped. In the defense of the performance, he noted inaccurately copied parts (his

eyes and ears for detail even went that far), as well as the difficulties of rehearsing

the chorus in Portland and the orchestra in Boston.

As significant an American work as Paine's St. Peter was, Dwight did not

make a first-hand report of the premiere. Rather, he printed entries in his Journal

from other sources. Comments in the 17 May 1873 issue of his Journal were taken

from the New York World of March 31, and remarks on the premiere performance

that appeared in his 14 June 1873 issue were taken from the Portland Press of

June 4. It was not until a year later, when the oratorio was performed for the first


83 Ibid., 251a.




Full Text
73
Union. Dwight said nothing of how the HMA sounded, which Apthorp did.
Apthorp found the performances of the Orchestral Union "very rough, but not
without a certain enthusiasm and unity of purpose."3* On the actual founding of
the HMA, Apthorp let Dwight speak for him, quoting from Dwights Journal of
9 December 1865 (one of the few times that Apthorp did not speak for himself,
although the style is entirely like his own).
Ever the critic, Apthorp commented that "Some of the airs of J. S. Bachs
Passion-Music were given, and very unsatisfactorily given, leaving the most dreary
impression on the public.36 The HMA was too precious to Dwight for him to speak
anything other than praise.
Apthorp took a step that Dwight perhaps found irrelevant: he compared the
HMA concerts with those of the Theodore Thomas Orchestra. Again, Apthorp
included a quote from Dwights Journal (9 Nov. 1869) that called attention to the
superiority of New York orchestras, including Mr. Thomass. Apthorp continued the
narrative on the quality of the Thomas Orchestra and how the HMA orchestra
measured up. Boston soon came to expect the precision and attention to detail of
the Thomas Orchestra, and the HMA group soon fell into disfavor because it did
not keep stride. As usual, Apthorp made reference to specific compositions to
illustrate his point. In this case he singled out Robert Schumanns Traumerei as
performed by the Theodore Thomas Orchestra, which made a deep impression for
their pianissimo effect. Apthorp closed his article with some comments from the
36 Ibid., June 1875, 754a.
36 Ibid., 755a.


32
of the actual and whispers to us dim secrets that startle our wonder as to who we
are."17
The role of music in this society was extremely important. These men were
seeking a better world, if only in their minds. Money and power had become the
idol of society, due largely to the Industrial Revolution, and "it was the holy mission
of music to remedy the defect by familiarizing men with the beautiful and the
infinite."18 Just as music in worship brought the people closer to God by the its
sheer beauty, so music would improve the aesthetic, moral, and spiritual values of
society.
But not any music-only great music. Pure musicsince greatness was in the
music itself and not in any association with words-and the works of Bach, Handel,
Mozart, and especially Beethoven withstood this trial by fire. Perhaps it would be
more illustrative to describe music that was not great than to discern the infinity of
"great music.
Dwight scorned virtuosity. "All vain musical display and sounding
advertisement, all bravura and mere music of effect, is false in Art."19 Too, "When
perfect execution becomes so indispensable to true enjoyment of great music, we
begin to have our doubts about the quality, the depth of the enjoyment."20 Indeed,
17 Lowens, Music and Musicians, 262. Lowens cites Hopkins, ibid. The quote
is from The Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson (1838).
18 Ibid., 256; Fertig, "Transcendentalist," 35.
19 Dwights Journal, 18 May 1873, 239a.
20 Ibid., 26 June 1875, 47b.


91
to discern the meaning of "second subject from hearing the work and following the
analysis. To illustrate,
After a short melody by the wind instruments, accompanied by a rapid
upward movement of strings, the dominant chord of C major asserts
itself, being repeated, with sundry inversions, through a dozen bars,
and leading directly into the triumphant and majestic chorus, "The
time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of heaven is at hand.80
Apthorp was being informative to both the musically literate and the novice.
His analysis (just over two pages) followed the work step by step. Aware that
some moments were especially moving, Apthorp restrained himself from waxing
poetic, "lest it should be supposed that our enthusiasm has got the better of our
sober judgment."8' He also knew that his readers were knowledgeable of other
great choral works, as by Bach, Handel, and Mendelssohn, and he made occasional
comparisons where they served the purpose. He also noted traditions in such
large-scale choral works and where Paine remained in accordance with these
traditions. Too, there were some usual practices that annoyed him, and he pointed
these out as well. For example, "The cadence prepared by the 6-4 chord, now
become so hackneyed from its perpetual and wearisome repetition in popular church
music, seems to be especially disliked by Mr. Paine, as it occurs but once or twice
in the course of the work."82 He then launched into a brief discussion of various
types of cadences, together with their strengths and weaknesses. Thus, he was
80 Ibid., 248b.
81 Ibid., 249a.
82 Ibid., 250b.


164
As an editor, he published The Musical Year-Book of the United States, which was
an annual compilation of musical activities across America.
In 1892 Wilson left Boston for Chicago, where he continued his musical
activities.9 His departure left open the editorship of the program notes for the
Boston Symphony Orchestra, and the task fell to William Foster Apthorp. He
passed the work on to Philip Hale nine years later.
General Comparison
It is quite interesting to compare the notes on the same musical selections by
these three writers: Wilson, Apthorp, and Hale. The most obvious distinction is the
steady spiral toward accurate information that would be both informative and
interesting to the concert-goers. Here it is clear to see that Apthorps notes were
more complete and interesting than Wilsons. There are distinct differences in the
listing of titles of works and composers names, citing others writings, using foreign
phrases, and identifying various dates. Their writings fall into two distinct categories:
background information, and analyses of works.
An important educational function of the program guide was the inclusion of
an analysis of each work performed on the concert. This was especially useful for
members of the audience that were not intimately familiar with the music; the
analysis gave them a chance to follow along with the music. As might be expected,
9 For more on Wilsons activities in Chicago and then Pittsburgh, see Philo
Adams Otis, The Chicago Symphony Orchestra: Its Organization, Growth, and
Development (Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1972; reprint of 1924
edition).


151
suggested that further study may reveal that the symphony was indeed more mature
than the overture. He affirmed that the composer should be proud of his work, and
he encouraged the young Chadwick to continue his career.
Johannes Brahms. Symphony No. 3 in F major (18831
Like Chadwicks opus, Brahmss Third Symphony presents an opportunity to
address a premiere performance. Brahmss symphony received its Boston debut on
8 November 1884 by the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Wilhelm Gericke conducting.
Since Brahmss music was already familiar to Bostonians, reviewers did not shy away
from a first hearing.
With the death of Wagner the previous year and the works of Gustav Mahler
and Richard Strauss yet looming just over the horizon, Brahms was the composer in
whom dilettantes were most interested. His music cast many listeners into a
confused stupor, as his style of development was too intricate for most of them to
discern. Being familiar with Brahmss first two symphonies, the third was more
palatable. Nevertheless, the critic for the Daily Advertiser wrote a sizeable paragraph
on the difficulties of perceiving Brahmss music, especially because of his
developments and polyphony. By contrast, individual lines in the chorale preludes
by Bach were easy to pick out and follow. "When he [Brahms] shall at last make up
his mind to say one thing at a time, supporting it, indeed, with richness and variety,
Brahms will have gained greatly upon his present position as artist and entertainer
[emphasis added]."93
93
Boston Daily Advertiser, 10 Nov. 1884, 4.


89
ideal standard in his own mind of what an oratorio ought to be."73 The Nation
writer would also have melodies fall into symmetrical phrases, which affords the
singer the greatest passion while offering the average listener complete repose.
Such "sentimentality" in religious music was rebuked by Apthorp.74 Again, Apthorp
defended Paine, because "earnest musicians do not write music for the average
listener."75
The article in The Nation went on to find fault in the text, declaring it want
in emotion. Apthorp cited several lines from the work to illustrate how emotional,
in fact, it was. Criticism of one particular phrase, "Awake, thou that sleepest; arise
from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light. The darkness is past, and the true
light now shineth, received this reply from Apthorp: "Unemotional! Has The
Nations appetite for emotion become so jaded that these things leave it calm and
unmoved?"76 Denial, repentance, and Pentecost-the rushing, mighty wind, the flame
that danced on the disciples tongues, the speaking in tongueswere specifically
noted: "What better chance for dramatic musical writing could the veriest sensational
effect-seeker desire?"77
Apthorps final thrust came in response to The Nations remark that St. Peter
"was too devotional, too monotonous in its emotional range, to serve as an
73 Atlantic Monthly, Apr. 1873, 507a.
74 See his article in the Atlantic Monthly, Jan. 1873, 118f.
75 Ibid., Apr. 1873, 508b.
76 Ibid., 507b.
77 Ibid., 508a.


229
Reminding his readers that a creative genius is one who gives to the world
without regard for the consequences, Apthorp claimed that Robert Franz (1815-92)
was distinctly a creative genius, a man of progress. Franz carried the German lied
to its "highest known pitch of perfection by fusing the lyrical quality of Schubert
with the emotional shades of Schumann. His songs have an "unforced felicity of
cadence and expression, that wholesome out-of-door freshness, that refinement
without priggishness, warmth without feverishness, above all that native reverence
for purity and beauty, that we find in the English love poems of Elizabeths day. No
lover can be too passionate to sing them, no maid too pure to hear them."62
Whereas Apthorp gave his audience an impression of Otto Dresel the man,
there is no such background on Robert Franz. Rather, he plunged directly into
discussing Franz the musician. From several letters from Franz (excerpts of which
are included) the critic inferred that Franz was persuaded that all forms of music,
save the lied, had been sufficiently worked out. He characterized Franzs songs as
being in his own unique bel canto style, a style that many singers of their day were
yet incapable of rendering convincingly.53
In addition to perfecting the lied, Franz also busied himself in an entirely
different field of musical endeavor in which considerable work needed to be done:
additional accompaniments. Apthorp recalled hearing Dresel remark that
completing the musical scores of Bach and Handel was the highest task left for
52 Ibid., 221.
63 Apthorp was so taken by Franzs songs that he edited fifty of them for low
voice. See Appendix B, "Writings of William Foster Apthorp."


241
The essays on Meyerbeer and Offenbach, naturally, rightfully belong in
courses on opera history, as well as general courses in which these notable
composers are discussed, especially regarding their influence. Apthorps approach
here is more lively than what is commonly found in textbooks, and any student will
find it more interesting. Admittedly, the essays on Franz, Dresel, Dwight, and music
criticism are of limited interest and should probably be reserved for graduate
seminars on American music, music criticism, etc.
Although the essay "Music and Science is also of limited interest, reserved
for research courses, the idea of how we go about research is of great importance.
Even if a student has a idea in mind at the beginning of a research endeavor, that
student should keep an open mind to the possibility that the original thesis may be
flawed. It is easy to ignore or rearrange evidenceconsciously or notin an attempt
to demonstrate the verity of an idea. It is apparent throughout Apthorps entire
oeuvre that he was well versed in the facts salient to the topic at hand and that his
ideas were based on those facts. This lesson is vitally important to college students
today.


135
may have all sorts of minor faults, but she knows admirably well how to emphasize
and make clear the dramatic import of both music and situation.62
Another example is in reference to Maria Peri, who was a last-minute
substitute for the indisposed Signora Damerini. Both reviewers commented on her
slight voice but that she was up to the task. The Daily Advertiser critic added, "She
was always natural and easy, and sang and acted with complete, if quiet,
intelligence," that is, she was up to the task and nothing more. Apthorp was more
generous: "We know not when we have heard the duets in the third act, and the
closing scene in act iv, more soulfully and artistically sung."63
Finally, regarding the audience, the critic for the Daily Advertiser said that it
"was of good size and character and exhibited its pleasure in the most demonstrative
fashion." Apthorp pulled his readers into the opera house with his description of the
audiences reaction to the electric performance: "Knowing old hands whom a long
succession of opera seasons had sodden into a state of dignified apathy, suddenly
recovered all the ardor of youthful enthusiasm, and clapped, stamped and shouted
in a way to put the veriest ragamuffin in the gallery to shame, at times springing to
their feet that the frenzy of their delight might find unshackled expression."64
Camille Saint-Sans. Danse Macabre (18751
Apthorp was the kind of writer who commented on whatever struck him the
most, whether an aspect of the music, the performance, or some other item. This
62 Boston Evening Transcript, 10 Dec. 1884, 4.
63 Boston Daily Advertiser, loc. cit.; Boston Evening Transcript, loc. cit.
64 Boston Evening Transcript, loc. cit.


21
illustrious writings of Hector Berlioz (1803-69) and Richard Wagner (1813-83) are
missing. Likewise, Cannon, Johnson, and Waites The Art of Music mentions
Schumanns newspaperin parenthesesbut there is no discussion of any other music
critics.31 It is no surprise, then, that music criticism in America is omitted. In
another popular text, the Schirmer History of Music, there is a section, "The Rise of
Music Criticism," devoted to the topic, but there is little here that is not in Grout,
and there is still nothing on music criticism in America.32
The most glaring deficiency is in Paul Henry Langs Music in Western
Civilization. His discussion of music criticism in Europe is more detailed than most
texts and includes more writers. Of particular interest is a remark on John S.
Dwight: "After his journal ceased publication, he joined the staff of the Boston
Transcript as its first music critic."33 This contrary to the facts. From 1874 to 1881
an assistant editor, Edward H. Clement, took care of dramatic and musical subjects,
but William Foster Apthorp was added to the staff of the Boston Evening Transcript
in 1881, as was Francis H. Jenks, to "devote their whole attention to the subject."
Apthorp concentrated on music and theater, while Jenks spent more of his time on
administrative matters, as well as "everything that Mr. Apthorp did not choose to
31 Beekman Cannon, Alvin Johnson, and William Waite, The Art of Music: A
Short History of Musical Styles and Ideas (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company,
1960), 357.
32 Rosentiel, Schirmer History of Music, 592f.
33 Paul Henry Lang, Music in Western Civilization (New York: W. W. Norton,
1941), 983. The last issue of Dwights Journal appeared 3 Sept. 1881.


257
cognizable and keenly felt."24 Apthorps math professor certainly would have been
proud of this imaginative application of a math principle in an artists palette.
Some of Apthorps entractes contained anecdotes from the music world.
One example will suffice. In a New York concert of the 1875-76 season Hans von
Btilow was the featured pianist. Is seems that, like the "warm-up" acts of today in
which a lesser-known artist or group performs before the main attraction, von Blow
was preceded by "an absolutely terrible (schrecklich) songstress" who "scorched the
ears of the audience with an equally terrible song. Von Blow made his entrance,
seated himself at the piano, and began to play the passage from Beethovens Ninth
Symphony "Brothers, no longer these tones, but let us strike up other and more
joyful ones! The audience caught on quickly, "and the hall fairly shook with
mingled hand-clapping and laughter."25
The final section of Volume 2 is entitled "Gleanings from the Court Library
in Utopia." These are, for the most part, short quotations, many presumably by
fictitious characters, including Kyon Chronogenes, Pleuthro Papyrun, and Diogene
Cavafiaschetto. In all cases, the author and source were cited. Although they were
often used as filler, some of Apthorps monthly entractes consisted of nothing but
these "gleanings. They always had something to say about the arts or something
related, and they provided food for thought, conversational trinkets, enlightenment,
24 Ibid., 129.
25 Ibid., 29, 30.
etc.


34
Dwight pondered what such a culture would be without art, and what form
of art better meets the needs of the people and is more available than music? "The
great music came in then because it was in full affinity with the best thoughts stirring
in fresh, earnest souls." The music of Beethoven, Handel, and Mozart was eagerly
accepted by "these believing ones, who would not have belief imposed upon them,
who cared more for life than doctrine, and to whom it was a prime necessity of heart
and soul to make life genial.' Still, a precise definition of "great" is remiss. Dwights
point, simply, was that "the great music has been so much followed and admired
here, not by reason of any great musical knowledge in the said followers, not
because we have any technical musicianship or proper musicality, but purely because
the music was great, deep, true, making itself felt as such; we love the music for the
great life that is in it."23
Whether he knew it or not, Dwight was completely absorbed in the general
philosophic tone of the nineteenth century, that of neo-Platoists such as Immanuel
Kant (1724-1804) and Georg W. F. Hegel (1770-1831). Kant espoused that we can
know only our reality, which we experience through our senses. We are certain of
existence beyond our experience, so using what we do know we can reason the rest,
this world of idea. There is, then, a higher truth than human intelligence. Moral
integrity is achieved, since we believe in the existence of such ideals-God and
freedom, for instancewhen we are impelled to behave as if they were real. That
is, we create our own existence, as opposed to existential thought. Furthermore,
since our minds basically think in the same manner, knowledge is universal. These
23
Ibid., 323b, 323-24, 325a.


69
instruments. Apthorp spoke highly of the establishment of the school and expected
a great deal of it.26 Dwight made no mention of the event.
Turning to matters that both Dwight and Apthorp addressed, let us begin
with Patrick S. Gilmores World Peace Jubilee and International Musical Festival of
1872 (the first was the National Peace Jubilee, 1869). Dwights entries were
threefold, occupying fifteen columns (each at slightly over ten inches in length) of
print that became very fine at the very end-fourteen lines per inch!-that it is
advisable to use a magnifying glass to read. Apthorp, on the other hand, devoted
only a single issue, September 1872, to the event, totaling just over six columns (each
at slightly over seven inches). In Dwights first entry he discussed the outer aspects
of the festival, emphasizing that it was primarily a business venture. He questioned
whether it was indeed an art jubilee, a music jubilee, or even a peace jubilee.
Besides, just what is a "peace" jubilee? He also was curious as to whose jubilee it
wasGilmores, Bostons, or the nations. Dwight detailed the numbers of
instruments, voices, bands, and the coliseum audience. Apthorp, too, remarked on
the business end of the festival, noting that "Art in any shape can nowhere live
without money. . We poor art-lovers and artists should be only too thankful when
men who have the means think it worth their while to invest in art-stock instead of
in railway bonds."27 While Dwight decried the festival as a business venture,
Apthorp, recognizing that artists, too, need money for sustenance, was encouraged
26 Ibid., Mar. 1873, 376.
27 Ibid., 376a-b.


106
added, "Her voice, neither very strong nor particularly resonant, has a peculiar purity
of tone, and yields adequately to her pressure in expressive delivery."11 This reader
was always left with a feeling that the performance was very good, but . .
The writer was fearless. For example, it was said of the famous Adelina Patti,
when she appeared in Boston in March 1882, that "the prima donna has made but
a very small impression considering the greatness of her talents and her gifts." There
was a "certain reluctance and coldness in what praise was bestowed by the critics.12
For comparison, Apthorp was careful not to critique the performance, since the
operas in which she appeared were presented in the cavernous Mechanics Hall,
which Apthorp explained was too large for a good hearing. Noting that the soul had
been stripped of the body of the music, he added, "This column of the Transcript
does not deal in autopsies. Of Pattis singing, he proclaimed that her last cadenza
in the second act "was positively the most astounding piece of vocal virtuosity that
we have ever heard come from human throat."13
In one article the writer for the Advertiser described two types of Boston
Symphony Orchestra concerts: those that emphasized musical enjoyment, with
novelty subordinate, and those that emphasized novelty, with musical enjoyment
subordinate. Having made this distinction, concerts thereafter were often labeled
as of one type or the other. This is rather unique among critics. Finally, the writer
was prone to sentences of extraordinary length.
11 Ibid., 25 Dec. 1882, 2.
12 Ibid., 27 Mar. 1882, 4.
13 Boston Evening Transcript, 24 Mar. 1882.


150
acknowledged the audiences warm reception of the symphony, "but the enthusiasm
manifested was more than deserved." Although it is an "interesting, original,
brilliant" work, it nevertheless "plainly shows the youth of the composer. Comment
was then made on each movement in turn. (Movement markings were included.)
Chadwicks immaturity seemed evident in the first movement, "the most scientific in
its scheme of the four parts." The problem was not in Chadwicks musical ideas, of
which he had many, but in their development, resulting in blurred form. The second
and third movements were both praised and criticized for specific musical elements.
The finale was "the most remarkable movement of the symphony," with its wealth
of original ideas, and "the authors vigorous constructive ability was constantly
vindicated."9'
Since this was a first hearing, and as he had not had the opportunity to study
the score beforehand, Apthorp was more careful in his column: "To judge a work of
the pretensions and importance of a symphony by any writer, on a single hearing, is
hardly safe." In general, Apthorp found the themes "modest and graceful, and the
orchestral treatment is refined and discreet." He specifically remarked on
Chadwicks orchestral color, which was used with "careful judgment, it being the
evident intention of the composer to employ it solely for the purpose of bringing its
forms into fine relief, and to be neither lavish nor niggardly of his resources.92
Noting that the symphony showed no "great advance on Chadwicks Rip Van Winkle
overture, since the two works were composed at nearly the same time, Apthorp
91 Boston Daily Advertiser, 24 Feb. 1882, 5.
92 Boston Evening Transcript, 24 Feb. 1882, 1.


102
Davenport" made her debut. To Clement, Bianca Lablanche, "as she is called, after
the absurd and transparent operatic fashion," was "not a remarkable artist in any
respect, but a very pleasing one."5
When able to express himself more freely, Clement was not reticent to phrase
an adverse reaction to a work. For example, when the Harvard Philharmonic
Society performed Berliozs Symphonie Fantastique, he clearly did not like it.
"Berlioz was a man beyond his depth in the composition of a work on a grand scale
too light-headed, incoherent, fussy, nervous, and constantly dropping or modifying
his purpose-at once too flighty and too much concerned with petty detail."
Regarding Berliozs use of the ide fixe (the melody), Clement regarded it
indecipherable unless the score had been studied beforehand. Lost midway through
the opening movement, the audience remained in a stupor until the second
movement, the Bal, which was "very insipid and rococo when compared, as it
inevitably is, with the popular Strauss waltz." He felt that the story would have been
easier to follow if the audience had cue cards. Nevertheless, for those interested in
new music, Symphonie Fantastique "was perhaps worth while for once."6
What information did Clement include in this columns that aided the reader
in reliving the performance? His reviews were short and direct, covering the
essentials of program and principals succinctly. Seldom were complete names of
5 Ibid., 4 Feb. 1880, 1. Clement, perhaps, was merely sparing himself from
possible retribution.
6 Ibid., 13 Feb. 1880, 1. It is curious that in 1880, fifty years after Symphonie
Fantastique was composed, and after Franz Liszts tone poems and Richard Wagners
music dramas, this piece still was regarded by Clement as "new" music.


256
artists are never satisfied with the status quo.22 They always strive for new manners
of expression.
In his obituary notice on John S. Dwight, Apthorp described him as a man
of culture, "as distinguished from mere learning." In a brief entracte on culture
Apthorp explained the distinction further. Knowledge can be sought; one can set
about to attain a particular set of facts. "But culture is more elusive; you may
ransack the learning of the ages without ever acquiring it."23 Again, he resorted to
metaphor. When food is taken into the body it is absorbed, assimilated, and
becomes a part of the body. If it is not absorbed but is merely stored, it has no real
meaning. Knowledge must likewise be digested and assimilated. A complete
transmutation of knowledge into feeling and instinct is what makes the difference.
Apthorps liberal arts education, perception, and imagination all came
together in his comments on the square root of minus one. After a brief account of
real and imaginary numbers in mathematics, Apthorp asked his readers: What is
more poetic than an asymptote? It is a symbol of the ever-striving of the human
soul-but in vain-for its ideal. The supernatural and symbolism are among artists
tools to express the ideal, a reflection of reality. Artists must begin with reality; they
cannot create out of nothing. "The ideal is an expression of the real, affected by the
square root of minus one, by that faculty of the human mind which is called
Imagination. . The proper function of the imagination in Art is to discover, or
invent, means of making the essence of reality, nature, and truth more plainly
22 See Chapter 6, "Musicians and Music-Lovers, 234ff.
23 Apthorp, By the Way, Vol. 2, 115.


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE COMMENTARIES AND CRITICISMS OF
WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP
by
Robert B. Nelson
December 1991
Chairman: Dr. David Z. Kushner
Major Department: Instruction and Curriculum
Much is known and has been written of John Sullivan Dwight, Bostons infamous
music critic of the latter 1800s, largely due to the significance of his Journal of Music.
Likewise, there is much information available on the life and work of Philip Hale
and other well-known music critics around the turn of the century. However, the
man in the middle, William Foster Apthorp, has received no attention in the
literature whatsoever. This is unfortunate, since it was Apthorp who parted from
Dwights dogmatic style of music criticism and developed a more temperate,
objective, personal-opinion style that became the norm for critics that followed.
Apthorp wrote music columns for the Atlantic Monthly, the Boston Courier, and
the Boston Evening Traveller. His most remarkable work, however, was for the
Boston Evening Transcript, from 1881-1903. Apthorp was praised for his
open-mindedness, perception, and common sense, and he successfully balanced
progressive and conservative viewpoints in his criticisms. He championed new music
and American music. Ever mindful that the public was his true audience, his lucid,
instructive writing style appealed to everyone.
vr


143
the modern spirit of musical art." It marked "an epoch in the development of art in
America, and sets the standard of excellence in the very highest plane."77
When the work was performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra four years
later, Mr. Paine conducting, the Daily Advertiser critic had very little to say of it. In
a single (average-length) sentence, which noted that repeated hearings heightened
interest, harmony and melody were admired. "The symphony was received with
evident pleasure, and Mr. Paine was presented with a handsome bouquet."78
Apthorp had much more to say of this important work by an American
composer. Indeed, save for a few brief sentences about the other works on the
program, the entire column was devoted to Paines symphony. As usual, Apthorps
remarks were not what one would expect. He did not highlight particulars of the
symphony movement by movement. Rather, he discussed Paines individuality.
When a person is different simply for the sake of being different, his charade will
eventually be uncovered. Others, like Paine, are unusual "because that is the
instinctive bent of his genius." Such genius requires time for people of ordinary
means to grasp. Paines symphony truly bore the stamp of his individuality. "At
every turning one meets with something unexpected and out of the common run;
and this strangeness is all the more baffling to the average musical understanding.79
77 Ibid., 11 Mar. 1880, 4. John S. Dwights reaction to Paines Second Symphony
has already been discussed. See Chapter 2, "John Sullivan Dwight," 44.
78 Boston Daily Advertiser, 3 Mar. 1884, 4.
79 Boston Evening Transcript, 3 Mar. 1884, 1.


13
The third area of concern is writings. There are two categories here:
criticisms and commentaries. Criticisms were regarded as reviews that appeared in
any of several daily newspapers. The pertinent issues were what these critics wrote
about and what kind of language they used. Commentaries include other writings,
such as program notes, entractes (editorial columns within the program bulletins),
journal and newspaper articles, books, etc.
Limitations
One important matter that prevailed throughout this study was the matter of
personal opinion. The views expressed by Apthorp and the other critics are their
own. There never has been, nor will there ever be, any set standards of music
criticism. Any reservations or weaknesses, then, are simply human.
Significance of the Study
The names of Dwight, Hale, and the New Yorkers-Richard Aldrich, Henry
T. Finck, William J. Henderson, James G. Huneker, and Henry E. Krehbiel-are
commonplace in sources and literature, but Apthorp is seldom mentioned, if at all.
This will become evident in the "Review of the Literature." Because there is a
definitive gap in our knowledge of the development of music criticism in the United
States during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, a study focusing on this area
will serve to advance recognition of the true state of the practice. In so doing,
general knowledge, as purported in most music textbooks, will necessarily be
redefined or re-evaluated in light of new information and/or relationships that will
be discovered.


250
omniscience, ... he can do his best to be an artist in his way, as composer, singer,
and player can in theirs.4
Other tangential items include "Fashion," "People who Hate Music, "Some
Popular Fallacies, and "Musical Slips." Apthorp was disheartened that it was
fashionable for artists to perform the same compositions over and over; everyone
played the same music! Also, he noted that most pianists were inclined to play
everything like Frdrick Chopin (1810-49) or Franz Liszt (1811-86). Again, the
same complaints are still heard today in some circles.
Apthorp commented on three types of people that hate music. Before
describing them, however, he noted that the plastic arts, which depend mostly on
sight, can be shut out merely by turning a head or closing the eyes. Sound and
smell, however, are quite different. They cannot be put out of mind so easily. If
what is disliked cannot be put aside, one may grow to hate it. The first type of
person that hates music, then, is one who has no ear for music and thus feels left
out when others do enjoy it. He recalled a classmate of this type. The only kind of
music that did not drive him wild was hand organ music. Why? It drove other
people mad, especially musical people, and he relished in their misery! The second
kind of person that hates music is one who truly enjoys something like conversation,
and music interferes with that pleasure. The third type is the professional musician
who spends all day making, hearing, or teaching music. What they really hate is too
much music. Enough is enough!
14
Apthorp, By the Way, Vol. 1, 103f.


177
come alive. Grove did point out an interesting feature, that the second theme is
comprised of only ten notes. What follows, however, is unclear as to which theme
he is referring. Beginning with "Every one will notice," it seems that Grove returned
to the very beginning of the piece, that the "wild turbulence of the former portion"
is the first theme and that the "winning and dignified phrase" is the second. After
guiding the listener through the introduction and first two themes, why this
reiteration of commentary? It serves only to confuse the reader. Beginning with
"The working out" we return to the overture in progress. It should be noted that
in actuality it is the retransition and not the "working out" that returns to the first
theme, now in F minor.
Hales analysis, brief as it is, nevertheless conveys the essence of the overture.
True to form, Hale cut right to the bare essence of the music. His analysis is rather
difficult to use as a guide while listening to the work, since it is so sketchy, but to
the informed concert-goers he provided a proper framework on which to build
musical themes into a complete composition.
Apthorp began his entry by preparing the reader for a work that is "lively,
with fire" (allegro con brio) in common time. The chord that follows the sustained
C in the strings is not a "short sharp" one but "crashing." Most listeners would not
detect the key note to be C, but this detail is necessary to relate to the key centers
that would follow. That the piece is in minor should be readily discerned by the
listeners. Wilsons entry failed to point out this small yet important detail. Noting
the similarity of the crashing chords in Mendelssohns Ruy Bias overture to those in
Beethovens Coriolanus again illustrates Apthorps impressive knowledge of music


153
To conclude, Apthorp made reference to a topic he discussed in By the Way
concerning Brahms and brains. "Thank heaven, the man has brains, an article of
which no one can have too much! Whether or not this or that critic can feel the
warm, glowing heart, the fiery passion, the lofty sound and delicate sense of beauty
that Brahms possesses over and above his brains, reduces itself simply to a question
of the critics receptivity.97
It is interesting to note Apthorps positive attitude toward Brahmss Third
Symphony, as he was not so enamored with his first two symphonies. The critics
remarks on the first symphony that appeared in the Boston Courier included such
adjectives as "morbid," "strained and unnatural," and even "ugly. It was difficult for
him to keep in memory Brahmss elongated melodic lines so that when they were
repeated by other instruments they would be recognized. After studying the second
symphony "with great attention," he still had "not the faintest idea what the
composer means. It seemed that Brahms had to "force music out of his brain as if
by hydraulic pressure." Noting that it would take a year of "severe intellectual work
to understand Brahmss opus, hoped the effort would pay off.98 While the First
Symphony left him completely baffled, he had studied the Second enough, and
presumably had increased his own musical awareness in the meantime, to recognize
Symphony Orchestra, Vol. 2 (Boston: Copeland & Day, 1898), 35ff.
97 Ibid. The reference to Apthorps entracte is found in By the Way, Vol. 1,
105-10. See also Chapter 7, "Other Writings," 254.
98 The Boston Courier writings were included in Nicolas Slonimsky, Lexicon of
Musical Invective: Critical Assaults on Composers since Beethovens Time, 2nd ed.
(New York: Coleman-Ross, 1965), 68f.


52
on a page) of some musical interest (including "reviews"), a fashion column, and lots
of ads for music (songbooks, piano music, brass band music, music rolls) and
accessories (pianos, Ole Bull violin strings) available from White, Smith & Perry.
A strong selling point of the paper was the sheet music. There were usually
four or five songs and piano arrangements published in every issue, as might be
expected from a paper issued by a music publisher. Sheet music was of the simple
and popular variety, primarily songs and piano solos. For example, the January 1872
issue included "The Poor Drunkards Child" (words by G. L. Austin, music by C. A.
White, arranged by Wimmial Gooch), the "Fairy Dream Waltz" (piano solo by J. W.
Turner, Op. 311), and "Be Thou Faithful" (sacred quartet by C. A. White, arranged
by William Gooch).
Each monthly also featured a fine portrait, usually of a musician, including
soprano Adelina Patti (1843-1919), bandleader Patrick S. Gilmore (1829-92),
composer/educator Lowell Mason (1792-1872), soprano lima di Murska (1836-89),
pianist/conductor Hans von Blow (1830-94), French composer Charles Gounod
(1818-93), and German violinist Joseph Joachim (1831-1907). Other celebrity
portraits that appeared in the journal included Phineas Taylor (P. T.) Barnum and
"Buffalo" Bill Cody.2
White, Smith & Perry's selection of Dexter Smith as the first editor must have
quite deliberate. They published a great deal of "popular" music, and Smith
2 Ibid., Mar. 1872, 80b (Patti); Apr. 1872, 112b (Gilmore); May 1874, 157
(Mason); Nov. 1874, 166 (Murska); Nov. 1875, 182a (Blow); July 1876, 17a
(Gounod); Sept. 1877, 324a (Joachim); Aug. 1873, 91b (Barnum); Aug. 1874, 51
(Cody).


86
example of the composers style. Anything other than a masterly treatment of easily
melodious and dramatically pertinent themes, coming from his facile pen, would
have surprised us."65 He then launched into a discussion of the text by Sidney
Lanier, which was criticized to such an extent by numerous writers that Lanier wrote
a letter to the editor of the Philadelphia Tribune to defend his work.66
Apthorp began by highlighting the points that Lanier made in his defense and
basically had no argument with him, except on one point. Acknowledging Laniers
sincerity, Apthorp was opposed to his idea that poetry written for music need no
longer be perfectly clear, smooth, and natural. Lanier felt that music was an
indistinct medium, but Apthorp argued that "the syllables zig, zig, zig cannot
possibly be made impressive in non-musical utterance."67 And even if music did
make the text vague, then all the more reason to make the text as clear as possible.
Apthorp recalled to mind the vocal works of Beethoven (Shillers "Ode to Joy" in his
Ninth Symphony), Wagner (operas), William Sterndale Bennett (1816-75, Coleridges
Ancient Mariner), and Hans von Billow (Uhlands "Sangers Fliich" in his ballad for
orchestra Des Sangers Fliich, Op. 16). Again, his knowledge of musical literature
was vast, and he used that knowledge to make clear his point.
Apthorp concluded his remarks with a few observations on the character of
Bucks music, praising it for keeping with the spirit of the text. Because the poem
65 Atlantic Monthly, July 1876, 122f.
66 The letter was addressed New York, 10 May 1876, and was printed in Dwights
Journal, 10 June 1876, 242f.
67 Atlantic Monthly, July 1876, 123b.


CHAPTER 8
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Each chapter of this study has investigated a different form of William Foster
Apthorps music criticism, indicating that his contributions were broad and reached
a sizeable segment of Bostons readers. At every turn his writings have been
interesting, enlightening, and delightful to read.
Summary
Apthorp accomplished his task of apprising the public on matters musical in
a thoroughly professional manner. The who and what of his columns were always
plain, by the use of offset type, so readers knew quickly what he was going to talk
about. His sentences flowed like a mighty river; quietly, gently yet firmly,
unquestionably he made his point. In order to do so, Apthorp, knowing his readers,
often resorted to metaphor. When a foreign phrase described better what he wanted
to say he did not hesitate to use it. He was entertaining without resorting to the
silliness found in The Folio and Dexter Smiths Paper.
As Dwight appreciated a spirited performance, Apthorp looked for dramatic
integrity, especially in opera. Apthorp referred to the music to make his point,
noting metronome and expressive markings, instrumentation, keys (for form), and
other particulars. When there was a pressing related issue, however, he did not
hesitate to dispense with the music itself and emphasize the issue at hand, as in
268


289
Dwight, John S., trans., "The Boy After Birds," Op. 79, by W. Taubert
trans., "Dream of the Shepherd-Boy, Op. 79, by W. Taubert
trans., "The Sparrow and the Thrasher," Op. 79, by W. Taubert
"The Echo," Op. 37, song by F. Kulling
Eichberg, Anna P., words for "To thee, O Country," national hymn
for male voices by J. Eichberg
Eichberg, Julius, "Foreboding, words by C. Thaxter
"O Blushing Flowers of Krumley," words by A. Carey
"Sing, Little Bird," words by C. Thaxter
"To thee, O Country," national hymn for male voices,
words by A. Eichberg
Eichberg, Julius, et al., The Fourth Music Reader
Eikmeier, Henry, "The Flying Dutchman Galop Brilliante" (piano)
Eisoldt, Hermann, "The Snapped Thread" (spinning song)
Elementary Exercises for the Piano, by F. Wieck
Emerson, Irving, "Lay thy weary Head to rest" (lullaby)
Emery, Stephen A., "Caprice," Op. 18, No. 6 (piano)
"The Grasshoppers Song Op. 32, No. 5 (piano)
Impromptu, Op. 18 (piano)
Sarabande and Scherzo, Op. 6 (piano)
"Er hat vergissen sein schones Weib" from Knig Manfred,
by C. Reinecke, text by F. Rober
"Es rausche das rothe Laub," song by A. Sponholtz
Essipoff, Anna, pianist
Fairman, Alice, contralto
"Fairy Gondola," barcarolle for piano by F. Boscovitz
"Fairy Menuet," Op. 43, for piano by C. B. Lysberg
"Fantaise brilliante on [A. Thomass] Mignon," Op. 209,
arr. for piano by E. Ketterer
Fantasie-Variationen, Op. 1, for piano by A. Saran
Fantasie in Form einer Sonate, Op. 5, for piano by A. Saran
Fifty Selected Piano Studies, J. Cramer and H. von Blow,
trans, by J. Parker
"First Loss," Op. 38, song by F. Kulling, words by
J. Goethe and A. Forester
Flint, L. A., trans., The Influence of Music on Health and Life
by H. Chomet
"Fly Forth, O Gentle Dove," song by C. Pinsuti
"The Flying Dutchman Galop Brilliante," for piano by H. Eikmeier
"For Somebody," Op. 1, No. 8, by R. Franz
"Foreboding," song by J. Eichberg, words by C. Thaxter
Forester, A., and J. W. Goethe, words for "First Loss, Op. 38,
by F. Kulling
"Forevermore," song by A. Pease
"Forget Not," song by H. Millard
"The Fortune Teller, duet for sop. and contralto by V. Gabussi
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874
Aug. 1875
Oct. 1872
Apr. 1876
Apr. 1876
Nov. 1876
Oct. 1872
Jan. 1873
Feb. 1872
Mar. 1872
July 1877
June 1872
July 1872
Feb. 1874
Mar. 1872
July 1872
Nov. 1873
Jan. 1872
Feb. 1877
Apr. 1873
Apr. 1874
July 1872
July 1872
May 1874
May 1874
May 1875
Aug. 1875
May 1875
Feb. 1874
Feb. 1872
Jan. 1874
Apr. 1876
Aug. 1875
June 1872
Feb. 1872
Feb. 1874


72
Overture, for instance, sounded as if they were trying to blow down the walls of
Jericho." To him, the overblown low brass sounded "coarse and blaring."33
Dwight commented that he thought the French band was the best, but he had
no specific remarks on the music, namely, works of Wagner. Apthorps opinion was
the same regarding the French band, but he provided specific comment on the
selections from Richard Wagners Lohengrin. "This was almost the perfection of
playing, never lacking life or emphasis; yet throughout, even in the ball-music
(which, by the way, was taken in a most furiously rapid tempo), full of delicate lights
and shades, and in fine, full, unforced tones."34 Dwights remarks included such
generic yet effective words as "fire, "intense, and "passion." Apthorp went a step
further by making specific reference to the music and noting tempo marks,
expressive elements such as crescendo, and the like. Dwight provided an aura of
how the music sounded; reading Apthorp, one can actually hear the music.
Another major event inn the musical life of Boston was the tenth
anniversary--and one hundredth concert--of the Harvard Musical Association [HMA].
Both Apthorp and Dwight provided retrospectives on the work of this orchestra.
Dwights two articles (again, Apthorp was more succinct, with only one) were purely
historical. He highlighted the progress of the Association, including program, the
audience, management, and finances. The bulk of the space was devoted to listing
by composer the works performed by the orchestra. Apthorp, too, provided a
historical sketch, but he went back another two years, to 1863 and the Orchestral
33 Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1872, 377a, c.
34 Ibid., 377b.


171
Major, and some arias from his opera Fidelio.'8 Apthorp also added the works
publication year, 1808.
Wilsons comment that Beethoven dedicated the work to Collin is cryptic:
"but the fact that he afterwards erased from the title-page the words Zum
Trauerspiel Coriolan would seem to lessen the value of the dedication as a personal
tribute." Apthorp mentioned only that the overture was dedicated to the poet. The
original title page did indeed read "overtura zum Trauerspiel Coriolan Composta
L. v. Beethoven/1807, and "zum Trauerspiel Coriolan" was later deleted by
Beethoven, presumably because he was confident the overture would be successful
on its own merits; it did not need to be tied to Collins tragedy. Perhaps Wilson
knew or assumed that the Boston audience would understand his remark. Such a
detail is relatively small in the scheme of things. Nevertheless, Apthorps failure to
mention the erasure is unusual for him.
Finally, both authors referred to a review by Wagner of the overture. Wilson
listed previous performances in Boston, as was his custom. Apthorp made no
mention here, but such information certainly was not pertinent to understanding the
music.
Philip Hale was simpler and more direct. To him the issue of inspiration of
Shakespeare or Collin was immaterial. He reprinted the original title page with the
later erasure in parentheses, explaining simply that the words were crossed out.
He did confirm Apthorp that the overture was published in 1808. In addition to
18 Joseph Schmidt-Gorg and Hans Schmidt, eds., Ludwig van Beethoven (Bonn:
Beethoven-Archiv, 1974), 40c, 218c. Collins play Coriolan was performed only one
time, 24 April 1807, after Beethoven completed work on the overture.


200
material for the most part, although portions were taken from another lecture,
"Evolution in Music," which was also presented at the Lowell Institute.
Unlike Apthorps other works that have been reviewed herein, these essays
provided him a forum in which he could elaborate as needed, since article length
was of less concern here than elsewhere. He expounded on a wide range of topics
that would be of interest to amateur and professional musicians alike. The writing
style is clear and easy to follow. Since each essay contains a great deal of interesting
and enlightening information, only the essence will be conveyed here.
"Musicians and Music-Lovers"
"Musicians and Music-Lovers" is an interesting commentary on the point of
views of music professionals and of music amateurs. It was taken in part from an
article of the same title that was published in the Atlantic Monthly in February 1879
and, in part, from a lecture on music criticism presented at the Lowell Institute
during the 1886-87 winter season.
When it comes to the other arts, there seems to be a clear demarcation
between what is art and what is not. This is not true for music, however. "Many
people seem to think that music is music, and there is an end of it!2 Music lovers
are equally likely to discuss Bach arias and the latest popular ditties as if there were
no distinction.
Another source of confusion is in musical terminology. Music lovers often
cannot recognize an orchestral instrument by sight or name, neither are they
completely aware of the meaning of such terms as score, instrumentation, and
2 Ibid., 5.


195
do so in his orchestral works.57 Brahms did, as exemplified by the Variations on a
Theme by Haydn. Providing the listeners with a ready guide for each variation was
perhaps too simple for Apthorp. By not providing something for the audience to
read, he was forcing them to listen and draw their own ideas of how Brahms
manipulated "St. Anthonys Chorale" with each variation.
Richard Wagner. Prelude and "Liebestod" from Tristan und Isolde (1857-59)
While Richard Wagner was working on the tetralogy Der Ring des Nibelungen
(1852-57, 1869-74) while in exile in Zurich, he grew anxious to rekindle his artistic
connection with the public. Thus, he set aside Der Ring and set to compose "an
opera, or lyric drama, of ordinary dimensions, that could be easily performed by a
small troupe and on a small stage." Only Wagner could describe of Tristan und
Isolde as "easy. Rehearsals proved so formidable that it was not until 1865 that the
drama, the first of Wagners new Gesamtkunstwerk ("total artwork") dramas to be
presented, was finally produced in Munich. Apthorp described the reaction: "Its
musical character was so utterly new and hard to grasp understandingly that it
positively terrified and dumfounded the general public. The common verdict was
that Wagner had out-Wagnered himself."58 Under review here are the Prelude and
Isoldes "Liebestod" ("Love-death").
57 Apthorp apparently forgot about the last movement of the Third Symphony
(Eroica), which undoubtedly is a theme (the famous "Eroica theme) and variations.
The variation technique was also employed by Beethoven in the second and, to some
extent, in the third movement of his Fifth Symphony.
58 Ibid., 14/15 Oct. 1892, 26, 27.


133
noticed that on their passage up the aisles between acts (bent upon that mysterious
errand that makes entractes so interesting to the mind of maseuline) gentlemen were
strangely shy of recognizing any ladies of their acquaintance." He went on to say
that the opera "was certainly well done, but we have never heard anything of quite
so unmasked a game flavor in this good, old Puritan town."59
When La Jolie was presented again the following year by the same company,
Apthorps article was more substantial. The merits of each singer were appraised,
as were the orchestra and chorus. Here again, however, there was one remark he
made that was especially noteworthy: "One does not look for exactness in
opera-bouffe, and so long as ones eyes are delighted with the pretty face, pleasing
form and expressive gesticulation . ones mind does not feel called upon to
analyze critically the impersonation, especially when, as in this case, the matter is
not worth the trouble."60 It seems that if one is having fun at the opra-bouffe, why
should some critic spoil it with a disparaging review?
Giuseppe Verdi. Aida 118711
After considerable success with Rigoletto, II Trovatore, La Traviata, La Forza
del Destino, and other operas, Giuseppe Verdi reached his full maturity with A ida.
It was commissioned by the Khedive of Egypt (for $30,000, a substantial sum of
money in 1871) to open the new Cairo Opera House, where it was first performed
59 Boston Evening Transcript, 25 Apr. 1883, 1.
60 Ibid., 14 Oct. 1884, 1. In an entracte for the BSO Programme book included
in By the Way, Vol. 1, Apthorp noted that he spent a fortnight enjoying Offenbachs
Periochle. See Chapter 7, "Other Writings, 251.


279
studied drawing with Frenzel in order to promote his career as a painter; the
Friedrich Wilhelmsche Progymnasium in Berlin; and the Ecole des Freres Chretien
in Rome. While in Florence he was a fellow student with and companion of
now-famous American painter John Singer Sargent. In Rome he studied with
Guglielmi and Garelli.
The Apthorps returned to the United States in 1860. As further preparation
for life ahead, he was enrolled in the E. S. Dixwell preparatory school. At this point
he decided to give up painting and turned to music, hoping for a career as a concert
pianist. To this end he studied piano, harmony, and counterpoint with John Knowles
Paine starting in 1863. His studies came to an abrupt halt in 1867 when Paine
traveled to Berlin to begin preparations for the debut of his Mass in D. Undaunted,
Apthorp continued his piano study with B. J. Lang and theory on his own. Being
I
part of the "Lang School" began his affiliation with the Harvard Musical Association,
a relationship that he continued throughout his career as a musician. His formal
education was made complete at Harvard University, from whence he graduated in
1869. During his senior year he was the director of the Pierian Sodality.
In 1872 Thomas Ryan embarked on a bold venture in establishing the
National College of Music, and Apthorp was selected to teach harmony. The school
did not survive, however, and Apthorp had to pursue new avenues. He had
apparently made a name for himself at the college, however, for he was quickly
engaged by the New England Conservatory to teach piano, harmony, counterpoint,
fugue, and general theory. He also taught aesthetics and music history at the


63
heard one complain"; "The tenor and soprano in a Boston choir were married
recently. They met by chants, the usual way, and ultimately agreed to duet. No
further comment here, either.
How well received was Smiths Paper? The Boston Times, for one,
complimented it in high fashion. It was issued for the first time in January 1872,
and a letter from the Times was printed in the March issue:
It is not a dry, "classical paper, filled with uninteresting treatises on
"hobbies, but a lively, spicy journal, running over with good things.
A glance at the list of contributors will show the strength of the
musical and literary talent engaged to furnish articles for its columns.
In addition to its excellent reading-matter, the February number
contains seven complete pieces of beautiful vocal and instrumental
music. It is not surprising that such a paper is in great demand. It
deserves its wonderful success.19
The reference to sheet music is particularly interesting. As mentioned, Smith
promised his readers quality sheet music. Songs of Arthur Sullivan were often
"arranged expressly for Dexter Smiths Paper." In general, however, the songs were
extremely simple and, most important, "popular." For example, "Dot Leedle Yawcob
Strauss first appeared in Smiths Paper in April 1877. The following issue claimed
that over 100,000 copies had been sold. On such was built the popularity of Smiths
Paper.
The Times made reference to the music in the February issue. Those items
were "Strangers Yet" (music by Claribel), "Id Choose to be a Daisy" by Frederick
Buckley, "The Lone Fish-Ball" (directions are for all to join on the chorus), "Saw My
19 Ibid., Mar. 1872, 60. The reference could be either to the Boston Evening
Times, which also was simply known as the Boston Times, a paper that was issued
from Monday through Saturday, or to the Boston Times, which was issued on
Sundays and continued the Boston Sunday Times as of 1871.


126
Schumanns Manfred to know that this is the work that contained the poetry. A final
note informed the readers that Mr. von Gericke [sic] would be the conductor for the
next season.
Apthorp opened his article of the same performance by listing the works on
the program and all the soloists, including the reader of the selections in Schumanns
Manfred. He did not mention the lowered pitch. "Concerning the music given there
is little new to be said." He had high praise for the orchestra and the preparation,
especially complimenting the immensely difficult first half of the Adagio, but he did
not fail to note a few weaknesses, such as the recitative of the double basses in the
last movement. Apthorp did not comment on how "impossible" it is to sing the
work, saying only that "the chorus sang exceptionally well, and the quartet of solo
singers made their music unusually effective." He had special praise for Ticknor.
In spite of the difficult task of reciting a dramatic work, he "succeeded well in
keeping the due mean of suggestive expressiveness."45
He did complain about how large compositions, as were heard at this concert,
lose their effectiveness in a theater so spacious as Music Hall, adding that "when the
orchestra is hemmed in at the sides and back by such bad reflectors of sound as two
large groups of singers, its tone is rendered additionally dull and powerless." As a
result, all the instruments except for the trumpets, trombones, and percussion were
robbed of their "brilliance, warmth and dramatic intensity.46
45
46
Boston Evening Transcript, 24 Mar. 1884, 1.
Ibid.


238
groups approach music-one for the music itself, the "listeners," and the other for its
effect, the "feelers." Apthorp's power of musical observation is of special interest
to dilettantes-then and now-when it comes to making sense of what is being heard.
While Apthorps veneration of J. S. Bach was not unusual for learned
musicians of his generation, his perception of Bach as a Classicist and a Romantic
was somewhat new. Apthorps remarks concerning Bachs affinity with the
impersonal organ are truly unique in writings about music. This essay and the one
on the two Classicists, Dresel and Franz, carry the same theme: present the music
of J. S. Bach (and G. F. Handel) to the public in such a manner that they will begin
to understand and appreciate the work of these Baroque masters.
Apthorp delved into performance practice in the essay on additional
accompaniments and, to some extent, on the two Classicists. He informed his
audience of the nature of the problem, together with an enlightening historical
perspective, and discussed how each party attempted to deal with the issue.
Apthorps approach was matter-of-fact, step-by-step, and thorough. He included in
his discussion of Robert Franz and Otto Dresel how they worked diligently to
perform the music of Bach and Handel in a manner consistent with their intentions,
not with the additions of well-meaning early- to mid-nineteenth-century conductors
who were not yet totally cognizant of Baroque practice.
Apthorp had a special place in his heart for opera. It is interesting to note
that he did not choose to discuss here the ideas of Richard Wagner.68 Literature is
68 He did, however, devote an entire chapter to Wagner in The Opera Past and
Present: An Historical Sketch (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1901).


173
11/12 October 1889. With the exception of slight editorial changes, mostly in
punctuation, both of Wilsons entries were identical. Apthorp, on the other hand,
was not prone to duplicate himself. Neither was Hale.
For the most part, Wilson did not provide his own analyses. Rather, he
turned to other writers, usually English, for comments on the music itself. The
names of Charles Barry, Joseph Bennet, Edward Dannreuther, Sir George Grove,
and Eheneezer Prout appear regularly. Barry (1830-1915) edited the Monthly
Musical Record from 1875 to 1879 and was the annotator of music programs by Hans
Richter in England. Bennet (1831-1911) contributed music criticisms to the English
dailies The Sunday Times, the Pall Mall Gazette, and the Musical Times. He also
annotated the program notes for the London Philharmonic Society from 1885 to
1903. Dannreuther (1844-1905) was a pianist and scholar. He founded the London
Wagner Society in 1872 and translated into English some of Wagners writings.
Dannreuther also edited the sixth volume, The Romantic Period, of the Oxford
History of Music. Sir Grove (1820-1900) was a civil engineer by trade, but his
interest in music led him to write the program notes for the Crystal Palace concerts
in London, as well as to edit Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians, which was
first published in 1879. Finally, Prout (1835-1909) was the music critic for the
Monthly Musical Record from 1871 to 1879, just prior to Barry, and later the
Academy and the Athenaeum.
In addition to these English writers, the names of Hector Berlioz and Richard
Wagner also appear from time to time in Wilsons notes. Numerous analyses were
"complied, presumably from the notes of the London Philharmonic Society. Other


14
Music educators today are becoming increasingly aware of the relationships
of the various disciplines under the general rubric of music, ft is becoming more
difficult to view any one area of music without acknowledging its dependence on and
relationship to other areas. This recognized need for an integrated approach to
music education is clearly shown by the Contemporary Music Project [CMP].
Conceived by Norman Dello Joio and funded by the Ford Foundation, this project,
which began in 1959, was designed to teach students the relationships between music
theory, music history, and performance. This is a fundamental shift from the norm
in music teaching, particularly in public schools, where education is performance
oriented. The goal of the CMP was to emphasize musical literacy and musical
understanding.
As a result of this renewed awareness of the integration of music disciplines,
such fields as performance practices, aesthetics, and music criticism have made
progress. Because the in-depth study of music criticism is still relatively new, it is
no surprise that there are some gaps in our understanding of specific critics.
Apthorp is one of those critics.
With regard to curriculum and instruction, the implications are important.
Despite a growing interest in music criticism in America, most standard textbooks
do not sufficiently address the topic. To cite only three examples here, Donald J.
Grouts A History of Western Music, a popular text for undergraduate students,
contains no references to music criticism in the table of contents or in the index in
spite of the fact that a Library of Congress subject heading for this book is Music-


142
John Knowles Paine. Symphony No. 2 in A. Im Frith line (18801
As there were so few substantial works by American composers during
Apthorps tenure with the Evening Transcript, it is all the more important to call
attention to those that came to the fore. John Knowles Paines creative efforts
certainly fit that description. He was born in Portland, Maine, and studied with a
German, Hermann Kotschmar. He then continued his studies in Europe and
actually premiered his first major composition, the Mass in D, in Berlin in 1867.
(Having a European stamp of approval generally assured a musician of success.)
Paines talent had already been recognized by the Americans; indeed, in 1862 he was
appointed to the faculty of Harvard University. Thirteen years later, in 1875, he was
elevated to full professor, the first musician to hold that rank in the United States.
Paine composed symphonic music, choral works, chamber music, music for piano
and organ, and incidental music for plays.
Of particular interest here is the Symphony No. 2 in A, Im Fruhlmg (In the
Spring). The work had its Boston debut 10 March 1880 by the Boston Philharmonic
Orchestra, Bernhard Ustemann conducting. Writing for the Evening Transcript,
Clement had nothing but grand praise for the symphony. He recaptured the
highlights of each movement by describing, when appropriate, themes, instruments,
keys and other markings, and general mood. He called it a "masterpiece, classic and
solid in form and matter, and yet enriched with the modern style and vitalized with


252
readers that in this case point dorgue should have been translated as cadenza. As
an example of erroneous translation from German, he noted a program on which
Anton Rubinstein (1829-94) was to play his own Trio in B-sharp. Twelve sharps?!
exclaimed Apthorp. No, the German B dar should have been translated Bb major-
two flats.
Several of the entries may be classified only as humorous. For example,
complaints were manifold that the music of Brahms was too intellectual, thwarting
his popularity. Apthorp used as a parable two people, the first of whom found
intellectual discourse too heavy, whereas the second found it too light. The
difference between the two, explained Apthorp, was that one simply had more brains
than the other.17 Another humorous-and provocativeconcept was "musico-
therapeutic hospitals. Apthorp reasoned that people whose bodies are not normal,
who are sick and in the hospital, likewise must have abnormal appetites for other
of lifes amenities, such as food and culture. Hospitals, then, would be an ideal
setting for deficient musicians, for surely they would "ravish the morbid senses of the
sickly." It made no matter that such hospitals only treated, not cured, the sick, for
"the fewer there are cured, the more work will remain for the musical healers to do.
See?"18
The final article-What Next?"showed remarkable insight into music of the
future. Apthorp noted that the score to Marie Duparcs (1848-1933) symphonic
17 Apthorp also made note of Brahmss intellect in his review of the Third
Symphony in the Boston Evening Transcript. See Chapter 4, Boston Evening
Transcript, 15 Iff.
18 Apthorp, By the Way, Yol. 1, 115, 116.


239
replete with commentaries on this controversial figurepolitically, socially, and
musically. Rather, Apthorp considered it important to bring to light two other
masters of opera: Meyerbeer and Offenbach. Why those two? Although not
specifically stated, both share characteristics with Bach. Meyerbeer was chosen for
his influence on later generations of composers, and Offenbach for his remarkable
individuality.
One of Apthorps most unique offerings is his essay on science and music.
There he demonstrated a knowledge of the scientific method, which is an inductive
process. He showed remarkable perception in visualizing music as a trifurcated
entity, a perception that can come only from a broad liberal arts background. Of
special interest is his observation that composers do not discover or invent new
principles of musical composition; they perceive new relationships. His concept of
the inductive cycle illustrated for his readers the regular shift in emphasis between
form and expression throughout the history of music.
Finally, the essays on Dwight and music criticism have some common traits.
Dwight was highly praised as a person and as a critic, as well as for his Journal.
Although Apthorp did not shy away from noting weaknesses in Dwight, he presented
them in an eloquent manner. He wanted to make certain that his readers
understood Dwight, that they could see the beauty that Dwight saw and feel the
grandeur that he felt. Although he made no such definitive statement, it is clear
that Dwight represented the old school of criticism, that is, authoritative. Apthorp
made clear his own view of music criticism, that of personal, informed opinion. It
is this view that has been taken up by most of the succeeding music critics, such as


53
admirably set the tone of light entertainment and easy, fun reading. He quickly
became disfranchised, however, with editing a paper that was issued by a music
publisher. Feeling that he was constantly catering to their vested interests, Smith
struck out on his own. His Paper will be discussed later.
The Folio was continued under the hand of George Lowell Austin, and then
under T. D. Hooker. The format remained essentially the same. Hookers
"Salutatory" stated that
To be truly valuable, a magazine should be, not the exponent of any
particular hobby, but a repository of all things worth knowing, so far
as that may be possible, in its own particular domain. Our best
energies shall be devoted to rendering the FOLIO both interesting and
instructive, and, in doing this, we have the promise of assistance from
some of the best talent in the country.3
Indeed, the list of contributors is extensive. The Folio was entertaining, to be
sure. The paper was in line with the thinking of Joseph W. Turner, a composer and
arranger of piano music: "There is a grandeur in simplicity, and it is this simplicity,
this pure melody, Gods sweetest gift to mortals, that this world at large delights in
as music and literature.4 As Turner composed, so the Folio was compiled and
edited for the immediate pleasure of its readers. Articles were short, the writing
was personable, and the topics were current and amusing, seldom controversial. The
Folio was just plain fun to read.
For all its trifles, The Folio did make attempts to be instructive. Articles
concerning topics of music that would be enlightening or informative were few, but
3 Ibid., Jan. 1873, 8.
4 Ibid., Nov. 1873, 132.


74
Boston Daily Advertiser on a performance of Beethovens Symphony No. 5 me minor.
An example of earnest criticism is as follows:
One particular effect was given just as Beethoven had indicated, and
most superbly given too, and that was the perfectly even pianissimo for
forty-two bars at the close of the scherzo before the entrance of the
finale. The crescendo began exactly eight bars before the end of the
scherzo, as it is written. Our orchestra invariably begins the crescendo
too soon.37
The HMA attempted to live up to Thomass new, higher standard, but could not
maintain that level of performance. The quote is a fine example of Apthorp's high
standard of criticism.
Rather than listing ten years worth of HMA programs, Apthorp simply listed
the most recent (Winter 1875), as well as Thomass of the same time period. He
then offered one possible cause of the eventual demise of the HMA: programming.
New music was seldom heard at the HMA concerts. Apthorp noted that Dwight was
persistently antagonistic toward "Music of the Future, which some perhaps had
taken as an assault on Thomas himself. (Ironically, Thomas eventually lost a degree
of popularity because audiences felt he programmed too much new music and not
enough of the favorites.) That Dwight championed the HMA was no secret, since
he played a large role in its establishment and continuation. Indeed, he served as
its librarian for a number of years. After making his point, however, Apthorp
quickly set the record straight: "The all-sufficient cause is, as we have said already,
the great inferiority of the playing of the Harvard orchestra.38
37 Ibid., 757b.
38 Ibid., 757a. Like Dwight, Apthorp also had close ties to the Harvard Musical
Association. He served on its concert and program committee.


181
warrant little more comment. Although Hales remarks were brief, they were direct
and insightful. "It seems as if Mozart lost his classic serenity whenever he chose the
key of G minor. In the immortal symphony there is, except in the beautiful,
characteristically Mozartian andante, a feverishness, an intensity not to be found in
his other symphonies.27
Finally, noting a statement made by "wild-eyed worshiper of Liszt and
Wagner" that the work was only of historical significance, Hale concluded, "There
are few things in art that are perfect. The G minor symphony is one of them. Its
apparent simplicity is an adorable triumph of supreme art."28 Sometimes there are
no explanationsit just is.
Ludwig van Beethoven. Symphony No. 5 in c minor (1807)
Perhaps the best known of all "classical" compositions is the Fifth Symphony
in c minor by Ludwig van Beethoven (1770-1827). Apthorp asserted, "It has been,
for one reason or another, the work through which Beethoven has oftenest been
made known to the public of the great musical centres in the world." Of course,
today Beethovens Fifth is certainly known in lesser musical centers (including
discotheques) as well. The symphony was composed near Heiligenstadt, Germany,
in 1807, and was first heard at the Theater an der Wien, 22 December 1808.29 One
27 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 212. The other works in g minor to which Hale
was referring probably include Symphony No. 25 ("Little"); String Quintet No. 3, K.
516; and Piano Quartet, K. 478.
28 Ibid.
29 Other works on the all-Beethoven program were the Sixth Symphony
(Pastoral), the Piano Concerto No. 4 in G major (Beethoven performing), the Choral
Fantasia, and movements from the Mass in C Major.


258
A few examples will suffice. According to Immanuel Flohjager in UeberEthik
und Kunstwesen, to praise or condemn a piece of art because you have heard others
do so is hypocritical. To do so of your own unaided reason is sincere. In the same
volume Flohjager remarked, "The world accepts and keeps an artists work on its
own terms; not on the artists."26 Fungolfactor Scriblerus compared the plastic arts
with composers and poets in De Artis natura. Poets and composers are able to work
out their ideas before the first draft. "But the painter or sculptor, working over his
sketch, may in a moment of too ambitious conscientiousness obliterate a stroke of
genius forever."27
Perhaps the most interesting "gleaning" is from Edgar Montacute in A Modem
Proteus. In conversational format, one gentleman describes to the others how a
regularly planned French dinner is in sonata form: the hors doeuvres or antepasta
are the free introduction; the releves, of which there are two, one fish and the other
meat, are the first and second themes; the entree is the development; rots, which are
equal in number to the releves, is the recapitulation; and the entremets are the coda.
Although not a regular feature of the sonata form, a free episode after the
development, as in the passage for muted violins with tremolo violas in Webers
overture to Euryanthe, is likened to the Roman punch and cigarette after the entre.
What about dessert? queried the listeners. Dessert, like the hors doeuvres, are
outside the circle of form. Besides, the sonata form usually appears in the first
movement. The dessert, then, would be the rest of the piece.
26 Ibid., 192.
27 Ibid., 189.


178
literature. The relationship of the themes to the characters in the drama may have
been intentional on Beethovens part. Apthorp did not say one way or the other,
but for the "poetically inclined" he offered a possible means to connect the music
with the drama.
The comment in his summary that there is "no second part" refers to the
development section of a sonata-allegro form. The overture differs from a textbook
sonata form in that the introduction is repeated and there is no development section
(second part). Noting the omission of the development, Apthorp pointed out that
Beethoven developed each theme as they were presented. He correctly concluded,
then, that this was indeed a new form. In his analysis Apthorp informed his readers
of the salient features of Beethovens Conolartus overture and related them to the
overall form. He was educating and enlightening the public without sounding
arrogant or condescending.
Specific Works
Comparing in detail what Wilson, Apthorp, and Hale wrote of one particular
piece, Beethovens Conotanus Overture in this case, illumines but a small view of
their total contributions. In order to gain a fuller perspective of how each writer
went about his business, it would be necessary to make more comparisons. What
follows, then, are discussions of Wilsons, Apthorps, and Hales comments on seven
works representing the Classical and Romantin periods and a variety of genres.
These compositions were selected for the special contribution each piece holds in
the history of music and are treated in order of date of composition. Landmark


226
"Two Modern Classicists"
The essay "Two Modern Classicists" (Robert Franz and Otto Dresel) was
published in two parts in the Atlantic Monthly, October, November 1893. Before
launching into his discussion of Robert Franz and Otto Dresel, Apthorp set the
stage by defining his terms-the meaning of classicism, to be precise. Is something
that is classical fine and worthy (mustergiltig), and has it stood the test of time? Is
it something that is simply old? Other possibilities were offered, and he agreed
that they all possess an element of truth. They were too general and vague,
however, for his purpose.
More than any other art, the essence of music is the expression of emotion.
The quintessence of classicism is that "the expression of emotion must be realized
through perfect beauty of form and a finely and stoutly organized construction."46
Romanticism in music, on the other hand, is the expression of emotion by
"picturesque" and "suggestive" means that do not rely upon beauty of form or
structure.
Although Felix Mendelssohn was more famous in his day as a Romantic than
a Classicist, to Apthorp he was the last world-famous Classical composer. Like
Bach, his Classicism and Romanticism went hand-in-hand. Robert Franz and Otto
Dresel, two musicians who contributed greatly to the musical life of Boston, were of
the same warp and woof, but were merely younger and less famous. In both of
46
Ibid., 207f.


64
Leg Off (the words are "Saw my leg off, saw my leg off, saw my leg off short"; the
entire song is then repeated), "Laurel Schottisch" for piano by E. Mack, "Les Roses
Grand Waltz" for piano arranged by J. S. Knight, and "Come Where My Love lies
Dreaming" for piano by C. Foster. Perhaps the Boston Times had some vested
interest in promoting such ditties as "beautiful vocal and instrumental music." They
are distinctly in the popular vein, a genre that Apthorp chose not to review, as we
shall see.
On the subject of music reviews, it was not Smiths intention to provide his
readers with penetrating, discerning reviews of music or performances. The
superscript to the December 1872 issue quoted W. S. B. Matthews; "There is no such
thing as intelligent and discriminating criticism possible while the music-publisher
pays the editors salary." Smiths relationship with any music-publisher is consistent
with Matthewss statement, since Smith broke away from White, Smith & Perrys
Folio. The first part of Matthewss dictum, however, is completely absent in Smiths
Paper. At least the Folio featured an Opera and Concert column; Smith's Paper did
not include a regular column devoted to commenting on musical events in and
around Boston. When he did attempt remarks of a performance, his words were
drivel. For example, a review of the "Seventh Symphony Concert" in the March
1872 issue states, in toto,
This concert took place at Music Hall, Feb. 1st. It was not very well
attended, nor did the performance very greatly please those who were
present. Liszts Symphonic Poem, Haydns Symphony, No. 3, in E-flat
and Rubensteins [sic] Piano-forte Concerto No. 3 in G were the new


231
these two supreme masters had lain hidden for generations."56 They were the right
men at the right time, and were best fitted for the task.
"John Sullivan Dwight"
Apthorps essay on John Sullivan Dwight was written as an obituary notice for
the Boston Evening Transcript, 5 September 1893. To Apthorps recollection, Dwight
was most remarkable for his instinct for culture, as distinguished from mere learning.
He was not a man who liked to work, so he did what came easiest for him. He
devoted his attention to that place where intellectual and artistic experiences met,
and he assimilated them until they became his feeling, his instinct. He chose music,
for of all the arts it is the one that can be enjoyed immediately and with the least
effort.
Apthorp doubted whether or not Dwight ever actually studied music. What
he had was an innate aptitude for the art, what Apthorp called a "fair ear and
general aesthetic sensibility." Dwights performing experience was limited to playing
the clarinet in the Pierian Sodality. Nevertheless, his knowledge of musical
terminology was comprehensive and accurate, "astonishingly so in one whose
technical knowledge of the art was so incomplete."67 Perhaps it was partly because
of his want of performing skill that he was more interested in a spirited performance
than one that was technically accurate.
In spite of his shortcomings, Dwights musical instincts and perceptions were
of the finest. "He was irresistibly drawn to what is pure, noble, and beautiful."
66 Ibid., 273.
57 Ibid., 280.


290
Foster, E. W., arr., "Jesus, I My Cross have Taken," by L. Spohr,
for solo/duet/quartet
The Fourth Music Reader, by J. Eichberg, et al.
Franz, Robert, "For Somebody," Op. 1, No. 8
"Whither, O Bird, your flight?," Op. 1, No. 11,
trans, by C. Geibel
songs of
rescoring of J. S. Bachs Magnificat
rescoring of J. S. Bachs St Matthew Passion
rescoring of G. F. Handels Messiah
Gabriel, Virginia, "Lost" (song)
"Love's Requital" (song)
Gabussi, V., "The Fortune Teller," duet for sop. and contralto
Ganz, Wilhelm, "Sing, Sweet Bird"
Garcia, Manuel, Art du Chant
Gatty, Alfred S., "The Hay is i the Mow," words by S. Gatty
"O fair Dove! O fond Dove," words by J. Ingelow
Gatty, S. H., words for "The Hay is i the Mow" by A. Gatty
"Gay Little Dandelion," Op. 1, song by G. Osgood,
words by G. MacDonald
Geibel, Clarke, trans., "Whither, O Bird, your flight?" Op. 1, No. 11,
by R. Franz
German Four-Part Songs, ed. by N. H. Allen, with English words
Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen of R. Wagner
Geschichte des deutschen Liedes, by A. Reissman
"Give," song by A. Sullivan, words by A. Proctor
Gluck, Christoph W., "Best things done badly become insufferable"
Gavotte in A major, transe, for piano by J. Brahms
Goddard, Arabella, pianist
Goethe, Johann W., and A. Forester, words for "First Loss," Op. 38,
by F. Kulling
Goldbeck, R., "Supplication," romance for piano
"Gondolina," for piano by E. Dorn
Gottschalk, Augusta, "Christmas Eve" (piano)
Gottschalk, Louis M., Clebre Tarantelle de Bravura (piano)
Chant de Guerre (piano)
Rayons dAzur, Op. post., polka de salon (piano)
Souvenir de Lima, Op. post., mazurka (piano)
Gounod, Charles, "Aprile," words by J. Barbier
"Biondina Bella" (canzonetta)
"Marche Romaine" (piano)
"Nazareth" (song)
"O that we two were Maying!" (song)
"Passed Away," words by E. Saunders
"Queen of Love" (song)
"When in the Early Morn," words by E. Maitland
"The Grasshoppers Song," Op. 32, No. 5, for piano by S. Emery
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1873
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874
June 1872
May 1876
Aug. 1874
Mar. 1877
Nov. 1873
Jan. 1874
Feb. 1874
Jan. 1874
Feb. 1872
May 1876
June 1872
May 1876
May 1873
Jan. 1874
Feb. 1876
Feb. 1874
Dec. 1874
Jan. 1874
Apr. 1877
Oct. 1872
Sep. 1872
Aug. 1875
Mar. 1872
Feb. 1872
Feb. 1872
Mar. 1875
Feb. 1874
May 1874
Mar. 1875
May 1873
Sep. 1875
Feb. 1874
June 1872
June 1872
May 1873
Feb. 1872
May 1873
Feb. 1874


119
wandering away from the voice in almost inexplicable contrast. But
the central thought is beautiful and high and holy. It is impossible for
the right-minded person to listen without feeling calmer and better,
and understanding that there is beauty beyond that of mere form, and
an eloquence which no mere perfection of wording can reach.28
As usual, the names of the principals are buried in the article and have to
be ferreted out. Although the performance was "beautiful and satisfying," the critic
lamented that there were so many empty seats. It was noted that the most difficult
role is that of the Evangelist, a tenor, and that the work consists principally of
recitatives that present difficulties in interval relationships, phrasing, and
modulations. Comment was then made on each soloist in turn. For example, of
George J. Parker, who sang the role of the Evangelist (this item was not clearly
stated but is deduced by the reader), the critic said that he "is entitled to the highest
praise and warm congratulations. His organ is delicate and sensitive in its timbre,
but it can yet flash out a tone or a phrase thrillingly, and it was used with all
discretion." The bass part was shared by Mr. Henschel, who sang the part of Jesus,
and Mr. Remmertz. Of the latter, "He did not seem quite at ease in the early part
of the evening, and made no dramatic distinction between Pilate and the High Priest,
and sang his recitatives throughout, instead of declaiming them. But he was very
good in the Give me back my dearest master, both in tone and expression."29
There is brief comment on the orchestra and obbligati.
Apthorps column on the same performance leaves the reader with a
more-complete picture of the event. "In the performance there was much to praise,
28 Ibid.
29
Ibid.


76
Dwights final point was that orchestral virtuosity should not be the principal
focus, but that "Music is the first point; execution, or interpretation ... is the
second. Perfection of execution is to be esteemed, to be sure, but to Dwight the
music is paramount. Noting that Boston did not have an orchestra as good as
Thomass, he felt it was worthwhile to "keep Beethoven with us.42 Noble and rich
programs would overshadow any shortcomings of performance.
In his reply, Apthorp remarked that Dwights conservative point of view did
have an element of truth to it that is worthy of careful attention. He selected a few
choice quotes to recap Dwights position. The first point that Apthorp took
exception to is whether new compositions could be safely left to others. "We do not
think that the introducing of new composers can as yet be safely left to others, and
it can hardly be doubted that the hearing of their works is now almost an artistic
necessity with many of us, especially the younger ones." Dwight was not raised in
a generation in which the music of Hector Berlioz, Franz Liszt, or Richard Wagner
was readily accepted, but Apthorp was. He specifically named Johannes Brahms,
Max Bruch, Charles Gounod, and Jules Massenet as composers whose works were
unheard in Boston. Without discarding the music of Dwights masters, Apthorp and
his generation actively sought the new music, "not from mere curiosity, but from a
need to imbue ourselves thoroughly with the musical spirit of our own time."43 He
did not buy the philosophy of "none but the ancients can be classical." Even if a
contemporary composer may not achieve immortality (who of that generation could
43 Atlantic Monthly, Dec. 1873, 757a.


124
duly noted and commended, and the audience was "attentive and lively with
expressions of satisfaction for whatever was worthily done."41
Ludwig van Beethoven. Symphony No. 9 (Choral Symphony, 18231
Of all the composers whose works were performed during this period, none
was better represented than Ludwig van Beethoven. All nine symphonies, all of the
overtures, several piano concertos, and various other works, including the Choral
Fantasy, were performed, many of them several times. It seems that a concert
program was not complete without a Beethoven work. An innovative symphonist,
he constantly added to and expanded the orchestral palette, ultimately including
voices. Although the work discussed here is his Ninth Symphony (the Choral
Symphony), there is another issue of secondary importance here, that of the final
appearance of the music director of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Georg
Henschel.
This time a performance during the Handel and Haydn Triennial Festival in
1880 can be included. Beethovens Ninth Symphony was performed in the afternoon
of 6 May 1880. Bostonians were quite familiar with the work, as the Handel and
Haydn Society had performed the masterpiece six times, the last being in the festival
of 1874, as Clement noted in an announcement of the festival. The concert was
given high billing: "The production of Beethovens Ninth Symphony . will be a
capital event, second to none in the whole festival. This stupendous work, in which
the acme of modern musical art is reached in the union of orchestra and the human
voice, ... is rightly made the keystone of the festival. John S. Dwights program
41
Ibid.


27
played no instrument until he entered Harvard College.4 It was in the summer of
1829 when he enrolled at Harvard, and while there was no course of study in music
there at that time, there was a club of students who were interested in the study and
practice of music called the Pierian Sodality. Dwight was "captivated and converted
to the gospel of the college flute, as the transcendent and most eloquent of
instruments.5 Since the club was amply endowed with flutists, however, Dwight took
up the clarinet. Not being a respectable performer-Fertig claims he could not play
a note on any instrumenthe was interdicted from playing with the Pierian Sodality.
Instead, as Dwight himself put it, he was ushered into the Arionic Society, "the
purgatory which half-fledged musicians of [my] own ilk had to pass through before
they could be candidates for the Pierian paradise."6 It was during and especially
after his days at Harvard that he spent time learning how to play the flute and
piano.
Dwight graduated from Harvard in 1832, whereupon he entered the Divinity
School of Harvard College. But music was never far from his thoughts. His thesis,
"On the Proper Character of Poetry and Music for Public Worship," dealt specifically
4 Walter Fertig, "John Sullivan Dwight: Transcendentalist and Literary Amateur
of Music (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, 1952), 8. Hereafter
"Transcendentalist." Cooke asserts that Dwight "devoted much time to the piano and
flute" (Brook Fanner, 6a). Whether or not he did so prior to his Harvard years is
flummery, since if he did, he did not achieve a level of performance corresponding
to that of his peers.
5 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 7a.
6 Fertig, "Transcendentalist," 9; Cooke, Brook Farmer, 7a.


295
"Non so," romanza by Enrico Bevignani
Norton, Lilllian B., soprano in G. F. Handels Messiah
"Nouvelles Soirees de Vienne," from J. Strausss Suites 1 and 2,
arr. for piano by Carl Tausig
"Novelette," caprice for piano by W. Mason
"O fair Dove! O fond Dove!" song by A. Sullivan, words by J. Ingelow
"O fair Dove! O fond Dove," song by A. Gatty, words by J. Ingelow
"O sing unto the Lord," quartet by J. Thomas
"O Blushing Flowers of Krumley," song by J. Eichberg,
words by A. Carey
"O that we two were Maying!" song by C. Gounod
Offenbach, Jacques, and opera bouffe
"The Old Place," ballad by F. White
"The Old, Old Tale," song by F. Abt
"Only to Love, song by C. Santley
Opera bouffe and Jacques Offenbach
Orchestral music at the theater
Orchestral Union, a brief history
Les Origines de lOpera et la Ballet de la Reme, by L. Celler
Osborne, Edmund F., words for "Tuberose," by M. Mueller
Osgood, George L., "Gay Little Dandelion," Op. 1,
words by G. MacDonald
ed., Guide in the Art of Singing
"The Lake and the Lily," words by Laurius
"Somebody" (song)
"Sunset" (song)
"The Sunshine of Thine Eyes," words by G. Lathrop
tenor
tenor in R. Schumanns Paradise and the Pen
Oxenford John, words for "Deep Down Within the Cellar"
"Pace a quest alma oppressa," terzettino by F. Campana
Paine, John K., "Hymn," text by J. G. Whittier
St Peter (oratorio)
St Peter
St Peter, premiere performance
St Peter
Symphony No. 1, analysis of
Symphony No. 1, concert review
Vier Character-Stdcke, Op. 11 (piano)
Paladilhe, E., "Mandolinata (Roman serenade)
Parker, J., trans., Fifty Selected Piano Studies, by J. Cramer and
H. von Blow
"Passed Away, song by C. Gounod, words by E. Saunders
Patti, Carlotta, coloratura sop. with the Strakosch troupe
Pease, Alfred H., "Ay!" (song)
"Forevermore" (song)
Mar. 1872
Mar. 1877
Nov. 1876
Mar. 1872
June 1872
June 1872
Mar. 1872
Apr. 1876
June 1872
Apr. 1872
Feb. 1872
Feb. 1872
Mar. 1872
Apr. 1872
Nov. 1872
June 1875
Dec. 1874
Aug. 1875
May 1873
Dec. 1874
May 1876
May 1873
May 1873
Nov. 1876
Feb. 1873
May 1875
May 1873
Apr. 1874
July 1876
Jan. 1873
Apr. 1873
Aug. 1873
Aug. 1874
May 1876
May 1876
Oct. 1872
Jan. 1872
May 1875
May 1873
Dec. 1872
June 1872
June 1872


90
amusement [emphasis added]." "But whoever thought of an oratorio in the light of
an amusement? He assured his readers that Paine did not intend St. Peter to be
amusing. Comments in The Nation on oratorios by Mendelssohn, how they are both
melodious and religious, were summarily put to rest, as well. Apthorp saw nothing
distinctly religious in "He watching over Israel and "Blessed are the men that fear
Him" from Elijah; they were "nothing but the purely sensuous development of a
sensuously beautiful melody."78
Apthorp had high praise for the work and for the premiere performance,
calling it the "great event of the season. . [It] is the first direct proof we have had
of the existence of creative musical genius in this country."79 The chorus was from
Portland, as was the soprano soloist; the other three soloists and the orchestra were
from Boston. The entire ensemble was conducted by Paine. Calling it "unwise" to
compare St. Peter with established treasures as Handels Messiah and Mendelssohns
Elijah and St. Paul, he nevertheless placed St. Peter on the pinnacle of American
choral music. He also noted that America had yet to hear Paines Mass in D, which
was premiered in Berlin, a comment, perhaps on "our best-known choral
associations"?
Apthorps analysis of the work was rather technical but was closely tied to the
text. This served two purposes: (1) to be as precise as possible, and (2) to make it
easier to follow. If the reader did not know what a second subject is, for example,
the references to the music would be of great assistance, and the reader may be able
78 Ibid., 508a-b.
79 Ibid., Aug. 1873, 248a.


79
clarity, tempo, and balance with instrumental soloists. For remarks on a
performance, there was still a good deal of comment on the music itself-he found
it difficult to treat the music and the performance separately. He proceeded to
mention several of the instrumental soloists by name and said that the solos "were
very nicely played." The vocal soloists were "creditable considering that "hardly any
have been nurtured upon Bach." He did acknowledge that they were indeed "artists
in more modern styles of music."49
As might be expected, Dwight waxed eloquent on Bachs melodies: they are
"too serious, too quiet, too sincere, too devoid of modern effects, and it demands too
entire a self-surrendering of a singer, to make it readily appreciable to all, to any
who have not something in their nature that draws to it any innate affinity."50
Henrietta Beebe sang the soprano role well, but neither her voice nor her culture
were "much in sympathy with Bach. Alto Hermine Rudersdorff had been steeped
in the Bach tradition, and she provided a "fine lesson for our singers," despite some
"unpleasant tones." Another alto, Laura Hastings, projected rich and large low
tones, but her delivery was "somewhat constrained and cold." Although bass John
F. Rudolphsen was praised for stepping in on short notice, there were no comments
specifically on his performance. Bass John Winch was in his best voice~Bach
evidently has begun to gain possession of him." The most difficult part fell to the
tenor, William J. Winch, who sang "admirably . with sweet, clear voice, although
49 Ibid., 223a.
50
Ibid.


210
addressed the issues of filling out the shorthand harmony and on what instrument(s)
the accompaniments should be performed, but only after he set the stage for the
battle that was waged in the name of art.
The primary medium that Apthorp discussed was large-scale vocal works of
the Baroque era. He pointed out that while instrumental music had undergone
dramatic transformation at the hands of the Classical composers, namely, Haydn,
Mozart, and Beethoven, very little music was composed by them that compared with
monumental Baroque oratorios and cantatas. To him, Berliozs Requiem does not
rightfully stand next to Handels Athalia. At least he made his point of view
perfectly clear. Many would hold a contrary opinion.
The crux of the matter lies in the treatment of the voice parts, which were
handled with meticulous care by Bach, as contrasted to the orchestra parts, which
were not as plain. Apthorp went on to explain figured bass, a shorthand method of
writing out the complete harmony, and basso continuo to his readers. He also noted
that the organist (since these were mainly church works) played the continuo part
or a part that was prepared from the continuo part. He then made the distinction
between original parts-parts actually written out by the composer-and added parts-
those parts added by another hand. In so doing, the critic prepared his readers for
the discussion by introducing them to the terms and basic concepts salient to the
topic. He then launched into more background material by recounting the
''rediscovery of Bachs vocal music and the performance, under the direction of
Felix Mendelssohn, of the St. Matthew Passion at the Berlin Sing Akademie and the
St. Thomas Kirche in Leipzig in 1829.


297
"Rest thee on this Mossy Pillow," trio for female voices by H. Smart,
words by B. Heber
Ritter, Frederic Louis, Fimf Lieder, Op. 10
History of Music, second series
Six Songs, Op. 6
Ten Irish Melodies
Rober, F., text for "Er hat vergissen sein schones Weib"
from C. Reineckes Knig Manfred
Ropes, Ailie E., "Babys Eyes (slumber song)
"A Rose in Heaven," song by F. Abt, words by E. Jackson,
Rossini, Gioacchino, "La Danza," Op. 104, from Soiree-Musicales,
arr. for piano by S. Smith
Rubinstein, Anton, Ivan der Grausame (tone poem)
pianist
pianist
Rudersdorff, Hermine, dramatic sop.
singer with the Maretzek opera troupe
singer in J. S. Bachs St. Matthew Passion
Rudolphsen, John F., bass in J. S. Bachs St. Matthew Passion
"Russian Airs," from Grands Fantaisies de Concert, for piano
by L. Sloper
"The Sailors Story, song by H. Smart
Saint-Sans, Camille, Concerto No. 2 for piano and orchestra,
B. J. Lang, pianist
music of
The Santley Album, six songs transe, for piano by L. Sloper
Santley, Charles, "Only to Love" (song)
The Santley Album, six songs transe, for piano by L. Sloper
singer
singer
Saran, A., "Fantasie in Form einer Sonate," Op. 5 (piano)
"Fantasie-Variationen," Op. 1 (piano)
Saunders Theater in Cambridge
Saunders, Edwin, words to "Passed Away, by C. Gounod
Sauret, Emile, violinist
"Scherzo, caprice for piano by W. Mason
Schubert, Franz, songs of
Schubert, Franz, "Andante with variations" from Quartet in d,
arr. for piano by Ernst Perabo
"Menuetto," from String Quartet No. 1, transe, for piano
by E. Perabo
Schumann, Robert, 0 tell me, little Birdie mine," Op. 27, No. 1
Paradise and the Peri, performed by the Cecilia Club,
B. J. Lang, dir.
quote on dilettanti and artists
Scolara, Giovanni, as King Henry in R. Wagners Lohengrin
"Sea Fern, part song by J. P. Morgan
Oct. 1872
Mar. 1877
May 1875
Mar. 1877
July 1877
Nov. 1873
May 1875
Oct. 1872
Jan. 1874
Mar. 1874
Dec. 1872
Feb. 1877
Apr. 1873
Jan. 1874
Sep. 1876
Sep. 1876
July 1872
Mar. 1872
May 1876
Apr. 1876
July 1872
Mar. 1872
July 1872
Jan. 1872
Feb. 1872
May 1874
May 1874
Feb. 1877
May 1873
Dec. 1872
Mar. 1872
June 1872
Mar. 1872
Oct. 1872
Oct. 1872
May 1875
Sep. 1876
Mar. 1875
Sep. 1875


16
criticism. In general, however, since most of these sources will be newspapers,
journals, and publishers of high standards and esteemed reputations, there should
be little doubt as to their integrity. With regard to the authors themselves, it has
been stated that what they have written for print is simply personal opinion. They
are subjective impressions, but that is precisely what this study proposes to
investigate.
Review of the Literature
In his address "A Profile of American Musicology" Joseph Kerman has stated
a case for criticism as being the top rung of a musicological ladder whose steps are
comprised of specialized studies, such as biography, bibliography, performance
practice, theory, etc.'7 With this in mind, one would expect to find references to
music criticism, and perhaps even notable music critics, in standard musicological
works. In general, however, that is not the case. Glen Haydoris comments on
criticism as evaluation in Introduction to Musicology has already been cited under
"The Problem.18 The essays in Musicology by Frank LI. Harrison, Mantle Hood,
and Claude Palisca contain no mention of music criticism. Research Guide to
Musicology by James W. Pruett and Thomas Slavens includes analytical and style
criticism as research, but not as a journalistic endeavor for the enlightenment of the
public. Denis Stevens also recognizes analytical criticism, but he does note that the
analysis of music is heavily technical and not humanistic, since "it is incomparably
easier to write plausible analysis than to give the impression that musical criticism
17 Joseph Kerman, "A Profile For American Musicology," 61-69.
18 See pp. 7-8 above.


306
Mead, Rita. Doctoral Dissertations in American Music: A Classified Bibliography.
Brooklyn: Institute for Studies in American Music, Brooklyn College of the City
University of New York, 1974.
Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Edited by Friedrich Blume. Kassel u.
Basel: Barenreiter Verlag, 1949-67. Article, "Philip Hale" (5:1341).
Mussulman, Joseph A. Music in the Cultured Generation: A Social History of Music
in America, 1870-1900. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1971.
Otis, Philo Adams. The Chicago Symphony Orchestra: Its Organization, Growth, and
Development. Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1972. Reprint of 1924
edition.
Perkins, Charles C., and John S. Dwight. A History of the Handel and Haydn Society,
of Boston, Massachusetts. New York: Da Capo Press, 1977.
Pratt, Waldo S. American Supplement to Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians.
New York: Macmillan & Co, 1935. Articles on William F. Apthorp, Philip Hale,
and John S. Dwight.
. The New Encyclopedia of Music and Musicians. Revised edition. Edited by
New York: Macmillan Co., 1929. Articles on William F. Apthorp, John S. Dwight,
and Philip Hale.
Pruett, James W. and Thomas Slavens. Research Guide to Musicology. Chicago:
American Library Association, 1985.
Rosenstiel, Leonie, editor. Schirmer History of Music. New York: Schirmer Books,
1982.
Sablosky, Irving. What They Heard: Music in America, 1852-1881, from the Pages of
Dwights Journal of Music. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986.
Schmidt-Gorg, Joseph, and Hans Schmidt, editors. Ludwig van Beethoven. Bonn:
Beethoven-Archiv, 1974.
Shirley, Wayne D. Article, "Philip Hale," in New Grove Dictionary of American
Music. Edited by H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie. Washington, DC: Groves
Dictionaries of Music, 1986. (2:307.)
. Article, "Philip Hale," in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians.
Edited by Stanley Sadie. Washington, DC: Groves Dictionaries of Music, 1980.
(8:42.)


154
its possibilities. Apthorps labor indeed proved worth the effort, for by the time his
third symphony appeared the critic was well prepared and recognized Brahms for
the master that he was.
Beniamin E. Woolf. Pounce & Co. 118831
It may be recalled that one of the witnesses that appeared on behalf of
Joseph G. Lennon in the proceedings related to the performance of Gounods
Redemption was Benjamin E. Woolf (1836-1901)." As a composer, Apthorp spoke
well of him: "Mr. Woolf is one of the few American musicians who have the ability
to compete successfully in the manufacture of musical dramas, having, besides his
natural endowments!,] the theoretical education and practical experience, without
which satisfactory results in any form of art are nearly impossible.'00 Woolf was
also a music critic, writing for the Boston Globe and the Boston Herald, and was
editor of the Saturday Evening Gazette. Early in his career he was a founder of the
New York Philharmonic Society and conducted theater orchestras. Later he led
orchestras at the Boston Museum, in Philadelphia, and New Orleans. Pounce & Co.
is one of his six operettas.
The critic for the Daily Advertiser spent the first half of the review on the
libretto (which was written by Woolf). In spite of the criticism that the style was in
the same vein as that of William Gilbert ("If he had never lived and written, it is as
conceivable that Mr. Woolfs Pounce & Co. should have ever been produced"), the
writer was still of the opinion that "no libretto, either original or translated, worthy
" See Note 84 above.
100 Boston Evening Transcript, 26 Sept. 1882, 3.


128
enthusiasm that bordered on sorcery."48 After hearing Berliozs Symphonie
Fantastique-and recognizing him as a virtuoso of orchestrationPaganini solicited
Berlioz to compose for him a solo work for viola. The resulting opus was Harold in
Italy, after Byrons Childe Harold. As the piece did not showcase the viola in the
manner in which Paganini wished, however, he refused to perform it.
The Boston Symphony Orchestra performed Harold on Saturday, 16 February
1884, in Music Hall, Henry Heindl, soloist. Selections by Richard Wagner were
also on the program, as were some songs with piano accompaniment. According the
critic for the Daily Advertiser, the audience was hardly impressed with the work,
which had been given "not very long ago." It could not be determined whether they
were "pleased or perplexed." Further, "their applause was more a compliment to the
skilful work of the conductor and orchestra and to the careful, wise, and sweet
playing by Mr. Henry Heindl of the solo viola, than a spontaneous confession of
pleasure." Berliozs work seemed to have an air of theatrics, as in "the early years
of that hot, ill-regulated, brilliant man when his pegasus had still the bits between
his teeth and was taking his own pace, even though he condescended to fly toward
the poets goal. Three selections by Wagner that were performed on the same
concert program were more readily accepted.49
48 Alfred Einstein, Music in the Romantic Era (New York: W. W. Norton, 1947),
204.
Boston Daily Advertiser, 18 Feb. 1884, 4. The Wagner selections were the
Prelude and "Good Fridays Spell" (from Act III) from Parsifal and Walters "Prize
Song" from Die Meistersinger von Nrnberg.


37
keen.28 Because of his significant work with the Harbinger, Irving Lowens christened
Dwight "the Transcendental pope of music.29
Already experiencing financial difficulties, the Brook Farmers suffered a
disastrous fire in 1846. In spite of a vigorous effort to keep alive an interest in the
association, Dwight and his fellow prophets of a new society were unable to restore
their noble experiment, and Brook Farm breathed its last the following year, leaving
Dwight to face yet another turning point in his diverse career.
As it happened, several of the residents of Brook Farm attempted to continue
their concept of social living in a boarding house in Boston. The Religious Union
of Associationists was formed, and Dwight, ever the harbinger of great music, led the
music at their meetings. He continued to write for a number of tabloids, including
the Boston Commonwealth, the Daily Chronotype, the Daily Advertiser, Sartains
Magazine in Philadelphia, and the Messenger Bird in New York. In addition, he was
in demand as a speaker on music.
During this same time period, around 1850, efforts were made on behalf of
Dwight by George Ripley (leader of Brook Farm), Charles Dana (member of Brook
Farm), and Parke Godwin to lure him to New York City to continue his career as
a music journalist. He was well known in New York, having contributed articles for
several periodicals and given a series of lectures on music during the Brook Farm
28 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 33f. See also Lowens, Music and Musicians, 253.
29 Lowens, Music and Musicians, 250. Lowenss discussion of the Harbinger,
Transcendentalism, and music, 249-54, is enlightening. See also Fertig,
"Transcendentalist," Chapter 4, "Association and the Harbinger: 1845-1847," 104-74.


116
symphony. Bruckners opus was, as Parker himself put it, "still novel to most ears."25
When presenting new music, Apthorp made certain to educate his readers
concerning the merits of the composition. It seems that Parker saw his role as music
critic as more sensual, describing how the music felt.
Perhaps the best description of Parkers writing is Impressionistic. When
commenting on an Impressionistic piece, his description was absolutely marvelous.
When Impressionism and drama were melded, as in Pellas et Mlisande by Claude
Debussy (1862-1918), the result was even more picturesque.
These personages [Debussy and Maeterlinck, the librettist] speak their
thoughts and moods in music that is as clear and supple as the speech
of word only[,] and that melodious contour or rhythmic accent or
harmonic inflection glamors and heightens until it seems like the
language of this remote, mysterious, half-human, half-sublimated and
simplified world. They speak[,] and where the word stops, the
orchestra bears their thoughts and moods forward or backward. A
phrase, a progression, and the imagination hears the longing that
Pelleas dare not speak. An instrument flutters, and the sound is as the
fluttering of Melisandes spirit.26
In this writers judgment, it would have been better for Parker to have used such
musical terms here as glissando, whole-tone scale, extended harmony, parallel (or
gliding) chords, and tritone to describe how Debussy used the orchestra to "bear
their thoughts and moods.
As with Clement and Apthorp, there were numerous articles in the "other
category during Parkers term. It is here that he used the additional space to his
advantage, for he was able to include full-length articles that were of musical
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid., 9 Jan. 1913, 14.


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the College of
Education and to the Gradute School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December 1991
Dean, College of Education
Dean, Graduate School


303
. The Opera Past and Present: An Historical Sketch. New York: Charles
Scribners Sons, 1901.
Ayars, Christine M. Contributions to the Art of Music in America by the Music
Industries of Boston, 1640-1936. New York: H. W. Wilson, 1937.
Bakers Biographical Dictionary of Musicians. Seventh edition. Edited by Nicolas
Slonimsky. New York: Schirmer Books, 1984. Articles on William F. Apthorp,
John S. Dwight, and Philip Hale.
Beasley, William Joseph. "The Organ in America, as Portrayed in Dwights Journal
of Music." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Southern California, 1971. 602 p.
Berlioz, Hector. Grand Trait d'Instrumentation et dOrchestration Modemes. Paris:
Schonenberger, 1843. Enlarged and revised by Richard Strauss. New York: Kalmus,
1948.
Boyd, Jean Ann. "Philip Hale, American Music Critic, Boston, 1889-1933." Ph.D.
dissertation. University of Texas at Austin, 1985. 284 p.
Burk, John N., editor. Philip Hales Boston Symphony Programme Notes: Historical,
Critical, and Descriptive Comment on Music and Composers. Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1935.
Call, William Anson. "A Study of the Transcendental Aesthetic Theories of John
S. Dwight and Charles E. Ives and the Relationship of Those Theories to their
Respective Work as Music Critic and Composer." D.M.A. dissertation. University
of Illinois, 1971. 229 p.
Cannon, Beekman, Alvin Johnson, and William Waite. The Art of Music: A Short
History of Musical Styles and Ideas. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1960.
Chamberlin, Joseph Edgar. The Boston Transcript: A History of its First Hundred
Years. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930.
Cooke, George Willis. John Sullivan Dwight: Brook Farmer, Editor, and Critic of
Music. Hartford: Transcendental Books, 1973.
Dean, Winston. Article, "Criticism," in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians.
Edited by Stanley Sadie. Washington, DC: Groves Dictionaries of Music, 1980.
(5:36-50.)
District of Columbia. Historical Records Survey. Bio-bibliographical Index of
Musicians in the United States of America from Colonial Times. Second edition.
Washington, DC: Music Section, Pan American Union, 1956.
Donington, Robert. The Opera. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1978.


219
suggesting the use of clarinets that Franz was attacked, for the clarinet is not a
Baroque instrument. Neither was such a woodwind quartet.
In his conclusion, Apthorp remarked that there had not yet been sufficient
experimentation to clarify the matter of additional accompaniments. He also noted
that the question of what instrument to use was not one that bewildered musicians
of the time of Bach and Handel like it has since. "The prime question in this matter
is: What shall be played? not, On what instruments shall it be played?"35
"Giacomo Meyerbeer"
This essay on Giacomo Meyerbeer (1791-1864) appeared in the Atlantic
Monthly, October 1879, but was rewritten and considerably extended here. In it
Apthorp highlighted the strengths and weaknesses of this composer of French opera.
In the late 1700s there was a "war" being waged in the world of opera. The
Querelle des Bouffons ("Quarrel of the Buffoons")-a battle waged with pens, not
swordserupted in Paris in 1752 between two factions, one supporting Italian comic
opera (opera buff), and the other supporting French grand opera in the manner of
Jean-Baptiste Lully (1632-1687). French opera was criticized for its elaborate
pageantry, which detracted from the drama, and its protagonists felt that the French
language was unsuitable for singing. They promoted Italian opera as being superior
in melody, expression, and naturalness. Christoph Willibald Gluck (1714-1787) was
the most successful reformer of French opera. So impassioned was this conflict that
a "duel" was set between Gluck and a champion of the Neapolitan opera, Niccolo
35
Ibid., 135.


223
Meyerbeers, on the other hand, was extensive. In a footnote concluding the essay,
Apthorp pointed to composers across Europe, namely, Karl Goldmark (1830-1915),
Giuseppe Verdi (1913-1901), Amilcare Ponchielli (1834-1886), Arrigo Boito
(1842-1918), Pietro Mascagni (1863-1945), and Ruggiero Leoncavallo (1858-1919),
as having been influenced by the "Meyerbeer formula.
"Jacques Offenbach"
What Giacomo Meyerbeer was to dramatic effect in opera, Jacques
Offenbach (1819-1880) was to caricature and humor. Although Apthorp did not
specify, perhaps this essay was written on the occasion of Offenbachs death.
Indeed, writing an obit of such a personality often turns back the barbs of any
would-be critic. This essay on Offenbach appeared in the International Review,
March 1881, and, like the essay on Meyerbeer, was also rewritten here. The
question that Apthorp addressed here is: Was Offenbach a man of genius?
Apthorp began by defining "genius" as transforming and reforming popular
opinion, setting up new ideals. Offenbach did not fit this description. Then the
writer took a step back and deemed a genius one who could carry an existing idea
to its conclusion "and give it unmistakably distinct utterance.4' He then noted that
a true genius works diligently at his task. Such was Offenbach.
Offenbach was imitated often but never equaled; he was unique. Musicians
of "high aim largely rebuked or ignored him, but Apthorp credited him with giving
"low order of music a degree of prominence in the eyes of the world at large.
Apthorp suggested that perhaps Offenbachs music should not be assessed using the
41
Ibid., 181.


204
rapidly, however, that we are unconscious of the separate acts, of intellect and
feeling.
"Johann Sebastian Bach"
This essay was originally given as a lecture in the same series as "Musicians"
and appeared in Contemporary Review, September 1891. Apthorp compared the life
and music of Bach with that of G. F. Handel, and he discussed also the Classical
and Romantic elements in Bachs music. Of particular interest are his comments on
Bachs affinity for the organ.
Apthorp began with an analogy. There are two types of men of creative
genius: those that have broad appeal, and those that are understood and valued by
a few. Georg Frederick Handel represents the former, and Johann Sebastian Bach
the latter. In comparing the lives of these two giants of the Baroque era, Handel
definitely comes out on top, at least in ephemeral respects. Handel attained
far-reaching acclaim, whereas Bach was hardly known outside of Germany. Handel
was well traveled; Bach was not. Handel lived a colorful life; Bachs was more
routine. Handel had at his disposal considerable musical resources; Bach had to
settle for small, inexperienced choirs.
It is in discussing their compositions that Apthorps own ideas become clear.
Handel was a "mannerist"; he fell into predictable patterns, especially in his later
works. Bachs music is more subtle and complex. "You often recognize Handel
only by the force of the blow he strikes; you detect Bach by the way in which the
Klotman, Foundations of Music Education (New York: Schirmer Books, 1984), 62ff.


112
had to say as much as possible in a small space. Henry T. Parker, Apthorps
successor, did not have to worry about that. Chamberlin noted that Parker made
"something new and commandingly interesting, as well as authoritative, of the
musical and dramatic department.20
By 1913, the tenth anniversary of Parkers term, the newspaper had
mushroomed to three and even four times its former size. Where columns had been
just thatcolumns-they were now pages. Most of the same regular features were
still found Monday through Friday. Saturdays edition, however, included many new
columns, covering automobiles, churches, aeronautics, the mountains, electrical
science, and womens clubs, and it was usually published in three sections. With
offices in New York, Washington, Chicago, and London, the Boston Evening
Transcript served a city that had become more cosmopolitan.
Parkers column, still one of the few that were initialed, went by multiple
names, including the Symphony, Music and Drama, the Opera, and Music and
Musicians. In Concerts Next Week he listed groups, soloists, and programs that
were scheduled to be performed in the upcoming week. Such notices also appeared
in News of Music; in addition, there were mini-reviews and commentaries on various
issues. News of Music usually included only four or five items and concentrated on
Boston and New York. In Items of the Day readers usually found notices of events
for other American and European cities. Parker was consistent; the content and
writing style seldom varied. Hence, readers knew what to expect in his column.
20
Chamberlin, Boston Transcript, 194.


197
inspired and beautiful instrumental passages Wagner ever wrote.62 Finally, rather
than attempt to describe for the public the two motifs, Love potion (or longing) and
Tristans love glance (they are mentioned), Apthorp chose to print the text--with
stage directions-to Isoldes dying speech in both German and English. Even though
the music is strictly instrumental, it cannot be rent from its connection with the
drama. To truly appreciate opera, even instrumental selections in Wagner, the
listeners need the entire dramatic and textual context. That is in keeping with
Wagners concept of Gesamtkunstwerk.
Hale conveyed to his readers, briefly, still more detail of each stage of
completion of Tristan. He noted that the programs at Carlsruhe and Lwenberg
listed the Prelude as Liebestod and the Liebestod as Verklarung (Transfiguration).
He did an admirable job of describing the Prelude theme, including key, meter,
markings (langsam und schmachtend, "slow and languishingly"), how the theme
progressed, and instrumentation. All this is rather dry, matter-of-fact material. Of
particular interest is an explanatory program by Wagner, a brief scenario in which
Wagner emphasized the most remarkable of all romanticisms: longing for the
unattainable, which is a strong current throughout the drama. Wagner pondered the
final escape: "Shall we call it death? Or is it the hidden wonder-world from out of
which an ivy and vine, entwined with each other, grew upon Tristans and Isolde's
grave, as the legend tells us?"63 Hale, then, conveyed to his readers a clear insight
into Wagner and the romantic mind.
62 Ibid., 5/6 Jan. 1894, 369.
63 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 371.


167
Clearly, the chronology of events is the key, and Apthorp properly addressed this
matter. Although there were still unresolved questions, it is plainly evident that
Apthorp provided his readers with more useful information.
In order to enlighten the readers, editors of program notes often turn to
other writers for information, and quite often they are writers whose prose is not
in English. It is therefore incumbent upon the editor to provide a translation for the
readers. In providing commentary on Ludwig van Beethovens Symphony No. 5 in
C minor, Wilson, Apthorp, and Hale all chose the same critique written by the
French composer/critic/conductor Hector Berlioz. It is interesting to examine each
editors translation from Berliozs French.13 Not one of the three credits the
translator, but certainly Apthorp was responsible for his own. Joseph E. Chamberlin
noted that "Mr. Apthorp was an accomplished scholar and linguist, speaking all the
leading languages of Europe, including Turkish, and being deeply versed in musical
and dramatic literature. It was quite impressive, in the outer room, to hear his
conversation in German, French, Italian, or Spanish, in meeting musical geniuses
from abroad."14
Perhaps the most effective summary of the development of program notes for
the Boston Symphony Orchestra, showing in particular the improvements that
Apthorp made over his predecessor, would be a complete citation of all three
writers on the same subject. A suitable example is the notes on Beethovens
13 Beethovens symphony and the editors treatments of Berliozs commentary
are discussed below, p. 182ff.
14 Joseph Edgar Chamberlin, The Boston Transcript: A History of its First Hundred
Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), 206.


305
Howard, John T. Our American Music: Three Hundred Yean of It. New York:
Thomas Y. Crowell, 1931.
Howe, Granville L., editor. A Hundred Years of Music in America. Chicago: G. L.
Howe, 1889.
Howe, M. A. DeWolfe. Boston: The Place and the People. New York: Macmillan,
1903.
. Boston Symphony Orchestra, 1881-1931. Semicentennial edition. Revised and
extended in collaboration with John N. Burk. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931.
Unabridged republication. New York: Da Capo Press, 1978.
Hughes, Rupert. American Composers: A Study of the Music of this Country and of
its Future, with Biographies of the Leading Composers of the Present Time. Revised
edition. Boston: Page Company, 1914.
International Encyclopedia of Music and Musicians. Ninth edition. Edited by Robert
Sabin. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1964. Articles on William F. Apthorp, John S.
Dwight, and Philip Hale.
Kerman, Joseph. "A Profile for American Musicology." Journal of the American
Musicological Society 18 (Spring 1965): 61-69.
Kohler, Karl-Heinz. Article, "Mendelssohn(-Bartholdy), (Jakob Ludwig) Felix," in
New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Edited by Stanley Sadie. Washington,
DC: Groves Dictionaries of Music, 1980. (12:134-59.)
Krummel, Donald W. Resources of American Music History: A Directory of Source
Materials from Colonial Times to World War II. Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1981.
Lang, Paul Henry. Music in Western Civilization. New York: W. W. Norton, 1941.
Lebow, Marcia Wilson. "A Systematic Examination of the Journal of Music and
Art, Edited by John Sullivan Dwight: 1852-1881, Boston, Massachusetts." Ph.D.
dissertation. University of California at Los Angeles, 1969. 428p.
Leichtentritt, Hugo. Article, "Music Criticism, in Harvard Dictionary of Music.
Second edition. Edited by Willi Apel. Article revised by John Reeves White.
Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1970. (553-555.)
Levinger, Henry W. "The Critics Eye View." Musical Courier 151 (1 Feb. 1955):
58-60.
Lowens, Irving. Music and Musicians in Early America. New York: W. W. Norton,
1964.


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
David Z. Kushner, Chair
Professor of Instruction and Curriculum
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Athol Packer
Associate Professor of Instruction and
Curriculum
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
John S. Kitts
Professor of Music
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Camille Smith
Associate Professor of Music
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
S. Philip Kniseley
Professor of Music


296
Perabo, Ernst, arr. "Andante with variations from
F. Schuberts Quartet in d for piano
transe, for piano "Menuetto" from F. Schuberts
String Quartet No. 1
transe, for piano "Theme with Variations" from F. Lachners
First Orchestral Suite
"Perform composers intentions," quote by R. Wagner
Peschka-Leutner, Minna, singer
Phillips, Matilda, contralto in G. F. Handels Messiah
Pianists Favorites of Modem Compositions
Pianists Favorites (easy)
Piano stools
Piano and Song, trans, by F. Wieck
Pinsuti, Ciro, "Fly Forth, O Gentle Dove (song)
"In Shadowland" (song)
Plaidy, Louis, Technical Studies for the Piano
"Pome dAvril, Op. 14, song by J. Massenet,
words by dArmand Silvestre
"Pome du Souvenir," song by J. Massenet,
words by dArmand Silvestre
"Polonaise," Op. 35, for piano by T. Carreno
Popular Songs and Ballads
Poultney, Thomas, words for "Thou has Broken the Heart,"
by F. Korbay
"Pour qui sera," song by J. Massenet
"Praeludium, for piano by A. Krause
"Prelude in a minor," for piano by W. Mason
Proctor, A. A., words for "Give," by A. Sullivan
Puente, Giuseppe del, as Fr. von Telramund in
R. Wagners Lohengrin
"Queen of the Beautiful, song by C. White
"Queen of Love," song by C. Gounod
Raff, Joachim, Impromptu Valse, Op. 94 (piano)
Symphony No. 2
Lenore symphony
Im Wald symphony
Randegger, Alberto, "Marinella" (canzone)
"A Mariners Homes the Sea, words by J. Wooler
Rayons dAzur, Op. post., polka de salon (piano)
by L. M. Gottschalk
Reinecke, Carl, "Er hat vergissen sein schones Weib"
from Knig Manfred, text by F. Rober
Hausmusik, Op. 77 (piano)
Reissman, August, Geschichte des deutschen Liedes
"A Relic, fantasia impromptu for piano by W. A. Mozart,
ed. by A. Maas
"Resignation," song by F. Korbay, words by T. Sturm
Mar. 1872
Oct. 1872
July 1872
Apr. 1877
Sep. 1872
Mar. 1877
Dec. 1876
Apr. 1874
Dec. 1873
Sep. 1875
Feb. 1874
May 1874
Dec. 1874
Dec. 1876
Dec. 1876
Jan. 1874
June 1872
Nov. 1876
Jan. 1872
Jan. 1872
Mar. 1872
Jan. 1874
Mar. 1875
Mar. 1872
Feb. 1872
May 1876
Apr. 1872
Mar. 1874
Feb. 1872
Oct. 1872
May 1873
May 1874
Nov. 1873
Apr. 1876
Dec. 1874
June 1874
Nov. 1876


245
announced his desire to be a musician. His fathers admonition to him seemed
harsh, but Berlioz nevertheless fulfilled his fathers words: "Be either great or highest
in the arts, or leave them alone. . Nothing is so loathsome as a bad artist.7 After
Berlioz had achieved notoriety as a composer and conductor, his parents acquiesced
and received him favorably.
His marriage to his beloved Henriette proved to be more troublesome than
fulfilling. Her career failed due to a tragic accident, and Berlioz spent considerable
time away on concert tours to Germany and Russia. After watching her suffer and
decline in spirit, she mercifully passed on. In describing her burial, Berlioz could
not help but notice that the funeral procession carried them past the Odeon theater,
where he had first seen her as Ophelia in Shakespeares Hamlet. Berliozs vexed
spirit cried out, "Shakspere! Shakspere! I feel the deluge returning, I am wrecked
in sorrow, and I seek thee still. . Father! father! where are you? Berlioz
remarried, but for only eight unhappy years. Apthorp then described, using Berliozs
words, how ten years later the remains of Henriette had to be moved. How much
pain can one man endure? As if to soothe the troubled Berlioz, Apthorp invoked,
"If paroxysmal grief and aesthetic typhomania do verily exhaust the capacity for
sorrow God has implanted in the human breast, then thou hast indeed sounded all
the depths of woe."8
Some time later Berlioz sought out the dream of his childhood, Estelle. He
found her in Lyon, and to his delight she remembered him fondly. Even better, she
Ibid., 16.
Ibid., 60, 62.
7


113
Whereas Apthorps writing style followed a natural progression from
Clements, Parker did indeed take off in a new direction, as Chamberlin noted.
With space limitation no longer an important factor, his writings were quite long.
Whereas Apthorp utilized a column or two to report on a concert, Parker took a
whole page. He did not take advantage of the additional space, unfortunately, to
include more detail. He simply was more expansive in his prose. Gone was the
clear, direct comment on the music or the performance. To be sure, the readers
could come away with some understanding of what the concert was like, but there
seems to be an implicit understanding that they were familiar with the music.
Apthorp conducted his audience through a piece describing movements, themes,
instruments, keys, meters, etc. Parker simply painted an image of the music. For
example, of a performance of Webers overture to Der Freischtz, he wrote:
Not merely was the tone of the horns exquisitely soft and rich, not
merely were the strings like whispers on the air, but imagination,
sensibility, and expert skill in the conductor and the men were shaping
this tone into beautiful and expressive utterance. In a moment came
the passage of spell and mystery-the passage of the boding
drum-beats. And the music crept into the hearers ear with its
low-voiced and fantastic suggestion.21
Readers familiar with the overture will clearly recognize that Parker was
describing the opening portion of Webers opus. Others may find these remarks
more difficult to follow. There are two key words in that description: imagination
and conductor. Parker was consumed with a desire for imaginative performances.
Most of his articles noted the imagination (or lack thereof) of the soloist or
conductor. Regarding the conductor, Parkers seems to have belonged to the
21
Boston Evening Transcript, 18 Jan. 1913, Part II, 6.


67
support."24 It is likely that Smith would have emphasized the "selections from
French opera" and deprecated the "severely classical works."
For all the buffoonery that the Paper contains, an occasional gem can be
harvested. The portraits, as mentioned, are truly fine. The one piano solo that
comes the closest to what may be considered art music is J. W. Turners Battle of
Bunker Hill, Op. 370. Despite the fact that Ludwig van Beethovens Wellingtons
Victory and Peter Tchaikovskys (1840-93) 1812 Overture have been criticized for
wont of quality compositional practice, they are nevertheless significant works of
literature. So Turners Battle is. It is a programmatic work, depicting the battle,
from the opening bugle call, preparation for battle, cannon fire, the advance and
attack of the British (to the tune "Rule Britannia"), the counterattack of the
Americans, the retreat of the British, and victory of the Americans (to the tune
"Yankee Doodle"). The work closes with final Hurrahls and "Hail! Columbia." To
be sure, Turners Battle is a fun piece, but it is technically demanding, not for the
household parlor pianist.
Dwiehts Journal and the Atlantic Monthly
As mentioned in the introduction, the only journal during 1872 and 1877 that
was published in Boston that could compare with Apthorps writings for the Atlantic
Monthly was John S. Dwights Journal of Music. Each issue was divided into two
parts, the first being articles from outside sources (including foreign correspondence,
mostly from Europe), and the second being articles from Dwights own hand.
24
Ibid., Nov. 1876, 136.


255
Brahms, Saint-Sans, Goldmark, Tchaikovsky, et al. Audiences noticed only the
"standards," however, and not the new works. As a parting broadside to the public,
Apthorp quipped, "The people persistently cried for the new things, and turned up
its nose when it got them.21
The section "About Arts in General provided Apthorp a forum to
demonstrate his broad knowledge about painters, sculptors, writers, and other artists,
as well as his keen insight into the world of art. He recalled the comments of a
friend who said that people who understand art-or think they doare holy terrors.
People who understand artists, on the other hand, are charming! Apthorp
commented further on a view by Max Nordau that artists are degenerate and insane.
True, but then insanity is a characteristic of genius of every art. Most artists are
egotists, a condition that veils them from ordinary people who see only the egotism,
not the artist. They are all insane with the same insanity of genius, which explains
why they tend to get along together.
In "Ars tonga, cnones breves" Apthorp noted how the history of art is strewn
with broken rules. But without canons, art would be lawless. What art is that?
Apthorp asserted that art has to embody certain conventions or people will not
understand it. Artists tend to throw off the shackles of convention, however, and
seek to embrace new rules. New rules have to prove their mettle and will not be
accepted until convention has changed. Like the inductive cycle of musical
composition that Apthorp described in his essay "Music and Science," it seems that
21
Ibid., 82.


26
of preservation to which Apthorp was referring is Dwights Journal of Music: "In it
Dwights fineness of artistic instinct and his unflinching intellectual honesty found
adequate expression."2 It is obligatory to examine and understand Dwights style of
music criticism in order to discern Apthorps approach to the task. Dwight truly
passed the torch to Apthorp, but what was the nature of that torch? That is, what
was the status of writing about music that Apthorp inherited from Dwight?
John Sullivan Dwight was bom 13 May 1813. He was the eldest of four
children-two younger sisters and a younger brother. Being the first-born, he was
given his fathers name, a practice that had been in the Dwight family for
generations. His father prepared for the ministry, but, finding Calvinism too severe
for his personal taste, he undertook the study of medicine, a profession in which he
was moderately successful. He was a free thinker in religion, a background which
would become a strong force in young Johns life. His mother "was a handsome
woman, sweet, amiable, and sensible, of exquisite taste, and of superior character.3
It was her natural inclination toward the aesthetic, the artistic, and appreciation of
beauty that played a major role in the life of Dwight.
Dwights early musical experiences were practically nonexistent. Music classes
did not exist at the grammar school and Latin school where he attended. He was
impressed by brass bands and street music, but, according to Walter Fertig, he
2 Ibid., 283.
3 George Willis Cooke, John Sullivan Dwight: Brook. Farmer, Editor, and Critic of
Music (Hartford: Transcendental Books, 1973), 6a. Hereafter Brook Farmer.


I certify that I have read this study and that in ray opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
David Z. Kushner, Chair
Professor of instruction and Curriculum
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Athol Packer
Associate Professor of Instruction and
Curriculum
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doefor of Philosophy.
hn S. Kitts
Professor of Music
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Camille Smith
Associate Professor of Music
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and
quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.


83
very nature both of music and the human soul."59 Dwights argument is questionable
here. Rather than view Wagners dramas as reform operas, as Wagner did, Dwight
could see only that they were not in sympathy with operas "best and purest models."
Dwights next question concerned Wagners subject matter. It seems that if
historical and human subjects, if the heroes of the Greek dramas were good enough
for Christoph W. Gluck (1714-87), they should be good enough for Wagner. None
of these Odins, Thors, Walkurie maidens, or Nibelungen trilogy. Dwight seemed to
have forgotten that Wagners Flying Dutchman was indeed based on an age-old
legend and that Die Meistersinger von Nrnberg highlighted an actual figure in
Germanys musical heritage, Hans Sachs. And what of the love of Tristan and
Isolde? What could possibly be more human? "Isolde!Tristan! geliebter is one
of the most famous love duets in opera literature. Dwight completed his raking of
Wagners operas with a broadside against Wagners concept of endless melody and
his huge orchestration.
Apthorp did not defend Wagners theories in the Monthly per se. His article
on Wagners Gesammelie Schriften und Dichtungen summarized Wagners views in
a manner that did not heap coals upon him but rather presented them in a
forthright, even-tempered style. It is clear that Apthorp was not chastising Wagner
but was agreeing with him. He carefully explained Wagners concept of music and
poetry, using choice quotations. "He says: The mistake in the art-form of the opera
has been, that the means of expression (the music) has been made the end of
expression, and the end of expression (the drama) the means. . According to
59
Ibid., 255a.


286
Bach, J. S. (cont.)
Passions-music nach dem Evangelisten Matthaus, arr. for piano
by S. Bagge
St. Matthew Passion, rescored by R. Franz
St. Matthew Passion, perf. by Handel and Haydn Society
St Matthew Passion tempos
Bagge, Selmar, arr. for piano J. S. Bachs Passions-music nach dem
Evangelisten Matthaus
Baines, Wilhelmina, words for "Angel at the Window, by B. Tours
Ballad concerts of Dolby Troupe
Ballet, stage elocution, womens costumes
Barbier, J., words for "Aprile," by C. Gounod
"Barcarolle, song by V. Cirillo
Barrett, W., and J. Stainer, A Dictionary of Musical Terms
Batemans company, opera bouffe
Baumbach, Adolph, ed., Baumbachs New Collection of Sacred Music
Baumbachs New Collection of Sacred Music, A. Baumbach, ed.
Beebe, Henrietta, soprano in J. S. Bachs St Matthew Passion
Beethoven, Ludwig van, Symphony No. 5 in c, Th. Thomas, cond.
Trio in Bb, arr. for piano by F. Liszt
Werke fr Pianoforte solo von Op. 53, ed. by H. von Blow
The BeUs of the Strasburg Cathedral, for mezzo, baritone, chorus,
and orchestra, by F. Liszt, text by H. W. Longfellow
Belocca, Anna de, singer
Bennett, William S., "The Maid of Orleans," Op. 46 (piano)
"Serenata" (piano)
Berlioz, Hector, quote on concert hall size from A Travers Chants
"Music, the art of moving intelligent persons,"
from A Travers Chants
"Music is for everyone," from Les Grotesques de la Music
"Best things done badly become insufferable," quote by C. W. Gluck
Bevignani, Enrico, "Non so" (romanza)
"Biondina Bella," canzonetta by C. Gounod
Blake and Sturgis, eds., Songs of the Pyrenees
Blumenthal, J., "Yes," words by W. Stewart
"The Boat of My Lover," song by R. Thallon, Jr., words by J. Halifax
Boott, Francis, "Ave Maria," for m. soprano or female quartet
"The Brooklet," duet for S & T/B, words by H. W. Longfellow
"The Confession"
"Domine Deus"
"Maria Mater, hymn for four voices
"The Night Has a Thousand Eyes, words by F. W. Bourdillon
Borg, S. and M. Brown, Svenska och Finska Sanger (folk songs of
Sweden and Finland)
Boscowitz, Frederic, "Fairy Gondola," barcarolle for piano
pianist
Boston needs a circulating music library
May 1874
Aug. 1874
Sep. 1876
Aug. 1874
May 1874
May 1874
Jan. 1872
Aug. 1872
May 1873
Feb. 1874
Feb. 1877
Apr. 1872
June 1872
June 1872
Sep. 1876
June 1875
Jan. 1877
May 1872
Sep. 1875
Jan. 1877
Sep. 1875
Jan. 1872
Dec. 1876
Nov. 1875
Nov. 1875
Apr. 1877
Mar. 1872
Sep. 1875
July 1877
Feb. 1876
Feb. 1877
Apr. 1874
Mar. 1875
Mar. 1873
Dec. 1874
July 1872
May 1874
May 1875
Apr. 1874
Dec. 1873
Apr. 1876


274
on American composers works rightfully belong in seminars on American music and
music criticism. Finally, the chapter on the dramatic role of singers in The Opera
Past and Present would be especially enlightening in the voice studio and opera
workshop.
Suggestions for Further Research
From this study a number of other possible research projects have become
evident. A valuable resource for faculty and students in higher education would be
an index to the reviews by Apthorp that appeared in the Boston Evening Transcript.
If a professor wished to discuss a particular composition in class, the index could be
consulted to direct him/her to Apthorps remarks on that work. Since not all
university libraries possess a copy of the Evening Transcript, however, another
possible resource could be a compilation of reviews of some frequently discussed
works. These two projects could also be done for the writings that appeared in the
BSO concert guide.'
Apthorp presented a series of lectures at the Lowell Institute, which was
repeated in New York and at the Peabody Institute, that served as the basis for his
Musicians and Music-Lovers. Another research project would be to locate a copy,
if any exists, of these lectures. It would be of interest to college professors to see
if Apthorp included information in the lectures that he omitted in the book. It
would also be of interest to note how long the lectures were and how detailed they
' One such work has already been completed for the writings of Philip Hale:
John Burk, ed., Philip Hales Boston Symphony Programme Notes: Historical, Critical,
and Descriptive Comment on Music and Composers (Garden City, NY: Doubleday,
1935). An index of music reviews and topics discussed in the Atlantic Monthly is
included in Appendix B.


254
Apthorp wrote a rather lengthy article on Johannes Brahms. To him, Brahms
had all the "passionate strenuousness" and "emotional stress" of Wagner. Where he
differed was in his senseor lack of itof drama. "In short, Brahms seems to be
the only living composer of high distinction who has remained utterly untouched by
the specifically Wagnerian influence." He wrote no programmatic music. To
Brahms, music was "an independent and self-sufficient art, fully able to accomplish
its own ends by its own means. He composed no true scherzos. Ma non troppo
(not too much) is one of his trademarks. He was the only composer since
Beethoven that rightly preserved "something of the old Hellenic serenity in his
music."20 That is not to say he had no trace of drama whatsoever. Apthorp
explained the opening of the first movement of Brahmss Symphony No. 3, in which
the theme is presented in F major and then in f minor, as one example (he noted
others, too) of Brahmss emotional effect.
In another article, Apthorp reviewed the music scene in Boston in the 1860s,
thirty years previous. He discussed Carl Zerrahn and the Orchestral Union (special
mention was made on the orchestra during the Civil War), the Mendelssohn
Quintette Club, the Handel and Haydn Society festival in 1865, the star concerts, the
"great organ" of the Boston Music Hall, and Old Philharmonic and its transition to
the Harvard Music Association (with J. S. Dwight at the center), the eventual
demise of the HMA due in part to newcomer Theodore Thomas and the publics
recognition that the HMA was stoutly conservative. Apthorp did note, however, that
the HMA was not all that bad, that they did perform the music of Schumann,
20
Ibid., 34, 35, 40.


188
specifically the entry on the clarinet. On the haunting sound of the instrument,
Berlioz explained:
What more admirable example could I quote of the application of
some of these shadowings than the dreamy phrase of the clarinet,
accompanied by a tremolo of stringed instruments in the midst of the
allegro of the overture to Freischutz? Does it not depict the lonely
maiden, the forester's fair betrothed, who, raising her eyes to heaven,
mingles her tender lament with the noise of the dark woods agitated
by the storm? O Weber!!45
As usual, Apthorps remarks were more informative than Wilsons, and, with
few exceptions, Hale used Apthorps comments as a solid foundation on which to
build further. To gain a complete picture of composers and their music, however,
Apthorp should not be overstepped in favor of Hale, for Hale did not always relate
the entire story. Information from Music Theory 101, for example, is reviewed but
not detailed in Music Theory 201. Hale wrote as if to say, "Now that Apthorp has
provided you with this information, allow me to add this."
Felix Mendelssohn. Hebrides overture 118321
Felix Mendelssohn (1809-47) continued in many respects the classical
tradition of Haydn and Beethoven. But in some respects he clearly ventured into
the romantic realm, as in his Songs Without Words and descriptive and programmatic
works. Included in this category are his five concert overtures, a new idiom of
expression. The Hebrides overture is of particular interest here.46
45 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 384. This comment, and probably many like it, has
been removed by Richard Strauss in his abridged version of Berlioz's Grand Trait
dInstrumentation et d'Orchestration Modemes (Paris: Schonenberger, 1843; enlarged
and revised by Richard Strauss, New York: Kalmus, 1948.)
46 For discussion on the various titles of this work, see above, p. 165f.


6 MUSICIANS AND MUSIC-LOVERS 199
Musicians and Music-Lovers 200
Johann Sebastian Bach 204
Additional Accompaniments to Bachs and Handels Scores 209
Giacomo Meyerbeer 219
Jacques Offenbach 223
Two Modern Classicists (Robert Franz and Otto Dresel) 226
John Sullivan Dwight 231
Some Thoughts on Musical Criticism 232
Music and Science 234
7 OTHER WRITINGS 242
Hector Berlioz 242
By the Way, Vol. 1, "About Music" 247
By the Way, Vol. 2, "About Musicians" 253
The Opera Past and Present 259
8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 268
Summary 268
Conclusions 270
Implications for Higher Education 272
Suggestions for Further Research 274
APPENDIX A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP 278
APPENDIX B WRITINGS OF WILLIAM FOSTER APTHORP .... 283
APPENDIX C INDEX OF TOPICS, MUSICIANS, AND MUSIC
REVIEWED IN THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY, 1872-1877 285
BIBLIOGRAPHY 302
Books and Articles 302
Journals and Newspapers 308
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 309
v


281
he began the most important tenure of his career as a music critic. In 1881 he was
selected to take over from Edward Clement the music column for the Boston Evening
Transcript, which was considered one of the most refined papers in Boston. Shortly
later the responsibility for the drama column was added, and an assistant, Francis
H. Jenks, was hired to lend a hand. Studious and diligent, Apthorp developed a case
of writers cramp and resorted to the typewriter to write his columns. He was known
to work for hours at his keyboard. Apthorps polished, charming articles inspired,
educated, and delighted Bostons finest for twenty-two years. His multifarious
education and experience quickened his perception and taste, making him no less
a virtuoso of the pen than his beloved Bach was of the organ.
In the following decade his audience was widened still further, as he took
over from George Wilson the duties of writing the program book for the Boston
Symphony Orchestra. In addition to introductory and analytical material on the
music of the concert, in which he emphasized form and musical tradition, he also
composed an entracte, a column in which he was able to write on whatever musical
topic he wished. These columns can rightfully be placed among those of Berlioz,
Jean-Paul Richter, Schumann, and E. T. A. Hoffmann.
Apthorp ceased writing for the BSO Programme book in 1901, and Philip
Hale assumed the task. He continued to write for the Evening Transcript for another
two years. In 1903 he handed the reins of that duty over to Henry T. Parker and
retired to Vevey, Switzerland. Their spacious apartment, situated high in a hotel
of that resort town, overlooked Lake Geneva and the Swiss Alps. It was their
intention to return to Boston some day, as they maintained their Boston ties and


216
Not only was the German Handel Society chastised by Apthorp for its
shortcomings, the German Bach Society was likewise censured. At this point,
Apthorp included a passage from Bachs Cantata No. 65, Sie werden aus Saba Alie
kommen (From Sheba Shall Many Men be Coming), as realized by Volkland, and
then the same passage by Franz. (See Figure 1.) He pointed out what he regarded
as weaknesses in Volklands work, including the narrow range (minor third) of the
upper voice, Volklands diminished seventh chord on the C# in the first measure
compared with the "quieter dignity" of Franzs 6-5 chord, and Volklands
cross-relation in the first measure between the B in the voice and the Bb in the
accompaniment. "Upon the whole, do not the two arrangements differ from each
other as the work of the complete artist does from that of the bungler?31
Having addressed the manner of completing the harmony, Apthorp then
turned his attention to the choice of instruments.
Let us not lose sight of the fact that, in filling out old scores, the chief
desideratum is to preserve the spirit of the original works, which is in
general far more dependent upon purity of musical outline than upon
mere effects of clang-tint. . What we should have most at heart is
to enable the music to produce, as far as practicable, the same effect
upon our organization that it did upon the listener of the day when it
was written?2
Having said this, Apthorp decried the use of the pianoforte in the music of
Bach and Handel. Although "todays" ears were accustomed to the sound of a piano,
he felt that its cold and "quasi-staccato" tone did not combine well with voices and
31 Ibid., 127.
32 Ibid., 128f.


129
Although Harold in Italy had been given "not very long ago," Apthorp felt that
it was "virtually new to almost every listener." Apthorp had a distinct advantage
over the critic of the Daily Advertiser, as he had listened to the work at the public
rehearsal as well as at the concert. His first impression was perhaps similar to that
described by the Daily Advertiser critic: "At the former [the first hearing] it impressed
us as being about the most incomprehensible and outrageous thing we had ever
listened to." However, after a second hearing, "We found it full of beauties of a
high order. The loveliness and poetic atmosphere of the pilgrims march, the quaint
beauty of the serenade, must have been felt by all." He recognized that outbursts
and rhythmic complexities in the piece necessitated familiarity with the music to
appreciate fully what Berlioz was doing. Heindl was praised for his tone, intonation,
and rhythm. What he lacked was the "vitality of accent and phrasing, above all, that
innate magnetic power" that Berliozs music demands. "To play the viola part in
Harold one must be possessed with a devil, as Paganini was."50
Giacomo Meyerbeer. Les Huguenots (18361
As evidenced by his essay on Giacomo Meyerbeer that appeared in Musicians
and Music-Lovers, Apthorp had a special place in his heart for this composer of
early-nineteenth-century French grand opera.5' When Her Majestys Opera troupe
performed an abridged version of Les Huguenots on 2 January 1882, Apthorp again
had the opportunity to champion his hero. His opinion was obviously higher than
that of his counterpart on the Daily Advertiser.
50 Boston Evening Transcript, 18 Feb. 1884, 3.
51 For more on Meyerbeer, see Chapter 6, "Musicians and Music-Lovers," 219ff.


170
like Don Juan and Figaro. They are repugnant to me. I could not
have chosen such subjects; they are too frivolous for me!17
The first item to note may be unimportant for most concert audiences, but
it does demonstrate Apthorps attention to detail: as usual, he included the key of
the overture, as well as Beethovens complete name, while Wilson does not. Most
concert-goers probably would know Beethovens first name, but it is proper to
include complete information in a program guide. Wilson rightfully claimed that the
overture was not based on Shakespeare but on a tragedy by Collin. Here his
scholarship falls short, for he did not cite Collins complete name, as he failed to do
in Beethovens case. Wilson identified him as chief secretary of the War
Department of Austria. Apthorp, on the other hand, cited his complete name,
Heinrich Joseph von Collin, and identified him as a poet. Collin was, in fact, both,
although he is better known outside of Austria perhaps for his writings than for his
civic work. Wilson listed only the year of composition of the overture, 1807,
whereas Apthorp also included the month, April. There is some discrepancy here,
however, since the overture was actually premiered at a subscription concert at
Prince Lobkowitzs Palais in Vienna on 5 March 1807. That program included
Beethovens first four symphonies, Coriolan Overture, Piano Concerto No. 4 in G
17 John N. Burk, ed., Philip Hales Boston Symphony Programme Notes: Historical,
Critical, and Descriptive Comment on Music and Composers (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1935), 50. Hereafter cited as Philip Hales Notes.


249
audiences, which, in turn, forced composers to score music that would be effective
in larger halls. One result was the doubling of instruments on a single part, to some
degree for greater power, thus displacing the prominence of individual instruments.
In losing specific timbres, some music came to sound rather monotonous. The same
criticism has been leveled against modern concert bands, in which, to a great degree,
all of the instruments play all the time.
Richard Wagner made it a practice to seat the orchestra at Bayreuth under
stage, out of sight, thinking that their visual presence would distract the patrons
attention from the stage. Apthorp challenged him on this point, insisting that there
is a necessary relationship between what we see and what we hear.'3 He noted that
most speech is accompanied by facial expressions and even gestures. The
movements of orchestral musicians, to Apthorp, are "concerted gestures" and are
artistic in their own manner. He wondered which was more distracting: seeing the
orchestra, or not seeing the orchestra?
There were a number of entries that were concerned more with tangential
issues. Apthorp seemed to enjoy the freedom of composers--and critics-since their
liberation from the binds of academies. Concerts no longer reflected the traditional,
conservative teachings of academies, and critics no longer sat in ex cathedra
judgment. Like composers, critics needed to make a living, and they considered
their articles as fine art, "deeming an ounce of wit and good style worth a pound of
Rhadamantine judgment. . Casting off his old assumption of irrefragable
13 It may be noted that this same argument precipitated the addition of sound
to silent movies in the 1920s. It also explains music videos of today.


3
when they are being "critical"? That is a question that has received more attention
within the general heading of music criticism than any other. Todays music journals
are sprinkled with regular contributions attempting to clarify the goals of criticism.
Ever since musicians and journalists have been writing music reviews of one sort or
another there has been a concomitant discussion, either from the pen of the writer
himself or from a second or even third party, of what the role of a music critic is.
What is the objective? What are they attempting to accomplish?
These are pertinent queries, and the answers naturally lead to discussions of
how critics go about their work. For example, is the writing style appropriate? Does
the critic accomplish the task by writing stinging, caustic reviews, or would a less
dogmatic approach, perhaps, be more suitable? Does the critic broach topics of
discussion that are pertinent, or are there areas that are extraneous to the topic at
hand? This is, in itself, a noteworthy feature of music criticism, for what is discussed
in reviews, especially consistently among critics of a particular time and place, is a
reflection of the people of that time and place. About what are they interested in
reading? Are they interested in musical compositions, or how the ensemble or
soloist sounded, or how the performer(s) were attired, or who else was at the
performance and what they wore and how they behaved?
The role of a music critic, then, is not a simple one, nor can it be described
simply. Oscar Thompsons statement that "criticism is opinion and opinion is
criticism does little to clarify the issue.2 Nevertheless, it is a valid statement, and
2 Oscar Thompson, Practical Musical Criticism (New York: M. Witmark & Sons,
1934), 5.


12
followed him were more tempered in their writings. Since William Foster Apthorp
immediately followed Dwight in music criticism in Boston, it would be appropriate
to begin to trace the development of modern music criticism with Apthorp. There
are two major research questions concerning him that this study will attempt to
answer in an effort to clarify this aspect of music history, especially as it relates to
the inclusion of Apthorp in curricula in higher education.
1. What were the contributions made by Apthorp to music criticism,
especially when compared to his predecessors?
2. Were his contributions to music criticism recognized and adopted by his
successors?
Focus of the Study
There are natural points of division for this study. The first delimitation is
time, which ran from 1872, when Apthorp began to write for the Atlantic Monthly,
to 1903, when he left the United States to retire in Switzerland. Although the major
focus was on Apthorp, it was necessary to deal with immediate predecessors,
especially John Sullivan Dwight, to emphasize the contributions made by Apthorp.
In addition, it has already been noted that his work was ably continued, especially
by Philip Hale. Looking at his immediate successors validated his work, i.e., were
his changes accepted, or did further improvements need to be made?
The second area of concern is place. Here again the choice was easily
defined: Boston. There was no need to investigate beyond this important New
England city.


237
it TONAL HARMONY was born, and Music developed a spinal column and
became vertebrate.66
One of the most perplexing questions that a musical scientist attempts to
answer is to what degree has the evolution of music been guided by aesthetic needs
on the one hand (sense of beauty) and emotional desires on the other? Our
perception of beauty is derived from two sources: (1) sensual (color, quality, and
intensity of sound) and (2) intellectual (musical form). Apthorp reminded his
readers that successive generations perceive musical sounds with new ears, which
explains why Monteverdi was at the right place and time to develop the dominant
chord. Composers do not discover new laws; they perceive them. They compose and
leave it to history to figure out how and why they did what they did.
Apthorp described the inductive cycle of musical composition, wherein old
forms are perfected, which weighs more heavily on aesthetics than emotion, and the
desire for emotional expression, which throws the balance toward that extreme. This
explains the development of new forms. To Apthorp, it is this cycle that the science
of music has to reveal-inductively. "The only questions that interest the Science of
Music are what Music is and has been, and how and why it has become what it is."61
It is not their lot to decree to musicians what music ought to be.
Taken as a whole, these essays by Apthorp demonstrate a wide assortment
of perceptions and interests. ''Musicians and Music-Lovers" presents for the
audience an interesting comparison between how these two different yet interrelated
66 Ibid., 321.
67 Ibid., 323.


234
What is the role of the critic in encouraging new talent? While
acknowledging this function, Apthorp cautioned that such encouragement should be
reserved for what the critic deems worthy. Praise is for the strong, not the weaklings
of art. Having said this, Apthorp decreed that critics should be diligent to recognize
genius, even when that talent moves away from the "true" path of art, for new paths
in music have ever been forged by men of creative genius, not critics.
Another question addressed is who is the critics audience? The composer
or the public? The true position of the critic is to be the interpreter between the
composer and the public. He is the guardian of public taste, not the schoolmaster
to artists. Artists are not going to listen to the critics, anyway.
Apthorp's final remark is sufficient to keep any critic humble. Sitting as
judge and deciding what is good and bad "seems to me about as preposterous a
position as a fallible mortal can well assume; and in this, as in most serious matters,
it is hard to be preposterous without doing more harm than good."62
"Music and Science"
This is one of the most interesting essays in this collection. Although
portions were taken from "Evolution in Music, another lecture that was presented
at the Lowell Institute, much of it is new material. Apthorp described the science
of music, like any other natural science, as the "observation and classification of
phenomena, and the discovery of the laws that govern them."63
62 Ibid.
63
Ibid., 302.


288
"Characteristic" music in Athens, Greece
Cheeney, J. W., "The Alfredian Grand March" (piano)
"The Childs Vision," song by J. Malloy
Chomet, Dr. H., The Influence of Music on Health and Life,
trans, by L. Flint
"Christmas Eve," for piano by A. Gottschalk
Church organists
Cirillo, Vincenzo, "Barcarolle" (song)
"The Storm" (song for baritone)
vocal supervisor, National College of Music
Clay, Frederic, "She wandered down the mountain-side" (ballad)
Les Cloches, Op. 18, galop brillant for piano by D. de Grau
Common errors in translations
Concert hall size
Concert hall size, quote by Hector Berlioz from A Travers Chants
Concert programs: Entertaining or educational?
Concerto No. 2 for piano and orchestra, by C. Saint-Sans,
B. J. Lang, pianist
"The Confession," by F. Boott
Cooper, George, words for "Meeting by the Brookside" by H. Millard
words for "A Mothers Dream," song w/ cello obi. by H. Millard
words for "Nobody Home but Me" by Violetta
Cramer, J., and Hans von Blow, Fifty Selected Piano Studies,
trans, by J. Parker
Cummings, William H., tenor
Damrosch, Leopold, Ruth and Naomi (idyl cantata)
Dana, C. Henshaw, "In the Hushes of the Midnight,"
words by T. Aldrich
Danks, H. P., "Ave Maria" (song)
"Declaration," song by J. Massenet
"Deep Down Within the Cellar," German folk song,
words by J. Oxenford
"Devotion," for piano by H. Lichner
A Dictionary of Musical Terms, by J. Stainer and W. Barrett
Difficulty in singing Bachs choral music
"Dilettanti and artists, quote by R. Schumann
Dolby Troupe ballad concerts
"Domine Deus," by F. Boott
Donizetti, Gaetano, Linda di Chamounix at the Apollo
in Athens, Greece
Lucrezia Borgia at the Apollo in Athens, Greece
Lucrezia Borgia at Londons Drury Lane
Dorn, Edouard, "Gondolina" (piano)
"Dream of the Shepherd-Boy," Op. 79, song by W. Taubert,
trans, by J. S. Dwight
"Dreaming, song by H. Millard
Sep. 1873
Jan. 1872
May 1874
May 1875
Feb. 1872
Jan. 1873
Feb. 1874
June 1875
Mar. 1873
Mar. 1872
May 1874
Nov. 1875
Dec. 1876
Dec. 1876
Jan. 1875
May 1876
Mar. 1873
Apr. 1874
Sep. 1875
Apr. 1874
May 1875
Jan. 1872
May 1875
Mar. 1877
Sep. 1875
Feb. 1872
May 1873
June 1874
Feb. 1877
May 1876
Sep. 1876
Jan. 1872
Dec. 1874
Sep. 1873
Sep. 1873
July 1873
Feb. 1872
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874


157
mentioning who played what character, as the critic for the Daily Advertiser had
done, Apthorp included a chart as from the program book, making it easy for the
reader to discern the pertinent details. In a single sentence Apthorp acknowledged
those players that were especially good.
Apthorp truly enjoyed the music, which showed itself "the work of a man who
is easily at home in the art of composition, who knows how to write well, how to
handle even quite elaborate musical material with facile dexterity, and, above all, of
one whose treatment of the orchestra is that of a master." Noting that similarity
with other composers, namely, Arthur Sullivan, is not tantamount to plagiarism, he
added that Mr. Woolfs primary weakness was that his melodies lacked "distinction
of character." While they were easily recognized and well balanced, "they lack for
the most part that peculiar, indescribable quality which catches the ear and holds it
spellbound, and which one calls charm and grace." Nevertheless, he "made the most
of them in a singularly clever and artistic way."106
Apthorp especially commended Woolfs use of the orchestra, both in color
and manner of accompaniment, the figures of which "grow naturally and
spontaneously out of the melody itself." Woolf possessed "no common amount" of
musical science: "There is more true science displayed in thus elaborating a simple
melody coherently and naturally than in writing an eight-voice fugue in which the
several parts simply bark each others shins, so to speak, and which says sheer
nothing in a would-be learned idiom."106 It seems that the elaborate treatment of
105
Ibid.
106
Ibid.


120
if still something to grumble at." From the very beginning it was made clear who
the participants were. He also noted that, as per Robert Franzs score-an item the
Daily Advertiser critic failed to mention-pairs of clarinets and bassoons were added,
placed behind the solo singers.30 There were two orchestras, one on each side of
the stage. In addition to the choir, Apthorp also made note of the choir of boys in
the gallery. Like the Daily Advertiser critic, each soloist was then treated in turn.
Apthorp noted the dual bass role but added that the parts should have been
reversed. "Mr. Henschel, from his greater security amid rhythmic difficulties, and
his superior ease in singing rapid phrases, is far better fitted than Mr. Remmertz to
do full justice to the bass airs; while Mr. Remmertzs noble and sympathetic voice,
and the dignity and soulful expressiveness with which he sings slow phrases, fits him
to sing the part of Jesus quite as well as Mr. Henschel."31
It is interesting to note that, whereas the Daily Advertiser writer praised
Remmertzs rendition of "Give me back my dearest Master," Apthorps cited the aria
as a "clumsy piece of management." The problem was not in the performance but
in the staging. Remmertz and accompanying second orchestra were on the right side
of the stage, but the violin obbligato was in the first orchestra, "far to the left."32
30 For more on Robert Franz's added accompaniments, see Chapter 6,
"Musicians and Music-Lovers," 212f, 216ff.
31 Boston Evening Transcript, 12 Apr. 1884, 1.
32 Ibid.


82
troupe, and Apthorp reviewed the performance in the March 1875 issue of the
Monthly. Dwight, sad to say, made no comment on this performance.
While the music of Wagner was generally highly regarded in Apthorps
columns (a performance of his Kaiser Marsch did disappoint Apthorp), Dwight was
not very open to the "new" music. Dwight summarized his thoughts on the music of
Wagner in "Richard Wagner and his Theory of Music. Drawing on an article by
Richard Grant White that had appeared in Galaxy on a Wagner festival that had
taken place in England, including a "brilliant" performance of Lohengrin, Dwight
made reference to the "Wagner fever" that had gripped the people, a fever that
"must have its run, both there and elsewhere, for heaven knows how long, like all
fashions and the fevers which by turns possess and tyrannize the souls and tastes of
fickle, novelty-seeking men and women."57
Dwight then defended his efforts to "form a fair and candid estimate of what
he aimed at," translating from Wagners writings, etc. After careful study of
Wagners writings and hearings of his music, "We have arrived at some convictions
on the subject, which, though we cannot speak as a musician [emphasis added], do
spring from a sincere, earnest, lifelong love and loyalty to music."58 Briefly, Dwight
scoffed the idea that music is not valued for itself by Wagner and his followers, a
reference to Wagners Gesamtkunstwerk. Dwight wondered if a painting would have
to be wed to sculpture to have meaning. He then questioned whether Wagner
treated opera as an "arbitrary product" instead of "a necessary outgrowth from the
57 Dwights Journal, 27 June 1874, 254b.
58
Ibid.


4
it was written in all candor. The task is never-ending, and the reason for this endless
discussion deals more with the audience-the readersthan with musicians and music.
To Joseph Kerman, "Criticism deals with pieces of music and men listening, with fact
and feeling, with the life of the past in the present, with the composers private
image in the public mirror of an audience.3
Each generation formulates its own perspective on current events, even in the
arts, based on what has preceded it and on where it hopes to go from there. There
is no aspect of a culture that is not redefined in this manner, and music is no
exception. As demonstrated in the La Serva Pedrona example, the music did not
change. What did change was the manner in which a new generation perceived that
music. As historical events unfold, ideas and values are re-examined in light of the
new present. There comes a time when a society contemplates the past, reconsiders
it, and honors it or casts it aside. It has to move on from there, however, with its
own sense of ethics and values. Thompsons observation on criticism and opinion,
then, begins to ring true.
The role of a music critic, as seen in its practice throughout the ages, is to
offer insight and opinion with regard to musical tastes and standards. One
qualification of a music critic, then, is keen perception of the components of music,
or what is considered compositional craftsmanship, and, more important, of the
affective impact of music. Call it cultivated musical taste. More than any other art
form, music has the capacity to affect human feelings and emotions. What is
3 Joseph Kerman, "A Profile for American Musicology, Journal of the American
Musicological Society 18 (Spring 1965): 63.


292
Kellogg, Clara Louise, soprano May 1872
soprano Mar. 1873
Ketterer, Eugene, arr. "Fantaise brilliante on [A. Thomass] Mignon,"
Op. 209 (piano) July 1872
Korbay, Francis, "Loch Ness," words by D. Adee Nov. 1876
"Resignation," words by T. Sturm Nov. 1876
"Thou has Broken the Heart," words by T. Poultney Nov. 1876
Krause, Anton, "Menuet (piano) Jan. 1872
"Praeludium (piano) Jan. 1872
Ten Etudes, Op. 5 (piano) May 1873
Kulling, F. A., "First Loss," Op. 38, words by J. Goethe and
A. Forester Aug. 1875
"The Echo," Op. 37 (song) Aug. 1875
LAfricaine at Londons Convent Garden, a review July 1873
"La Danza," Op. 104, from G. Rossinis Soiree-Musicales,
arr. for piano by S. Smith Jan. 1874
Lachner, Franz, "Marche Clebre, from First Orchestral Suite,
transe, for piano by C. Wachtmann Oct. 1872
"Theme with Variations," from First Orchestral Suite,
transe, for piano by E. Perabo July 1872
"The Lake and the Lily," song by G. Osgood, words by Laurius May 1876
The Landing of the Pilgrims Fathers, cantata by O. Singer Aug. 1876
Lang, Benjamin J., pianist, C. Saint-Saenss Concerto No. 2
for pumo and orchestra May 1876
piano supervisor, National College of Music Mar. 1873
direct perf. of R. Schumanns Paradise and the Peri
by the Cecilia Club May 1875
Lanier, Sidney, text for Centennial Meditation of Columbia,
cantata by Dudley Buck July 1876
Lathrop, G. P., words to "The Sunshine of thine Eyes,"
by G. L. Osgood Nov. 1876
Laurius, words for "The Lake and the Lily, by G. Osgood May 1876
"Lay thy weary Head to rest," lullaby by I. Emerson June 1872
Lebert/Stark, Instructive Piano Pieces (piano) May 1873
Lichner, H., "Devotion" (piano) June 1874
Liebe, Teresa, violinist Apr. 1873
Liszt, Franz, The Bells of the Strasburg Cathedral, for mezzo, bar.,
chorus, and orchestra, text by H. W. Longfellow Sep. 1875
arr. C. M. Webers Polacca in Eb, Op. 21, for piano Dec. 1876
arr. L. van Beethovens Trio in Bb for piano Jan. 1877
arr. "Wolframs Invocation from R. Wagners Tannhauser for piano June 1874
"The Little Wanderer," Op. 35, idyl for piano by G. Wilson Oct. 1872
"The Little Gypsy, song by F. Campana Jan. 1874
"Loch Ness, song by F. Korbay, words by D. Adee Nov. 1876
Longfellow, Henry W., text for The Bells of the Strasburg Cathedral
by F. Liszt Sep. 1875
words for "The Brooklet," duet for S & T/B by F. Boott Mar. 1875


55
continued is puzzling, since these are sincere, fitting queries for the readers of a
music journal.
Another instructive yet interesting article was "How Pianos are Injured,"
which dealt primarily with improper tuning. The same issue recounted the story of
how the text for the hymn "From Greenlands Icy Mountains" came to be.6 This
article made an unfortunate use of the pronoun he, however, thereby confusing who
actually wrote the text: Bishop [Reginald] Heber or Dean Shirley, Vicar of
Wrexham, with whom Heber was staying. A true example of the perfunctory style
of the Folio, however, the article failed to mention that Lowell Mason composed the
tune that appears in most hymnals today.7 That such an article was published
nevertheless shows some interest, albeit scant, in such matters.
A series of brief, two-line "Musical Biographies in Miniature" were published
in March and May of 1876. These were taken from the Organists Journal. In July
1876, in honor of Americas centennial, the texts to J. G. Whittiers "Centennial
Hymn (from the Atlantic Monthly) and the Centennial Cantata (Centennial
Meditation of Columbia, text by Sidney Lanier, music by Dudley Buck) were
included. A most interesting feature was the inclusion of the "Centennial Hymn"
6 Ibid., Jan. 1874, 4, 5.
7 Heber wrote the text at the request of Dean Shirley, who happened to be his
father-in-law, for a series of sermons to begin Whitsunday, 1819. Heber used an old
ballad, "Twas when the seas were roving," for the tune, and the hymn was published
in February 1823 in England and America in The Christian Observer. Mary W.
Howard, of Savannah, Georgia, noticed the hymn and asked Lowell Mason to
compose a new tune for the hymn. "Missionary Hymn" was composed by Mason the
next year and appeared in the ninth edition of the Boston Handel and Haydn Society
Collection.


194
more complete, as was his historical background in general.55 Both listed the key
and instrumentation of Haydns work, but, again, Hale provided a clearer account.
Hale and Apthorp identified the work as Opus 56a (Opus 56b being the version for
two pianos), whereas Wilson listed the Variations simply as Opus 56. Wilson and
Hale then both launched into a description of each variation, including tempo
marking, key (or mode), instruments, and meter. Surprisingly, Hales version is a
condensation of Wilsons article here, omitting extraneous phrases.
Apthorps article is quite different. He provided no background information
whatsoever, only stating that the theme is in full harmony in the winds in a style
"evidently meant to imitate or suggest the organ." Knowing that the theme is a
chorale (we can assume the audience was aware of this, some twenty years later),
this single statement is sufficient to imagine how the piece opens. As regards the
variations, Apthorp dispensed with a description of each one. He only described
them as contrapuntal and that their "connection . with the parent theme is often
more ideal than actual.56 Like Bach and Beethoven, he explained, each variation
was a further development. However, whereas Beethoven used "subtle modulations"
and "daring transitions" in his piano variations (the Diabelli Variations), he did not
5 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 88ff. The chorale is listed in the New Grove article
on Haydn in the Doubtful/Spurious category. Haydns composition (in Bb) was for
two oboes, two horns, three bassoons, and serpent.
56
BSO Programme, 8/9 Dec. 1893, 261f.


147
at times, but Apthorp attributed this to their considerable distance from the
keyboard. He also felt the soloists performed admirably. Also as usual, Apthorp
withheld comment on the piece itself, since the performance was his first hearing.
He did have a "few sober words," however, on the injunction. Indeed, he
wrote at length on the issue. He predicted that Lennon, a "young artist, ambitious
to make for himself a prominent and respected position among musicians in Boston,"
would in time be thankful for the injunction, for sparing his reputation. In his zeal,
well intended though it was, Lennon had failed to recognize the danger of
performing a work using a spurious orchestration "cooked up from a piano score.
To illustrate, Apthorp likened it to making a painting from an etching or other
black-and-white facsimile that itself had been made from a painting. The problem
is not one of form or substance but of color. He remarked that adding to a
composers score is bad enough (citing an example), but completely remaking an
orchestration from something so incomplete as a piano score is worse.
The Redemption was scheduled to have been repeated the following
Wednesday, January 24, but for some reason there is no mention of it in either the
Daily Advertiser or the Evening Transcript. There was another performance on
Monday, January 29, this time with orchestra, that was reviewed in the Transcript.
This was the first "complete" performance and was given by the Handel and Haydn
Society, Carl Zerrahn conducting. Apparently the orchestral parts were secured
through some agreement. Apthorp commented that although few critics bestowed
high praise on the work it was nevertheless the subject of considerable discussion.


47
grace, as it were, from a higher, purer, and more genial atmosphere than this of our
cold, selfish, humdrum world."53 He possessed a "keen instinct for and appreciation
of the highest and noblest things in life, whether in art, literature, or the character
of men and women whom he knew and met." He had a sunny disposition, a sweet
nature, and a love of beauty. Dwight was sensitive, bashful, and diffident in
extreme. He loved flowers and watching fireflies. He had no appreciation for
money, probably because, as Apthorp asserts, he had contempt for greed.54
Dwight had a passion for music and felt called to educate the public on its
finer points. He became the autocrat of musical taste in Boston, and his opinions
were unquestioned. He advised cultured intellectuals and directed amateurs on what
to expect in classical music. Great music was not mere entertainment but had
spiritual meaning which would transport the listener above the trivialities and
fribbles of everyday life.
To Dwight, "one of the most important and useful functions of criticism is
that of measuring acknowledged great men by the highest, even an absolute
standard."55 Although he did study musical scores before performances, his primary
modus operandi was intuition. "I have divined, recognized (through the glass
darkly), genius in the works of great composers through the imperfect medium of
53 Dwights Journal, 10 Apr. 1852, 4a, 4b.
54 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 76b. Cooke devoted an entire chapter, Chapter 10, to
Dwights personal traits, 75-80.
55 Lebow, "Systematic Examination," 376. The quote is referenced to Dwights
Journal 13 (n.d.): 21, but the citation cannot be found. Nevertheless, this view is
consistent with Dwights practice of assessing American composers against the same
high standards as the masters-the Germans. See Note 43 above.


218
In contrast to his succinct treatment of the piano, Apthorp devoted
considerable space to the organ. The question broadened from a matter of choosing
an instrument to when, where, how, and how much the organ was used by Bach and
Handel. Here he included several passages from primary sources to amplify his
point.33 As is the case of the piano, Berliozs opinion was that the organ, when
treated as a separate instrument, does not blend well with an orchestra, and on
those occasions when they were combined, one or the other dominated. Apthorp
also called to attention the matter of space: "In the concert-room moreover, both
organist and organ-pipes are at such a distance from the singer and the
accompanying instruments in the orchestra that anything like a sympathetic
performance is rendered well-nigh impractable."34 Here Apthorp noted that Bach
was known to accompany airs on the Ruckpositiv or regal, an instrument that he
described briefly in a footnote.
When the role is not one of reinforcing the singers, Franz suggested that a
quartet of two clarinets and two bassoons or a quartet of strings be used instead of
an organ. Although their tone qualities are similar to certain organ stops, these
instruments, Apthorp explained, possess greater power of accent and dynamic range.
He did caution, however, against the use of bassoon, cello, and double bass
together, especially in low register, since the result would be a thick, muddy tone.
In this case, Apthorp and Franz suggest omitting the bassoon. It was primarily for
33 The quotations are from the preface of the first volume of the Bach Society,
from C. P. E. Bachs Treatise on the Art of Accompanying, and from Hector Berlioz.
See Ibid., 130ff.
34 Ibid., 133.


41
intellectual fellowships like the Saturday Club for "social recreation and "mental
stimulus."33
Against this background, Dwights veneration of Beethoven is to be expected.
He greatly praised Beethoven in his earlier Harbinger articles, and his opinion never
changed; indeed, some of the articles were reprinted without revision in his Journal?*
Beginning with Brook Farm, it was true that "music, and of the best kind, the
Beethoven Sonatas, the Masses of Mozart and Haydn . was one of the chief
interests and refreshments of those halcyon days." The reason was simple: "The
music was quite innocent of creed, except that of the heart and of the common
deepest wants and aspirations of all souls, darkly locked up in formulas, till set free
by the subtile [sic] solvent of the delicious harmonies."35 These "disciples of
newness" pursued only the finest in life, believing that the rest of society, witnessing
the profundity of their example, would themselves come to worship this great music.
As late as 1877 Dwight confessed, "For some time I have begun my days work with
delightful matins:-I read every day a Quartet by Haydn,-to the most pious Christian
a chapter from the Bible can do no more good.36 The music of Bach was certainly
included, since it "testifies to the profound religious nature of man; it is the daily,
hourly offering of a sincere, a rich, all-absorbing, manly, cheerful, childlike piety; an
33 For more on the Saturday Club, see Cooke, Brook Farmer, Chapter 10, "The
Saturday Club," 67-75.
34 Fertig, "Transcendentalist," 292. Fertigs study encompasses Dwights writings
in both the Harbinger and his Journal.
35 "Music a Means of Culture, Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1870, 322b.
36
Dwights Journal, 4 Aug. 1877, 70c.


24
From this analysis, conclusions have been drawn concerning the importance
of Apthorp in the history of music criticism, particularly the changes that became
evident when examining writings before and after Apthorp. The conclusions were
divided between actual criticisms and commentaries, since the purposes of each were
very different. Other contributions were duly noted as they became evident.
Finally, a place for the study of Apthorp and his criticisms has been related directly
to the study of music in higher education.
There are three other concerns that are worthy to observe. First, the matter
of presentism, or the viewing of past events with contemporary perspectives, was
lessened by a near emersion in the times, the late 1800s. In addition to the primary
sources described, additional secondary sources provided insight into the scope and
vitality of the musical scene in the last decades of the nineteenth century in the
Northeast. Second, the purpose here was not necessarily to show causal inference
with regard to the influence of Apthorp on his peers in New York and on his
successors in Boston. Third, there was no intention to generalize the results of this
study to other times and places; the focus here was narrow.


APPENDIX C
INDEX OF TOPICS, MUSICIANS, AND MUSIC REVIEWED IN THE
ATLANTIC MONTHLY, 1872-1877
Abt, Franz, "A Rose in Heaven," words by E. Jackson
"Moonlight Sonnet," words by C. Mackay
"The Old, Old Tale"
songs of
Adee, David C., words for "Loch Ness," by F. Korbay
"Alas!" song by H. Millard
Albani, Emma, as Elsa in R. Wagners Lohengrin
"Album Leaf," for piano by R. Zeckwer
Album of Scandinavian Compositions, for piano/organ and voice,
arr. by A. Wulff
Aldrich, T. B., words for "In the Hushes of the Midnight,"
by C. Dana
"The Alfredian Grand March," for piano by J. Cheeney
Allen, N. H., ed., German Four-Part Songs, with English words
Ambros, August W., "Bunte Blatter" (piano)
quote on intellectual involvement in art
American oratorio, The Nation quote
"Andante with variations" from F. Schuberts Quartet in d,
arr. for piano by E. Perabo
"Angel at the Window, song by B. Tours, words by W. Baines
"Aprile," song by C. Gounod, words by J. Barbier
"Arabesken," for piano by I. Seiss
Architecture for General Students, C. Horton
Art-Life and Theories of Richard Wagner, E. Burlingame
Art du Chant, M. Garcia
Ashland, H., words for "When the Tide Comes In," by H. Millard
Ashton, Agnes, "I love but thee alone"
"Ave Maria," song by H. Danks
"Ave Maria," for mezzo soprano or female quartet by F. Boott
"Ave Maria," song w/ vln. obi. by H. Millard
"Ay! song by A. Pease
"Babys Eyes," slumber song by A. Ropes
Bach, J. S.
Fifteen Inventions d 2 and Fifteen Inventions 3 voices
Magnificat, perf. by Sharlands Choral Society
and the Th. Thomas Orchestra
Magnificat, rescoring of by R. Franz
Oct. 1872
Oct. 1872
Feb. 1872
June 1872
Nov. 1876
June 1875
Mar. 1875
June 1874
Apr. 1876
Mar. 1877
Jan. 1872
Feb. 1876
June 1874
Mar. 1874
Apr. 1873
Mar. 1872
May 1874
May 1873
Nov. 1873
May 1875
Aug. 1875
Feb. 1872
Jan. 1874
Feb. 1872
Sep. 1875
Apr. 1874
Sep. 1875
June 1872
May 1875
May 1873
May 1876
May 1876
285


205
stroke is delivered. . Everything he wrote seems to have been written with perfect
distinctness of artistic intent, and he seldom, if ever, lapses into mere mannerism.10
The greatest distinction between Bach and Handel is that for all of Handels
popularity in his day it is the music of Bach that has had the greater influence on
the music of future generations. Tn Bach ... we find the germ, the potency and
power of almost everything great that has been done in music since his day."11 That
is why Apthorp chose to write on Bach and not Handel. He listed Bachs genius and
technical mastery, his strong individuality, his "foreseeing spirit" that looked to new
aesthetic viewpoints, and simply being fortunate enough to have been born at the
right time as reasons for Bachs perpetuity. Apthorp noted that few notable
musicians after Beethoven did not make his works the object of reverent study. Very
little of Bachs music was printed in his day and remained to be rediscovered by the
early romantics, notably Felix Mendelssohn.12
Some people have accused Bachs forms of being mechanical, even
mathematical. Apthorp disputed this directly. The question, to Apthorp, is one of
intent: "how they [musical forms] are produced, for what purpose, and in what spirit."
He chose the fugue as an example, since he considered it the highest developed of
the general principles associated with Bachs music. Again, Apthorp resorted to
10 Apthorp, Musicians and Music-Lovers, 68.
11 Ibid., 70.
12 Some of the music that was published in Bachs day include Cantata No. 71,
Gott ist mein Konig (1708), the third collection of suites, Clavier bung (Keyboard
Study, for organ), BWV 825-30 (1726-31), the Christmas Oratorio, BWV 248 (1734),
and the Musical Offering, BWV 1079 (1747). See Karl Geiringer, The Bach Family:
Seven Generations of Creative Genius (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954).


Ill
Wagner and the Jews, violin virtuosity (this was a series of letters to the editor
concerning Saint-Sanss Introduction and Rondo Capriciosso), French conductors
(Jules Pasdeloup, Edouard Colonne, and Charles Lamoureux), announcements and
descriptions of books on music, music festivals, music teaching in the public schools,
reminiscences of deceased artists, and even shows by minstrel troupes and Buffalo
Bill.
Of special interest is a series of five lengthy articles written by Apthorp in
which he discussed each opera of Wagners Ring cycle. These were written prior to
the Wagner Festival in Boston, April 1884, with the expressed intent of increasing
the publics understanding of these creations.18 Finally, every year Apthorp wrote
a summary of musical events of the previous year. Of 1883, the year in which
Wagner died, he wrote, "The past year has not been very propitious to the art of
music. It has not included a new composer of the first order, and its chief memories
circle round a grave.19 He then discussed at length the influence of Richard
Wagner on contemporary composers.
Henry T. Parker
When Clement handed the responsibilities of music criticism to Apthorp, the
Evening Transcript was distinctly a "city paper. There was something there for
everybody, and, since the paper was only ten to twelve pages on the average,
columns were relatively easy to find. Writers had to be concise in their articles; they
18 For more on this series of articles and the Wagner Festival, see p. 138ff
below. These articles are unusual in that they are among the very few that were
initialed by Apthorp.
19 Boston Evening Transcript, 23 Jan. 1884, 3.


22
take in hand."34 In his biography of Dwight, Cooke noted that while Apthorp was
away in Europe Dwight did indeed fill his post with the Transcript. So although
Dwight may have served as an interim, he never actually joined the staff full time,
and he certainly was not the first music critic for the Transcript. Langs assertion is
simply incorrect. Whereas most textbooks are noneducational by not including any
discussion of music criticism in America, Langs Music in Western Civilization is
miseducational by this erroneous statement. It is of utmost importance that
American music criticism in general, and William Foster Apthorp in particular,
receive their rightful places in music curricula and textbooks. This study is intended
to begin this process.
Because the dissertation is in essence a study of what Apthorp has written,
it was appropriate to include a list of works by Apthorp, some of which will be
scrutinized in this study. This list in included as Appendix B. These writings have
been compared with contemporary documents in order to determine more precisely
what contributions Apthorp made with regard to content and style. All of these
writings, taken together, present a clear picture of the activities and contributions of
Apthorp. Noteworthy features are discussed and compared and/or contrasted with
writings of Apthorps peers.
Method of Analysis
Preliminary sources such as RILM and the Music Index have been searched
to discover primary and secondary sources. Also, music biographical dictionaries
34 Joseph Edgar Chamberlin, The Boston Transcript: A History of its First Hundred
Years (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), 206.


215
a millstone around the neck of the brilliant counterpoint. He noted that even the
Bach Association was unable to adhere exclusively to the principle of "neutral"
accompaniments. "A vital polyphonic style is requisite, and through it alone can the
gaps in Bachs and Handels scores be so filled out that the contrast between the
original parts and the accompaniment shall not strike the ear as ungraceful and
unmusical."28
To bolster his point that "fill-in-the-blank" harmony is unsatisfactory, Apthorp
made reference to one of the preeminent musicians of all time, W. A. Mozart. In
Mozarts day, he noted, "the mighty question of additional accompaniments had not
set so many wise and foolish heads wagging as it has since."29 Mozart relied on his
"fine musical instinct" when he worked out the scores to Handels Messiah and
Alexander's Feast. That Mozarts work was superior to that of the "archaeological-
historical party is evidenced by the fact that Handels Messiah, certainly his
best-known work, had not appeared in the first thirty-eight volumes of Handels
works as published by the German Handel Society.30 Apthorp raised the question
that perhaps an accompaniment written out according to the plan of Chrysander and
company was inadequate next to Mozarts, and if Mozarts edition were included
alongside theirs it would be seen that their principles were less sound.
28 Ibid., 118, 119f.
29 Ibid., 120.
30 Volume 38 of the series was published in 1872, which was current when
Apthorp first wrote the essay. In the revised essay, Apthorp retained the original
volume number in the text but updated the information in a footnote (Vol. 75).
Messiah finally appeared in Vol. 45, 1902.


208
To Apthorp, it is the inhuman quality of the organ that renders it so unique
an instrument. He continued that as impersonal as the organ is, Bachs writing for
other instruments, including the voice, showed no trace of impassivity. Bachs choice
of instruments and voice, especially in the church cantatas, "is almost invariably
felicitous, guided by a poetic conception of the character of his subject." The music
not only expresses the text but "illustrates the text. Apthorp then cited several
passages, amplifying the text with descriptions of the pictures they conjure up. This
is yet another example of Apthorps extensive knowledge of the repertoire. He
further remarked that Bachs recitatives go beyond dramatic brilliance--they "carry
more conviction, more spiritual admonition and exhortation, than any sermon."17
With all these accolades, why is it that the music of Bach seems so
unapproachable? Basically, he was too good. The problem is not in technical
difficulty, for Apthorp stated that equally difficult music is performed regularly. The
problem, to Apthorp, is more intellectual and artistic. "Few singers to-day are in
better condition thoroughly to understand an air by Bach than the public itself."
Add to this the problem of "added accompaniments," and the obstacles for
performing become overwhelming.18 On the other side of the baton, the listener
simply is not accustomed to absorbing Bachs "exceedingly intricate" style
intelligently.
17 Ibid., 88, 92.
18 Ibid., 93. The matter of realizing Bachs scores is addressed in the next essay,
"Additional Accompaniments to Bachs and Handels Scores."


262
non-musician and musician alike, but its lively historical narrative format makes for
pleasurable and interesting reading for anyone.
As in most studies of opera, Apthorp began with a brief discussion of ancient
Greek drama. During the Middle Ages and early Renaissance, music in the form
of popular ballads and folk songs, which were not considered "artistic" compositions,
was incorporated to fulfill dramatic and scenic requirements. The art music of the
time was polyphonic, which is very limited for dramatic purposes, especially when
expressed by a single character. Although there various dramatic forms as madrigal
plays and ballets daction, the necessary ingredient missing for true opera was music
for scenic purposes.34 The discussions of polyphonic music and music for scenic
action are not usually included in studies of opera. Apthorp added another
noteworthy piece to the complex tapestry of music and drama.
Apthorp was not one to abide by popular opinion. Much attention is usually
devoted to Alessandro Scarlatti (1660-1725) and G. F. Handel as composers of
opera, but Apthorp minimized their work in his discussion, since they did not
contribute anything new to opera but merely emphasized on established traditions.35
To Apthorp, "the chief figure in the . preliminary period of Opera in Naples . .
34 The madrigal plays of Alessandro Striggio (1535-1584), Giovanni Croce
(1550-1609), Orazio Vecchi (1551-1605), and Adriano Banchieri (1567-1634) were
briefly described. Balthasar de Beaujoyeulxs grand ballet Circe, ou le ballet comique
de la Reine (1581) was discussed at length.
35 Apthorp claimed that Scarlatti propagated the style of Giacomo Carissimi
(1605-74) and, in his essay on J. S. Bach, asserted that Handel was a mannerist.
Although Carissimi did not compose any operas--he is known for church cantatas
and oratorios-Apthorp regarded his emphasis on solo singing as actually detracting
from the evolution of opera.


260
wrote a book on the subject. The Opera Past and Present: An Historical Sketch is
part of the Music Lovers Library series by Charles Scribners Sons.29 This section
will highlight Apthorps volume, emphasizing the unusual and the perceptive.
Apthorps was one of the first histories of opera.30 In the preface he outlined
his purposes for writing the treatise, resolving to provide a "clear and connected
account of the first establishment and gradual evolution of this form of art." His
approach to the study of opera focused on the conflict between dramatic integrity
and musical effect, "for the history of this conflict is really the history of opera."31
Rather than merely reviewing composers and works, Apthorp provided
background information on the expectations of society, on their tastes in opera at
the time. He was more interested in recounting the history of opera through
composers and works that were of particular influence on composers and works that
followed. Discussions of Mozart and Beethoven are the only departures from this
plan. Chapters are Beginnings (including the Florentine Camerata), the European
29 William Foster Apthorp, The Opera Past and Present: An Historical Sketch
(New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1901). The preface is dated Boston, 13
December 1900, and the volume is dedicated to B. J. Lang. Other books in the
series are The Orchestra and Orchestral Music by William J. Henderson (1899), Songs
and Song Writers by Henry T. Finck (1900), Choirs and Choral Music by Arthur Mees
(1901), and The Pianoforte and Its Music by Henry E. Krehbiel (1911).
30 Apthorp gave credit to several books and articles, in French and German, as
sources for his book, including Les origines de lOpera et le Ballet de la Reine by
Ludovic Celler (Paris: Didier et Cie., 1868), Les origines du thtre lyrique moderne;
histoire de lOpra en Europe avant Lully et Scarlatti by Romain Rolland (Paris,
1895), and articles by E. Vogel and Hermann Kretzschmar in the Leipzig
Vierteljahrschrift fur Musikwissenschaft. Other early histories of opera include The
Opera by Richard A. Streatfeild (London: J. C. Minno, 1897) and A Critical History
of Opera by Arthur Elson (Boston: L. C. Page, 1901).
31 Apthorp, The Opera, viii, xi.


182
of the personages to whom the work was dedicated was Count Andreas Kyrillowitch
Rasumowsky (1752-1836), the Russian ambassador to Vienna. Beethoven also
dedicated his three Rasumowsky String Quartets, Op. 59 (1805-06), to his patron and
friend, the count, who commissioned the quartets. It is interesting to note that both
the symphony and the string quartets were dedicated to Count Rasumowsky and
forged new paths of compositional style.
Commenting on Beethovens Fifth Symphony presents a most interesting
situation, for in selecting items for their program notes, Wilson, Apthorp, and Hale
all chose at one time or another to include an analysis by Hector Berlioz. What is
worthy to note is the translations of each writer. Not one credited the translator,
although certainly Apthorp was responsible for his own. Wilson probably borrowed
the words of another, as he was inclined to do. Whether or not Hale did his own
translations is uncertain.30
Two samples will suffice to demonstrate the expertise in translating from the
French. In the first example Berlioz introduced the first movement, and the second
described the transition in the fourth movement from minor to major modes. All
three writers will be presented in turn on the first example, and then in like manner
on the second. In order to emphasize the transliterary prowess of Apthorp, liberty
has been taken to save Apthorp for last in both cases.
Example 1
GW: The first movement is devoted to the representation of the disorder
and confusion of a great mind in despair,--not that concentrated, calm
30 Apthorp was no stranger to such work, as evidenced by his translations into
English of six short stories of Emile Zola. See Appendix B, "Writings of William
Foster Apthorp.


123
now contemplated have been completed. He then suggested placing a partition
between the corridors and the auditorium.39
A performance on 22 May 1883, given at Tremont Temple, was not reviewed
in the Boston Daily Advertiser. Apthorp had the usual appraisements of the
performance, but he also chided the group, a 200-voice chorus directed by Joseph
G. Lennon, for latching onto the coattails of the venerable Handel and Haydn
Society. The concert was poorly attended-ticket sales were slight, and the weather
was inclement. The main problem was "in the assumption that because one
organization devoted to the performance of sacred music has succeeded, another
with a similar purpose will also succeed."40 Boston had enough groups singing
oratorios. Now, if they wanted to sing music of the Catholic Church, that would be
different. He noted that each successful choral society specialized in a particular
type of music.
Despite some additional problems, such as no time to rehearse the chorus or
soloists with the orchestra (!), "on the whole the choruses went off with delightful
spirit, the fresh, bright and clear voices of the young women in the choir being
especially valuable in insuring [sic] an animated style." Directors and soloists were
39 Ibid. Apthorps suggestion did not go unheeded, for in a performance of
Charles Gounods Redemption the following year he specifically mentioned that the
addition of partitions of wood "greatly improved the acoustic qualities of the hall.
Ibid., 27 Feb. 1884, 1.
40 Boston Evening Transcript, 23 May 1883, 1.


212
A key difference between the two German groups was plainly evident from
the very beginning. The Bach Society felt they needed to provide an edition that
was historically accurate. Thus, the Bach-Gesellschaft publications contained only
the figured basso continuo part. The Handel-Gesellschaft volumes, on the other
hand, went a step further, for they included separate written-out parts for the
keyboard, making their editions useful for actual performance.
Apthorp described the animosity between the two groups and their leaders,
the "Bachite" Philipp Spitta and the "Handelite" Friedrich Chrysander. Chrysander,
said Apthorp, was an "exclusive admirer of Handel, and in his writings seldom let
slip a chance of saying something invidious about Bach."21 Spitta, it seems, could
not be dissuaded from retaliating. What was needed was someone to break the
spell. That someone was Robert Franz (1815-1892).
Franz had distinguished himself for his realizations of the figured bass scores
of such Baroque masters as Bach and Handel. Apthorp described Franz as a highly
cultivated musician with a spark of genius."22 Chrysander felt that he (Chrysander)
had a monopoly on knowledge of adding accompaniments, and Spitta felt that he
(Spitta) knew all there was to know about realizing Bachs music. Franz felt that he
(Franz) knew more about the "artistic sides" of these two giants. Spitta and
Chrysander both railed against Franz for his effrontery and conjoined themselves
against their common opponent.
2' Apthorp, Musicians and Music-Lovers, 108.
22 Ibid., 109.


31
experiment, Dwight found the rich, fertile soil suitable for his sensitive ideals. The
major purpose of the Brook Farm experiment was to develop individual talent and
character, including individual expression. It was a noble shibboleth in freedom of
thought and expression wherein members encouraged others, even if they did not
necessarily agree. Emerson plainly stated that the Transcendentalists were "lovers
and worshippers of Beauty. In the eternal trinity of Truth, Goodness, and Beauty,
each in its own perfection including the three, they prefer to make Beauty the sign
and the head.16 Dwight would have appreciated and was perhaps aware of the
resemblance between this "trinity" and Pauls message in I Corinthians 13:13: "But
now abide faith, hope, and love, these three; but the greatest of these is love."
Dwights ideas of music as a religion in itself fit right into place at Brook
Farm. In fact, he was expressing the Transcendental attitude toward music even
before the group was formed, indeed even before he finished his ministry degree.
Simply, if words were regarded as the language of thought, then music must be the
language of feeling-especially religious feeling or devotion. One did not have to
understand the particulars of music to plumb the depths of truth and life. Although
Emerson himself "was totally unacquainted with musical technique,16 being a true
Transcendentalist he was transported by music beyond reality: "[Music] takes us out
15 Irving Lowens, Music and Musicians in Early America (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1964), 249. The quote is from Ralph Waldo Emerson, The Transcendentalist.
16 Vivian C. Hopkins, Spires of Form: A Study of Emersons Aesthetic Theory
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951), 190.


75
Of special interest is an article that appeared in Dwights Journal (4 October
1873) entitled "What are Symphony Concerts for?" Apthorp made a direct response
two months later. The impetus was the beginning of the ninth season of the
Harvard Musical Association concerts. Dwight opened with a review of the original
purpose of the HMA Orchestra, "namely, to insure [sic], at stated times, year after
year, a hearing to those acknowledged masterworks of Symphony and other forms
of instrumental music, which, otherwise, amid so many money-seeking musical
competitors and caterers, are in much danger of neglect." He then decried concerts
that featured virtuosos, for the public was invariably interested only in their
execution and not in the music itself. While he noted that soloists were needed to
perform concertos of the masters and that singers added variety to programs,
"Beethoven and Mozart lose their place of honor."39
His second point was that it is not the duty of concerts to introduce music of
new composers-'These things they can safely leave to others. Rather, "Their chief
aim is to keep the standard master works from falling into disregard, to make Bach
and Handel, Haydn and Mozart and Beethoven, Schubert, Mendelssohn and
Schumann, and others worthy of such high championship, continually felt as a living
presence and blessed influences among us."40 Musicians may find the new music
interesting, "but it is not the way to educate the public, or establish any standard of
pure taste."4'
39 Dwights Journal, 4 Oct. 1873, 102b-c.
40 Ibid.
41
Ibid., 103a.


236
Apthorp then cautioned that it is dangerous to rely on any one leg more than
another in developing a musical theory. He cited an example from Herman
Helmholtzs Die Lehre von dem Tonempfindung (1862) to illustrate his point.
Helmholtz attempted to "prove" that the tempered scale is inadequate because every
note is slightly out of tune, rendering precise concords impossible. In the first place,
Apthorp asserted that the tempered scale is a musical fact, not a theory. Beginning
with such as Helmholtzs premise is deductive reasoning, not inductive. Second,
Helmholtzs position was invalid since it assumed that the purpose of a scale is to
produce mathematically and physically pure consonance. Although Apthorp allowed
Helmholtz his notion as an artistic point of view, that is quite different from a
proven scientific fact. Helmholtzs shortcoming was in relying too much on the
science of physicsacoustics, which relies on mathematics--and not enough on
physiology or psychology. "If a well-established musical fact is at any time found to
run counter to it [an acoustical test], woe to your theory!"65
Music is not a product of the laws of nature. It is a product of the human
brain. We use the laws of nature only to the extent that they suit our purposes.
Indeed, it was a scientist-Pythagoras (c. 550 B.C.)~who set the groundwork for the
entire modal system of composition. Music has certainly evolved according to the
instincts of musicians, but the course taken by creative musicians has often been
contrary to established rules and supposed laws. Music was largely "conventional"
until Claudio Monteverdi (1567-1643) astounded the musical world with his use of
the dominant seventh. That was the "death-knell of the whole modal system; with
65
Ibid., 317.


299
"Stars the Night Adorning" (from Hugos Ruy Bias),
serenade by J. B. Wekerlin, trans, by N. MacFarren
Stewart, W. E., words for "Yes, by J. Blumenthal
"The Storm, song for baritone by V. Cirillo
Strakosch opera troupe
Strauss, Johann, "Nouvelles Soirees de Vienne," from Suites 1 and 2,
arr. for piano by C. Tausig
Sturgis and Blake, eds., Songs of the Pyrenees
Sturm, T., words for "Resignation," by F. Korbay
Sullivan, Arthur, "Give, words by A. Proctor
"Love laid his Sleepless Head," words by A. Swinburne
"O fair Dove! O fond Dove!" words by J. Ingelow
"Sunset," song by G. L. Osgood
"The Sunshine of Thine Eyes," song by G. Osgood,
words by G. Lathrop
"Supplication, romance for piano by R. Goldbeck
Svenska och Finska Sanger (folk songs of Sweden and Finland),
S. Borg and M. Brown
Tagliche Studien fr Piano, by C. Tausig
Tamberlik, Enrico, tenor with the Maretzek opera troupe
Taubert, Wilhelm, "The Boy After Birds," Op. 79,
trans, by J. S. Dwight
"Dream of the Shepherd-Boy," Op. 79, trans, by J. S. Dwight
"The Sparrow and the Thrasher," Op. 79, trans, by J. S. Dwight
Tausig, Carl, Tagliche Studien fur Piano
arr. for piano J. Strausss "Nouvelles Soirees de Vienne,"
from Suites 1 and 2
"The Tear," song by H. Millard
Technical Studies for the Piano, L. Plaidy
Tetler, Sarah, Musical Composers and their Works
Thallon, Robert, Jr., "The Boat of My Lover, words by J. Halifax
Thaxter, Celia, words for "Foreboding," by J. Eichberg
words for "Sing, Little Bird," by J. Eichberg
"Theme with Variations," from F. Lachners First Orchestral Suite,
transe, for piano by E. Perabo
Thomas, Theodore, cond. L. van Beethovens Symphony No. 5 in c
cond. Wagner opera excerpts
arr. R. Wagners Grand Festival March for piano
Theodore Thomas Orchestra
comments on first season
perf. of J. S. Bachs Magnificat, w/ Sharlands Choral Society
symphony concerts
Thomas, J. R., "O sing unto the Lord" (quartet)
"Thou has Broken the Heart," song by F. Korbay, words by T. Poultney
June 1874
Feb. 1876
June 1875
Apr. 1874
Nov. 1876
July 1877
Nov. 1876
Jan. 1874
Feb. 1876
June 1872
May 1873
Nov. 1876
Mar. 1872
May 1875
Sep. 1875
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874
Jan. 1874
Sep. 1875
Nov. 1876
Feb. 1872
Dec. 1874
Aug. 1875
Feb. 1877
Apr. 1876
Nov. 1876
July 1872
June 1875
Sep. 1873
July 1876
Feb. 1872
Feb. 1873
Nov. 1873
June 1875
May 1876
Jan. 1877
Feb. 1877
Mar. 1872
Nov. 1876


23
such as Bakers Biographical Dictionary of Musicians have revealed additional primary
sources, including newspapers and journals to which Apthorp contributed.
Most of the sources pertinent to this study are available in one form or
another. Books by Apthorp are in the holdings of the University of Florida library,
as are some of the journals. Other periodicals, as well as newspapers, can be found
in the Library of Congress, the New York Public Library, and the Boston Public
Library. Still other sources are available through Interlibrary Loan.
Although the quantity of material to be investigated was voluminous, the
method of analysis was relatively simple. There are two primary matters here: what
was said, and how it was said. Topics of discussion were compared, as was the
language used to describe those topics.
The procedure was to compare the subject matter with which Apthorp dealt
with the writings of his immediate predecessor(s) and successor(s). Topics of
discussion were various, including analyses of musical compositions, background
information on composers and their works, how the performance sounded, what the
performers were wearing, who was at the performance, etc. This phase of analysis
shed light on the reading tastes of the audience, since critics endeavor to write what
the audience will read.
The second area of analysis was Apthorps exposition of subject matter as
compared to his predecessor(s) and successor(s). Writing styles ranged from
stinging, caustic language to flowery praises, from popular to erudite. The critics
personal style of scholarship ranged from cursory to substantive.


118
musical styles. Since concert programming and repertoire had changed so much by
Parkers time, his comments were not available for many of these works. In order
to follow the progression of compositional practice, these works will be presented
in chronological order according to date of composition.
J. S. Bach. St. Matthew Passion (17291
Strange as it may seem, the music of J. S. Bach is not as well represented in
late-nineteenth-century concert programs as one might expect. Between 1882 and
1884, all that was performed in Boston were the Chaconne for violin (orchestrated
by Joachim Raff), the Toccata in F (adapted for orchestra by Esser), the Suite in D,
the Christmas Oratorio, and the St. Matthew Passion, as well as various selections
from cantatas, etc. The Passion will be discussed here.
A condensed version of the work was presented in Music Hall on Good
Friday, 11 April 1884, by the Handel and Haydn Society, directed by Carl Zerrahn.
The soloists were E. Aline Osgood, Emily Winant, George J. Parker, Georg
Henschel, and Franz Remmertz. The piano accompaniment was given by H. G.
Tucker, B. J. Lang was the organist, and the violin obbligato was rendered by
B. Ustemann. The Boston Daily Advertiser article began with a long paragraph about
how Bachs Passion should be placed alongside the "canvases of Canpaccio,
Bonifugio, and the rest" of the old Venetian artists.27 In spite of the affected, even
labored figures on the canvas, he felt there was something wonderful to behold.
In all the pictures devotion breathes; purity, devotion and the rapture
which flows from them, all are there. . And so in this music, there
are quaint, strained phrases which the voice can hardly compass; odd
ingenuity of orchestration, harsh, discordant measures, and obbligati
27 Boston Daily Advertiser, 12 Apr. 1884, 4.


300
'To thee, O Country, national hymn for male voices by J. Eichberg,
words by A. Eichberg
Tostee, Mademoiselle, singer
Tours, Berthold, "Angel at the Window," words by W. Baines
"So the Children Say" (song)
"Violets in the Snow (ballad)
"Traviata at the Apollo in Athens, Greece"
"Trovatore in Athens, Greece"
"Tuberose," song by M. Mueller, words by E. Osborne
Upcoming opera season
"Updating" composers music
"Valse Impromptu," for piano by W. Mason
Varley, Nelson, tenor
Verdi, Giuseppe, "Traviata at the Apollo in Athens, Greece"
"Trovatore in Athens, Greece"
Verdi and Meyerbeer-Who influenced whom?
"Violets in the Snow," ballad by B. Tours
Violetta, "Nobody Home but Me," words by G. Cooper
"Volkslied," song by Franz Abt
Wachtel, Theodor, tenor with the Wachtel troupe
Wachtmann, Charles, transe, for piano "Marche Clebre,"
from F. Lachners First Orchestral Suite
Wagner, Richard, Centennial March, performed by
Th. Thomas Orchestra
Gesammelte Schnften und Dichtungen of R. Wagner
Grand Festival March, arr. for piano by Th. Thomas
Kaiser-Marsch
Lohengrin, described by
Lohengrin, perf. of by Strakosch opera troupe
Tristan and Isolde, "Introduction and Finale"
"Wolframs Invocation" from Tannhuser,
arr. for piano by F. Liszt
Wagner Festival
Wagner Society concert, London
Wagners music dramas need actors who can sing
Weber, Carl M., Polacca in Eb, Op. 21, arr. for piano by F. Liszt
Wehle, Karl, pianist
Wekerlin, J. B., "Stars the Night Adorning (from Hugos Ruy Bias),
trans, by N. MacFarren
Weston, Mrs. J. W., singer in G. F. Handels Messiah
"What are symphony concerts for? discussion in Dwights Journal
"When the Tide Comes In," descriptive song by H. Millard,
words by H. Ashland
"When in the Early Morn," song by C. Gounod,
words by E. Maitland
White, Ferdinand J., "The Old Place" (ballad)
White, C. A., "Queen of the Beautiful (song)
Oct. 1872
Apr. 1872
May 1874
Nov. 1873
Feb. 1874
Sep. 1873
Sep. 1873
Aug. 1875
Nov. 1873
Apr. 1877
Mar. 1872
Apr. 1873
Sep. 1873
Sep. 1873
Apr. 1874
Feb. 1874
Apr. 1874
June 1872
Feb. 1872
Oct. 1872
Jan. 1877
Feb. 1874
July 1876
Feb. 1872
Mar. 1875
Mar. 1875
Feb. 1872
June 1874
July 1877
Sep. 1873
July 1877
Dec. 1876
Sep. 1872
June 1874
Mar. 1877
Dec. 1873
Jan. 1874
May 1873
Feb. 1872
Mar. 1872


270
He spoke highly of the music of Brahms (the composer with "brains") and Wagner,
and he encouraged American composers such as John Knowles Paine and Benjamin
E. Woolf. While most people thought of new music as "novel, Apthorp reminded
them that new compositions may be "serious," as Chadwicks Symphony in C.
Knowing that new ideas take time to catch on, he called for repeat hearings of new
works.
Probably because of his broad background in the liberal arts, Apthorp showed
remarkable insight. Oftentimes he saw a need to discuss a related matter concerning
a composer or work, as mentioned above. The chapter on the demands of singers
in The Opera Past and Present was unique for its time. A few other examples include
his remarks on Bachs affinity for the "impersonal" organ, on how composers
perceivenot discover-new means of expression, how nothing is more poetic than
an asymptote, and how a regular French dinner is in sonata form.
Conclusions
The primary purposes of this study were to examine the contributions of
William Foster Apthorp as a music critic, especially as compared to his predecessors,
and to authenticate those contributions in light of the practice of music criticism by
succeeding writers.
What did Apthorp contribute as a music critic? First, he promulgated the
concept of enlightened personal opinion. John S. Dwights views, honest as they
were, were not based on a strong background of music education, and George
Wilsons writings most often were not his own but were borrowed from English
critics. Apthorp was well schooled in the fine arts, the source of his erudition.


93
time in Boston, at the Third Triennial Festival of the Handel and Haydn Society,
9 May 1874, that Dwight reported on the oratorio in his own words.
Dwight noted that the audience was rather small and accounted for the
meager attendance by the program: Paines oratorio was sandwiched between Bachs
St. Matthew passion and Handels Messiah. He surmised that the people needed a
break from these two exciting and exhausting works. The fact that Paines St. Peter
was a new work did not help, either. After all, who but the critics were truly
interested in a new oratorio? Further, St. Peter was based on a biblical character,
which was nothing new. Handel and Mendelssohn had pretty well covered whatever
biblical subject one could imagine. Dwight showed some insight into the thinking
of the people here.
After studying the score and listening to the chorus rehearse, Dwight
confessed that he "could not feel a unity or positive individuality of style." Being
steeped in tradition, he admittedly struggled with the new school of composition.
Acknowledging the presence of musical thought and much art, he still was not
"carried away by it." He grappled with the restless and elaborate accompaniment.
There was, for him, a lack of repose "which is characteristic of great art.84
Melodies were not attractive or haunting. Yet there was power and dramatic truth.
Such were Dwights impressions before he actually heard the entire performance.
As a whole, Dwight felt that St. Peter was "earnest, honest, noble in its spirit
and intention." Some orchestral selections still bothered him, which he cited. They
"seemed to be overstrained and vague, as if they had caught the new disease, the
84 Dwights Journal, 13 June 1874, 246c.


40
music of the present. Since American music was still relatively young during
Dwights most productive years, it would also be enlightening to see how he, and
later Apthorp, viewed American music.
When there is a reference to "old" music, naturally there follows the question,
"How old?" Indeed, how old does a composition have to be before it is regarded as
"old? In the case of Dwight, there is no clear delineation. He was more interested
in the spirit of the music than when it was composed. The music that he most
revered was that of L. van Beethoven, W. A. Mozart, G. F. Handel, and J. S. Bach.
That the works of these masters span over a hundred years is inconsequential.
Clearly there was no single musical ideal, but that is no surprise, considering
Dwights concept of "great music as discussed earlier.
In Dwights time the spirit of romanticism was fresh, and he was absorbed in
the ideas of free thinking and free spirits. While he was yet a preacher he
envisioned a church where the pulpit was in the center; the preacher and
congregation could thence engage in a free exchange of ideas. He was always
earnestly opposed to any prescribed doctrine. He simply felt that each person could
find truth and beauty in the high ideals of "great thoughts," and music was certainly
included in his Elysian world. He never strayed from his ideals. Later, Dwight was
one of those cultural leaders, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry Wadsworth
Longfellow, Oliver Wendel Holmes, George Ripley, and others, who met in


253
poem Lenore (1875) contained no key signature. The same was true of Umberto
Giordanos (1867-1948) opera Andrea Chenier (1896). All the sharps and flats were
written as accidentals. Apthorp noted that the music changed key center very often.
He quoted a passage by Belgian musicologist Francois Ftis (1784-1871) on the
"omnitonic order" of music, in which melody moved through key centers
continuously, rendering a key signature superfluous. Apthorp coined the word
"nullitonic order" of music, in which the harmony was characterized by two key
centers simultaneously, hence no key center. Is it possible that he was aware of the
early music of Charles Ives (1874-1954), who mastered bi- and polytonality?
By the Wav. Volume 2. "About Musicians"
In the second volume of By the Way Apthorp addressed issues pertaining to
musicians. The two final sections are "About Art in General" and "Gleanings from
the Court Library of Utopia," perhaps the most intriguing of Apthorps writings.
Among the comments on musicians, Apthorp remarked on "The Old Dechanteurs."
He had high praise for composers that struggled with developing a notational system.
It was hard work, writing music without the benefit of notes! Nevertheless, it had
to be done, "so all honour to them who did it!19 On musical tastes of then and
today, Apthorp compared the great violinist Niccolo Paganini with a contemporary,
Ole Bull (1810-80). While "todays" music was very good, music of then drove
people wild. It was Paganinis grand style of playing that made the difference. By
Bulls day the style had passed its prime. Violin playing had taken a new direction.
19
Ibid., Vol. 2, 6.


176
note for note in this key, with the second theme in C major. The
long-drawn-out conclusion-theme now rages itself until its fury is spent:
then comes a short pause, after which a soft sustained G in the horns
announces the coda, which begins with the softly pleading second
theme in C major. Some boisterous passage-work leads soon to the
second return of the introductory passage, in C minor as it was at first.
Here we come upon one of Beethovens greatest strokes,--the third
sustained C, instead of being followed by a single crashing chord, is
now followed by two in rapid succession. It is as if something had
broken past mending: it is like the fall of the thunder-bolt. The first
(or Coriolanus) theme gives its last, dying gasp, and all is over. So
here is an overture in an absolutely new form: a first part in C minor
and E-flat major, no working-out nor second part, and a third part in
F minor and C major, with a short coda in the tonic key of C. It
should be noted, though, in so far as there being no regular free
fantasia is concerned, that in this overture Beethoven works out his
themes as soon as he has presented them. In fact, the whole overture
is, in a certain sense, one continuous piece of working-out.20
PH: It is in one movement, allegro con brio, in C minor, 4-4, as written,
alia breve as played. It begins with a succession of three long-held
fortissimo Cs in the strings, each one of which is followed by a
resounding chord in the full orchestra. The agitated first theme in C
minor soon gives place to the second lyrically passionate theme in E
flat major. The development of this theme is also short. The free
fantasia is practically passage-work on the conclusion theme. The
tendency to shorten the academic sonata form is seen also in the third
part, or recapitulation. The first theme returns to F minor with
curtailed development. The second theme is now in C major. The
coda begins with this theme; passage-work follows; there is a repetition
of the Cs and the chords of the beginning; and the purely dramatic
close in C minor may be suggestive of the heros death.21
The analysis by Sir Grove, provided by Wilson, is so cumbersome that only
the most dedicated concert-goer would plow through the entire paragraph, probably
with frequent pauses for reflection and air. This analysis is not intended to
enlighten uninformed (or remind informed) listeners. It does not make the music
20 Ibid., 3/4 Feb. 1893, 479f.
21 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 50f.


CHAPTER 7
OTHER WRITINGS
Hector Berlioz
Apthorp had a special love for the French. He was known to winter in Paris,
and he translated into English selected writings of Emile Zola and Hector Berlioz
(1803-69).' In order to present a work in English that reflected the personality--not
the historical figure-of Hector Berlioz, Apthorp selected and translated writings
from Berliozs Les Soirees d Orchestre, A Travers Chants, Les Grotesques de la
Musique, Autobiography, and letters from Germany with the purpose of giving "the
English-reading public such passages as are most strikingly characteristic of the
man.2 In addition, he provided a biographical sketch of Berlioz and a catalog of his
works, including opus number, title in French and English, versions available, and
notes which consist primarily of debut performance, principal characters of dramatic
works, etc. The preface is dated Boston, 19 June 1879. There was a need for such
a volume, as Apthorps work predates English translations of Berliozs writings by
1 Apthorp translated six short stories by Emile Zola. See Appendix B, "Writings
of William Foster Apthorp."
2 William Foster Apthorp, trans., Hector Berlioz: Selections from his Letters, and
Aesthetic, Humorous, and Satirical Writings, (New York: H. Holt, 1879; reprint ed.,
Portland, Maine: Longwood Press, 1976), iii. Presumably the reference to the
autobiography was to Memoirs de Hector Berlioz (Paris, 1870).
242


304
Einstein, Alfred. Music in the Romantic Era. New York: W. W. Norton, 1947.
Elson, Louis C. The History of American Music. New York: Macmillan, 1925.
Fertig, Walter. Article, "John Sullivan Dwight," in New Grove Dictionary of American
Music. Edited by H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie. Washington, DC: Groves
Dictionaries of Music, 1986. (1:667.)
. Article, "John Sullivan Dwight," in New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians. Edited by Stanley Sadie. Washington, DC: Groves Dictionaries of
Music, 1980. (5:792.)
. "John Sullivan Dwight: Transcendentalist and Literary Amateur of Music."
Ph.D. dissertation. University of Maryland, 1952. 258p.
Fisher, William A. Notes on Music in Old Boston. Boston: Oliver Ditson, 1918.
Reprint edition. New York: AMS Press, 1976.
Geiringer, Karl. The Bach Family: Seven Generations of Creative Genius. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1954.
Graf, Max. Composer and Critic. New York: W. W. Norton, 1946.
Grout, Donald J. A History of Western Music. Revised edition. New York: W. W.
Norton, 1973.
. A Short History of Opera. Second edition. New York: Columbia University
Press, 1965.
Hanslick, Eduard. The Beautiful in Music, A Contribution to the Revisal of Musical
Aesthetics. New York, Da Capo Press, 1974. Reprint of the first English-language
edition. New York: Novello, Ewer & Co., 1891.
Harrison, Frank LI., Mantle Hood, and Claude Palisca. Musicology. Engelwood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1963.
Haydon, Glen. Introduction to Musicology: A Survey of the Fields, Systematic and
Historical, of Musical Knowledge and Research. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1941.
Hitchcock, H. Wiley. Music in the United States: A Historical Introduction.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1969.
Hopkins, Vivian C. Spires of Form: A Study of Emersons Aesthetic Theory.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951.


211
It was during the middle of the nineteenth century that societies in honor of
particular composers were organized. The Handel Society was founded in London
in 1843 with the intention of publishing performing editions of Handels music.
(Mendelssohn edited Handels Israel in Egypt for the series in 1846.) This society
folded in 1848, but another society formed in Leipzig in 1856, the Deutsche Handel-
Gesellschaft with the intention of publishing critical editions of Handels works.
Friedrich Chrysander was the editor.
The keyboard music of Bach, meanwhile, had been available for some time,
but it was apparent to those concerned that something needed to be done about his
vocal music. Robert Schumann made such a call in 1837, but it was the founding
of the English Handel Societyand the English Bach Society, organized by William
Sterndale Bennett in 1849-that spurred the founding of the Deutsche
Bach-Gesellschaft in 1850. The date was chosen for the centennial of Bachs death.
The society went through several editors, but the renowned biographer of Bach,
Philipp Spitta, was the most notable. The purpose of the organization was to
publish a complete edition of the masters works. The first volume, of church
cantatas, appeared in 1851. The Deutsche Handel-Gesellschaft began publishing
that masters works, beginning with the dramatic oratorio Susannah, in 1858.
Apthorp described these events and the decision to call for subscriptions to enable
them to publish complete editions.20
20 Apthorp did not, however, mention the English Bach and Handel societies.
Apropos to the present discussion, they were inconsequential, which is probably why
he did not bother to recollect them to his readers.


125
notes were quoted: "Evidently the one indispensable condition to fairly singing such
music is enthusiasm." Clement went on to say, "This alone would suffice to make
that concert the one not to be missed."42
According to Clement, the concert was not as successful as was hoped.
Although the orchestra and soloists all performed ably, "only some general
magnetism and sympathy to fuse public, players and singers, and give prestige to the
performance, seemed to be lacking.43
The symphony was performed again 22 March 1884 by the Boston Symphony
Orchestra. It was a special occasion: the final appearance of Georg Henschel as
music director. The Daily Advertiser article devoted substantial space to this fact,
noting the singing of "Auld Lang Syne" at the very beginning of the concert and the
outbursts of enthusiasm at its close. Henschel was presented bound scores to
Robert Schumanns Manfred overture (after Lord Byrons Manfred) and Beethovens
Choral Symphony, the two works that constituted the program that evening.
One-sentence accolades were bestowed on the soloists, orchestra, and chorus. It was
noted of the chorus, however, that in spite of the fact that the pitch was lowered
(how much?) "again it was demonstrated how impossible it is to secure a
performance of the great finale at all adequate to its demands."44 It was mentioned
that Howard M. Ticknor read the poem "with taste and intelligence," but it was not
mentioned what poem. Apparently the readers were familiar enough with
42 Ibid., 1 May 1880, 4.
43 Ibid., 7 May 1880, 1.
44 Boston Daily Advertiser, 24 Mar. 1884, 4.


105
carried news of foreign affairs, literature, drama, and the fine arts. During the
tenure of Charles F. Dunbar as editor, beginning in 1863, the music critic was
Howard M. Ticknor. The critic or critics who succeeded him and were writing
during the time Apthorp was writing for the Transcript were not identified in the
article. Only one column, Music and Drama, was then devoted to the fine arts.
Whoever the critic was, the columns were well written and demonstrated
musical knowledge and sensitivity. Each entry consisted of comments on a
performance and Notes and Announcements of upcoming events. Readers had to
rely on the column heading to tell what it was about, for the program of whatever
concert being reviewed was not listed at the top; it was buried in the text. There
were the usual adjectives describing the music itself and then comments on the
performance. The column concluded with the program of the next concert.
Concerning writing style, the critic always was referred to in the first person
plural, as many are to this day. There were always remarks on the quality and
number of the audience and their reaction to the performance. Movement markings
were usually included for multi-movement works, and characters of operas were set
off in italics.
There was considerable attention devoted to soloists, with adjectives
describing tone quality and effectiveness. A noteworthy trait is that no matter what
the pluses, there were always negatives included. For example, Henrietta Beebe,
"whose singing in oratorio can hardly be surpassed by that of any soprano who at
present assumes this class of music, was the soprano soloist in the Handel and
Haydn Societys presentation of Handels Messiah, 24 December 1882. The writer


70
that people with money chose to invest it in art. As to Dwights other remarks
regarding the dimensions of the jubilee, Apthorp made no comment.
Dwights second entry focused on the music itself. Gilmore fell into the way
of thinking that if ten-or ten thousand-voices are good, then twenty-or twenty
thousandare twice as good. Dwight noted that such a large chorus (which boasted
some twenty thousand voices, although he was certain that there were only eighteen
thousand at the beginning, the number tapering off as the festival ensued) could not
possibly have projected a precise sound. The problems of seating far apart and
filling the hall space were simply overwhelming. Apthorp avoided Dwights wont to
excess verbiage and simply remarked that "there was not and could not be any
clearly defined outline to the singing, but everything was blurred and indistinct."28
Apthorp did add, however, that the large audience contributed enough of its own
clatter as to further interfere with the strains of the voices.
As regards the program, both Dwight and Apthorp commented on the
performances of works as G. F. Handels Israel in Egypt and the "Anvil Chorus" from
Guiseppi Verdis II Trovatore as music merely to give the jubilee credibility. Holding
to his traditional view, that of holding up music of the masters, Dwight pled, "But
in all this was Music paramount, or something else? . Was Art revered? Did
Bach and Beethoven still keep their places on the equal platform?29 Apthorp was
more perceptive, noting that these two works were "opposite magnetic poles of the
28 Ibid., 378b.
29 Dwights Journal, 27 July 1872, 278c.


101
Scientific and Useful, Notes and Queries, Jottings, and Amusements. Of particular
interest here are two other regular columns: Musical, and Musical Matters.
It was in the Musical column that readers found reviews of performances.
Some of the operas, especially of the light and comic variety, often appeared under
Amusements. Musical Matters was a column that was concerned with musical
happenings elsewhere and other general notes about music. As might be expected,
some months were more busy than others. From September to May there was a
column-either Musical or Musical Matters or both-nearly every day. The paper
did not appear on Sundays.
Clements reviews accomplished the purpose well. His writing style was
flowing and concise. His vocabulary included foreign words and phrases, which were
set off in italics. The concert program was not set off but was included in the text,
making it difficult to discern what was performed. Entries generally consisted of a
single paragraph (probably for space concerns), so changes in topic likewise were
difficult to follow.
Clement was a positive critic. If there were anything negative that warranted
comment it was couched in a refined manner. For example, of a performance of
Gounods Faust by the Strakosch Opera Company, Mr. Petrovich, who sang the role
of Faust, is said to have sung "blamelessly with a tenor voice, which, if not ringing
or carrying in quality, is good in quantity, and scrupulously regards its limitations, so
that nothing unpleasant happens.4 When the same company performed Bellinis
I Puritani the following evening, "the gifted and charming daughter of E. L.
4 Boston Evening Transcript, 3 Feb. 1880, 1.


175
with an episode of some length and stern character, in which the cellos
and violas are used with great effect, are the materials which
Beethoven provided for his work. The working out is wonderfully
close and impressive, and is remarkable for the fact that the first
subject is brought back not in the key of C minor, as above, but in F
minor, the second subject returning in C major. The conclusion, three
staccato notes in the strings only, as soft as possible, preceded by
fragments of the original themes, coming like inevitable death on the
broken purposes of the hero, after all the labor and all the sweetness
of life are over,--is inexpressibly touching. How poetical (to touch for
one moment on the details of the close) is the manner in which the
fiery phrase of the original theme is made to falter, and flutter, and
fail like a pulse in the last moments of life. Here Beethoven has
carried his favorite practice of transforming a theme to a most
beautiful pitch.19
WA: The overture begins without introduction, immediately with the allegro
con brio (4-4 time). The first three measures, a long fortissimo C in
the strings, followed by a crashing chord of F minor on the full
orchestra, leads the ear to suppose the work to be in F minor; but
the key of C minor soon asserts itself unmistakably. The scheme of
three sustained Cs, each one followed by a crashing chord, returns
twice in the course of the overture, but seems to have a dramatic
rather than a thematic significance. Mendelssohn has followed much
the same plan in his "Ruy Bias overture. After the last crash, the first
theme appears in the tonic C minor,-a fiery, fitful theme, well
significant of Coriolanuss irascible, stormy temper. It is carried out
at some length, when all of a sudden and without warning, the second
theme creeps in in the relative E-flat major. Wondrously beautiful
melodically and poignantly expressive as this phrase is, one can hardly
call it a theme; it never goes beyond its first phrase, which is repeated
now in this part of the orchestra, now in that, but is always as it were
nipped in the bud by some sudden outburst of fury. The poetically
inclined may find satisfaction in identifying this exquisite phrase with
Virgilia, as the first theme was identified with Coriolanus himself. It
is followed by some energetic passage-work on a figure taken from the
first theme, which gradually develops into a conclusion-theme.
This nervous, angry theme, an integral part of which is a persistent,
restless figure in the violas and cell!, is carried out at great length: it
seems as if Beethoven could not let it go. It leads at last to a return
of the strong, introductory passage mentioned above, transposed now
to F minor. This is followed, not by a free fantasia, or working-out,
but by nearly the whole first part of the overture, repeated almost
19 BSO Programme, 9/10 Nov. 1888, 135f.


71
Jubilee. What one attracted the other repelled."30 This is another way of phrasing
what Apthorp saw as a major problem of the jubilee: a want of unity of purpose.
Dwight saw this, too, but not in terms of the program. Dwights remarks concerned
the festival as a whole, but only after reading Apthorps column can one clearly
summarize Dwights words.
The third part of Dwights trilogy discussed the instrumental music and
soloists, vocal and instrumental. Apthorp did so, also, but, again, he was much more
compact in his remarks. In particular, the European bands received attention.
Gilmore did promise an international festival, and European nations were indeed
represented--by bands. Apthorp and Dwight both commented on the French,
German, and English bands. Dwight was distressed that European culture would be
represented by a band and not a symphony orchestra. Further, he did not consider
the German emperors cornet quartet "a very significant contribution to the greatest
of all Music Festivals."31 Apthorp made no comment here. As might be expected,
Dwight had high praise for the Prussian (not German) band. Noting the strong
brass, the band nevertheless was "thoroughly musician-like and "entirely musical."32
Apthorp did note the fine, precise, stirring performance of the German band, but
the strong brass to him were not so musical. "The opening chords of the Egmont
30 Atlantic Monthly, Mar. 1873, 377a.
31 Dwights Journal, 27 July 1872, 278c.
32 Ibid., 10 Aug. 1872, 287c.



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CHAPTER 6
MUSICIANS AND MUSIC-LOVERS
Musicians and Music-Lovers, and Other Essays is a collection of essays by
Apthorp.' In the preface, dated Bar Harbor, Me., 28 June 1894, Apthorp explained
the source of each essay. "Musicians and Music-Lovers" was taken in part from an
article of the same title that was published in the Atlantic Monthly in February 1879
and, in part, from a lecture on music criticism that he presented at the Lowell
Institute during the 1886-87 winter season. "Johann Sebastian Bach was originally
given as a lecture in the same series as "Musicians" and appeared in Contemporary
Review, September 1891. "Additional Accompaniments to Bachs and Handels
Scores" appeared in the Atlantic Monthly, September 1878. "Giacomo Meyerbeer"
appeared in the Atlantic Monthly, October 1879, but was rewritten and considerably
extended here. The essay "Jacques Offenbach appeared in the International Review,
March 1881, and was also rewritten here. "Two Modern Classicists" (Robert Franz
and Otto Dresel) was published in two parts in the Atlantic Monthly, October,
November 1893. "John Sullivan Dwight" was an obituary notice written on the day
of his death, 5 September 1893, and appeared in the Boston Evening Transcript.
"Some Thoughts on Musical Criticism formed part of the same lecture on music
criticism as "Musicians and Music-Lovers." Finally, "Music and Science is new
1 William Foster Apthorp, Musicians and Music-Lovers, and Other Essays (New
York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1894). The book is dedicated to Henry Banker Hill.
199


139
dramatic significance of the scene in which the music is a part,"70 Apthorp began a
series of extensive essays on Wagners Der Ring des Nibetungen. Das Rheingold (The
Rhinegold) appeared in two parts, Die WaUame (The Valkyria) in two parts, Siegfried
(,Siegfried) in one, and Gotterdammerung (Twilight of the Gods) in one.71 (Note that
the four operas were explained in order.) As the concerts did not feature entire
operas but only scenes, he felt it necessary to provide his readers with a complete
context from which the scenes were drawn. Incidentally, these articles are among
the very few that Apthorp initialed.
As in the analyses in the Boston Symphony Orchestra Programme book, these
writings clearly outlined the action, both from dramatic and musical perspectives.
Apthorp began the first essay with an explanation of Wagners leitmotif. He then
turned to the operas themselves and highlighted text, keys, instruments, motifs, stage
directions, background informationeverything necessary to follow the action.
Because the festival ran an entire week-six concertscomment on a
representative concert will suffice. The most extensive excerpt performed was most
of the third act of Gotterdammerung.72 Half of the remarks of the writer for the
Daily Advertiser were devoted to the music of the entire cycle in general. In an
70 Ibid., 12 Apr. 1884, 4.
71 The opera-drama articles were published April 4, p. 6, April 8, p. 6.; April
9, p. 6, April 12, p. 10; April 12, p. 10; and April 14, p. 4.
72 The concert took place on the evening of 17 April 1884 and opened with
Beethovens Fifth Symphony. His Third Symphony had opened a previous festival
concert. Beethoven was the only composer other than Wagner represented at the
festival. Such was appropriate, as Apthorp claimed-and he apparently was not
alone in his opinion-that Beethoven and Wagner were the two greatest masters of
the nineteenth century.


38
days. Dwight did not find New York to his liking, however, and he hastened his
return to Boston.
While Dwights spirit was suffering--with no real work and no real income-
good fortune did waft his way, for it was in 1851 that he married Mary Bullard. A
frequent visitor to Brook Farm, she "was a beautiful, winning, unselfish woman, a
fine singer, and a person of many attractions of body and mind.30 Actually, the
wedding was postponed while he endeavored to secure rewarding pursuits. It was
during this time that he seriously considered editing and publishing his own music
journal. Perhaps he felt sufficiently confident in his plan that he felt it safe to take
on the added responsibility of a wife.
To gain support for his journal project, Dwight took the idea to the Harvard
Musical Association [HMA], an organization from which he was never far removed.
The HMA offered its undivided endorsement. Dwight suggested that the endeavor
would be successful if each member secured ten subscribers to the journal, a plan
to which they agreed. Naming the periodical was another major concern. Dwight,
"not liking to hear persons say that Harpers has come, decidedly objected
to . Dwights has come."31 A New York friend, George William Curtis, took the
problem to the staff at the New York Tribune, and their suggestion was decided upon:
Dwights Journal of Music, with the subtitle "A Paper of Art and Literature."
Just as Dwight has been dubbed numerous superlatives, his Journal is similarly
praised and esteemed. It is a comprehensive digest of musical events especially in
30 Cooke, Brook Farmer, 43a.
31 Ibid., 44b.


224
same standards as those of musicians of "high aim." "He was a caricaturist rather
than a satirist; the true gist of his humour lay in its intrinsic laughableness, not in its
pointing a moral. . He put a negative sign before all our ideals, and showed us
their pictures as reflected in the Devils mirror.42 Didactic rules of composition, of
opera, were not his forte. He had a genuine instinct for human nature.
It is the special talent to make people laugh that interested Apthorp. He
quoted a passage by the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860) and
paraphrased another on the philosophical nature of laughter, and he commented
that Americans had had little opportunity to judge the subtlety and innuendo of
Offenbach. As an example, he made reference to Hortense Schneider, "the true
living incarnation of Offenbach," and how different this cultured actress was in
London compared to Paris.43 Parodies by Meyerbeer and Ferdinand Hrold
(1791-1833), as well as one exemplary play on words and rhythm, were also cited to
illustrate Offenbachs humor.
As clever as Offenbach was as a humorist, Apthorp claimed that he was even
more clever as a musician. True, in many ordinary musical tasks he fell short. But
in some of his finales, Offenbach showed a remarkable talent of "keeping the music
a-going that many contemporary composers would have envied. His melodies have
been called vulgar. Apthorp resorted to the French language to describe accurately
"a talent so thoroughly Parisian as Offenbachs.44
42 Ibid., 181, 183f.
43 Ibid., 187n.
44 Ibid., 189.


196
Wilson set the tone of his article in a poetic manner. He described the tale
as "more in the imaginative verse of minstrel bards than in the strict, coherent, and
convincing mode of the drama." He felt that of Wagners works for the stage,
Tristan was "dramatically pre-eminent."59 Wilson then recounted the story. The
entire recitation is enclosed in quotation marks, but no author is credited. The same
is true of the description of the music, which, again, is more poetic than musical.
Whereas Wilson included no information on where, when, and under what
circumstances Tristan was composed, Apthorp was quite thorough.60 He quoted
letters to Franz Liszt dating back to 1854 and 1856, as well as Wagners suspension
of work on the Ring cycle to compose Tristan. He also mentioned the premiere
performance, Munich, 10 June 1865, under the direction of Hans von Blow. As
an interesting aside, Apthorp apprised his readers of the fact that the story was not
Nordic but Keltic.
Although the drama was not presented in its entirety until 1865, Wagner did
conduct the Prelude and Love-death.61 Apthorp drew upon a quote by Hector
Berlioz, who heard the music performed in Paris in 1860. After careful study of the
score, even this master orchestrator exclaimed, "Well! I must admit that I have not
the least idea what the composer has tried to do. Aware of the tempering effect
of time, Apthorp asserted, "Now the prelude is generally considered one of the most
59 Ibid., 13/14 Dec. 1889, 297.
60 Ibid., 5/6 Jan. 1894, 367ff.
61 Tristan and Isolde was completed in 1859 and was published the following
year. The premiere was at the Court Opera in Munich, 19 June 1865.


61
the United States." Smith claimed a readership from Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Cincinnati, Chicago, San Francisco, Montreal,
Toronto, Dublin, Glasgow, and London. So Smiths enterprise started off on a
positive note, with a large circulation base. Advertisements appeared for Steinway
pianos, Wm. A. Ponds (publisher), Weber pianos, Haines pianos, Boston Musical
Instrument Manufacturers, etc. As with The Folio, Smith's Paper included some fine
portraits of musicians of local prominence, including soprano Clara Louise Kellogg
(1842-1919), Carlotta Patti, Emma Albani, Pauline Lucca, and Theodore Thomas.
One portrait of particular interest was of "Little Charlie Ross." Apparently
the lad had been abducted from his home in Philadelphia, 1 July 1874, and held for
$20,000 ransom. The portrait was run in the November 1874 issue, along with two
songs written in his support: "Bring Back Our Darling (words by Dexter Smith,
music by W. H. Brockway) and "Poor Little Lost One" (words by George Cooper,
music by Violetta). Whether Smith was sincere in this effort or promoted the affair
simply for circulation is unknown. But at least it indicates that he was aware of
what was on the minds of his readers and the community.
Smith made it a point to provide his readers with material that they could
digest quickly and easily. His writing style was personable. Anecdotes and
humorous stories were commonplace in Smiths Paper. Direct quotes of a humorous
nature were often used to make composers and musical celebrities more
approachable. For example, in an interview with Julius Eichberg, the director of the
New England Conservatory of Music, he was asked about his forthcoming operetta
Mackerel Catcher. "The absurd rumor about my writing the "Mackerel Catcher" was


186
from the opera. "Weber makes the overture an epitome of the opera."38 His
analysis of the music is one sentence long, merely identifying the motives from the
action.
Apthorps column provided more information on composition and
performance dates, adding that the 500th performance took place in Berlin in 1885.
He hailed Der Freischtz as "the work that first assured the successful establishment
of national German opera as an independent form."39 He also noted that the
themes were indeed closely related to the opera, but he added that it nevertheless
loosely followed sonata-allegro form. Add to this its development, and its place "in
a far other class than what are commonly known as potpourri overtures" was
assured. As a sign of the times, "In it Weber gives full vent to his romanticism, his
imaginativeness and picturesque suggestiveness."40 Apthorps analysis included
Italian markings, instruments, keys, and from what part of the drama each melody
was extracted. His description is clear enough that one could follow along quite
easily.
As an interesting coda, Apthorp added a quote by Hector Berlioz (the source
is not cited, an unusual omission for Apthorp) on his reaction to the overture when
he heard it in Paris. "It is cited as the model of the genre. The theme of the
38 BSO Programme, 29/30 Nov. 1889, 231.
39 Ibid., 3/4 Mar. 1889, 585. The quincentennial performance actually took
place in Berlin, 18 December 1884.
40 Ibid., 585f.


136
is clearly the case in a review of Camille Saint-Sans's Danse Macabre. The tone
poem was performed by the Boston Symphony Orchestra on 4 November 1882, Otto
Henschel conducting. The remarks of the critic for the Daily Advertiser all centered
on the music itself. "Realistic and grotesque as this work is, its striking beauties,
aside from the ingenuity it reflects, are always apparent when it is given by a
first-class orchestra and in accordance with the composers directions." No one was
"depressed" by it. On the contrary, there were "smiles of amusement at its very
grotesqueness."6*
Apthorp made no reference to the music whatsoever. As regards the
performance, it was given with "superb vim, Mr. Listemann playing the violin solo
with demoniac flare." He then blasted Mr. Henschel for not carrying his
"well-known attention to details one step farther, and forbid the big drum or cymbals
being played by a single player." He said that "although these obstreperous
instruments are not worthy the tenderest solicitude for their own sweet sake, they
need to be extremely well played for the sake of the audience. A pair of cymbals
that simply go smash-bang (as they always do when one of them is lashed to a drum)
are an intolerable nuisance."66 It seems that the critic for the Daily Advertiser did
not notice, was not bothered, or simply chose not to say anything about this detail.
Perhaps the grotesque amusement of the music was so captivating that critical
listening fell by the wayside, as it did in Tchaikovskys March Slav.
65 Boston Daily Advertiser, 6 Nov. 1882, 8.
66 Boston Evening Transcript, 7 Nov. 1882, 1.


227
them Apthorp found "the keenest sense for beauty of expression, beauty of form,
proportion, and color.'"47 Dresel was discussed first.
Otto Dresel (1826-1890) was considered by many in Boston a rather cold and
dry musical formalist. It even took Apthorp a while before he came to realize
Dresels emotional, romantic side. Apthorp remembered Dresel as a man of wide
intellectual scope, as a man who was aware that the whole truth was found in more
than one side. Dresel was a man of strong opinion, and he was quick to voice
albeit often undiplomatically-what he thought was true. He was highly regarded as
a salon pianist, and when he offered to play his performance "would reach the very
acme of inspiring beauty and vital force."46
It was the spirit of a musical composition that moved Dresel, not its
craftsmanship. Although he was an anti-Wagnerite (his views were contrary to those
of Berlioz, Liszt, Brahms, Goldmark, et al.), he was nevertheless enthralled upon
experiencing Parsifal at Bayreuth: "It was one of the most tremendous experiences
of my life!"49 He found the music weak, but the total effect was impressive.
Dresel was at his best when he discussed the Classical masters, that is,
composers that imbued form with expression. Apthorp mentioned to him that he
had heard a lecturer declare Beethoven the greatest composer. Dresel agreed that
Beethoven was the greatest master of the symphony, sonata, and string quartet, but
he added that Bach and Handel composed oratorios and church music better, that
47 Ibid., 210.
46 Ibid., 267.
49 Ibid., 254.


284
Music:
Forty Songs, by Adolf Jensen. Edited by William F. Apthorp. Boston:
O. Ditson, 1913.
Fifty Songs, by Robert Franz. Edited by William F. Apthorp. Boston:
O. Ditson, 1903.
"The Owl and the Pussycat." Words by Edward Lear. Boston: Carl Prfer,
1878.
Miscellaneous:
Boston Symphony Orchestra Programme notes, 1892-1901.
List of Richard Wagners published works in Edward L. Burlingame, Art Life
and Theories of Richard Wagner. New York: H. Holt, 1875.
"Programme of the Second Concert (11 Dec. 1896) with Historical and
Descriptive Notes by William Foster Apthorp. Brooklyn: C. A. Ellis,
1896.
"Report on the Musical Department in the Boston Public Library." Boston:
n.p., 1883.


269
decrying the bass drum and cymbals in Saint-Saenss Danse Macabre or noting John
Knowles Paines individuality.
Ever the scholar and educator, Apthorp made certain his readers were
provided with the facts salient to the issue at hand. Whether the reader was a
musical novice or aficionado, there was something of interest. In the program book
for the Boston Symphony Orchestra [BSO] he gave detailed accounts of the
background of the music and sometimes of the composer. His lectures/essays,
discussed in Chapter 6, were all interesting and informative. The Power of Musical
Observation provided readers with the tools necessary to understand and appreciate
music. Knowing that understanding is a prerequisite to appreciation, he endeavored
to write extensive articles on each of the four operas of Wagners Ring cycle prior
to the Wagner Festival, as described in Chapter 4.
His emphasis on using the inductive method of investigation when studying
music is of interest to all levels of musicians. The entractes of the BSO guide, as
collected in By the Way, provide entertaining yet informative reading, such as why
the Music Hall organ did not sound as big as it looked. He possessed a tremendous
command of language, and he often utilized primary resources that were in a foreign
language. As a student of music he made it a point to study the score of a new
composition before going to hear it at the concert. The acme of his scholarly
activity, however, was in The Opera Past and Present and his work with John
Champlin on the Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians.
Whereas Dwight was not a patron of new music, or American music for that
matter, Apthorp was anxious for his generation to have its own musical expression.


15
History and Criticism.14 The Schirmer History of Music contains two brief sections
on music criticism, but they are limited to Europe and do not go beyond the middle
of the nineteenth century.16 Finally, the article on music criticism in the New Grove
Dictionary of Music and Musicians includes its discussion of music criticism in the
United States during the last quarter of the nineteenth century under "Early 20th
Century," which is obviously misrepresentative.16 It is apparent, then, that little
attention is paid to music criticism in standard sources and texts, and what attention
there is is sometimes inaccurate. In addition, courses in music criticism are not
included in many curricular programs, even at the graduate level. For these reasons
succeeding generations of music students have been uninformed or, worse,
misinformed on the value of music criticism in our culture.
Assumptions
Because most, if not all, of this research study will focus on primary sources,
i.e., newspapers and similar published works, and the purposes of printing these
works are, in effect, to make a profit for the publisher, one would expect some
subjectivity in what information is printed. This is a matter of external criticism,
since the source itself may come under question at times. There may also very well
be a personal slant or bias on the part of the writers, which is a matter of internal
14 Donald J. Grout, A History of Western Music (rev. ed., New York: W. W.
Norton, 1973).
15 Leonie Rosentiel, ed., Schirmer History of Music (New York: Schirmer Books,
1982). See "The Rise of Music Criticism," 463, and "The Rise of Music Criticism,"
592f.
16 Winston Dean, "Criticism," in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians,
5:36-50.


57
(1) -The height of impudence-Taking shelter from the rain in an
umbrella shop. (2) A clean shirt is one of womans best gifts to man.
(3) Schoolmistress:"Johnny, Im ashamed of you! When I was your
age I could read as well as I do now." Johnny- "Aw! but yowd a
defferent taycher to wot wem got!" (4) -"You there Jenkins! How the
deuce did you find your way out?" "Find my way out? Out of where?
What do you mean?" "Why, the last I saw of you, you were lostin
slumber." "Oh, ah; well, I rode out on a nightmare."10
There were also short articles that delighted the readers. For example, the
February 1872 issue included an article of Gioacchino Rossinis personal comments
on how the deal was struck for him to compose his Stabat Mater. A May 1873
article claimed that Johann Strauss, Jr., conducted with "friskiness," whereas Richard
Wagner hissed, stamped, and used facial expression: "Wagners men appear to derive
the notes they play from his glances as much as from their books. The September
1872 issue featured an article on "How P. T. Barnum Paid the Trombone Player.11
Barnum expected the musicians to pay him for providing them a place to practice
and an audience, so the story goes.
Finally, the June 1874 issue featured an article to answer the query posed by
a reader "What is the highest note any soprano has sung, and who? The editor
replied that the Queen of the Night in Mozarts Magic Flute reaches a high F, and
that Carlotta Patti, [lima] di Murska, and other sopranos can sing that high. (Note
that the particular aria, "Der Holl Rache kocht in meinem Herzen," is not
mentioned, as Apthorp would have done.) The editor commented that the usual
was a high C, adding that [Maria Felicita] Malibran (1808-36) could sing a C or
10 Ibid., Apr. 1872, 108.
11 Ibid., Feb. 1872, 42-43; May 1873, 138; Sept. 1872, 71.


183
despair which appears outwardly resigned, nor the stunned, dumb
distress of Romeo when he hears of the death of Juliet, but rather the
tremendous fury of Othello, when lago communicates to him the
venomous calumnies which convince him of Desdemonas guilt.31
PH: The first movement is devoted to the painting of disordered sentiments
which overthrow a great soul, a prey to despair; not the concentrated,
calm despair that borrows the shape of resignation; not the dark and
voiceless sorrow of Romeo who learns of the death of Juliet; but the
terrible rage of Othello when he receives from Iagos mouth the
poisonous slanders which persuade him of Desdemonas guilt.32
WA: The first movement is given up to the painting of disordered emotions
which harrow a great soul that has become a prey to despair,--not the
calm, concentrated despair that borrows the semblance of resignation,
nor that sombre and mute grief of Romeo when he learns of Juliets
death, but rather the terrible fury of Othello when he hears from
Iagos lips the envenomed calumnies that persuade him of
Desdemonas guilt.33
Example 2
GW: With reference to this transition, it is sometimes said that Beethoven
has, after all, only made use of the common expedient of following a
soft passage in the minor by a burst in the major; that the theme of
the finale is not original; and that the interest of the movement
diminishes instead of increasing as it goes on.34
PH: Criticism has tried, however, to diminish the composers glory by
stating that he employed ordinary means, the brilliance of the major
mode pompously following the darkness of a pianissimo in minor; that
the triumphal march is without originality, and that the interest wanes
even to the end, whereas it should increase.35
WA: Yet criticism has tried to lessen the composers merit by affirming that
he made use of but a vulgar trick, the brilliancy of the major mode
31 BSO Programme, 8/9 Nov. 1889, 148.
32 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 24.
33 BSO Programme, 14/15 Oct. 1892, 8.
34 Ibid., 8/9 Nov. 1889, 150.
35 Burk, Philip Hales Notes, 25.


169
WA: Overture to "Coriolan, in C minor, Op. 62. Ludwig van Beethoven
This overture was written in April, 1807, not on Shakespeares play,
but to a tragedy on the same subject by the German poet, Heinrich
Joseph von Collin. It was first played at a Leibhaber-Conzert in
Vienna in December, 1807, and published in 1808. It was given for
the first time in New York by the Philharmonic Society in the season
of 1857-58, and probably somewhat earlier in Boston. It has generally
been recognized as standing in the front rank of Beethovens overtures,
some authorities even going so far as to place it above the great
"Leonore" No. 3, on account of its superior conciseness of form and
treatment. Wagner has taken it as a tone-picture of the scene in the
Volscian camp before the gates of Rome between Coriolanus,
Volumnia, and Virgilia, ending with the heros death. But this is
purely fanciful.16
PH: Overture to ''Coriolanus," Op. 62. Ludwig van Beethoven
The original manuscript of the overture bears this inscription: Overtura
(zum Trauerspiel Coriolan) composta da L. v. Beethoven, 1807. The
words in parentheses are crossed out. The overture was published in
1808. The tragedy by Heinrich Joseph von Collin, in which the hero
kills himself, was produced in Vienna on November 24, 1802. Collin
(1771-1811) was jurist and poet. In 1803 he was ennobled. In 1809
he became court councillor. Other tragedies by him were Regulus and
Polyxena. In 1807 Beethoven was expecting a libretto from him.
Collin tried Macbeth, Tassos Jerusalem Delivered, and a Bradamante
to which J. F. Reichardt set music. But Beethoven wrote to Collin:
"Great irate poet, give up Reichardt. Take my music for your poetry;
I promise that you will not thereby suffer. As soon as my concert is
over ... I will come to you, and then we will at once take in hand the
opera-and it shall soon sound. For the rest you can ring out your just
complaints about me by word of mouth. The libretto before this had
seemed to Beethoven "too venturesome" in respect of its use of the
supernatural. Collins biographer, Laban, says that the Macbeth
libretto was left unfinished in the middle of the second act "because
it threatened to become too gloomy." At various times Beethoven
thought of Grillparzers Melusine, Korner's Return of Ulysses,
Treitschkes Romulus and Remus, Bergers Bacchus, Shakespeares
Romeo and Juliet, Schillers Fiesco, Grillparzers Dragomira, Voltaires
tragedies, and Goethes Faust, as operatic subjects. He told Rellstab
that the material must be attractive to him; that it must be something
he could take up with sincerity and love. 1 could not compose operas
16
Ibid., 3/4 Feb. 1893, 477.


7
Theories of John S. Dwight and Charles E. Ives and the Relationship of Those
Theories to their Respective Work as Music Critic and Composer. In addition,
George Willis Cooke has written a biography on Dwight: John Sullivan Dwight: Brook
Farmer, Editor, and Critic of Music. There has been sufficient research, then, into
Dwight and the mark he has made on the history of music in the United States.
It may seem extraordinary, but in spite of his esteemed reputation as a writer
of music in Boston, Dwight never undertook any formal study of music. His degree,
which he took from Harvard University in 1836, was from the Divinity School. He
was always an enthusiastic supporter, however, of music as an art. To him, the aim
of art music, as well as the other art forms, was to remedy the effects of
materialistic society by familiarizing men with the beautiful and the infinite."6
Indeed, even in his Harvard dissertation, "The Proper Character of Poetry and Music
for Public Worship," he expressed a need to view music on its own terms and as a
means of genuine culture.
The views Dwight expressed, however, were of a man who experienced music
more than studied it. His mother had a keen sense of aesthetic value and beauty
which had a lasting impact on him. It was this affinity for the beautiful in music,
coupled with his intense desire to write his thoughts and his ability to do so in a
popular manner, that made possible his reputation as an authority on music.
In Introduction to Musicology Glen Haydon addressed the issue of the
shortcoming of the appreciation of aesthetic values by itself in music criticism:
6 H. Wiley Hitchcock, Musk in the United States: A Historical Introduction
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1969), 47.


117
interest. For example, there were discussions of the rivalry between Anton Bruckner
and Johannes Brahms (he noted as his source Max Kalbecks biography of Brahms);
the forerunner of Richard Wagner, Ignaz F. Mosel, and beyond Wagner (both
written by Ernest Newman); the future of music la Arnold Schoenberg (1874-1951,
written by Philip G. Clapp), as well as articles on his Kammersymphonie and the
Gune-Lieder, American music (by Felix Weingartner); Emile Jaques-Dalcrozes
Eurhythmies in public school music education; the "foremost American composer,
Charles Loeffler (1861-1935); Cubism and composers; and Debussy as music critic.
These articles, many by contributors, as noted, were well written and brought the
reading public in touch with the truly avant-garde in music.
Of special interest is a series of drawings from Lindloffs New Caricatures of
Celebrities in Music (1913) that appeared in the Evening Transcript. Included were
caricatures of Puccini, Debussy, Reger, and Schoenberg. Finally, while there were
still "standards" presented on concert programs, it is good to see that 1913 Boston
was experiencing the music of Edward Elgar (1857-1934), Victor Herbert
(1859-1924), Edward MacDowell (1861-1908), Richard Strauss (1864-1949), Jean
Sibelius (1865-1957), and Alexander Scriabin (1872-1915), as well as performances
by the Ziegfeld Follies, violinist Eugene Ysaye, and popular songstress Billie Burke.
Specific Reviews
Having compared in general the contents and writing styles of Clement, the
writer for the Daily Advertiser, Apthorp, and Parker, attention will now turn to
examples of specific works that these writers had opportunity to review. Composers
and compositions have been selected to provide as broad a spectrum as possible of


30
can walk into the ideal like a gentleman."2 Finding that place in the real world
eluded him for most of his life.
Perhaps his ineffectual pastorate is directly related to his view of music in
worship, especially the fourth item discussed above. "We want to avail ourselves, in
worship, of the religion which is in all high and real music; . that interior religion,
though it be untaught, unformulated, out of which all great, inspired, enduring music,
of whatever form, originally sprang."13 In "The Catholicity of Music" he spoke of the
Catholic Church: "Where it could not teach the Bible, where its own formal
interpretations thereof were perhaps little better than stones for bread, it could
breathe the spirit of the Bible and of all love and sanctity into the most ignorant and
thoughtless worshipper, through its sublime Masses."14 He was not interested in
teaching his parishioners about the gospel, in leading them to a greater understanding
of their Lord, or in instructing them on the specifics of music. He merely
endeavored to stir their souls and transport them to higher planes, even if they had
no understanding of what was going on.
It is uncertain precisely when Dwights career in the ministry ended.
Convinced that he was unable to bring his ideals to the church and the profession,
he ventured forth, unknowing where the winds of fate would lead him. While his
work as a minister waned, he took up with the Transcend