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A linguistic analysis of the toponyms of the Tambo Valley and surroundings in Moquegua

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Title:
A linguistic analysis of the toponyms of the Tambo Valley and surroundings in Moquegua
Creator:
Chavez-Cappellini, Yolanda
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Language:
English
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ix, 95 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Names, Geographical -- Peru -- Moquegua (Dept.) ( lcsh )
Languages -- Moquegua (Peru : Dept.) ( lcsh )
Linguistics thesis, M.A ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Linguistics -- UF ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2002.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
General Note:
Printout.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Yolanda Chavez-Cappellini.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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002883077 ( ALEPH )
51947049 ( OCLC )
APB4343 ( NOTIS )

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Full Text











A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE TOPONYMS OF THE TAMBO VALLEY AND
SURROUNDINGS IN MOQUEGUA

















By

YOLANDA CHAVEZ-CAPPELLINI


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2002































To all the Andean people













ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The present work is not only my product but a product of a lot of people who

helped me through in this project, before and after my coming to Gainesville. I would

like first to thank the Program of Linguistics at the University of Florida for giving me

the opportunity of earning my master's degree here. My special thanks go to my Chair,

Dr. M.J. Hardman, from whom I have learned to see things in a broader way and to

reconsider my cultural patterns. I would like to thank her particularly for her patience in

the completion of this thesis and her assertive feedback and suggestions. I would also like

to extend my thanks to the members of my committee, Dr. Marie Nelson and Dr.Gary

Miller, for providing me with excellent suggestions and academic support during the

completion of this thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. David Pharies for his help with

the lexical items that presented special difficulties and for providing a basic introduction

to historical analysis.

This thesis is indebted to the consultants who provided the data for the analyses

presented here, which is the base of my research and the reason for this thesis. All my

gratitude is given to Ms. Juana Mirka Flores, Ms. Dina Ramos, Ms. Judit Chiri and her

father Mr.Victor Chiri Durin, Mr. Feliciano Quispe Choque, Mr. Orlando Roldan Tone,

the Historian Mr. Roy Navarro Oviedo, Mr. Elbio Valdivia Duefias, Mrs. Herminia Chiri

de Tone and Mr. Fabio Tone, Mr. Luis G6mez Iquira, Mr. Lautaro Pefialoza, Mr.

Navarro, Mr. Lajo Pantigoso and Mr. Jesfis Rodriguez. I would also like to include in

this list Mrs. Consuelo Guevara de Roque, for her hospitality in the town of Coalaque.








My thanks go to Te6filo, Marcos and Richard for their kindness in providing me with

transport from La Capilla to Puquina. I would also like to thank Mr. Marco Antonio Lulo

Vega who assisted me during the collection of my data in the towns of Puquina and

Omate. My thanks also go to Dr. Guillermo Galdos Rodriguez for his valuable time and

historical information about Arequipa and its surroundings and to the Historian and

Professor Alejandro Milaga from the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in Arequipa

for his hospitality and the historical information. My thanks also go to the Biblioteca

Landizuri in the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in Arequipa for its permission to

access very useful information for this thesis. My special gratitude goes to Dr. Teresa

Cafiedo-Argilelles from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and her excellent team

for sharing the experience of their own research with me and for making areas like

Salinas Moche and Ubinas accessible to me. I would not have been able to get there

alone. And, in general, I would like to thank all the people in the towns visited in

Moquegua for allowing me to enter their world and their language.

A great part of this work depends on information and advice provided by very

notable linguists. A specially valuable contribution was provided by Dr. Wilhelm

Adelaar from the University of Leiden, who shared with me useful information about the

towns I visited. His advice at the beginning of my research and his suggestions and

motivation for me to carry out this project are not to be forgotten. Also, I am highly

grateful to Dr. Jan Szeminski from the University of Jerusalem for his valuable advice

and availability, and for his broad knowledge of the Andean world. I would like to thank

the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Lima and all my professors there who

first opened the doors of Linguistics to me. In particular, I would like to thank Dr.








Enrique Carri6n-Ord6fiez, my mentor and professor, for his encouragement and example,

and Dr. Gustavo Solis-Fonseca for introducing to me the fascinating world of place

names. I feel grateful to Lic. Isabel Galvez-Astorayme and Lic. Maritza Ginocchio

Lainez-Lozada for giving me the rudiments in Quechua, so important for this work. In

the same way, I would like to thank Lic. Felipe Huayhua for introducing the Aymara

language, also vital for this work, to me.

I would like to thank my classmates and friends in the University of Florida,

especially Erica Fischer-Dorantes for her moral support and honest friendship from the

beginning, and for her suggestions for this thesis. Likewise, I would like to thank Victor

Prieto for his friendship and valuable suggestions and support. My thanks also go to

Russell Moon, my classmate and friend, for always having time for my questions and for

enabling this thesis to be on paper thanks to his printer. Also, I would like to thank my

friend Luli Lopez-Merino and her father Dr. Ignacio Lopez-Merino for helping me in the

English translation of some Spanish terms in this work. A very special recognition goes

to Emilio Benitez for his very valuable help in the translation of the entries in Quechua,

and for his patience in answering all my questions. I would like to thank Dr. Dimas

Bautista Iturrizaga for helping me with the translation and interpretation of some terms in

this thesis. My thanks also go to the Engineer Jose L. Isoardi for his support and valuable

help in the scanning of the maps used in this thesis, and for other technical assistance. I

am very grateful to Stephen Marr for his patience and understanding of my difficult times

while we were housemates. Special thanks go to all my students in the Portuguese class

for their patience, understanding and support during the last weeks of the finishing of this

thesis. I want to thank to Ms Anne Taylor from the Editorial office for her useful








suggestions especially in the elaboration of my tables. I would also like to thank the team

at the Electronic Theses and Dissertation office, James Albury, Adrian Madhosingh, Jon

Fishman and especially Fenton Ridgeway, for their valuable help in the technical details

of this work.

This thesis would not have been completed without the support and affection of my

very personal ties. I would like to thank in a very special way Nick Jamieson for his

endless support throughout my master's course in every way, and for not leaving me

alone in times of need. My special thanks go to my parents, Yolanda Cappellini-Lava

and Carlos Chavez Silva-Santisteban, for providing me with a family where intellectual

work and culture are very important. My gratitude goes especially to my beautiful

mother, for always protecting me with her generosity and intelligence and for taking care

of me in difficult times during my course. I would like to thank my sister Monica and my

brother Carlos for all their support. Their admiration always motivated me to go forward.

Also, I would like to thank my uncle Alberto Nufiez-Lava for being for me an example of

intellectuality, culture and simplicity and for his help in finding a map for this study. All

my gratitude goes to Angelica Lava-Franco, my grandmother and friend, for being a

'damisela encantadora' and for showing me the path to happiness from wherever she is

now. Finally, my deepest thanks go to Ronald MacKee, my friend and forever partner,

for our common past, language and country. All my thanks to him, always, because his

love enabled me to get this far.














TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

A CK N O W LED G EM EN TS .......................................................................................... iii

A B STRA CT..................................................................................................................... viii

CHAPTER

1 IN TRO D U CTION .................................................................................................

Purpose Statem ent..................................................................................................
G geographic Context ............................................... ............................................2
H historical B background .......................................................................................2
Literature Review ................................................................................................ 5

2 MATERIALS AND METHODS......................................................................10

Introduction............................................................................................................ 10
D ata Collection ...................................................................................................... 11
A rchiving ...............................................................................................................15

3 RESU LTS A N D D ISCU SSION .................................................... .............. 19

Introduction............................................................................................................ 19
Phonological Statem ent .........................................................................................19
M orphological Statem ent.................................................................................. 31

4 CON CLU SION S....................................................................................................52

APPENDIX

A D A TA ............................................................................................................... 57

B M O RPH EM ES......................................................................................................74

C M A PS................................................................................................................ 78

REFEREN CES ..................................................................................................................87

BIO GRA PH ICA L SK ETCH .............................................................................................93

vii














Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE TOPONYMS IN THE TAMBO VALLEY
AND SURROUNDINGS IN MOQUEGUA

By

Yolanda Chavez-Cappellini

December 2002



Chair: M.J.Hardman
Major Department: Program in Linguistics

This thesis is a descriptive study of toponyms in the Andean areas of the

department of Moquegua in the south of Peru. It focuses on phonological and

morphological aspects of the word formation process involved in the toponymy of this

region. The data included here come from first-hand sources as a result of a series of

fieldwork interviews.

Thirteen persons gave me oral data by means of tapes. I then transcribed, using

IPA symbols for the phonemic transcription, and analysed each sequence using both

phonemic and phonetic criteria. I have included phonetic alternations at the moment of

production, since these present possibilities of semantic ambiguity.

The morphological aspects of these data show the functions of word formation,

especially derivation and compounding. The recurrence of some suffixes in the

toponyms is given particular attention here, since they present not only alternations but








also ambiguity as it relates to language source. Compounds show bilingual situations,

which, in some cases, result in opaque meaning.

My research has led to recognition of the particular significance of Quechua, but a

large number of entries have a non-determined affiliation. Also, the practice of changing

native names into Spanish ones has caused the loss of valuable toponymic material which

only exists in the memory of the people that live there.

This study suggests that phonological changes have taken place throughout an

extended period of time, leaving apparently different suffixes, which in fact are

allomorphs of the same morpheme. It also suggests that some innovations are now taking

place in the production of toponyms by young Spanish speaking people. In essence, the

study offers both a linguistic description of toponyms and sociolinguistic considerations

motivated by the multicultural migration done through centuries of history.













CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Purpose Statement

This thesis will focus on topographic evidence of the multiple languages once

spoken in the Moquegua area of Peru. Toponyms establish a relationship between people

and land (Lapesa, 1992), and in this area the convergence of various cultures before and

at the time of the Spanish settlement leaves very rich material, some of which will be

dealt here.

The methods used in the naming practice differ according to the culture to which a

specific group belongs. The toponyms collected here are, in many cases, the living

evidence of ancient language forms that no longer exist and/or the evolution of forms that

still survive in present times. Also, the coexistence of place names from different

languages within the same geographic area provides evidence that different cultural

groups occupied that area, either at different times or simultaneously. This first-hand

evidence is found in the living language of many people some of whom can be local

habitants. Some can also be the descendants of those speakers that gave origin to these

place names.

I will focus on the presentation of the toponyms collected in nine areas of the

Andean region of Moquegua and will treat toponymy from the linguistic point of view

showing an analysis of the entries provided by my consultants. I will begin by discussing

the phonological nature of these toponyms and will provide the phonological background

for the languages that exist and existed in the area. A very significant section will be








dedicated to the morphology of these toponyms, which will blend with the phonology

section as there are clear morphophonemic processes in the formation of toponyms in the

area of Moquegua. This analysis shows the existence of some productive morphemes, an

etymological explanation for them, a description of the word formation in these

toponyms and some hypotheses about their origin and their derivation. The conclusion of

this thesis will include reference to possibilities for future work involving not only

toponymic studies but sociolinguistic ones as well.

Geographic Context

The department of Moquegua is located in the southern area of the Peruvian Andes.

It has a varied geography that goes from coastal beaches, deserts and valleys to high

mountain areas of freezing climates. The department of Moquegua borders the

department of Arequipa and Puno in the north; the department of Puno and Tacna in the

east; the department of Tacna in the south; and the Pacific Ocean and the department of

Arequipa in the west. It is divided into three provinces: Sanchez Cerro, Mariscal Nieto

and Ilo. The area covered in this research comprehends the first two provinces. The

altitude of the towns visited ranges from 1,000 and 4,000 meters above sea level. Some

of these towns are located along the Tambo River, and others are located by, along or

near its affluents (see Maps, Appendix 3). These areas are rich in snow peaks, canyons

and high plains of land where a few inactive volcanoes can be found (Instituto

Geogrdfico Militar, 1979).

Historical Background

The towns in the highlands of Peru experienced various stages of intrusion by

different peoples even before the arrival of the Incas. There were times when these towns








were isolated and spoke their own languages, and there were other times when they were

integrated with or became part of other groups for which communication in a "general"

language was necessary (Hardman and Acosta Rojas, 1986). Before the arrival of the

Spaniards, there were already three main linguistic groups in the southern Andes:

Aymara, Puquina and Quechua. These groups served as important means of

communication and transmission of previous Andean cultures from the second half of the

first millennium (Torero, 1970), and bilingualism, with speakers required to know main

languages as well as first languages took place. As for Aymara, it dominated the Andes

between the years 400 to 800 A.D., during the Wari Empire (Hardman, 1991), but with

the rise of the Inca Empire, about late 15th century, Quechua became the most "general"

of the three main languages in the southern Andes. Aymara, Quechua and Puquina were

declared the "general languages of Peru" by the Spanish Crown, by the second half of the

16th century (Torero, 1974). The linguistic situation of Puquina, during the 16th century,

covered the areas of the present departments of Arequipa, Moquegua and Tacna, the

northeast of the Lake Titicaca and some disperse areas in the Altiplano (Appendix 3, Map

1 and 2). Aymara was used in the southern Andes from the northeast through the

Altiplano and the western Andes around the southwest of the Titicaca Lake.

As a result of an alliance between certain Aymara groups and the Incas, Aymara

was further strengthened. Consequently, Aymara acquired the status of "general"

language in the Altiplano in order to maintain communication with other ethnolinguistic

groups. The Aymara language had already started its expansion to this area long before

the alliance with the Incas took place. They had succeeded when they took military, or

commercial, action to occupy the Altiplano absorbing most of the Puquina speaking areas








(Torero, 1987). Later on, the usage of Quechua as an administrative language during the

time of the Inca power decreased at the fall of the Inca Empire. Quechua was then pushed

further and fully imposed by the Spaniards in many areas, which caused Quechua to

expand to areas other than the southern Andes. The Quechua varieties spoken in the

southern Andes of Peru were of major importance in the process of Christian proselitism.

Grammars, lexicons and some ecclesiastic material were printed at this time. The other

very expanded language in the southeast of the Andes was Puquina, which was very

dialectalized. It is this dialectalization that prevented it later from remaining as a

"general" language (Torero, 1987).

The Spanish domination did not cause the extinction of either Aymara or Quechua.

The situation was different, however with Puquina, which was already disappearing

towards the second half of the XVII century (Torero, 1970), due to the expansion of

Quechua and the convenient selection of Aymara as the first administrative language of

the Incas. Aymara and Southern Quechua became the most important languages in the

Andes (Torero, 1974). The historical, political and cultural situation described above in

the Southern Andes, was the result of various periods of expansion in the Andean history

(See Map 2, Appendix 3).

Here it will be useful to note that the Incas were not Quechua -they were Puquina

and used Puquina as their 'secret' court language. The earliest attested Quechua was

Pachacamac, which is on the coast of Peru, near Lima.

This complex linguistic and historical background should suggest the complexity of

the multilingual situation in the southern Andes of Peru that we find to be reflected in

their toponymy. It may also suggest the possibility that there were possible waves of








language dominance over Moquegua -in this case Puquina, Aymara, Quechua and

Spanish.

Literature Review

The study of toponyms is of interest to many disciplines. It is of particular interest

to linguists because it allows us to observe such linguistic phenomena as language change

and language contact (Nuessel, 1992). The study of place names yields linguistic data of

one or various languages, which are no longer in existence. Working with this lexicon

permits the observation of phonological and morphological phenomena, especially word

formation processes. There have been many attempts to do taxonomic classifications of

place names, although there is also a strong belief that a classification in this area is not at

all pertinent (Rennick, 1984). In the case of Andean names, however, a classification

might be possible on a language basis since different groups have left traces of both their

cultures and languages in the same geographic areas as a result of the contact among

these groups.

The phonological material found in the data I collected provides some general

details about the phonemic system of Andean languages in the context of toponyms. As

to the morphological material in the data, it gives us an idea of how these cultural groups

might have organized their geographic surroundings and how the selection of the

elements in the formation of placenames can reflect the mental structures of the people

that created these names. The motivation for naming geographic entities can respond to

either the mutual consensus of the people living in a given area or the imposition of

names given by outsiders (Nuessel, 1992).








Since names are part of the lexicon of any language, lexicographic studies are

highly important to the linguist who wishes to find linguistic phenomena. They involve a

systematic method of both data retrieval and analysis, which some scholars have

effectively researched. For example, Casares y Sanchez (1950) provided us with one of

the first works that described the Spanish lexicography. Also in the seventies, Zgusta

(1972) and Fernandez-Sevilla (1974) gave a good insight for both general lexicography

and Spanish lexicography, respectively. For data entry procedures, the work of Burrus

(1983) is a good example, for she provided us with methods to process data in the

Spanish language. The linguistic observations of Spanish lexicon in the analysis of

structure and analogy of Pharies (1986) are important to see how lexicon can contribute

to the analysis of linguistic phenomena. Also in the eighties, Seco (1987) provided a few

examples of studies in Spanish lexicography. In terms of semantic analysis and

lexicography in the English language, Jackson (1988) offered a good approach for

meaning and corpora. In the nineties, Casares (1992) introduced us to a modern view of

lexicography focusing on the Spanish language. Escobedo Rodriguez (1994) did a deep

theoretical study on lexicology and lexicography. An interesting work where culture and

language are combined is that edited by Zachru and Kahane (1995) in honor of Ladislav

Zgusta. Zachru and Kahane provided studies of lexicography, with reference to culture

and ideology. Also important is the compilation of different studies on semantics and

lexicography between 1976 and 1996 by Wiegand (1999).

In the area of Onomastics, Lopez de Mesa (1961) presented a methodological

approach to handle data of personal names and geographical names. A compilation by

Harder (1986) of a series of essays regarding names showed different interdisciplinary








perspectives. In the observation of the principles commanding the study of names, the

work by Nuessel (1992), despite his reservations concerning the value of such studies,

offers a good guide with examples of various topics in this study area. A study that

describes the use of names and its connection to the community they belong to was

provided by Singh (1996). In this work, different aspects of the onomastics in India such

as communities, synonyms and surnames were treated. As to the terminology used in

onomastic studies, Room (1996) offers an alphabetic guide of terms used in the study of

names. He has also produced significant material on place names and lexicography. The

dictionary of heraldry, onomastics and genealogy by Mogrobejo (1995) is a very updated

version of these areas in the Hispano-American context. Christin and Alleton (1998)

presented a compilation of texts in French about the writing of proper names.

Taylor (1921) combined history, ethnology and geography to present both

onomastics and geographical names in his study of toponyms. Fernandes (1944) gave an

overview of toponyms and patronymics. The study done by A.L.F. Rivet (1980) shows

interesting examples of Celtic, Latin and Greek names in some parts of Europe with

toponymic maps reflected in the toponymy. In the reconstruction of European languages,

Vennemann (1994) provided an exhaustive analysis of ancient toponymy in Old Europe.

This work shows how toponymic studies enable the reconstruction of a language

that would seem to have existed before Indo-European came into being. Also in the area

of European toponymy, the work done by W.F.H.Nicolaisen (1995) provides a significant

contribution to the West-Germanic toponymy by proposing a survey of toponyms and

their further correlation to the development of West-Germanic dialects. In the context of

English and Scandinavian place-names, Gillian Fellows-Jensen (1995) traced back a








number of Scandinavian place names existent in England. Her works have been

particularly useful for this thesis as they show different historical stages of naming as a

result of migrating groups. Within the context of Andean languages, it is somehow

difficult to gather all the valuable linguistic works done during the last decades in this

area for which I will mention some of them. The works of M.J. Hardman (2001, 1997,

1995, 1991, 1986, 1985) are especially important in the case of Andean languages.

Hardman provides extensive information on the Jaqi languages, and her research on the

Aymara, Jaqaru and Kawki languages is undoubtedly a very valuable contribution in the

study of Andean linguistics. All the works of Alfredo Torero (1987, 1974, 1972, 1970,

1965) provide valuable historical and linguistic information in the context of the Peruvian

Andes. His work on the history of Quechua (1974) is very enlightening and provides

complete information. The historical work of Cerron-Palomino (1984) in the

reconstruction of the Proto-Quechua contains very important material for Andean

linguistics. Wilhelm Adelaar (1982, 1986) has also contributed to the study of the

Quechua with thorough linguistic analyses of some varieties.

The area of Andean toponymy has been a subject of study in the last few decades.

The geographic dictionary produced by German Stiglich (1922) is important for it is one

of the earliest works with a compilation of Peruvian toponyms. The toponymic work of

Andres Krzanowski and Jan Szeminski of the Chicama region of Peru shows a systematic

description of the place names there with a strong historical and archeological

foundation. The names were collected mainly from maps and organized in linguistic

groups based on their geographic distribution. Another important work about Andean

toponymy is that of Manuel Mamani (1984). It has part of a larger research about the








most common toponyms in Tarapaca, Chile. Mamani made an attempt to provide an

etymology in both Aymara and Quechua for each of these toponyms. Zevallos-Quifiones

(1993) provided the first study on Chimu onomastics with relevant reference to the

language of the Mochicas. M.J.Hardman (1995) provides in her article about Jaqi

Onomastics a detailed overview of toponymic and anthroponymic studies of Jaqaru,

Kawki and Aymara that describe very accurately the naming practices in the Andes and

how alien ones are imposed. The toponymy of the northern part of Chile has been studied

by Guillermo Latorre (1997). It is important to mention this as the area occupied by the

cultural groups settled in the areas where this research took place was extended to the

present territory of Chile. In another article, Latorre (1998) presented a description of the

toponymy in the south of Chile. He proposed some hypotheses about the origin of those

toponyms in which a few native languages of the Chilean territory are their source.

Cerron-Palomino (2000) presented an overview of the deficiencies in most toponymic

works about the tendency to affiliate Peruvian toponyms to Quechua.













CHAPTER 2
MATERIALS AND METHODS

Introduction

The results of the research used for this investigation will be presented here under

three main headings: 1) the collection of field data, 2) organization of the data, and 3)

linguistic analysis in terms of phonological processes, word formation and some

sociolinguistic considerations.

Investigation of toponyms as used by the residents of the area of Moquegua

involved topographic categories such as farms, small lagoons, brooks, and others that,

because of the scale perspective and the utility of the maps used, are not shown here. For

my purposes it seemed better not to rely on the place names of maps, since they tend to

be neither complete nor accurate. The collection and transcription of the data for maps,

have been done by non-linguists. This has resulted in significant limitations in the way

the data collection is carried out, sorted and subsequently transcribed. The reason for

these limitations responds to the intention of cartographers, who gather toponyms simply

to label geographic categories represented in maps, without any linguistic concern of how

they are transcribed. Therefore, their approach for the research lies in informative and

descriptive data, which do not go beyond the limits of the map in question. However, the

use of maps for this research has been an important tool for reference and location of the

areas visited (see Appendix C), but it was necessary, with almost predictable results, to

go beyond what could be represented by map-making processes.








Data Collection

The fieldwork was carried out in 1998 and the data collection was done in situ in

two different stages in order to cover areas of difficult access between them. The stages

of the data collection consisted of fifteen days each with an interval of two months in

between. The Andean towns of the department of Moquegua chosen for the field work

are located in the valley formed by the Tambo river and its effluents, surrounded by snow

peaks, canyons, plateaus and a few inactive volcanoes.

The first stage covered the districts and surrounding areas of Carumas, San

Cristobal, Cuchumbaya and Calacoa (Fig.C-4, Zone 1, Appendix C). These districts are

bilingual, where Aymara and Spanish are spoken. However, I found a few Aymara

monolinguals, especially old people in Calacoa, and I was told that the situation was

similar in other districts. These districts are located beyond the east end of the Tambo

river, along its effluents such as the Carumas river and the Putina river. In the second

stage, two areas were covered. One area covered the districts and surrounding areas of

La Capilla, Puquina (Fig.C-4, Zone 2, Appendix C), Omate and Quinistaquillas (Fig.C-4,

Zone 3, Appendix C). The first two districts, La Capilla and Puquina, are both Spanish

speaking with a Quechua substratum. They are located along the Esquino River, effluent

of Tambo and along the effluents of Seche and Pacajime. Omate and Quinistaquillas are

bilingual populations in Quechua and Spanish. Omate is located along the Omate River

and Quinistaquillas along the Tambo River. The third area covers the areas of Matalaque,

Ubinas and Salinas Moche (Fig C-4, Zone 4, Appendix C). These areas are bilingual in

Quechua and Spanish. I found a few elderly monolingual people of Quechua especially

in Salinas Moche. Matalaque is located in the valley of the Tambo River, while Ubinas is








along the Ubinas River and Salinas Moche near the Para River. These last two districts

are located near the Ubinas volcano in an altitude much higher than the other towns. The

geographic characteristics of these areas are varied. In the whole department of

Moquegua, there are forty-seven lakes, out of which seven are used as trout hatcheries

and one for extraction of salt (Instituto Geografico Nacional, 1997). The latter is part of

the community of Salinas Moche, which is one of the areas covered in this research.

Table 2-1 Provinces visited in Moquegua
Mariscal Nieto Sanchez Cerro
Moquegua Matalaque
Samegua Ubinas
Torata La Capilla
Carumas Quinistaquillas
Cuchumbaya Omate
San Cristobal Puquina
Calacoa Coalaque


The materials used for the data collection consisted of a tape recorder as well as

paper and pen for the interviews. I also used the maps of the Instituto Geografico

Nacional in order to make my way to the areas visited in the fieldwork. I used the map of

the department of Moquegua, of a scale of 1:300,000, and three other maps of the towns

of Moquegua, Puquina and Omate of a scale of 1:100,000.

Table 2-2 Geographic and linguistic zones where the toponyms were collected
Zones District Substratum
Zone A Puquina Quechua and mostly
La Capilla Spanish speakers
Zone B Omate Quechua and mostly
Quinistaquillas Spanish speakers
Zone C Calacoa Aymara and mostly
Carumas bilingual with some
San Cristobal Aymara monolinguals
Cuchumbaya
Zone D Ubinas Quechua and mostly
Matalaque bilingual with some
Salinas Quechua monolinguals








In order to identify the location of each toponym, I have organized four main zones

based on the proximity of the towns. This distribution seems to correlate with the

linguistic substrata of the areas visited. An Arabic letter has been given to each of these

zones as shown in Table 2-2.

For this study, fourteen people agreed to be my consultants, three women and

eleven men. Because of their occupations, they were able to provide relevant information

of the area. For this study, I have classified my consultants in four groups (see Table 2-2).

The female consultants traveled extensively as two of them were traders and farmers and

the other one was the governor of a small town who often travels to the main nearby city.

Table 2-3 Background of Consultants


Occupation

Farmer
Farmer /
Governor
Farmer
Farmer /
Historian
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer
Farmer


Substratum

Aymara
Quechua

Quechua
Quechua

Quechua
Quechua
Aymara
Quechua
Quechua
Quechua
Quechua
Quechua
Quechua


Place of origin

Calacoa
La Capilla

Puquina
Ornate /
Quinistacas
Ubinas
Ubinas
Calacoa
Pocsi
Puquina
Puquina
La Capilla
La Capilla
Puquina


As for the male consultants, they fall into age groups: two men in their thirties, two

in their fifties, and a last group of seven men between the ages of seventy and eighty five

years old who in their younger years were traders or farmers that constantly wandered


Group

1
1

2
2

3
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
4


Sex

F
F

M
M

M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M


Age

40-50
40-50

30-40
30-40

50-60
50-60
70-85
70-85
70-85
70-85
70-85
70-85
70-85








around the area. I approached my consultants on the basis of references obtained from

other local people.

I was referred to them as they were considered to be the most knowledgeable

persons of the area with a broad acquaintance of both the people and the topographic

entities there. The selection of my consultants was done merely on the basis of how well

they knew the area and their mobility, regardless of age or sex. The fieldwork for this

thesis is based on interviews or "direct elicitation", using the terms of H.Christoph

Wolfart quoted by Bejoint (1983). This method is also known as "active method" as

opposed to "passive method" where the linguist is a mere observer of the speech of her

consultants, as A.E.Kibrik was quoted, again by B1joint (1983). The interviews were

carried out in a very casual manner with simple conversations in outdoor as well as

indoor environments. After I explained what the purpose of the interviews was, I asked

my consultants a few things about their background. The research questions all revolved

around the names of geographic entities. In some cases, they gave me some background

information regarding the geographic entities such as political or social status of a certain

town; the owners of plots and lands in the area; social, cultural and linguistic

characteristics of the people living in some towns, etc. All the information obtained for

my study through these interviews was useful, even when this was not directly related to

the collection of names. In many cases, this extra information provided important

evidence of the people that lived there which may be used in future more in-depth

studies.








Archiving

For the sorting and organization of the data I followed the principles and

methodology presented in the text by Hardman & Hamano (1997), as well as in the class

of Field Methods lectured by Hardman. The course also caused me to reevaluate to some

degree the original data collection. These principles, based on the postulate that there are

no "raw data" (Hardman, 1997), also made me aware of the fact that, as much as we try to

get pure data, our research cannot entirely escape our own linguistic mental structures

and our own understanding of things and reality.

The collecting process yielded seven tapes that were then organized with reference

to the geographic areas from which they were drawn. I then started the transcription of

these tapes by using the IPA phonetic alphabet; however, I also used other symbols such

as [6] and [fi] as I considered them more convenient for the transcription than their

corresponding IPA symbols. Since the interviews were carried out in Spanish, I used a

phonemic transcription for all entries and phonetic transcription only when I did not

understand the term sufficiently due to my lack of grasp of Aymara and/or Quechua. To

file the data, I used a manual system of index cards to organize the morphological and

phonological information. With the linguistic information thus obtained, I proceeded to

use a datasheet to create a database of all my entries and their corresponding information

(see Appendix A for a record of this information). There are seven columns of

information for every entry in the datasheet: Geographic Area which describes the area

to which each entry corresponds, Name of Consultant which tells us the source of the

entry, Geographic Entity which gives the entity to which each entry is assigned,

Semantics which provides cultural or historical information about the entity, Syntax








which describes the grammatical categories in the formation of the entry, Language

which corresponds to the language or languages to which each entry corresponds, and

Gloss which is the meaning of the entry as found in bilingual dictionaries. There are

about six hundred and nine entries in the database and each has been entered with as

many of the specified parameters as possible. The main sheet in Appendix A shows the

entries in the first column organized in alphabetical order. In order to organize the data

according to other parameters, such as distribution of the suffixes in my entries, some

technical procedures were carried out. A macro was written to copy rows of data from an

Excel sheet that contains all the entries in alphabetical order to a new sheet in the

workbook, based on other criteria. As defined by Microsoft Excel 2000, a macro is a

series of commands and functions that are stored in a Visual Basic module and can be run

whenever the task needs to be performed. When this macro is run, a user interface is

loaded. It is on this dialog that a column on which to perform the search of suffixes or

prefixes is chosen, and the text to be matched on every cell of the column is entered. This

routine can be performed matching both at the beginning and at the end of a target word.

By means of a loop, the routine goes through the column, and if matches are found, a new

sheet is created programmatically. This routine will copy on the new sheet every row in

which matches were found. For example, I entered the column Entries from my

datasheet in the dialogue box, as this is where I wanted to find some pieces of data.

Then, I entered the entry or part of the entry of which the program had to do the search on

every cell of the column of Entries. Once this was done, a new sheet was automatically

created with the data found in the search. In this way, I was able to dynamically create

sheets, and fill them out with varying data from the source table. This process facilitated








the work of organizing suffixes and prefixes which was not possible before as Excel only

locates information based on the first letters of the entries in the data in order to sort them

in alphabetical order. Excel does not create automatically new sheets of information

using other criteria unless I manually do it. But, with manual additions, I was able to use

the parameters that have led to analysis. The parameters used in this study are: Suffixes,

Language, Geographic Entity and Geographic Area, along with additional parameters that

have facilitated my observation of the data.

I have also used dictionaries and glossaries in both Aymara and Quechua for the

meanings of some entries. The meanings of some names, as I have suggested earlier,

have been difficult to determine, but with the aid of dictionaries and, in some cases,

native speakers of both Aymara and Quechua, I have arrived at some glosses.

In order to facilitate the reading of the entries in the analysis section, I have

illustrated my examples in most cases with tables where the relevant data is put in

columns with their corresponding headings. For easy reference, I have included the

number of the entry in my examples that matches the number of the same entry in

Appendix A where a complete list of the entries can be found. These entries have been

phonemically transcribed, although in some cases I also had to provide the phonetic

transcription because of the pronunciation of the consultant. In the tables included in the

text, I have included, a column in the tables specifying the geographic area that the

toponym provided refers to, another column for the name of the consultant and finally a

column for the geographic entity to which the toponym belongs. In order to locate the

geographic details I describe in this work, I have included a series of maps in Appendix

C, such as the map of Peru, a historical map of the languages spoken in the area, a map of





18


Moquegua indicating the four zones where the data was collected and several maps of the

areas visited during the fieldwork. These maps have been scanned from their original

official sources obtained from the Peruvian government. The geographic data in

Appendix C will show provinces, districts, towns, settlements and communities as the

physical areas where the toponyms were found.













CHAPTER 3
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Introduction

In this chapter, I describe the nature of the toponyms from the areas in Moquegua I

visited. The data obtained during the fieldwork present different linguistic aspects based

on the phonological and morphological system of the languages involved, the historical

background of the area, and its current linguistic situation. I also provide details

regarding the glosses of some of these toponyms, the frequency in which they appear,

their linguistic relationship with the substrata of the areas, some morphophonemic

considerations as well as some historical hypotheses.

Phonological Statement

The linguistic source of the items in the corpus includes Aymara, Quechua and

Spanish, as well as another unspecified languages. The dialectal variations of Quechua

in the areas visited may come from the Cuzco and the Ayacucho varieties (see Table 3-2)

due to their geographic location. It is necessary to understand that the linguistic context

for this fieldwork is not only based on the language or languages currently spoken in

these areas, but also on the historical trace that these and, possibly, other languages may

have left in the local speech, more specifically in the toponyms. A very important

linguistic factor is the influence of Spanish, which seems to have determined the way the

toponyms presented here are produced. During the data collection, some of the non-

Spanish toponyms were provided in the original language, although some of their








linguistic features are no longer there such as the glottalization or aspiration of the

occlusive consonants. Other times, the consultants would provide toponyms in Spanish,

even though these toponyms were etymologically Andean. In fact, this is what one

would expect as both the dominant language and that used in my interviews was Spanish;

this is regardless of the etymology of the toponym. On some occasions, a consultant

would produce the same toponym in both the Andean language and in Spanish. The

resulting items included in these data present in most cases absence of some phonemic

features of the language source and/or alternation of some segments as in the case of the

set of voiceless stops (Table 3-1).

Table 3-1. Alternation of voiceless stops
Language in which the Toponym Geographic entity
toponym was produced

Spanish (156) [kaldmpayo] 'farm'
Quechua (401) [qalampayo] 'farm'



The final vowel /u/ is lowered into an [o], maybe as a result of the presence of /q/

which remains there, even though /q/ is produced as [k], or as a result of a segment lost

near the said vowel as part of a suffix such as /-yuq/ which left a trace in the final vowel.

If this was the case, the underlying form could be /qalampayuq/. We will discuss this

further in the morphological analysis.

In the Aymara speaking areas of Moquegua, the toponyms provided by the

consultants were produced with simple voiceless stops for every case since neither the

glottalization nor the aspiration were pronounced as the interview was done in Spanish.

As we can see in the tables below, the set of voiceless stops in the Aymara language not

only includes: /p/ /t/ /6/ /k/ /q/, but also their matching aspirated and glottalized








distinctive counterparts. At this point, it is interesting to note that the other two Jaqi

languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, have 9 more consonants of this series (Hardman, 2001).

Table 3-2. Consonant system of Aymara
Aymara

p t 6 k q
p" t" V" k" q"
p' t' q' k' q'
s h
m n
1 A
r
w y



Likewise, the Cuzco variety of Quechua presents this same set of complex

voiceless stops. On the other hand, the Ayacucho variety of Quechua only has simple

stops. The presence of glottalized and aspirated stops in the Southern variety of Cuzco

might have taken place around the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17t

century due to the Jaqi influence: Aymara (Torero, 1970).

Table 3-3. Consonant system of two Quechua variants
Quechua Cuzco Quechua Ayacucho

p t c k q p t c k q
p" t" 6" k" q"
p' t' 6' k' q'
s h s x
m n f
1 A 1 .
r r
w y w y




The production of these occlusive consonants during the interviews was done only

with the simple set, that is, the only set that the Ayacucho variety of Quechua has. This








phonetic non-complication of the occlusive consonants in the data gave me several

possibilities when finding a gloss for those entries since a [p] could be a /p/, a /p'/ or a

/p"/ and the same with the other stops. Sometimes the gloss can refer to two or three

different things, and all of them have been considered in this study.

In Puquina, the consonant system also shows a more simple set of stops. This

language does not present a palatal affricative /C/ as the other Andean languages do;

instead, it has an alveolar affricate /ts/. In the set of liquids, Puquina only has a vibrant /r/

and not /1/ or /I/. Finally, Puquina has a palatal fricative /j/ which does not exist in the

other Andean languages. The phonological system of Puquina is as follows:

Table 3-4. Consonant system of Puquina (Torero, 1965)
Puquina

p t ts k q
Sx h
m n f
r
w y


Despite the strong condition of Spanish, and/or the Ayacucho Quechua, over the

production of these toponyms, and the loss of some of their original phonemics, there are

examples of conservation of another feature in these data: the uvular voiceless stop /q/,

which also occurs in the Ayacucho variety. This segment can appear with a velar stop as

can be observed in some of the entries. This seems to be a case of coexistent phonemic

systems where two sets of phonemes come to play in the production of place names

(Trask, 1996). The monolingual speakers use one set for Spanish and another set for the

non-Spanish place names. In this social context two different segments may appear

indistinctively to refer to the same name as shown in Table 3-5. The first pair of








toponyms below corresponds to two geographic entities semantically related: one refers

to a river and the other one to its valley. These entries were produced by the same

consultant, in the town of Puquina; this town has a Quechua substratum.

Table 3-5. /k/ and /q/ in placenames referring to related entities
Language in which the Toponym Geographic entity
toponym was provided

Spanish (74) [Cokalike] river
Non-Spanish (78) [6oqaliqc] valley



Alternation of/k/ and /q/ is given by the examples below as they are names for the

same geographic entity, though given by two different consultants:

Table 3-6. Alternation of/k/ and /q/ in entries of the same entity.
Language in which the Toponym Geographic entity
toponym was provided

Spanish (302) [mawkallikta] hill
Non-Spanish (307) [mawkalldqta] hill



Another good example of this alternation can be seen in this triplet that refers to the

same entity given by three different consultants:

Table 3-7. Alternation of/k/ and /q/ of the same entry by three different consultants.
Language in which Toponym Geographic entity
toponym was provided

Spanish (459) [sek] town
Spanish (460) [s6ke] town
Non-Spanish (513) [seq] town



Not only do /k/ and /q/ alternate but also /k/ and /x/. There is a historical argument

for this alternation (Hardman, 2001), which involves a lenition process of the uvular stop








/q/ in the Andean languages. Synchronically, these segments can appear using the

coexistent phonemic systems explained before, as shown by the example below. The

example for this alternation shows its occurrence for the same name and by the same

consultant, both pronounced in Spanish.

Table 3-8. Alternation of/k/and /x/
Phoneme Toponym Geographic entity

/k/ (604) [yokomfire] village
/x/ (607) [yoxomiire] village



The way the vowels are produced shows that the underlying form for both entries

may have been /yuqumuri/. The uvular stop /q/ triggers a situation of vowel allophony by

lowering /i/ and /u/ to produce allophones such as [e] and [o], respectively. Since these

vowels are not part of the phonetic system of Spanish, the trace left in the Spanish

production of these entries involves [e] and [o] instead. This vowel allophony where /i/

and /u/ are produced as [e] and [o] is typical in both Jaqi and Quechua when a uvular

segment is involved. The effect of vowel lowering by /q/ can be projected onto the

contexts on both sides of the uvular consonant and even be spread beyond as the final /i/

in the example above where it is produced as [e]. The velar stop [k] or its alternating

fricative form [x] in this case, can then be traced back to /q/ if the adjacent or nearby

vowels are [e] and [o] or even [e] and [o], as these vowels are in fact /i/ and /u/

respectively. In this case, [k] or [x] are derived forms of/q/ as they occur when [e] and


[o] or [e] and [o] are there.








Since /q/ has aspirated and glottalized counterparts, the underlying phoneme can be

interpreted in various ways as shown in Table 3-9 below.

Table 3-9. Phonological possibilities for (156) [kalampayo]
k k" k' q q" q'

kalampayu k"alampayu k'alampayu qalampayu q "alampayu q'alampayu



The phenomenon of homophony of the posterior stops is the result of the loss of the

distinction between simple, glotalized and aspirated forms and the loss of the contrast of

/k/ and /q/. This homophony brings a complex situation when doing a derivation of the

toponyms collected. As we can observe in the phonemic charts, Aymara presents three

possibilities for each of these segments: a simple velar /k/, an aspirated velar /k"/ and a

glottalized velar /k'/ as well as a simple uvular /q/, an aspirated uvular /q"/ and a

glottalized uvular /q'/. Without the aspiration and the glottalization in the production of

the stops in both the Aymara and Quechua (Cuzco) substratum of the local speech, a

collapse of six phonemes: /k/ /k"/ /k'/ /q/ /q"/ /q'/ into one: /k/ has occurred. Even though

we find /q/ in some of the toponyms, the distinction between /k/ and /q/ is no longer

functional; there are only cases of /k/ alternating with the uvular /q/. As to the speakers

of Quechua (Ayacucho), a collapse of two phonemes /k/ and /q/ into one phoneme /k/ has

also occurred when producing these toponyms.

This simplification of the stop system in the local speech leaves a series of

possibilities for one segment. The vowel allophony mentioned before in the environment

of /k/ can give us some indication of what this segment may have been before, except

when /a/ is the vowel involved. There are six possibilities when a toponym has /a/; this is








due to the fact that its production which is also conditioned by the uvular consonant is not

perceived by a Spanish speaker.


Table 3-10. Phonological possibilities for (1) [adakila]
k k" k' q

acakila aaak"ala aaak'dla acaqdla


aaq "ia aaq'l
aCaq"ala aCaq'ala


On the other hand, when /i/ or /u/ appear near the uvular stop, such vowels are

produced as [e] or [o] respectively. Therefore, the possibilities for the uvular in this case

are only three rather than six, since one would expect that /k/ would not open such

vowels. Such is the case of/isqulun/ shown in Table 3-11.

Table 3-11. Phonological possibilities for (124) [esqolon]
q q" q'

isqulfn isq "ulin isq'ulhn



When the gloss is clear, as in the example in table 3-12, the possibilities for these

ambiguities are even further reduced.

Table 3-12. Entry (338) [orqosini]
Root Language Gloss Geographic entity

urqu Quechua hill village



In this case, one of the morphemes in this toponym is a lexeme with a clear

meaning: /urqu/ 'hill'; therefore, we can discard the other two possibilities for /q/.








Unfortunately, this is not always the case for which, in most cases, we have to speculate

what the other possibilities may be.

The situation is different when the vowels near the posterior stop are produced as

either [i] or [u]. The possibilities get also reduced to three, just like in the case of the

uvular stop near [e] or [o]. On this occasion, the posterior stop is a /k/, otherwise the

vowels would get lowered and this does not happen like in (194) /kilwini/.

As to the segments occurrence in final position, most of the non-Spanish entries

end with a vowel and only a few have a consonant. The consonants that appear the most

in word final position are the posterior consonants /k/, /q/, /x/, and also /n/.

Table 3-13. Consonants /k/ /q/ /x/ in final position
Posterior consonant Language in which Toponym Geographic entity
in final position the toponym was
provided

/k/ Spanish (459) [s6k] village
/q/ Non-Spanish (48) [6alsdyoq] farm
Non-Spanish (463) [seq] village
Non-Spanish (509) [tinkoq] farm
/x/ Spanish (230) [kuriox] farm
Spanish (413) [rosaxnjox] farm



As indicated above, these velar and post-velar segments can alternate in various

positions within the word. We have evidence that /-q/ and /-yuq/ are suffixes in at least

some variety of Quechua and, in general, this is not a natural context for velar or post-

velar segments in Spanish. In the Jaqi languages, consonants in the final position are not

accepted. For borrowed words from either Quechua or Spanish ending in a consonant, a

vowel is inserted after the consonant, whereas in Quechua, this is a very natural context.








The syllable structure of Quechua can be as follows: CV, CVC, VC. The group of entries

ending with stops shown in Table 3-13 was collected in areas with Quechua substratum.

The conservation of the uvular /q/ in some of the toponyms by some speakers is

one of the very few traces of Andean phonemics left in names. The alternation of this

segment with the velar /k/ may be an indication of a transition stage for the eventual

merging of/q/ with the velar stop /k/ due to the full adaptation to Spanish. An interesting

case corresponds to the following toponyms shown in Table 3-14. They all refer to the

same geographic entity but with a different pronunciation. The original form of these

three toponyms can be [seqe]; therefore, the non-Spanish entry (463) [seq], seems to be

the most conservative one of all. It either lost its final vowel or it never had it.

Table 3-14. Alternation of/k/ and /q/ by influence of Spanish.
Phoneme Language in which Toponym Geographic entity
toponym was
provided

/k/ Spanish (460) [seke] town
Non-Spanish (459) [sek] town
/q/ Non-Spanish (463) [seq] town



This consonant-final structure of non-Spanish words illustrated here is typical in

Quechua. In fact, the towns where these names were collected have a Quechua

substratum. The non-Spanish entry (459) [sek], presents a velar stop rather than a uvular

one, which is maintained in word final position just like (463). Finally, the Spanish entry

(460) [seke], can either be a later stage from (509) with an epenthetic vowel /e/ by effect

of the Spanish influence, or a direct step from /siqi/ with a change in the point of

articulation [scqc]. Apparently, there is no semantics involved in the choice of one or








the other one. They all refer to the same geographic entity and its variation seems to be

related to the substratum of the speakers. However, in the Cuzco area, /siqi/ also refers to

canals.

In the Jaqi languages and in Quechua, stress does not occur freely; instead, it has a

predictable occurrence. It always falls on the penultimate syllable. Therefore, stress in

these Andean languages does not have a phonemic status as it does in Spanish. In the

data collected, I found a set of entries where stress falls on the last syllable. These entries

are not Spanish but their origin has not yet been determined, neither have their glosses.

Table 3-15. Entries with stress in syllable final position.
Toponym Geographic entity

(25) [asox6n] village
(59) [6axlin] farm
(61) [6i6ilin] hill
(80) [6ul6n] farm
(128) [gwasal6n] village
(173) [kapax6n] farm
(178) [karsdn] valley
(188) [kenorax6n] farm
(287) [lox6n] plot
(419) [sajwin] farm
(471) [sintakin] farm
(476) [sokosin] farm
(483) [sowal6n] farm
(484) [subin] village
(491) [talabex6n] hill
(499) [tapalak6n] village
(572) [watarin] farm


Most of the non-Spanish entries in this thesis follow the stress pattern of Andean

languages. However, I have some cases of stress falling on the last syllable, specially

those entries ending with /n/.








Table 3-16. Toponyms with final syllable stress ending with /x/.
Toponym Geographic entity

(230) kuruX6x farm
(413) rosaxnj6x farm



The occurrence of stress in these environments may be due to two things: the

Andean substratum involves an/other/s languages as well as Aymara and Quechua.

There is an analogical factor with Spanish nouns. Spanish nouns ending with /n/ are very

common, since most of Spanish nouns have the stress on the last syllable.

As for the Andean substratum of Moquegua, Puquina may have been another

language spoken there. Unfortunately, the information we have on the stress of this

language is scarce. The analysis of Puquina made by Torero was based on the Geronimo

de Ore manuscript, which contains limited material. In this document, thirty words have

been found with stress out of which only ten instances of stress in final syllable position

have been noted (Torero, 1965); seven of these ten words correspond to gerund forms of

the verb /atawa/ "to say" and the three remaining ones are adjectives. There are also two

cases where stress is morphophonemically conditioned as it falls on the vowel of the

nominal suffix /-ua/ 'for'. Torero states that the few examples of stress marked with an

accent mark cannot determine whether stress in Puquina has a free occurrence or not

(Torero, 1965). An important point to make here is that punctuation marks, including

stress, were not a strict convention in Spanish documents written in 16th or 17th centuries,

which limits our judgement of how stress in Puquina may have been.

Since we do not have much foundation to claim that the stress in word final

position of the toponyms above may have been influenced by another Andean language,








we might think that Spanish has a lot to do with it. There are some Spanish toponyms in

the data of this thesis where stress falls on the last syllable and these words usually end in

/n/. In this way, the possibilities for an analogical change are great for Spanish has been

the language of social "prestige" in Peru since colonial times.

Morphological Statement

Some of the phonological processes presented in the previous section are

conditioned by the morphology of these toponyms. The morphemic rules in Andean

languages can be somehow different one from the other. It is necessary to classify the

entries according to their linguistic source in order to determine the different processes

involved in the word formation. The chart below shows the number of entries based on

the language of the entries:

Table 3-17. Number of entries by language.
TOTAL Aymara Quechua Spanish Combined

No. of 609 undetermined undetermined 136 undetermined
entries



The classification above is done considering that the entries identified as belonging

to one or another language have a very clear etymology. In some cases, morphemes can

have a pan-Andean origin, where their form shows to be the same for both Aymara and

Quechua. There is also a group of entries formed by compounds that can be

combinations of two different languages. Some of them are combinations of an Andean

morpheme and a Spanish one. There is a group of entries that cannot be classified, as its

etymology appears to be of obscure origin. There are very few data of Puquina, which

does not enable us to state that those entries could be affiliated to this language, although








some morphemes in my data can also have a gloss in Puquina. The analysis done here

will focus mainly on the non-Spanish group; however, I will dedicate a special section to

the Spanish entries as well as to the combined Spanish/non-Spanish forms.

Derivation

The non-Spanish entries are mostly affixed; I cannot, however, determine whether

those entries that are apparently non-affixed are free morphemes. My lack of knowledge

of Andean languages, of which these words are formed, prevents me from determining

the nature of those morphemes. Those entries that are clearly affixed show a preference

for suffixation in most cases. Some of these suffixes are repeated in many of the entries,

which helped me to decide that an affixation was present. The phonemic alternation

discussed before about the group of stops in the Andean languages opened a wide range

of possibilities for the morphemes. In some cases, there is more than one interpretation

for a morpheme where a velar or a uvular stop occurs as seen in the phonological

discussion. In some cases, this situation brought more than one gloss for each phonemic

possibility. However, the alternation is not always relevant for determining the

morphemes as they either have an obvious gloss or are just not found.

The word formation of the entries in my data is a result of three processes:

derivation, compounding and free formation. In some cases, these processes involve a

combination of roots and/or affixes of two different languages.

The AYA group

In all the data, the sequence of/AYA/ in word final position is very productive. I

have classified this group of entries as the AYA group, whether /-ayal appears to be an

affix, a part of it or not an affix at all. Within the AYA group, five subgroups of the said








sequence have been classified: /-aya/, /-baya/, /-paya/, /-waya/ and /-saya/. I have

included the number of entries with these suffixes and their corresponding environment

as shown in Table 3-18.

Table 3-18. Frequency and environment of the AYA group
AYA Environment Number of entries Total

-aya after a vowel 05 08
after /t/ and /1/ 03

-paya after /s/ 03 04
after/m/ 01

-baya after vowel 08 09
after/m/ 01

-waya after vowel 14 16
after velar 02
consonants /k/ /x/

-saya after vowel 01 02
after/n/ 01



We can also observe in the same table, that the suffix with the most numerous

entries is /-waya/, followed by /-baya/, then /-aya/, then /-paya/ and finally /-saya/.

These suffixes occur in different environments, which I will describe below.

The /-aya/ suffix always appears after morphemes ending in /o/ (Table 3-19). The

presence of/o/ in entries (380), (422) and (518) may be due to two reasons. It can be a

result of a historical process where /k/ may have been /k/ /k'/ /k"/ /q/ /q'/ or /q"/ before

the round back vowel /u/, like in (380) and (422). As stated in the previous section, the

presence of a round mid-vowel in this environment indicates that the pre-existence of a

uvular stop is plausible. However, this does not seem the case in (518), as there is not a

consonant environment that may trigger a round mid-vowel like [o] to be produced. It is








likely then, that the presence of /o/ in those entries may be because the speaker gave the

entry name in Spanish. I have also found entries where the sequence /aya/ follows the

consonant /t/ and // (Table 3-19).

Table 3-19. Instances of/-aya/
After /o/ After/t/ and/1/

(380) [pokodya] (363) [patcya]
(422) [sakodya] (372) [pistdya]
(518) [tonoaya] (45) [6aklEya]


In these cases, there are two possibilities: that /aya/ is not a separate morpheme but

part of a single morpheme or that /aya/ is indeed a suffix attached to morphemes ending

with /a/ causing a coalescence of/aa/ into /a/: /patdya/ < pata + -aya. In the case of (46)

[6akldya], another process may have occurred together with the coalescence of /aa/ into

/a/. In Andean languages, the sequence of stop and liquid (*/kl/) across morpheme

boundaries does not exist. This sequence may be the result of a deletion process where a

vowel, perhaps /a/, between these two consonants dropped. Some evidence of that is

provided by the following entries in our data as shown in Table 3-20, where the vowel /a/

occurs between /k/ and /1/, a sequence similar to that of (46).

Table 3-20. Occurrence of the sequence of/kal/ in other toponyms
Entry Geographic entity

(1) [aCakala] town
(2) [acakalane] town


In this way, we could argue that (46) [6aklaya] may have been */1akaldya/. The

underlying representation of this toponym may have been something like */1akala+aya/,

as a result of the coalescence of/aa/ mentioned before.








Table 3-21. Environments of/-baya/
After vowel After /m/

(174) [karabdya] (218) [kuCumbaya]
(324) [moyabdya]


In the case of/-baya/, this suffix is found in place names ending with a vowel or a

bilabial nasal consonant /m/ (Table 3-21). The occurrence of/-baya/ after /m/ is not

surprising as these two are in a homorganic relationship by assimilation. The intervocalic

position of /b/ seems to be also predictable for it is an environment where voiced

consonants can be found.

The suffix /-paya/ is found after /s/ or after the nasal consonant /m/ (Table 3-22).

Its environment can be also predictable, for /s/ is voiceless and /m/ again is in

homorganic relationship with the /p/ of/-paya/.

Table 3-22. Environments of/-paya/
After /s/ After /m/

(244) [lakaspdya] (526) [tuxtumpdya]
(403) [qaspaya]
(481) [sonispdya]



The suffix /-waya/ is found after a vowel or after a velar consonant /k/ or /x/ as

shown below. The intervocalic position of /w/ is similar to that of /-bayal as shown in

Table 3-21, which seems to be a result of a lenition process that will be discussed later.

Table 3-23. Environments of/-waya/
After vowel After /k/ After /x/

(42) [CakawAya] (424) [sakwaya] (475) [sixwdya]
(49) [c6aawdya]
(212)[korawaya]








The suffix /-saya/ is found in only two entries as shown in Table 3-18. One of them

is after a vowel /a/ and the other one, after a nasal consonant /n/ (Table 3-24). This

morpheme means "the top", which indicates space.

Table 3-24 Environments of/-saya/
After /a/ After /n/

(600) [yanasyya] (11) [anansiya]



Some generalizations can be made about the AYA group. First, the suffixes /-

paya/, /-bayal, /-waya/ and /-aya/may all be allomorphs of the same morpheme {-paya}.

A lenition process may have occurred in two or three different stages where */p/ > /b/, /b/

> /w/ and even /w/ > /0/. This process can be seen in some varieties of Quechua, where

toponyms that have /pampa/ for example are produced sometimes as [bamba] such as the

toponym (602) /yarabamba/ which underlying representation is */yarapampa/. In other

toponyms not collected in this study, we can also see the alternation of these two forms

such as in the toponyms /muyupampa/ and /urupampa/, which are produced as

[moyobamba] and [urubamba], respectively. From the point of view of naturaledness,

the lenition of unvoiced stops is quite frequent intervocalically. A voicing process of/p/

in an intervocalic environment and/or its contact with a nasal consonant /m/ may have

produced entries such as the ones in Table 3-21. I have found some interesting examples

of pairs of entries referring to the same geographic entity where /b/ and /w/, and /w/ and

/0/ are in free variation. Table 3-25 shows an alternation of /-bayal and /-waya/ of the


same toponym and by the same speaker.








Table 3-25 Alternation of /-baya/ and /-wayal
/-bdya/ /-wdtya/

(477) [solabaya] (478) [solawaya]



Similarly, Table 3-26 presents an example of alternation between /-wayal and /-

dya/ for the same entry but this time produced by two different speakers.

Table 3-26 Alternation of /-waya/ and /-aya/
/-waya/ /-aya/

(383) [pokowaya] (380) [pokodya]



I have not found examples of alternation of /-pdyal and /-bdya/ as it seems that the

environment where the former occurs now strengthens its conservation (see Table 3-16).

It has not been determined what /-pdyal means as its etymology is not Quechua and in

Aymara it refers to the numeral 'two'. In Puquina, there was an affix /-paya-/ that used

to mark the intensity of an action (Torero, 1965). Torero states that this affix is Quechua

and that is rarely found in Puquina. However, the function of /-paya/ as a suffix in

Quechua is verbal which expresses an action that is constantly taking place with the

intention of getting some profit out of it (Soto, 1976).

Based on the toponymic data of this work, /-payal may or may not have been a

word representing a type of geographic entity. It may have first referred to the basic

concept of place without any particular description. Some of the glosses found for the

morphemes combining /-payal correspond to nouns with a particular meaning. Table 3-

27 shows some of the glosses found for these morphemes accompanying the suffixes of

the AYA group. Because stops can be simple, glottalized and aspirated in Cuzco









Quechua and Aymara, there can be various possibilities for those morphemes containing

the said consonants and the meaning in each case can be considerably different.

Table 3-27 Glosses of morphemes taking a suffix from the AYA group
Toponym Aymara Quechua


(11) [anan+saya]
(41) [6aka+waya]

(48) [dala+waya]

(84) [6ufiu+waya]

(81) [ul&u+waya]



(121)[esko+baya]
(154)[kalam+payo]

(156)[kali+waya]
(172)[kara+baya]




(157)[kala+waya]
(193)[kia+waya]
(210)[kora+waya]



(218)[ku6um+baya]


(225)[kupu+waya]
(320)[moya+baya]
(379)[poko+waya]
(399)[qas+paya]
(411)[sa+baya]
(419)[sak+waya]
(470)[six+waya]
(472)[sola+baya]
(474)[sonis+paya]
(526)[tuxtum+paya]


6aka = bridge
C'aka = drop
6'aga = sand
'"a.a = corn plant
6'ufiu = potato dried in
the cold

C'ulu = a type of
knitted hat that
covers the ears

kala = piedra
k'ala = all, completely









kora = herb
k"ora = piled-up
stones by
effect of water





pokofia = to ripen


ana = freckle
daka = bridge, leg

c"aaa = corn stem and
dry shrub
d'uiiu = potato dried in
the cold
duluy = to get soaked
C'ulu = a type of
knitted hat
covers the ears

q'ala = all

q"ali = sane, healthy
qara = leather, skin, fruit
skin.
q'ara = bare, eroded,
impoverished
soil


qora = herb, weed



k'u~u = corer, deepest
part of a valley,
skirt of a hill


poko = ripe, fermented
q'aspa = roasted on fire


su~a = dew


toqtoy = to cuddle








Some of the roots that take the AYA suffix are not found in the bilingual

dictionaries used for this research. The limited vocabulary in Puquina cannot be taken as

a lexical reference for these morphemes; however, the Puquina root /qara/ that means "to

cry" can be another possibility for the toponym (174) [karabaya] with an underlying form

/kara+baya/. In conclusion, the alternation of the suffixes /-paya/, /-baya/ /-waya/ /-ayal

are a reflection of lenited forms of */paya/ for the reasons above stated.

The /ayu/ Group

In the data presented here, I have also found another group of suffixes similar to

those of the AYA group. The phonemic sequence of /ayu/ and the environment in which

it is found are almost identical to those of the AYA group. Table 3-26 shows the only

two instances where /-ayu/ is present: between vowels and after the nasal /m/. The

environments of /-ayu/ seem to be related to some of the /-aya/ environments as can be

observed in the examples. There are two types of suffixes with the sequence of /-ayu/,

namely /-wayu/ and /-payu/. I have found alternations in pairs of toponyms with the

suffix /-wayu/, like those in Table 3-26 above, that refer to the same geographic entity but

are produced by two different speakers in the area of Puquina.

Table 3-28 Environments of /ayu/
Intervocalic After /m/

(43) [6akawdyo] (154) [kalampiyo]
(86) [6ufiuwdyo] (397) [qalampdyo]
(384)[pokowdyo]
(486)[talaw6yo]



I have not found identical pairs of this sort with the suffix /-payul although there is

a suffix /-payal as we saw before. The other examples with /-payu/ were given without a








/-payal counterpart; however, they were collected from the same speaker except for entry

(494) /talawayu/.

The interesting thing about these pairs of identical entries is that the entries with the

suffix /-wayal (Table 3-29) were produced by the oldest consultants while those with /-

wayu/ were produced by a consultant in his thirties (Group 2, Table 2-3).

Table 3-29 Alternation of/-waya/ and /-wayu/ for the same toponym
/-aya/ /-ayo/

(42) [Cakawdya] (43) [6akawdyo]
(85) [6ufiuwdya] (86) [6ufiuwdyo]
(383)[pokowdya] (384)[pokowdyo]



This alternation seems to respond to a variable of age and may be becoming an

innovative trend in the local speech of young people. Perhaps the influence of Spanish in

the area is affecting the way these suffixes in place names are used. The inflective nature

of Spanish to mark gender categories of feminine and masculine in nouns and adjectives

may have a particular effect on final segments in non-Spanish place names. Andean

languages do not have grammatical gender, therefore the /a/ in /-wayal for example does

not indicate a feminine category of the word in question.

As for the isolated examples of /-payu/, there are three possibilities:

* /-payul may be the result of an alternation with /-paya/ due to the influence of
Spanish in the speech of young people in the town of Puquina, even if we have not
yet found examples of identical pairs,

* the production of /-payul may be analogous to other forms that have /-yuq/ as the
underlying form for their suffix, and younger speakers may now be trying to
regularize what they perceive as irregular.

* /u/ may change to /o/ in word boundary.








The first possibility sounds like a case of analogical change produced by language

contact as explained before, but it does not explain why /u/ gets lowered as [o] without

any apparent conditioning. In any case, the incidence of this innovation may be related to

the age group of speakers and may constitute an isogloss alone or together with other

changes in the local speech that we have not yet observed. The conservative speech of

older people in Puquina seems to preserve the forms of /-waya/ and /-payal as I found

these forms in two of my oldest consultant, as opposed to /-wayu/ and /-payu/.

The second option seems more plausible in this case, because the analogy of /-yu/

with words that do have an underlying */q/ in final position as part of/-yuq/ could explain

the production of [o] in toponyms such as /qalampayu/. In Quechua, the suffix /-yuq/ can

be added to a noun or noun phrase or to a numeral to indicate the possessor of the referent

(Parker, 1965). For example, /-yuq/ is added to the noun /wasi/ 'house', the meaning of

/wasiyuq/ is 'person who has a house or houses'. The existence of other examples in the

data such as (48) /1alsa+yuq/, which is the name of a small farm, and (564) /waranga+yu/,

the name of a village, supports this option. The stem of the first example is unclear, but

the stem of the second example /waranga/ means 'a thousand' in both Aymara and

Quechua and the suffix /-yuq/ provides the meaning of 'who has a thousand'. In fact, one

of my consultants gave me two entries for the same entity. In this case we have that /y/

alternates with /2/, as shown in the example:

(229) [kurdyo] (230) [kuni2ox]

He clearly stated that (229) was Spanish and that (230) was Quechua, which

suggests that the speaker is aware that the segment /q/ is clearly non-Spanish.








The next question would be whether this hypothesis can be also applied to the other

cases where /-wayu/ occurs. If we follow our conclusion about */p/ going through a

lenition process over time, the hypotheses for /-payu/ should also apply to /-wayu/.

Therefore, it may be that there are three different phenomena occurring here as well for

the alternation of/-waya/ and /-wayu/:

it could be the result of an analogical change influenced by Spanish, or

it could be the result of an analogical change leveling with the underlying suffix
*/yuq/ of other toponyms. The final segment is lost but the lowering of /u/ has
remained as [ayo] like in (564) /warangayu/.

* /u/ may change to /o/ in word boundary.

The suffix /-ni/

There are other suffixes involved in the formation of toponyms in the visited areas

of Moquegua. A very productive one is that of /-ni/ which has an alternate form of [-ne].

Its production as [-ne] may be caused by the environment of word boundary, just like in

the previous case where /u/ is lowered to [o]. Table 3-30 shows some examples of this

suffix. There is evidence that /-nil ~ /-ne/ exists as a productive suffix for Andean

toponyms

Table 3-30 The suffix /-ni/ and its allomorph [-ne]
[-ni] [-ne]

(167) [kanqosini] (472) [siwinkine]
(338) [orqosini] (498) [tangine]
(489) [takuni] (581) [wirakine]



This suffix comes from Aymara, and besides being a pronominal suffix it has two

functions depending on the base that is being derived: it exists as a verbal suffix with a

directional function, and it indicates movement towards the place that is being expressed.








It also exists as a nominal suffix, which has the meaning of 'the owner of (Choque et al,

1963).

The suffix /-atal

There are a few examples of toponyms with this suffix, which marks a resultant of

verbalization in all Jaqi languages. Table 3-31 shows some examples of toponyms with

this suffix.

Table 3-31 Toponyms with /-ata/
Toponym Geographic entity

(163) /kamata/ village
(221) /kulata/ small farm
(474) /sixwata/ town
(513) /torata/ settlement
(593) /xorata/ ranch



The suffix /-kani/

This suffix is found in alternation with [-kane], which forms an analogy with the

pair of [-ni] [-ne] of the suffix /-ni/. In the data collected for this study, no instances of

free variation for the same toponym have been found. It may be the case that the entries

were given with Spanish pronunciation and that in some cases, the /k/ in [kane] is rather a

/q/. The production of/q/ which does not affect the realization of the following vowel /a/

but its effect can reach the following vowel /i/ lowering it to a [e]. Table 3-32 shows

some examples of both forms.

Table 3-32 Alternation of/-kani/
[-kani] [-kane]

(289) [lulukani] (472) [siwinkane]
(531) [tuntakani] (582) [wirakane]








Other examples show suffixes such as: /-qina/ /xina/ /-runi/ /sirka/. Their

meanings are not defined and the examples are relatively rare.

Compounding and Reduplication

The compounds found would seem to be of endocentric nature, that is compounds

having one head. They present a combination of nominal roots and they are usually

head-final compounds, which is expected in SOV languages like the Andean languages.

In some cases, the element that works as the head in a certain compound, can act as the

non-head in another one and some of them are more productive in one position than in

the other one. Because we do not have etymological information for all of our

morphemes in the data, the heads of some compounds will remain opaque.

In the data collected, I have found seven nouns that seem to be most commonly

used in the areas visited for toponymic compounds. Table 3-33 shows the frequency in

which these nominal roots appear as heads and as non-heads.

Table 3-33 Frequency of nominal roots as heads and as non-heads of compounds
Roots Gloss Number of times as Number of times as
a non-head a head
/laka/ mouth 01 06
/laqi/ not found 00 15
Mayoo/ river 00 08
/moko/ promontory 02 06
/pampa/ terrain 02 15
/pata/ top part of a 08 06
hill
/xawira/ river 00 02


The most productive morphemes in a head position are /laqi/ and /pampa/ followed

by /mayu/, /muqu/, /pata/, /laka/ and lastly /wira/. As a non-head, /pata/ appears as the

most frequent, followed by /pata/, /muqu/ and /laka/. There are no examples of /laqi/,

/xawira/ and /mayu/ in this position. I have not found a gloss for /laqi/ in either Aymara








or Quechua dictionaries, but have found two glosses for /lakal in Aymara. Table 3-34

shows some of these glosses.

Table 3-34 Glosses for nominal roots
Nouns Gloss Language
/laqi/ not found undetermined
/pampa/ floor, ground, plain Quechua
/mayu/ river Quechua
/muqu/ promontory Quechua
/pata/ flat top part of a Aymara
hill
/xawira/ river Aymara
/laka/ /lak'a/ mouth Aymara
/laka/


Quechua-Quechua compounds
Compound

(319) /muqu+pata/
(345) /palta+rumi/
(608) /yuraq+muqu/
(556) /wayra+punku/
(549) /wadu+laqi/
(357) /para+puna/
(400) /puxru+pampa/


Gloss

gold+top of the hill
flat+stone
white+promontory
wind+door
furrow (or rut) + undetermined
rain+top highland
deep hole+land


Many of these compounds are Quechua-Quechua (see Table 3-35), although there

are also some combining forms of Aymara-Quechua, Aymara-Spanish, Quechua-

Aymara, Quechua-Spanish, and others that are not determined.

Table 3-36 Quechua-Aymara compounds
Compound Gloss

yana+saya black+the top


The existence of toponyms of Quechua-Quechua compounds may reflect the degree

of migration by other groups in these areas. The areas corresponding to the names that


Table 3-35








carry these Quechua-Quechua compounds may not have been occupied by other cultural

groups. In this way, the names have remained purely Quechua.

There are a few combinations of Andean nouns with Spanish ones. Most of the

examples in this study present Spanish-non-Spanish compounds where the head is a non-

Spanish noun. Only a few compounds are Non-Spanish-Spanish with a Spanish head. I

will show some examples in Tables, 3-37 and 3-38.

Table 3-37 Spanish-Quechua compounds
Compound Gloss

(516) /toma+mayu/ water source+river
(330) /negro+pampa/ black+land
(144) /kabra+kanca/ goat+ courtyard
(127) /gloria+muqu/ glory+promontory
(38) /bolkan+mayu/ volcano+river



Table 3-38 Quechua-Spanish compounds
Compound Gloss

(365) /pata+molino/ top of the hill+windmill
(421) Isakan +koral/ (undetermined)+courtyard



In the Andean lexicon, we can find words that are shared by two or more

languages. Because of the history of contact of the Andean peoples, much of their

lexicon and other linguistic features have been borrowed. Before the Spanish conquest,

the borrowing occurred more in the direction of Aymara into Quechua, after the conquest

the process was reversed (Hardman, 2002). However, the direction of these borrowings

and the time that it took place still seems unclear for which it would be better to talk in

terms of Pan-Andean lexicon. Table 3-39 shows some examples of compounds where

one of the segments is a Pan-Andean root.








Table 3-39 Compounds with Pan-Andean roots
Pan-Andean + Gloss Pan-Andean + Gloss
Aymara Quechua

(45) /daka + xawira/ bridge + river (214) /quri + muqu/ gold + promontory
(576) /wajra + lakal wind + mouth



I have found examples of reduplication such as the entries in Table 3-40 and an

example for reduplication and derivation together but have been unable to establish

glosses for these terms.

Table 3-40 Reduplication
Reduplication Reduplication with derivation

(323) /moromoro/ (454) /sayasayane/
(369) /pidupicu/
(175) /karakara/



The non-Spanish compounds included in this study consist of two types: both

segments belonging to the same language and both segments belonging to two different

languages. Calques are another way of forming toponyms and in these data I have found

an example for a calque between Quechua and Spanish in the form of a compound.

Calques are defined as new words created from a word in a different language and

translated morpheme by morpheme (Trask, 1996). The toponym (587) /xalamayu/

meaning 'river of Xala' where /xala/ might be /k'ala/ 'stone' in Aymara and /mayu/

'river' in Quechua, takes another name, which is a syntagmatic structure in Spanish /rio

de Xala/ again meaning 'river of Xala'. There is another name for the same river

c/uqalaqi/, for which no gloss is available. In the next section, we will see how these








synchronic alternate forms contribute to the unfolding of the story of naming in the

Andes.

Other Naming Processes

In the present data, I have found some names where other processes of word

formation have taken place. Some of these respond to historical, political, social and

cultural factors. In this section, I will provide some examples of renamed toponyms, folk

etymologies and the cultural motivation for naming in a few names.

Renamed Toponyms. One group of entries consists of Spanish words borrowed to

serve as names for areas visited. These toponyms were not borrowed only to name new

geographic categories but to rename those that are already there but their names are of

Andean origin.

Table 3-41 Possible stages of appearance of toponyms for this river
Stages Toponym Language

1st (78) /6uqalaqi/ undetermined
2nd (587) /xalamayu/ Aymara + Quechua
3rd (408) /riodexala/ Spanish + Aymara



The toponym (587) /xalamayu/ already described above, represents a very

interesting situation of three different linguistic groups which may translate as three

different groups of power. The reason for this hypothesis is that the toponym / 6uqalaqi/

cannot be traced as far as Aymara and Quechua are concerned. This situation, where a

toponym or its morphemes are not found in either of these languages, can be an

indication of an earlier linguistic group from which no data is available. This is why I

placed this toponym as the first one of a series of names for the same geographic entity.

The second one is interesting as it is a compound of two of the languages there, which








means that at some point the coexistence of these two groups was clear and that the

predominance of Quechua is evident by the fact that the head in this compound is

Quechua. Due to the Spanish influence in the area, the need for labeling geographic

entities in Spanish has become greater. This third case shows a clear caique using the

Aymara morpheme of /xala/ to create a new toponym. The synchronic coexistence of

these three forms reveals a particular sociolinguistic situation, which has not been studied

in depth here.

I have collected only a few examples of name changing in the areas visited. This, it

would seem, however, should not be taken to indicate that this is a common practice in

the Andes. Some of the people interviewed knew that some names were new and

although they made great efforts to recall the names replaced could remember only a few.

In the case of (459) /serroblanko/ for example, one of the consultants only remembered

that this is a new name that replaced another one. In the Andes, this phenomenon has

been very common for centuries as new populations dominated the land inhabited by

other groups. Some examples of names that could be remembered are shown in Table 3-

42.

Table 3-42 Name changing
Old name language New name Language
(309) /mogote/ Non determined (30) /baAesito/ Spanish
(450) /sek/ Not determined (440) /santarosa/ Spanish
(455)/seke/
(458) /siq/
(536) /uraxcimpa/ Not determined (18) /antapi/ Not determined
(241)/lakapila/ Spanish

(447) /sawanajdepukinal Not determined
(426)/sanberardodekinistakas/ Spanish+not (198) /kinistakas/ Not determined
determined








Other toponyms in Spanish are nominal phrases referring to the geographic entity

that the toponym is labeling, a name of a fruit tree, a surname, etc. Here are some

examples of toponyms in Spanish as shown in Table 3-43.

Table 3-43 Spanish toponyms
Spanish toponym Gloss

(93) /elbarjo/ the neighbourhood, the quarter
(96) /elmansano/ the apple tree
(106) /elsendelakale/ the 'sen' of the road
(132) /iglesjabjexa/ old church
(138) /irigasjor)/ irrigation
(240) /lakaleta/ the cove
(278) /lawertagrande/ the big truck garden
(314)/molino/ mill



The religious element is also present in the toponyms in this part of the Andes. The

names of saints are particularly popular and many of them appeared to replace the native

names.

Table 3-44 Religious names
Spanish toponym Gloss

(347) /pampadelabirxen/ land of the virgin
(433) /sanantonio/ San Antonio (name of Saint)
(440) /sanmigel/ San Miguel ( )
(442) /santalusia/ Santa Lucia ( )
(446) /santarosa/ Santa Rosa ( )

Folk Etymology. It is to be expected that a popular interpretation will be given to

toponyms by the local inhabitants of these towns. The examples I have came from

bilingual speakers of Group 2 (see Table 2-3), which happens to consist of a group of

young males with higher education. The etymologies given by them to some of these








toponyms sounded almost accurate and perhaps there are some valid reasons for it. Some

examples of this follow.

Some interesting names. An interesting case of naming geographic entities is that

of the salt lagoon of Salinas in Salinas Moche. The local inhabitants have a name for the

lagoon depending on which part is being referred to. When the reference is made to the

bottom of the lagoon the name for the Salinas lagoon is (520) /tuksa/. If the reference is

made to the center of the lagoon then the name is (569) /werta/.

Table 3-45 Folk etymology
Toponym Interpretation

(112) lelserodelsapo/ the hill of the frog which the
consultant explained that this is
because there's an image of a frog
on it.
(149) /kakakid6u/ place of cliffs
(200) Iqualaqi/ a sad place of sand
(319) /moromoro/ land that carries rainwater
(457) /seniordelaarena/ it literally means the Lord of the
sand in Spanish and the
interpretation given was that it is
because the image of God appears
on the sand.



It was also interesting to note that a place where a creature, like an owl, which in

the Andean world is supposed to bring misfortune, has also a name: (142) kabrakanca,

which translated into Spanish means the 'field of the goat'.

It seems that the creation of names of this sort occurs only in the speech of the local

inhabitants. These names seem to give them a point of reference other than just the

naming of an entity. I did not try to find them. They simply came up in the interviews by

chance after a prolonged conversation.













CHAPTER 4
CONCLUSIONS

The analysis of the data collected in the Andean area of Moquegua covered in this

study show both linguistic and social aspects of the toponymic situation there. The

historical multicultural situation left by the different people that migrate this area can be

observed in the patterns of names found.

Bilingualism of either Aymara-Spanish or Quechua-Spanish is evident in the

phonology of the toponyms presented here. The degree of this bilingualism or the lack of

it seems to be a dominant factor in the production of these toponyms and the alternations

between Andean forms and Spanish ones for the same geographic entiy show a strong bi-

cultural situation in this area. This is, of course, the case of most Andean towns where

Spanish has taken over in every possible way. Farms are usually labeled in Spanish since

they are most likely to be private properties that carry the name the owner decides upon,

although in some cases the previous names can remain unchanged. The insertion of

Spanish elements into the phonology manifested in these toponyms has created a

prevailing linguistic sub-system. As we saw in the phonological statement, the

neutralization of Andean consonants and features is remarkable. Of course, the

perception through Spanish ears of these features makes them even more transparent.

The phonological system found in these data show alternations such as: [k] and [q], [k]

and [x] and [q] and [x]. These alternations seem quite common in Andean areas where

Spanish is the dominant language. However, the presence of mid-vowels in the

production of these toponyms seems to clarify the boundaries of these segments.








The production of [e] [o] and [e] [o] when one of the mentioned consonant

elements is nearby is quite enlightening. It has been given attention in this study not only

because it determines the phonological representation of the toponyms, but also because

it gives us clues for determining situations of language contact and substratum. There are

forms in these data that were produced in various ways depending on the speaker or on

whether or not s/he was producing the item based on her substratum or on the language

that s/he usually uses.

Also, it is important to note that in the reconstruction of ancient forms, such oral

features can be very useful especially when the written tradition has not been part of the

Andean culture in previous times.

As for the morphology, we have seen in Chapter 3, through consideration of the

various processes of word-formation, how some traces of Quechua, Aymara or another

Andean language continue to exist. Unfortunately, in many cases it has been impossible

to determine what the linguistic sources are. This may be due to two factors:

* the forms to be analysed have undergone phonological or morphological changes
that leave analyzable forms, or

* the forms to be analysed may correspond to forms of an unknown language

In any case, the information available was sometimes not sufficient to enable me to

find all the necessary glosses. Further investigation could lead to correlation of these

forms to corresponding forms still existing in early documents. Such information could

be expected to provide further clues related to both meaning and forms of some of these

toponyms.

A very important point to make here relates to toponyms with the suffix */AYA/.

The alternations of this morpheme in various toponyms showed a significant historical








process by which */-payal seems to have gone through several stages of lenition, this is

the weakening of the underlying segment */p/. If this is true, it might be more accurate

then to talk about a */PAYA/ group. I have shown enough evidence for this suffix to be

considered as the morph which has allomorphs like /-baya/, /-waya/ and /-aya/. This

argument is supported by the existence of other Andean toponyms that I cited before

where the segment /p/ is devoiced intervocalically.

The process of analogy suggested in Chapter 3 with regard to toponyms whose

suffix /-paya/ alternates with the form [-payo], or /-waya/ with [-wayu] gives us some

indication of the way speakers are trying to create new forms. Whether these forms are

some kind of analogical forms with Spanish or with other toponyms where [-yo] is the

result of /-yuq/, as I suggested earlier; this innovation needs a deeper study as well as

observation of other instances of this same change.

Among the Andean entries, the word-formation processes show a high productivity

of the Aymara suffix 1-nil which can be observed in other toponyms beyond the

geographic scope of this study. On the other hand, Quechua has had a significant

presence not only for the amount of entries in Quechua found in the data, but also for the

status of the Quechua elements in these toponyms. In the case of derivation, the

preference for Quechua heads in the case of compounds is remarkable. This may show

the strong dominance of Quechua in some areas at some point of history and the

prevalence of cultural names for some geographical entities. In general, the number of

compounds in the data is larger than that of suffixed forms, as far as they were possible to

recognize.








Although not many examples of naming change have been recorded here, I see this

topic as another source of material for linguistic work in the analysis of toponyms. I

suggest this to be taken into consideration not only in the areas visited in this research but

also in other areas where there have been various migration waves. Another source of

material could be those names formed with strong cultural criteria for it is a very direct

form of evidence of the Andean culture.

There were some difficulties in the translation of most toponyms in these data.

This is due to the fact that language contact has been a constant situation in the area,

which means that their lexical material would have been shared at various stages

throughout history starting from very early times. Some of these morphemes have

exactly the same meaning for which they are considered Pan-Andean, and their original

source cannot be traced back. Other morphemes have two different meanings and both

can make a lot of sense when put together in a toponym. They either refer to a

geographic entity or shape, or its meaning is related to nature. Another group of

toponyms, and these were very few, shows one morpheme with a very clear etymology

and the other one is not recognizable. Finally, there were toponyms with morphemes that

were at all unclear. In this way, looking at philological material may be helpful as it may

provide historical details as well as translations of some of these morphemes into

Spanish. Another good source would be to consider some other areas in Moquegua, or in

other Andean areas, and observe their toponyms or their lexicon in general. That way,

the translation work of the material collected in this study could be somehow completed.

There are other areas such as Sijuaya and Muilaque, near Calacoa, that should be

considered in a future study. These towns are quite isolated, and therefore they may keep








conservative features in their speech and even in the toponymy. These towns are mainly

Aymara speaking, although a bilingual situation with Spanish.is becoming stronger as a

result of the contact with the nearest town of Calacoa, already bilingual.

The toponymic sources in the Andean areas of Moquegua can provide a large

linguistic material, which can be exploited. The existence of other names culturally

formed and previous native names seem to be only in the memory of the people living

there. They should also be recorded, as these might be forms that would die out with the

culture of which, unfortunately, seems to be headed toward extinction.
















APPENDIX A
DATA


Table A-i List of entries collected during fieldwork

# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic
area entity
1 /a6akila/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
2 /adakaline/ Calacoa Juana Marka Flores farm
3 /adasirka/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
4 /ajlaqi/ [ajlake] Dina Ramos town
5 /ajlaqi/ [ajlake] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone village
6 /akapatatini/ [akapatatane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
7 /akwarpimpa/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
8 /aXankiwa/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
9 /amacumifial Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
10 /amatal Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo village
11 /anansdya/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo village
12 /anaskipa/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas village
13 /anita/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
14 /aniqu/ [anaxo] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque small farm
15 /animas/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas sector

16 /anqulika/ [ankolaka] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque Place for the
sheep
17 /antipi/ [antape] Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
18 /antipi/ [antape] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
19 /antipi/ [antape] Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
20 /antipicimpa/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
21 /apacetadelawdrta/ Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo mountain pass
22 /apacetadexdla/ Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo mountain pass
23 /apuqira/ [apokara] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
24 /asj6nda/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
25 /asuqun/ [asox6n] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo valley
26 /asuqun/ [asox6n] Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
27 /ataspaya/ Carumas Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
28 ./ayanqju/ [ayankjo] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
29 /ayaskipa/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm









Table A-1 continued

# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic
area entity
30 /ayrampfni/ [ayrampune] Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores hill
31 /baXesito/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
32 /beXabista/ Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
33 /binabista/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
34 /binom6re/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
35 /binom6re/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira settlement
36 /birxendelasmers6des/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
37 /biyabista/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque river
38 /bl6kanmiyu/ [bolkanmayo] Ubinas Sr. Navarro river
39 /b6lkanmayu/ [bolkanmayo] Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
40 /b6lkanmayu/ [bolkanmayo] Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
41 /6akamirka/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
42 /MakawAya/ Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
43 /MakawAXu/ [cakawiXo] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone river
44 /CakawAyu/ [6akawAyo] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone settlement
45 /dakaxawira/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
46 /CaklAya/ Ubinas settlement
47 /MalsapAmpa/ Puquina Jesus Rodriguez settlement
48 /6alsdyuq/ [6alsdyoq] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
49 /MaXawaya/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza town
50 /ddXawiya/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
51 /Marik"iu/ [CarikUio] Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
52 /carikuiu/ [aarikuio] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
53 /aarisina/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
54 /6arisinadiko/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
55 /6iskamuqu/ [6dskam6ko] Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
56 /6dskamuqu/ [cskam6ko] Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
57 /6aqina/ [6axena] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
58 /6aqinapampa/ [6axenapampa] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
59 /daxlfn/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
60 /6jaxAqi/ [6jaxike] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the
sheep
61 /Wicilin/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
62 /Wicilinalto/ Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
63 /ci6ilinbAxo/ Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
64 /6i6ilinm6djo/ Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
65 /cilita/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
66 /ilitiya/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas village









Table A-1 continued.
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
67 /diliwa/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
68 /6ilkapfiqku/ [dilkapixho] Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso water pond for
animals
69 /6impapdmpa/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
70 /6ingini/ [dingne] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
71 /6irikita/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri hill
72 /diripdqju/ [6iripfiqjo] Puquina Fabio Tone farm
73 /Mixuna/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque sand field
74 /cuqalAqi/ [cokalake] Puquina Fabio Tone river
75 /6uqaliqi/ [fokalike] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo river
76 /6uqipata/ [W6kepita] Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
77 /duqulAqi/ [6okolike] Puquina Jesus Rodriguez river
78 /cuqalAqi/ [doqalike] Puquina Fabio Tone valley
79 /6uqa/ [6oxa] Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
80 /6ul6n/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
81 /66 o/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri hill
82 /MuXuwiya/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
83 /duXuwdya/ Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
84 /6umbdj/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
85 /6uiiuwdya/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
86 /6ufiuwayo/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone settlement
87 /6uxfina/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone river
88 /urupnmpa/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
89 /6uxum6re/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque productive plot
90 /delpw6blo/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro water source
91 /desagwad6ro/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
92 /elarenVl/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
93 /elbdijo/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
94 /elbatdn/ Guasal6n Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
95 /elkanto/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
96 /elmansino/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
97 /elmog6te/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
98 /elmog6te/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
99 /elmog6te/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone village
100 /elpantj6n/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
101 /elportiyo/ Chacahuaya Orlando Roldan Tone hill
102 /elpfikjo/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo spring
103 /elpinke/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm









Table A-i continued.
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
104 /els6ndelifa/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
105 /els6ndelafibrika/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
106 /els6ndelakaie/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
107 /els6ndelapj6dra/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
108 /els6ndelapw6rtadjurbina/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
109 /els6ndelafdya / Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
110 /els6ndelig6ro/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
111 /els6ndelkonb6nto/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
112 /els6ndelm6ro/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
113 /els6fodelsipo/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
114 /elsif6n/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
115 /eltabl6n/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira terrain
116 /eltfineldesamaso/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
117 /embrdna/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez village
118 /esk iaa/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro village
119 /esk ia/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas river
120 /eskade/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas water canal
121 /eskino/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
122 /esqubdya/ [eskobaya] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
123 espinar Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso hill
124 /isqulun/ [esqol6n] Puquina Fabio Tone farm
125 /estinke/ Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
126 /estdfia/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
127 /gl6rjamuqu/ [gl6rjam6ko] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
128 /gwasal6n/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
129 /hinalaqi/ [hanalake] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
130 /hanascimpa/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
131 /hdnax6impa/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
132 /igl6sjabj6xa/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
133 /ilaqi/ likek] Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
134 /ilubaya/ Carumas Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
135 /inferiyo/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
136 /inferniyo/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas water pond for animals
137 /infjemiyo/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
138 /ifigasj6n/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
139 /iruini/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
140 /isl6n/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
141 /isl6n/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm









Table A-1 continued.
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
143 /itofini/ [itorine] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
144 /kdbrakdnda/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro rock
145 /kabreria/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
146 /kacisirka/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque type of road
147 /kacingdiro/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
148 /kad6na/ San Cristobal Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
149 /kajmin/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
150 /kajpiAipu/ [kajpiXApu] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain
151 /kakakiUu/[kakak"io] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
152 /kakawAna/ Matalaque Sr. Navarro settlement
153 /kalaqua/ [kalak6a] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district
154 /kalaqua/ [kalak6a] Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores water canal
155 /kalaquba/ [kalak6ba] Calacoa Juana Marka Flores hill
156 /kalampdyu/ [kalampayo] Santa Rosa Orlando Roldan Tone ranch
157 /kal6ra/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez farm
158 /kaliwaya/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
159 /kaXawaya/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
160 /kamagdi/ [kamagABe] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
161 /kamal6a/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
162 /kamal6a/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
163 /kamata/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
164 /kambraka/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso hill
165 /kamnine/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
166 /kankadu/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso hill
167 /kanqusani/ [kankosani] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
168 /kan66n/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
169 /kanupanao/ Seche Dina Ramos hill
170 /kafidw/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
171 /kapata/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
172 /kapaximi/ [kapaxime] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
173 /kapaqun/ [kapax6n] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
174 /karabaya/ Ornate Roy Navarro Oviedo hill
175 /karakara/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
176 /karal6wa/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain
177 /kargA6e/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
178 /karsdn/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
179 /karsin/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
180 /karnmas/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district









Table A-1 continued
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
181 /katar6pa / La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
182 /katasini/ [katasine] Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores farm
183 /kawarjupirki/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
184 /qibaya/ [kebaya] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district
185 /kebrada6nda/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
186 /kebra6nda/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
187 /qiqina/ [kek6na] Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso district
188 /qinoraqin/ [kenorax6n] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
189 /qirdla/ [kerala] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
190 /qirapi/ [kerapi] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
191 /kestia/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone lagoon
192 /qiwila/ [kewiXa] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
193 /qiwAya/ [kewAya] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
194 /kilwani/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas village
195 /kikabAya/ Calacoa Juana Marka Flores hill
196 /kik6nto/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque mountain pass
/kimsakuiu/
197 kimsaku/o Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
198 /kinistakas/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo district
199 /kiswira/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
200 /qualAqi/ [koalake] Puquina Fabio Tone district
201 /qualaqi/ [koalake] Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
202 /qualAqi/ [koalake] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo district
203 /qualaqi/ [koalake] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
204 /k6bre/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
205 /qugri/ [kogri] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
206 /kolorado/ Puquina Jesus Rodriguez river
207 /quluxa/ [kol6xa] Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso hill
208 /quXawaki/ [koXawaki] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
209 /quntita/ [kontuta] Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
210 /quralaqi/ [koralake] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
211 /quralAqi/ [koralike] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque river
212 /qurawAya/ [korawaya] Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
213 /qurawAya/ [korawAya] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas district
214 /qurimuqu/ [korim6ko] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
215 /quru/ [k6ro] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
216 /quta/ [k6ta] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
217 /krusmfire/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
218 /kruspira/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley









Table A-1 continued
Geographic
# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic entity
area
219 /kuciAa/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
220 /kuCumbdya/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district
221 /kulita/ San Cristobal Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
222 /kimo/ Puquina Fabio Tone skirts
223 /kuimo/ Puquina Fabio Tone ditch
224 /kuimo/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
225 /kuntamile/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
226 /kuntikinia/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso settlement
227 /kupuwdya/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
228 /kurilika/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque town
229 /kurfido/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
230 /kuruXuq/ [kuruX6x] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
231 /kururuni/ [kururnne] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
232 /kurusni/ [kurusine] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
233 /kurusmfirel Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
234 /kwestapita/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso hill
235 /kwikqu/ [ kwikko] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
236 /lajfigasj6n/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri hill
237 /lIka/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
238 /lakal6ra/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
239 /lakal6ra/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
240 /lakal6ta/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
241 /lakanteria/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
242 /lakapita/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
243 /lakapiXa/ La Capilla Dina Ramos district
244 /lakasphya/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
245 /lakebrida/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
246 /lakrds/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
247 /lakrusdika/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
248 /lakrusgrinde/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
249 /lakw6sta/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
250 /lalad6ra/ Toata Orlando Roldan Tone farm
251 /lalomAda/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
252 /laXnqi/ [lakinke] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira terrain
253 /lamiiilera/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
254 /lam6ya/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
255 /lam6ya/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement









Table A-1 continued
Geographic
# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic entity
area
256 /laoXada/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
257 /laoyida/ Toata Orlando Roldan Tone farm
258 /lapimpa/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
259 /lapimpa/ Toata Orlando Roldan Tone farm
260 /lapimpa/ Segundia Orlando Roldan Tone farm
261 /lapimpa/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
262 /lapaiqa/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira water canal
263 /lapixra/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
264 /lap6nta/ Tiquillica Orlando Roldan Tone farm
265 /laqita/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
266 /lasj6nda/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira terrain
267 /lasj6nda/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
268 /laspimpas/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
269 /laswertas/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
270 /lasw6rtas/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
271 /latablada/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
272 /lat6madelaf6sa/ zona de la pampa Roy Navarro Oviedo way
273 /lat6madelig6ro/ Guasal6n Roy Navarro Oviedo way
274 /lat6madelm6Xe/ Guasal6n Roy Navarro Oviedo way
275 /lawika/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
276 /lawaskina/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
277 /lawita/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
278 /law6rtagrinde/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
279 /liqi/ [laxe] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
280 /lilite/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque productive plot
281 /lindajpdmpa/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
282 /linto/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
283 /lirine/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
284 /los6ires/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
285 /loskispes/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
286 /losmeyisos/ Seche Dina Ramos hill
287 /luqin/ [lox6n] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira terrain
288 /luliXo/ Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
289 /lulukini/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas water pond for animals
290 /luturani/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
291 /Xpapimpa/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
292 /Xariqu/ [Xarixo] Calacoa Juana MArka Flores farm









Table A-1 continued
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
293 /mamaydka/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
294 /mansaniyu/ [mansandyo] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
295 /mansanito/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
296 /markapimpa/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
297 /mataliqi/ [matalake] Matalaque Sr. Navarro settlement
298 /matasapo/ Puquina Fabio Tone river
299 /matasipo/ Puquina Fabio Tone valley
300 /matasipo/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone stream
301 /matiso/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
302 /mawkahiqta/
302 mawka~kta] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
/mawkaXiqta/
303 /mawkaXaqta/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
[mawkaXdkta]
/mawkaXiqta/
304 mawkakta Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
305 /mawkaL~qta/]
305 mawka qkta Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
/mawkaikqta/] II
306 /mawkaZ ta/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
[mawkaX kta] II
307 /mawkaXaqta/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez hill
308 /maxalso/ Carumas Feliciano Quispe Choque river
309 /miqu/ [m6ko] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain
310 /miraflores/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
311 /moCna/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
312 /mog6te/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
313 /muqupita/ [mokopata] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
314 /molino/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza water canal
315 /molino/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
316 /montefdyo/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza hill
317 /mokegwa/ Moquegua Feliciano Quispe Choque town
318 /muqaXaqta/ [mokallakta] Seche Dina Ramos hill
319 /muqupata/ [m6qopita] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira terrain
320 /motixo/ Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
321 /morm6fo/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo hill
322 /m6fo/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
323 /m6rom6ro/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
324 /moyabaya/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso river
325 /moyorinal Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas flat land
326 /munayine/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque productive plot
327 /mfire/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
328 /mwildqi/ [mwilake] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district

329 /najrampini Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores hill
I [najrampuine]









Table A-1 continued

# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic entity
area
330 /negropimpa/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
331 /nistifia/ Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores hill
332 /oalaqi/ [oalake] Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
333 /omite/ Ornate Roy Navarro Oviedo valley
334 /omite/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo town
335 /orequn/ [orekon] Seche Dina Ramos hill
336 /orldqi/ [orlake] Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
337 /orldqi/ [orlake] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone river
338 /urqusini/ [orkosani] Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas village

339 /pidakfiti/ Salinas Moche Orlando Roldan Tone hill

340 /pdiamdyo/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement

341 /pajluqin/ [pajluxen] Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm

342 /pakaxime/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
/palkamayu/
343 /palkamayo] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo river

/palkamdyu/
344 /palkamayu Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
[palkamayo]
345 /piltarimi/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
346 /palumine/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain
347 /pimpadelabirxen/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
348 /pampadelfna/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza town
349 /pimpadol6res/ Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
350 /pimpakolorida/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
351 /pantj6nbjixo/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
352 /para/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro water source or canal
353 /para/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
354 /para/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
355 /pira/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas river
356 /piraplna/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro aguada
357 /parapuna/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
358 /parapina/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro river
/prariqipa/
359 [pdrariqipa] Ubinas Sr. Navarro water pond for animals

360 /pAtadampdna/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
361 /pitadampina/ Subin Orlando Roldan Tone farm
362 /patakiwa/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
363 /ptaqirapi/ [patakerapi] Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
364 /pitaqiripi/ [patakerapi] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement









Table A-i continued
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
365 /pitamolino/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
366 /patapimpa/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm
367 /pataya/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas village
368 /patiXa/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
369 /patine/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque mountain pass
370 /paxcdnto/ Puquina Victor y Judit Chiri hill
371 /pefiagrinde/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
372 /pefian6gra/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
373 /pidupicu/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone snow peak
374 /pintita/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
375 /piruini/ Ubinas hill
376 /pistAya/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
377 /pjaka/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso settlement
378 /pjaka/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
379 /plantAne/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain

380 /puquAya/ [pokoaya] Puquina Alberto Palacios settlement
Mel6ndez
381 /puqumuiri/ [pokomure] Ubinas Sr. Navarro valley
382 /puqumnuri/ [pokomure] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
383 /puquwaya/ [pokowAya] Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
384 /puquwayu/ [pokowdyo] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone settlement
385 /polobdya/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso farm
386 /polobayapAmpa/ Chulluhuayo Orlando Roldan Tone ranch
387 /por6to/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso river
388 /puqapdfia/ [poxapifia] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
389 /pukira/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo hill
390 /pukara/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
391 /pukina/ Puquina Jesus Rodriguez district
392 /pulpito/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
393 /pilpito/ Chacahuayo Orlando Roldan Tone farm
394 /pfnqi/ [punke] Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
395 /puskia/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
396 /putina/ Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores farm
397 /putinqu/ [putunko] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque valley
398 /putinqu/ [putunko] Calacoa Juana MArka Flores farm
399 /puxuqu/ [puxX6ko] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
400 /puxrupimpa/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas village









Table A-1 continued
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
401 /qalampiyu/ [qalampdyo] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
402 /qariwayu/ [qariwayo] Seche Dina Ramos hill
403 /qaspiya/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
404 /kiXuapa6dta/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque mountain pass
405 /qurimuqu/ [qorimoqo] Seche Dina Ramos hill
406 /riodetonoiya/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro river
407 /riodeubinas/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro river
408 /riodexdla/ Ornate Roy Navarro Oviedo river
409 /rion6gro/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso village
410 /fios6ko/ Puquina Fabio Tone village
411 /tAmbo/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza river
412 / fonxad6ro/ Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo village
413 /rosaxnjuq/ [rosaxnj6x] La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira farm
414 /sabandia/ Puquina Fabio Tone district
415 /sabiya/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo district

416 /sabjika/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm

417 /sajgwani/ [sajgwdne] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
418 /sajlapa/ Carumas Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
419 /sajwin/ Calacoa Juana MArka Flores hill
420 /sakalika/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
421 /sakdnkofal/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque productive plot
422 /saqudya/ [sakoaya] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas river
423 /saquaya/ [sakoaya] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
424 /saqwdya/ [sakwaya] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district
425 /salinasm66e/ Salinas Moche Orlando Roldan Tone town
426 /salinaspukina/ Salinas Moche Orlando Roldan Tone town
427 /salinaswito/ Salinas Moche Orlando Roldan Tone town
428 /saminto/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza town
429 /samiso/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm
430 /sambartolom6/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza town
431 /sambemardodekinistAkas/ Quinistacas Roy Navarro Oviedo district
432 /sam6wa/ Moquegua Feliciano Quispe Choque district
433 /sanant6njo/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
434 /stnces6fo/ Puquina Fabio Tone province
435 /sandislaqi/ [sancislike] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
436 /sanfransisko/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement









Table A-i continued
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
437 /sinkre/ Calacoa Juana Marka Flores hill
438 /sankrist6bal/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque town
439 /sankrist6balelobispo/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
440 /sanmig61/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
441 /santakrns/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
442 /santalusia/ Salinas Moche Orlando Roldan Tone town
443 /santalusia/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri hill
444 /santalusiasilinas/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
445 /santaf6sa/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
446 /santaf6sa/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
447 /santawira/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque canal
448 /sanxos6/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
449 sanxwindedj6s Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
450 /sawanij/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
451 /sawanij/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira settlement
452 /sawanijdepukina/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira town
453 /sawsinto/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
454 /sayasayini/ [sayasayine] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
455 /se6e/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira settlement
456 /sdEi/ La Capilla Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
457 /segundia/ Puquina Fabio Tone valley
458 /segundia/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
459 /siq/ [s6k] Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
460 /siqi/ [s6ke] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone settlement
461 /s6ndelapj6dra/ Urbina Roy Navarro Oviedo way
462 /sefi6rdelar6na/ Toata Orlando Roldan Tone farm
463 /siq/ [seq] La Capilla Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez settlement
464 /sefoblinko/ Puquina Alberto Palacios Mel6ndez hill
465 /s6doblanko/ Ornate Roy Navarro Oviedo hill
466 /s6foblinko/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza hill
467 /sdfodelakebradika/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza hill
468 /s6fodelakrfs/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza hill
469 /sigifia/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
470 /sikuliqi/ [sikulake] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
471 /sintakin/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
472 /siwinkini/ [siwinkane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque town
473 /siwinkini/ [siwinkane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm









Table A-1 continued
TGeographic
# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic entity
area
474 /sixwata/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque town
475 /sixwdya/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque district
476 /suqusan/ [sokosin] Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
477 solabaya Calacoa Juana Mdrka Flores town
478 solawaya Calacoa Juana Mirka Flores town
479 /sulaqu/ [solaxo] Carumas Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
480 /somoa/ Carumas Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
481 sonispdya Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
482 /suqisani/ [sokesane] Cuchumbaya Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
483 /sowal6n/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
484 /subin/ Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
485 /sunkia/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque water canal
486 /tabl6nes/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
487 /tabl6nesdelmolino/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
488 /tAkawdra/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
489 /taklini/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
490 /tila/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira village
491 /tilabiqun/ [talabexon] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
492 /talam6,e/ Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
493 /talaskia/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
494 /talawdyu/ [talawayo] La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza town
495 /tamifial Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
496 /tambiko/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
497 /tambio/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas water pond for animals
498 /tangini/ [tangane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain
499 /tapalaqun/ [tapalakon] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
500 /tapalaqun/ [tapalakon] Ubinas Sr. Navarro small water source
501 /tapalaqun/ [tapalakon] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
502 /tAsa/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
503 /t6ga/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
504 /tiadia/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
505 /tikikika/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone town
506 /tikikika/ Puquina Alberto PalaciosMel6ndez farm
507 /tiksAni/ [tiksane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque volcano
508 /tikumini/ [tikumane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
509 /tinkuq/ [tinkoq] Matalaque Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm









Table A-1 continued
M -Geographic
# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic entity
area
510 /toita/ Puquina Fabio Tone settlement
511 /tuqa/ [t6ka] Puquina Jesus Rodriguez river
512 /tuqa/ [t6ka] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
513 /tuqalad6ra/ [tokaladera] Chacahuayo Orlando Roldan Tone ranch
514 /tuqinal [tok6na] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
515 /tolapimpa/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone farm
516 /tomamdyu/ [tomamayo] Chacahuayo Orlando Roldan Tone farm
517 /tunliqi/ [tonlake] Matalaque Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
518 /tonodya/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
519 /tonodya/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro river
520 /tuga/ [t6a] Puquina Fabio Tone farm
521 /torata/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
522 /tofepimpa/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
523 /trampini/ [trampane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
524 /trampiaa/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso hill
525 /trampiXa/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
526 /trapice/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
527 /trdpice/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
528 /tfiksa/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas lagoon
529 /tukunlia/ Puquina Judit y Victor Chiri farm
530 /tumilaka/ Moquegua Feliciano Quispe Choque district
531 /tuntakani/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
532 /turuxawira/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
533 /tuturinediko/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
534 /tuturdnegrinde/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
535 /tuxtumpdya/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso settlement
536 /ubinas/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas volcano
537 /ubinas/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro district
538 /uCupdnpa/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
539 /ukiXo/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
540 /ulakuLu/ [ulakoXo] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque flat land
/uliunkanini/
541 [uliXunkanane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
542 /ulinto/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
543 /umainga/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
544 /iquqiripi/ [uqokerapi] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
545 /urixcimpa/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
546 /urbina/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo farm









Table A-1 continued
# Entry Geographic area Consultant Geographic entity
547 /urinij/ Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
548 /usnine/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
549 /wauldqi/ [wacolike] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
550 /wadutili/ [wadutile] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
551 /wautfili/ [wacutule] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
552 /wacutili/ [wacutule] Ubinas Sr. Navarro water source or canal
553 /wijnaquagila/
553 /wjnaquagila Anaskapa Sr. Navarro hill

554 /wAjnaputina/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo volcano
555 /wijnaubina/ Ubinas Sr. Navarro hill
556 /wijrap6nqu/
55 [w6 jrap6nko] La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
557 /wjrap6nqu/
55 [w7jrapinko] La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza valley
558 /wajXkni/ [wajkane] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
559 /wikapunifia/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque hill
560 /walintakin/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
561 /wanili/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
562 /warakani/ Seche Dina Ramos hill
563 /waraqina/ [warak6na] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
/warangayu/
564 warangay/ Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
[warangdyo]
/waringuqu/
565 [wareng6ko] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque place for the sheep
566 /warinal Matalaque Sr. Navarro settlement
567 /warina/ Matalaque Sr. Navarro settlement

568 /wdsakadi/ [wasakace] Coalaque Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
569 /waskina/ Puguina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
570 /watalika/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso mine
571 /watalAqi/ [watalake] Cuchumbaya Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
572 /watarin/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
573 /wataskia/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
574 /watAwa/ Matalaque Sr. Navarro settlement
575 /wdyko/ Calacoa Juana Mdrka Flores farm
576 /wayralaka/ [waylalaka] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
577 /waja/ Seche Dina Ramos hill
578 /w6rta/ Salinas Moche Elbio Valdivia Duenas lagoon
579 /w6rtagrinde/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
580 /w6rtas6ra/ Puguina Judit y Victor Chiri hill
581 /wirakini/ [wirakdne] Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm
582 /wirakini/ [wirakine] Ubinas Sr. Navarro settlement
583 /wuSxana/ Puquina Fabio Tone farm









Table A-1 continued

# Entry Geographic Consultant Geographic
area entity
584 /wuxuima/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso town
585 /xacasilka/ Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
586 /xagwij/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
587 /xalamdyu/ [xalamayo] Omate Roy Navarro Oviedo river
588 /xdyampaka/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
589 /xentilpita/ Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo village
590 /xito/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza farm
591 /xom6ra/ Warina Elbio Valdivia Duenas farm
592 /qunuraqin/ [xonorax6n] Puquina Fabio Tone farm
593 /qurata/ [xorata] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone ranch
594 /quratal [xorita] Chilata Orlando Roldan Tone ranch
595 /yaltgwa/ Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas settlement
596 /yaliqu/ [yalaxo] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque white terrain
597 /yale/ Puquina Roy Navarro Oviedo river
598 /yale/ La Capilla Lautaro Penaloza hill
599 /ydle/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone hill
600 /yanasaya/ Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone lagoon
601 /yanawdra/ La Capilla Luis Gomez Iquira district
602 /yarabnmba/ Pocsi Sr. Lajo Pantigoso district
603 yarigwa Quinistaquillas Roy Navarro Oviedo settlement
604 /yuqumiri/ [yokomure] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone village
605 /yuqidi/ [yoxade] Calacoa Feliciano Quispe Choque farm
606 /yuqu/ [yoxo] Cuchumbaya Feliciano Quispe Choque settlement
607 /yuqumuri/ [yoqomfire] Puquina Orlando Roldan Tone village
608 /yuriqmuqu/ [yuraqm6qo] Ubinas Elbio Valdivia Duenas hill
609 /yuiraqmuqu/ [yuraqm6ko] Ubinas Sr. Navarro farm

















APPENDIX B
MORPHEMES


Table B-l Morphemes
# Morpheme Alomorph Aymara gloss Quechua gloss
1 aka- this (determiner) faeces
2 a2a- a.aj: harvest of
potatoes, manioc, etc.
3 ama- no
4 ana- mole medium-sized eagle
5 anka- outside blue
6 anko nerve
7 anta forward, uphill
mountain that
8 apo lord, prince; a type of god represents a superior
earthly divinity or deity
9 aya- ay- spool dead body
a type of plant with
10 ayrampu fruit of a type of cactus purple flowers used to
colour the chichaa'
11 jaka 6ak bridge, lock bridge
S6aa d'a2a: sand
12 c"a/a
6'aXa Y"aAa: corn plant
13 c'aqi hail fall / -na:
nominalizer
14 c'aska 6aska star
15 cici cooked meat
16 dili cold
17 dilka wild plant
18 dimpa in front of, ahead
19 diri- cold
20 cu2u 6uXo soak, melt, blend (verb)
21 jumi jungle
frozen and sun dried
22 Junu- frozen and sun dried potato o
_________p________________________________ otato

Suki: metal
23 juq- 6'uqi- 'uki: metal
6'uqi: mix with potatoes









Table B-l (continued
# Morpheme Alomorpi Aymara gloss Quechua gloss
juqa: a unit of measure
24 cuqa- doqa c'uqa: tie equal to amount one can
hold in two hands
cupped together
25 c"uxju- paludism
26 juru- small uninhabited island C'uru: shell, snail
27 ia- frozen morning / fearful, nervous / straw;
something rough, hard and pointed

28 kaji- kace piece of land where the cattle is marked salt

corral, adobe or rock
29 kanda- enclosed field, courtyard fence / open market
area
30 kay- this
31 kaypi- here
32 kama kam until each, until / dirty work
33 kaAa action of carrying various heavy things
34 kimsa three
35 ki2a moon, month
court, pagan offering / victim for sacrifice
36 ku, and offering
36 kucu
kudum: alpaca or white llama raising that
is sacrified in ritual acts.
37 kunti dance of the dyers west
38 ku straw basket used for collecting potatoes
38 kupuosechadas
39 laka lak'a mouth,
40 lewa liwa:porci6n
41 Aaqta
42 luli- pajaro mitico que simboliza la paz; colibri
43 lulu- hermana, trato carifioso para las mujeres
44 mama- sefiora madre
45 marka- city, country, town
46 mayu- mayo river

47 muku- moqo moqo:knot / short man /
moko promontory
muya: house garden, meadow / fenced
48 moya- place

mui
49 muyu muyu :round, surround
moyo
50 muna love want, desire, love
51 nayram f irst, before / eye, sight
Mountains; male; bring
52 orqo male, llama de carga mountains; male; bring
South
53 pada firmament, sky / place, time, era, space time, hour









Table B-l (continued
# Morpheme Alomorph Aymara gloss Quechua gloss
54 paka eagle Hide
55 p overload / small lump that goes on the
Spalt load
56 pampa bamba field plain, altiplain, plaza, vega flat, flat land

57 pafia right (direction)
58 para front, frontis, frontier rain
59 park hill, wall; hill skirt
60 pasta height, anden, poyo / top, on, anden, a
60 ppoyograda ata height, top, above
poyo, grada
61 paya two
granero, troje / group of haces of barn, of
62 pirwa wheat, or quinoa formed to be dried and
milled / silo

63 pune affirmative voice, yes most especially
(superlative suffix)
64 punqu unqu door, entrance
64 pun punku
65 pus pusi four
66 puti prominence
Fire for cooking, building in edificio en
67 putu boveda
boveda
68 puxAu pux),o spring
69 puxru room built of terrones
70 qala kala stone / hard, strong
bare, eroded,
71 q'ara kara impoverished, worn
out nice.

72 quta kota koda:lake

73 rune runa: person, human
being
74 rumi stone
75 sani sane says (verb)
76 sapo sapa completely
77 saya height, patrimony, size, a type of potato
78 saygwa saywa hito, moj6n de lindero
79 saywan en el hito
80 siq seq row, column, line
81 siku zampofia (wind musical instrument)
82 sirka silka arall6n, hill
83 siwin ring ring
84 sunis- sonis- suni: puna
85 taka_ hit, knock









Table B-1 (continued
# Morpheme Alomorph Aymara gloss Quechua gloss
6 tu red soil used to mark cattle / limonitic
86 taku
clay
87 tala widest part of a parte ancha de la onda
8 t bird's nest / straw put in the bottom of a
pot for steam cooking
89 tiki gallareta / patillo de lakes
90 tiyay -tiXa to live, to inhabit
91 tunta white 'chufio' (17)
92 uli ruin
93 uma water head
94 uqu uqo grey swallow (verb)
95 ura

95 wasa gwasa wasa : unhabitated site, desertic, piramo k f person or
I_ I I thing














APPENDIX C
MAPS









1.; *' t _._L _. _l..- Lo

81-









;I
< +,- A, /





i f ruiilel "
'> ^ ^ -











t if I/ "
*;' IBIIa V1 tN^ T '''.,/'





'i ^ ^J'^^y


I

0 ''":

\,t.S. mw.*,.nt
"9
0rIr ln
o~


" -
;-' S, "1,..

AF\ LLI, O' -

_. "rt.IM
.~L


MAPA DEL PERU
DIVISION ADMINISTRATIVA


ESCALA 1:8'00Q,000


Figure C-l Map of Peru


----JP---r-Ii~


*11


COtOM.BIA


BRASIL


I-


8


1. -


.'


^
S


^;


*^


INSTIT.,-C 'C"C ,ACOrO C:OiA.














BRA SIL


AREAS PROBABLES S1
DE LAS PRINCIPA-. --
LES LENGUAS ANDINAS A El--
FINES DEL HORIZONTE MEOIO-


Figure C-2 Probable areas of the main Andean languages



















APREQUIPA


A


of data collection in the Tambo Valley, Ubinas and Salinas Moche




































2I


Figure C-4 Map of Ubinas and Salinas Moche


- o C7
^ia Ju lw.




































































Figure C-5 Map of Puquina and La Capilla


, I V,'
I, "C c~,
b''fe '/ cvI
I1; / '


3GAU
^r
i! J~-


(U






84




, i' .. .. .
r- c

.& o C / Co Mesane ic
-^ '^ ^. \ ,^^ ~ f-Le


Map of Coalaque


\ *i


-r'Pampa"
S Lo. l ,
--C '.


























Huaynoptina


o volt ,,,

SC El Volcan
I CLas o


cdIW


-.


Figure C-7 Map of Omate and Quinistaquillas





























usaone
Co'


Tcsanl



















































^' '. O '! : .< 1l" :




I'
Fgr C-9Mm-- Q n a--- y
Si


Fgr1 I Ma of Y m e a
A t o'y^ "/ ^- ----"" -"'' ---- -*

Figure C-9 Map of Yarabamba, Quequena and Polobaya















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Full Text
84
CQ/Pacoorco
os. Kesf/'a
hAesane £
*nartcP
Amata
ifcoChu
?ampa de
Tambiflos
Catarro1
Chapi ^
y f\ Chahuar9^0
Talavacai
T del I
. PO^er


likely then, that the presence of /o/ in those entries may be because the speaker gave the
entry name in Spanish. I have also found entries where the sequence /aya/ follows the
consonant /t/ and /!/ (Table 3-19).
Table 3-19. Instances of /-ay at
After /o/ After /t/ and /!/
(380) [pokodya]
(422) [sakodyu]
(518) [tonodya]
(363) [patdya]
(372) [pistdya]
(45) [caklya]
In these cases, there are two possibilities: that /aya/ is not a separate morpheme but
part of a single morpheme or that /aya/ is indeed a suffix attached to morphemes ending
with /a/ causing a coalescence of /aa/ into /a/: /patya! < pata + -aya. In the case of (46)
[cakldya], another process may have occurred together with the coalescence of /aa/ into
/a/. In Andean languages, the sequence of stop and liquid (*/kl/) across morpheme
boundaries does not exist. This sequence may be the result of a deletion process where a
vowel, perhaps /a/, between these two consonants dropped. Some evidence of that is
provided by the following entries in our data as shown in Table 3-20, where the vowel /a/
occurs between /k/ and /!/, a sequence similar to that of (46).
Table 3-20, Occurrence of the sequence of /kal! in other toponyms
Entry
Geographic entity
(1) [acaka/a]
town
(2) [acaka/ane]
town
In this way, we could argue that (46) [caklya] may have been */cakaldya/. The
underlying representation of this toponym may have been something like */cakala+aya/,
as a result of the coalescence of /aa/ mentioned before.


27
Unfortunately, this is not always the case for which, in most cases, we have to speculate
what the other possibilities may be.
The situation is different when the vowels near the posterior stop are produced as
either [i] or [u]. The possibilities get also reduced to three, just like in the case of the
uvular stop near [e] or [o]. On this occasion, the posterior stop is a /k/, otherwise the
vowels would get lowered and this does not happen like in (194) /kilwni/.
As to the segments occurrence in final position, most of the non-Spanish entries
end with a vowel and only a few have a consonant. The consonants that appear the most
in word final position are the posterior consonants /k/, /q/, Ixl, and also Ini.
Table 3-13. Consonants Ikl /q/ Ixl in final position
Posterior consonant
in final position
Language in which
the toponym was
provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Ikl
Spanish
(459) [s]
village
/q/
Non-Spanish
(48) [calsyo*]
farm
Non-Spanish
(463) [se*]
village
Non-Spanish
(509) [tnko*]
farm
Ixl
Spanish
(230) [kurLox]
farm
Spanish
(413) [rosaxnjox]
farm
As indicated above, these velar and post-velar segments can alternate in various
positions within the word. We have evidence that /-*/ and /-yuq/ are suffixes in at least
some variety of Quechua and, in general, this is not a natural context for velar or post
velar segments in Spanish. In the Jaqi languages, consonants in the final position are not
accepted. For borrowed words from either Quechua or Spanish ending in a consonant, a
vowel is inserted after the consonant, whereas in Quechua, this is a very natural context.


40
/-paya/ counterpart; however, they were collected from the same speaker except for entry
(494) Italawayu/.
The interesting thing about these pairs of identical entries is that the entries with the
suffix /-waya/ (Table 3-29) were produced by the oldest consultants while those with /-
wayu/ were produced by a consultant in his thirties (Group 2, Table 2-3).
Table 3-29 Alternation of /-wayat and /-wayu/ for the same toponym
/-aya/
/-ayo/
(42) [cakawayd\
(43) [cakawyo]
(85) [cuuwya]
(86) [cuuwyo]
(383)[pokow (384)[pokowyoj
This alternation seems to respond to a variable of age and may be becoming an
innovative trend in the local speech of young people. Perhaps the influence of Spanish in
the area is affecting the way these suffixes in place names are used. The inflective nature
of Spanish to mark gender categories of feminine and masculine in nouns and adjectives
may have a particular effect on final segments in non-Spanish place names. Andean
languages do not have grammatical gender, therefore the /a/ in /-waya/ for example does
not indicate a feminine category of the word in question.
As for the isolated examples of /-payu/, there are three possibilities:
/-payu/ may be the result of an alternation with /-paya/ due to the influence of
Spanish in the speech of young people in the town of Puquina, even if we have not
yet found examples of identical pairs,
the production of /-payu/ may be analogous to other forms that have /-yuq/ as the
underlying form for their suffix, and younger speakers may now be trying to
regularize what they perceive as irregular.
/u/ may change to /o/ in word boundary.


48
synchronic alternate forms contribute to the unfolding of the story of naming in the
Andes.
Other Naming Processes
In the present data, I have found some names where other processes of word
formation have taken place. Some of these respond to historical, political, social and
cultural factors. In this section, I will provide some examples of renamed toponyms, folk
etymologies and the cultural motivation for naming in a few names.
Renamed Toponyms. One group of entries consists of Spanish words borrowed to
serve as names for areas visited. These toponyms were not borrowed only to name new
geographic categories but to rename those that are already there but their names are of
Andean origin.
Table 3-41 Possible stages of appearance of toponyms for this river
Stages
Toponym
Language
1st
(78) /cuqalaqi/
undetermined
2nd
(587) /xalamayu/
Aymara + Quechua
3rd
(408) /riodexala/
Spanish + Aymara
The toponym (587) /xalamayu/ already described above, represents a very
interesting situation of three different linguistic groups which may translate as three
different groups of power. The reason for this hypothesis is that the toponym / cuqalaqi/
cannot be traced as far as Aymara and Quechua are concerned. This situation, where a
toponym or its morphemes are not found in either of these languages, can be an
indication of an earlier linguistic group from which no data is available. This is why I
placed this toponym as the first one of a series of names for the same geographic entity.
The second one is interesting as it is a compound of two of the languages there, which


91
(1992) Diachronic Studies in Lexicology, Affixation, Phonology (John
Benjamins Pub.Co., Amsterdam)
Mamani, Manuel M. (1984) Ensayo Preliminar de Topnimos ms comunes de la
primera regin de Tarapac (Universidad de Tarapac, Arica)
McArthur, T. (1986) Thematic Lexicography in Studies in the History of The Language
Sciences, edited by R.R. Hartmann (John Benjamins Pub. Co., Amsterdam), pp.
157-166
Meschonnic, H. (1991) Des mots et des mondes (Hatier, Paris)
Mogrobejo, Endika de (1995) Diccionario Hispanoamericano de Herldica, Onomstica
y Genealoga (Ed. Mogrobejo-Zabala, Bilbao)
Murra, John V. (1988) Races de Amrica in El Mundo Aymara, compiled by Xavier
Albo (Alianza Amrica y Unesco, Alianza Ed., Madrid)
Navarro Oviedo, Roy (1994) Antologa del valle de Ornate (Arequipa)
Nicolaisen, W.F.H. (1995) Is There a Northwest Germanic Toponymy? Some Thoughts
and a Proposal in Nordwestgermanisch Herausgegeben von Edith Marold,
Christiane Zimmermann (Walter de Gruyter, Berlin)
Nuessel, F. (1992) The Study of Names (Greenwood Press, Connecticut)
Parker, Gary (1965) Gramtica del Quechua Ayacuchano (Universidad Nacional Mayor
de San Marcos, Lima)
Pharies, D.A. (1986) Structure and Analogy in the Playful Lexicon of Spanish (Max
Niemeyer Verlag, Tubingen)
Rennick, Robert M. (1984) Kentucky Place Names (University Press of Kentucky,
Lexington)
Rivet, A.L.F. (1980) Celtic Names and Roman Places in Britannia 11. 1-19
Room, Adrian (1996) An Alphabetical Guide to the Language of Name Studies
(Scarecrow Press, Lanham)
Ruhstaller, S. (1995) Materiales para la lexicologa histrica (Max Niemeyer Verlag,
Tbingen)
Seco, Manuel (1987) Estudios de Lexicografa Espaola (Paraninfo, Madrid)


61
Table A-l continued.
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
143
/itorini/ [itorine]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
144
/kbraknca/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
rock
145
/kabreria/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
146
/kacisirka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
type of road
147
/kacingro/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
148
/kadna/
San Cristobal
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
149
/kajmn/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
150
/kajpiLpu/ [kajpiLpu]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
151
/kakakcu/ [kakakco]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
152
/kakawna/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
153
/kalaqua/ [kalaka]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
154
/kalaqua/ [kalaka]
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
water canal
155
/kalaquba1 [kalakba]
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill
156
/kalampyu/ [kalampayo]
Santa Rosa
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
157
/kalra/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
farm
158
/kaliwya/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
159
/ka/.awya/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
160
/kamagci/ [kamagce]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
161
/kamala/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
162
/kamala/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
163
/kamta/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
164
/kambrka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
165
/kamrne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
166
/kankcu/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
167
/kanqusni/ [kankosani]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
168
/kancn/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
169
/kanupana/.o/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
170
/kaftw/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
171
/kpata/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
172
/kapaxmi/ [kapaxme]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
173
/kapaqun/ [kapaxn]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
174
/karabya/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
175
/krakra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
176
/karalwa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
177
/kargce/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
178
/karsn /
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
179
/karsn/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
180
/karmas/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district


56
conservative features in their speech and even in the toponymy. These towns are mainly
Aymara speaking, although a bilingual situation with Spanishes becoming stronger as a
result of the contact with the nearest town of Calacoa, already bilingual.
The toponymic sources in the Andean areas of Moquegua can provide a large
linguistic material, which can be exploited. The existence of other names culturally
formed and previous native names seem to be only in the memory of the people living
there. They should also be recorded, as these might be forms that would die out with the
culture of which, unfortunately, seems to be headed toward extinction.


12
along the Ubinas River and Salinas Moche near the Para River. These last two districts
are located near the Ubinas volcano in an altitude much higher than the other towns. The
geographic characteristics of these areas are varied. In the whole department of
Moquegua, there are forty-seven lakes, out of which seven are used as trout hatcheries
and one for extraction of salt (Instituto Geogrfico Nacional, 1997). The latter is part of
the community of Salinas Moche, which is one of the areas covered in this research.
Table 2-1 Provinces visited in Moquegua
Mariscal Nieto
Sanchez Cerro
Moquegua
Matalaque
Samegua
Ubinas
Torata
La Capilla
Carumas
Quinistaquillas
Cuchumbaya
Ornate
San Cristobal
Puquina
Calacoa
Coalaque
The materials used for the data collection consisted of a tape recorder as well as
paper and pen for the interviews. I also used the maps of the Instituto Geogrfico
Nacional in order to make my way to the areas visited in the fieldwork. I used the map of
the department of Moquegua, of a scale of 1:300,000, and three other maps of the towns
of Moquegua, Puquina and Ornate of a scale of 1:100,000.
Table 2-2 Geographic and linguistic zones where the toponyms were collected
Zones
District
Substratum
Zone A
Puquina
Quechua and mostly
La Capilla
Spanish speakers
Zone B
Ornate
Quechua and mostly
Quinistaquillas
Spanish speakers
Zone C
Calacoa
Aymara and mostly
Carumas
bilingual with some
San Cristobal
Aymara monolinguals
Cuchumbaya
Zone D
Ubinas
Quechua and mostly
Matalaque
bilingual with some
Salinas
Quechua monolinguals


36
The suffix /-sayal is found in only two entries as shown in Table 3-18. One of them
is after a vowel /a/ and the other one, after a nasal consonant Ini (Table 3-24). This
morpheme means the top, which indicates space.
Table 3-24 Environments of /-saya!
After /a/
After Ini
(600) [yanasya]
(11)[anansya]
Some generalizations can be made about the AYA group. First, the suffixes /-
poyal, t-bayat, /-way a/ and /-aya/ may all be allomorphs of the same morpheme {-paya}.
A lenition process may have occurred in two or three different stages where */p/ > fbl, /b/
> /w/ and even /w/ > /0l. This process can be seen in some varieties of Quechua, where
toponyms that have /pampa/ for example are produced sometimes as [bamba] such as the
toponym (602) lyarabambal which underlying representation is */yarapampa!. In other
toponyms not collected in this study, we can also see the alternation of these two forms
such as in the toponyms /muyupampa/ and /urupampa/, which are produced as
[moyobamba] and [urubamba], respectively. From the point of view of naturaledness,
the lenition of unvoiced stops is quite frequent intervocalically. A voicing process of /p/
in an intervocalic environment and/or its contact with a nasal consonant /m/ may have
produced entries such as the ones in Table 3-21. I have found some interesting examples
of pairs of entries referring to the same geographic entity where /b/ and Iwl, and /w/ and
10/ are in free variation. Table 3-25 shows an alternation of /-baya! and /-wayal of the
same toponym and by the same speaker.


85
Co. HuaynacoagU)/a
Pampa del
Huaynaputina
La. Carp in
.oma Juliol Tacana
s/5l&
Mamacocha
Volcn Huaynaputina
La. TicaepCha 5)
/ Co El Volcn
rChichitin<
Alto
LA APACHETA
AGUADA
/ DE
OHOJAYO
Chichilijf
LA CUEV/
CChumi
AGUADA OE. CHILCA*
Pampa at
Charipata
PLANCHADA
Suto
Lacagua c*
AGUADAv P
QRANDE \ sc-
CO Chu/iuaca,
Santa Qruz
La Punta
Ppa de
Calicanto
Ch ¡huei G>
tJtrtNtSTAQOttUS-,;
Chimpapampa
QQLPANTC
JARAL
.SANTA ANA
Pampa
- Negra
2580
ImsndW
Figure C-7 Map of Omate and Quinistaquillas


90
(1991) Aymara Lexicography in Worterbucher (Walter de Gruyter,
Berlin, edited by FJ.Hausmann, O. Reichmann, H.E.Wiegand and L.Zgusta
(Walter de Gruyter, Berlin), pp. 2684-2690
and Aurora Acosta Rojas (1986) De Dnde Vino el Jaqaru? (Aymara
Newspaper, La Paz)
and S. Saito Hamano (1997) Language Structure Discovery Methods
(Andean Press, Gainesville)
Instituto Geogrfico Nacional (1989) Atlas del Peru (Ministerio de Defensa, Lima)
Jackson, H. (1988) Words and Their Meaning (Longman, New York)
Key, M.R. (1995) Meaning as Derived from Word Formation in South American Indian
Languages Cultures, Ideologies, and the Dictionary, edited by B.B.Kachru and
H.Kahane (Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tubingen), pp. 353-356
Lapesa, R. (1992) Lxico e Historia: I Palabras en Biblioteca Espaola de Lingstica
y Filologa (Istmo, Madrid)
Latorre, Guillermo. (1998) Sustrato y superestrato multilinges en la toponimia del
extremo sur de Chile, Estudios Filolgicos, 33, 55-67
(1997) Tendencias Generales en la Toponimia del Norte Grande de Chile,
Onomazein, 2, 181-196
Lehmann, Winfred (1973) Historical Linguistics (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., New
York)
Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, B. (1995) Worldview and Verbal Senses in Cultures,
Ideologies, and the Dictionary, edited by B.B.Kachru and H.Kahane (Max
Niemeyer Verlag, Tubingen), pp. 223-235
Lopez de Mesa, (1961) Rudimentos de Onomatologa (Imprenta del Banco de la
Repblica, Bogot)
Lucca D., Manuel de (1983) Diccionario Aymara-Castellano, Castellano-Aymara
(Comisin de Alfabetizacin y Literatura en Aymara, La Paz)
Malkiel, Y. (1972) Linguistics and Philology in Spanish America A Survey (1925-1970)
(Mouton, The Hague)
(1989) Theory and Practice of Romance Etymology (Variorum Reprints,
London)


87
RABIZA
>pa{ Culanayoc
Hulechuiii
7/Cunsip
icr Humhruro
'Careataif
tfcii
o. Calla/o
7 O
laApacI
AV>P?~-
.Conticancha
'X Mina Kiowa ,
f Hda fcnui umpaya $
Trampa Hda.
i pnfY>/o
irabamba
Ppa de agi
//Ruinas Maucallacta
Vista .3
Sn. Antonio
pulob'J >
n. Jos de Uau
Mina Capo
C. Pajona/ (
C. Rumiyoc
?p* Cruz Verde
C. Tillane
E. VISCACHA I.
ALTO DE
Mina Atahualpa NI
'El Pique


59
Table A-l continued.
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
67
/ciliwa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
68
/cilkapq/.u/ [cilkapxko]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
water pond for
animals
69
/cimpapmpa/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
70
/cingni/ [cingne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
71
/crikta/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
72
/ciripqju/ [ciripqjo]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
73
/cixna/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
sand field
74
/cuqalqi/ [cokalke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
river
75
/cuqalqi/ [cokalke]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
76
/cuqipta/ [ckepta]
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
77
/cuqulqi/ [cokolke]
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
river
78
/cuqalqi/ [coqalke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
valley
79
/cuqa/ [coxa]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
80
/culn/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
81
¡cko/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
82
/cukuwya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
83
/cukuwya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
84
/cumbj/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
85
/cuuwya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
86
/cuuwyo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
87
/cuxcna/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
river
88
/curupmpa/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
89
/cuxumre/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
90
/delpwblo/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water source
91
/desagwadro/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
92
/elarenl/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
93
/elbrjo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
94
/elbatn/
Guasaln
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
95
/elknto/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
96
/elmansno/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
97
/elmogte/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
98
/elmogte/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
99
/elmogte/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
100
/elpantjn/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
101
/elportyo/
Chacahuaya
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
102
/elpkjo/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
spring
103
/elpnke/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm


APPENDIX A
DATA
Table A-l List of entries collected during fieldwork
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic
entity
1
/acakla/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
2
/acakalne/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
farm
3
/acasrka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
4
/ajlqi/ [ajlake]
Dina Ramos
town
5
/ajlqi/ [ajlake]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
6
/akapatatni/ [akapatatane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
7
/akwarpmpa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
8
/akankwa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
9
/amacuma/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
10
/amta/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
11
/anansya/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
12
/anaskpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
village
13
/anta/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
14
/anqu/ [anaxo]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
small farm
15
/nimas/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
sector
16
/anqulka/ [ankolaka]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
Place for the
sheep
17
/antpi/ [antape]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
18
/antpi/ [antape]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
19
/antpi/ [antape]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
20
/antpicmpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
21
/apacetadelawrta/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
mountain pass
22
/apacetadexla/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
mountain pass
23
/apuqra/ [apokara]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
24
/asjnda/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
25
/asuqun/ [asoxn]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
valley
26
/asuqun/ [asoxn]
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
27
/ataspaya/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
28
/ayanqju/ [ayankjo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
29
/ayaskpa/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
57


5
language dominance over Moquegua -in this case Puquina, Aymara, Quechua and
Spanish.
Literature Review
The study of toponyms is of interest to many disciplines. It is of particular interest
to linguists because it allows us to observe such linguistic phenomena as language change
and language contact (Nuessel, 1992). The study of place names yields linguistic data of
one or various languages, which are no longer in existence. Working with this lexicon
permits the observation of phonological and morphological phenomena, especially word
formation processes. There have been many attempts to do taxonomic classifications of
place names, although there is also a strong belief that a classification in this area is not at
all pertinent (Rennick, 1984). In the case of Andean names, however, a classification
might be possible on a language basis since different groups have left traces of both their
cultures and languages in the same geographic areas as a result of the contact among
these groups.
The phonological material found in the data I collected provides some general
details about the phonemic system of Andean languages in the context of toponyms. As
to the morphological material in the data, it gives us an idea of how these cultural groups
might have organized their geographic surroundings and how the selection of the
elements in the formation of placenames can reflect the mental structures of the people
that created these names. The motivation for naming geographic entities can respond to
either the mutual consensus of the people living in a given area or the imposition of
names given by outsiders (Nuessel, 1992).


53
The production of [e] [o] and [e] [o] when one of the mentioned consonant
elements is nearby is quite enlightening. It has been given attention in this study not only
because it determines the phonological representation of the toponyms, but also because
it gives us clues for determining situations of language contact and substratum. There are
forms in these data that were produced in various ways depending on the speaker or on
whether or not s/he was producing the item based on her substratum or on the language
that s/he usually uses.
Also, it is important to note that in the reconstruction of ancient forms, such oral
features can be very useful especially when the written tradition has not been part of the
Andean culture in previous times.
As for the morphology, we have seen in Chapter 3, through consideration of the
various processes of word-formation, how some traces of Quechua, Aymara or another
Andean language continue to exist. Unfortunately, in many cases it has been impossible
to determine what the linguistic sources are. This may be due to two factors:
the forms to be analysed have undergone phonological or morphological changes
that leave analyzable forms, or
the forms to be analysed may correspond to forms of an unknown language
In any case, the information available was sometimes not sufficient to enable me to
find all the necessary glosses. Further investigation could lead to correlation of these
forms to corresponding forms still existing in early documents. Such information could
be expected to provide further clues related to both meaning and forms of some of these
toponyms.
A very important point to make here relates to toponyms with the suffix */AYAJ.
The alternations of this morpheme in various toponyms showed a significant historical


31
we might think that Spanish has a lot to do with it. There are some Spanish toponyms in
the data of this thesis where stress falls on the last syllable and these words usually end in
Ini. In this way, the possibilities for an analogical change are great for Spanish has been
the language of social prestige in Peru since colonial times.
Morphological Statement
Some of the phonological processes presented in the previous section are
conditioned by the morphology of these toponyms. The morphemic rules in Andean
languages can be somehow different one from the other. It is necessary to classify the
entries according to their linguistic source in order to determine the different processes
involved in the word formation. The chart below shows the number of entries based on
the language of the entries:
Table 3-17, Number of entries by language.
TOTAL
Aymara
Quechua
Spanish
Combined
No. of
609
undetermined
undetermined
136
undetermined
entries
The classification above is done considering that the entries identified as belonging
to one or another language have a very clear etymology. In some cases, morphemes can
have a pan-Andean origin, where their form shows to be the same for both Aymara and
Quechua. There is also a group of entries formed by compounds that can be
combinations of two different languages. Some of them are combinations of an Andean
morpheme and a Spanish one. There is a group of entries that cannot be classified, as its
etymology appears to be of obscure origin. There are very few data of Puquina, which
does not enable us to state that those entries could be affiliated to this language, although


7
perspectives. In the observation of the principles commanding the study of names, the
work by Nuessel (1992), despite his reservations concerning the value of such studies,
offers a good guide with examples of various topics in this study area. A study that
describes the use of names and its connection to the community they belong to was
provided by Singh (1996). In this work, different aspects of the onomastics in India such
as communities, synonyms and surnames were treated. As to the terminology used in
onomastic studies, Room (1996) offers an alphabetic guide of terms used in the study of
names. He has also produced significant material on place names and lexicography. The
dictionary of heraldry, onomastics and genealogy by Mogrobejo (1995) is a very updated
version of these areas in the Hispano-American context. Christin and Alleton (1998)
presented a compilation of texts in French about the writing of proper names.
Taylor (1921) combined history, ethnology and geography to present both
onomastics and geographical names in his study of toponyms. Fernandes (1944) gave an
overview of toponyms and patronymics. The study done by A.L.F. Rivet (1980) shows
interesting examples of Celtic, Latin and Greek names in some parts of Europe with
toponymic maps reflected in the toponymy. In the reconstruction of European languages,
Vennemann (1994) provided an exhaustive analysis of ancient toponymy in Old Europe.
This work shows how toponymic studies enable the reconstruction of a language
that would seem to have existed before Indo-European came into being. Also in the area
of European toponymy, the work done by W.F.H.Nicolaisen (1995) provides a significant
contribution to the West-Germanic toponymy by proposing a survey of toponyms and
their further correlation to the development of West-Germanic dialects. In the context of
English and Scandinavian place-names, Gillian Fellows-Jensen (1995) traced back a


APPENDIX C
MAPS


39
Some of the roots that take the AYA suffix are not found in the bilingual
dictionaries used for this research. The limited vocabulary in Puquina cannot be taken as
a lexical reference for these morphemes; however, the Puquina root /qara/ that means to
cry can be another possibility for the toponym (174) [karabaya] with an underlying form
/kara+baya/. In conclusion, the alternation of the suffixes /-paya/, /-baya/ /-waya/ /-aya/
are a reflection of lenited forms of */paya/ for the reasons above stated.
The /ayu/ Group
In the data presented here, I have also found another group of suffixes similar to
those of the AYA group. The phonemic sequence of /ayu/ and the environment in which
it is found are almost identical to those of the AYA group. Table 3-26 shows the only
two instances where /-ayu/ is present: between vowels and after the nasal /m/. The
environments of /-ayu/ seem to be related to some of the /-aya/ environments as can be
observed in the examples. There are two types of suffixes with the sequence of /-ayu/,
namely /-wayu/ and /-payut. I have found alternations in pairs of toponyms with the
suffix /-wayu/, like those in Table 3-26 above, that refer to the same geographic entity but
are produced by two different speakers in the area of Puquina.
Table 3-28 Environments of /ayu/
Intervocalic
After Iml
(43) [cakawyo]
(154) [kalampyo]
(86) [cuuwyo]
(397) [qalampyo]
(384)[pokowyo]
(486)[talawyo]
I have not found identical pairs of this sort with the suffix /-payu/ although there is
a suffix /-paya/ as we saw before. The other examples with /-payu/ were given without a


77
Table B-l (continued)
#
Morpheme
Alomorph
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
86
taku
red soil used to mark cattle / limonitic
clay
87
tala
widest part of a parte ancha de la onda
88
tapa
birds nest / straw put in the bottom of a
pot for steam cooking
89
tiki
gallareta / patillo de lakes
90
tiyay
-tiAa
to live, to inhabit
91
tunta
white chuo (17)
92
uli
ruin
93
uma
water
head
94
uqu
uqo
grey
swallow (verb)
95
ura
95
wasa
gwasa
wasa : unhabitated site, desertic, pramo
back of a person or
thing


44
Other examples show suffixes such as: /-qina/ /xina/ /-runi/ /sirka/. Their
meanings are not defined and the examples are relatively rare.
Compounding and Reduplication
The compounds found would seem to be of endocentric nature, that is compounds
having one head. They present a combination of nominal roots and they are usually
head-final compounds, which is expected in SOV languages like the Andean languages.
In some cases, the element that works as the head in a certain compound, can act as the
non-head in another one and some of them are more productive in one position than in
the other one. Because we do not have etymological information for all of our
morphemes in the data, the heads of some compounds will remain opaque.
In the data collected, I have found seven nouns that seem to be most commonly
used in the areas visited for toponymic compounds. Table 3-33 shows the frequency in
which these nominal roots appear as heads and as non-heads.
Table 3-33 Frequency of nominal roots as heads and as non-heads of compounds
Roots
Gloss
Number of times as
a non-head
Number of times as
a head
/laka/
mouth
01
06
/laqi/
not found
00
15
/mayo/
river
00
08
/moko/
promontory
02
06
/pampa/
terrain
02
15
/pata/
top part of a
hill
08
06
/xawira/
river
00
02
The most productive morphemes in a head position are /laqi/ and /pampa/ followed
by /mayu/, /muqu/, /pata/, /laka/ and lastly /wiral. As a non-head, /pata! appears as the
most frequent, followed by /pata/, /muqu/ and /lakal. There are no examples of /laqi/,
/xawira/ and /mayu/ in this position. I have not found a gloss for /laqi! in either Aymara


46
carry these Quechua-Quechua compounds may not have been occupied by other cultural
groups. In this way, the names have remained purely Quechua.
There are a few combinations of Andean nouns with Spanish ones. Most of the
examples in this study present Spanish-non-Spanish compounds where the head is a non-
Spanish noun. Only a few compounds are Non-Spanish-Spanish with a Spanish head. I
will show some examples in Tables, 3-37 and 3-38.
Table 3-37 Spanish-Quechua compounds
Compound
Gloss
(516) /toma+mayu/
water source+river
(330) /negro+pampa/
black+land
(144) /kabra+kanca/
goat+ courtyard
(127) /gloria+muqu/
glory+promontory
(38) /bolkan+mayu/
volcano+river
Table 3-38 Quechua-Spanish compounds
Compound
Gloss
(365) Ipata+molinol
top of the hill+windmill
(421) Isakan+korall
(undetermined)+courtyard
In the Andean lexicon, we can find words that are shared by two or more
languages. Because of the history of contact of the Andean peoples, much of their
lexicon and other linguistic features have been borrowed. Before the Spanish conquest,
the borrowing occurred more in the direction of Aymara into Quechua, after the conquest
the process was reversed (Hardman, 2002). However, the direction of these borrowings
and the time that it took place still seems unclear for which it would be better to talk in
terms of Pan-Andean lexicon. Table 3-39 shows some examples of compounds where
one of the segments is a Pan-Andean root.


58
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic
entity
30
/ayrampni/ [ayrampune]
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill
31
/ba/.esito/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
32
/bekabista/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
33
/binabista/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
34
/binomre/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
35
/binomre/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
settlement
36
/brxendelasmersdes/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
37
/biyabista/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
river
38
/blkanmyu/ [bolkanmayo]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
39
/blkanmyu/ [bolkanmayo]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
40
/blkanmyu/ [bolkanmayo]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
41
/cakamrka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
42
/cakawya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
43
/cakaw/.u/ [cakaw/.o]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
river
44
/cakawyu/ [cakawyo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
45
/cakaxawra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
46
/caklya/
Ubinas
settlement
47
/calsapmpa/
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
settlement
48
/calsyuq/ [calsyoq]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
49
/caLawya/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
50
/ckawya/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
51
/carikcu/ [carikco]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
52
/carikcu/ [carikco]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
53
/carisna/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
54
/carisnacko/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
55
/cskamuqu/ [cskamko]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
56
/cskamuqu/ [cskamko]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
57
/caqina/ [caxena]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
58
/caqinapampa/ [caxenapampa]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
59
/caxln/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
60
/cjaxqi/ [cjaxke]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the
sheep
61
/ciciln/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
62
/icilnalto/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
63
/cicilnbxo/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
64
/cicilnmdjo/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
65
/cilta/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
66
/cilitya/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
village


29
the other one. They all refer to the same geographic entity and its variation seems to be
related to the substratum of the speakers. However, in the Cuzco area, /siqi/ also refers to
canals.
In the Jaqi languages and in Quechua, stress does not occur freely; instead, it has a
predictable occurrence. It always falls on the penultimate syllable. Therefore, stress in
these Andean languages does not have a phonemic status as it does in Spanish. In the
data collected, I found a set of entries where stress falls on the last syllable. These entries
are not Spanish but their origin has not yet been determined, neither have their glosses.
Table 3-15. Entries with stress in syllable final position.
Toponym
Geographic entity
(25)
[asoxn]
village
(59)
[caxln]
farm
(61)
[ciciln]
hill
(80)
[culn]
farm
(128)
[gwasaln]
village
(173)
[kapaxn]
farm
(178)
[karsn]
valley
(188)
[kenoraxn]
farm
(287)
[loxn]
plot
(419)
[sajwn]
farm
(471)
[sintakn]
farm
(476)
[sokosn]
farm
(483)
[sowaln]
farm
(484)
[subn]
village
(491)
[talabexn]
hill
(499)
[tapalakn]
village
(572)
[watarn]
farm
Most of the non-Spanish entries in this thesis follow the stress pattern of Andean
languages. However, I have some cases of stress falling on the last syllable, specially
those entries ending with /n/.


82
Start
'Lag \Ua fro i
^tVUOMA A
-^/Laguna "fx
LHuarhuarcos J,
MICASIC
kCMAW
Nevado ,
Lag Paal
KMirtw0
RVA ALEGR
YANAHUARA
frftAREQi
Laguna
\Salina 5 <
fucumarinl
A'MAMUQUEol
dio baya Brande'
^ConcancA*
as?"} j
Laguna
Figure C-4 Map of Ubinas and Salinas Moche


32
some morphemes in my data can also have a gloss in Puquina. The analysis done here
will focus mainly on the non-Spanish group; however, I will dedicate a special section to
the Spanish entries as well as to the combined Spanish/non-Spanish forms.
Derivation
The non-Spanish entries are mostly affixed; I cannot, however, determine whether
those entries that are apparently non-affixed are free morphemes. My lack of knowledge
of Andean languages, of which these words are formed, prevents me from determining
the nature of those morphemes. Those entries that are clearly affixed show a preference
for suffixation in most cases. Some of these suffixes are repeated in many of the entries,
which helped me to decide that an affixation was present. The phonemic alternation
discussed before about the group of stops in the Andean languages opened a wide range
of possibilities for the morphemes. In some cases, there is more than one interpretation
for a morpheme where a velar or a uvular stop occurs as seen in the phonological
discussion. In some cases, this situation brought more than one gloss for each phonemic
possibility. However, the alternation is not always relevant for determining the
morphemes as they either have an obvious gloss or are just not found.
The word formation of the entries in my data is a result of three processes:
derivation, compounding and free formation. In some cases, these processes involve a
combination of roots and/or affixes of two different languages.
The AYA group
In all the data, the sequence of /AYA/ in word final position is very productive. I
have classified this group of entries as the AYA group, whether /-aya! appears to be an
affix, a part of it or not an affix at all. Within the AYA group, five subgroups of the said


71
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
510
/tota/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
511
/tuqa/ [tka]
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
river
512
/tuqa/ [tka]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
513
/tuqaladra/ [tokaladera]
Chacahuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
514
/tuqina/ [tokna]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
515
/tolapmpa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
516
/tomamyu/ [tomamayo]
Chacahuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
517
/tunlqi/ [tonlake]
Matalaque
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
518
/tonoya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
519
/tonoya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
520
/tuqa/ rtqa]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
521
/torta/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
522
/toepmpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
523
/trampni/ [trampane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
524
/trampTa/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
525
/trampea/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
526
/trapce/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
527
/trpice/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
528
/tksa/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
lagoon
529
/tukunla/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
530
/tumilaka/
Moquegua
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
531
/tuntakni/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
532
/turuxawra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
533
/tuturneko/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
534
/tuturnegrnde/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
535
/tuxtumpya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
settlement
536
/ubnas/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
volcano
537
/ubnas/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
district
538
/uupmpa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
539
/ukXo/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
540
/ulakuAu/ [ulakoAo]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
flat land
541
/uliAunkanni/
[uliAunkanne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
542
/ulnto/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
543
/umanga/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
544
/quqirpi/ [uqokerapi]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
545
/urxcmpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
546
/urbna/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm


45
or Quechua dictionaries, but have found two glosses for /lakal in Aymara. Table 3-34
shows some of these glosses.
Table 3-34 Glosses for nominal roots
Nouns
Gloss
Language
/laqi/
not found
undetermined
/pampa/
floor, ground, plain Quechua
/mayu/
river
Quechua
/muqu/
promontory
Quechua
/pata/
flat top part of a
Aymara
hill
/xawira/
river
Aymara
/laka/ /lak'a/
mouth
Aymara
/laka/
Table 3-35 Quechua-Quechua compounds
Compound
Gloss
(319) /muqu+pata/
gold+top of the hill
(345) Ipalta+rumil
flat+stone
(608) /yuraq+muqu/
white+promontory
(556) /wayra+punku/
wind+door
(549) /wacu+laqi/
furrow (or rut) + undetermined
(357) Ipara+punal
rain+top highland
(400) Ipuxru+pampal
deep hole+land
Many of these compounds are
Quechua-Quechua (see Table 3-35), although there
are also some combining forms
of Aymara-Quechua, Aymara-Spanish, Quechua-
Aymara, Quechua-Spanish, and others that are not determined.
Table 3-36 Quechua-Aymara compounds
Compound
Gloss
yana+saya
black+the top
The existence of toponyms of Quechua-Quechua compounds may reflect the degree
of migration by other groups in these areas. The areas corresponding to the names that


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Yolanda Chavez-Cappellini is originally from Peru but lived in the United States
until she was five years old. Back in her hometown, she completed her secondary
education at the Catholic School of Sagrado Corazn Sophianum, and by this time, she
had already learned other languages. She started traveling extensively, and this increased
her curiosity for language and culture, which became an important focus of her life. She
then decided to join the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Lima where she
obtained her bachelors degree in linguistics in 1997.
In San Marcos, she did some voluntary work and helped in the practices of Latin.
She has taught English, Spanish and Italian in both the United Kingdom and Peru, and
has also done work related to translation and interpretation, some of which contained
confidential information. She worked for some Peruvian government entities as well as
for the British Embassy and the British-Peruvian Chamber of Commerce in Peru.
Simultaneously, Yolanda decided to go to the Andes to visit some towns and
collect some data. She then came to the United States looking for an opportunity to do
her masters degree and use her data as the basis for her thesis. She joined the Program
of Linguistics at the University of Florida in the Fall of 1999. In her second year, she
taught English to newcoming foreign students at the English Language Institute of the
University of Florida for a year and then was hired by the Department of Romance
Languages and Literatures at the University of Florida to teach introductory courses in
94


63
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
219
/kuAa/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
220
/kucumbya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
221
/kulta/
San Cristobal
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
222
/kmo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
skirts
223
/kmo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
ditch
224
/kmo/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
225
/kuntamle/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
226
/kuntiknCa/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
settlement
227
/kupuwya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
228
/kurilka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
229
/kurX.o/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
230
/kuruXuq/ [kurulx]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
231
/kururuni/ [kururne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
232
/kurusni/ [kurusne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
233
/kurusmre/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
234
/kwestapta/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
235
/kwAqu/ [ kwlko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
236
/lajrigasjn/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
237
/lka/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
238
/lakalra/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
239
/lakalra/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
240
/lakalta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
241
/lakantera/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
242
/lakapta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
243
/lakapLa/
La Capilla
Dina Ramos
district
244
/lakaspya/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
245
/lakebrda/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
246
/lakrs/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
247
/lakruscka/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
248
/lakrusgrnde/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
249
/lakwsta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
250
/laladra/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
251
/lalomda/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
252
/laAnqi/ [laXnke]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
253
/lamicilra/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
254
/lamya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
255
/lamya/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement


75
Table B-l (continued)
#
Morpheme
Alomorpb
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
24
cuqa-
coqa
c'uqa: tie
cuqa: a unit of measure
equal to amount one can
hold in two hands
cupped together
25
c"uxcu-
paludism
26
curu-
small uninhabited island
c'uru: shell, snail
27
ila-
frozen morning / fearful, nervous / straw;
something rough, hard and pointed
28
kaci-
kace
piece of land where the cattle is marked
salt
29
kanca-
enclosed field, courtyard
corral, adobe or rock
fence / open market
area
30
kay-
this
31
kaypi-
here
32
kama
kam
until
each, until / dirty work
33
kala
action of carrying various heavy things
34
kimsa
three
35
kika
moon, month
36
kucu
court, pagan offering / victim for sacrifice
and offering
kucum: alpaca or white llama raising that
is sacrified in ritual acts.
37
kunti
dance of the dyers
west
38
kupu
straw basket used for collecting potaoes
cosechadas
39
laka
laka
mouth,
40
lewa
//wmporcin
41
/.aqta
42
lull-
pjaro mtico que simboliza la paz; colibr
43
lulu-
hermana, trato carioso para las mujeres
44
mama-
seora madre
45
market-
city, country, town
46
mayu-
mayo
river
47
muku-
moqo
moko
moqo:knot / short man /
promontory
48
moya-
muya: house garden, meadow / fenced
place
49
muyu
mui
moyo
muyu : round, surround
50
muna
love
want, desire, love
51
nayram
first, before / eye, sight
52
orqo
male, llama de carga
mountains; male; bring
out
53
paca
firmament, sky / place, time, era, space
time, hour


20
linguistic features are no longer there such as the glottalization or aspiration of the
occlusive consonants. Other times, the consultants would provide toponyms in Spanish,
even though these toponyms were etymologically Andean. In fact, this is what one
would expect as both the dominant language and that used in my interviews was Spanish;
this is regardless of the etymology of the toponym. On some occasions, a consultant
would produce the same toponym in both the Andean language and in Spanish. The
resulting items included in these data present in most cases absence of some phonemic
features of the language source and/or alternation of some segments as in the case of the
set of voiceless stops (Table 3-1).
Table 3-1. Alternation of voiceless stops
Language in which the
Toponym
Geographic entity
toponym was produced
Spanish
(156) [/calmpayo]
farm
Quechua
(401) [/alampyo]
farm
The final vowel /u/ is lowered into an [o], maybe as a result of the presence of /q/
which remains there, even though /q/ is produced as [k], or as a result of a segment lost
near the said vowel as part of a suffix such as /-yuq/ which left a trace in the final vowel.
If this was the case, the underlying form could be /qalampayuq/. We will discuss this
further in the morphological analysis.
In the Aymara speaking areas of Moquegua, the toponyms provided by the
consultants were produced with simple voiceless stops for every case since neither the
glottalization nor the aspiration were pronounced as the interview was done in Spanish.
As we can see in the tables below, the set of voiceless stops in the Aymara language not
only includes: /p/ /t/ /cl /k/ /q/, but also their matching aspirated and glottalized


30
Table 3-16. Toponyms with final syllable stress ending with Ixl.
Toponym
Geographic entity
(230) kuruAAx
farm
(413) rosaxnjx
farm
The occurrence of stress in these environments may be due to two things: the
Andean substratum involves an/other/s language/s as well as Aymara and Quechua.
There is an analogical factor with Spanish nouns. Spanish nouns ending with /n/ are very
common, since most of Spanish nouns have the stress on the last syllable.
As for the Andean substratum of Moquegua, Puquina may have been another
language spoken there. Unfortunately, the information we have on the stress of this
language is scarce. The analysis of Puquina made by Torero was based on the Gernimo
de Ore manuscript, which contains limited material. In this document, thirty words have
been found with stress out of which only ten instances of stress in final syllable position
have been noted (Torero, 1965); seven of these ten words correspond to gerund forms of
the verb /atawa/ "to say" and the three remaining ones are adjectives. There are also two
cases where stress is morphophonemically conditioned as it falls on the vowel of the
nominal suffix /-ua/ for. Torero states that the few examples of stress marked with an
accent mark cannot determine whether stress in Puquina has a free occurrence or not
(Torero, 1965). An important point to make here is that punctuation marks, including
stress, were not a strict convention in Spanish documents written in 16th or 17th centuries,
which limits our judgement of how stress in Puquina may have been.
Since we do not have much foundation to claim that the stress in word final
position of the toponyms above may have been influenced by another Andean language,


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REFERENCES
Adelaar, W.F.H. (1986) La relacin quechua-aru: Perspectivas para la separacin del
Lxico, Revista Andina, 2, 379-395
Aitchison, J. (1987) Words in the Mind (Basil Blackwell, Oxford)
Bautista-Iturrizaga, D. (forthcoming) Mark Qillqa Tupe, (Instituto de Estudios
Peruanos, Lima)
Bertonio, Ludovico (1612) Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara (CERES, IFEA and
MUSEF, La Paz Reed. 1984)
Boulanger, Jean-Claude, and M.C. Cormier (2001) Le Nom propre dans l'espace
dictionnairique general: tudes de mtalexicographie (Max Niemeyer Verlag,
Tbingen)
Burras, Victoria (1983) A Procedural Manual for Entry establishment in the Dictionary
of the Old Spanish Language (2nd Ed. in Hispanic Seminary of Medieval
Spanish Madison)
The Canadian Baptist Mission (1963) Rudimentos de Gramtica Aymara (reproduced by
the Peace Corps, La Paz)
Casares, J. (1992) Introduccin a la Lexicografa Moderna (Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Cientficas, Madrid)
Casares y Sanchez, Julio (1950) Introduccin a la Lexicografa Moderna in Revista de
Filologa Espaola (Anejo 52, XV, 3, Madrid)
Cerron-Palomino, R. (2000) Onomstica Andina, Boletn de la Academia Peruana de
la Lengua. 22, 119-131
(1984) La reconstruccin del proto-quechua, Revista Andina 2,
1:89-120
Choque Canqui, Roberto (1990) La Importancia del Estudio de la Toponimia Aymara
in El Reto de la Normalizacin Lingstica en Bolivia (Centro de Estudios
Andinos, La Paz)
88


47
Table 3-39 Compounds with Pan-Andean roots
Pan-Andean +
Gloss
Pan-Andean +
Gloss
Aymara
Quechua
(45) Icaka + xawiral
bridge + river
(214) /quri + muqu/
gold + promontory
(576) Iwajra + laka/
wind + mouth
I have found examples of reduplication such as the entries in Table 3-40 and an
example for reduplication and derivation together but have been unable to establish
glosses for these terms.
Table 3-40 Reduplication
Reduplication Reduplication with derivation
(323) /moromoro/ (454) /sayasayanel
(369) Ipicupicul
(175) /karakara/
The non-Spanish compounds included in this study consist of two types: both
segments belonging to the same language and both segments belonging to two different
languages. Caiques are another way of forming toponyms and in these data I have found
an example for a caique between Quechua and Spanish in the form of a compound.
Caiques are defined as new words created from a word in a different language and
translated morpheme by morpheme (Trask, 1996). The toponym (587) Ixalamayul
meaning river of Xala where /xala/ might be /kala/ stone in Aymara and /mayu/
river in Quechua, takes another name, which is a syntagmatic structure in Spanish ¡rio
de Xala/ again meaning river of Xala. There is another name for the same river
/cuqalaqi/, for which no gloss is available. In the next section, we will see how these


51
toponyms sounded almost accurate and perhaps there are some valid reasons for it. Some
examples of this follow.
Some interesting names. An interesting case of naming geographic entities is that
of the salt lagoon of Salinas in Salinas Moche. The local inhabitants have a name for the
lagoon depending on which part is being referred to. When the reference is made to the
bottom of the lagoon the name for the Salinas lagoon is (520) /tuksa/. If the reference is
made to the center of the lagoon then the name is (569) /werta/.
Table 3-45 Folk etymology
Toponym
Interpretation
(112) /elserodelsapo/
the hill of the frog which the
consultant explained that this is
because there's an image of a frog
on it.
(149)/kakakcu/
place of cliffs
(200) Iqualaqi/
a sad place of sand
(319) hnoromoro/
land that carries rainwater
(457) /seordelaarena/
it literally means the Lord of the
sand in Spanish and the
interpretation given was that it is
because the image of God appears
on the sand.
It was also interesting to note that a place where a creature, like an owl, which in
the Andean world is supposed to bring misfortune, has also a name: (142) kabrakanca,
which translated into Spanish means the field of the goat.
It seems that the creation of names of this sort occurs only in the speech of the local
inhabitants. These names seem to give them a point of reference other than just the
naming of an entity. I did not try to find them. They simply came up in the interviews by
chance after a prolonged conversation.


65
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
293
/mamayka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
294
/mansanyu/ [mansanyo
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
295
/mansanto/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
296
/markapmpa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
297
/matalqi/ [matalake]
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
298
/mataspo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
river
299
/mataspo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
valley
300
/mataspo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
stream
301
/matso/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
302
/mawkakqta/
[mawkaLkta]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
303
/mawkakqta/
fmawkakktal
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
304
/mawkakqta/
| mawkaLktaj I
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
305
/mavvka/.qta/
[mawka/kta| II
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
306
/mawkaqta/
[mawka/.kta] II
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
307
/mawkakqta/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
hill
308
/maxalso/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
river
309
/miqu/ [mko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
310
/miraflores/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
311
/mocna/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
312
/mogote/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
313
/muqupta/ [mokopata]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
314
/molino/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
water canal
315
/molino/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
316
/monteryo/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
317
/mokegwa/
Moquegua
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
318
/muqa/.aqta/ [mokallakta]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
319
/muqupta/ [mqopta]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
320
/morko/
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
321
/mormro/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
322
/moro/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
323
/mromro/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
324
/moyabya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
river
325
/moy orina/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
flat land
326
/munayne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
327
/mre/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
328
/mwilqi/ [mwilake]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
329
/najrampni/
[najrampnel
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill


A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE TOPONYMS OF THE TAMBO VALLEY AND
SURROUNDINGS IN MOQUEGUA
By
YOLANDA CHAVEZ-CAPPELLINI
A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2002


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
ABSTRACT viii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 1
Purpose Statement 1
Geographic Context 2
Historical Background 2
Literature Review 5
2 MATERIALS AND METHODS 10
Introduction 10
Data Collection 11
Archiving 15
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 19
Introduction 19
Phonological Statement 19
Morphological Statement 31
4 CONCLUSIONS 52
APPENDIX
A. DATA 57
B. MORPHEMES 74
C. MAPS 78
REFERENCES 87
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 93
vii


73
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic
entity
584
/wuxcma/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
town
585
/xacasilka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
586
/xagwjV
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
587
/xalamyu/ [xalamayo]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
588
/xyampka/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
589
/xentilpta/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
590
/xto /
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
591
/xomra/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
592
/qunuraqin/ [xonoraxn]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
593
/qurata1 [xorta]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
594
/qurata/ [xorta]
Chilata
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
595
/yalgwa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
596
/yalqu/ [yalaxo]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
597
/yle/
Puquina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
598
/yle/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
599
/yle/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
600
/yanasya/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
lagoon
601
/yanawra/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
district
602
/yarabmba/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
district
603
yargwa
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
604
/yuqumri/ [yokomure]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
605
/yuqci/ [yoxace]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
606
/yuqu/ [yoxo]
Cuchumbaya
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
607
/yuqumuri/ [yoqomre]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
608
/yurqmuqu/ [yuraqmqo]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
609
/yraqmuqu/ [yuraqmko]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm


70
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
474
/sixwta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
475
/sixwya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
476
/suqusan/ [sokosn]
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
477
solabya
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
town
478
solawya
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
town
479
/sulaqu/ [solaxo]
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
480
/somoa/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
481
sonispya
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
482
/suqisani/ [sokesane]
Cuchumbaya
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
483
/sowaln/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
484
/subn/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
485
/sunka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
water canal
486
/tablones/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
487
/tablnesdelmolno/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
488
/tkawra/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
489
/takni/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
490
/tla/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
village
491
/tlabiqun/ [talabexon]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
492
/talamke/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
493
/talaska/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
494
/talawyu/ [talawayo]
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
495
/tama/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
496
/tambko/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
497
/tambLo/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
water pond for animals
498
/tangni/ [tangane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
499
/tapalaqun/ [tapalakon]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
500
/tapalaqun/ [tapalakon]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
small water source
501
/tapalaqun/ [tapalakon]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
502
/tsa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
503
/tga/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
504
/taca/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
505
/tikiLka/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
506
/tikAka/
Puquina
Alberto PalaciosMelndez
farm
507
/tiksni/ [tiksane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
volcano
508
/tikumni/ [tikumane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
509
/tnkuq/ [tinkoq]
Matalaque
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm


A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE TOPONYMS OF THE TAMBO VALLEY AND
SURROUNDINGS IN MOQUEGUA
By
YOLANDA CHAVEZ-CAPPELLINI
A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2002

To all the Andean people

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The present work is not only my product but a product of a lot of people who
helped me through in this project, before and after my coming to Gainesville. I would
like first to thank the Program of Linguistics at the University of Florida for giving me
the opportunity of earning my master’s degree here. My special thanks go to my Chair,
Dr. M.J. Hardman, from whom I have learned to see things in a broader way and to
reconsider my cultural patterns. I would like to thank her particularly for her patience in
the completion of this thesis and her assertive feedback and suggestions. I would also like
to extend my thanks to the members of my committee, Dr. Marie Nelson and Dr.Gary
Miller, for providing me with excellent suggestions and academic support during the
completion of this thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. David Pharies for his help with
the lexical items that presented special difficulties and for providing a basic introduction
to historical analysis.
This thesis is indebted to the consultants who provided the data for the analyses
presented here, which is the base of my research and the reason for this thesis. All my
gratitude is given to Ms. Juana Márka Flores, Ms. Dina Ramos, Ms. Judit Chiri and her
father Mr.Victor Chiri Durán, Mr. Feliciano Quispe Choque, Mr. Orlando Roldán Tone,
the Historian Mr. Roy Navarro Oviedo, Mr. Elbio Valdivia Dueñas, Mrs. Herminia Chiri
de Tone and Mr. Fabio Tone, Mr. Luis Gómez Iquira, Mr. Lautaro Peñaloza, Mr.
Navarro, Mr. Lajo Pantigoso and Mr. Jesús Rodriguez. I would also like to include in
this list Mrs. Consuelo Guevara de Roque, for her hospitality in the town of Coalaque.

My thanks go to Teófilo, Marcos and Richard for their kindness in providing me with
transport from La Capilla to Puquina. I would also like to thank Mr. Marco Antonio Lulo
Vega who assisted me during the collection of my data in the towns of Puquina and
Ornate. My thanks also go to Dr. Guillermo Galdos Rodriguez for his valuable time and
historical information about Arequipa and its surroundings and to the Historian and
Professor Alejandro Málaga from the Universidad Nacional de San Agustín in Arequipa
for his hospitality and the historical information. My thanks also go to the Biblioteca
Landázuri in the Universidad Nacional de San Agustín in Arequipa for its permission to
access very useful information for this thesis. My special gratitude goes to Dr. Teresa
Cañedo-Argüelles from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and her excellent team
for sharing the experience of their own research with me and for making areas like
Salinas Moche and Ubinas accessible to me. I would not have been able to get there
alone. And, in general, I would like to thank all the people in the towns visited in
Moquegua for allowing me to enter their world and their language.
A great part of this work depends on information and advice provided by very
notable linguists. A specially valuable contribution was provided by Dr. Wilhelm
Adelaar from the University of Leiden, who shared with me useful information about the
towns I visited. His advice at the beginning of my research and his suggestions and
motivation for me to carry out this project are not to be forgotten. Also, I am highly
grateful to Dr. Jan Szeminski from the University of Jerusalem for his valuable advice
and availability, and for his broad knowledge of the Andean world. I would like to thank
the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Lima and all my professors there who
first opened the doors of Linguistics to me. In particular, I would like to thank Dr.
IV

Enrique Carrión-Ordóñez, my mentor and professor, for his encouragement and example,
and Dr. Gustavo Solis-Fonseca for introducing to me the fascinating world of place
names. I feel grateful to Lie. Isabel Galvez-Astorayme and Lie. Maritza Ginocchio
Lainez-Lozada for giving me the rudiments in Quechua, so important for this work. In
the same way, I would like to thank Lie. Felipe Huayhua for introducing the Aymara
language, also vital for this work, to me.
I would like to thank my classmates and friends in the University of Florida,
especially Erica Fischer-Dorantes for her moral support and honest friendship from the
beginning, and for her suggestions for this thesis. Likewise, I would like to thank Victor
Prieto for his friendship and valuable suggestions and support. My thanks also go to
Russell Moon, my classmate and friend, for always having time for my questions and for
enabling this thesis to be on paper thanks to his printer. Also, I would like to thank my
friend Luli Lopez-Merino and her father Dr. Ignacio Lopez-Merino for helping me in the
English translation of some Spanish terms in this work. A very special recognition goes
to Emilio Benitez for his very valuable help in the translation of the entries in Quechua,
and for his patience in answering all my questions. I would like to thank Dr. Dimas
Bautista Iturrizaga for helping me with the translation and interpretation of some terms in
this thesis. My thanks also go to the Engineer Jose L. Isoardi for his support and valuable
help in the scanning of the maps used in this thesis, and for other technical assistance. I
am very grateful to Stephen Marr for his patience and understanding of my difficult times
while we were housemates. Special thanks go to all my students in the Portuguese class
for their patience, understanding and support during the last weeks of the finishing of this
thesis. I want to thank to Ms Anne Taylor from the Editorial office for her useful
v

suggestions especially in the elaboration of my tables. I would also like to thank the team
at the Electronic Theses and Dissertation office, James Albury, Adrian Madhosingh, Jon
Fishman and especially Fenton Ridgeway, for their valuable help in the technical details
of this work.
This thesis would not have been completed without the support and affection of my
very personal ties. I would like to thank in a very special way Nick Jamieson for his
endless support throughout my master’s course in every way, and for not leaving me
alone in times of need. My special thanks go to my parents, Yolanda Cappellini-Lava
and Carlos Chavez Silva-Santisteban, for providing me with a family where intellectual
work and culture are very important. My gratitude goes especially to my beautiful
mother, for always protecting me with her generosity and intelligence and for taking care
of me in difficult times during my course. I would like to thank my sister Monica and my
brother Carlos for all their support. Their admiration always motivated me to go forward.
Also, I would like to thank my uncle Alberto Nuñez-Lava for being for me an example of
intellectuality, culture and simplicity and for his help in finding a map for this study. All
my gratitude goes to Angelica Fava-Franco, my grandmother and friend, for being a
‘damisela encantadora’ and for showing me the path to happiness from wherever she is
now. Finally, my deepest thanks go to Ronald MacKee, my friend and forever partner,
for our common past, language and country. All my thanks to him, always, because his
love enabled me to get this far.
vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
ABSTRACT viii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 1
Purpose Statement 1
Geographic Context 2
Historical Background 2
Literature Review 5
2 MATERIALS AND METHODS 10
Introduction 10
Data Collection 11
Archiving 15
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 19
Introduction 19
Phonological Statement 19
Morphological Statement 31
4 CONCLUSIONS 52
APPENDIX
A. DATA 57
B. MORPHEMES 74
C. MAPS 78
REFERENCES 87
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 93
vii

Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE TOPONYMS IN THE TAMBO VALLEY
AND SURROUNDINGS IN MOQUEGUA
By
Yolanda Chavez-Cappellini
December 2002
Chair: M.J.Hardman
Major Department: Program in Linguistics
This thesis is a descriptive study of toponyms in the Andean areas of the
department of Moquegua in the south of Peru. It focuses on phonological and
morphological aspects of the word formation process involved in the toponymy of this
region. The data included here come from first-hand sources as a result of a series of
fieldwork interviews.
Thirteen persons gave me oral data by means of tapes. I then transcribed, using
IPA symbols for the phonemic transcription, and analysed each sequence using both
phonemic and phonetic criteria. I have included phonetic alternations at the moment of
production, since these present possibilities of semantic ambiguity.
The morphological aspects of these data show the functions of word formation,
especially derivation and compounding. The recurrence of some suffixes in the
toponyms is given particular attention here, since they present not only alternations but
viii

also ambiguity as it relates to language source. Compounds show bilingual situations,
which, in some cases, result in opaque meaning.
My research has led to recognition of the particular significance of Quechua, but a
large number of entries have a non-determined affiliation. Also, the practice of changing
native names into Spanish ones has caused the loss of valuable toponymic material which
only exists in the memory of the people that live there.
This study suggests that phonological changes have taken place throughout an
extended period of time, leaving apparently different suffixes, which in fact are
allomorphs of the same morpheme. It also suggests that some innovations are now taking
place in the production of toponyms by young Spanish speaking people. In essence, the
study offers both a linguistic description of toponyms and sociolinguistic considerations
motivated by the multicultural migration done through centuries of history.
IX

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Purpose Statement
This thesis will focus on topographic evidence of the multiple languages once
spoken in the Moquegua area of Peru. Toponyms establish a relationship between people
and land (Lapesa, 1992), and in this area the convergence of various cultures before and
at the time of the Spanish settlement leaves very rich material, some of which will be
dealt here.
The methods used in the naming practice differ according to the culture to which a
specific group belongs. The toponyms collected here are, in many cases, the living
evidence of ancient language forms that no longer exist and/or the evolution of forms that
still survive in present times. Also, the coexistence of place names from different
languages within the same geographic area provides evidence that different cultural
groups occupied that area, either at different times or simultaneously. This first-hand
evidence is found in the living language of many people some of whom can be local
habitants. Some can also be the descendants of those speakers that gave origin to these
place names.
I will focus on the presentation of the toponyms collected in nine areas of the
Andean region of Moquegua and will treat toponymy from the linguistic point of view
showing an analysis of the entries provided by my consultants. I will begin by discussing
the phonological nature of these toponyms and will provide the phonological background
for the languages that exist and existed in the area. A very significant section will be
1

2
dedicated to the morphology of these toponyms, which will blend with the phonology
section as there are clear morphophonemic processes in the formation of toponyms in the
area of Moquegua. This analysis shows the existence of some productive morphemes, an
etymological explanation for them, a description of the word formation in these
toponyms and some hypotheses about their origin and their derivation. The conclusion of
this thesis will include reference to possibilities for future work involving not only
toponymic studies but sociolinguistic ones as well.
Geographic Context
The department of Moquegua is located in the southern area of the Peruvian Andes.
It has a varied geography that goes from coastal beaches, deserts and valleys to high
mountain areas of freezing climates. The department of Moquegua borders the
department of Arequipa and Puno in the north; the department of Puno and Tacna in the
east; the department of Tacna in the south; and the Pacific Ocean and the department of
Arequipa in the west. It is divided into three provinces: Sanchez Cerro, Mariscal Nieto
and Ilo. The area covered in this research comprehends the first two provinces. The
altitude of the towns visited ranges from 1,000 and 4,000 meters above sea level. Some
of these towns are located along the Tambo River, and others are located by, along or
near its affluents (see Maps, Appendix 3). These areas are rich in snow peaks, canyons
and high plains of land where a few inactive volcanoes can be found (Instituto
Geográfico Militar, 1979).
Historical Background
The towns in the highlands of Peru experienced various stages of intrusion by
different peoples even before the arrival of the Incas. There were times when these towns

3
were isolated and spoke their own languages, and there were other times when they were
integrated with or became part of other groups for which communication in a “general”
language was necessary (Hardman and Acosta Rojas, 1986). Before the arrival of the
Spaniards, there were already three main linguistic groups in the southern Andes:
Aymara, Puquina and Quechua. These groups served as important means of
communication and transmission of previous Andean cultures from the second half of the
first millennium (Torero, 1970), and bilingualism, with speakers required to know main
languages as well as first languages took place. As for Aymara, it dominated the Andes
between the years 400 to 800 A.D., during the Wari Empire (Hardman, 1991), but with
the rise of the Inca Empire, about late 15th century, Quechua became the most “general”
of the three main languages in the southern Andes. Aymara, Quechua and Puquina were
declared the “general languages of Peru” by the Spanish Crown, by the second half of the
16th century (Torero, 1974). The linguistic situation of Puquina, during the 16th century,
covered the areas of the present departments of Arequipa, Moquegua and Tacna, the
northeast of the Lake Titicaca and some disperse areas in the Altiplano (Appendix 3, Map
1 and 2). Aymara was used in the southern Andes from the northeast through the
Altiplano and the western Andes around the southwest of the Titicaca Lake.
As a result of an alliance between certain Aymara groups and the Incas, Aymara
was further strengthened. Consequently, Aymara acquired the status of “general”
language in the Altiplano in order to maintain communication with other ethnolinguistic
groups. The Aymara language had already started its expansion to this area long before
the alliance with the Incas took place. They had succeeded when they took military, or
commercial, action to occupy the Altiplano absorbing most of the Puquina speaking areas

4
(Torero, 1987). Later on, the usage of Quechua as an administrative language during the
time of the Inca power decreased at the fall of the Inca Empire. Quechua was then pushed
further and fully imposed by the Spaniards in many areas, which caused Quechua to
expand to areas other than the southern Andes. The Quechua varieties spoken in the
southern Andes of Peru were of major importance in the process of Christian proselitism.
Grammars, lexicons and some ecclesiastic material were printed at this time. The other
very expanded language in the southeast of the Andes was Puquina, which was very
dialectalized. It is this dialectalization that prevented it later from remaining as a
“general” language (Torero, 1987).
The Spanish domination did not cause the extinction of either Aymara or Quechua.
The situation was different, however with Puquina, which was already disappearing
towards the second half of the XVII century (Torero, 1970), due to the expansion of
Quechua and the convenient selection of Aymara as the first administrative language of
the Incas. Aymara and Southern Quechua became the most important languages in the
Andes (Torero, 1974). The historical, political and cultural situation described above in
the Southern Andes, was the result of various periods of expansion in the Andean history
(See Map 2, Appendix 3).
Here it will be useful to note that the Incas were not Quechua -they were Puquina
and used Puquina as their ‘secret’ court language. The earliest attested Quechua was
Pachacamac, which is on the coast of Peru, near Lima.
This complex linguistic and historical background should suggest the complexity of
the multilingual situation in the southern Andes of Peru that we find to be reflected in
their toponymy. It may also suggest the possibility that there were possible waves of

5
language dominance over Moquegua -in this case Puquina, Aymara, Quechua and
Spanish.
Literature Review
The study of toponyms is of interest to many disciplines. It is of particular interest
to linguists because it allows us to observe such linguistic phenomena as language change
and language contact (Nuessel, 1992). The study of place names yields linguistic data of
one or various languages, which are no longer in existence. Working with this lexicon
permits the observation of phonological and morphological phenomena, especially word
formation processes. There have been many attempts to do taxonomic classifications of
place names, although there is also a strong belief that a classification in this area is not at
all pertinent (Rennick, 1984). In the case of Andean names, however, a classification
might be possible on a language basis since different groups have left traces of both their
cultures and languages in the same geographic areas as a result of the contact among
these groups.
The phonological material found in the data I collected provides some general
details about the phonemic system of Andean languages in the context of toponyms. As
to the morphological material in the data, it gives us an idea of how these cultural groups
might have organized their geographic surroundings and how the selection of the
elements in the formation of placenames can reflect the mental structures of the people
that created these names. The motivation for naming geographic entities can respond to
either the mutual consensus of the people living in a given area or the imposition of
names given by outsiders (Nuessel, 1992).

6
Since names are part of the lexicon of any language, lexicographic studies are
highly important to the linguist who wishes to find linguistic phenomena. They involve a
systematic method of both data retrieval and analysis, which some scholars have
effectively researched. For example, Casares y Sanchez (1950) provided us with one of
the first works that described the Spanish lexicography. Also in the seventies, Zgusta
(1972) and Femandez-Sevilla (1974) gave a good insight for both general lexicography
and Spanish lexicography, respectively. For data entry procedures, the work of Burrus
(1983) is a good example, for she provided us with methods to process data in the
Spanish language. The linguistic observations of Spanish lexicon in the analysis of
structure and analogy of Pharies (1986) are important to see how lexicon can contribute
to the analysis of linguistic phenomena. Also in the eighties, Seco (1987) provided a few
examples of studies in Spanish lexicography. In terms of semantic analysis and
lexicography in the English language, Jackson (1988) offered a good approach for
meaning and corpora. In the nineties, Casares (1992) introduced us to a modem view of
lexicography focusing on the Spanish language. Escobedo Rodriguez (1994) did a deep
theoretical study on lexicology and lexicography. An interesting work where culture and
language are combined is that edited by Zachru and Kahane (1995) in honor of Ladislav
Zgusta. Zachru and Kahane provided studies of lexicography, with reference to culture
and ideology. Also important is the compilation of different studies on semantics and
lexicography between 1976 and 1996 by Wiegand (1999).
In the area of Onomastics, Lopez de Mesa (1961) presented a methodological
approach to handle data of personal names and geographical names. A compilation by
Harder (1986) of a series of essays regarding names showed different interdisciplinary

7
perspectives. In the observation of the principles commanding the study of names, the
work by Nuessel (1992), despite his reservations concerning the value of such studies,
offers a good guide with examples of various topics in this study area. A study that
describes the use of names and its connection to the community they belong to was
provided by Singh (1996). In this work, different aspects of the onomastics in India such
as communities, synonyms and surnames were treated. As to the terminology used in
onomastic studies, Room (1996) offers an alphabetic guide of terms used in the study of
names. He has also produced significant material on place names and lexicography. The
dictionary of heraldry, onomastics and genealogy by Mogrobejo (1995) is a very updated
version of these areas in the Hispano-American context. Christin and Alleton (1998)
presented a compilation of texts in French about the writing of proper names.
Taylor (1921) combined history, ethnology and geography to present both
onomastics and geographical names in his study of toponyms. Fernandes (1944) gave an
overview of toponyms and patronymics. The study done by A.L.F. Rivet (1980) shows
interesting examples of Celtic, Latin and Greek names in some parts of Europe with
toponymic maps reflected in the toponymy. In the reconstruction of European languages,
Vennemann (1994) provided an exhaustive analysis of ancient toponymy in Old Europe.
This work shows how toponymic studies enable the reconstruction of a language
that would seem to have existed before Indo-European came into being. Also in the area
of European toponymy, the work done by W.F.H.Nicolaisen (1995) provides a significant
contribution to the West-Germanic toponymy by proposing a survey of toponyms and
their further correlation to the development of West-Germanic dialects. In the context of
English and Scandinavian place-names, Gillian Fellows-Jensen (1995) traced back a

8
number of Scandinavian place names existent in England. Her works have been
particularly useful for this thesis as they show different historical stages of naming as a
result of migrating groups. Within the context of Andean languages, it is somehow
difficult to gather all the valuable linguistic works done during the last decades in this
area for which I will mention some of them. The works of M.J. Hardman (2001, 1997,
1995, 1991, 1986, 1985) are especially important in the case of Andean languages.
Hardman provides extensive information on the Jaqi languages, and her research on the
Aymara, Jaqaru and Kawki languages is undoubtedly a very valuable contribution in the
study of Andean linguistics. All the works of Alfredo Torero (1987, 1974, 1972, 1970,
1965) provide valuable historical and linguistic information in the context of the Peruvian
Andes. His work on the history of Quechua (1974) is very enlightening and provides
complete information. The historical work of Cerron-Palomino (1984) in the
reconstruction of the Proto-Quechua contains very important material for Andean
linguistics. Wilhelm Adelaar (1982, 1986) has also contributed to the study of the
Quechua with thorough linguistic analyses of some varieties.
The area of Andean toponymy has been a subject of study in the last few decades.
The geographic dictionary produced by German Stiglich (1922) is important for it is one
of the earliest works with a compilation of Peruvian toponyms. The toponymic work of
Andres Krzanowski and Jan Szeminski of the Chicama region of Peru shows a systematic
description of the place names there with a strong historical and archeological
foundation. The names were collected mainly from maps and organized in linguistic
groups based on their geographic distribution. Another important work about Andean
toponymy is that of Manuel Mamani (1984). It has part of a larger research about the

9
most common toponyms in Tarapaca, Chile. Mamani made an attempt to provide an
etymology in both Aymara and Quechua for each of these toponyms. Zevallos-Quiñones
(1993) provided the first study on Chimu onomastics with relevant reference to the
language of the Mochicas. M.J.Hardman (1995) provides in her article about Jaqi
Onomastics a detailed overview of toponymic and anthroponymic studies of Jaqaru,
Kawki and Aymara that describe very accurately the naming practices in the Andes and
how alien ones are imposed. The toponymy of the northern part of Chile has been studied
by Guillermo Latorre (1997). It is important to mention this as the area occupied by the
cultural groups settled in the areas where this research took place was extended to the
present territory of Chile. In another article, Latorre (1998) presented a description of the
toponymy in the south of Chile. He proposed some hypotheses about the origin of those
toponyms in which a few native languages of the Chilean territory are their source.
Cerron-Palomino (2000) presented an overview of the deficiencies in most toponymic
works about the tendency to affiliate Peruvian toponyms to Quechua.

CHAPTER 2
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Introduction
The results of the research used for this investigation will be presented here under
three main headings: 1) the collection of field data, 2) organization of the data, and 3)
linguistic analysis in terms of phonological processes, word formation and some
sociolinguistic considerations.
Investigation of toponyms as used by the residents of the area of Moquegua
involved topographic categories such as farms, small lagoons, brooks, and others that,
because of the scale perspective and the utility of the maps used, are not shown here. For
my purposes it seemed better not to rely on the place names of maps, since they tend to
be neither complete nor accurate. The collection and transcription of the data for maps,
have been done by non-linguists. This has resulted in significant limitations in the way
the data collection is carried out, sorted and subsequently transcribed. The reason for
these limitations responds to the intention of cartographers, who gather toponyms simply
to label geographic categories represented in maps, without any linguistic concern of how
they are transcribed. Therefore, their approach for the research lies in informative and
descriptive data, which do not go beyond the limits of the map in question. However, the
use of maps for this research has been an important tool for reference and location of the
areas visited (see Appendix C), but it was necessary, with almost predictable results, to
go beyond what could be represented by map-making processes.
10

11
Data Collection
The fieldwork was carried out in 1998 and the data collection was done in situ in
two different stages in order to cover areas of difficult access between them. The stages
of the data collection consisted of fifteen days each with an interval of two months in
between. The Andean towns of the department of Moquegua chosen for the field work
are located in the valley formed by the Tambo river and its effluents, surrounded by snow
peaks, canyons, plateaus and a few inactive volcanoes.
The first stage covered the districts and surrounding areas of Carumas, San
Cristobal, Cuchumbaya and Calacoa (Fig.C-4, Zone 1, Appendix C). These districts are
bilingual, where Aymara and Spanish are spoken. However, I found a few Aymara
monolinguals, especially old people in Calacoa, and I was told that the situation was
similar in other districts. These districts are located beyond the east end of the Tambo
river, along its effluents such as the Carumas river and the Putina river. In the second
stage, two areas were covered. One area covered the districts and surrounding areas of
La Capilla, Puquina (Fig.C-4, Zone 2, Appendix C), Ornate and Quinistaquillas (Fig.C-4,
Zone 3, Appendix C). The first two districts, La Capilla and Puquina, are both Spanish
speaking with a Quechua substratum. They are located along the Esquino River, effluent
of Tambo and along the effluents of Seche and Pacajime. Ornate and Quinistaquillas are
bilingual populations in Quechua and Spanish. Ornate is located along the Ornate River
and Quinistaquillas along the Tambo River. The third area covers the areas of Matalaque,
Ubinas and Salinas Moche (Fig C-4, Zone 4, Appendix C). These areas are bilingual in
Quechua and Spanish. I found a few elderly monolingual people of Quechua especially
in Salinas Moche. Matalaque is located in the valley of the Tambo River, while Ubinas is

12
along the Ubinas River and Salinas Moche near the Para River. These last two districts
are located near the Ubinas volcano in an altitude much higher than the other towns. The
geographic characteristics of these areas are varied. In the whole department of
Moquegua, there are forty-seven lakes, out of which seven are used as trout hatcheries
and one for extraction of salt (Instituto Geográfico Nacional, 1997). The latter is part of
the community of Salinas Moche, which is one of the areas covered in this research.
Table 2-1 Provinces visited in Moquegua
Mariscal Nieto
Sanchez Cerro
Moquegua
Matalaque
Samegua
Ubinas
Torata
La Capilla
Carumas
Quinistaquillas
Cuchumbaya
Ornate
San Cristobal
Puquina
Calacoa
Coalaque
The materials used for the data collection consisted of a tape recorder as well as
paper and pen for the interviews. I also used the maps of the Instituto Geográfico
Nacional in order to make my way to the areas visited in the fieldwork. I used the map of
the department of Moquegua, of a scale of 1:300,000, and three other maps of the towns
of Moquegua, Puquina and Ornate of a scale of 1:100,000.
Table 2-2 Geographic and linguistic zones where the toponyms were collected
Zones
District
Substratum
Zone A
Puquina
Quechua and mostly
La Capilla
Spanish speakers
Zone B
Ornate
Quechua and mostly
Quinistaquillas
Spanish speakers
Zone C
Calacoa
Aymara and mostly
Carumas
bilingual with some
San Cristobal
Aymara monolinguals
Cuchumbaya
Zone D
Ubinas
Quechua and mostly
Matalaque
bilingual with some
Salinas
Quechua monolinguals

13
In order to identify the location of each toponym, I have organized four main zones
based on the proximity of the towns. This distribution seems to correlate with the
linguistic substrata of the areas visited. An Arabic letter has been given to each of these
zones as shown in Table 2-2.
For this study, fourteen people agreed to be my consultants, three women and
eleven men. Because of their occupations, they were able to provide relevant information
of the area. For this study, I have classified my consultants in four groups (see Table 2-2).
The female consultants traveled extensively as two of them were traders and farmers and
the other one was the governor of a small town who often travels to the main nearby city.
Table 2-3 Background of Consultants
Group
Sex
Age
Occupation
Substratum
Place of origin
1
F
40-50
Farmer
Aymara
Calacoa
1
F
40-50
Farmer /
Governor
Quechua
La Capilla
2
M
30-40
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
2
M
30-40
Farmer /
Historian
Quechua
Ornate /
Quinistacas
3
M
50-60
Farmer
Quechua
Ubinas
3
M
50-60
Farmer
Quechua
Ubinas
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Aymara
Calacoa
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Pocsi
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
La Capilla
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
La Capilla
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
As for the male consultants, they fall into age groups: two men in their thirties, two
in their fifties, and a last group of seven men between the ages of seventy and eighty five
years old who in their younger years were traders or farmers that constantly wandered

14
around the area. I approached my consultants on the basis of references obtained from
other local people.
I was referred to them as they were considered to be the most knowledgeable
persons of the area with a broad acquaintance of both the people and the topographic
entities there. The selection of my consultants was done merely on the basis of how well
they knew the area and their mobility, regardless of age or sex. The fieldwork for this
thesis is based on interviews or “direct elicitation", using the terms of H.Christoph
Wolfart quoted by Béjoint (1983). This method is also known as "active method" as
opposed to "passive method" where the linguist is a mere observer of the speech of her
consultants, as A.E.Kibrik was quoted, again by Béjoint (1983). The interviews were
carried out in a very casual manner with simple conversations in outdoor as well as
indoor environments. After I explained what the purpose of the interviews was, I asked
my consultants a few things about their background. The research questions all revolved
around the names of geographic entities. In some cases, they gave me some background
information regarding the geographic entities such as political or social status of a certain
town; the owners of plots and lands in the area; social, cultural and linguistic
characteristics of the people living in some towns, etc. All the information obtained for
my study through these interviews was useful, even when this was not directly related to
the collection of names. In many cases, this extra information provided important
evidence of the people that lived there which may be used in future more in-depth
studies.

15
Archiving
For the sorting and organization of the data I followed the principles and
methodology presented in the text by Hardman & Hamano (1997), as well as in the class
of Field Methods lectured by Hardman. The course also caused me to reevaluate to some
degree the original data collection. These principles, based on the postulate that there are
no "raw data" (Hardman, 1997), also made me aware of the fact that, as much as we try to
get pure data, our research cannot entirely escape our own linguistic mental structures
and our own understanding of things and reality.
The collecting process yielded seven tapes that were then organized with reference
to the geographic areas from which they were drawn. I then started the transcription of
these tapes by using the IPA phonetic alphabet; however, I also used other symbols such
as [c] and [ñ] as I considered them more convenient for the transcription than their
corresponding IPA symbols. Since the interviews were carried out in Spanish, I used a
phonemic transcription for all entries and phonetic transcription only when I did not
understand the term sufficiently due to my lack of grasp of Aymara and/or Quechua. To
file the data, I used a manual system of index cards to organize the morphological and
phonological information. With the linguistic information thus obtained, I proceeded to
use a datasheet to create a database of all my entries and their corresponding information
(see Appendix A for a record of this information). There are seven columns of
information for every entry in the datasheet: Geographic Area which describes the area
to which each entry corresponds, Name of Consultant which tells us the source of the
entry, Geographic Entity which gives the entity to which each entry is assigned,
Semantics which provides cultural or historical information about the entity, Syntax

16
which describes the grammatical categories in the formation of the entry, Language
which corresponds to the language or languages to which each entry corresponds, and
Gloss which is the meaning of the entry as found in bilingual dictionaries. There are
about six hundred and nine entries in the database and each has been entered with as
many of the specified parameters as possible. The main sheet in Appendix A shows the
entries in the first column organized in alphabetical order. In order to organize the data
according to other parameters, such as distribution of the suffixes in my entries, some
technical procedures were carried out. A macro was written to copy rows of data from an
Excel sheet that contains all the entries in alphabetical order to a new sheet in the
workbook, based on other criteria. As defined by Microsoft Excel 2000, a macro is a
series of commands and functions that are stored in a Visual Basic module and can be run
whenever the task needs to be performed. When this macro is run, a user interface is
loaded. It is on this dialog that a column on which to perform the search of suffixes or
prefixes is chosen, and the text to be matched on every cell of the column is entered. This
routine can be performed matching both at the beginning and at the end of a target word.
By means of a loop, the routine goes through the column, and if matches are found, a new
sheet is created programmatically. This routine will copy on the new sheet every row in
which matches were found. For example, I entered the column Entries from my
datasheet in the dialogue box, as this is where I wanted to find some pieces of data.
Then, I entered the entry or part of the entry of which the program had to do the search on
every cell of the column of Entries. Once this was done, a new sheet was automatically
created with the data found in the search. In this way, I was able to dynamically create
sheets, and fill them out with varying data from the source table. This process facilitated

17
the work of organizing suffixes and prefixes which was not possible before as Excel only
locates information based on the first letters of the entries in the data in order to sort them
in alphabetical order. Excel does not create automatically new sheets of information
using other criteria unless I manually do it. But, with manual additions, I was able to use
the parameters that have led to analysis. The parameters used in this study are: Suffixes,
Language, Geographic Entity and Geographic Area, along with additional parameters that
have facilitated my observation of the data.
I have also used dictionaries and glossaries in both Aymara and Quechua for the
meanings of some entries. The meanings of some names, as I have suggested earlier,
have been difficult to determine, but with the aid of dictionaries and, in some cases,
native speakers of both Aymara and Quechua, I have arrived at some glosses.
In order to facilitate the reading of the entries in the analysis section, I have
illustrated my examples in most cases with tables where the relevant data is put in
columns with their corresponding headings. For easy reference, I have included the
number of the entry in my examples that matches the number of the same entry in
Appendix A where a complete list of the entries can be found. These entries have been
phonemically transcribed, although in some cases I also had to provide the phonetic
transcription because of the pronunciation of the consultant. In the tables included in the
text, I have included, a column in the tables specifying the geographic area that the
toponym provided refers to, another column for the name of the consultant and finally a
column for the geographic entity to which the toponym belongs. In order to locate the
geographic details I describe in this work, I have included a series of maps in Appendix
C, such as the map of Peru, a historical map of the languages spoken in the area, a map of

18
Moquegua indicating the four zones where the data was collected and several maps of the
areas visited during the fieldwork. These maps have been scanned from their original
official sources obtained from the Peruvian government. The geographic data in
Appendix C will show provinces, districts, towns, settlements and communities as the
physical areas where the toponyms were found.

CHAPTER 3
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Introduction
In this chapter, I describe the nature of the toponyms from the areas in Moquegua I
visited. The data obtained during the fieldwork present different linguistic aspects based
on the phonological and morphological system of the languages involved, the historical
background of the area, and its current linguistic situation. I also provide details
regarding the glosses of some of these toponyms, the frequency in which they appear,
their linguistic relationship with the substrata of the areas, some morphophonemic
considerations as well as some historical hypotheses.
Phonological Statement
The linguistic source of the items in the corpus includes Aymara, Quechua and
Spanish, as well as an/other unspecified language/s. The dialectal variations of Quechua
in the areas visited may come from the Cuzco and the Ayacucho varieties (see Table 3-2)
due to their geographic location. It is necessary to understand that the linguistic context
for this fieldwork is not only based on the language or languages currently spoken in
these areas, but also on the historical trace that these and, possibly, other languages may
have left in the local speech, more specifically in the toponyms. A very important
linguistic factor is the influence of Spanish, which seems to have determined the way the
toponyms presented here are produced. During the data collection, some of the non-
Spanish toponyms were provided in the original language, although some of their
19

20
linguistic features are no longer there such as the glottalization or aspiration of the
occlusive consonants. Other times, the consultants would provide toponyms in Spanish,
even though these toponyms were etymologically Andean. In fact, this is what one
would expect as both the dominant language and that used in my interviews was Spanish;
this is regardless of the etymology of the toponym. On some occasions, a consultant
would produce the same toponym in both the Andean language and in Spanish. The
resulting items included in these data present in most cases absence of some phonemic
features of the language source and/or alternation of some segments as in the case of the
set of voiceless stops (Table 3-1).
Table 3-1. Alternation of voiceless stops
Language in which the
Toponym
Geographic entity
toponym was produced
Spanish
(156) [/calámpayo]
‘farm’
Quechua
(401) [¿/alampáyo]
‘farm’
The final vowel /u/ is lowered into an [o], maybe as a result of the presence of /q/
which remains there, even though /q/ is produced as [k], or as a result of a segment lost
near the said vowel as part of a suffix such as /-yuq/ which left a trace in the final vowel.
If this was the case, the underlying form could be /qalampayuq/. We will discuss this
further in the morphological analysis.
In the Aymara speaking areas of Moquegua, the toponyms provided by the
consultants were produced with simple voiceless stops for every case since neither the
glottalization nor the aspiration were pronounced as the interview was done in Spanish.
As we can see in the tables below, the set of voiceless stops in the Aymara language not
only includes: /p/ /t/ /cl /k/ /q/, but also their matching aspirated and globalized

21
distinctive counterparts. At this point, it is interesting to note that the other two Jaqi
languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, have 9 more consonants of this series (Hardman, 2001).
Table 3-2. Consonant system of Aymara
Aymara
p
t
c
k
q
p"
t"
c"
k"
q"
p'
f
c'
k'
q'
s
h
m
n
1
£
r
w
y
Likewise, the Cuzco variety of Quechua presents this same set of complex
voiceless stops. On the other hand, the Ayacucho variety of Quechua only has simple
stops. The presence of glottalized and aspirated stops in the Southern variety of Cuzco
might have taken place around the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th
century due to the Jaqi influence: Aymara (Torero, 1970).
Table 3-3. Consonant system of two Quechua variants
Quechua Cuzco
Quechua Ayacucho
p t c k q
p t c k q
p" t.. £■< k" q"
p' f c' k' q’
s h
s X
m n ñ
1 £
1 £
r
r
W y
W y
The production of these occlusive consonants during the interviews was done only
with the simple set, that is, the only set that the Ayacucho variety of Quechua has. This

22
phonetic non-complication of the occlusive consonants in the data gave me several
possibilities when finding a gloss for those entries since a [p] could be a /p/, a /p'/ or a
/p'7 and the same with the other stops. Sometimes the gloss can refer to two or three
different things, and all of them have been considered in this study.
In Puquina, the consonant system also shows a more simple set of stops. This
language does not present a palatal affricative /c/ as the other Andean languages do;
instead, it has an alveolar affricate /ts/. In the set of liquids, Puquina only has a vibrant M
and not /l/ or IKJ. Finally, Puquina has a palatal fricative /¿/ which does not exist in the
other Andean languages. The phonological system of Puquina is as follows:
Table 3-4, Consonant system of Puquina (Torero, 1965)
Puquina
P
t
ts
k
q
X
h
m
n
ñ
r
w
y
Despite the strong condition of Spanish, and/or the Ayacucho Quechua, over the
production of these toponyms, and the loss of some of their original phonemics, there are
examples of conservation of another feature in these data: the uvular voiceless stop /q/,
which also occurs in the Ayacucho variety. This segment can appear with a velar stop as
can be observed in some of the entries. This seems to be a case of coexistent phonemic
systems where two sets of phonemes come to play in the production of place names
(Trask, 1996). The monolingual speakers use one set for Spanish and another set for the
non-Spanish place names. In this social context two different segments may appear
indistinctively to refer to the same name as shown in Table 3-5. The first pair of

23
toponyms below corresponds to two geographic entities semantically related: one refers
to a river and the other one to its valley. These entries were produced by the same
consultant, in the town of Puquina; this town has a Quechua substratum.
Table 3-5. /k/ and /q/ in placenames referring to related entities
Language in which the
toponym was provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Spanish
(74) [co&aláA:e]
river
Non-Spanish
(78) [co^aláge]
valley
Alternation of /k/ and /q/ is given by the examples below as they are names for the
same geographic entity, though given by two different consultants:
Table 3-6. Alternation of /k/ and /q/ in entries of the same entity.
Language in which the
Toponym
Geographic entity
toponym was provided
Spanish
(302) [mawkallá&ta]
hill
Non-Spanish
(307) [mawkallágta]
hill
Another good example of this alternation can be seen in this triplet that refers to the
same entity given by three different consultants:
Table 3-7. Alternation of /k/ and /q/ of the same entry by three different consultants.
Language in which
toponym was provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Spanish
(459) [se£]
town
Spanish
(460) [sé&e]
town
Non-Spanish
(513) [ssq]
town
Not only do /k/ and /q/ alternate but also ikl and hd. There is a historical argument
for this alternation (Hardman, 2001), which involves a lenition process of the uvular stop

24
/q/ in the Andean languages. Synchronically, these segments can appear using the
coexistent phonemic systems explained before, as shown by the example below. The
example for this alternation shows its occurrence for the same name and by the same
consultant, both pronounced in Spanish.
Table 3-8. Alternation of /k/and /x/
Phoneme
Toponym
Geographic entity
/k/
(604) [yokomúre]
village
hd
(607) [yoxomúre]
village
The way the vowels are produced shows that the underlying form for both entries
may have been /yuqumuri/. The uvular stop /q/ triggers a situation of vowel allophony by
lowering /i/ and /u/ to produce allophones such as [e] and [o], respectively. Since these
vowels are not part of the phonetic system of Spanish, the trace left in the Spanish
production of these entries involves [e] and [o] instead. This vowel allophony where /i/
and /u/ are produced as [e] and [o] is typical in both Jaqi and Quechua when a uvular
segment is involved. The effect of vowel lowering by /q/ can be projected onto the
contexts on both sides of the uvular consonant and even be spread beyond as the final HI
in the example above where it is produced as [e]. The velar stop [k] or its altemanting
fricative form [x] in this case, can then be traced back to /q/ if the adjacent or nearby
vowels are [e] and [o] or even [e] and [o], as these vowels are in fact /i/ and /u/
respectively. In this case, [k] or [x] are derived forms of /q/ as they occur when [e] and
[o] or [e] and [o] are there.

25
Since /q/ has aspirated and glottalized counterparts, the underlying phoneme can be
interpreted in various ways as shown in Table 3-9 below.
Table 3-9. Phonological possibilities for (156) [fcalampayo]
k
k"
k'
q
q"
q'
/calampayu
C'alampayu
Calampayu
galampayu
q "alampayu
q 'alampayu
The phenomenon of homophony of the posterior stops is the result of the loss of the
distinction between simple, glotalized and aspirated forms and the loss of the contrast of
/k/ and /q/. This homophony brings a complex situation when doing a derivation of the
toponyms collected. As we can observe in the phonemic charts, Aymara presents three
possibilities for each of these segments: a simple velar /k/, an aspirated velar /k"/ and a
glottalized velar /k'/ as well as a simple uvular /q/, an aspirated uvular /q"/ and a
glottalized uvular /q'/. Without the aspiration and the glottalization in the production of
the stops in both the Aymara and Quechua (Cuzco) substratum of the local speech, a
collapse of six phonemes: /k/ /k"/ /k'/ /q/ /q"/ /q'/ into one: /k/ has occurred. Even though
we find /q/ in some of the toponyms, the distinction between /k/ and /q/ is no longer
functional; there are only cases of /k/ alternating with the uvular /q/. As to the speakers
of Quechua (Ayacucho), a collapse of two phonemes /k/ and /q/ into one phoneme /k/ has
also occurred when producing these toponyms.
This simplification of the stop system in the local speech leaves a series of
possibilities for one segment. The vowel allophony mentioned before in the environment
of /k/ can give us some indication of what this segment may have been before, except
when /a/ is the vowel involved. There are six possibilities when a toponym has /a/; this is

26
due to the fact that its production which is also conditioned by the uvular consonant is not
perceived by a Spanish speaker.
Table 3-10. Phonological possibilities for (1) [acakála]
k
k"
k'
q
q”
q'
aca/cála
aca£"ála
aca^'ála
acagála
acag "ála
acag'ála
On the other hand, when /i/ or /u/ appear near the uvular stop, such vowels are
produced as [e] or [o] respectively. Therefore, the possibilities for the uvular in this case
are only three rather than six, since one would expect that /k/ would not open such
vowels. Such is the case of /isgulun/ shown in Table 3-11.
Table 3-11. Phonological possibilities for (124) [esqolon]
q
q”
q’
isgulún
is isq 'ulún
When the gloss is clear, as in the example in table 3-12, the possibilities for these
ambiguities are even further reduced.
Table 3-12. Entry (338) [orqosáni]
Root
Language
Gloss
Geographic entity
urgu
Quechua
hill
village
In this case, one of the morphemes in this toponym is a lexeme with a clear
meaning: /urqu/ 'hill'; therefore, we can discard the other two possibilities for /q/.

27
Unfortunately, this is not always the case for which, in most cases, we have to speculate
what the other possibilities may be.
The situation is different when the vowels near the posterior stop are produced as
either [i] or [u]. The possibilities get also reduced to three, just like in the case of the
uvular stop near [e] or [o]. On this occasion, the posterior stop is a /k/, otherwise the
vowels would get lowered and this does not happen like in (194) /kilwáni/.
As to the segments occurrence in final position, most of the non-Spanish entries
end with a vowel and only a few have a consonant. The consonants that appear the most
in word final position are the posterior consonants /k/, /q/, Ixl, and also Ini.
Table 3-13. Consonants Ikl /q/ Ixl in final position
Posterior consonant
in final position
Language in which
the toponym was
provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Ikl
Spanish
(459) [sé¿]
village
/q/
Non-Spanish
(48) [calsáyo*]
farm
Non-Spanish
(463) [se*]
village
Non-Spanish
(509) [tínko*]
farm
Ixl
Spanish
(230) [kurúLox]
farm
Spanish
(413) [rosaxnjox]
farm
As indicated above, these velar and post-velar segments can alternate in various
positions within the word. We have evidence that /-q/ and /-yuq/ are suffixes in at least
some variety of Quechua and, in general, this is not a natural context for velar or post¬
velar segments in Spanish. In the Jaqi languages, consonants in the final position are not
accepted. For borrowed words from either Quechua or Spanish ending in a consonant, a
vowel is inserted after the consonant, whereas in Quechua, this is a very natural context.

28
The syllable structure of Quechua can be as follows: CV, CVC, VC. The group of entries
ending with stops shown in Table 3-13 was collected in areas with Quechua substratum.
The conservation of the uvular /q/ in some of the toponyms by some speakers is
one of the very few traces of Andean phonemics left in names. The alternation of this
segment with the velar Dd may be an indication of a transition stage for the eventual
merging of /q/ with the velar stop /k/ due to the full adaptation to Spanish. An interesting
case corresponds to the following toponyms shown in Table 3-14. They all refer to the
same geographic entity but with a different pronunciation. The original form of these
three toponyms can be [sec?e]; therefore, the non-Spanish entry (463) [seg], seems to be
the most conservative one of all. It either lost its final vowel or it never had it.
Table 3-14, Alternation of /k/ and /q/ by influence of Spanish.
Phoneme
Language in which
toponym was
provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
/k/
Spanish
(460) [seke]
town
Non-Spanish
(459) [sek]
town
/q/
Non-Spanish
(463) [sec?]
town
This consonant-final structure of non-Spanish words illustrated here is typical in
Quechua. In fact, the towns where these names were collected have a Quechua
substratum. The non-Spanish entry (459) [sek], presents a velar stop rather than a uvular
one, which is maintained in word final position just like (463). Finally, the Spanish entry
(460) [seke], can either be a later stage from (509) with an epenthetic vowel /e/ by effect
of the Spanish influence, or a direct step from /siqi/ with a change in the point of
articulation [sec?e]. Apparently, there is no semantics involved in the choice of one or

29
the other one. They all refer to the same geographic entity and its variation seems to be
related to the substratum of the speakers. However, in the Cuzco area, /siqi/ also refers to
canals.
In the Jaqi languages and in Quechua, stress does not occur freely; instead, it has a
predictable occurrence. It always falls on the penultimate syllable. Therefore, stress in
these Andean languages does not have a phonemic status as it does in Spanish. In the
data collected, I found a set of entries where stress falls on the last syllable. These entries
are not Spanish but their origin has not yet been determined, neither have their glosses.
Table 3-15. Entries with stress in syllable final position.
Toponym
Geographic entity
(25)
[asoxón]
village
(59)
[caxlún]
farm
(61)
[cicilín]
hill
(80)
[culón]
farm
(128)
[gwasalón]
village
(173)
[kapaxón]
farm
(178)
[karsán]
valley
(188)
[kenoraxén]
farm
(287)
[loxén]
plot
(419)
[sajwán]
farm
(471)
[sintakán]
farm
(476)
[sokosán]
farm
(483)
[sowalón]
farm
(484)
[subín]
village
(491)
[talabexón]
hill
(499)
[tapalakón]
village
(572)
[watarán]
farm
Most of the non-Spanish entries in this thesis follow the stress pattern of Andean
languages. However, I have some cases of stress falling on the last syllable, specially
those entries ending with Ini.

30
Table 3-16. Toponyms with final syllable stress ending with Ixl.
Toponym
Geographic entity
(230) kuruAAx
farm
(413) rosaxnjóx
farm
The occurrence of stress in these environments may be due to two things: the
Andean substratum involves an/other/s language/s as well as Aymara and Quechua.
There is an analogical factor with Spanish nouns. Spanish nouns ending with /n/ are very
common, since most of Spanish nouns have the stress on the last syllable.
As for the Andean substratum of Moquegua, Puquina may have been another
language spoken there. Unfortunately, the information we have on the stress of this
language is scarce. The analysis of Puquina made by Torero was based on the Gerónimo
de Ore manuscript, which contains limited material. In this document, thirty words have
been found with stress out of which only ten instances of stress in final syllable position
have been noted (Torero, 1965); seven of these ten words correspond to gerund forms of
the verb /atawa/ "to say" and the three remaining ones are adjectives. There are also two
cases where stress is morphophonemically conditioned as it falls on the vowel of the
nominal suffix /-ua/ ‘for’. Torero states that the few examples of stress marked with an
accent mark cannot determine whether stress in Puquina has a free occurrence or not
(Torero, 1965). An important point to make here is that punctuation marks, including
stress, were not a strict convention in Spanish documents written in 16th or 17th centuries,
which limits our judgement of how stress in Puquina may have been.
Since we do not have much foundation to claim that the stress in word final
position of the toponyms above may have been influenced by another Andean language,

31
we might think that Spanish has a lot to do with it. There are some Spanish toponyms in
the data of this thesis where stress falls on the last syllable and these words usually end in
Ini. In this way, the possibilities for an analogical change are great for Spanish has been
the language of social “prestige” in Peru since colonial times.
Morphological Statement
Some of the phonological processes presented in the previous section are
conditioned by the morphology of these toponyms. The morphemic rules in Andean
languages can be somehow different one from the other. It is necessary to classify the
entries according to their linguistic source in order to determine the different processes
involved in the word formation. The chart below shows the number of entries based on
the language of the entries:
Table 3-17, Number of entries by language.
TOTAL
Aymara
Quechua
Spanish
Combined
No. of
609
undetermined
undetermined
136
undetermined
entries
The classification above is done considering that the entries identified as belonging
to one or another language have a very clear etymology. In some cases, morphemes can
have a pan-Andean origin, where their form shows to be the same for both Aymara and
Quechua. There is also a group of entries formed by compounds that can be
combinations of two different languages. Some of them are combinations of an Andean
morpheme and a Spanish one. There is a group of entries that cannot be classified, as its
etymology appears to be of obscure origin. There are very few data of Puquina, which
does not enable us to state that those entries could be affiliated to this language, although

32
some morphemes in my data can also have a gloss in Puquina. The analysis done here
will focus mainly on the non-Spanish group; however, I will dedicate a special section to
the Spanish entries as well as to the combined Spanish/non-Spanish forms.
Derivation
The non-Spanish entries are mostly affixed; I cannot, however, determine whether
those entries that are apparently non-affixed are free morphemes. My lack of knowledge
of Andean languages, of which these words are formed, prevents me from determining
the nature of those morphemes. Those entries that are clearly affixed show a preference
for suffixation in most cases. Some of these suffixes are repeated in many of the entries,
which helped me to decide that an affixation was present. The phonemic alternation
discussed before about the group of stops in the Andean languages opened a wide range
of possibilities for the morphemes. In some cases, there is more than one interpretation
for a morpheme where a velar or a uvular stop occurs as seen in the phonological
discussion. In some cases, this situation brought more than one gloss for each phonemic
possibility. However, the alternation is not always relevant for determining the
morphemes as they either have an obvious gloss or are just not found.
The word formation of the entries in my data is a result of three processes:
derivation, compounding and free formation. In some cases, these processes involve a
combination of roots and/or affixes of two different languages.
The AYA group
In all the data, the sequence of /AYA/ in word final position is very productive. I
have classified this group of entries as the AYA group, whether /-aya! appears to be an
affix, a part of it or not an affix at all. Within the AYA group, five subgroups of the said

33
sequence have been classified: /-aya/, /-baya/ /-paya/ /-waya/ and /-saya/ I have
included the number of entries with these suffixes and their corresponding environment
as shown in Table 3-18.
Table 3-18. Frequency and environment of the AYA group
AYA
Environment
Number of entries
Total
-aya
after a vowel
05
08
after /t/ and /l/
03
-paya
after /s/
03
04
after /m/
01
-baya
after vowel
08
09
after /m/
01
-waya
after vowel
14
16
after velar
02
consonants /k/ /x/
-saya
after vowel
01
02
after /n/
01
We can also observe in the same table, that the suffix with the most numerous
entries is /-waya/, followed by /-baya/, then /-aya/ then /-paya/ and finally /-saya/.
These suffixes occur in different environments, which I will describe below.
The /-aya! suffix always appears after morphemes ending in /o/ (Table 3-19). The
presence of /o/ in entries (380), (422) and (518) may be due to two reasons. It can be a
result of a historical process where /k/ may have been /k/ /k’/ /k”/ /q/ /q’/ or /q”/ before
the round back vowel /u/, like in (380) and (422). As stated in the previous section, the
presence of a round mid-vowel in this environment indicates that the pre-existence of a
uvular stop is plausible. However, this does not seem the case in (518), as there is not a
consonant environment that may trigger a round mid-vowel like [o] to be produced. It is

likely then, that the presence of /o/ in those entries may be because the speaker gave the
entry name in Spanish. I have also found entries where the sequence /aya/ follows the
consonant /t/ and /!/ (Table 3-19).
Table 3-19. Instances of /-ay at
After /o/ After /t/ and /!/
(380) [pokodya]
(422) [sakodyu]
(518) [tonodya]
(363) [patdya]
(372) [pistdya]
(45) [cakláya]
In these cases, there are two possibilities: that /aya/ is not a separate morpheme but
part of a single morpheme or that /aya/ is indeed a suffix attached to morphemes ending
with /a/ causing a coalescence of /aa/ into /a/: /patáya! < pata + -aya. In the case of (46)
[cakldya], another process may have occurred together with the coalescence of /aa/ into
/a/. In Andean languages, the sequence of stop and liquid (*/kl/) across morpheme
boundaries does not exist. This sequence may be the result of a deletion process where a
vowel, perhaps /a/, between these two consonants dropped. Some evidence of that is
provided by the following entries in our data as shown in Table 3-20, where the vowel /a/
occurs between /k/ and /!/, a sequence similar to that of (46).
Table 3-20, Occurrence of the sequence of /kal! in other toponyms
Entry
Geographic entity
(1) [acaka/a]
town
(2) [acaka/ane]
town
In this way, we could argue that (46) [cakláya] may have been */cakaldya/. The
underlying representation of this toponym may have been something like */cakala+aya/,
as a result of the coalescence of /aa/ mentioned before.

35
Table 3-21. Environments of /-baya!
After vowel
After Iml
(174) [karabáya]
(218) [kucumóóya]
(324) [moyabáya]
In the case of /-boyal, this suffix is found in place names ending with a vowel or a
bilabial nasal consonant Iml (Table 3-21). The occurrence of /-boyal after /m/ is not
surprising as these two are in a homorganic relationship by assimilation. The intervocalic
position of /b/ seems to be also predictable for it is an environment where voiced
consonants can be found.
The suffix /-paya/ is found after Is/ or after the nasal consonant /ml (Table 3-22).
Its environment can be also predictable, for Is/ is voiceless and Iml again is in
homorganic relationship with the /p/ of /-poyal.
Table 3-22, Environments of /-paya/
After Is/After /ml
(244) [lakaspdrya] (526) [tuxtumpdrya]
(403) [qaspáya]
(481) [sonispáya]
The suffix /-wayal is found after a vowel or after a velar consonant Ikl or Ixl as
shown below. The intervocalic position of Iwl is similar to that of /-boyal as shown in
Table 3-21, which seems to be a result of a lenition process that will be discussed later.
Table 3-23. Environments of /-waya/
After vowel
After Ikl
After Ixl
(42) [cakawáya]
(424) [sakwáya]
(475) [sixwáya]
(49) [caiCawáya]
(212)[korawáya]

36
The suffix /-sayal is found in only two entries as shown in Table 3-18. One of them
is after a vowel /a/ and the other one, after a nasal consonant Ini (Table 3-24). This
morpheme means “the top”, which indicates space.
Table 3-24 Environments of /-saya!
After /a/
After Ini
(600) [yanasáya]
(11)[anansáya]
Some generalizations can be made about the AYA group. First, the suffixes /-
poyal, t-bayat, /-way a/ and /-aya/ may all be allomorphs of the same morpheme {-paya}.
A lenition process may have occurred in two or three different stages where */p/ > fbl, /b/
> /w/ and even /w/ > /0l. This process can be seen in some varieties of Quechua, where
toponyms that have /pampa/ for example are produced sometimes as [bamba] such as the
toponym (602) lyarabambal which underlying representation is */yarapampa/. In other
toponyms not collected in this study, we can also see the alternation of these two forms
such as in the toponyms /muyupampa/ and /urupampa/, which are produced as
[moyobamba] and [urubamba], respectively. From the point of view of naturaledness,
the lenition of unvoiced stops is quite frequent intervocalically. A voicing process of /p/
in an intervocalic environment and/or its contact with a nasal consonant /ml may have
produced entries such as the ones in Table 3-21. I have found some interesting examples
of pairs of entries referring to the same geographic entity where /b/ and Iwl, and /w/ and
10/ are in free variation. Table 3-25 shows an alternation of /-baya! and /-wayal of the
same toponym and by the same speaker.

37
Table 3-25 Alternation of /-boyal and /-wáyal
/-báya/
/-wáya/
(477) [solabáya]
(478) [solawáya]
Similarly, Table 3-26 presents an example of alternation between /-wáyal and /-
áya/ for the same entry but this time produced by two different speakers.
Table 3-26 Alternation of /-wáya/ and /-áya/
/-wáya/
/-áya/
(383) [pokowáya]
(380) [pokoáya]
I have not found examples of alternation of /-páyal and /-boyal as it seems that the
environment where the former occurs now strengthens its conservation (see Table 3-16).
It has not been determined what /-páyal means as its etymology is not Quechua and in
Aymara it refers to the numeral ‘two’. In Puquina, there was an affix /-paya-/ that used
to mark the intensity of an action (Torero, 1965). Torero states that this affix is Quechua
and that is rarely found in Puquina. However, the function of /-poyal as a suffix in
Quechua is verbal which expresses an action that is constantly taking place with the
intention of getting some profit out of it (Soto, 1976).
Based on the toponymic data of this work, /-poyal may or may not have been a
word representing a type of geographic entity. It may have first referred to the basic
concept of place without any particular description. Some of the glosses found for the
morphemes combining /-payal correspond to nouns with a particular meaning. Table 3-
27 shows some of the glosses found for these morphemes accompanying the suffixes of
the AYA group. Because stops can be simple, glottalized and aspirated in Cuzco

38
Quechua and Aymara, there can be various possibilities for those morphemes containing
the said consonants and the meaning in each case can be considerably different.
Table 3-27 Glosses of morphemes taking a suffix from the AYA group
Toponym
Aymara
Quechua
(11) [anan+saya]
ana = freckle
(41) [caka+wayu]
caka = bridge
c’aka = drop
caka = bridge, leg
(48) [cavCa+waya]
c’aÁa = sand
c”atCa = com plant
c”a£a = com stem and
dry shrub
(84) [cuñu+waya]
c’uñu = potato dried in
the cold
c’uñu = potato dried in
the cold
(81) [cutCu+waya]
c’u£u = a type of
knitted hat that
covers the ears
cuiCuy = to get soaked
c’utCu = a type of
knitted hat
covers the ears
(121)[esko+6aya]
---
—
(154)[kalam+payo]
kala = piedra
k’ala = all, completely
q’ala = all
(156)[kali+waya]
---
q”ali = sane, healthy
(172)[kara+6ayu]
qara = leather, skin, fruit
skin.
q’ara = bare, eroded,
impoverished
soil
(157)[katCa+waya]
—
—
(193)[kiiCa+way —
—
(210)[kora+waya]
kora = herb
k”ora= piled-up
stones by
effect of water
qora = herb, weed
(218)[kucum+6aya]
k’ucu = comer, deepest
part of a valley,
skirt of a hill
(225)[kupu+waya]
---
---
(320) [moya+baya\
—
---
(379) [poko+wayu ]
pokoña = to ripen
poko = ripe, fermented
(399)[qas+paya]
...
q’aspa = roasted on fire
(41 l)[sa+baya]
---
---
(419)[sak+mzya]
---
---
(470)[six+wuya]
---
---
(472)[sola+¿>aya]
sujCa = dew
...
(474)[sonis+paya]
---
—
(526)[tuxtum+paya]
—
toqtoy = to cuddle

39
Some of the roots that take the AYA suffix are not found in the bilingual
dictionaries used for this research. The limited vocabulary in Puquina cannot be taken as
a lexical reference for these morphemes; however, the Puquina root /qara/ that means “to
cry” can be another possibility for the toponym (174) [karabaya] with an underlying form
/kara+baya/. In conclusion, the alternation of the suffixes /-paya/, /-baya/ /-waya/ /-aya/
are a reflection of lenited forms of */paya/ for the reasons above stated.
The /ayu/ Group
In the data presented here, I have also found another group of suffixes similar to
those of the AYA group. The phonemic sequence of /ayu/ and the environment in which
it is found are almost identical to those of the AYA group. Table 3-26 shows the only
two instances where /-ayu/ is present: between vowels and after the nasal /m/. The
environments of /-ayu/ seem to be related to some of the /-aya/ environments as can be
observed in the examples. There are two types of suffixes with the sequence of /-ayu/,
namely /-wayu/ and /-payut. I have found alternations in pairs of toponyms with the
suffix /-wayu/, like those in Table 3-26 above, that refer to the same geographic entity but
are produced by two different speakers in the area of Puquina.
Table 3-28 Environments of /ayu/
Intervocalic
After Iml
(43) [cakawáyo]
(154) [kalampóyo]
(86) [cuñuwáyo]
(397) [qalampóyo]
(384)[pokowóyo]
(486)[talawúyo]
I have not found identical pairs of this sort with the suffix /-payu/ although there is
a suffix /-paya! as we saw before. The other examples with /-payu/ were given without a

40
/-paya/ counterpart; however, they were collected from the same speaker except for entry
(494) italawayul.
The interesting thing about these pairs of identical entries is that the entries with the
suffix /-wayal (Table 3-29) were produced by the oldest consultants while those with /-
wayu/ were produced by a consultant in his thirties (Group 2, Table 2-3).
Table 3-29 Alternation of /-wayal and /-wayu/ for the same toponym
/-aya/
/-ayo/
(42) [cakawayd\
(43) [cakawóyo]
(85) [cuñuwáya]
(86) [cuñuwóyo]
(383)[pokow<áyaj
(384)[pokowáyo]
This alternation seems to respond to a variable of age and may be becoming an
innovative trend in the local speech of young people. Perhaps the influence of Spanish in
the area is affecting the way these suffixes in place names are used. The inflective nature
of Spanish to mark gender categories of feminine and masculine in nouns and adjectives
may have a particular effect on final segments in non-Spanish place names. Andean
languages do not have grammatical gender, therefore the /a/ in I-way at for example does
not indicate a feminine category of the word in question.
As for the isolated examples of /-payut, there are three possibilities:
• /-payul may be the result of an alternation with /-paya/ due to the influence of
Spanish in the speech of young people in the town of Puquina, even if we have not
yet found examples of identical pairs,
• the production of /-payul may be analogous to other forms that have /-yuq/ as the
underlying form for their suffix, and younger speakers may now be trying to
regularize what they perceive as irregular.
• /u/ may change to /o/ in word boundary.

41
The first possibility sounds like a case of analogical change produced by language
contact as explained before, but it does not explain why /u/ gets lowered as [o] without
any apparent conditioning. In any case, the incidence of this innovation may be related to
the age group of speakers and may constitute an isogloss alone or together with other
changes in the local speech that we have not yet observed. The conservative speech of
older people in Puquina seems to preserve the forms of /-waya/ and /-paya/ as I found
these forms in two of my oldest consultant, as opposed to /-wayu/ and /-payu/.
The second option seems more plausible in this case, because the analogy of /-yu/
with words that do have an underlying */q/ in final position as part of /-yuq/ could explain
the production of [o] in toponyms such as /qalampayu/. In Quechua, the suffix /-yuq/ can
be added to a noun or noun phrase or to a numeral to indicate the possessor of the referent
(Parker, 1965). For example, /-yuq/ is added to the noun /wasi/ ‘house’, the meaning of
/wasiyuq/ is ‘person who has a house or houses’. The existence of other examples in the
data such as (48) /calsa +yuq/, which is the name of a small farm, and (564) /waranga +yu/,
the name of a village, supports this option. The stem of the first example is unclear, but
the stem of the second example /waranga/ means ‘a thousand’ in both Aymara and
Quechua and the suffix l-yuql provides the meaning of ‘who has a thousand’. In fact, one
of my consultants gave me two entries for the same entity. In this case we have that /y/
alternates with tX/, as shown in the example:
(229) [kuniyo] (230) [kurii/ox]
He clearly stated that (229) was Spanish and that (230) was Quechua, which
suggests that the speaker is aware that the segment /q! is clearly non-Spanish.

42
The next question would be whether this hypothesis can be also applied to the other
cases where /-wayul occurs. If we follow our conclusion about */p/ going through a
lenition process over time, the hypotheses for /-payu/ should also apply to /-wayu/.
Therefore, it may be that there are three different phenomena occurring here as well for
the alternation of /-wayal and /-wayul:
• it could be the result of an analogical change influenced by Spanish, or
• it could be the result of an analogical change leveling with the underlying suffix
*/yuq/ of other toponyms. The final segment is lost but the lowering of /u/ has
remained as [ayo] like in (564) /warangayw/.
• /u/ may change to lol in word boundary.
The suffix /-nil
There are other suffixes involved in the formation of toponyms in the visited areas
of Moquegua. A very productive one is that of /-ni/ which has an alternate form of [-ne].
Its production as [-ne] may be caused by the environment of word boundary, just like in
the previous case where /u/ is lowered to [o]. Table 3-30 shows some examples of this
suffix. There is evidence that /-nil ~ /-nel exists as a productive suffix for Andean
toponyms
Table 3-30 The suffix /-ni/ and its allomorph [-ne]
[-ni]
[-nel
(167) [kanqosáni]
(472) [siwinkáne]
(338) [orqosáni]
(498) [tangáne]
(489) [takuni]
(581) [wirakáne]
This suffix comes from Aymara, and besides being a pronominal suffix it has two
functions depending on the base that is being derived: it exists as a verbal suffix with a
directional function, and it indicates movement towards the place that is being expressed.

43
It also exists as a nominal suffix, which has the meaning of ‘the owner of (Choque et al,
1963).
The suffix /-atal
There are a few examples of toponyms with this suffix, which marks a resultant of
verbalization in all Jaqi languages. Table 3-31 shows some examples of toponyms with
this suffix.
Table 3 -31 Toponyms with /-ata/
Toponym Geographic entity
(163) /kamatal
(221) /kulata/
(474) /sixwata/
(513) /toratal
(593) Ixoratal
village
small farm
town
settlement
ranch
The suffix /-kani/
This suffix is found in alternation with [-kane], which forms an analogy with the
pair of [-ni] ~ [-ne] of the suffix /-«//. In the data collected for this study, no instances of
free variation for the same toponym have been found. It may be the case that the entries
were given with Spanish pronunciation and that in some cases, the /k/ in [kane] is rather a
/q/. The production of /q/ which does not affect the realization of the following vowel /a/
but its effect can reach the following vowel /i/ lowering it to a [e]. Table 3-32 shows
some examples of both forms.
Table 3-32 Alternation of /-kani!
[-kani]
[-kane]
(289) [lulukani]
(472) [siwinkane]
(531) [tuntakani]
(582) [wirakane]

44
Other examples show suffixes such as: /-qina/ /xina/ /-runi/ /sirka/. Their
meanings are not defined and the examples are relatively rare.
Compounding and Reduplication
The compounds found would seem to be of endocentric nature, that is compounds
having one head. They present a combination of nominal roots and they are usually
head-final compounds, which is expected in SOV languages like the Andean languages.
In some cases, the element that works as the head in a certain compound, can act as the
non-head in another one and some of them are more productive in one position than in
the other one. Because we do not have etymological information for all of our
morphemes in the data, the heads of some compounds will remain opaque.
In the data collected, I have found seven nouns that seem to be most commonly
used in the areas visited for toponymic compounds. Table 3-33 shows the frequency in
which these nominal roots appear as heads and as non-heads.
Table 3-33 Frequency of nominal roots as heads and as non-heads of compounds
Roots
Gloss
Number of times as
a non-head
Number of times as
a head
/laka/
mouth
01
06
/laqi/
not found
00
15
/mayo/
river
00
08
/moko/
promontory
02
06
/pampa/
terrain
02
15
/pata/
top part of a
hill
08
06
/xawira/
river
00
02
The most productive morphemes in a head position are /laqi/ and /pampa/ followed
by /mayu/, /muqu/ /pata/, /laka/ and lastly /wiral. As a non-head, /pata! appears as the
most frequent, followed by /pata/, /muqu/ and /lakal. There are no examples of /laqi/,
/xawira/ and /mayu/ in this position. I have not found a gloss for /laqi! in either Aymara

45
or Quechua dictionaries, but have found two glosses for /lakal in Aymara. Table 3-34
shows some of these glosses.
Table 3-34 Glosses for nominal roots
Nouns
Gloss
Language
/laqi/
not found
undetermined
/pampa/
floor, ground, plain Quechua
/mayu/
river
Quechua
/muqu/
promontory
Quechua
/pata/
flat top part of a
Aymara
hill
/xawira/
river
Aymara
/laka/ /lak'a/
mouth
Aymara
/laka/
Table 3-35 Quechua-Quechua compounds
Compound
Gloss
(319) /muqu+pata/
gold+top of the hill
(345) Ipalta+rumil
flat+stone
(608) /yuraq+muqu/
white+promontory
(556) /wayra+punku/
wind+door
(549) /wacu+laqi/
furrow (or rut) + undetermined
(357) Ipara+punal
rain+top highland
(400) Ipuxru+pampal
deep hole+land
Many of these compounds are
Quechua-Quechua (see Table 3-35), although there
are also some combining forms
of Aymara-Quechua, Aymara-Spanish, Quechua-
Aymara, Quechua-Spanish, and others that are not determined.
Table 3-36 Quechua-Aymara compounds
Compound
Gloss
yana+saya
black+the top
The existence of toponyms of Quechua-Quechua compounds may reflect the degree
of migration by other groups in these areas. The areas corresponding to the names that

46
carry these Quechua-Quechua compounds may not have been occupied by other cultural
groups. In this way, the names have remained purely Quechua.
There are a few combinations of Andean nouns with Spanish ones. Most of the
examples in this study present Spanish-non-Spanish compounds where the head is a non-
Spanish noun. Only a few compounds are Non-Spanish-Spanish with a Spanish head. I
will show some examples in Tables, 3-37 and 3-38.
Table 3-37 Spanish-Quechua compounds
Compound
Gloss
(516) /toma+mayu/
water source+river
(330) /negro+pampa/
black+land
(144) /kabra+kanca/
goat+ courtyard
(127) /gloria+muqu/
glory+promontory
(38) /bolkan+mayu/
volcano+river
Table 3-38 Quechua-Spanish compounds
Compound
Gloss
(365) Ipata+molinol
top of the hill+windmill
(421) Isakan+korall
(undetermined)+courtyard
In the Andean lexicon, we can find words that are shared by two or more
languages. Because of the history of contact of the Andean peoples, much of their
lexicon and other linguistic features have been borrowed. Before the Spanish conquest,
the borrowing occurred more in the direction of Aymara into Quechua, after the conquest
the process was reversed (Hardman, 2002). However, the direction of these borrowings
and the time that it took place still seems unclear for which it would be better to talk in
terms of Pan-Andean lexicon. Table 3-39 shows some examples of compounds where
one of the segments is a Pan-Andean root.

47
Table 3-39 Compounds with Pan-Andean roots
Pan-Andean +
Gloss
Pan-Andean +
Gloss
Aymara
Quechua
(45) Icaka + xawiral
bridge + river
(214) /quri + muqu/
gold + promontory
(576) Iwajra + laka/
wind + mouth
I have found examples of reduplication such as the entries in Table 3-40 and an
example for reduplication and derivation together but have been unable to establish
glosses for these terms.
Table 3-40 Reduplication
Reduplication Reduplication with derivation
(323) /moromoro/ (454) /sayasayanel
(369) Ipicupicul
(175) /karakara/
The non-Spanish compounds included in this study consist of two types: both
segments belonging to the same language and both segments belonging to two different
languages. Caiques are another way of forming toponyms and in these data I have found
an example for a caique between Quechua and Spanish in the form of a compound.
Caiques are defined as new words created from a word in a different language and
translated morpheme by morpheme (Trask, 1996). The toponym (587) Ixalamayut
meaning ‘river of Xala’ where /xala/ might be /k’ala/ ‘stone’ in Aymara and /mayu/
‘river’ in Quechua, takes another name, which is a syntagmatic structure in Spanish Irio
de Xala/ again meaning ‘river of Xala’. There is another name for the same river
/cuqalaqi/, for which no gloss is available. In the next section, we will see how these

48
synchronic alternate forms contribute to the unfolding of the story of naming in the
Andes.
Other Naming Processes
In the present data, I have found some names where other processes of word
formation have taken place. Some of these respond to historical, political, social and
cultural factors. In this section, I will provide some examples of renamed toponyms, folk
etymologies and the cultural motivation for naming in a few names.
Renamed Toponyms. One group of entries consists of Spanish words borrowed to
serve as names for areas visited. These toponyms were not borrowed only to name new
geographic categories but to rename those that are already there but their names are of
Andean origin.
Table 3-41 Possible stages of appearance of toponyms for this river
Stages
Toponym
Language
1st
(78) /cuqalaqi/
undetermined
2nd
(587) /xalamayu/
Aymara + Quechua
3rd
(408) /riodexala/
Spanish + Aymara
The toponym (587) /xalamayu/ already described above, represents a very
interesting situation of three different linguistic groups which may translate as three
different groups of power. The reason for this hypothesis is that the toponym / cuqalaqi/
cannot be traced as far as Aymara and Quechua are concerned. This situation, where a
toponym or its morphemes are not found in either of these languages, can be an
indication of an earlier linguistic group from which no data is available. This is why I
placed this toponym as the first one of a series of names for the same geographic entity.
The second one is interesting as it is a compound of two of the languages there, which

49
means that at some point the coexistence of these two groups was clear and that the
predominance of Quechua is evident by the fact that the head in this compound is
Quechua. Due to the Spanish influence in the area, the need for labeling geographic
entities in Spanish has become greater. This third case shows a clear caique using the
Aymara morpheme of txala/ to create a new toponym. The synchronic coexistence of
these three forms reveals a particular sociolinguistic situation, which has not been studied
in depth here.
I have collected only a few examples of name changing in the areas visited. This, it
would seem, however, should not be taken to indicate that this is a common practice in
the Andes. Some of the people interviewed knew that some names were new and
although they made great efforts to recall the names replaced could remember only a few.
In the case of (459) /serroblanko/ for example, one of the consultants only remembered
that this is a new name that replaced another one. In the Andes, this phenomenon has
been very common for centuries as new populations dominated the land inhabited by
other groups. Some examples of names that could be remembered are shown in Table 3-
42.
Table 3-42 Name changing
Old name
language
New name
Language
(309) /mogote/
Non determined
(30) /ba/!esito/
Spanish
(450) /sek/
Not determined
(440) /santarosa/
Spanish
(455) /seke/
tt
(458) /siq/
t(
(536) /uraxcimpa/
Not determined
(18) /antapi/
Not determined
(241) /lakapiiCa/
Spanish
(447) /sawanajdepukina/
Not determined
(426)/sanb emardodekin i s takas/
Spanish+not
determined
(198) /kinistakas/
Not determined

50
Other toponyms in Spanish are nominal phrases referring to the geographic entity
that the toponym is labeling, a name of a fruit tree, a surname, etc. Here are some
examples of toponyms in Spanish as shown in Table 3-43.
Table 3-43 Spanish toponyms
Spanish toponym
Gloss
(93) /elbarjo/
the neighbourhood, the quarter
(96) /elmansano/
the apple tree
(106) /elsendelakaiCe/
the ‘sen’ of the road
(132) /iglesjabjexa/
old church
(138) /irigasjor)/
irrigation
(240) /lakaleta/
the cove
(278) /lawertagrande/
the big truck garden
(314) /molino/
mill
The religious element is also present in the toponyms in this part of the Andes. The
names of saints are particularly popular and many of them appeared to replace the native
names.
Table 3-44 Religious names
Spanish toponym
Gloss
(347) /pampadelabirxen/
land of the virgin
(433) /sanantonio/
San Antonio (name of Saint)
(440) /sanmigel/
San Miguel ( “ )
(442) /santalusia/
Santa Lucia ( “ )
(446) /santarosa/
Santa Rosa ( “ )
Folk Etymology. It is to be expected that a popular interpretation will be given to
toponyms by the local inhabitants of these towns. The examples I have came from
bilingual speakers of Group 2 (see Table 2-3), which happens to consist of a group of
young males with higher education. The etymologies given by them to some of these

51
toponyms sounded almost accurate and perhaps there are some valid reasons for it. Some
examples of this follow.
Some interesting names. An interesting case of naming geographic entities is that
of the salt lagoon of Salinas in Salinas Moche. The local inhabitants have a name for the
lagoon depending on which part is being referred to. When the reference is made to the
bottom of the lagoon the name for the Salinas lagoon is (520) /tuksa/. If the reference is
made to the center of the lagoon then the name is (569) /werta/.
Table 3-45 Folk etymology
Toponym
Interpretation
(112) /elserodelsapo/
the hill of the frog which the
consultant explained that this is
because there's an image of a frog
on it.
(149)/kakakúcu/
place of cliffs
(200) Iqualaqi/
a sad place of sand
(319) /moromoro/
land that carries rainwater
(457) /señordelaarena/
it literally means the Lord of the
sand in Spanish and the
interpretation given was that it is
because the image of God appears
on the sand.
It was also interesting to note that a place where a creature, like an owl, which in
the Andean world is supposed to bring misfortune, has also a name: (142) kabrakanca,
which translated into Spanish means the ‘field of the goat’.
It seems that the creation of names of this sort occurs only in the speech of the local
inhabitants. These names seem to give them a point of reference other than just the
naming of an entity. I did not try to find them. They simply came up in the interviews by
chance after a prolonged conversation.

CHAPTER 4
CONCLUSIONS
The analysis of the data collected in the Andean area of Moquegua covered in this
study show both linguistic and social aspects of the toponymic situation there. The
historical multicultural situation left by the different people that migrate this area can be
observed in the patterns of names found.
Bilingualism of either Aymara-Spanish or Quechua-Spanish is evident in the
phonology of the toponyms presented here. The degree of this bilingualism or the lack of
it seems to be a dominant factor in the production of these toponyms and the alternations
between Andean forms and Spanish ones for the same geographic entiy show a strong bi-
cultural situation in this area. This is, of course, the case of most Andean towns where
Spanish has taken over in every possible way. Farms are usually labeled in Spanish since
they are most likely to be private properties that carry the name the owner decides upon,
although in some cases the previous names can remain unchanged. The insertion of
Spanish elements into the phonology manifested in these toponyms has created a
prevailing linguistic sub-system. As we saw in the phonological statement, the
neutralization of Andean consonants and features is remarkable. Of course, the
perception through Spanish ears of these features makes them even more transparent.
The phonological system found in these data show alternations such as: [k] and [q], [k]
and [x] and [q] and [x]. These alternations seem quite common in Andean areas where
Spanish is the dominant language. However, the presence of mid-vowels in the
production of these toponyms seems to clarify the boundaries of these segments.
52

53
The production of [e] [o] and [e] [o] when one of the mentioned consonant
elements is nearby is quite enlightening. It has been given attention in this study not only
because it determines the phonological representation of the toponyms, but also because
it gives us clues for determining situations of language contact and substratum. There are
forms in these data that were produced in various ways depending on the speaker or on
whether or not s/he was producing the item based on her substratum or on the language
that s/he usually uses.
Also, it is important to note that in the reconstruction of ancient forms, such oral
features can be very useful especially when the written tradition has not been part of the
Andean culture in previous times.
As for the morphology, we have seen in Chapter 3, through consideration of the
various processes of word-formation, how some traces of Quechua, Aymara or another
Andean language continue to exist. Unfortunately, in many cases it has been impossible
to determine what the linguistic sources are. This may be due to two factors:
• the forms to be analysed have undergone phonological or morphological changes
that leave analyzable forms, or
• the forms to be analysed may correspond to forms of an unknown language
In any case, the information available was sometimes not sufficient to enable me to
find all the necessary glosses. Further investigation could lead to correlation of these
forms to corresponding forms still existing in early documents. Such information could
be expected to provide further clues related to both meaning and forms of some of these
toponyms.
A very important point to make here relates to toponyms with the suffix */AYAJ.
The alternations of this morpheme in various toponyms showed a significant historical

54
process by which */-poyal seems to have gone through several stages of lenition, this is
the weakening of the underlying segment */p/. If this is true, it might be more accurate
then to talk about a */PAYA/ group. I have shown enough evidence for this suffix to be
considered as the morph which has allomorphs like /-baya/, /-waya/ and /-aya/. This
argument is supported by the existence of other Andean toponyms that I cited before
where the segment /p/ is devoiced intervocalically.
The process of analogy suggested in Chapter 3 with regard to toponyms whose
suffix I-poyal alternates with the form [-payo], or I-way al with [-wayu] gives us some
indication of the way speakers are trying to create new forms. Whether these forms are
some kind of analogical forms with Spanish or with other toponyms where [-yo] is the
result of /-yuq/, as I suggested earlier; this innovation needs a deeper study as well as
observation of other instances of this same change.
Among the Andean entries, the word-formation processes show a high productivity
of the Aymara suffix I-nil which can be observed in other toponyms beyond the
geographic scope of this study. On the other hand, Quechua has had a significant
presence not only for the amount of entries in Quechua found in the data, but also for the
status of the Quechua elements in these toponyms. In the case of derivation, the
preference for Quechua heads in the case of compounds is remarkable. This may show
the strong dominance of Quechua in some areas at some point of history and the
prevalence of cultural names for some geographical entities. In general, the number of
compounds in the data is larger than that of suffixed forms, as far as they were possible to
recognize.

55
Although not many examples of naming change have been recorded here, I see this
topic as another source of material for linguistic work in the analysis of toponyms. I
suggest this to be taken into consideration not only in the areas visited in this research but
also in other areas where there have been various migration waves. Another source of
material could be those names formed with strong cultural criteria for it is a very direct
form of evidence of the Andean culture.
There were some difficulties in the translation of most toponyms in these data.
This is due to the fact that language contact has been a constant situation in the area,
which means that their lexical material would have been shared at various stages
throughout history starting from very early times. Some of these morphemes have
exactly the same meaning for which they are considered Pan-Andean, and their original
source cannot be traced back. Other morphemes have two different meanings and both
can make a lot of sense when put together in a toponym. They either refer to a
geographic entity or shape, or its meaning is related to nature. Another group of
toponyms, and these were very few, shows one morpheme with a very clear etymology
and the other one is not recognizable. Finally, there were toponyms with morphemes that
were at all unclear. In this way, looking at philological material may be helpful as it may
provide historical details as well as translations of some of these morphemes into
Spanish. Another good source would be to consider some other areas in Moquegua, or in
other Andean areas, and observe their toponyms or their lexicon in general. That way,
the translation work of the material collected in this study could be somehow completed.
There are other areas such as Sijuaya and Muilaque, near Calacoa, that should be
considered in a future study. These towns are quite isolated, and therefore they may keep

56
conservative features in their speech and even in the toponymy. These towns are mainly
Aymara speaking, although a bilingual situation with Spanishes becoming stronger as a
result of the contact with the nearest town of Calacoa, already bilingual.
The toponymic sources in the Andean areas of Moquegua can provide a large
linguistic material, which can be exploited. The existence of other names culturally
formed and previous native names seem to be only in the memory of the people living
there. They should also be recorded, as these might be forms that would die out with the
culture of which, unfortunately, seems to be headed toward extinction.

APPENDIX A
DATA
Table A-l List of entries collected during fieldwork
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic
entity
1
/acakála/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
2
/acakaláne/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
farm
3
/acasírka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
4
/ajláqi/ [ajlake]
Dina Ramos
town
5
/ajláqi/ [ajlake]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
6
/akapatatáni/ [akapatatane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
7
/akwarpámpa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
8
/akankíwa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
9
/amacumáña/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
10
/amáta/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
11
/anansáya/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
12
/anaskápa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
village
13
/anáta/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
14
/anáqu/ [anaxo]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
small farm
15
/ánimas/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
sector
16
/anquláka/ [ankolaka]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
Place for the
sheep
17
/antápi/ [antape]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
18
/antápi/ [antape]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
19
/antápi/ [antape]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
20
/antápicímpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
21
/apacetadelawérta/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
mountain pass
22
/apacetadexála/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
mountain pass
23
/apuqára/ [apokara]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
24
/asjénda/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
25
/asuqun/ [asoxón]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
valley
26
/asuqun/ [asoxón]
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
27
/ataspaya/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
28
• /ayanqju/ [ayankjo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
29
/ayaskápa/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
57

58
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic
entity
30
/ayrampúni/ [ayrampune]
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill
31
/ba/.esito/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
32
/bekabista/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
33
/binabista/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
34
/binomóre/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
35
/binomóre/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
settlement
36
/bírxendelasmersédes/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
37
/biyabista/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
river
38
/bólkanmáyu/ [bolkanmayo]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
39
/bólkanmáyu/ [bolkanmayo]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
40
/bólkanmáyu/ [bolkanmayo]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
41
/cakamárka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
42
/cakawáya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
43
/cakawá/.u/ [cakawá/.o]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
river
44
/cakawáyu/ [cakawáyo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
45
/cakaxawíra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
46
/cakláya/
Ubinas
settlement
47
/calsapámpa/
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
settlement
48
/calsáyuq/ [calsáyoq]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
49
/caLawáya/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
50
/cákawáya/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
51
/carikúcu/ [carikúco]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
52
/carikúcu/ [carikúco]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
53
/carisína/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
54
/carisínacíko/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
55
/cáskamuqu/ [cáskamóko]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
56
/cáskamuqu/ [cáskamóko]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
57
/caqina/ [caxena]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
58
/caqinapampa/ [caxenapampa]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
59
/caxlún/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
60
/cjaxáqi/ [cjaxáke]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the
sheep
61
/cicilín/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
62
/óicilínalto/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
63
/cicilínbáxo/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
64
/cicilínmédjo/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
65
/ciláta/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
66
/cilitíya/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
village

59
Table A-l continued.
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
67
/ciliwa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
68
/cilkapúq/.u/ [cilkapúxko]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
water pond for
animals
69
/cimpapámpa/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
70
/cingáni/ [cingáne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
71
/círikáta/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
72
/ciripúqju/ [ciripúqjo]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
73
/cixúna/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
sand field
74
/cuqaláqi/ [cokaláke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
river
75
/cuqaláqi/ [cokaláke]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
76
/cuqipáta/ [cókepáta]
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
77
/cuquláqi/ [cokoláke]
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
river
78
/cuqaláqi/ [coqaláke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
valley
79
/cuqa/ [coxa]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
80
/culón/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
81
/cüko/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
82
/cukuwáya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
83
/cukuwáya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
84
/cumbáj/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
85
/cuñuwáya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
86
/cuñuwáyo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
87
/cuxcúna/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
river
88
/curupámpa/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
89
/cuxumóre/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
90
/delpwéblo/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water source
91
/desagwadéro/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
92
/elarenál/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
93
/elbárjo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
94
/elbatán/
Guasalón
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
95
/elkánto/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
96
/elmansáno/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
97
/elmogóte/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
98
/elmogóte/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
99
/elmogóte/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
100
/elpantjón/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
101
/elportíyo/
Chacahuaya
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
102
/elpúkjo/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
spring
103
/elpúnke/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm

60
Table A-1 continued.
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
104
/elséndeláfa/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
105
/elséndelafábrika/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
106
/elséndelaká/.e/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
107
/elséndelapjédra/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
108
/elséndelapwértadjurbína/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
109
/elséndelaíáya /
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
110
/elséndeligéro/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
111
/elséndelkonbénto/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
112
/elséndelmóro/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
113
/elséíodelsápo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
114
/elsifón/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
115
/eltablón/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
116
/eltúneldesamáso/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
117
/embrúna/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
village
118
/eskáca/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
village
119
/eskáca/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
river
120
/eskáce/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
water canal
121
/eskíno/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
122
/esqubáya/ [eskobaya]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
123
espinár
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
124
/isqulun/ [esqolón]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
125
/estánke/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
126
/estáña/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
127
/glórjamuqu/ [glórjamóko]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
128
/gwasalón/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
129
/hánaláqi/ [hanalake]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
130
/hanascímpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
131
/hánaxcímpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
132
/iglésjabjéxa/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
133
/iláqi/ [iláke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
134
/ilubaya/
Caramas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
135
/infemíyo/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
136
/infemíyo/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
water pond for animals
137
/infjemíyo/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
138
/irigasjón/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
139
/iruáni/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
140
/islón/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
141
/islón/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm

61
Table A-l continued.
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
143
/itorini/ [itorine]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
144
/kábrakánca/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
rock
145
/kabreria/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
146
/kacisirka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
type of road
147
/kacingúro/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
148
/kadéna/
San Cristobal
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
149
/kajmán/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
150
/kajpiLápu/ [kajpiLápu]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
151
/kakakúcu/ [kakakúco]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
152
/kakawána/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
153
/kalaqua/ [kalakóa]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
154
/kalaqua/ [kalakóa]
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
water canal
155
/kalaquba1 [kalakóba]
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill
156
/kalampáyu/ [kalampayo]
Santa Rosa
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
157
/kaléra/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
farm
158
/kaliwáya/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
159
/ka/.awáya/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
160
/kamagáci/ [kamagáce]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
161
/kamaléa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
162
/kamaléa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
163
/kamáta/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
164
/kambráka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
165
/kamrúne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
166
/kankácu/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
167
/kanqusáni/ [kankosani]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
168
/kancón/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
169
/kanupana/.o/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
170
/kafláw/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
171
/kápata/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
172
/kapaxími/ [kapaxíme]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
173
/kapaqun/ [kapaxón]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
174
/karabáya/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
175
/kárakára/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
176
/karaléwa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
177
/kargáce/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
178
/karsán/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
179
/karsán/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
180
/karúmas/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district

62
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
181
/katarépa /
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
182
/katasáni/ [katasáne]
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
farm
183
/kawarjupárki/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
184
/qibaya/ [kebaya]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
185
/kebrádaónda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
186
/kebraónda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
187
/qiqina/ [kekéna]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
district
188
/qinoraqin/ [kenoraxén]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
189
/qirála/ [kerala]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
190
/qirápi/ [kerápi]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
191
/kestía/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
lagoon
192
/qiwáka/ [kewákaj
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
193
/qiwáya/ [kewáya]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
194
/kílwáni/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
village
195
/kikabáya/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill
196
/kikénto/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
mountain pass
197
/kimsakúku/
[kimsakúko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
198
/kinistákas/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
199
/kiswára/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
200
/qualáqi/ [koaláke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
district
201
/qualáqi/ [koaláke]
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
202
/qualáqi/ [koaláke]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
203
/qualáqi/ [koaláke]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
204
/kóbre/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
205
/qugri/ [kogri]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
206
/kolorado/
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
river
207
/quluxa/ [kolóxa]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
208
/qukawáki/ [ko/.awáki]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
209
/quntúta/ [kontuta]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
210
/quraláqi/ [koraláke]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
211
/quraláqi/ [koraláke]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
river
212
/qurawáya/ [korawáya]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
213
/qurawáya/ [korawáya]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
district
214
/qurimuqu/ [korimóko]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
215
/quru/ [kóro]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
216
/quta/ [kóta]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
217
/krusmúre/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
218
/kruspára/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley

63
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
219
/kuCiXa/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
220
/kucumbáya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
221
/kuláta/
San Cristobal
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
222
/kúmo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
skirts
223
/kúmo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
ditch
224
/kúmo/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
225
/kuntamále/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
226
/kuntikán£a/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
settlement
227
/kupuwáya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
228
/kuriláka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
229
/kurúX.o/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
230
/kurukuq/ [kuruXóx]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
231
/kururuni/ [kururúne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
232
/kurusáni/ [kurusáne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
233
/kurusmúre/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
234
/kwestapáta/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
235
/kwÍAqu/ [ kwílko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
236
/lajrigasjón/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
237
/láka/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
238
/lakaléra/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
239
/lakaléra/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
240
/lakaléta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
241
/lakantería/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
242
/lakapáta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
243
/lakapíLa/
La Capilla
Dina Ramos
district
244
/lakaspáya/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
245
/lakebráda/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
246
/lakrús/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
247
/lakruscíka/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
248
/lakrusgránde/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
249
/lakwésta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
250
/laladéra/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
251
/lalomáda/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
252
/laAánqi/ [laXánke]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
253
/lamiciléra/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
254
/lamóya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
255
/lamóya/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement

64
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
256
/lao/.áda/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
257
/laoyáda/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
258
/lapámpa/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
259
/lapámpa/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
260
/lapámpa/
Segundia
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
261
/lapámpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
262
/lapáqca/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
water canal
263
/lapáxra/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
264
/lapúnta/
Tiquillica
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
265
/laqáta/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
266
/lasjénda/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
267
/lasjénda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
268
/laspámpas/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
269
/laswértas/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
270
/laswértas/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
271
/latabláda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
272
/latómadelarósa/
zona de la pampa
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
273
/latómadeligéro/
Guasalón
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
274
/latómadelmó^e/
Guasalón
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
275
/lawáka/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
276
/lawaskána/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
277
/lawáta/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
278
/lawértagránde/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
279
/láqi/ [laxe]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
280
/liláte/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
281
/lindajpámpa/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
282
/línto/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
283
/lirúne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
284
/losCíres/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
285
/loskíspes/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
286
/losmeyisos/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
287
/luqin/ [loxén]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
288
/lulíW
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
289
/lulukáni/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
water pond for animals
290
/luturáni/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
291
//.ápapámpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
292
//.aráqu/ [Xaráxo]
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
farm

65
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
293
/mamayáka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
294
/mansanáyu/ [mansanáyo
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
295
/mansaníto/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
296
/markapámpa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
297
/mataláqi/ [matalake]
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
298
/matasápo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
river
299
/matasápo/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
valley
300
/matasápo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
stream
301
/matáso/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
302
/mawkakáqta/
[mawka/.áktal
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
303
/mawkakáqta/
fmawkakáktal
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
304
/mawkakáqta/
| mawkaLáktaj I
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
305
/mawka/.áqta/
[mawka/ükta| II
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
306
/mawkaÁáqta/
[mawka/.ákta] II
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
307
/mawkakáqta/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
hill
308
/maxalso/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
river
309
/miqu/ [méko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
310
/miraflores/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
311
/mocéna/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
312
/mogote/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
313
/muqupáta/ [mokopata]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
314
/molino/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
water canal
315
/molino/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
316
/monteráyo/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
317
/mokegwa/
Moquegua
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
318
/muqa/.aqta/ [mokallakta]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
319
/muqupáta/ [móqopáta]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
320
/moríko/
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
321
/mormóro/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
322
/moro/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
323
/móromóro/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
324
/moyabáya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
river
325
/moy orina/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
flat land
326
/munayáne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
327
/múre/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
328
/mwiláqi/ [mwilake]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
329
/najrampúni/
[najrampúnel
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill

66
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
330
/negropámpa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
331
/nistáña/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill
332
/oaláqi/ [oalake]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
333
/omáte/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
valley
334
/omáte/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
town
335
/orequn/ [orekon]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
336
/orláqi/ [orlake]
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
337
/orláqi/ [orlake]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
river
338
/urqusáni/ [orkosani]
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
village
339
/pácakúti/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
340
/pácamáyo/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
341
/pajluqin/ [pajluxen]
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
342
/pakaxíme/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
343
/palkamáyu/
[palkamayo]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
344
/palkamáyu/
[palkamayo]
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
345
/páltarúmi/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
346
/palumáne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
347
/pámpadelabírxen/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
348
/pampadelúna/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
349
/pámpadolóres/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
350
/pámpakoloráda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
351
/pantjónbjéxo/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
352
/pára/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water source or canal
353
/pára/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
354
/pára1
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
355
/pára/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
river
356
/párapúna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
aguada
357
/párapúna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
358
/párapúna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
359
/párariqípa/
[párarekípa]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water pond for animals
360
/pátacampána/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
361
/pátacampána/
Subín
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
362
/patakáwa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
363
/pátaqirápi/ [patakerapi]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
364
/pátaqirápi/ [patakerapi]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement

67
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
365
/pátamolíno/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
366
/patapámpa/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
367
/patáya/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
village
368
/patina/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
369
/patúne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
mountain pass
370
/paxcánto/
Puquina
Victor y Judit Chiri
hill
371
/peñagránde/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
372
/peñanégra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
373
/pícupicu/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
snow peak
374
/pintáta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
375
/piruáni/
Ubinas
hill
376
/pistáya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
377
/pjáka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
settlement
378
/pjáka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
379
/plantáne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
380
/puquáya/ [pokoaya]
Puquina
Alberto Palacios
Meléndez
settlement
381
/puqumúri/ [pokomure]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
382
/puqumúri/ [pokomure]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
383
/puquwaya/ [pokowáya]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
384
/puquwayu/ [pokowáyo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
385
/polobáya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
386
/polobáyapámpa/
Chulluhuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
387
/poroto/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
river
388
/puqapáña/ [poxapáña]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
389
/pukára/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
390
/pukára/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
391
/pukína/
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
district
392
/pulpito/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
393
/pulpito/
Chacahuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
394
/púnqi/ [punke]
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
395
/puskía/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
396
/putína/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
farm
397
/putúnqu/ [putunko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
valley
398
/putúnqu/ [putunko]
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
farm
399
/puxkuqu/ [puxkóko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
400
/puxrupámpa/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
village

68
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
401
/qalampáyu/ [qalampáyo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
402
/qariwayu/ [qariwayo]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
403
/qaspáya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
404
/kíXuapacéta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
mountain pass
405
/qurimuqu/ [qorimoqo]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
406
/ríodetonoáya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
407
/ríodeubínas/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
408
/ríodexála/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
409
/ríonégro/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
village
410
/ííoséko/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
village
411
/támbo/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
river
412
/ ronxadéro/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
413
/rosaxnjuq/ [rosaxnjóx]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
414
/sabandía/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
district
415
/sabáya/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
416
/sabjáka/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
417
/sajgwáni/ [sajgwáne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
418
/sajlapa/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
419
/sajwán/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill
420
/sakaláka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
421
/sakánkoral/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
422
/saquáya/ [sakoaya]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
river
423
/saquáya/ [sakoaya]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
424
/saqwáya/ [sakwaya]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
425
/salínasmóce/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
426
/salínaspukína/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
427
/salínaswíto/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
428
/samánto/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
429
/samáso/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
430
/sambartolomé/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
431
/sambemárdodekinistákas/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
432
/saméwa/
Moquegua
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
433
/sanantónjo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
434
/sánceséro/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
province
435
/sancisláqi/ [sancisláke]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
436
/sanfransísko/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement

69
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
437
/sánkre/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
hill
438
/sankristóbal/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
439
/sankristóbalelobispo/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
440
/sanmigél/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
441
/santakrús/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
442
/santalusía/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
443
/santalusía/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
444
/santalusíasálinas/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
445
/santarósa/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
446
/santarósa/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
447
/santawára/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
canal
448
/sanxosé/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
449
sanxwándedjós
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
450
/sawanáj/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
451
/sawanáj/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
settlement
452
/sawanáj depukína/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
town
453
/sawsínto/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
454
/sayasayáni/ [sayasayáne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
455
/séée/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
settlement
456
/séci/
La Capilla
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
457
/segundía/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
valley
458
/segundía/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
459
/siq/ [sék]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
460
/siqi/ [séke]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
461
/séndelapjédra/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
462
/señórdelaréna/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
463
/siq/ [seq]
La Capilla
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
settlement
464
/séíoblánko/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Meléndez
hill
465
/séroblánko/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
466
/séroblánko/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
467
/ sér odelakebradíLa/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
468
/sérodelakrús/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
469
/sigíña/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
470
/sikuláqi/ [sikulake]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
471
/sintakán/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
472
/siwinkáni/ [siwinkane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
473
/siwinkáni/ [siwinkane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm

70
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
474
/sixwáta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
475
/sixwáya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
476
/suqusan/ [sokosán]
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
477
solabáya
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
town
478
solawáya
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
town
479
/sulaqu/ [solaxo]
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
480
/somoa/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
481
sonispáya
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
482
/suqisani/ [sokesane]
Cuchumbaya
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
483
/sowalón/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
484
/subín/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
485
/sunkía/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
water canal
486
/tablones/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
487
/tablónesdelmolíno/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
488
/tákawára/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
489
/takúni/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
490
/tála/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
village
491
/tálabiqun/ [talabexon]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
492
/talamóke/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
493
/talaskía/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
494
/talawáyu/ [talawayol
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
495
/tamáña/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
496
/tambíko/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
497
/tambíLo/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
water pond for animals
498
/tangáni/ [tangane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
499
/tapalaqun/ [tapalakon]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
500
/tapalaqun/ [tapalakon]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
small water source
501
/tapalaqun/ [tapalakon]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
502
/tása/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
503
/téga/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
504
/tíacía/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
505
/tikiLíka/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
506
/tikAíka/
Puquina
Alberto PalaciosMeléndez
farm
507
/tiksáni/ [tiksane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
volcano
508
/tikumáni/ [tikumane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
509
/tínkuq/ [tinkoq]
Matalaque
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm

71
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
510
/toáta/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
511
/tuqa/ [tóka]
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
river
512
/tuqa/ [tóka]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
513
/tuqaladéra/ [tokaladera]
Chacahuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
514
/tuqina/ [tokéna]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
515
/tolapámpa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
516
/tomamáyu/ [tomamayo]
Chacahuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
517
/tunláqi/ [tonlake]
Matalaque
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
518
/tonoáya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
519
/tonoáya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
520
/tuqa/ rtóqa]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
521
/toráta/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
522
/toíepámpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
523
/trampáni/ [trampane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
524
/trampíTa/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
525
/trampea/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
526
/trapíce/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
527
/trápice/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
528
/túksa/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
lagoon
529
/tukunlía/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
530
/tumilaka/
Moquegua
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
531
/tuntakáni/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
532
/turuxawíra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
533
/tuturáneóíko/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
534
/tuturánegránde/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
535
/tuxtumpáya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
settlement
536
/ubínas/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
volcano
537
/ubínas/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
district
538
/uóupámpa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
539
/ukúAo/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
540
/ulakuAu/ [ulakoAo]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
flat land
541
/uliAunkanáni/
[uliAunkanáne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
542
/ulínto/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
543
/umaínga/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
544
/úquqirápi/ [uqokerapi]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
545
/uráxcímpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
546
/urbína/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm

72
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
547
/urináj/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
548
/usnúne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
549
/waculáqi/ [wacoláke]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
550
/wacutúli/ [wacutúle]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
551
/wacutúli/ [wacutúle]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
552
/wacutúli/ [wacutúle]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water source or canal
553
/wájnaquagíla/
[wájnakoagíla]
Anaskapa
Sr. Navarro
hill
554
/wájnaputína/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
volcano
555
/wájnaubína/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
556
/wájrapúnqu/
[wájrapúnko]
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
557
/wájrapúnqu/
[wájrapúnko]
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
valley
558
/wajXáni/ [wajkáne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
559
/wákapuníña/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
560
/walíntakán/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
561
/wanúli/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
562
/warakani/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
563
/waraqina/ [warakéna]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
564
/warangáyu/
[warangáyo]
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
565
/waringuqu/
[warengóko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
566
/warína/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
567
/warína/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
568
/wásakáci/ [wasakace]
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
569
/waskána/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
570
/wataláka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
mine
571
/wataláqi/ [watalake]
Cuchumbaya
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
572
/watarán/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
573
/wataskía/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
574
/watáwa/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
575
/wáyko/
Calacoa
Juana Márka Flores
farm
576
/wayraláka/ [waylalaka]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
577
/wajka/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
578
/wérta/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
lagoon
579
/wértagránde/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
580
/wértasóra/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
581
/wirakáni/ [wirakáne]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
582
/wirakáni/ [wirakáne]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
583
/wusxána/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm

73
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic
entity
584
/wuxcúma/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
town
585
/xacasilka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
586
/xagwájV
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
587
/xalamáyu/ [xalamayo]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
588
/xáyampáka/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
589
/xentilpáta/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
590
/xíto /
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
591
/xoméra/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
farm
592
/qunuraqin/ [xonoraxén]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
593
/qurata/ [xoráta]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
594
/qurata/ [xoráta]
Chilata
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
595
/yalágwa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
settlement
596
/yaláqu/ [yalaxo]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
597
/yále/
Puquina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
598
/yále/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
599
/yále/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
600
/yanasáya/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
lagoon
601
/yanawára/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
district
602
/yarabámba/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
district
603
yarágwa
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
604
/yuqumúri/ [yokomure]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
605
/yuqáci/ [yoxace]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
606
/yuqu/ [yoxo]
Cuchumbaya
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
607
/yuqumuri/ [yoqomúre]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
village
608
/yuráqmuqu/ [yuraqmóqo]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueñas
hill
609
/yúraqmuqu/ [yuraqmóko]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm

APPENDIX B
MORPHEMES
Table B-l M
orphemes
#
Morpheme
Alomorph
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
1
aka-
this (determiner)
faeces
2
aka-
akaj: harvest of
potatoes, manioc, etc.
3
ama-
no
4
ana-
mole
medium-sized eagle
5
anka-
outside
blue
6
anko
nerve
7
anta
forward, uphill
8
apo
lord, prince; a type of god
mountain that
respresents a superior
earthly divinity or deity
9
aya-
ay-
spool
dead body
10
ayrampu
fruit of a type of cactus
a type of plant with
purple flowers used to
colour the ‘chicha’
11
caka
cak
bridge, lock
bridge
12
c"aka
ca/.a
c'ala
c'aka: sand
¿¡"aka: com plant
13
c'aqi
hail fall / -na:
nominalizer
14
c'aska
caska
star
15
cici
cooked meat
16
cili
cold
17
¿¡ilka
wild plant
18
cimpa
in front of, ahead
19
ciri-
cold
20
cuku
CU AO
soak, melt, blend (verb)
21
cumi
¡ungle
22
cuñu-
frozen and sun dried potato
frozen and sun dried
potato
23
cuq-
c'uqi-
cuki: metal
c'uqi: mix with potatoes
74

75
Table B-l (continued)
#
Morpheme
Alomorpb
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
24
cuqa-
coqa
c'uqa: tie
cuqa: a unit of measure
equal to amount one can
hold in two hands
cupped together
25
c"uxcu-
paludism
26
curu-
small uninhabited island
c'uru: shell, snail
27
ila-
frozen morning / fearful, nervous / straw;
something rough, hard and pointed
28
kaci-
kace
piece of land where the cattle is marked
salt
29
kanca-
enclosed field, courtyard
corral, adobe or rock
fence / open market
area
30
kay-
this
31
kaypi-
here
32
kama
kam
until
each, until / dirty work
33
kala
action of carrying various heavy things
34
kimsa
three
35
kika
moon, month
36
kucu
court, pagan offering / victim for sacrifice
and offering
kucum: alpaca or white llama raising that
is sacrified in ritual acts.
37
kunti
dance of the dyers
west
38
kupu
straw basket used for collecting potaoes
cosechadas
39
laka
lak’a
mouth,
40
lewa
/z'wz:porción
41
/.aqta
42
lull-
pájaro mítico que simboliza la paz; colibrí
43
lulu-
hermana, trato cariñoso para las mujeres
44
mama-
señora madre
45
marka-
city, country, town
46
mayu-
mayo
river
47
muku-
moqo
moko
moqo:knot / short man /
promontory
48
moya-
muya: house garden, meadow / fenced
place
49
muyu
mui
moyo
muyu : round, surround
50
muna
love
want, desire, love
51
nayram
first, before / eye, sight
52
orqo
male, llama de carga
mountains; male; bring
out
53
paca
firmament, sky / place, time, era, space
time, hour

76
Table B-l (continued)
#
Morpheme
Alomorph
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
54
paka
eagle
Hide
55
palta
overload / small lump that goes on the
load
56
pampa
bamba
field , plain, altiplain, plaza, vega
flat, flat land
57
paña
right (direction)
58
para
front, frontis, frontier
rain
59
parki
hill, wall; hill skirt
60
pata
height, anden, poyo / top, on, anden,
poyo, grada
height, top, above
61
paya
two
62
pirwa
granero, troje / group of haces of bam, of
wheat, or quinoa formed to be dried and
milled / silo
63
pune
affirmative voice, yes
most especially
(superlative suffix)
64
punqu
punqu
punku
door, entrance
65
pus
pusi
four
66
puti
prominence
67
putu
fire for cooking, building in edificio en
bóveda
68
pUXÁlí
pUXAO
spring
69
puxru
room built of terrones
70
qala
kala
stone / hard, strong
71
q'ara
kara
bare, eroded,
empoverished, worn
out nice.
72
quta
kota
kocadake
73
rune
runa: person, human
being
74
rum i
stone
75
sani
sane
says (verb)
76
sapo
sapa
completely
77
saya
height, patrimony, size, a type of potato
78
saygwa
saywa
[lito, mojón de lindero
79
sayrwan
en el hito
80
siq
seq
row, column, line
81
siku
zampoña (wind musical instrument)
82
sirka
silka
arallón, hill
83
siwin
ring
ring
84
sunis-
sonis-
suni: puna
85
taka
ait, knock

77
Table B-l (continued)
#
Morpheme
Alomorph
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
86
taku
red soil used to mark cattle / limonitic
clay
87
tala
widest part of a parte ancha de la onda
88
tapa
bird’s nest / straw put in the bottom of a
pot for steam cooking
89
tiki
gallareta / patillo de lakes
90
tiyay
-tika
to live, to inhabit
91
tunta
white ‘chuño’ (17)
92
uli
ruin
93
uma
water
head
94
uqu
uqo
grey
swallow (verb)
95
ura
95
wasa
gwasa
wasa : unhabitated site, desertic, páramo
back of a person or
thing

APPENDIX C
MAPS

COLOMBIA
ECUADOR
/ UJrtAVECJL
CAjEMUffe \
Í4N MARMN
BRASIL
WUflfMD
'$3 *4
* B C » S K
aj %
'<. j c a r ál-tv-A ■
'éteÁ
' ^ ■ visíí '•■'••
I L~
c use o \
íí^jírp
qfiPUSIWij;
K fraCUCHt.
/,'•• -A
froto S'an Si
MAPA DEL PERU
DIVISION ADMINISTRATIVA
ESCALA 1 :8 000.000
Figure C-l Map of Peru
79

80

ja
¡f Camata
•'LLOQUE
Bu8nav/Sf/f
' 5153
AREQUIPA
lolujón
A'"'
sCOALAQUE
fia Chtp¡\
[Hambruna
ZONE C
Aatahuaya
>tA CAPILLA
iVinomofc /
{(pC»naSéo
Pampa
Chimtwa
Pampa Terrones
Jeguaychicofc;
Pt¡pW¡™_
Pampa
Trapiche
Pampa Huanucollo
SAMEGUA
i Cru2 Vento
• La Bodeguilla f
igure C-3 Zones of data collection in the Tambo Valley, Ubinas and Salinas Moche

82
'Lag Vllafro i
.^tÁYltOMA
tLaguna
Huarhuarcos
NICASIl
Nevado
•'Lag Pañal
^LAMPA
'CMuu.in
¿FIVA AlCGFiih
ryANAHum
Laguna
.Salina 51
Idtroms
Laguna

83
4. Tocalaco
¿nahua1
YTalamolle
llihuaya Grande,
/ ^ Totorane
^o//opirg'
^ JC°. Pocayo
/{a Apachetalté Talarpólle /
EAGfcHANTO
i<'°HUailara<'J;
Chiripar
'Orlaque /|
isto Grande
TING*
Chuflutiuayo
'Sta Rosa &
de Pudra/
/ ~
1PATOQU10
0\a\ayoc\
icajime
Llocorot
Patopa 3
Puquio, o
Segundia1
â– o. ^Aistisa/oc
\^*¿> Ti rucara
Ppa d^ Jálahuafic
C° L“ Ca<°'^
Pampa [
Figure C-5 Map of Puquina and La Capilla

84
C9/Pacoorco
•os. Kesf/'a
hAesane O
*n&rtcP
Amata
:e cocha'
LVTmc,
f>ampi de
iTambiflos j
Francisco
d« Chipi
£° Chahuar9^0
Talavacas
fe del ÍY'*rn |
. , Po*er°
Figure C-6 Map of Coalaque

85
Co. HuaynacoagU)ya
Pampa del
Huaynaputina
La./Carpin
.oma Juliol Tacana
Mamacocha
Volcán Huaynapulina
La. Ticacpcha 5)
/ Co El Volcán
rChichitin<
Alto
LA APACHETA
AGUADA
/ DE
OHOJAYO
Chichilijf
AGUADA OE. CHILCA*
PLANCHADA
Su to p\
Lacagua c-
Charipafa
AGUADAv p
QRANDE \ sc-
CO Chuhuacas
FSanta Qruz
La Punta
Ppa de
Calicanto
Ch ¡huei G>
/'AÍ afina
Chimpapampa
fi Puen«
YARAL l
.SANTA ANA
_o 6»“' ° |¡|
Pampa
â– i- - Negra
2580
iífij ndtfQ
Figure C-7 Map of Omate and Quinistaquillas

86
V) c h°gñoC(

87
• RABIZA.
Culanayoc
Hufechuiii
7/Cunsiw
ic°r Humhruro
'Careataéif
.'Conticancha
Mina Kiuwa
f Hda Jcnui umpaya â–  $
cy.m'/l
la Apacl
Trampa Hda.
I póftVfj
irabamba
Ppa de Ñagi
//Ruinas Maucallacta
Vista .3
Sh. Antonio
p0lob“'J >
n. losé de Uauí
Mina Capo
C°. Pajona/ (
C°. Rumiyoc
]pa Cruz Verde
C°. Tillane
E. VISCACHA l.
Qp. Atr avezado
ALTO DE
Mina Atahualpa NI
’El Pique

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Christin, Anne-Marie, and Viviane Alleton (1998) L’ecriture du nom propre
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Fellows-Jensen, G. (1995) “The light thrown by the early place-names of Southern
Scandinavia and England on population movement in the Migration period” in
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(Odense University Press, Odense)
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Porto)
Fernandez-Sevilla, J. (1974) Problemas de Lexicografía Actual (Instituto Caro y Cuervo,
Bogotá)
Galdos Rodríguez, Guillermo (1988) Naciones Oriundas, en expansión y mitmaqs, en el
valle de Arequipa (Tokyo)
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Lexicography, edited by J.Tomaszczyk and B.Lexandowska-Tomaszczyk (John
Benjamins Pub.Co., Amsterdam), pp. 31-41
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(1995) “Jaqi Onomastics (Aymara)” in Name Studies Vol. 1 (Walter de
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(1985) “The Imperial Languages of the Andes” in Language of
Inequality, edited by N. Wolfson and J. Manes (Mouton, Berlin), pp. 182-193

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(1991) “Aymara Lexicography” in Worterbucher (Walter de Gruyter,
Berlin, edited by FJ.Hausmann, O. Reichmann, H.E.Wiegand and L.Zgusta
(Walter de Gruyter, Berlin), pp. 2684-2690
and Aurora Acosta Rojas (1986) “De Dónde Vino el Jaqaru?” (Aymara
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H.Kahane (Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tubingen), pp. 353-356
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extremo sur de Chile,” Estudios Filológicos, 33, 55-67
(1997) “Tendencias Generales en la Toponimia del Norte Grande de Chile,”
Onomazein, 2, 181-196
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Lopez de Mesa, (1961) Rudimentos de Onomatología (Imprenta del Banco de la
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Lucca D., Manuel de (1983) Diccionario Aymara-Castellano, Castellano-Aymara
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(1989) Theory and Practice of Romance Etymology (Variorum Reprints,
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Benjamins Pub.Co., Amsterdam)
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Yolanda Chavez-Cappellini is originally from Peru but lived in the United States
until she was five years old. Back in her hometown, she completed her secondary
education at the Catholic School of Sagrado Corazón Sophianum, and by this time, she
had already learned other languages. She started traveling extensively, and this increased
her curiosity for language and culture, which became an important focus of her life. She
then decided to join the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Lima where she
obtained her bachelor’s degree in linguistics in 1997.
In San Marcos, she did some voluntary work and helped in the practices of Latin.
She has taught English, Spanish and Italian in both the United Kingdom and Peru, and
has also done work related to translation and interpretation, some of which contained
confidential information. She worked for some Peruvian government entities as well as
for the British Embassy and the British-Peruvian Chamber of Commerce in Peru.
Simultaneously, Yolanda decided to go to the Andes to visit some towns and
collect some data. She then came to the United States looking for an opportunity to do
her master’s degree and use her data as the basis for her thesis. She joined the Program
of Linguistics at the University of Florida in the Fall of 1999. In her second year, she
taught English to newcoming foreign students at the English Language Institute of the
University of Florida for a year and then was hired by the Department of Romance
Languages and Literatures at the University of Florida to teach introductory courses in
94

95
Spanish. Yolanda is currently teaching an introductory course of Portuguese and is
enrolled in the PhD program in Spanish Linguistics at the department of Romance
Languages and Literatures at the same university. She is interested in the research of
written Spanish in Colonial manuscripts.

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
n, Chair
of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
Gary D. Miller
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
Marie Nelson
Professor of English
This thesis was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Program in Linguistics in
the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as
partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.
December 2002
Dean, Graduate School



CHAPTER 2
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Introduction
The results of the research used for this investigation will be presented here under
three main headings: 1) the collection of field data, 2) organization of the data, and 3)
linguistic analysis in terms of phonological processes, word formation and some
sociolinguistic considerations.
Investigation of toponyms as used by the residents of the area of Moquegua
involved topographic categories such as farms, small lagoons, brooks, and others that,
because of the scale perspective and the utility of the maps used, are not shown here. For
my purposes it seemed better not to rely on the place names of maps, since they tend to
be neither complete nor accurate. The collection and transcription of the data for maps,
have been done by non-linguists. This has resulted in significant limitations in the way
the data collection is carried out, sorted and subsequently transcribed. The reason for
these limitations responds to the intention of cartographers, who gather toponyms simply
to label geographic categories represented in maps, without any linguistic concern of how
they are transcribed. Therefore, their approach for the research lies in informative and
descriptive data, which do not go beyond the limits of the map in question. However, the
use of maps for this research has been an important tool for reference and location of the
areas visited (see Appendix C), but it was necessary, with almost predictable results, to
go beyond what could be represented by map-making processes.
10


37
Table 3-25 Alternation of /-bya! and /-wyal
/-bya/
/-wya/
(477) [solabya]
(478) [solawya]
Similarly, Table 3-26 presents an example of alternation between /-wyal and /-
ya/ for the same entry but this time produced by two different speakers.
Table 3-26 Alternation of /-wya/ and /-ya/
/-wya/
/-ya/
(383) [pokowya]
(380) [pokoya]
I have not found examples of alternation of /-pyal and /-boyal as it seems that the
environment where the former occurs now strengthens its conservation (see Table 3-16).
It has not been determined what /-pyal means as its etymology is not Quechua and in
Aymara it refers to the numeral two. In Puquina, there was an affix /-paya-/ that used
to mark the intensity of an action (Torero, 1965). Torero states that this affix is Quechua
and that is rarely found in Puquina. However, the function of /-poyal as a suffix in
Quechua is verbal which expresses an action that is constantly taking place with the
intention of getting some profit out of it (Soto, 1976).
Based on the toponymic data of this work, /-poyal may or may not have been a
word representing a type of geographic entity. It may have first referred to the basic
concept of place without any particular description. Some of the glosses found for the
morphemes combining /-payal correspond to nouns with a particular meaning. Table 3-
27 shows some of the glosses found for these morphemes accompanying the suffixes of
the AYA group. Because stops can be simple, glottalized and aspirated in Cuzco


9
most common toponyms in Tarapaca, Chile. Mamani made an attempt to provide an
etymology in both Aymara and Quechua for each of these toponyms. Zevallos-Quiones
(1993) provided the first study on Chimu onomastics with relevant reference to the
language of the Mochicas. M.J.Hardman (1995) provides in her article about Jaqi
Onomastics a detailed overview of toponymic and anthroponymic studies of Jaqaru,
Kawki and Aymara that describe very accurately the naming practices in the Andes and
how alien ones are imposed. The toponymy of the northern part of Chile has been studied
by Guillermo Latorre (1997). It is important to mention this as the area occupied by the
cultural groups settled in the areas where this research took place was extended to the
present territory of Chile. In another article, Latorre (1998) presented a description of the
toponymy in the south of Chile. He proposed some hypotheses about the origin of those
toponyms in which a few native languages of the Chilean territory are their source.
Cerron-Palomino (2000) presented an overview of the deficiencies in most toponymic
works about the tendency to affiliate Peruvian toponyms to Quechua.


42
The next question would be whether this hypothesis can be also applied to the other
cases where /-wayul occurs. If we follow our conclusion about */p/ going through a
lenition process over time, the hypotheses for /-payu/ should also apply to /-wayu/.
Therefore, it may be that there are three different phenomena occurring here as well for
the alternation of /-waya/ and /-wayu/:
it could be the result of an analogical change influenced by Spanish, or
it could be the result of an analogical change leveling with the underlying suffix
*/yuq/ of other toponyms. The final segment is lost but the lowering of /u/ has
remained as [ayo] like in (564) /warangayw/.
/u/ may change to /o/ in word boundary.
The suffix /-nil
There are other suffixes involved in the formation of toponyms in the visited areas
of Moquegua. A very productive one is that of /-ni/ which has an alternate form of [-ne].
Its production as [-ne] may be caused by the environment of word boundary, just like in
the previous case where /u/ is lowered to [o]. Table 3-30 shows some examples of this
suffix. There is evidence that /-nil ~ /-nel exists as a productive suffix for Andean
toponyms
Table 3-30 The suffix /-ni/ and its allomorph [-ne]
[-ni]
[-nel
(167) [kanqosni]
(472) [siwinkne]
(338) [orqosni]
(498) [tangne]
(489) [takuni]
(581) [wirakne]
This suffix comes from Aymara, and besides being a pronominal suffix it has two
functions depending on the base that is being derived: it exists as a verbal suffix with a
directional function, and it indicates movement towards the place that is being expressed.


15
Archiving
For the sorting and organization of the data I followed the principles and
methodology presented in the text by Hardman & Hamano (1997), as well as in the class
of Field Methods lectured by Hardman. The course also caused me to reevaluate to some
degree the original data collection. These principles, based on the postulate that there are
no "raw data" (Hardman, 1997), also made me aware of the fact that, as much as we try to
get pure data, our research cannot entirely escape our own linguistic mental structures
and our own understanding of things and reality.
The collecting process yielded seven tapes that were then organized with reference
to the geographic areas from which they were drawn. I then started the transcription of
these tapes by using the IPA phonetic alphabet; however, I also used other symbols such
as [c] and [] as I considered them more convenient for the transcription than their
corresponding IPA symbols. Since the interviews were carried out in Spanish, I used a
phonemic transcription for all entries and phonetic transcription only when I did not
understand the term sufficiently due to my lack of grasp of Aymara and/or Quechua. To
file the data, I used a manual system of index cards to organize the morphological and
phonological information. With the linguistic information thus obtained, I proceeded to
use a datasheet to create a database of all my entries and their corresponding information
(see Appendix A for a record of this information). There are seven columns of
information for every entry in the datasheet: Geographic Area which describes the area
to which each entry corresponds, Name of Consultant which tells us the source of the
entry, Geographic Entity which gives the entity to which each entry is assigned,
Semantics which provides cultural or historical information about the entity, Syntax


89
Christin, Anne-Marie, and Viviane Alleton (1998) Lecriture du nom propre
(LHarmattan, Paris)
Cusihuamn G., Antonio (1976) Diccionario Quechua Cuzco-Collao (Ministerio de
Educacin and Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima)
Escobar, A., G. Parker, J.Creider and R.Cerrn (1967) Cuatro Fonologas Quechuas
(Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima)
Escobedo Rodriguez, Antonio (1994) Estudios de Lexicologa y Lexicografa
(Universidad de Almera Servicio de Publicaciones, Almera)
Fellows-Jensen, G. (1995) The light thrown by the early place-names of Southern
Scandinavia and England on population movement in the Migration period in
Kolloquium Nordwestgermanisch (Walter de Gruyter, Berlin)
(1995) What Do English, Frisian and Scandinavian Place-Names tell
us about the Frisians in the Migration period? in Lriesische Studien II Beitrage
des Fhrer Symposiums zur Lriesischen Philologie vom 7. -8. April 1994
(Odense University Press, Odense)
Fernandes, Ivo Xavier (1944) Topnimos e Gentilicios (Editora Educacao Nacional,
Porto)
Fernandez-Sevilla, J. (1974) Problemas de Lexicografa Actual (Instituto Caro y Cuervo,
Bogot)
Galdos Rodrguez, Guillermo (1988) Naciones Oriundas, en expansin y mitmaqs, en el
valle de Arequipa (Tokyo)
Hanks, P. (1990) Evidence and Intuition in Lexicography in Meaning and
Lexicography, edited by J.Tomaszczyk and B.Lexandowska-Tomaszczyk (John
Benjamins Pub.Co., Amsterdam), pp. 31-41
Harder, Kelsie B. (1986) Names and their varieties: a collection of essays in Onomastics
(University Press of America, Lanham)
Hardman, M.J. (2001) Aymara (Lincom Europa, Mnchen)
(1995) Jaqi Onomastics (Aymara) in Name Studies Vol. 1 (Walter de
Gruyter, Berlin)
(1985) The Imperial Languages of the Andes in Language of
Inequality, edited by N. Wolfson and J. Manes (Mouton, Berlin), pp. 182-193


41
The first possibility sounds like a case of analogical change produced by language
contact as explained before, but it does not explain why /u/ gets lowered as [o] without
any apparent conditioning. In any case, the incidence of this innovation may be related to
the age group of speakers and may constitute an isogloss alone or together with other
changes in the local speech that we have not yet observed. The conservative speech of
older people in Puquina seems to preserve the forms of /-waya/ and /-paya/ as I found
these forms in two of my oldest consultant, as opposed to /-wayu/ and /-payu/.
The second option seems more plausible in this case, because the analogy of /-yu/
with words that do have an underlying */q/ in final position as part of /-yuq! could explain
the production of [o] in toponyms such as /qalampayu/. In Quechua, the suffix /-yuq/ can
be added to a noun or noun phrase or to a numeral to indicate the possessor of the referent
(Parker, 1965). For example, /-yuq/ is added to the noun /wasi/ house, the meaning of
/wasiyuq/ is person who has a house or houses. The existence of other examples in the
data such as (48) /calsa +yuq/, which is the name of a small farm, and (564) /waranga +yu/,
the name of a village, supports this option. The stem of the first example is unclear, but
the stem of the second example /waranga/ means a thousand in both Aymara and
Quechua and the suffix l-yuql provides the meaning of who has a thousand. In fact, one
of my consultants gave me two entries for the same entity. In this case we have that /y/
alternates with IX/, as shown in the example:
(229) [kuniyo] (230) [kurii/ox]
He clearly stated that (229) was Spanish and that (230) was Quechua, which
suggests that the speaker is aware that the segment /q! is clearly non-Spanish.


APPENDIX B
MORPHEMES
Table B-l M
orphemes
#
Morpheme
Alomorph
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
1
aka-
this (determiner)
faeces
2
aka-
a).aj: harvest of
potatoes, manioc, etc.
3
ama-
no
4
ana-
mole
medium-sized eagle
5
anka-
outside
blue
6
anko
nerve
7
anta
forward, uphill
8
apo
lord, prince; a type of god
mountain that
respresents a superior
earthly divinity or deity
9
aya-
ay-
spool
dead body
10
ayrampu
fruit of a type of cactus
a type of plant with
purple flowers used to
colour the chicha
11
caka
cak
bridge, lock
bridge
12
"aka
ca/.a
c'ala
c'aka: sand
c"aka: com plant
13
c'aqi
hail fall / -na:
nominalizer
14
c'aska
caska
star
15
cici
cooked meat
16
cili
cold
17
cilka
wild plant
18
cimpa
in front of, ahead
19
ciri-
cold
20
cuku
CU AO
soak, melt, blend (verb)
21
cumi
¡ungle
22
cuu-
frozen and sun dried potato
frozen and sun dried
potato
23
cuq-
c'uqi-
cuki: metal
c'uqi: mix with potatoes
74


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The present work is not only my product but a product of a lot of people who
helped me through in this project, before and after my coming to Gainesville. I would
like first to thank the Program of Linguistics at the University of Florida for giving me
the opportunity of earning my masters degree here. My special thanks go to my Chair,
Dr. M.J. Hardman, from whom I have learned to see things in a broader way and to
reconsider my cultural patterns. I would like to thank her particularly for her patience in
the completion of this thesis and her assertive feedback and suggestions. I would also like
to extend my thanks to the members of my committee, Dr. Marie Nelson and Dr.Gary
Miller, for providing me with excellent suggestions and academic support during the
completion of this thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. David Pharies for his help with
the lexical items that presented special difficulties and for providing a basic introduction
to historical analysis.
This thesis is indebted to the consultants who provided the data for the analyses
presented here, which is the base of my research and the reason for this thesis. All my
gratitude is given to Ms. Juana Mrka Flores, Ms. Dina Ramos, Ms. Judit Chiri and her
father Mr.Victor Chiri Durn, Mr. Feliciano Quispe Choque, Mr. Orlando Roldn Tone,
the Historian Mr. Roy Navarro Oviedo, Mr. Elbio Valdivia Dueas, Mrs. Herminia Chiri
de Tone and Mr. Fabio Tone, Mr. Luis Gmez Iquira, Mr. Lautaro Pealoza, Mr.
Navarro, Mr. Lajo Pantigoso and Mr. Jess Rodriguez. I would also like to include in
this list Mrs. Consuelo Guevara de Roque, for her hospitality in the town of Coalaque.


COLOMBIA
ECUADOR
/ UUNfMffEqUE
C4IMI Aftr? \
h,h M.'.tms
BRASIL
UUWEKW
$3Vu
* B C S K
\UIMW W
Mic a y *i.tvv\
', L~ 'vtj*-
C U Sc 0 %
f:
AYACUCH^
/at San V.
MAPA DEL PERU
DIVISION ADMINISTRATIVA
ESCALA 1 :8'000,000
Figure C-l Map of Peru
79


also ambiguity as it relates to language source. Compounds show bilingual situations,
which, in some cases, result in opaque meaning.
My research has led to recognition of the particular significance of Quechua, but a
large number of entries have a non-determined affiliation. Also, the practice of changing
native names into Spanish ones has caused the loss of valuable toponymic material which
only exists in the memory of the people that live there.
This study suggests that phonological changes have taken place throughout an
extended period of time, leaving apparently different suffixes, which in fact are
allomorphs of the same morpheme. It also suggests that some innovations are now taking
place in the production of toponyms by young Spanish speaking people. In essence, the
study offers both a linguistic description of toponyms and sociolinguistic considerations
motivated by the multicultural migration done through centuries of history.
IX


18
Moquegua indicating the four zones where the data was collected and several maps of the
areas visited during the fieldwork. These maps have been scanned from their original
official sources obtained from the Peruvian government. The geographic data in
Appendix C will show provinces, districts, towns, settlements and communities as the
physical areas where the toponyms were found.


I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
n, Chair
of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
Gary D. Miller
Professor of Linguistics
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to
acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts.
Marie Nelson
Professor of English
This thesis was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Program in Linguistics in
the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as
partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.
December 2002
Dean, Graduate School


/a
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arequipa
Lolajdn
sCOALAQUE
ZONE C
Y^Taiahuaya
i tA CAPILLA.
.Vtnomoic /
{(pCnaSo
-Z
\ ChiHihua
Pampa Terrones
Jaguayctco*;
Popuju*.
Pampa
Trapiche
'Pampa Huanucollo
SAMEGUA
/ Pampa Guaneros
i Cria Verda
la Bodeguilla f
igure C-3 Zones of data collection in the Tambo Valley, Ubinas and Salinas Moche


92
Silverman, Helaine (1981) On the Use and Misuse of Linguistic Data for Archaelogical
Interpretation: The Case of the Origin and Diversification of the Quechua
Speakers of Peru (Program of Linguistics at theUniversity of Florida, Gainesville)
Singh K., Suresh (1996) Communities, segments, synonyms, surnames and titles in
Anthropological Survey of India (Oxford University Press, Delhi)
Soto Ruiz, Clodoaldo (1993) Quechua Manual de Enseanza (Instituto de Estudios
Peruanos and University of Illinois in Urbana-Champaign)
Spencer, Andrew (1996) Phonology (Blackwell Publishers, Oxford)
Stewart, G. R. (1986) A Classification of Place Names in Harder, K.B. Names and
their Varieties: a collection of essays in onomastics ANS (University Press of
America)
Stiglich, Germn (1922) Diccionario Geogrfico del Per (Imprenta Torres Aguirre,
Lima)
Szeminski, Jan, and Andrzej Krzanowski (1978) La toponimia indgena en la cuenca del
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Estudios Latinoamericanos (Ossolineum, Wroclaw 4:11-52)
Taylor, Isaac (1875) Words and Places: or Etymological Illustrations of History,
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Tomaszczyk, J. (1983) The case for bilingual dictionaries for foreign language learners
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Torero, A. (1987) Lenguas y Pueblos Altiplnicos en torno al siglo XVI, Revista
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Valdivia Astoquilca, J.S. (1995) Breve Resea Histrica del Distrito de Ubinas
(Moquegua)


64
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
256
/lao/.da/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
257
/laoyda/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
258
/lapmpa/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
259
/lapmpa/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
260
/lapmpa/
Segundia
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
261
/lapmpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
262
/lapqca/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
water canal
263
/lapxra/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
264
/lapnta/
Tiquillica
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
265
/laqta/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
266
/lasjnda/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
267
/lasjnda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
268
/laspmpas/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
269
/laswrtas/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
270
/laswrtas/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
271
/latablda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
272
/latmadelarsa/
zona de la pampa
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
273
/latmadeligro/
Guasaln
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
274
/latmadelm^e/
Guasaln
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
275
/lawka/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
276
/lawaskna/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
277
/lawta/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
278
/lawrtagrnde/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
279
/lqi/ [laxe]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
280
/lilte/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
281
/lindajpmpa/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
282
/lnto/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
283
/lirne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
284
/losCres/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
285
/loskspes/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
286
/losmeyisos/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
287
/luqin/ [loxn]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
288
/lulW
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
289
/lulukni/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
water pond for animals
290
/luturni/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
291
Apapmpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
292
//.arqu/ [Xarxo]
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
farm


93
Vennemann, T. (1994) Linguistic Reconstruction in the Context of European
Prehistory, Transactions of the Philological Society, 92, 2, 215-284
Whitcut, J. (1995) Taking It For Granted: Some Cultural Preconceptions in English
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and H.Kahane (Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tubingen), pp. 253-257
Wiegand, Herbert Ernst (1999) Semantics and Lexicography: Selected Studies (1976-
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Wierzbicka, A. (1995) Lexicon as a key to history, culture, and society Homeland and
Fatherland in German, Polish and Russian in Current Approaches to the Lexicon,
edited by R. Dirven and J.Vanparys (Peter Lang, Frankfurt), pp. 103-155
Zachru, Bray B., and Henry Kahane (1995) Cultures, ideologies and the dictionary:
studies in honor ofLadislav Zgusta (Niemeyer, Tbingen)
Zevallos-Quiones, Jorge (1993) Onomstica Chim. (Fundacin Alfredo Pinillos
Goicochea, Trujillo)
Zgusta, Ladislav (1972) Manual of Lexicography (Mouton, The Hague)


22
phonetic non-complication of the occlusive consonants in the data gave me several
possibilities when finding a gloss for those entries since a [p] could be a /p/, a /p'/ or a
/p"/ and the same with the other stops. Sometimes the gloss can refer to two or three
different things, and all of them have been considered in this study.
In Puquina, the consonant system also shows a more simple set of stops. This
language does not present a palatal affricative /c/ as the other Andean languages do;
instead, it has an alveolar affricate /ts/. In the set of liquids, Puquina only has a vibrant M
and not /l/ or IKJ. Finally, Puquina has a palatal fricative // which does not exist in the
other Andean languages. The phonological system of Puquina is as follows:
Table 3-4, Consonant system of Puquina (Torero, 1965)
Puquina
P
t
ts
k
q
X
h
m
n

r
w
y
Despite the strong condition of Spanish, and/or the Ayacucho Quechua, over the
production of these toponyms, and the loss of some of their original phonemics, there are
examples of conservation of another feature in these data: the uvular voiceless stop /q/,
which also occurs in the Ayacucho variety. This segment can appear with a velar stop as
can be observed in some of the entries. This seems to be a case of coexistent phonemic
systems where two sets of phonemes come to play in the production of place names
(Trask, 1996). The monolingual speakers use one set for Spanish and another set for the
non-Spanish place names. In this social context two different segments may appear
indistinctively to refer to the same name as shown in Table 3-5. The first pair of


43
It also exists as a nominal suffix, which has the meaning of the owner of (Choque et al,
1963).
The suffix /-atal
There are a few examples of toponyms with this suffix, which marks a resultant of
verbalization in all Jaqi languages. Table 3-31 shows some examples of toponyms with
this suffix.
Table 3 -31 Toponyms with /-ata/
Toponym Geographic entity
(163) /kamatal
(221) /kulata/
(474) /sixwata/
(513) /toratal
(593) Ixoratal
village
small farm
town
settlement
ranch
The suffix /-kani/
This suffix is found in alternation with [-kane], which forms an analogy with the
pair of [-ni] ~ [-ne] of the suffix /-//. In the data collected for this study, no instances of
free variation for the same toponym have been found. It may be the case that the entries
were given with Spanish pronunciation and that in some cases, the /k/ in [kane] is rather a
/q/. The production of /q/ which does not affect the realization of the following vowel /a/
but its effect can reach the following vowel /i/ lowering it to a [e]. Table 3-32 shows
some examples of both forms.
Table 3-32 Alternation of /-kani!
[-kani]
[-kane]
(289) [lulukani]
(472) [siwinkane]
(531) [tuntakani]
(582) [wirakane]


11
Data Collection
The fieldwork was carried out in 1998 and the data collection was done in situ in
two different stages in order to cover areas of difficult access between them. The stages
of the data collection consisted of fifteen days each with an interval of two months in
between. The Andean towns of the department of Moquegua chosen for the field work
are located in the valley formed by the Tambo river and its effluents, surrounded by snow
peaks, canyons, plateaus and a few inactive volcanoes.
The first stage covered the districts and surrounding areas of Carumas, San
Cristobal, Cuchumbaya and Calacoa (Fig.C-4, Zone 1, Appendix C). These districts are
bilingual, where Aymara and Spanish are spoken. However, I found a few Aymara
monolinguals, especially old people in Calacoa, and I was told that the situation was
similar in other districts. These districts are located beyond the east end of the Tambo
river, along its effluents such as the Carumas river and the Putina river. In the second
stage, two areas were covered. One area covered the districts and surrounding areas of
La Capilla, Puquina (Fig.C-4, Zone 2, Appendix C), Ornate and Quinistaquillas (Fig.C-4,
Zone 3, Appendix C). The first two districts, La Capilla and Puquina, are both Spanish
speaking with a Quechua substratum. They are located along the Esquino River, effluent
of Tambo and along the effluents of Seche and Pacajime. Ornate and Quinistaquillas are
bilingual populations in Quechua and Spanish. Ornate is located along the Ornate River
and Quinistaquillas along the Tambo River. The third area covers the areas of Matalaque,
Ubinas and Salinas Moche (Fig C-4, Zone 4, Appendix C). These areas are bilingual in
Quechua and Spanish. I found a few elderly monolingual people of Quechua especially
in Salinas Moche. Matalaque is located in the valley of the Tambo River, while Ubinas is


69
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
437
/snkre/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill
438
/sankristbal/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
439
/sankristbalelobispo/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
440
/sanmigl/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
441
/santakrs/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
442
/santalusa/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
443
/santalusa/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
444
/santalusaslinas/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
445
/santarsa/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
446
/santarsa/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
447
/santawra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
canal
448
/sanxos/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
449
sanxwndedjs
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
450
/sawanj/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
451
/sawanj/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
settlement
452
/sawanj depukna/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
town
453
/sawsnto/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
454
/sayasayni/ [sayasayne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
455
/se/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
settlement
456
/sci/
La Capilla
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
457
/segunda/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
valley
458
/segunda/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
459
/siq/ [sk]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
460
/siqi/ [ske]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
461
/sndelapjdra/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
462
/serdelarna/
Toata
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
463
/siq/ [seq]
La Capilla
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
464
/soblnko/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
hill
465
/sroblnko/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
466
/sroblnko/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
467
/ sr odelakebrad Aa/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
468
/srodelakrs/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
hill
469
/siga/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
470
/sikulqi/ [sikulake]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
471
/sintakn/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
472
/siwinkni/ [siwinkane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
town
473
/siwinkni/ [siwinkane]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm


49
means that at some point the coexistence of these two groups was clear and that the
predominance of Quechua is evident by the fact that the head in this compound is
Quechua. Due to the Spanish influence in the area, the need for labeling geographic
entities in Spanish has become greater. This third case shows a clear caique using the
Aymara morpheme of txala/ to create a new toponym. The synchronic coexistence of
these three forms reveals a particular sociolinguistic situation, which has not been studied
in depth here.
I have collected only a few examples of name changing in the areas visited. This, it
would seem, however, should not be taken to indicate that this is a common practice in
the Andes. Some of the people interviewed knew that some names were new and
although they made great efforts to recall the names replaced could remember only a few.
In the case of (459) /serroblanko/ for example, one of the consultants only remembered
that this is a new name that replaced another one. In the Andes, this phenomenon has
been very common for centuries as new populations dominated the land inhabited by
other groups. Some examples of names that could be remembered are shown in Table 3-
42.
Table 3-42 Name changing
Old name
language
New name
Language
(309) /mogote/
Non determined
(30) /ba/!esito/
Spanish
(450) /sek/
Not determined
(440) /santarosa/
Spanish
(455) /seke/
tt
(458) /siq/
t(
(536) /uraxcimpa/
Not determined
(18) /antapi/
Not determined
(241) /lakapiiCa/
Spanish
(447) /sawanajdepukina/
Not determined
(426)/sanb emardodekin i s takas/
Spanish+not
determined
(198) /kinistakas/
Not determined


Enrique Carrin-Ordez, my mentor and professor, for his encouragement and example,
and Dr. Gustavo Solis-Fonseca for introducing to me the fascinating world of place
names. I feel grateful to Lie. Isabel Galvez-Astorayme and Lie. Maritza Ginocchio
Lainez-Lozada for giving me the rudiments in Quechua, so important for this work. In
the same way, I would like to thank Lie. Felipe Huayhua for introducing the Aymara
language, also vital for this work, to me.
I would like to thank my classmates and friends in the University of Florida,
especially Erica Fischer-Dorantes for her moral support and honest friendship from the
beginning, and for her suggestions for this thesis. Likewise, I would like to thank Victor
Prieto for his friendship and valuable suggestions and support. My thanks also go to
Russell Moon, my classmate and friend, for always having time for my questions and for
enabling this thesis to be on paper thanks to his printer. Also, I would like to thank my
friend Luli Lopez-Merino and her father Dr. Ignacio Lopez-Merino for helping me in the
English translation of some Spanish terms in this work. A very special recognition goes
to Emilio Benitez for his very valuable help in the translation of the entries in Quechua,
and for his patience in answering all my questions. I would like to thank Dr. Dimas
Bautista Iturrizaga for helping me with the translation and interpretation of some terms in
this thesis. My thanks also go to the Engineer Jose L. Isoardi for his support and valuable
help in the scanning of the maps used in this thesis, and for other technical assistance. I
am very grateful to Stephen Marr for his patience and understanding of my difficult times
while we were housemates. Special thanks go to all my students in the Portuguese class
for their patience, understanding and support during the last weeks of the finishing of this
thesis. I want to thank to Ms Anne Taylor from the Editorial office for her useful
v


67
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
365
/ptamolno/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
366
/patapmpa/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
367
/patya/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
village
368
/patina/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
369
/patne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
mountain pass
370
/paxcnto/
Puquina
Victor y Judit Chiri
hill
371
/peagrnde/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
372
/peangra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
373
/pcupicu/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
snow peak
374
/pintta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
375
/piruni/
Ubinas
hill
376
/pistya/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
377
/pjka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
settlement
378
/pjka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
379
/plantne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
380
/puquya/ [pokoaya]
Puquina
Alberto Palacios
Melndez
settlement
381
/puqumri/ [pokomure]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
382
/puqumri/ [pokomure]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
383
/puquwaya/ [pokowya]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
384
/puquwayu/ [pokowyo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
settlement
385
/polobya/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
386
/polobyapmpa/
Chulluhuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
ranch
387
/poroto/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
river
388
/puqapa/ [poxapa]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
389
/pukra/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
hill
390
/pukra/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
391
/pukna/
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
district
392
/pulpito/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
393
/pulpito/
Chacahuayo
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
394
/pnqi/ [punke]
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
395
/puska/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
396
/putna/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
farm
397
/putnqu/ [putunko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
valley
398
/putnqu/ [putunko]
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
farm
399
/puxkuqu/ [puxkko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
400
/puxrupmpa/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
village


35
Table 3-21. Environments of /-baya!
After vowel
After Iml
(174) [karabya]
(218) [kucumya]
(324) [moyabya]
In the case of /-boyal, this suffix is found in place names ending with a vowel or a
bilabial nasal consonant /ml (Table 3-21). The occurrence of /-boyal after /m/ is not
surprising as these two are in a homorganic relationship by assimilation. The intervocalic
position of /b/ seems to be also predictable for it is an environment where voiced
consonants can be found.
The suffix /-paya/ is found after Is/ or after the nasal consonant /ml (Table 3-22).
Its environment can be also predictable, for Is/ is voiceless and Iml again is in
homorganic relationship with the /p/ of /-poyal.
Table 3-22, Environments of /-paya/
After Is/After /ml
(244) [lakaspdya] (526) [Xuxtampya]
(403) [qaspya]
(481) [sonispya]
The suffix /-wayal is found after a vowel or after a velar consonant Ikl or Ixl as
shown below. The intervocalic position of Iwl is similar to that of /-boyal as shown in
Table 3-21, which seems to be a result of a lenition process that will be discussed later.
Table 3-23. Environments of /-waya/
After vowel
After Ikl
After Ixl
(42) [cakawya]
(424) [sakwya]
(475) [sixwya]
(49) [caiCawya]
(212)[korawya]


CHAPTER 4
CONCLUSIONS
The analysis of the data collected in the Andean area of Moquegua covered in this
study show both linguistic and social aspects of the toponymic situation there. The
historical multicultural situation left by the different people that migrate this area can be
observed in the patterns of names found.
Bilingualism of either Aymara-Spanish or Quechua-Spanish is evident in the
phonology of the toponyms presented here. The degree of this bilingualism or the lack of
it seems to be a dominant factor in the production of these toponyms and the alternations
between Andean forms and Spanish ones for the same geographic entiy show a strong bi-
cultural situation in this area. This is, of course, the case of most Andean towns where
Spanish has taken over in every possible way. Farms are usually labeled in Spanish since
they are most likely to be private properties that carry the name the owner decides upon,
although in some cases the previous names can remain unchanged. The insertion of
Spanish elements into the phonology manifested in these toponyms has created a
prevailing linguistic sub-system. As we saw in the phonological statement, the
neutralization of Andean consonants and features is remarkable. Of course, the
perception through Spanish ears of these features makes them even more transparent.
The phonological system found in these data show alternations such as: [k] and [q], [k]
and [x] and [q] and [x]. These alternations seem quite common in Andean areas where
Spanish is the dominant language. However, the presence of mid-vowels in the
production of these toponyms seems to clarify the boundaries of these segments.
52


28
The syllable structure of Quechua can be as follows: CV, CVC, VC. The group of entries
ending with stops shown in Table 3-13 was collected in areas with Quechua substratum.
The conservation of the uvular /q/ in some of the toponyms by some speakers is
one of the very few traces of Andean phonemics left in names. The alternation of this
segment with the velar /k/ may be an indication of a transition stage for the eventual
merging of /q/ with the velar stop /k/ due to the full adaptation to Spanish. An interesting
case corresponds to the following toponyms shown in Table 3-14. They all refer to the
same geographic entity but with a different pronunciation. The original form of these
three toponyms can be [sec?e]; therefore, the non-Spanish entry (463) [seg], seems to be
the most conservative one of all. It either lost its final vowel or it never had it.
Table 3-14, Alternation of /k/ and /q/ by influence of Spanish.
Phoneme
Language in which
toponym was
provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Ik/
Spanish
(460) [seke]
town
Non-Spanish
(459) [sek]
town
/q/
Non-Spanish
(463) [sec?]
town
This consonant-final structure of non-Spanish words illustrated here is typical in
Quechua. In fact, the towns where these names were collected have a Quechua
substratum. The non-Spanish entry (459) [sek], presents a velar stop rather than a uvular
one, which is maintained in word final position just like (463). Finally, the Spanish entry
(460) [seke], can either be a later stage from (509) with an epenthetic vowel Id by effect
of the Spanish influence, or a direct step from /siqi/ with a change in the point of
articulation [sec?e]. Apparently, there is no semantics involved in the choice of one or


76
Table B-l (continued)
#
Morpheme
Alomorph
Aymara gloss
Quechua gloss
54
paka
eagle
Hide
55
palta
overload / small lump that goes on the
load
56
pampa
bamba
field plain, altiplain, plaza, vega
flat, flat land
57
paa
right (direction)
58
para
front, frontis, frontier
rain
59
parki
hill, wall; hill skirt
60
pata
height, anden, poyo / top, on, anden,
poyo, grada
height, top, above
61
paya
two
62
pirwa
granero, troje / group of haces of bam, of
wheat, or quinoa formed to be dried and
milled / silo
63
pune
affirmative voice, yes
most especially
(superlative suffix)
64
punqu
punqu
punku
door, entrance
65
pus
pusi
four
66
puti
prominence
67
putu
fire for cooking, building in edificio en
bveda
68
pUXl
pUXAO
spring
69
puxru
room built of terrones
70
qala
kala
stone / hard, strong
71
q'ara
kara
bare, eroded,
empoverished, worn
out nice.
72
quta
kota
kocadake
73
rune
runa: person, human
being
74
rum i
stone
75
sani
sane
says (verb)
76
sapo
sapa
completely
77
saya
height, patrimony, size, a type of potato
78
saygwa
saywa
[lito, mojn de lindero
79
sayrwan
en el hito
80
siq
seq
row, column, line
81
siku
zampoa (wind musical instrument)
82
sirka
silka
aralln, hill
83
siwin
ring
ring
84
sunis-
sonis-
suni: puna
85
taka
ait, knock


72
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
547
/urinj/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
548
/usnne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
549
/waculqi/ [wacolke]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
550
/wacutli/ [wacutle]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
551
/wacutli/ [wacutle]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
552
/wacutli/ [wacutle]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water source or canal
553
/wjnaquagla/
[wjnakoagla]
Anaskapa
Sr. Navarro
hill
554
/wjnaputna/
Quinistaquillas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
volcano
555
/wjnaubna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
556
/wjrapnqu/
[wjrapnko]
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
557
/wjrapnqu/
[wjrapnko]
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
valley
558
/wajXni/ [wajkne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
559
/wkapuna/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
560
/walntakn/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
561
/wanli/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
562
/warakani/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
563
/waraqina/ [warakna]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
564
/warangyu/
[warangyo]
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
565
/waringuqu/
[warengkol
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
place for the sheep
566
/warna/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
567
/warna/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
568
/wsakci/ [wasakace]
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
569
/waskna/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
570
/watalka/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
mine
571
/watalqi/ [watalake]
Cuchumbaya
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
572
/watarn/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
573
/wataska/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
574
/watwa/
Matalaque
Sr. Navarro
settlement
575
/wyko/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
farm
576
/wayralka/ [waylalaka]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
577
/wajka/
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
578
/wrta/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
lagoon
579
/wrtagrnde/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
580
/wrtasra/
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
hill
581
/wirakni/ [wirakne]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
582
/wirakni/ [wirakne]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
583
/wusxna/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm


60
Table A-1 continued.
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
104
/elsndelfa/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
105
/elsndelafbrika/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
106
/elsndelak/.e/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
107
/elsndelapjdra/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
108
/elsndelapwrtadjurbna/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
109
/elsndelaya /
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
110
/elsndeligro/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
111
/elsndelkonbnto/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
112
/elsndelmro/
Urbina
Roy Navarro Oviedo
way
113
/elsodelspo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
114
/elsifn/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
115
/eltabln/
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
terrain
116
/eltneldesamso/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
117
/embrna/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
village
118
/eskca/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
village
119
/eskca/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
river
120
/eskce/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
water canal
121
/eskno/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
122
/esqubya/ [eskobaya]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
123
espinr
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
124
/isqulun/ [esqoln]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
125
/estnke/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
126
/esta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
127
/glrjamuqu/ [glrjamko]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
128
/gwasaln/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
129
/hnalqi/ [hanalake]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
130
/hanascmpa/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
131
/hnaxcmpa/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
132
/iglsjabjxa/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
133
/ilqi/ [ilke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
134
/ilubaya/
Caramas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
135
/infemyo/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
136
/infemyo/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
water pond for animals
137
/infjemyo/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
138
/irigasjn/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
139
/iruni/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
140
/isln/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
141
/isln/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm


24
/q/ in the Andean languages. Synchronically, these segments can appear using the
coexistent phonemic systems explained before, as shown by the example below. The
example for this alternation shows its occurrence for the same name and by the same
consultant, both pronounced in Spanish.
Table 3-8. Alternation of /k/and /x/
Phoneme
Toponym
Geographic entity
/k/
(604) [yokomre]
village
hU
(607) [yoxomre]
village
The way the vowels are produced shows that the underlying form for both entries
may have been /yuqumuri/. The uvular stop /q/ triggers a situation of vowel allophony by
lowering /i/ and /u/ to produce allophones such as [e] and [o], respectively. Since these
vowels are not part of the phonetic system of Spanish, the trace left in the Spanish
production of these entries involves [e] and [o] instead. This vowel allophony where /i/
and /u/ are produced as [e] and [o] is typical in both Jaqi and Quechua when a uvular
segment is involved. The effect of vowel lowering by /q/ can be projected onto the
contexts on both sides of the uvular consonant and even be spread beyond as the final /i/
in the example above where it is produced as [e]. The velar stop [k] or its altemanting
fricative form [x] in this case, can then be traced back to /q/ if the adjacent or nearby
vowels are [e] and [o] or even [e] and [o], as these vowels are in fact /i/ and /u/
respectively. In this case, [k] or [x] are derived forms of /q/ as they occur when [e] and
[o] or [e] and [o] are there.


16
which describes the grammatical categories in the formation of the entry, Language
which corresponds to the language or languages to which each entry corresponds, and
Gloss which is the meaning of the entry as found in bilingual dictionaries. There are
about six hundred and nine entries in the database and each has been entered with as
many of the specified parameters as possible. The main sheet in Appendix A shows the
entries in the first column organized in alphabetical order. In order to organize the data
according to other parameters, such as distribution of the suffixes in my entries, some
technical procedures were carried out. A macro was written to copy rows of data from an
Excel sheet that contains all the entries in alphabetical order to a new sheet in the
workbook, based on other criteria. As defined by Microsoft Excel 2000, a macro is a
series of commands and functions that are stored in a Visual Basic module and can be run
whenever the task needs to be performed. When this macro is run, a user interface is
loaded. It is on this dialog that a column on which to perform the search of suffixes or
prefixes is chosen, and the text to be matched on every cell of the column is entered. This
routine can be performed matching both at the beginning and at the end of a target word.
By means of a loop, the routine goes through the column, and if matches are found, a new
sheet is created programmatically. This routine will copy on the new sheet every row in
which matches were found. For example, I entered the column Entries from my
datasheet in the dialogue box, as this is where I wanted to find some pieces of data.
Then, I entered the entry or part of the entry of which the program had to do the search on
every cell of the column of Entries. Once this was done, a new sheet was automatically
created with the data found in the search. In this way, I was able to dynamically create
sheets, and fill them out with varying data from the source table. This process facilitated


6
Since names are part of the lexicon of any language, lexicographic studies are
highly important to the linguist who wishes to find linguistic phenomena. They involve a
systematic method of both data retrieval and analysis, which some scholars have
effectively researched. For example, Casares y Sanchez (1950) provided us with one of
the first works that described the Spanish lexicography. Also in the seventies, Zgusta
(1972) and Femandez-Sevilla (1974) gave a good insight for both general lexicography
and Spanish lexicography, respectively. For data entry procedures, the work of Burrus
(1983) is a good example, for she provided us with methods to process data in the
Spanish language. The linguistic observations of Spanish lexicon in the analysis of
structure and analogy of Pharies (1986) are important to see how lexicon can contribute
to the analysis of linguistic phenomena. Also in the eighties, Seco (1987) provided a few
examples of studies in Spanish lexicography. In terms of semantic analysis and
lexicography in the English language, Jackson (1988) offered a good approach for
meaning and corpora. In the nineties, Casares (1992) introduced us to a modem view of
lexicography focusing on the Spanish language. Escobedo Rodriguez (1994) did a deep
theoretical study on lexicology and lexicography. An interesting work where culture and
language are combined is that edited by Zachru and Kahane (1995) in honor of Ladislav
Zgusta. Zachru and Kahane provided studies of lexicography, with reference to culture
and ideology. Also important is the compilation of different studies on semantics and
lexicography between 1976 and 1996 by Wiegand (1999).
In the area of Onomastics, Lopez de Mesa (1961) presented a methodological
approach to handle data of personal names and geographical names. A compilation by
Harder (1986) of a series of essays regarding names showed different interdisciplinary


CHAPTER 3
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Introduction
In this chapter, I describe the nature of the toponyms from the areas in Moquegua I
visited. The data obtained during the fieldwork present different linguistic aspects based
on the phonological and morphological system of the languages involved, the historical
background of the area, and its current linguistic situation. I also provide details
regarding the glosses of some of these toponyms, the frequency in which they appear,
their linguistic relationship with the substrata of the areas, some morphophonemic
considerations as well as some historical hypotheses.
Phonological Statement
The linguistic source of the items in the corpus includes Aymara, Quechua and
Spanish, as well as an/other unspecified language/s. The dialectal variations of Quechua
in the areas visited may come from the Cuzco and the Ayacucho varieties (see Table 3-2)
due to their geographic location. It is necessary to understand that the linguistic context
for this fieldwork is not only based on the language or languages currently spoken in
these areas, but also on the historical trace that these and, possibly, other languages may
have left in the local speech, more specifically in the toponyms. A very important
linguistic factor is the influence of Spanish, which seems to have determined the way the
toponyms presented here are produced. During the data collection, some of the non-
Spanish toponyms were provided in the original language, although some of their
19


To all the Andean people


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Purpose Statement
This thesis will focus on topographic evidence of the multiple languages once
spoken in the Moquegua area of Peru. Toponyms establish a relationship between people
and land (Lapesa, 1992), and in this area the convergence of various cultures before and
at the time of the Spanish settlement leaves very rich material, some of which will be
dealt here.
The methods used in the naming practice differ according to the culture to which a
specific group belongs. The toponyms collected here are, in many cases, the living
evidence of ancient language forms that no longer exist and/or the evolution of forms that
still survive in present times. Also, the coexistence of place names from different
languages within the same geographic area provides evidence that different cultural
groups occupied that area, either at different times or simultaneously. This first-hand
evidence is found in the living language of many people some of whom can be local
habitants. Some can also be the descendants of those speakers that gave origin to these
place names.
I will focus on the presentation of the toponyms collected in nine areas of the
Andean region of Moquegua and will treat toponymy from the linguistic point of view
showing an analysis of the entries provided by my consultants. I will begin by discussing
the phonological nature of these toponyms and will provide the phonological background
for the languages that exist and existed in the area. A very significant section will be
1


38
Quechua and Aymara, there can be various possibilities for those morphemes containing
the said consonants and the meaning in each case can be considerably different.
Table 3-27 Glosses of morphemes taking a suffix from the AYA group
Toponym
Aymara
Quechua
(11) [anan+saya]
ana = freckle
(41) [caka+wayu]
caka = bridge
caka = drop
caka = bridge, leg
(48) [catCa+waya]
caa = sand
catCa = com plant
ca£a = com stem and
dry shrub
(84) [cuu+waya]
cuu = potato dried in
the cold
cuu = potato dried in
the cold
(81) [cutCu+waya]
cil£u = a type of
knitted hat that
covers the ears
cuiCuy = to get soaked
cutCu = a type of
knitted hat
covers the ears
(121)[esko+6aya]
---

(154)[kalam+/?ayo]
kala = piedra
kala = all, completely
qala = all
(156)[kali+waya]
---
qali = sane, healthy
(172)[kara+6ayu]
qara = leather, skin, fruit
skin.
qara = bare, eroded,
impoverished
soil
(157)[katCa+waya]


(193)[kiiCa+way

(210)[kora+waya]
kora = herb
kora= piled-up
stones by
effect of water
qora = herb, weed
(218)[kucum+6aya]
kucu = comer, deepest
part of a valley,
skirt of a hill
(225)[kupu+waya]
---
---
(320) [moya+baya\

---
(379) [poko+wayu ]
pokoa = to ripen
poko = ripe, fermented
(399)[qas+paya]
...
qaspa = roasted on fire
(41 l)[sa+baya]
---
---
(419)[sak+waya]
---
---
(470)[six+wuya]
---
---
(472)[sola+>aya]
sujCa = dew
...
(474)[sonis+paya]
---

(526)[tuxtum+paya]

toqtoy = to cuddle


54
process by which */-poyal seems to have gone through several stages of lenition, this is
the weakening of the underlying segment */p/. If this is true, it might be more accurate
then to talk about a */PAYA/ group. I have shown enough evidence for this suffix to be
considered as the morph which has allomorphs like /-baya/, /-waya/ and /-aya/. This
argument is supported by the existence of other Andean toponyms that I cited before
where the segment /p/ is devoiced intervocalically.
The process of analogy suggested in Chapter 3 with regard to toponyms whose
suffix I-poyal alternates with the form [-payo], or I-way al with [-wayu] gives us some
indication of the way speakers are trying to create new forms. Whether these forms are
some kind of analogical forms with Spanish or with other toponyms where [-yo] is the
result of /-yuq/, as I suggested earlier; this innovation needs a deeper study as well as
observation of other instances of this same change.
Among the Andean entries, the word-formation processes show a high productivity
of the Aymara suffix I-nil which can be observed in other toponyms beyond the
geographic scope of this study. On the other hand, Quechua has had a significant
presence not only for the amount of entries in Quechua found in the data, but also for the
status of the Quechua elements in these toponyms. In the case of derivation, the
preference for Quechua heads in the case of compounds is remarkable. This may show
the strong dominance of Quechua in some areas at some point of history and the
prevalence of cultural names for some geographical entities. In general, the number of
compounds in the data is larger than that of suffixed forms, as far as they were possible to
recognize.


8
number of Scandinavian place names existent in England. Her works have been
particularly useful for this thesis as they show different historical stages of naming as a
result of migrating groups. Within the context of Andean languages, it is somehow
difficult to gather all the valuable linguistic works done during the last decades in this
area for which I will mention some of them. The works of M.J. Hardman (2001, 1997,
1995, 1991, 1986, 1985) are especially important in the case of Andean languages.
Hardman provides extensive information on the Jaqi languages, and her research on the
Aymara, Jaqaru and Kawki languages is undoubtedly a very valuable contribution in the
study of Andean linguistics. All the works of Alfredo Torero (1987, 1974, 1972, 1970,
1965) provide valuable historical and linguistic information in the context of the Peruvian
Andes. His work on the history of Quechua (1974) is very enlightening and provides
complete information. The historical work of Cerron-Palomino (1984) in the
reconstruction of the Proto-Quechua contains very important material for Andean
linguistics. Wilhelm Adelaar (1982, 1986) has also contributed to the study of the
Quechua with thorough linguistic analyses of some varieties.
The area of Andean toponymy has been a subject of study in the last few decades.
The geographic dictionary produced by German Stiglich (1922) is important for it is one
of the earliest works with a compilation of Peruvian toponyms. The toponymic work of
Andres Krzanowski and Jan Szeminski of the Chicama region of Peru shows a systematic
description of the place names there with a strong historical and archeological
foundation. The names were collected mainly from maps and organized in linguistic
groups based on their geographic distribution. Another important work about Andean
toponymy is that of Manuel Mamani (1984). It has part of a larger research about the


21
distinctive counterparts. At this point, it is interesting to note that the other two Jaqi
languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, have 9 more consonants of this series (Hardman, 2001).
Table 3-2. Consonant system of Aymara
Aymara
p
t
c
k
q
p"
t"
c"
k"
q"
p'
f
c'
k'
q'
s
h
m
n
1
£
r
w
y
Likewise, the Cuzco variety of Quechua presents this same set of complex
voiceless stops. On the other hand, the Ayacucho variety of Quechua only has simple
stops. The presence of glottalized and aspirated stops in the Southern variety of Cuzco
might have taken place around the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th
century due to the Jaqi influence: Aymara (Torero, 1970).
Table 3-3. Consonant system of two Quechua variants
Quechua Cuzco
Quechua Ayacucho
p t c k q
p t c k q
p" t" g- k" q"
p' f c' k' q
s h
s X
m n
1 £
1 £
r
r
W y
W y
The production of these occlusive consonants during the interviews was done only
with the simple set, that is, the only set that the Ayacucho variety of Quechua has. This


Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
A LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE TOPONYMS IN THE TAMBO VALLEY
AND SURROUNDINGS IN MOQUEGUA
By
Yolanda Chavez-Cappellini
December 2002
Chair: M.J.Hardman
Major Department: Program in Linguistics
This thesis is a descriptive study of toponyms in the Andean areas of the
department of Moquegua in the south of Peru. It focuses on phonological and
morphological aspects of the word formation process involved in the toponymy of this
region. The data included here come from first-hand sources as a result of a series of
fieldwork interviews.
Thirteen persons gave me oral data by means of tapes. I then transcribed, using
IPA symbols for the phonemic transcription, and analysed each sequence using both
phonemic and phonetic criteria. I have included phonetic alternations at the moment of
production, since these present possibilities of semantic ambiguity.
The morphological aspects of these data show the functions of word formation,
especially derivation and compounding. The recurrence of some suffixes in the
toponyms is given particular attention here, since they present not only alternations but
viii


17
the work of organizing suffixes and prefixes which was not possible before as Excel only
locates information based on the first letters of the entries in the data in order to sort them
in alphabetical order. Excel does not create automatically new sheets of information
using other criteria unless I manually do it. But, with manual additions, I was able to use
the parameters that have led to analysis. The parameters used in this study are: Suffixes,
Language, Geographic Entity and Geographic Area, along with additional parameters that
have facilitated my observation of the data.
I have also used dictionaries and glossaries in both Aymara and Quechua for the
meanings of some entries. The meanings of some names, as I have suggested earlier,
have been difficult to determine, but with the aid of dictionaries and, in some cases,
native speakers of both Aymara and Quechua, I have arrived at some glosses.
In order to facilitate the reading of the entries in the analysis section, I have
illustrated my examples in most cases with tables where the relevant data is put in
columns with their corresponding headings. For easy reference, I have included the
number of the entry in my examples that matches the number of the same entry in
Appendix A where a complete list of the entries can be found. These entries have been
phonemically transcribed, although in some cases I also had to provide the phonetic
transcription because of the pronunciation of the consultant. In the tables included in the
text, I have included, a column in the tables specifying the geographic area that the
toponym provided refers to, another column for the name of the consultant and finally a
column for the geographic entity to which the toponym belongs. In order to locate the
geographic details I describe in this work, I have included a series of maps in Appendix
C, such as the map of Peru, a historical map of the languages spoken in the area, a map of


55
Although not many examples of naming change have been recorded here, I see this
topic as another source of material for linguistic work in the analysis of toponyms. I
suggest this to be taken into consideration not only in the areas visited in this research but
also in other areas where there have been various migration waves. Another source of
material could be those names formed with strong cultural criteria for it is a very direct
form of evidence of the Andean culture.
There were some difficulties in the translation of most toponyms in these data.
This is due to the fact that language contact has been a constant situation in the area,
which means that their lexical material would have been shared at various stages
throughout history starting from very early times. Some of these morphemes have
exactly the same meaning for which they are considered Pan-Andean, and their original
source cannot be traced back. Other morphemes have two different meanings and both
can make a lot of sense when put together in a toponym. They either refer to a
geographic entity or shape, or its meaning is related to nature. Another group of
toponyms, and these were very few, shows one morpheme with a very clear etymology
and the other one is not recognizable. Finally, there were toponyms with morphemes that
were at all unclear. In this way, looking at philological material may be helpful as it may
provide historical details as well as translations of some of these morphemes into
Spanish. Another good source would be to consider some other areas in Moquegua, or in
other Andean areas, and observe their toponyms or their lexicon in general. That way,
the translation work of the material collected in this study could be somehow completed.
There are other areas such as Sijuaya and Muilaque, near Calacoa, that should be
considered in a future study. These towns are quite isolated, and therefore they may keep


62
Table A-1 continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
181
/katarpa /
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
182
/katasni/ [katasne]
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
farm
183
/kawarjuprki/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
184
/qibaya/ [kebaya]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
185
/kebrdanda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
186
/kebranda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
187
/qiqina/ [kekna]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
district
188
/qinoraqin/ [kenoraxn]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
189
/qirla/ [kerala]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
190
/qirpi/ [kerpi]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
191
/kesta/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
lagoon
192
/qiwka/ [kewkaj
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
193
/qiwya/ [kewya]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
194
/klwni/
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
village
195
/kikabya/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill
196
/kiknto/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
mountain pass
197
/kimsakku/
[kimsakko]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
198
/kinistkas/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
199
/kiswra/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
200
/qualqi/ [koalke]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
district
201
/qualqi/ [koalke]
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
202
/qualqi/ [koalke]
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
203
/qualqi/ [koalke]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
204
/kbre/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
205
/qugri/ [kogri]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
farm
206
/kolorado/
Puquina
Jesus Rodriguez
river
207
/quluxa/ [kolxa]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
hill
208
/qukawki/ [ko/.awki]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
hill
209
/quntta/ [kontuta]
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
farm
210
/quralqi/ [koralke]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
211
/quralqi/ [koralke]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
river
212
/qurawya/ [korawya]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
213
/qurawya/ [korawya]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
district
214
/qurimuqu/ [korimko]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
215
/quru/ [kro]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
216
/quta/ [kta]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
217
/krusmre/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
218
/kruspra/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley


suggestions especially in the elaboration of my tables. I would also like to thank the team
at the Electronic Theses and Dissertation office, James Albury, Adrian Madhosingh, Jon
Fishman and especially Fenton Ridgeway, for their valuable help in the technical details
of this work.
This thesis would not have been completed without the support and affection of my
very personal ties. I would like to thank in a very special way Nick Jamieson for his
endless support throughout my masters course in every way, and for not leaving me
alone in times of need. My special thanks go to my parents, Yolanda Cappellini-Lava
and Carlos Chavez Silva-Santisteban, for providing me with a family where intellectual
work and culture are very important. My gratitude goes especially to my beautiful
mother, for always protecting me with her generosity and intelligence and for taking care
of me in difficult times during my course. I would like to thank my sister Monica and my
brother Carlos for all their support. Their admiration always motivated me to go forward.
Also, I would like to thank my uncle Alberto Nuez-Lava for being for me an example of
intellectuality, culture and simplicity and for his help in finding a map for this study. All
my gratitude goes to Angelica Fava-Franco, my grandmother and friend, for being a
damisela encantadora and for showing me the path to happiness from wherever she is
now. Finally, my deepest thanks go to Ronald MacKee, my friend and forever partner,
for our common past, language and country. All my thanks to him, always, because his
love enabled me to get this far.
vi


25
Since /q/ has aspirated and glottalized counterparts, the underlying phoneme can be
interpreted in various ways as shown in Table 3-9 below.
Table 3-9. Phonological possibilities for (156) [fcalampayo]
k
k"
k'
q
q"
q'
/calampayu
C'alampayu
Calampayu
galampayu
q "alampayu
q 'alampayu
The phenomenon of homophony of the posterior stops is the result of the loss of the
distinction between simple, glotalized and aspirated forms and the loss of the contrast of
/k/ and /q/. This homophony brings a complex situation when doing a derivation of the
toponyms collected. As we can observe in the phonemic charts, Aymara presents three
possibilities for each of these segments: a simple velar /k/, an aspirated velar /k"/ and a
glottalized velar /k'/ as well as a simple uvular /q/, an aspirated uvular /q"/ and a
glottalized uvular /q'/. Without the aspiration and the glottalization in the production of
the stops in both the Aymara and Quechua (Cuzco) substratum of the local speech, a
collapse of six phonemes: /k/ /k"/ /k'/ /q/ /q"/ /q'/ into one: /k/ has occurred. Even though
we find /q/ in some of the toponyms, the distinction between /k/ and /q/ is no longer
functional; there are only cases of /k/ alternating with the uvular /q/. As to the speakers
of Quechua (Ayacucho), a collapse of two phonemes /k/ and /q/ into one phoneme /k/ has
also occurred when producing these toponyms.
This simplification of the stop system in the local speech leaves a series of
possibilities for one segment. The vowel allophony mentioned before in the environment
of /k/ can give us some indication of what this segment may have been before, except
when /a/ is the vowel involved. There are six possibilities when a toponym has /a/; this is


13
In order to identify the location of each toponym, I have organized four main zones
based on the proximity of the towns. This distribution seems to correlate with the
linguistic substrata of the areas visited. An Arabic letter has been given to each of these
zones as shown in Table 2-2.
For this study, fourteen people agreed to be my consultants, three women and
eleven men. Because of their occupations, they were able to provide relevant information
of the area. For this study, I have classified my consultants in four groups (see Table 2-2).
The female consultants traveled extensively as two of them were traders and farmers and
the other one was the governor of a small town who often travels to the main nearby city.
Table 2-3 Background of Consultants
Group
Sex
Age
Occupation
Substratum
Place of origin
1
F
40-50
Farmer
Aymara
Calacoa
1
F
40-50
Farmer /
Governor
Quechua
La Capilla
2
M
30-40
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
2
M
30-40
Farmer /
Historian
Quechua
Ornate /
Quinistacas
3
M
50-60
Farmer
Quechua
Ubinas
3
M
50-60
Farmer
Quechua
Ubinas
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Aymara
Calacoa
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Pocsi
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
La Capilla
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
La Capilla
4
M
70-85
Farmer
Quechua
Puquina
As for the male consultants, they fall into age groups: two men in their thirties, two
in their fifties, and a last group of seven men between the ages of seventy and eighty five
years old who in their younger years were traders or farmers that constantly wandered


68
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic area
Consultant
Geographic entity
401
/qalampyu/ [qalampyo]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
402
/qariwayu/ [qariwayo]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
403
/qaspya/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
404
/kXuapacta/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
mountain pass
405
/qurimuqu/ [qorimoqo]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
406
/rodetonoya/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
407
/rodeubnas/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
408
/rodexla/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
409
/rongro/
Pocsi
Sr. Lajo Pantigoso
village
410
/osko/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
village
411
/tmbo/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
river
412
/ ronxadro/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
village
413
/rosaxnjuq/ [rosaxnjx]
La Capilla
Luis Gomez Iquira
farm
414
/sabanda/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
district
415
/sabya/
Omate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
416
/sabjka/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
417
/sajgwni/ [sajgwne]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
418
/sajlapa/
Carumas
Feliciano Quispe Choque
settlement
419
/sajwn/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill
420
/sakalka/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
hill
421
/saknkoral/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
productive plot
422
/saquya/ [sakoaya]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
river
423
/saquya/ [sakoaya]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement
424
/saqwya/ [sakwaya]
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
425
/salnasmce/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
426
/salnaspukna/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
427
/salnaswto/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
town
428
/samnto/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
429
/samso/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
farm
430
/sambartolom/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
431
/sambemrdodekinistkas/
Quinistacas
Roy Navarro Oviedo
district
432
/samwa/
Moquegua
Feliciano Quispe Choque
district
433
/sanantnjo/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
434
/sncesro/
Puquina
Fabio Tone
province
435
/sancislqi/ [sancislke]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
436
/sanfranssko/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement


2
dedicated to the morphology of these toponyms, which will blend with the phonology
section as there are clear morphophonemic processes in the formation of toponyms in the
area of Moquegua. This analysis shows the existence of some productive morphemes, an
etymological explanation for them, a description of the word formation in these
toponyms and some hypotheses about their origin and their derivation. The conclusion of
this thesis will include reference to possibilities for future work involving not only
toponymic studies but sociolinguistic ones as well.
Geographic Context
The department of Moquegua is located in the southern area of the Peruvian Andes.
It has a varied geography that goes from coastal beaches, deserts and valleys to high
mountain areas of freezing climates. The department of Moquegua borders the
department of Arequipa and Puno in the north; the department of Puno and Tacna in the
east; the department of Tacna in the south; and the Pacific Ocean and the department of
Arequipa in the west. It is divided into three provinces: Sanchez Cerro, Mariscal Nieto
and Ilo. The area covered in this research comprehends the first two provinces. The
altitude of the towns visited ranges from 1,000 and 4,000 meters above sea level. Some
of these towns are located along the Tambo River, and others are located by, along or
near its affluents (see Maps, Appendix 3). These areas are rich in snow peaks, canyons
and high plains of land where a few inactive volcanoes can be found (Instituto
Geogrfico Militar, 1979).
Historical Background
The towns in the highlands of Peru experienced various stages of intrusion by
different peoples even before the arrival of the Incas. There were times when these towns


50
Other toponyms in Spanish are nominal phrases referring to the geographic entity
that the toponym is labeling, a name of a fruit tree, a surname, etc. Here are some
examples of toponyms in Spanish as shown in Table 3-43.
Table 3-43 Spanish toponyms
Spanish toponym
Gloss
(93) /elbarjo/
the neighbourhood, the quarter
(96) /elmansano/
the apple tree
(106) /elsendelakaiCe/
the sen of the road
(132) /iglesjabjexa/
old church
(138) /irigasjor)/
irrigation
(240) /lakaleta/
the cove
(278) /lawertagrande/
the big truck garden
(314) /molino/
mill
The religious element is also present in the toponyms in this part of the Andes. The
names of saints are particularly popular and many of them appeared to replace the native
names.
Table 3-44 Religious names
Spanish toponym
Gloss
(347) /pampadelabirxen/
land of the virgin
(433) /sanantonio/
San Antonio (name of Saint)
(440) /sanmigel/
San Miguel ( )
(442) /santalusia/
Santa Lucia ( )
(446) /santarosa/
Santa Rosa ( )
Folk Etymology. It is to be expected that a popular interpretation will be given to
toponyms by the local inhabitants of these towns. The examples I have came from
bilingual speakers of Group 2 (see Table 2-3), which happens to consist of a group of
young males with higher education. The etymologies given by them to some of these


66
Table A-l continued
#
Entry
Geographic
area
Consultant
Geographic entity
330
/negropmpa/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
331
/nista/
Calacoa
Juana Mrka Flores
hill
332
/oalqi/ [oalake]
Puquina
Fabio Tone
settlement
333
/omte/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
valley
334
/omte/
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
town
335
/orequn/ [orekon]
Seche
Dina Ramos
hill
336
/orlqi/ [orlake]
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
337
/orlqi/ [orlake]
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
river
338
/urqusni/ [orkosani]
Salinas Moche
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
village
339
/pcakti/
Salinas Moche
Orlando Roldan Tone
hill
340
/pcamyo/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
settlement
341
/pajluqin/ [pajluxen]
Puquina
Judit y Victor Chiri
farm
342
/pakaxme/
Puquina
Alberto Palacios Melndez
settlement
343
/palkamyu/
[palkamayo]
Ornate
Roy Navarro Oviedo
river
344
/palkamyu/
[palkamayo]
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
345
/pltarmi/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
346
/palumne/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
white terrain
347
/pmpadelabrxen/
Warina
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
farm
348
/pampadelna/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
town
349
/pmpadolres/
Coalaque
Roy Navarro Oviedo
settlement
350
/pmpakolorda/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
351
/pantjnbjxo/
La Capilla
Lautaro Penaloza
farm
352
/pra/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water source or canal
353
/pra/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
hill
354
/pra1
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
355
/pra/
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
river
356
/prapna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
aguada
357
/prapna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
valley
358
/prapna/
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
river
359
/prariqpa/
[prarekpa]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
water pond for animals
360
/ptacampna/
Puquina
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
361
/ptacampna/
Subn
Orlando Roldan Tone
farm
362
/patakwa/
Calacoa
Feliciano Quispe Choque
farm
363
/ptaqirpi/ [patakerapi]
Ubinas
Sr. Navarro
farm
364
/ptaqirpi/ [patakerapi]
Ubinas
Elbio Valdivia Dueas
settlement


95
Spanish. Yolanda is currently teaching an introductory course of Portuguese and is
enrolled in the PhD program in Spanish Linguistics at the department of Romance
Languages and Literatures at the same university. She is interested in the research of
written Spanish in Colonial manuscripts.


14
around the area. I approached my consultants on the basis of references obtained from
other local people.
I was referred to them as they were considered to be the most knowledgeable
persons of the area with a broad acquaintance of both the people and the topographic
entities there. The selection of my consultants was done merely on the basis of how well
they knew the area and their mobility, regardless of age or sex. The fieldwork for this
thesis is based on interviews or direct elicitation", using the terms of H.Christoph
Wolfart quoted by Bjoint (1983). This method is also known as "active method" as
opposed to "passive method" where the linguist is a mere observer of the speech of her
consultants, as A.E.Kibrik was quoted, again by Bjoint (1983). The interviews were
carried out in a very casual manner with simple conversations in outdoor as well as
indoor environments. After I explained what the purpose of the interviews was, I asked
my consultants a few things about their background. The research questions all revolved
around the names of geographic entities. In some cases, they gave me some background
information regarding the geographic entities such as political or social status of a certain
town; the owners of plots and lands in the area; social, cultural and linguistic
characteristics of the people living in some towns, etc. All the information obtained for
my study through these interviews was useful, even when this was not directly related to
the collection of names. In many cases, this extra information provided important
evidence of the people that lived there which may be used in future more in-depth
studies.


26
due to the fact that its production which is also conditioned by the uvular consonant is not
perceived by a Spanish speaker.
Table 3-10. Phonological possibilities for (1) [acakla]
k
k"
k'
q
q
q'
aca/cla
aca£"la
aca^'la
acakla
acag "la
acag'la
On the other hand, when /i/ or /u/ appear near the uvular stop, such vowels are
produced as [e] or [o] respectively. Therefore, the possibilities for the uvular in this case
are only three rather than six, since one would expect that /k/ would not open such
vowels. Such is the case of /isgulun/ shown in Table 3-11.
Table 3-11. Phonological possibilities for (124) [esqolon]
q
q
q
isguln
is isq 'uln
When the gloss is clear, as in the example in table 3-12, the possibilities for these
ambiguities are even further reduced.
Table 3-12. Entry (338) [orqosni]
Root
Language
Gloss
Geographic entity
urgu
Quechua
hill
village
In this case, one of the morphemes in this toponym is a lexeme with a clear
meaning: /urqu/ 'hill'; therefore, we can discard the other two possibilities for /q/.


83
4. Tocalaco
nahual
'Talamolle
llihtiaya Grande,
/ ^ Totorane
ToHop¡rgv
<^QO pocayo ~
/a Apacheta d^Talarplle
EAGfcHANTO
Ir Huailara"x
Chiripar
'Orlaque |¡
isto Grande
-Orghu**'
TI NGC
Chunuhuayo
sta Rosa &
de Pudra/
y-
1PATOQU10
0\a\ayoc\
icajime
Uocornt
Pahpa 3
Puquio- o
^Aistisa/oc
\^&cheta
Tj rucam
Ppa d^ Jalwa$t
C L Ca<'^
Pampa [
Figure C-5 Map of Puquina and La Capilla


80


3
were isolated and spoke their own languages, and there were other times when they were
integrated with or became part of other groups for which communication in a general
language was necessary (Hardman and Acosta Rojas, 1986). Before the arrival of the
Spaniards, there were already three main linguistic groups in the southern Andes:
Aymara, Puquina and Quechua. These groups served as important means of
communication and transmission of previous Andean cultures from the second half of the
first millennium (Torero, 1970), and bilingualism, with speakers required to know main
languages as well as first languages took place. As for Aymara, it dominated the Andes
between the years 400 to 800 A.D., during the Wari Empire (Hardman, 1991), but with
the rise of the Inca Empire, about late 15th century, Quechua became the most general
of the three main languages in the southern Andes. Aymara, Quechua and Puquina were
declared the general languages of Peru by the Spanish Crown, by the second half of the
16th century (Torero, 1974). The linguistic situation of Puquina, during the 16th century,
covered the areas of the present departments of Arequipa, Moquegua and Tacna, the
northeast of the Lake Titicaca and some disperse areas in the Altiplano (Appendix 3, Map
1 and 2). Aymara was used in the southern Andes from the northeast through the
Altiplano and the western Andes around the southwest of the Titicaca Lake.
As a result of an alliance between certain Aymara groups and the Incas, Aymara
was further strengthened. Consequently, Aymara acquired the status of general
language in the Altiplano in order to maintain communication with other ethnolinguistic
groups. The Aymara language had already started its expansion to this area long before
the alliance with the Incas took place. They had succeeded when they took military, or
commercial, action to occupy the Altiplano absorbing most of the Puquina speaking areas


4
(Torero, 1987). Later on, the usage of Quechua as an administrative language during the
time of the Inca power decreased at the fall of the Inca Empire. Quechua was then pushed
further and fully imposed by the Spaniards in many areas, which caused Quechua to
expand to areas other than the southern Andes. The Quechua varieties spoken in the
southern Andes of Peru were of major importance in the process of Christian proselitism.
Grammars, lexicons and some ecclesiastic material were printed at this time. The other
very expanded language in the southeast of the Andes was Puquina, which was very
dialectalized. It is this dialectalization that prevented it later from remaining as a
general language (Torero, 1987).
The Spanish domination did not cause the extinction of either Aymara or Quechua.
The situation was different, however with Puquina, which was already disappearing
towards the second half of the XVII century (Torero, 1970), due to the expansion of
Quechua and the convenient selection of Aymara as the first administrative language of
the Incas. Aymara and Southern Quechua became the most important languages in the
Andes (Torero, 1974). The historical, political and cultural situation described above in
the Southern Andes, was the result of various periods of expansion in the Andean history
(See Map 2, Appendix 3).
Here it will be useful to note that the Incas were not Quechua -they were Puquina
and used Puquina as their secret court language. The earliest attested Quechua was
Pachacamac, which is on the coast of Peru, near Lima.
This complex linguistic and historical background should suggest the complexity of
the multilingual situation in the southern Andes of Peru that we find to be reflected in
their toponymy. It may also suggest the possibility that there were possible waves of


33
sequence have been classified: /-aya/, /-baya/ /-paya/ /-waya/ and /-saya/. I have
included the number of entries with these suffixes and their corresponding environment
as shown in Table 3-18.
Table 3-18. Frequency and environment of the AYA group
AYA
Environment
Number of entries
Total
-aya
after a vowel
05
08
after /t/ and /l/
03
-paya
after /s/
03
04
after /m/
01
-baya
after vowel
08
09
after /m/
01
-waya
after vowel
14
16
after velar
02
consonants /k/ /x/
-saya
after vowel
01
02
after /n/
01
We can also observe in the same table, that the suffix with the most numerous
entries is /-waya/, followed by /-baya/, then /-aya/ then /-paya/ and finally /-saya/
These suffixes occur in different environments, which I will describe below.
The /-aya/ suffix always appears after morphemes ending in /o/ (Table 3-19). The
presence of /o/ in entries (380), (422) and (518) may be due to two reasons. It can be a
result of a historical process where /k/ may have been /k/ /k/ /k/ /q/ /q/ or /q/ before
the round back vowel /u/, like in (380) and (422). As stated in the previous section, the
presence of a round mid-vowel in this environment indicates that the pre-existence of a
uvular stop is plausible. However, this does not seem the case in (518), as there is not a
consonant environment that may trigger a round mid-vowel like [o] to be produced. It is


23
toponyms below corresponds to two geographic entities semantically related: one refers
to a river and the other one to its valley. These entries were produced by the same
consultant, in the town of Puquina; this town has a Quechua substratum.
Table 3-5. /k/ and /q/ in placenames referring to related entities
Language in which the
toponym was provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Spanish
(74) [co£alA:e]
river
Non-Spanish
(78) [co^alge]
valley
Alternation of /k/ and /q/ is given by the examples below as they are names for the
same geographic entity, though given by two different consultants:
Table 3-6. Alternation of /k/ and /q/ in entries of the same entity.
Language in which the
Toponym
Geographic entity
toponym was provided
Spanish
(302) [mawkall&ta]
hill
Non-Spanish
(307) [mawkallgta]
hill
Another good example of this alternation can be seen in this triplet that refers to the
same entity given by three different consultants:
Table 3-7. Alternation of /k/ and /q/ of the same entry by three different consultants.
Language in which
toponym was provided
Toponym
Geographic entity
Spanish
(459) [se*]
town
Spanish
(460) [s*e]
town
Non-Spanish
(513) [seq]
town
Not only do /k/ and /q/ alternate but also fkJ and hd. There is a historical argument
for this alternation (Hardman, 2001), which involves a lenition process of the uvular stop


My thanks go to Tefilo, Marcos and Richard for their kindness in providing me with
transport from La Capilla to Puquina. I would also like to thank Mr. Marco Antonio Lulo
Vega who assisted me during the collection of my data in the towns of Puquina and
Ornate. My thanks also go to Dr. Guillermo Galdos Rodriguez for his valuable time and
historical information about Arequipa and its surroundings and to the Historian and
Professor Alejandro Mlaga from the Universidad Nacional de San Agustn in Arequipa
for his hospitality and the historical information. My thanks also go to the Biblioteca
Landzuri in the Universidad Nacional de San Agustn in Arequipa for its permission to
access very useful information for this thesis. My special gratitude goes to Dr. Teresa
Caedo-Argelles from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and her excellent team
for sharing the experience of their own research with me and for making areas like
Salinas Moche and Ubinas accessible to me. 1 would not have been able to get there
alone. And, in general, I would like to thank all the people in the towns visited in
Moquegua for allowing me to enter their world and their language.
A great part of this work depends on information and advice provided by very
notable linguists. A specially valuable contribution was provided by Dr. Wilhelm
Adelaar from the University of Leiden, who shared with me useful information about the
towns I visited. His advice at the beginning of my research and his suggestions and
motivation for me to carry out this project are not to be forgotten. Also, I am highly
grateful to Dr. Jan Szeminski from the University of Jerusalem for his valuable advice
and availability, and for his broad knowledge of the Andean world. I would like to thank
the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos in Lima and all my professors there who
first opened the doors of Linguistics to me. In particular, I would like to thank Dr.
IV