Typescript by John Mahon containing information on Seminole chiefs


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Typescript by John Mahon containing information on Seminole chiefs
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Mixed Material
Mahon, John K.
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Box: 3
Folder: Seminole Wars- Indian Chiefs


Spatial Coverage:
North America -- United States of America

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University of Florida
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Full Text


HALPATTER Tustenuggee (in English Alligator war leader) was

closely associated with two bands, Micanopy's Alachuas and

Philip's Mikasukis. Not a hereditary chief, Alligator was

advisor and war leader for Micanopy, a chiif by inheritance. Al-

ligator said that when Micanopy gave orders all had to obey.

Philip, a hereditary Mikasuki chief, married one of Micanopy's

sisters. Alligator's connection with the two bands also helped

widen the web of communication among the Florida Indians.

In the 1830s Alligator was about forty years old, well formed,

and strong, but only five feet tall. He was a born comic, evoking

laughter even in solemn councils. He had a prominent roman nose

and an open face. Lt. John T. Sprague, who dealt with him,

considered him the shrewdest, craftiest, and most intelligent

of all the Indian leaders. Able to communicate in English, and

with fine manners he got along well with white folks.

The Treaty of Payne's Landing, 9 May 1832 required a delegation

of Indians to go to examine the land in Indian Territory where

the government wanted the Seminoles to go. His peers chose Al-

ligator to be one of eight examiners. His party spent January

through March 1833 inspecting the designated ground. Alliga-

tor did not like what he saw.

During the next two years white pressures ineluctably goaded

the Seminoles toward war. Wiley Thompson, the federal agent,de-

manded that the leaders sign an agreement on 24 April 1835 to

migrate. When alligator and four others refused, Thompson

arrogantly struck them from the roster of head men.



Alligator claimed that he and Osceola made plans a year ahead

for the attacks on 28 December 1835 that started the war. Os-

ceola killed Wiley Thompson and four other white men at Ft. King.

Fifty miles to the south, Alligator forced Micanopy to lead

180 warriors who ambushed a column of 108 men commanded by

Major Francis L. Dade, marching from Ft. Brooke to Ft. King.

All but three of the marchers perished. Alligator later told

white listeners the Indian version of what took place. Such

a statement from the Seminole side was rare indeed.

Next, Brigadier General Duncan L. Clinch advanced from Ft. Drane

to assail the foe in the Cove of the Withlacoochee River. Os-

ceola and Alligator with 250 warriros met him at the river bank

on 31 December 1835. The resulting battle was a draw, both

sides withdrawing from the field.

Late in February 1836, the Seminoles trapped Major General

Edmund P. Gaines at a bend of the Withlacoochee River. :Alligator

was one of the leaders of about 1000 warriors, Gaines had the

same number. After eight days of siege, Gaines' small army

was in dire distress, but the Indians too were worn down. On 6

March Alligator, Jumper and Osceola met with a representative

of General Gaines. They proposed to retire beyond the left bank

of the river and remain there if the whites would not molest them.

This negotiation was never completed because of the arrival of

a relief party for Gaines, which opened fire.

Major General Thomas S. Jesup took command in Florida on

8 December 1836. Three months later, 6 March he induced several

chiefs to sign an agreement to leave Florida. Alligator, present


but not a signer, approved. Migrants turned themselves in at

detention campa established by Jesup. The war seemed to be over,

but late in the night on 2 June 700 Indians followed Micanopy out

of the camps. Two Seminole leaders had given Micanopy the choice

between leading the exodus or being killed. Alligator may have

been one of the two.

On Christmas Day 1837, the Seminoles prepared a strong

position close to the north shore of Lake Okeechobee for a rare

pitched battle. Alligator commanded the center of their line

with 120 warriors, Coacoochee (Wildcat) was on his left with

eighty, while Sam Jones (Arpeika) controlled the right with 180

men. Colonel Zs/-hary Taylor, commanding 750 soldiers, attacked

the prepared position head on. Alligator claimed that Sam Jones

fled after the first fire. Finally all the Seminoles yielded the

position. Outnumbered two to one, they had killed 26 soldiers

and wounded 112 with a loss of 11 killed and 14 wounded.

At the end of two and one half years of conflict, the Florida

Indians were in desperate condition. Alligator felt that further

resistance was useless. Therefore when General Jesup sent out

three importantchiefs, who were his prisoners, to induce holdouts

to give up, Alligator listened to them. On 24 March 1838 he

surrendered, bringing with him 360 warriors, women and children.

Shortly they were aboard ship headed for a new area in the west.

Alligator said that he would have surrendered earlier had not

the Miasukis under Sam Jones pnvented it.

In 1841 Alligator made his final trip to Florida. The

white authorities sent him from Indian Territory because Thlocklo

Tustenuggee (Tiger Tail) still holding out, would not move


without talking to him. Arriving at Ft. Brooke on 14 October

1841, he went at once into the interior. He persuaded some

Seminoles to surrender, but not Tiger Tail, He had to be captured


While Alligator was in Florida, the question arose in Indian

Territory of moving the 1097 persons associated with Alligator.

Zachary Taylor, in command at Ft. Gibson, would not consider

the issue with Alligator absent. This band was located a few miles

north of Ft. Gibson in Cherokee country. Their lives had been

utterly disrupted. General Jesup had promised them live stock,

tools and subsistence in the west Af they would leave those neces-

sities behind in Florida. But in the spring of 1842 Alligator

wrote to thWar Department, "I have no gun to kill squirrels and

birds 1ithEto feed my children, no axe to cut my firewood, no

plow or hoes with which to till the soil for bread and no agent

to represent the Seminoles' needs. Relief was very slow in

coming, and deprivation continued.

Because the Seminoles did not want to amalgamate with the

Creeks who stole their Blacks and oppressed them in other ways,

in spite of government demands, they remained on Cherokke land

The Cherokees wanted them out. To resolve the issue Alligator

and Wildcat led a delegation to Washington, D.C. in 1844. But

not until August 1856 did the Seminoles receive their own allot-

ment of land.

John T. Sprague, Origin, Progress and Conclusion of the
Seminole War. Facimile of 1848 edition, Univ. of Florida Press,1964
James W. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, Univ. of
Florida Press, 1993.
John K. Mahon, History of the Second Seminole War, UNiv.
of Florida Press, 1964
4129 S.W. 2nd Ave.
Gpinesille, FL 32607

You may not want to include this paragraph:

There was a second Halpatter Tustenuggee, a Creek warrior

who Entered the Florida war during 1841 and 1842. By this time

Alligator was in Indian Territory. Little is known of this

second Halpatter.


A chief of the Tallahassee bands held the title of Holata

Mico until his capture and deportation on 20 October 1837.

Sometime thereafter Billy Bowlegs, of the Alachua Seminole

bands, assumed the title. Little is known about him prior to

1839 except that he descended from the line of chiefs which

began with the CowkeeperlBnthat line the brother of King Payne

became head chief in 1812 when Payne died. Since chiefs

came from the females in the line, Bowlegs was followed-b.b

his nephew, M-iijncqy.Billy Bowlegs was related through women

to Micanopy. The lineage is easily confused because there were

two Holata Micos and two Bowlegs. Why white people applied

the name Bowlegs to two chiefs is-not known. Neither Indian:

was bowlegged. Edwin C. McReynolds in The Seminoles uses the

name Boleck of which Bowlegs may be a corruption

Billy was born around 1812. His first Anspi7Css -a~mQWAt

came when he was twenty -seven. During the Second Seminole

war, on 23 July 1839, he joined with Chakaika and Hospetarke

to attack the detachment commanded by Lt. Colonel William S.

Harney which was defending the trading post on the Caloosa-

hatchee River. Eighteen United States soldiers died and Harney

narrowly escaped death. This assault destroyed the peace which

Alexander Macomb, commanding general of the U.S Army thought

he had achieved at a council late in May 1839. Since Chakaika

was Micanopy's half brother and Billy Bowlegs was also related'

to Micanopy, it may be assumed that the Cowkeeper line rejected

Macomb's peace terms.

Bowlegs bands had been pushed by the white tide first from

" *** /


A chief of the Tallahassee Bands held the title of Holata

Mico until his capture on 20 October 1837.Sometime thereafter

Billy Bowlegs, of the Alachua Seminole Bands, assumed the

title. Little is known about him prior to 1839 except that

he descended from the line of chiefs which began with the

Cowkeeper. In that line an earlier Bowlegs became head

chief of the Alachuas when King Payne died in 1812.

the Alachua region and later from the Suwannee River far

south into the Okeechobee area. There he joined with the

intransigents: Sam Jones, the Prophet, Hospetarke, Fuse Hadjo

and Parsacke. In council in April 1841 these chiefs re-

solved to kill any Indian carrying a message from the white

enemy. This resolution was later violated.

In the ensuing year the Seminoles grew hungrier, more

threadbare ant shorter on ammunition. Their plight caused

Bowlegs-to draw away from the intransigents. By some sort

of consensus the survivors in South Florida removed Sam

Jones as head chief and in the spring of 1842 chose Billy

Bowlegs. Billy strove to bring the Creeks operating in

Florida under his authority, and in this came into conflict

with Octiarche a Creek chief who had come lately into Florida.

United States troops captured Octiarche and officials hastily

shipped him to the west, lest friction between him and Bowlegs

heighten tensions in Florida.

Bowlegs met with Colonel William Jenkins Worth, commanding

in Florida at Ft. Brooke on 5 August 1842. There he agreed

to move all of his people south of the Caloosahatchee River

and Lake Okeechobee and remain there. Colonel Worth declared

the Second Seminole War ended on 14 August 1842. There

were around 300 Indians left in Florida.

During the next thirteen years Bowlegs did his best to

keep the peace and remain in Florida. Worth however plotted

to kidnap Billy and some other chiefs in order to remove

them. This came to nothing except that thereafter Bowlegs


and Sam Jones would meet United States officers only within

the reservation and with no more than six soldiers present.

When white officials charged young renegade braves with murder

the two chiefs agreed to hunt down the culprits and turn them

over to white justice. They delivered three and the severed

hand of the fourth who had escaped minus that hand.

Floridians, determined to be rid of the Indians, increased

pressure on the United States government to remove them.

In 1850 the War Department offered Bpwlegs $10,000 if he would

emigrate, but he declined. One reason was that he had assurance

from President Zachary Taylor transmitted through Colonel

David Twiggs, that he would be allowed to remain in Florida

as long as Taylor was in office.

The government resorted to private enterprise, employing

one Luther Blake to be paid by the head for Indians he secured

to remove. Blake took Bowlegs to Washington, D.C in 1852

to impress him with the power of the United States. The

chief sat for a daguerrotype there. He was in Washington on

a second trip in 1853. Although he agreed to leave Florida,

when back home he reneged.

Increasingly encroachments on the reservation bed@g@ un-

bearable to the Seminoles. On 20 December 1855, Bowlegs led

thirty warriors to attack the camp of Lieutenant George L.

Hartsuff, killing four men and wounding four more. This was

the opening action of the Third Seminole War. On 31 March

he led an attack on Braden's Castle, the fortified home of

Joseph and Hector Braden. They were repulsed. By February

1858, since the Seminoles were in serious want, Bowlegs agreed

to o'ite'aj@ tritmoval.As a result of the negotiations he

received $5000 for himself plus #2500 for cattle. Each of

four subchiefs received $1000 with $100.00 paid for each

woman and child. The total the United States expended for

thqi removal was $44,500. On 7 May 1858 Bowlegs with thirty

warriors and a total of 165 persons departed for the west.

The next day the United States declared the Third Seminole

War ended.

In December 1858 the government paid Bowlegs another $500

to return to Florida to induce more holdouts to come west.

His effort secured seventy-five more emigrants. Back in Indian

Territory he continued to be chief. His bands remained loyal

to the Union and fought in pitched battles in 1861. He survived

the military action, but died of smallpox in 1863 or early 1864.

Billy Bowlegs was of middle height, straight limbed,

stout but not fat and well proportioned. The Washington

dageurrotypp shows a handsome, intelligent face. For full dress

he wore a turban with black ostrich plumes at the back. Sus-

pended on a chain were two presidential silver medals one with

Van Buren on it, the other of Franklin Pierce. Over his

shoulder and across his chest was a broad beaded belt. He

communicated well in English and also spoke some Spanish. John

T. Sprague considered him fit in all ways to be bhief, main-

taining firm control by judicious laws and frequent concils.

In Indian Territory he had two wives, one son, five daughters

and fifty slaves.


Black Dirt's record is not clear. I say that he and Sam Jones

did not go west. Certainly neither of them signed the Treaty

of Ft. Gibson. Sprague appears to assume that both of them

went, but shows in his printing of the treaty that Hicks

signed for Sam Jones and Nehathoclo signed for Black Dirt.

Peters says that Sam Jones did not go, but appears to

believe that BlakM Dirt did ;go.

I do not show that BD was stricken from the chiefs roster by

Thompson, Sprague says that he expressed dissatisfaction with

the western land. Peters says that at a meeting which she

dates 3 April 1835 BD refused to honor Ft. Gibson. She

does not state that he was stricken from the chief's roster.

favored Black Dirt. ~' /' /

* *~'



Chakaika was chief of a band known to white men as Spanish

Indians. They were Seminoles who mingled with Spanish fisher-

folk, speaking a mixture of Spanish and Indian. They lived lose

atac the Gulf coast near the mouth of the Caloosahatchee River.

Chakaika, who controlled about one hundred warriors, was

physically a giant compared to his followers. He and his

band took no part in the Second Seminole War until July 1839.

On 18 May 1839 Major General Alexander Macomb, commanding

general of the U.S. Army, negotiated a peace with a few chiefs,

which he believed ended the war already three and one half

years long. Part of the peace agreement required the estab-

lishment of a trading post on the Caloosahatchee within the

land reserved for the Indians. Lt. Col. William S. Harney

in command of twenty-six men armed with technologically

advanced Colt's rifles, was- assigned to provide security for

the new post. But during the night of 24 July 1839, Chakaika

surprised them. He led eighty warriors against the soldier's

camp, while Hospetarke led as many against the store. Since

the soldiers had received no ammunition for the Colts, they

threw them down and ran to save their lives. Eighteen of

them lost their lives, but Harney escaped, running in the

darkness in his underdrawers.

Chakaika's attack increased white hatred of the Indians

and prolonged the war for three more years.

A year later, on 7 August 1840 Chakaika and his braves

paddled thirty miles from the mainland in seventeen dugout

canoes to attack the settlement on Indian Key. They killed

thirteen of the seventy; inhabitants, wrecking the homes of

all. When a rescue party of U.S. Sailors prepared to shell

Chakaika's beached canoes, he positioned the long guns of the

islanders and opened fire on the navy boats with scatter shot.

Such use of artillery by Indians was almost without precedent.

The marauders, carrying booty, escaped unharmed.

Colonel Harney could not forget Chakaika's humiliation of

him. Finally, afterrepeated requests, he obtained permission

to take ninety men, load them into sixteen dugout canoes,

and hunt Chakadika down wherever he was in the Everglades.

An ex-slave, a Negro named John, led the party through the

trackless water wilderness to an island where he said the

Indian band was camped. The Indian band, certain that the

whites could never locate them, were unaware of their danger.

Thus, when Harney stormed into their camp bn 11December-1840 they

were trapped.Chakaika, unable to reaeh weapons, ran, re-

lentlessly pursued by Private Edmund M. Hall. When Chakaika,

cornered, extended his hand to shake, Hall shot him and then

took his scalp. Harney ordered that the giant corpse be hung

along with five other warriors. Thus ended the career of

Chakaika, age unknown.

Chittee ~oholo

This warrior was in his late twenties when his picture was

painted in Washington, D.C. in 1826. Darker skinned than common
h-was-e teeimed by hif/ for his cunning. He brought into camp

single scalps taken in lone raids on isolated white cabins

in the dead of night. During the Second Seminole War, 1835-1842,

he first appeared in organized fighting as one of the Indian

group which surrounded Major General Edmund P. Gaines
command on the Withlacoochee River, 28 February to 6 March.


He was in the Indian force which attempted to stop the

dismounted charge of the Tennessee volunteers on 17 November

1836. The Tennesseans killed twenty of his fellows, captured

the Indian horses and their baggage. These volunteers were

part of the army headed by Richard Keith Call, governor of

Florida Territory. Call felt pressed by the government in

Washington to destroy the Seminoles in the area of the Cove

of the Withlacoochee River. Through scouts he learned that

they were concentrated in Wahoo Swamp. He sent his line a mile

long of Tennessee volunteers, Florida militia, U.S. regulars and

Creek warriors against the line of his foe who were taking

advantage of the terrain features. Call's army slowly drove

the warriors back and across the river. There the Seminoles

made a stand to protect a vital hideaway on 21 November 1836.

They poured a heavy fire on the white soldiers from across

the Withlacoochee, here only ten yards wide.

Chittee Yoholo was active among the defenders. Call's

miscellany of men were tired and had not eaten in twenty-

four hours. Major Moniac, a West Point educated Creek Indian

waded into the streamto lead the way, only to be shot and

instantly killed. The white officers concluded that, under

the conditions, the r-Tver- was unfordable there, so Call

countermarched his army to Ft. Drane.

In February 1837 Chittee Yoholo lay concealed in the brush

all of one night observing white activity at Ft. Mellon. He

joined with others to fire at the fort in the morning but

despite inflicting some casualites had to leave the fort

intact. Thereafter, although a skillful guerrilla fighter

he does not figure in white records of the Second Seminole

War. At some point the Creeks who were fighihg on the side

of the whites persuaded him to surrender, which he did and

was shipped west where he remained.

Foke Luste Hajo

This man was a':hereditary chief of the bands of Seminoles

around Chocachatti, offshoots of the Alachua bands. His X

on the Treaty of Moultrie Creek, 18 September 1823 is beside

the name.- the white scribes spelled Fahelusted Hajo. White

men usually referred to him as Black Dirt, the translation of

his Indian name. He and the other signers agreed to move

into a reservation of 4,032,940 acres with no access to the

Gulf of Mexico or to the Atlantic Ocean.

He was present at important councils held at the Agency near

Silver Spring in 1826 and 1828. There is no record that he

spoke either time, but the white scribes listed him in

1828 as Fee -ke-lusta-Hajo. Next his mark appears on the

Treaty of Payne's Landing, 9 May 1832, with his name this

time written Fuch-Ta-Lusta-Hajo. He and the others agreed

here to send a delegation westward to look at the land the

United States had assigned to them in Arkansas Territory (now


The delegation the Seminoles put together to travel to

and to observe the western land consisted of seven chiefs:

Black Dirt was one of them as was Sam Jones. These two did

not make the trip, at least they did not mark the notorious

treaty signed by the delegation at Ft. Gibson, Arkansas,

28 March 1833. John Hicks signed for Sam Jones;

Ne-Ha-Tho-Clo for Black Dirt. In this treaty as the United

States interpreted it, the Seminoles agreed to leave Florida.

But Indians who militantly opposed going west denied that


the seven signers had any authority to oblige the bands to

leave Florida. The signers were in danger for their lives.

At times Black Dirt had opposed migration, but at this point

he saw no choice but to go. With 500 of his fellows he agreed

to entetj a deportation camp organized near Ft. Brooke.

Of the 500 who were supposed to take refuge at this camp,

399 actually got there. They were shipped off quickly.

Black Dirt was with them as they moved across the plains of

Arkansas in pouring rain in May 1836. One hundred and forty-

two had died on the way. Now Black Dirt's wife and daughter

died. The hardship he and his people endured then and

later may have raised in them regret that they had chosen to

leave Florida. Once arrived at the land assigned them,

the survivors passed over Black Dirt, in spite of the

United States migration officer's wishes, and elected

Eneah Thlocco to be chief.

Black Dirt died in Indian Territory later, age unknown.

/ o -


Hothlepoya, Crafty War Hunter, was a drovery; marauder,

expert horse stealer and skillful warrior. Part white, he

picked up white ways and consequently had become one of the

wealthiest of his people, the Upper Creek bands at Oakfuske on

the Tallapoosa River. He was second chief. When Tecumseh came

in 1811 to enlist the southeastern tribes in a confederation

to expel the white men from Indian lands once and for all.

Hothlepoya enthusiastically supported him, but could not

persuade the Oak~uskees to follow the great Shawnee( leader.

In the Creek civil war resulting from white encroachments,

Hothlepoya was a leader in fighting further cessions of land

to the United States. His faction were amorgJthe anti-

American warriors known as Red Sticks. In the First Creek War

181-1814, they fought the Lower Creeks and the United States.

Here he earned the name Menawa, the Great Warrior. He killed

the first chief of the Oakfuskes for leading the warriors into

an untenable position and became himself the principal chief

at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, 27 March 1814. Wounded seven

times he continued the fight until he collapsed. Andrew

Jackson's army wiped out the warrior power of the Red STicks

in that battle. Menawa lost his wealth, and was powerless

to prevent the cession of a huge block of Creek land.

William McIntosh, also part white, was a leader of the Lower

Creeks who had supported the United States in the War of 1812,

and fought on its side against the Florida Indians in the



Hotblepbya, Craft --r Hunter, was a drover, marauder, expert

horse stealer and skillful warrior. Part white, he had picked

up white ways and had consequently become one of the wealthiest

of his people, the Upper Creek bands at Oakfuske on the Talla-

poosa River.

First SemineaeWar,1817-1818. When McIntosh signed a second

treaty at Indian Springsoin Eebriaory:825 _ceding more land,

a Creek council condemned him to death and assigned Menawa

to kill him. Accordingly on 1 May 1825 Menawa with a party

set fire to McIntosh's house and shot him when he fled from it.

A delegation of Upper Creek Chiefs travelled to Washington

in 1826 to persuade President John Quincy Adams to abrogate

the Treaty of Indian Springs. Adams did so and negotiated

a new treaty more favorable to the Creeks. Menawa was in

that delegation and sat for his portrait in Washington. He

was judged to be about sixty.

When the Second Seminole War erupted in Florida in 1835,

the Creeks raised a regiment of about 1000 warriors to aid

the United States against the Florida Indians. Thomas Mc-

Kennecy writing at the time, said that Menawa "Led his warriors

into the swamp to fight at the side of the white men he

detested." But there is no other printed record of Menawa

serving in Florida. Jim Boy and Paddy Carr appear in white

reports as commanders under a white colonel but there is no

mention of Menawa. Hecappears to have scant connection.with.;





White contemporaries referred to Micanopy as hereditary head

chief of all the Florida Indians. He was a nephew of Payne,

and in the matriarchal system became principal chief of the

Alashua bands in 1814. As splinters:of these bands spread

around the peninsula, his authority extended, but it could

not have included the Mikasukis, The Tallahassees and some

others. He did though have strong connections with non-

Alachua bands through a sister who married Philip, an important

Mikasuki chief, and through Jumper, Otee Emathla, a Creek,

married to another sister. Alligator said that when Micanopy

gave an order all had to obey, but his position probably came

more from the white desire to have a single head of state to

deal with.

In 18~(C~Qg1nel James Gadsden persuaded th,~i ,;i.a,.to

shift from the hereditary concept to the election of a head

chief. The Alachua bands and their spin-off groups supported

Micanopy, but the Taljhassees and Mikasukis secured instead

the election of Tukose Emathla, known to the white men as

John Hicks. When Hicks died in 183i, on hereditary grounds

Micanopy had the best claim to headship.

Although observers referred to Micanopy as old and worn out

he was probably about forty when the Second Seminole War broke

out in 1835. Colonel Gadsden left an unflattering description

of him as low, stout, of gross stature, and loggy in his move-

ments. His face was bloated, carbuncled, his eyes heavy and

dull. He was a glutton and a heavy drinker. Gadsden said his

mind was sluggish, while U.S. Army Surgeon JacobRhett Motte

used the term imbecile in his diary. Micanopy was neither

well suited to war nor inclined to it.

Micanopy, who owned about 100 black slaves, contested with

white men in councils in defense of his human property and

that of his Indian associates. He was strongly influenced,

some observers said controlled, by one of his slaves, Abraham,

a highly intelligent Black who interpreted between whites

and blacks.

On 18 September 1823 Micanopy marked the Treaty of Moultrie

Creek in which the Seminoles agreed to move into a reservation

of 4,032,940 acrespurposely placed inland to prevent access

to the Gulf of Mexico and the Altantic Ocean. Eager to keep

the peace and stay in Florida at least for twenty years,

he caused to be shot to death a brave whom the whites

accused of murdering one of them. His mark appears on the

Treaty of Payne's Landing, 9 May 1832, but he denied ever

having touched that document. The white side interpreted

this treaty to mean that the Indians agreed to leave Florida,

but the Seminoles disagreed. By the Treaty of Moultrie Creek

Micanopy said, they were gpgranteed the right to remain

for twenty years.

In 1834 a new leader began to step forward at councils.

This was Osceola who was not a chief either by heredity or

by election. Traditionally he had no right to speak up &n

councils, but he did so, vehemently opposing migration out

of Florida. He sat beside Micanopy in meetings in October

1834, coaching him to stand firm against removal. As a result

Micanopy flatly refused to endorse the Treaty of Payne's Land-

ing. This so angerd- Wi-ley Thompson, the Indian Agent, that

without any authority to do so, he struck Micanopy's "V@

from IFte rester of chiefs, along with Jumper, Holata Mico,

Arpeika and Coa Hadjo.

Osceola and other young militants forced Micanopy to be

present on 28 December 1835 to fire the first shot at the

doQmed column of MajorFrancis L. Dade. They also obliged

him to take part in the Battle of the Withlacoochee on 31

December 1835.

Major General Thomas S. Jesup convened a council in

February 1837 from which emerged a document on 6 March in which

the Indian signers agreed to migrate Micanopy was not

present, but three chiefs signed who represented him. Me

with 500 followers made their way to a deportation camp

near Ft. Brooke to await shipment to the west. General Jesup

believed that he had ended the war, but deep in the night

on 2 June an armed band of 200 warriors entered the camp and

forced Micanopy and the others to leave or be killed.

One of the leaders in this abduction was Osceola. Later,

Micanopy showed little interest when told that Osceola had

died at Ft. Moultrie on 13 February 1838. Osceola had

threatened the tradition of hereditary leadership, of which

Micanopy was the principal benefactor..

Next the administration in Washington sent a delegation of

Cherokees to try to persuade the Seminoles to migrate. Promising them-

safe conduct, the Cherokees brought into Ft. Mellon, Micanopy,

Yaholoochee and eleven subchiefs. General Jesup, in spite

of Cherokee protests, followed a method he had begun earlier

with Osceola, he ;iadei,:_ the visitors captives in December

1837. As captives they were hurried to Ft. Marion in St.

Augustine. Surgeon Jarvis noted that Micanopy wept as they

departed Ft. Mellon. During the third week in February the

group were shipped to New Orleansk;and on 19 May started up the

Mississippi River to Indian Territory. With Micanopy were his

family, Osceola's family, Philip, Coa Hadjo and Cloud with

116 warriorbFand 82 women and children.

Wherever the boats docked there were slave catchers attempting

to detach the sntai~ X blacks from their Indian owners. Officers

of the U.S. Army foiled their attempts during the trip, but

at no time thereafter were the Seminoles free of the threat to

their black associates. The Creeks raided and harassed them

incessantly for slaves. The Creeks in Indian Territory had

by law deprived their black slaves of all property, and Mican-

opy feared an attempt to extend their law to include the

Seminole blacks. Although firmly opposed to having the Blacks forcibly

separated from them, as the years passed the Seminoles moved

more and more toward regarding tiheie eopie 4s chattel slaves'.

In Indian Territory Micanopy exercised more control over all

the the migrated Seminoles than he had ever done in Florida.

General Matthew Arbuckle at Ft. Gibson recognized him as the

principal chief. A majority of the headmen could pass laws

binding the Seminoles but Micanopy had to agree to them.

His exercise of power protected the blacks for whom he had


always shown consideration. When he died in December 1888,

the Seminole Blacks lost a strong supporter.


William P. DuVal, Governor of Florida Territory, used only

strong adjectives to describe Neamathla,, a Hitchiti chief:

eloquent, bold, violent, and restless. DuVal considered him

the most remarkable Indian he had ever known,with great

abilities. White opinions of the Seminoles varied with

the degree to which they were doing what the U.S. government

wanted them to do. DuVal said at one point that Neamathla

could not bend to superiors or brook equals. Ihnone dispatch

to the Secretary of War he called the chief's men lawless and

vile, but in another stressed the great influence Neamathla

had over them. He could control them as a colonel controls a

regiment. His people both loved and feared him.

When Neamathla's bands were living at Fowltown, in Georgia

just across the Flint River from the United States Fort

Scott, they defied the commanders of the fort. As this

seemed insolent to Brevet Major General Edmund P. Gaines,

he sent a detachment of 250 soldiers to capture the chief and

bring him to the fort. A fire fight resulted on 21 November

1817, the opening action of the First Seminole War. The

Indians retreated and the soldiers burned Fowltown to the

ground. Neamathla. and his band moved southeastward to

Florida into the vicinity of Tallahassee. The whites considered

him to be head chief of what they called the Seminole Nation,

and that they had made him such.

Between 1817 and 1822 Neamathla shifted from being militant

toward the United States to being conciliatory, even meek.


He led the bands from Middle Florida to Moultrie Creek on the

east coast in 1823. There in council he said,"We are poor and

needy...we rely on your justice and humanity. I am old and

poor...I am attached to the spot improved by my own labor and

cannot believe that my friends will drive me from it."

On 18 September 1823 thirty-two head men, among them Neamathla,

signed the Treaty ofMoulirfeaCreek in which they agreed to

withdraw into a reservation of 4,032,940 acres. They turned

down $1000 to create a school because, as Neamathla explained,

the Seminoles did not need a school with white values.

From a second treaty Neamathla received a land grant of

two square miles (near modern Quincy) and $500 in silver for

improvements he had had to abandon. Five other chiefs received

similar special grants. The white negotiators believed that

it required these extras to get the basic treaty signed.

Neamathla never resided on his land, and in 1828 it was opened

for white purchase.

The Seminoles, instead of moving to the reservation, grew,

from the white point of view, quite mutinous. DuVal, hearing

that insurrection was imminent in Neamathia's town went there

with only an interpreter, confronted the chief and on 26

July 1824 broke him as chief and appointed John Hicks in his

stead to lead the people to the reservation. Apparently

overpowered, the Indians had to tolerate having white officials

make and break their chiefs. Neamathlas, although he at

first refused to go to Washington, D.C. did appear there in

1826 in a delegation with six other head men.


In an attempt to conciliate the United States, Neamathla

with three other chiefs and ten warriors in 1827 pursued and

captured braves accused of having murdered white people. They

turned them over to white officers for punishment. They then

petitioned for payment for their cooperation, but were not


Sometime after being deposed as chief, Neamathla and his

band moved into Alabama, establishing villages at Hat-hechubbee

Creek across the Chattahoochee River from Columbus, Georgia.

They were in the homeland of the Hitchitis and Neamathla was

determined to fight for it. In 1836, while the Second Seminole

War prostrated Florida, Neamathla with other chiefs devasted

white properties along the federal road from Columbus to

Montgomery, Alabama. Their depredations brought 13,000

men into the field against them, some of them Tuckabatchee

Creeks. Conditions in Alabama were not as favorable to the

Indians as in Florida and in 1836 the troops captured Nea-

mathla. They burned his buildings and confiscated his slaves.

He was imprisoned at Ft. Mitchell and later in chains marched

to Montgomery. Although elderly by this time, he kept up

with the others and held his head high in defiance. From

Montgomery he was ient on west where he functioned as head man

in a cluster of towns in Indian Territory



This celebrated Indian was born in 1804 into the Tallassee

band of Creeks on the Tallapoosa River. His maternal great-

grandfather was James McQueen, the first white man to settle

among the Creeks. His father was William Powell, an"Englishman;

his mother a Creek with the white McQueen strain added.

The Creeks were engaged in Civil War in which the ultra anti-

white faction was known as Red Sticks. Peter McQueen'1-S-Red-S icks

including the boy and his mother, moved into Florida whe-rei0n

1818 the boy was captured by Andrew Jackson's forces during the

First Seminole. War, but soon released. With the band he

lived in the Big Swamp not far from Ft. King for about five

years. There he acquired the name Asi Yaholi, Assiola,

that ended up as Osceola. White contemporaries more often than

not called him Powell, but he considered himself as an Indian


Osceola had no power base in family, kin or band. He was

not in a hereditary line of chieftanship. Thus he did not

become important in white history until the fall of 1834.

He had no right by tradition to speak in councils, but his

hatred of white encroachment impelled him tho alQlti.

tradition. At a council in October 1834 he spoke, as a white

observer quoted him, with great eloquence. Exasperated by the

arrogant demands of the Agent, Wiley Thompsod ,-jMyfriGoOhE

reported these words,"There remains nothing Worth Wordsl If

the hail rattles let the flowers be crushed, the stately oak

of the f:oest will lift its head to the sky and the storm,

towering and unscathed." He had attained enough status to

sit at Micanopy"s elbow(Micanopy was known as the head chief)

in council on 23 October 1834, insgqting that the chief refuse

to agree to migrate.

Although without hereditary position, his nerve, activity,

and daring touched most of the Seminoles. It inspired the

women to make heroic sacrifices, the young men to submit to

some military discipline, and the warriors to follow strategic

plans. Jacob Rhett Motte, an army surgeon, wrote of him as

the-ruling spirit among "These wretches." These wretches were

mostly Mikasukis with a substantial number of Negro warriors.

Wiley Thompson liked Osceola well enough to present him

with a fine shoulder weapon, but during 1835 he began to re-

gard him as insolent. Osceola used such threatening words in June 1835

when the agent refused to sell him ammunition and confiscated

some of his whiskey that Thompson had him manacled and imprisoned.

For hours the prisoner ranted, than apparently developed a

plan for tujj timate revenge. He agreed to endorse the Treaty

of Payne's Landing which the Agent believed obligated the

Seminoles to leave Florida, and to call in his family and

band. Afterwards the Indians came less to Ft. King and

bought more ammunition. They withdrew into the Cove of the

Withlacoochee River.

Charley Emathla was a hereditary chief who led a faction

of the Seminoles that felt they must migrate. He was a

traitor in Osceola's eyes, and as he returned from the sale

of some of his cattle preparatory to removal, on 26 November

1835, Osceola, with associates, shot him to death and scat-

tered his cattle-money. Osceola commanded at a skirmish on

18 December, known as the Battle of Black Point, the first

organized military action of the Second Seminole War. It was

he who formulated the strategy which brought the almost si-

multaneous killing of Agent Thompson at Ft. King and the annihi-

lation of a column of 108 men, njarchin'g 7f@QmEPorB`noxo oF.t.

El'n-/ Maeeo-r IDadei~n command. -2,. Dece_'.beFjt35. Three days 7

later he reached the peak of his power. With 250 men he managed

a fight on the Withlacoochee River against Brigadier General

Duncan L. Clinch"s army of 250 regulars and 500 militiamen.

Clinch had to return to Ft. Drane. Osceola was thirty one or


A diverse body of Seminoles, with Osceola as a principal,

surrounded Major General Edmund-P1 Gaines's army of about

1000 men on 28 February 1836. Gaines could not escape, and his

men were reduced to eating their horses an# anything else remotely

edible. But the Indians too were weary of the siege, and

on 6 March, Osceola, Jumper and Alligator came forward to

propose a peace. While in the midst of negotiations, relief

sent by General Clinch arrived, opened fire and the Seminoles


During the spring of 1836 the Seminoles, directed by Osceola,

came as close as they ever wold to folloywig a plan of cam-

paign. Unwilling to engage in pitched battles in which they

would be at a disadvantage, they adopted a peripheral strategy,

attacking around the edges of the aggressive white operations.


By mid-year 1836, the white population in north Florida had

been drLi-e-h into towns and forts. Osceola commanded four

significant actions that summer around the town of Micanopy.

The white garrison moved out of Ft. Drane due to malaria,

Osceola attached the column as as it marched away and then

moved into the fort. There he is presumed to have contracted

the fever which wrecked his health and his leaderKip. The

number of his warriors so diminished that when flushed out of

the Cove of the Withlacoochee in January 1837 he had only

three with him besides his family. He was already too ill

to take part in the fighting.

On 6 March 1837 Major General Thomas S. Jesup, now com-

manding in Florida, assembled a miscellany of chiefs at Ft.

Brooke. The Indians present signed an agreement to collect

their people and come in by 10 April, preparatory to migration.

About eighty miles aeastwtr:da-at E.I~. _e~lronJ' an imposing group

of chiefs and headmen had gathered ostensibly to ratify Jesup's

paper. Osceola was there, with the others drawing rations on

the promise of migration.

General Jesup thought that he had ended the war.

About 500 Seminoles were present at a camp close to Ft.

Brooke resigned to deportation. Unwell as Osceola was, he

yet managed to make his way across Florida, and with another

leader, probably Sam Jones, enter the detention camp deep in the

hightig~22oJuheiand threaten to kill Micanopy if he did not

clear the camp. Micanopy absconded and with him all of the

detainees. This was Osceola's last act of defiance. After it


he tried to end the war through negotiations. He sent messages

that he wished to talk with Jesup.

Osceola's wrecking of the General's hope for peace had

hardened Jesup toward the Indians. He determined to use any

means to end the conflict. When he agreed to a council with

Osceola to take place on 27 October 1837 near St. Augastine

he ordered his subordinates to capture his guest. Thus, when

Osceola received the white delegation under a white flag, they

seized him and carried him a prisoner into the town. He spent

the next two months there in Ft. Marion (the Castillo de Sjn

Marcos); then was shipped to Ft. Moultrie in Charleston Harbor.

There he died at 6:20 PM of quinzy and malaria on 30

January 1838. Micanopy showed no regret when he learned of the

death. Osceola had undermined the tradition of hereditary


Only two leaders emerged from the Second Seminole War with

enduring reputations; one was Zachary Taylor, the other Osceola.

By the end of the seven year war Osceola's name was known

throughout the country. In time, twenty towns, three counties,

two townships,- one borough, two lakes, two mountains,

a state park and a national forest were named for him. Outside

of the Southeast he was regarded as a hero.

He was about five feet eight inchesta114legantly formed with

small hands and feet. Ae displayed uncommon skill in all

physical games. White men described his face as thoughtful,

cunning with piercing eyes, chiseled lips and usually a mild,

sweet expression. He was affable, his manners courtly.

Osceola understood English and could speak it but pre-

ferred to communicate with white people through interpreters.

Naturally opinions of his character differed. The hereditary

chiefs resented him. Dr. Frederick Weedon, who attended him

at Ft. Moultrie, s'ai! "I could not be made to believe that

one drop of humane blood ever passed through his heart."

But Sampson, a black who was in his band said that Osceola

urged the warriors to spare women and children. Lieutenant

Henry Prince wrote, "Powell is a good warrior ... and the most

gentlemanly Indian in the nation."

A circumstance connected with Osceola's death makes his

story additionally intriguing. Soon after death, Dr. Weedon

cut off his head. His reasons for doing so are not known.

To him Osceola was a savage, but one he respected and got

along well with. Sometimes he displayed the head in public

places, sometimes at home to frighten disobedient sons. In

the end the head came into the possession of an eminent

doctor, Valentine Mott who had a medical collection in New

York City. This collection was destroyed by fire, and

presumably the head burned up with it.

Because of grave robbery at the tomb at Ft. Moultrie,

the body was exhumed in 1968, and examined by scientists. It

was indeed headless. Arm bones revealed that Osceola was

probably left handed. There was no evidence of injury to

the skeleton. Afterwards the states of South Carolina and

Florida struggled over the remains but they were reburied at

Ft. Moultrie.


Paddy Carr's father was Irish, his mother Creek Indian.

He was born near Ft. Mitchell on the Chattahoochee River and in

infancy taken into the home of the Indian Agent, Cpl. Crowell

and reared as a member of the family. Jagob Rhett Motte, an

army surgeon, who first met Paddy in 1836 describeduhim as

dark, five feet eight or nine inches in height, handsomely

proportioned and very muscular. Motte thought him to be

about forty. Paddy was intelligent, apparently well educated,

Motte said, with fine deportment and polished manners. He

spoke English fluently.

Like many Lower Creeks, Paddy aligned himself early with

the United States. Being bilingual made him very useful.

When the Creek chiefs went to Washington in 1826, he was

their principal interpreter A decade later he was

chief interpreter to Major General Thomas S. Jesup in the

Second Creek War.

Paddy married the daughter of w wealthy half breed who

provided a generous dowry. Within ten years he had himself

accumulated land, herds of horses and cattle. Horses and

horse racing were a passion with him, and he sometimes rodd

tn a raceewhen he could not find a suitable jockey. J.

Leitch Wright says that he became involved in large scale

land frauds. In the 1830s he easily supported three wives,

In 1836 the War Department called on friendly Creeks to

aid in subduing the Florida Indians. Paddy Carr joined the

United States service as commander of about 500 Creeks, part


of a regiment, all Creek, commanded by a white colonel.

The regiment was mustered and paid as federalized militia, but

in addition they were permitted to keep any plunder. They

coveted the ponies, cattle and slaves of the Seminoles and in

the past had rjgded into Florida to take them. They went into

action in native clothing, often a calico shirt with buckskin

leggings and always with a white ribbon on their red turbans

to distinguish them from the Indians they were fighting.

The Creek regiment was active in combat. When Richard

Keith Call, commander in Florida and also governor of the

Territory, confronted the Seminles in Wahoo Swamp on 21

November 1836, he formed a line a mile long with the Creeks

holding the left flank. He mentioned Paddy in his official

report for zeal and bravery.nl.iFebruary 1837 the white com-

manders recognized Paddy for fighting well, but especially for a

effective scouting around Ft. Mellon. When the army was forot-

time idled at that fort, the Seminol came in often to chat

with Paddy. Apparently they were not bitter toward him even

though he aided the white enemy.

General Jesup took command in Florida in December 1836

He then asked the War Department to send down detachments of

Shawnee, Delaware, Kickapoo, Sac and Fox and Choctaw warriors.

Once again he used Paddy's linguistic skill. He asked him

to communicate to the Seminoles the brutal practices of the

northern Indians who killed their male prisoners and Unslaved

the women and children.

Although the Creek regiment was supposed to be discharged


in February, actually it was retained in FIPlrida until

September 1837. Paddy Carr's circumstances for the next

decade are not known, except that his loyalty to the United

States did not save him from enforced migration. In 1847

with nineteen other Creeks, their families and slaves, he

had to leave the Creek Country for Indian Territory.

-.---- .f

SAM JONES (Arpeika)

When Ft. King was established in 1827 Arpefkan-1inedaatSSilrVer

Springs. A soldier at the fort called him Sam Jones, and ever

afterwards white man called him that. A Mikasuki, he was born

near present day Tallahassee. In-1827 he was a medicine man

feared for his ability to invoke supernatural powers. About

seventy-seven years old, he had white hair, a small, well-formed

body, and great energy.

With fourteen other chiefs and subchiefs, Jones marked the

Treaty of Payne's Landing on 9 May 1832. He was one of seven

Florida Indians delegated, under the terms of the Treaty, to

inspect the land that the government wanted the Seminoles to

move to in the west. But he did not make the trip. Consequently

John Hicks (Tukose Emathla) made a mark for him on a treaty

drawn up at Ft. Gibson, Indian Territory on 28 March 1833

The terms of the Ft. Gibson treaty required the Indians to

leave Florida, but when the Indian Agent, Wiley Thompson de-

manded that the leaders agree to go, Sam Jones, with Micanopy,

Jumper, Alligator, and Black Dirt refused. Thompson arbitrarily

struck their names from the roster of leaders. Arpeika made

no attempt to conceal his rage, stamping his feet and gnashing

his teeth.

He was not present at the opening actions of the Second

Seminole War in December 1835, btu-'ll1ed an attack nearby at Ft.

Drane on 11 August 1836. This was the only battle in which

he stayed in the zone of fire. His practice was to excite young

warriors to fighting pitch, fire the first shot then retire

/ .... f -1-

to the flanks to engage in incantations and to tend the wounded.

As fighting slipped southward, Sam Jones went with it. He in-

stigated an attack on Ft. Mellon in 1837, fired the first shot

then left Wildcat (Coacoochee) to command. Later officers de-

tained Wildcat when he entered itt. Mellon, and sent him as a

prisoner to Ft. Marion (Castillo de San Marcos). From a dunge6nn

there he made a miraculous escape on 29 November 1837. He was

on his way southward to rejoin the fighting when he encountered

Sam Jones, Wildcat's experience influenced Jones not to enter

the fort, and to preventothers from entering. Thereafter he

refused to meet with emissaries from the enemy.

Next he atiMWd',l to take part it the Battle of Okeechobee

on Christmas Day 1837. He and the Prophet (Otulke Thlocko)

commanded the right of the Indian position. Alligator claimed,

implying cowardice, that Sam Jones fled at the first fire, but

Jones was simply carrying out his standard battle practice.

During part of 1838, Sam Jones's bands lived in the wetlands

on the Gulf coast. There he supported his no-surrender strategy

by threatening to kill any Indian who prepared to give up.

His resistance influenced Seminole actions in the Alachua and

Suwannee areas.

Alexander Macomb, commanding general of the U.S. Army, travel-

led to Florida and summoned chiefs to meet him in a grand council

at Ft. King on 20 May 1839. Jones, unwilling to risk capture,

sent Chitto Tustenuggee. Macomb chose to treat Chitto as

Sam Jones's successor heading the Seminoles. Those leaders

who were present at the grand council agreed to retire


into the southern tip of the Peninsula, to end the war, but

new hostilities erupted and the agreement failed.

By 1841 the conflict had continued for six years. White men

ascribed its wasteful duration to the stubbornneasof Sam Jones.

Sam Jones, Sam Jones, thou# great unwhipped
Thou makest a world of bother
Indeed we quite expect that thou art
Qne Davy Jonesis bqthbe

Alligator, who surrendered with several hundred followers in

March 1838 said he wouldihave given up earlier had not Sam

Jones's Mikasukis prevented it.

The free Indian bands were pushed to the fringes of the

Everglades. Sam Jones met there with Billy Bowlegs (Hollata Micco)

the Prophet, Hospetarche, Fuze Hadjo, and Parsacke in August 1841.

They decided to kill any Indian bearing communications from

the enemy. But their power to continue the struggle was too

much depleted to carry out this threat. In fact during that

same month Sam Jones met with Wildcat, sent by the whites to

bring in some of the holdouts. Jones though refused to migrate.

Seminole ability to continue the fight was now worn down.

Captives told white commanders that Sam Jones was somewhere around

the mouth of the Kissimmee River in June 1841 with only seventeen

warriors, but burdened by many women and children. In the fall

he sent an emissary, with vague hints about surrender, into Ft.

Denaud, asking for food, whiskey and tobacco. In December an

army detachment destroyed one of his towns on a pine andlcabbage

island in the Everglades, but did not catch up with him. His

band was down to seven men, still with many women and children.


The old man's ability to eluale them rankled the United States

officers. In February 1842 Lieutenant John T. McLaughlin, U.S.

Navy, authorized his men ""To use any measure of severity to compel

them (Captives) to lead you to the haunts of Jones."

Finally in August 1842 the United States declared the Second

Seminole War ended. Sam Jones with about 300 other Seminoles

remained in Florida.

During the next thirteen years Arpeika and Billy Bowlegs

tried to keep a profile low enough to stay in Florida. As an

example, in October 1849, when white authorities demanded that

five Seminole youths charged with murder be delivered to them, the

two had the renegades hunted down. They turned over four of them

and the severed hand of the fifth who had been killed.

When the Third Seminole War began in 1855, Sam Jones band

was instrumental in starting it.- Jones himself was then moreilic

one hundred years old. For unknown reasons in 1856 the Sec-

retary of War authorized negotiations to permit Sam Jones

to remain in Florida. In 1858, Bowlegs, convinced that con-

tinued resistance was useless, surrendered with his band and was

shipped to Indian Territory. Although ten of Sam Jones's meager

band left, Sam stayed. Captives said that he had become childlike,

requiring constant care.

White impressions of Sam Jones were generally harsh. One

observer thought him ferocious; others considered him remark-

able for obstinate ill-nature. Surgeon Jacob Rhett Motte,

U.S. Army, considered him a great rascal. It was noted that

when above seventy he had a young wife, and that at all ages

he had been a hard drinker. Harsh white judgments derived in

part from recognition that Sam Jones personified the will of

the Florida Indians, especially the Mikasukis, to hold onto

the land they believed to be theirs.

Sam Jones died in 1867, supposed at the time to have been

at least 111 years old.


John T. Sprague,The Origin, Progress and Conclusion of
the Florida War. Facsimile reproduction by the University
of Florida Press, 1964 of the original edition issued in 1848.

SJohn K. Mahon, History of the Second Seminole War, 1835 -
1842. University of Florida Press, 1967.
James W. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida. University

of Florida Press, 1993.

Tukose Emathla

This name translates into Ant Chief, but white men, for

unknown reasons, referred to him as John Hicks. The Florida

Indians were matriarchal, and Tukose Emathla was in the line

of hereditary chiefs of the Mikasukis who resided in the

vicinity of Tallahassee. Lieutenant George McCall described

him, at age fifty, as one of nature's noblement, six feet

two inches in height and with classic bodily proportions.

As a rule the numerous bands of Florida Indians did not

have a head chief, but in the 1820s thpy did in order to

negotiate with white officials. Neamathlas, a Creek, was

spokesman at the signing of the Treaty of Moultrie Creek,

18 September 1823 in which the Seminoles agreed to remain

within a reservation of 28,253,820 acres. John Hicks was

one of the chiefs who made his mark on this document.

He was also one of a delegation that went to Washington,

D.C. in May 1826 where Charles Bird King painted his picture.

When approacfdie4 about leaving Florida he said, "Here our

naval strings were first cut and the blood from them sunk

into the earth and made the country dear to us."

Later in 1826, partly induced by William Duval, Governor

of Florida Territory, Neamathlas ceased being head chief.

A bitter factional struggle broke out over his replacement.

The Alachua bands wanted Micanopy, their hereditary chief,

in the position, but the Mikasukis and other bands instead

placed John Hicks there. As head chief he spoke in the

joint councils usually complaining of the injustices done

--- -

against his peppleL.by, whitesociety.

There was a decisive council at Paynes Landing on the

Oklawaha River in May 1832. TheLrecord contains no details

on what took place there, but the Indians, among them Tukose

Emathla, signed a treaty on 9 May which stipulated that

seven chiefs should go west to examine the land where the

government wanted them to be. Hicks was one of that delega-

tion, taking the place of Sam Jones who was too old or toG

fsuspicious.of thite men to make the trip.

At Ft. Gibson in Arkansas the seven met with U.S. nego-

tiators. No record, once again, was kept of the council, but

from it emerged another treaty on 14 Fabruary 1833. John Hicks

made his mark on it. The U.S. government interpreted the

document to ian that the Seminoles were willing to move

out of Florida;tj4e-Ifdians disputed this interpretation.

The controversy continued, but Tukose Emathla was lifted out

of it by death late in 1833.


The Indians knew this full-blooded Creek as Tustennuggee

Emathla, but white people called him Jim Boy. He was born

about 1793 and grew into impressive manhood. Six feet and one

inch tall, he was handsome and-endow wh atPp l stnl

strength. Even through the language barrier white associates

recognized in him a sense of humor and a keen wit.

He was present at Burnt Corn Creek on 9 February 1813 when

Mississippi militiamen attacked a party of Indians bringing

home ammunition bought from Spaniards in Pensacola. He was

also at Ft. Mims on 30 August 1813 when the Red Stick Creeks

attacked and burned the fort, killing 400 white persons and

losing heavily themselves. The extent of his participation

in these opening events of the First Creek War, 1813-1814 is

not known. Throughout this war he opposed the Americans, but

in ensuing years reversed his loyalty:

On 26 September 1836 he landed at Ft. Brooke, Florida

Territory to join United States forces in subduing the

Seminoles. His reversal of loyalty may have come from the

inducements offered the Creeks by the United States to join

them. The government slashed $31,000 from debts the Creeks

owed to American citizens. It paid them at the same scale

as regular soldiers, and in addition authorized them to

keep all plunder taken from the enemy. They had always

coveted Seminole horses, cattle and slaves and had often

invaded to capture -mnt enAall '~hlT Aiters 2edmid that

his family would be left undisturbed while he was gone.


Thus induced, J4m Boy raised 700 (C) warriors to be part of

a regiment of Creeks commanded by a white colonel At first

the regiment was to locate the Seminoles and mediate between

them and the white commanders. They never quite caught up

with the fleeing Indians but did pass through part of their

heartIlaxdi, burning villages as they went.

Richard Keith Call, commander of all forces in Florida and

also governor of the Territory, realizing that there was a large

concentration of Seminoles, including women and children in

the Wahoo swamp, formed a line a mile long to try once and for all

on 21 November 1836 to break Indian resistmaic. He placed

the Creek regiment in a vital posiSion on the left flank.

Jim Boy's men got mired down and as Call wrote in his official

report "Were prevented from taking ... the efficient share

in the early part of the action which would have been expected

from their A&9fa1 activity. Jim Boy had a reputation as an

effective guerrilla fighter.

The Creek regiment did not get out of Florida until

September 1837. When Jim Boy went home to the Autossee

villages on the Tallapoosa River he found that the government

of the United States had betrayed its word and sent his family

off to Arkansas. More bitter was the information that

the boiler of the steamship carrying them blew up scalding

his wife and four of his nine children to death.

In 1838 Jim Boy himself had reached Ft. Gibson, Arkansas

Territory. The commander there Brevet Brigadier General Mathew

Arbuckle, tried to persuade him to use his warriors to

coerce the Seminole blacks to turn themselves over to James

C. Watson, agent for some white men who alleged they had

bought the blacks from the Creeks for $14,500. Since Jim

Boy had already been paid his share of the purchase price,

he declined to intervene.

The date of his death in Indian Territory is not known.


Thomas McKenney wrote that Yaha Hajo was a Creek who migrated to

Florida and became second war chief of the Seminoles. Myer

Cohen placed him as chief of the Ochlawahaw band of about

fifty. Because he was dark skinned Cohen assumed that he had

Yamassee blood. He was good looking, with a roman nose and

fine features; tall and lean in stature. Cohen said he was

considered to be the most successful hunter in Florida.

Yaha Hajo went to Washington, D.C. in 1826 with delegations

from the southeastern tribes to try to modify the terms of

treaties. While there he sat for his portrait.

He signed the Treaty of Payne's Landing on 9 May 1832

which set the conditions under which the Indians would be

willing to leave Florida. He was one of a delegation of

seven, listed by name in the treaty to go west to evaluate

the land marked by the United States for them. At Ft. Gibson

in Arkansas Territory on 28 March 1833 he signed a supplemental

treaty approving the western land. According to white inter-

pretation this meant that the Seminoles surrendered all claim

to land in Florida, but the Indians disputed this interpretation.

It is not known why Yaha Hajo nnd the other six delegates

agreed to the treaty at Ft. Gibson. They claimed they had to

sign or be left in Arkansas. In any event Yaha Hajo opposed

migration. He and Abraham, a black with great power among

the Indians, visited plantation negroes clandestinely and

urged them to join the Indians and the Seminole Blacks in

overthrowing white control. After the Second Seminole war

1835-1842, began in Florida he was among the warriors who

harassed the flanks of Major General Winfield Scott's three

columns. He was hanging onto Scott's left wing when discovered

by a detachment of South Carolina Militia. The latter ap-

parently surprised Yaha Hajo's party of four, and charged

upon them. In a fire fight at very close range Joseph

Shelton, a South Carolina brigadier general servig3~asaan

enlisted volunteer, aided by another man, killed Yaha Hajo

on 29 March 1836.

Myer Cohen, who was present, curiously examined the corpse. He

was struck by the uncalloused hands and by the the feet which

seemed disproportinally small for the body. He also per-

formed some phrenological measurements on the chief's skull.

Then his detachemtn left the cadaver unburied. "We

abagddned< him" Cohen wrote,"to the awful fate he has merited,

to be hawked by the kites, his flesh gnawed by the wolves,

and his bones crunched by the bears."

Yahajo's age at his death is ;ghLt of record.