Citation
Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal Transpros'd

Material Information

Title:
Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal Transpros'd strategies of controversial prose
Added title page title:
Strategies of controversial prose
Creator:
Gilliland, Charles Herbert, 1942-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
vii, 166 leaves : ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Bishops ( jstor )
Conformism ( jstor )
Discourse ( jstor )
Jokes ( jstor )
Parliaments ( jstor )
Poetry ( jstor )
Polity ( jstor )
Priests ( jstor )
Rehearsal ( jstor )
Religion ( jstor )
Church and state -- Great Britain ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- English -- UF
English thesis Ph. D
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography in "Notes" at end of each chapter.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Charles Herbert Gilliland, Jr.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
025690625 ( ALEPH )
03192641 ( OCLC )
AAU7292 ( NOTIS )

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Full Text














ANDREW MARVELL'S THE REHEARSAL TRANSPROS'D:
STRATEGIES OF CONTROVERSIAL PROSE













By

CHARLES HERBERT GILLILAND, JR.


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY











UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1976




ANDREW MARVELL'S THE REHEARSAL TRANSPROS'D:
STRATEGIES OF CONTROVERSIAL PROSE
By
CHARLES HERBERT GILLILAND, JR.
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1976


Copyright
by
Charles Herbert Gilliland, Jr.
1976


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgments ill
Abstract v
Chapter I: Introduction 1
Notes to Chapter I 13
Chapter II: The Generic Tradition of Animadversion 15
Notes to Chapter II 39
Chapter III: Politics and Pamphleteers: Marvell's
Call to Action A3
Notes to Chapter III 73
Chapter IV: Decorum Established 77
Notes to Chapter IV 102
Chapter V: Jest and Earnest 103
Notes to Chapter V 118
Chapter VI: Indecorum Incomplete 119
Notes to Chapter VI 13A
Chapter VII: Disease, Disproportion, and Disjunction 135
Notes to Chapter VII 152
Chapter VIII: Conclusions 153
Notes to Chapter VIII 163
Appendix A 164
Appendix B 165
ii


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It seems much more an honor and a pleasure than a duty to thank
all those who have made it possible for me to complete this study. My
director, Ira Clark, has from the beginning taken a very close and
lively interest, and has made countless suggestions, major and minor,
at every step of the way, making the result much better, as well as
more easily arrived at, than would otherwise have been the case. His
consistently positive support was of no small value. To Aubrey
Williams, T. Walter Herbert, and Sidney R. Homan, thanks are owed for
making valuable suggestions as early as my preliminary examination, and
for being expeditious but very careful readers. John Sommerville gave
invaluable help on the political and social background, and was instru
mental on the question of publishing practices and the size of seven
teenth-century editions. While Jack M. Perlette was not an official
member of my committee, he in fact took an enthusiastic interest in my
work, offered many helpful suggestions, answered many questions, and
served as a sounding-board for some of my trial balloons. The personnel
of the Interlibrary Loan Department and the Rare Book Room of the
University of Florida performed invaluable services; I am also very
grateful for the cheerful efficiency of the staff of the Folger
Shakespeare Library. Finally, much is owed to my parents, whose
unwavering support did not falter, even in this endeavor, and who made
iii


it considerably easier to devote to it the final, crucial year, suppor
ted by a "Gilliland Fellowship."
iv


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
ANDREW MARVELL'S THE REHEARSAL TRANSPROS'D:
STRATEGIES OF CONTROVERSIAL PROSE
By
Charles Herbert Gilliland, Jr.
August, 1976
Chairman: Ira G. Clark
Major Department: English
This study is devoted solely to Marvell's first published and
perhaps most important prose work, his first attack against anglican
conformity and its spokesman, Samuel Parker. Particular stress is
laid upon the autonomous integrity of this work, which, although
often called "the first part," is in fact a complete work not orig
inally intended to be supplemented by The Rehearsal Transpros'd:
The Second Part.
After the introductory chapter are two chapters placing The
Rehearsal Transpros'd in its literary and political contexts. The
first gives an extended definition of the animadversion genre, with
special attention to elements prominent in Marvell's work. Besides
the close point-by-point refutation of the opponent's argument
which is essential to the genre, these include (1) the use of the
opponent's own words, often quite unfairly, against him; (2) the
accusation that the opponent's argument is disorganized and devoid
V


of meaning; (3) nitpicking, especially at fine points of style,
grammar, or etymology; (4) a personal attack on the opponent, often
using a real or fictitious biography, and often including the charge
that the opponent is deranged.
The next chapter describes the political context, including
ramifications of the Third Dutch War, the struggle over conformity,
and the interaction of King Charles II and his parliament, and gives
an account of the ecclesiastical-political pamphlet controversy
that had already been raging for years when Marvell joined it.
The rest of the study is essentially devoted to a reading of
The Rehearsal Transpros *d, presenting the thesis that Marvell mounts
against Parker a comprehensive attack based in large measure upon
an all-pervasive, largely implicit, concept of cosmic decorum, like
that described by Thomas Kranidas in The Fierce Equation: A Study
of Milton's Decorum (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1965). Kranidas
calls it "a concept of harmonious, resonant, joyous unity . .
[it] includes other "decorums," the "rules," of genre, style, and
characterization, but it is characterized by a flexibility without
relativism (p. 104). This grand decorum in varying facets, and
a variety of lesser decorums encompassed by it, become manifest as
the reader sees Parker violate them. Marvell, making use of many
devices besides the well-known "Bayes" persona, portrays Parker as
not only a priest who acts like a stage-buffoon, but a creature of
appalling disproportion and malformity, excessive of ambition, spleen,
girth, and sexual appetite, who is perverted and perverse. Parker
vi


is shown to flout the proprieties not only of station but of
time, place, and magnitude. Because Parker's stand was one of
"order and decency" against the supposed excesses of the noncon
formists, Marvell's book is the grandest kind of exercise in ironic
inversion.
Along with this all-encompassing attack on Parker himself,
Marvell carries out against Parker's position a refutation which
is rather better structured than some readers have credited.


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Although Andrew Marvell was for many years after his death thought
of as a great defender of individual liberty, and as an important author
of controversial prose, the twentieth century has seen him as a major
poet. Pierre Legouis suggests that most copies of the posthumous first
edition of Marvell's poems were probably bought for the sake of the
engraved portrait frontispiece of the premier puritan polemicist; today
the typical student of literature will express surprise at being told
that the great metaphysical poet also wrote prose.'*' Because nearly all
Marvell scholarship has been done in the twentieth century, the focus
has been almost exclusively on the poems. Nevertheless, there has been
a very small but persistent current of concern for his prose, primarily
as a lever to pry open his poems, but also, on still-too-rare occasions,
2
as a subject of merit unto itself.
The present study will be the first of any length to focus exclu
sively upon Marvell's first and most important prose publication, The
Rehearsal Transpros'd. There is a frequent and understandable tendency
among scholars to treat The Rehearsal Transpros'd and its sequel, The
Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part, as a single work published in
two halves. While this may be not only valid but almost necessary if
one is interested in The Second Part, it tends to obscure the undisputed
fact that The Rehearsal Transpros'd was conceived and published as a
1


2
single work, complete in itself; although it is now often referred to
for the sake of convenience as "the first part," there is no indication
that Marvell thought of it that way when he wrote it. In the present
study, I propose to emphasize the integrity of The Rehearsal Transpros'd
by deliberately stressing what went before its publication and ignoring
what came after. If, as one of Parker's friends threatened, Marvell' had
been murdered in late 1673, we would have been perforce untrammelled by
knowledge of his future works, and might have had a reading experience
of The Rehearsal Transpros'd closer to that of Marvell's first audience.
That audience would have known that Marvell was fifty-one, had
served in Cromwell's government, had written panegyrics in honor of the
Lord Protector and satiric verse at the expense of other people, and was
in his twelfth year as Member of Parliament from Hull when his first
published prose, The Rehearsal Transpros'd, appeared in late 1672. They
would not know that this great success would be followed by other con
troversial works: The Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part (1673);
Mr. Smirke; Or, The Divine in Mode (1676); A Short Historical Essay
(appended to Mr. Smirke, 1676); An Account of the Growth of Popery (1677);
and Remarks Upon a_ Late Disingenuous Discourse (published posthumously,
1678). Of them all, the most significant was surely The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd, a best-seller of its day, which quickly established the author
as, in Bishop Burnet's oft-quoted words, "the liveliest droll of the age."
The Rehearsal Transpros'd went through five editions (one pirated)
within two years of its first appearance, and a half-century later Swift,
while borrowing from it for A Tale of a^ Tub and The Battle of the Books,
commented that, "we still read Marvel's Answer to Parker with Pleasure,


3
tho' the Book it answeres be sunk long ago," but after Swift's day it
was little noted.^ In the last two centuries there have been but three
editions: Captain Thompson's (1776), Grosart's (1872), $nd Smith's
(1971).^ We may expect the next edition about a century from now; in
the meantime, none of the editions to date contains any significant
analysis of The Rehearsal Transpros'd as literature or as argumentation.
Those aspects of Marvell's prose are also avowedly neglected by
Dean Morgan Schmitter in his dissertation, in favor of making a careful
and valuable study of the ecclesiastical and political issues involved.^
John Wallace has similar interests, making an effort in Destiny His
Choice: The Loyalism of Andrew Marvell (Cambridge, 1968) to show that
Marvell was politically consistent throughout his life, and - i
"Trimmer" before that term came into use. Wallace makes serious mis
readings in places, but his section on The Rehearsal Transpros'd seems
sound. However, Wallace too is primarily interested in Marvell's
politics, and gives only cursory attention to his writing technique.
In his rather good biography of Marvell, Augustine Birrell devotes
a fairly long section to The Rehearsal Transpros'd, which is, however,
almost exclusively composed of lengthy quotations, with little analysis.
Birrell falls into the same trap as many later readers, treating The
Rehearsal Transpros'd and The Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part
as a single work: "Marvell's chief prose work, the two parts of The
Rehearsal Transpros'd, is a very long pamphlet indeed.He also comments
that Marvell's title was "borrowed for no very good reason from the farce
O
of the hour." Finally, he notes Marvell's influence on Swift.


4
In the standard critical biography of Marvell, published first in
French (1928) and then in a revised, streamlined English version (1965;
second edition 1968) Pierre Legouis gives a brief summary of the
Marvell-Parker controversy.9 Turning to The Rehearsal Transpros1d, he
says it is even worse than the usual animadversion for "lack of method"
and "desultoriness and wayward course."10 It cannot be epitomized, he
says, but he attempts to "give some idea of its uncertain progress."
The best way for the modern reader to enjoy it is not to take it Seri-
5,
ourly, for no one cares any more about the sober concerns of the con
troversy; what we can still enjoy is the Punchinello slapstick of
Marvell cudgelling the hapless Parker. Legouis is well aware of the
immense contemporary success of the work, but aside from nio'ting' its
comic power and warning that biographers ought to be wary of taking at
face value statements Marvell has made for tactical reasons, he does not
deal with the question of why Marvell's book was so successful.
One might say that literary criticism of The Prehears al Transpros' d
began as early as Parker's reply, the Reproof, wherein Parker noted that
Marvell was exactly like Martin Marprelate, the pseudonymous pamphleteer
of the 1570's, in his claim that decorum made it proper to jest even
while dealing with serious matters, because buffoonery was appropriate
to the allegedly buffoonish character of his opponent. M. C. Bradbrook
and M. G. Lloyd Thomas stress this notion, saying that:
Pamphlet-wars had been common throughout the century, and some of
the best prose, notably Milton's, had appeared in this way. Marvell's
technique, however, was new. By his popular style, his free use of
secular weapons, including the latest play, he pointed the way
towards a more Augustan method of handling disputation. To treat
a grave subject lightly, yet with the serious intention of rein
forcing the argument, was an art neglected since the Marprelate
with whom Marvell is so often compared.il


5
They also link his poetry with his prose by commenting that:
In the flexibility of his attack, Marvell produced what might
roughly be taken as the prose version of the 'metaphysical'
style. There is the same synchronization of the important with
the trivial, the same free combination of colloquialism and
learning, the same variety in the points of view.12
Their treatment of The Rehearsal Transpros'd is not extensive, but they
do make use of lengthy quotations, giving their readers some idea of- its
quality. They also note that Marvell is replying to three of Parker's
books, although they rather inaccurately suggest that The Rehearsal
Transpros'd attacks his Discourse on Ecclesiastical Polity for the first
seventy pages (in Grosart's edition), then Parker's Defence for twenty-
nine pages, and finally his Preface for the remainder. More importantly,
while they give some indication of the connection between Marvell's
pamphlets and the succeeding literary age, they give no real indication
of the continuous literary traditions that existed during the period
between Marprelate and Marvell, traditions to which Marvell was enormously
more indebted than he was to Marprelate.
In a dissertation and later an article, John S. Coolidge too follows
Parker's lead with regard to Marprelate and the special use of decorum.
Coolidge links this variety of decorum to the concept of decorum personae,
which is the principle, for which Coolidge indentifies the locus classicus
in Horace's Ars Potica, "that every person who appears in a play or a
13
narrative should speak and act in a manner appropriate to his type."
Coolidge also suggests that Marvell's borrowing from Buckingham's play,
The Rehearsal, and his other allusions to the stage, turn his quarrel
with Parker into a sort of stage-show in which such an argument of decorum
is appropriate, while at the same time reducing the entire affair to the


6
status of a mere "peek between players." Coolidge, however, is so
absorbed in Marprelate as not to be sufficiently aware of the rather
considerable use of the theme of theatricality all through the works on
both sides of the controversy Marvell joined. Coolidge further suggests
that Marvell chose the play as the basis for his pamphlet in order to
ingratiate himself with its author Buckingham and the circle of court
wits, while at the same time he expected the nonconformists to recognize
his use of Marprelate's device and therefore feel that Marvell was one
of their own. This may be so, but if, as seems the case, Marvell's main
target was Parliament, then Buckingham's opinion was not that important;
Marvell also takes particular care to dissociate himself from the non
conformists even while espousing their cause, and does not actually
mention Marprelate by name anywhere in The Rehearsal Transpros'd. In
The Second Part he takes notice of Parker's suggestion about Marprelate
only long enough to brush it off. Coolidge's classical concept of
decorum, while correct, is extremely narrow, although he does note a
connection with society at large, saying that decorum personae "asserts
that personality is a function of social conditions ... It reflects,
therefore, a hierarchical social order, and in this it corresponds to
the church polity which John Bridges [or Samuel Parker] defends."-*-^
Coolidge is followed by Raymond A. Anselment, who in a dissertation
and two articles derived therefrom, further examines the derogatory
persona Marvell has thrust upon his victim Parker. His concurrence in
the view that Marvell's technique is derived from Marprelate's is in
dicated by the title of his dissertation, "Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal
Transpros'd: A Study in Renaissance Satire," (University of Rochester,


7
1965). Anselment notes that Marvell differs from Marprelate in his use
of learned allusions and in his urbanity, in the latter anticipating
the style of the Restoration.^ He neglects to consider the usually
learned and sometimes urbane controversialists between Marprelate and
Marvell. Anselment's real contribution is to offer two new sources for
the "Bayes" persona of The Rehearsal Transpros1d. Buckingham's play
was obvious, and the Marprelate buffoon had been suggested by Parker,
followed by Coolidge and others; to these Anselment first adds the
character of the "political enthusiast" in Henry More's Enthusiasmus
Triumphatus; Or, a_ Brief Discourse of the Nature, Causes, Kinds, and
Cure of Enthusiasm (London, 1656).More importantly, Anselment points
out that Parker himself paints a portrait of the typical nonconformist
as a deranged, inflamed, enthusiastic "fanatick." This portrait Marvell
ironically reverses, depicting Parker himself as a person with exactly
those qualities. Thus Marvell "makes [Parker] the object of his own
satire.Anselment reasserts Coolidge's position that the concept of
decorum is vital to Marvell's attack, but he too has a very circumscribed
meaning for the term. Finally, while both Coolidge and Anselment are of
course quite aware that The Rehearsal Transpros'd and The Rehearsal
Transpros'd: The Second Part are two distinct books, they nevertheless
tend to conflate the two, mingling evidence from both as though they
were the two volumes of a single work.
Robert Leo King is able to be undistracted by Marprelate, approaching
Marvell's entire prose corpus in terms of classical rhetoric. He devotes
the most attention to The Rehearsal Transpros'd, recognizing and stressing


8
that Marvell's argument therein is primarily rhetorical rather than
logical. According to King,
[Marvell's] attack on Parker involves its audience in many of
the traditional ways such as through flattery and the ethical
proof, but Marvell's great contribution to the development of
English satire lies in his letting a literate, sophisticated
reader not only share in his attack but help to create it.
Even if Parker did see the point of this rhetoric, it would
have done him little good to try to explain it away because no
term exists to cover it and because the only refutation for
such literate and literary rhetoric is something superior in
return. . Marvell's use of classical rhetoric is the means
toward achieving this satiric and rhetorical force. It will
not do simply to point out devices and label them because that
would suggest that Marvell followed his rhetoric text-book as
a school boy would. My contention is that Marvell did not turn
his back on classical rhetoric so much as he built on it or
transcended it.18
According to King, Marvell's allusive, insinuative style requires that
the reader participate by filling out allusions and completing suggested
lines of thought.
With the evidence of Parker's membership in the Royal Society, as
well as various clear pronouncements by him on the necessity for language
logical and free from superfluities, with each word meaning exactly one
thing, King sees that the controversy includes a battle over old versus
new in use of language, with Marvell's agile and innovative use of
classical rhetoric being sufficient to defeat his modern opponent. King
discovers that "all of the longer passages in both parts of The
Rehearsal Transpros'd are rhetorical units" and that "each book defends
its satiric attack with a unified ethical proof.He concludes that
the books are not unified wholes but do possess some unity; each contains
well-organized blocks loosely tied to each other. It would be appropri
ate, he says, to call the books, not "animadversions," but "anthologies."


9
The "rhetorical units" are mostly long sections organized as classical
orations, generally following the rules of the Rhetorica ad Herrenium;
Marvell's discourse on "Debauchery Tolerated" is one such. King also
points out the importance to the techniques of both Parker and Marvell
of their academic training and practice in formal disputation.
Attacking an earlier approach to Marvell's work, King notes that
one need not seek as far afield as Marprelate to find precedent for
Marvell's special use of decorum, for it is in Milton's Second Defence,
a book Marvell promised to "get by heart." Anselment's approach, says
King, is "almost useless." Furthermore, while even Milton's attack
remained Elizabethan in its direct, Juvenalian manner, Marvell's use of
implication, insinuation, and irony, anticipated Augustan satire.
While King is well aware of the importance of decorum personae and
the ah personam argument ("the ethical proof") he does not give a view
of what I believe to be Marvell's all-pervasive, comprehensive attack
based on principles of cosmic decorum.
Such a concept of decorum is described by Thomas Kranidas in his
study of Milton; that it was a concept more implicit than explicit prior
to Kranidas' writing does not make it less valid. Kranidas traces the
classical and Renaissance notions of decorum, which include quite limited
definitions, but also statements like Cinthio's that "decorum is nothing
other than the grace and fitness of things," and what Kranidas calls
"the major Elizabethan statement on decorum," by George Puttenham:
In all things to use decencie, is it onely that giveth every thing
his good grace & without which nothing in mans speach could seeme
good or gracious, in so much as many times it makes a bewtifull
figure fall into a deformities, and on th' other side a vicious


10
speach seeme pleasaunt and bewtifull: this decencie is therfore
the line & levell for al good makers to do their business by.
But herein resteth the difficultie, to know what this good
grace is, & wherein it consisteth, for peradventure it be
easier to conceave then to expresse . the mynde for the
things that be his mentall objectes hath his good graces and
his bad, whereof th' one contents him wondrous well, th' other
displeaseth him continually, no more nor no lesse then ye see
the discordes of musicke do to a well tuned eare. The Greekes
call this good grace of every thing in his kinde to upeirov,
the Latines decorum; we in our vulgar call it by a scholasticall
terme decencie; our owne Saxon English terme is seemelinesse,
that is to say, for his good shape and utter appearance well
pleasing the eye; we call it also comelynesse . This lovely
conformitie, or proportion, or conveniencie, betweene the sence
and the sensible hath nature her selfe first most carefully
observed in all her owne workes, then also by kinde graft it
in the appetites of every creature working by intelligence to
covet and desire, and in their actions to imitate & performe;
and of man chiefly before any other creature as well in his
speaches as in every other part of his behaviour.20
Kranidas notes that Puttenham's examples do not live up to the grand
promise of this statement. On the other hand, while Milton nowhere
makes a statement similarly linking decorum and cosmic comeliness,
Kranidas' reading of Milton's prose enables him to derive from his prac
tice a similar notion of decorum, a notion with amplitude appropriate to
a mind of Milton's calibre:
My definition of Milton's concept of decorum, arrived at after read
ing the prose, is this: Decorum is a concept of harmonious,
resonant, joyous unity, with consistency of inner and outer and
enormous variety and range extending from a base of certainty
about the ends of discourse and indeed of all human "conversation."
Decorum is an idea of unity which inspires and governs the opera
tions of life and writing. Decorum includes other "decorums," the
"rules," of genre, style, and characterization, but it is character
ized by a flexibility without relativism, by intricate and dynamic
relationships between parts, indeed opposites, the very tensions
of which give luminosity.21
This is a cosmic decorum, rooted in a world vision; while encompassing
those lesser "decorums" that would be violated by a venal priest or kept
by jesting with a fool, it opens the curtains on a grand world stage of


11
radiant order, where there is scope to display enormous crimes, and
scale to set off the true pettiness of peccadillos. Upon this concept
of decorum Kranidas bases his study of Milton's poetry, and upon it I
propose to base my own reading of The Rehearsal Transpros'd. Marvell's
weapon against Parker was protean: at times a Punchinello slapstick,
and at times the Archimedes' lever that could move the world.
In the present study, this introductory chapter will be followed
by two chapters placing The Rehearsal Transprosd into its context, a
vital thing not only because Marvell's book is so topical and presently
so little known, but also because only thus can the roots of certain
important thematic elements be indicated. The "fit" of these elements
into the work as a whole will not be evident without some information
about their genesis. One of these preliminary chapters will be a
generic history of the animadversion. As in his poetry Marvell worked
from the traditions he received but did them one better, so too with
The Rehearsal Transpros'd, which employs all the forms and devices of
the animadversion, and does more besidesMarvell might well have
borrowed the motto of his contemporary, King Philip of Spain: plus
ultra. The other contextual chapter will examine the specific contro
versy of which The Rehearsal Transpros'd was a part, a controversy years
old when Marvell joined it, which had developed certain demands and
"traditions" of its own.
Following the introductory chapters will be four chapters devoted
to a reading (following Marvell, in good animadversion fashion, almost
page by page) of The Rehearsal Transpros'd, in which I hope to show that


12
Marvell's attack on Parker was more unified than most readers have
thought, and was based upon an implicit concept of decorum virtually
identical with that Kranidas claims for Milton. Marvell shows Parker
to be, in multitudinous ways and on every possible level, a violator
of decorum.
Finally, the last chapter will present conclusions and speculations.


NOTES
Pierre Legouis, Andrew Marvell: Poet, Puritan, Patriot (Oxford:
The Claredon Press, 1968), p. 226.
2
Isabel G. MacCaffrey, "Some Notes on Marvell's Poetry, Suggested
by a Reading of his Prose," MP, 61 (1964), 261-9; and Kitty Datta,
"Marvell's Prose and Poetry: More Notes," MP, 63 (1966), 319-21.
3
Gilbert Burnet, Bishop Burnet1s History of His Own Time (London:
William Smith, 1838), p. 176.
4
Legouis, p. 208; see n. 1.
*Capt. Edward Thompson, The Works of Andrew Marvell, Esq. 3 vols.
(London: Thompson, 1776); Rev. Alexander B. Grosart, The Complete
Works in Verse and Prose of Andrew Marvell M.P. 4 vols. (London: The
Fuller Worthies' Library, 1872-5; D. I. B. Smith, The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd and The Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part (Oxford: The
Claredon Press, 1971).
g
Dean Morgan Schmitter, "Andrew Marvell: Member from Hull; A
Study in the Ecclesiastical and Political Thought of the Restoration,"
Diss. Columbia University, 1955.
^Augustine Birrell, Andrew Marvell (New York: The Macmillan Corn-
pany, 1905), p.
151.
g
Birrell,
P-
153.
9
Legouis,
P-
193 f.
10T
Legouis,
P-
194.
^Muriel C
. Bradbrook
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940), pp. 93-4.
12
Bradbrook and Thomas, p. 109.
13
John S. Coolidge, "Martin Marprelate, Marvell, and Decorum Personae
as a Satirical Theme," PMLA, 74 (1959), p. 526; Coolidge's dissertation
is "Satirical Devices and Themes in Andrew Marvell's Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd," Diss. Harvard University, 1968.
"^Coolidge, p. 526.
^Raymond A. Anselment, "Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal Transpros'd:
A Study in Renaissance Satire," Diss. The University of Rochester, 1965,
p. 310 and 301-2.
13


Raymond A. Anselment, "Satiric Strategy in Andrew Marvell's
The Rehearsal Transpros1d," MP, 68 (1970), 137-50.
Raymond A. Anselment, "Betwixt Jest and Earnest': Ironic
Reversal in Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal Transpros'd," MLR, 66
(1971), 285.
18
Robert Leo King, "The Rhetoric of Andrew Marvell's Prose,"
Diss. Boston University, 1968, pp. 90-1.
19
King, p. 231.
20
Thomas Kranidas, The Fierce Equation: A Study of Milton's
Decorum (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1965), pp. 41-2.
21
Kranidas, p. 104.


CHAPTER II
THE GENERIC TRADITION OF ANIMADVERSION
It seems reasonable to assume that, when Andrew Marvell subtitled
his attack on Sanuel Parker "Animadversions Upon a late Book," and
included within it such comments as, "I do not intend to be longer than
the nature of animadversions requires," he felt himself to be working
in a recognized genre. That today recognition of the genre itself, not
to mention nearly all of the individual works, is scant, is probably
because the animadversions of the seventeenth century, generated in the
warmth of controversies long cold, swarmed not only as thickly and
energetically as mayflies, but as ephemerally. The issues have long
been settled, the destinations arrived at, leaving us multitudes of spent
volumes, blobs on the windshield of history. Dryden's Defence of An
Essay on Dramatic Poesy yet lives, because its subject is still of great
interest; probably most readers are unaware (as I was when studying
Dryden) of the generic tradition of which it is a part. Milton's animad
versions are now read, I suspect, because they were written by the author
of Paradise Lost; and Marvell's, once the cornerstone of his reputation,
are now pried into only by an occasional historian or a scholar seeking
clues to an understanding of the great metaphysical poet. Surely it is
also pertinent that in Marvell's day the printed periodical, eventually
to become an ideal forum for controversy, and much later to be augmented
by the other "mass media," was still in the early stages of development.
15


16
For the time being the most effective platform for public persuasion
was the individual printed work: the pamphlet. Of these a great
quantity, devoted to attacking previous pamphlets, were animadversions.
Although of course students of the seventeenth century know what
an animadversion is, this knowledge is apparently transmitted by osmosis,
as no extended historical definition or introductory essay is readily
available to aid the novice.^ A good portion then of the present dis
cussion will be devoted to saying what is already known, but seems not
to have been written down. I shall first treat the term "animadversion"
itself, with its attachment to a genre. Then I shall give a survey of
characteristics that tended to appear in animadversions by 1672, the
year of The Rehearsal Transpros1d. Many of the examples will be drawn
from works Marvell certainly knew, probably knew, or may well have known.
This includes works by Milton, Dryden, Flecknoe, Owen, Parker, and
L'Estrange. I am not attempting, however, to show distinct "influence"
of a particular work upon Marvell, but rather to depict the generic
milieu in which he worked.
The central, absolutely necessary, feature of an animadversion is
that it attack a previous work in such a way that it follows that work's
order of argument point by point. This often takes the form of matching
the opponent's preface with a preface, and then each of his chapters with
a counter-chapter. Usually each step is made by first quoting or para
phrasing the opponent's argument, then rebutting it. Works of this form
considerably predate the use of the term "animadversion." Tyndale's
Answere unto sir Thomas More's Dialogue (1530) is an early example of
English protestantism expressed in such a form. Among the tracts of


17
the Admonition Controversy of the early 1570's, in which John Whitgift
championed the established church against the puritan spokesman Thomas
Cartwright, can be found other examples. This controversy was the
first campaign in the struggle still raging a century later when
Marvell joined the fray with The Rehearsal Transpros1d; and during its
*
course were developed many of the same arguments which were to recur
again and again, and appear in but the latest of many refashionings in
the works of Parker and Marvell.
Although not all of the products of the Marprelate controversy of
the 1580's are animadversions in the sense of being point-by-point
rebuttals, Martin's Oil read over ID. John Bridges for it is worthy worke,
published in two separate but coordinated parts, the Epistle and the
Epitome, is a clear example.^ Martin focuses on part of Bridges' first
book, and follows that pretty closely. Bridges' own volume, A Defence
of the Government Established in the Church of Englande for Ecclesiasti
cal Matters (1587), was a prodigious 1041 pages in answer to Walter
Travers' Learned Discourse of Ecclesiastical Government, in which Bridges
matches Travers' preface with his own preface, then attacks each of
Travers' chapters with a chapter of his own, for a total of nineteen.^
His procedure is to print a direct quotation of some length from the
Learned Discourse, in Roman type, with the marginal note, "The Discourse,"
and then to reply in a paragraph of italics, marginally labeled "Bridges."
His stance, resembling that taken by participants in the Admonition
Controversy, lacks the vitriol of the Marprelate and subsequent animad
versions. He speaks of his opponents as "mistaken brethren," and says


18
that his quarrel with them is minor compared to the real struggle
against the Antichrist and the "purple harlot" of Catholicism.
The term "animadversion" is not recorded in English until 1598,
when Francis Thynne uses it with a neutral meaning virtually identical
with the Latin from which it was composed, "to turn the mind toward,"
with no connotation of an adversary relationship. Similarly, Thoma's
Wise's Animadversions upon Lillies grammar (London, 1625) contains no
unkind word about Lilly. Rather, Wise is merely digesting, correcting,
and augmenting Lilly's book. Robert Ward, in Animadvesions of Warre:
or, A_ Militarie Magazine of the Truest rules and ablest instructions,
for the Managing of Warre (London, 1639) is not even reacting to any
prior publication, but merely turning the reader's mind toward a con
sideration of the effective conduct of war.
At the same time, however, other authors were applying the term
"animadversion" to books clearly belonging to the genre now recognized
by that name. Among the earliest of these is Henry Ainsworth's An
Animadversion to Mr. Richard Clyfton's Advertsement, published in
Amsterdam in 1613. In it, Ainsworth soberly attacks Clifton's book
point by point, carefully citing the pages. He does not, however,
follow his opponent in strict order, but reorders the arguments somewhat.
Nor does Ainsworth employ the assaults on the opponent's style, choice
of words, or person, later to become common features of the genre.
Richard Tillesley's Animadversions upon M. Seldon's History of Tythes
(1619), is the earliest example I have found of a work labeled "animad
versions" which also displays the form and the adversary relationship
considered typical of the genre. Tillesley begins with a dedication to


19
King James and a preface to the reader, then "Animadversions upon the
Preface" of Selden's book. Then except for Selden's first two chapters,
which are "purposely pretermitted" and counterattacked by a catalog of
authorities, Tillesley matches his opponent chapter for chapter. He is
relatively less vitriolic than later animadvertors, but takes care that
we know how difficult this is, explaining in his "Animadversion upon
the Preface,"
If ever any Preface deserved the impatience of the greatest
moderation, and in scorne and self-love did prejudice the
Learning and Religion of an incomparable Nation: what then
may this Preface expect, but Satyricall and furious contra
diction? There being no part, but fraught with supercilious
contempt and full of the Rhetoricke of a censorious over-
weener. But wee have not so learned Christ Iesus, that being
reviled, we revile not againe, throgh good report, and evill
report in the conscience of Gods blessings, we endeavor to
please him who hath called us to a profession of peace:
Without passion, therefore, I will select some passages out
of his Preface, and there against oppose such Adversaries, or
Animadversions, whereby it may appeare, J3i_ verum nos sapimus;
quod veritas ei contradicat, non nos; that if my words be
true, he is more opposed by trueth then by me. 7
Here Tillesley expresses the belief that his opponent's own words will
serve as a display of his error. Elsewhere he speaks of "the severals
of his incoherent arguments," and calls Selden's book "the work wherein,
such falsities, injurious censures of writers, contradictions, and many
other impertinences are too frequent. So that no ingenuous and learned
Reader, but will be backeward to allow this for trueth, which is onely a
compacture out of the abuses and disobedience of religion and lawfull
g
government." He does not ever attack Selden's person, but always his
arguments, his style, his book; however, his attacks on these are suf
ficiently strong that Selden is unlikely to have taken it dispassion
ately .


20
The outpouring of pamphlets by puritans and prelaticals, becoming
a flood by the late 1630's, included many animadversions. Foremost among
the authors was Milton, whose efforts included Animadversions upon the
Remonstrants Defence Against Smectymnuus (1641), a reply to a book by
Bishop Joseph Hall. According to Rudolf Kirk, Milton "adopted the
method of quotation and reply, which he had seen effectively employed in
the Admonition Controversy. ... By citing a passage out of its context,
he was able to satirize and ridicule without the necessity of carrying
9
an elaborate argument."
By this time, then, the form was well established and was recognized
as "animadversions.""^ Primarily denoting an attack upon a previous
publication which was followed step by step, "animadversions" also came
to imply: (1) the liberal use of the opponents own words; (2) the sug
gestion that the opponent's statements are deranged and/or meaningless;
(3) an occasional preoccupation with seemingly minor points, especially
points of philology or grammar; (4) an attack on the opponent's style;
(5) the ad personam attack, often involving a biography or "character"
of the opponent. All of these are features readily apparent in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd. In my discussion to follow, I shall illustrate
each characteristic with examples from various animadversions published
prior to 1672. However much or little Marvell was directly influenced
by any one or more of these works, they do demonstrate a tradition of
which he and his audience were certainly quite conscious.
Practically die rigeur in an animadversion was the use of the oppo
nent's words against him, a not unnatural result of the necessity to state
the position being attacked, but also a practice encouraged by two


21
mutually supportive notions. The first was the ancient and eminently
sound idea that for a man to be defeated with his own weapon is the
most ignominious and devastating defeat of all, and the second was an
often apparently quite sincere belief (enunciated above by Tillesley)
that the opponents words are so patently wrong that the reader need
only see them and perhaps be slightly nudged in the right way, and
he will realize the falsity of the position they represent. An
extreme example of this may be found in Daniel Featley's Virtumnus
Romanus, or, a_ discourse penned by a^ Romish Priest, wherein he endevours
to prove that it is lawful for a_ Papist in England to goe to a_ Protestant
Church to receive the Communion, and to take the Oathes both of Allegiance
and Supremacie. To which are adjoyned Animadversions in the margine by
way of Antidote against those places where the rankest poyson is couched
(London, 1642). In this book, Featley writes a virulent introduction,
then merely reprints, for 156 pages, the original text. The "animad
versions" are in the form of marginal notes. Another variety of total
recapitulation is provided by Richard Flecknoe, the Catholic poetaster
who, though now famous chiefly for inspiring Marvell's poem about visit
ing him in Rome and Drydens "MacFlecknoe," was an active, well-known
controversialist. His Animadversions on a Petition (1653), begins by
reprinting the offending petition in its entirety, seven pages, then
follows with thirty pages of animadversions upon it. The usual practice
with the opponent's work, however, was to interstice varying amounts
of quotation or paraphrase with refuting commentary, as is done in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd, although often with more formality than that


22
work provides. Typically the paraphrasing or direct quotation would be
printed in italics, or, if the main body of the book were in italics,
then in Roman.
As Kirk noted with regard to Milton's Animadversions and the
participants in the Admonition Controversy (especially applying to
Cartwright, I think), the quotations might be used out of context,
sometimes with gleeful unfairness. A wonderful example of this is the
way, in a passage I shall cite later at length, the Modest Confuter
twists Milton's words in order to derive evidence about his life. No
one is more inclined to this sort of thing than Marvell. His most ex
tended treatment of this sort (to be presented in detail in a later
chapter) is the "flowers" sequence, where he seizes on various casual
comments by Parker, reversing their value while at the same time swell
ing their significance to vast proportion. The effect of re-using the
opponent's phrases in such a way was to confront him with a species of
Frankenstein's monster, cobbled together from the dismembered fragments
of his own children, sewn with the sinews of antithetical ideas, so
that it lurched toward him by a shove from a grinning animadvertor.
Of course such treatment was not improper if, as animadvertors
often claimed, the opponent's statements were essentially meaningless
or beside the point. Dryden, for example, in A Defence of an Essay of
Dramatieke Poesie (1667), says that "the world will suspect what Gentle
man that was, who was allowed to speak thrice in Parliament, because he
12
had not yet spoken to the Question." The italics quote Dryden's
opponent Howard, who was speaking about a third party, but Dryden has


23
made them apply to Howard himself (also an M.P.) and suggested that
Howard's essay against Dryden has no relevance. In a similar vein,
Tillesley said of Selden:
And concerning his Booke, in it more paines then trueth, more
strange reading then strong reasoning; more quotations, then
proofes; more will (God be thanked) then power; good to use, but
dangerous to beleeve; a Historie of Tythes, but not true, not
onely, but even the Authors sirname backeward, NEDLES; or in
summe, Sacrilega curiositas, Arguta malvia.J-3
He also warns Selden that obscure words and little-known authorities
will not serve to hide his mistakes: "He must not looke to lurke in
the darknesse of unknowen language, or private Chartularies, or unusual
by-named Bookes. There are that can trace his footsteps, and adde light
to his Errours.The implication here is that even Selden suspects
that his own arguments are false, and he seeks to conceal this by making
them obscure.
The Modest Confuter, attacking Milton's Animadversions, speaks of
"that fault of your whole discourse, which in the easiest Censurers mouth
is but Levity and Digression.This is merely to say that Milton's
entire book is silly and pointless; elsewhere he is accused of being down
right wrong. Another of Milton's anonymous foes, in An Answer to . .
the Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, claims that his "frothie dis
course, were it not sugred over with a little neat language, would appear
so immeritorious and undeserving, so contrary to all humane learning, yea
truth and common experience it self, that all that reade it must needs
count it worthie to be burnt by the Hangman."^ Speaking of Milton's
discussion of the mixing of the souls of a married couple, the Answerer
says, "this language is too sublime and Angelicall for mortall creatures


24
to comprehend it."^ This may not have dismayed the future author of
Paradise Lost, but what it amounts to is a charge of unintelligibility.
Nor was Milton himself averse to charging his opponents with producing
nonsense: in Brief Notes Upon a. Late Sermon, he says of the minister
in question, "the rest of his preachment is meer groundless chat, save
heer and there a few granes of corn scattered to entice the silly fowl
into his net, interlac't heer and there with some human reading; though
slight, and not without Geographical and Historical mistakes. "1 Samuel
Parker, attacking John Owen in A Defence and Continuation of Ecclesias
tical Polity, claims, "But this man is not at leisure to write Sense,
nor takes time to weigh whether what he dictates be pertinent to his
own or to my purpose. His whole book is nothing but Cavil and vulgar
talk." Joseph Glanville, for the second time attacking Henry Stubbe
(who a year later would attack Marvell with Rosemary 6^ Bayes), says to
him, "I admonish you, when you write again, endeavour to write Sence;
For both your Letters abound with palpable Non-sence, and false English."20
Here Glanville includes the question of style, as well as sense. When
Marvell set to work on The Rehearsal Transpros1d a few months later, he
did not neglect to include multitudinous suggestions that Parker's writ
ings were devoid of meaning and form.
Animadvertors often went to such lengths to prove their opponents
wrong in the smallest things, as to cause one student to describe the
genre as "comprised essentially of minute and often quibbling scrutiny."21
Thus Martin Marprelate makes much of John Bridges' mistaken citation of
I.Cor.12 when he meant to cite Rom.12, and his misnaming of the translator


25
of the Syriac Testament, neither point being material to the argu-
9 9
ment. c Again, in Hay any worke for Cooper (1589), Martin corrects
one of Bridges' statements and gives him a rather gratuitous lesson
in Greek:
Whereas that was far from my meaning/ and could by no means be
gathered out of my words/ but only by him that pronounced Eulogin
for Enlogeni in the pulpit: and by him whom a papist made to
beleeve/ that the greek word Enlogeni, that is to give thanks/
signifieth to make a crosse in the forhead: py hy hy hy. I
cannot but laugh/ py hy hy hy. I cannot but laugh to thinke that
an olde soaking student in this learned age/ is not ashamed to
be so impudent as to presume to deale with a papist/ when he
hath no grue in his pocked. But I promise you Sir/ it is no
shame to be a L. bishop if a man could/ though he were as un-
lerned as John of Glocester or William of Liechfeld.23
This seems to be partly an inside joke, which has lost some of its punch
in the last four centuries. But it appears clear that besides linking
Bridges with the papists, Martin's main objective is to show Bridges as
an unlearned fool, and he does not mind going far afield to do it.
In the SmectymnuusHallMilton controversy, there was constant
skirmishing over the word form "Areopagi" versus "Areopagitae." The
Smectymnuuans had used "Areopagi," and Hall had twitted them for it in
his Defence, pointing out that it was incorrect. Milton, trailing clouds
of erudition, springs to their defense in Animadversions: he cites the
ancients and Chaucer, and claims the Smectymnuuan form better fits the
2 4
English mouth because it does not have "a harsh forreigne termination."
Next, Hall's ally, the Modest Confuter, enters the fray with considerable
indignation over Milton's position. Outdoing Milton in scholastic zeal,
he provides a compendious history of modified word-endings, with examples
from Polybius and Suetonius, from Italian and English, and arrives at
Chaucer's modifications of proper names (cited by Milton), such as Pegace,


26
or Ceys (for Ceyx). But Chaucer's example, he says, is no excuse for
Milton, for Chaucer
hath not metamorphosed the name of a place into the name of a man:
or if he had, it were one of those faults which ought to be forgiven
(not imitated) in so reverend antiquity. (Sir Ph. Sidney Defense
of Poesie) .... either you are as dis-ingenuous in matters of
Grammar as of Religion; in both, purposing therefore to maintain
a thing, because you have said it; or else perhaps you have a de
signe to innovate as well upon our language as upon our Church-'
government.25
The Modest Confuter has taken a word-ending as an emblem of Milton's
character and ecclesiastical politics. This battle over "Areopagi" is
surely one of the most extended examples of nitpicking in seventeenth
century literature, but the animadversions abound with myriad examples
no less trivial.
That some of the finest minds of their time would devote such large
efforts to seemingly miniscule points of contention, that they would
"beat a bush all day to start a butterfly," might seem incredible to a
reader today. I think it was partly what at first glance it seems:
callow one-upmanship, a relic of schooldays and scholastic debates. Per
haps more important however is that it was a variety of ad_ personam argu
ment, and clearly one that, because everyone thought it was effective,
2 6
was effective. One's pretence to authority would be seriously damaged
by any demonstrable error; if a person's grammar, vocabulary, or history
were faulty, mightn't he be wrong on larger issues? The education of
the seventeenth century was very heavily oriented to the proper and effec
tive use of language, so that language was to no small extent a touch
stone of authority; the greater a man's command of language (and languages)
the better he could understand God's word, and the better qualified he


27
was to speak to other men. Thus an incorrectly cited name or other
datum was damaging; a display of poor command of language was doubly
so. This is why Martin stretches so far to show Bishop Bridges with
no grammatical "grue in his pocked," why the Modest Confuter suggests
that Milton's treatment of language and his treatment of church govern
ment are linked. This surely is what motivates the Answerer to the
Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce to say to Milton, "Only first we
shall speak to your phrase and manner of speaking, and then to the
2 8
matter of it." The Answerer's attack on Milton's phrase and manner
proves to be rather desperate; he is not really equal to taking on the
man who, when not defending "Areopagi," was surely one of England's
most awesomely learned and careful wielders of words. It is signifi
cant, though, that the Answerer felt it necessary to make an attack on
style an important feature of his pamphlet. So it is that Flecknoe,
attacking the Petitioners, says,
And first, to say nothing of their Preface, nor their Goodly
stile, all stuff'd and interlarded with Scripture phrase, so
senselessly alleg'd, as I will not say their reading of the
Scripture seems to make them mad, but certainly this I dare
affirm, that those who read it lesse, write far better, and
more sense than they, and would never have said the paths
to dwell in, (as they do) but rather the paths to walk in,
according to the more proper metaphore.^
Flecknoe is saying that the Puritan penchant for personal study and
interpretation of the Bible has not only caused them to fill their prose
with Biblical superfluities, but has damaged their ability to think and
communicate correctly. Dryden, too, seeking minute flaws in Howard's
writing, says archly that it is "abundantly interlac'd with variety of
Fancies, Tropes, and Figures, which the Criticks have enviously branded


28
30
with the name of obscurity and false Grammar." Parker similarly
attacks Owen's style. Citing Owen's claim to make an "examination
of the principal parts and seeming Pillars," of Parker's case, Parker
says, "I shall not mind him of the uncouthness of his Language. (though
if it were consider'd, it will be found that to examine a Pillar, is
31
scarce more proper English than to explicate a Post." For these men,
style is power; further, they recognize that words and phrases are the
bricks of which arguments are built; bad bricks indicate a shaky struc
ture.
Often the animadvertor would direct his efforts at finding fault
not only with the manner and the matter, but the man; the ad personam
attack is a common feature of animadversion literature. Thus the
Marprelate tracts (both Martinist and anti-Martinist) contain energetic
depictions of the opponent as a knave and fool, at times to the virtual
neglect of the real controversy. For example, the author of The lust
Censure and Reproofe of Martin Iunior includes as part of his reasoning
against the conformists the following:
Item particularly, concerning Iohn Canturburie himselfe, I doe
affirme, but yet no further then quatenus probabile, that is,
by great likelihoodes, that he is so finally hardened in his
hainous sinnes against God and his church, that as hee cannot
be reclaimed, for his mouth is full of cursing against God and
his Saintes, his feete are swift to shed the blood of the holie
ones, hee teareth in peeces the churches which he ought to foster,
wilfully pulling the shepheards from their sheepe, and so scat
tering them in a most lamentable sorte, making much of wicked
men that mainteine his popedome, and smiting the righteous for
gainesaying his wayes, bringing in daily into the church, either
by himselfe or his hangsons newe errors not heard of before.
Blaspheming the way of trueth. And being rooted in mallice
against that truth of Christ Iesus (who is blessed for eurer)
which he may see, if he did not hood-wincke himselfe, hee with
all his power contrarieth and striveth against the going forwarde


29
of the Gospell, least by the light thereof his sinnes shoulde be
reprooued. Finally, he hath in him too too many likely testimonies
of an heire of the kingdome of darknesse, where, without his true
turning unto the Lorde, he shall liue in hell for euer.^
The Archbishop's portrait is so broadly black we can scarcely see the
man; there are accusations of venality and evil, but no real specifics.
Nevertheless one assumes the reader is not likely to trust the state
ments of a man who blasphemes the way of truth, who brings in daily new
errors, and who is "rooted in mallice against that truth of Christ
lesus." Indeed, the mouth full of curses against God, the swift feet
shedding the blood of holy ones, the self-deception, all add up to a
picture of the heir of the kingdom of darkness: Satan. Surely not an
attractive picture for a reader who desires a church that will praise
God and save the sinner.
The vicious nature of Sir Roger L'Estrange's treatment of Milton
is indicated by the mere title of his pamphlet, No Blinde Guides (1660).
He then introduces his adversary in a blaze of sulphur squibs:
Mr. Milton, although in your Life, and Doctrine, you have Resolved
one great Question; by evidencing that Devils may indue Humane
shapes; and proving your self, even to your own Wife, an incubus:
you have yet started Another; and that is, whether you are not of
that Regiment, which carried the Heard of Swine headlong into the
Sea: and moved the People to beseech Jesus to depart out of their
coasts.^3
Like Martin, L'Estrange portrays his adversary as a would-be leader who
should not be followed; he is not only a blind guide, butby virtue of
his demonic qualitya false one. By mentioning Milton's domestic pro
blems, L'Estrange links the satanic theme with the topic of the con
troversy: divorce, and connubial relations in general.


30
As no Christian would follow the devil, so no rational man (which
all readers assume themselves to be) would take the advice of a mad
man except with great caution. Thus animadvertors would at times
suggest that their opponents were insane. The Answerer, for example,
says of Milton's Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, "this is wilde,
34
mad, and frantick divinitie." Milton, in reply, claims that the
35
Answerer is "suddenly taken with a lunacy of Law." Previously,
attacking the Modest Confutation, Milton had alleged that "this . .
36
is plaine bedlam stuffe." Joseph Glanville expressed distaste at
even having to reply to Stubbe, because, "I think a Man may with as
much Reputation write against the Wits of Bedlam, as against this crackt
Fop of Warwick.
Scarcely more reputable than a lunatic was his competitor in enter
tainment, the actor. The notion of the opponent as a stage-figure goes
at least as far back as the very first of the Martinist pamphlets, the
Epistle, in which Martin cites the concept of decorum personae to treat
his opponent Bridges as a comic stage figure. That he becomes one him
self does not disturb him, for his main goal is not so much to be a
propounder of positions as to be a burner of Bridges. As John S.
Coolidge puts it, "he reduces the Dean to a roister on a wooden stage,
but he also diminishes the whole discussion, momentarily, from one
Concerning the means of salvation to one concerning the bienseance of
a theatrical entertainment. This is the distinctive feature of Martin's
method generally: the deliberate interpenetration of religious and
38
theatrical associations."
Of course if the entire question of


31
conformity comes to be viewed as trivial, then the nonconformists will
have won their case. Conformists, too, could use the concept of
theatricality, with the objective of showing that their opponents (but
only they) were mere buffoons and, while having some entertainment
value, could hardly be taken seriously. Serious matters (such as
ecclesiastical polity) should be left to serious men. In an anti-
Martinist pamphlet, A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied, we find
the following:
Since reason (Martin) cannot stay thy pen,
We'il see what rime will doo: haue at thee then.
A Vizard late skipt out upon our Stage;
But in a sacke, that no man might him see:
And though we knowe not yet the paltrie page,
Himselfe hath Martin made his name to bee.
A proper name, and for his feates most fit;
The only thing wherein he hath shew'd wit.
Who knoweth not, that Apes men Martins call;
Which beast this baggage seemes as t'were himselfe:
So as both nature, nurture, name and all,
Of that's expressed in this apish elfe.
Which lie make good to Martin Marr-als face
In three plaine poynts, and will not bate an ace.
For first the Ape delights with moppes and mowes,
And mocketh Prince and peasants all alike:
This jesting Jacke that no good manner knowes,
With his Asse heeles presumes all States to strike.
Whose scoffes so stinking in each nose doth smell,
As all mouthes saie of dolts he beares the bell.39
The point of the line, "Who knoweth not, that Apes men Martins call,"
I take to be this: the poet posits the fiction that men call apes
"Martins;" thus Martin has chosen an exactly suitable name for himself,
for he actually is an ape. Though somewhat amusing, he is rude and
does not know his proper placehe "no good manner knowes," and "presumes


32
all states to strike," in violation of decorum. The only thing he does
right, he does through ignorance, by choosing the name Martin. The
anonymous poet seems to forget himself in the fourth stanza when he
makes Martin a jackass instead of an ape. But the picture is amusing,
the verse lively; he has succeeded in creating a persona for his ad
versary, which he amplifies in the remainder of the pamphlet and which
leads the reader to think of Martin as a performing apehardly a
serious authority on religious matters.
The Modest Confuter seeks a similar effect when he introduces Milton
to the reader:
Reader . thou art acquainted with the late and hot bickerings
between the Prelates and Smectymnuus: To make up the breaches of
whose solemn Scenes, (it were too ominous to say Tragicall) there
is thrust forth upon the Stage, as also to take the eare of the
lesse intelligent, a scurrilous Mime, a personated, and (as him
self thinks) a grim, lowering, bitter fool.^0
The Modest Confuter is here referring to Milton's statement that, though
jest may seem out of place in the discussion of serious matters, yet in
the "serious uncasing of a grand imposture," which Prelatry is, there is
41
a place for "grim laughter." The Modest Confuter's position seems to
be that, grim or not, a jester is a jester; Milton has proclaimed himself
such, and should expect to be laughed at. In his turn, Milton, writing
An Apology against the Modest Confutation, is thoroughy incensed.
For one thing, says Milton, falling back to a fortress of philology, the
Modest Confuter has not stated what a mime is, "whereof we have no pat
tern from ancient writers except some fragments," which Milton then
provides, with commentary. In the process of this learned essay, Milton
of course suggests that it is the Modest Confuter himself who is "the


33
loosest and most extravagant Mime, that hath been heard of." Milton
has amplified the importance and pejorative power of the term, and
reversed its effect to apply it to his opponent. That he chose to do
so is indicative of the negative value of association with the stage,
a value hardly lessened three decades later when Marvell settled the
extravagant mantle of Bayes upon the shoulders of Samuel Parker.
What better way to display the flaws of a wretched adversary than
to recite his biography, especially when fiction may serve better than
fact? Surely one of the most extended examples of this stratagem
occurs in Haue with you to Saffron-walden, or, Gabrieli Harueys Hunt
jas v£ (1596), which is Thomas Nash 's reply to Harvey's Piers His
Supererogation. Nash devotes forty-eight pages to a biography of his
adversary, mixing fact (that Harvey's father was only a harness-maker)
with fiction (he describes a dream Harvey's mother supposedly had when
carrying him, to the effect that her womb was a "Solomon's brazen bowle"
that when brokeni. e. when Harvey was bornlet loose thousands of
devils). Nash casts Harvey's horoscope, which proves to be a bad one,
43
describes his unfortunate career at school, and so on. Milton per
formed a similar service, though less copiously, for Salmasius in The
Defence of the English People (1651). Peter du Moulin, concealed be
hind the editorship of Alexander More, employed an essentially factual
but belittling biography of Milton in Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Coelum
(1652). Milton retaliated with one of the most vitriolic pseudo-bio
graphical attacks in English literature, against More, in The Second
Defence (1654):


34
There is one More, part Frenchman and part Scot, so that one
country or one people cannot be quite overwhelmed with the whole
infamy of his extraction; an unprincipled miscreant and proved
not only by the general testimony of his enemies, but even by
that of his dearest friends whom he has alienated by his in
sincerity, to be a monster of perfidy, falsehood, ingratitude,
and malevolence, the perpetual slanderer, not only of men, but
of women, whose chastity he is no more accustomed to regard than
their reputation. To pass over the more obscure transactions
of his youth, he first made his appearance as a teacher of the
Greek language at Geneva, where he could not divest himself
either of the knave or fool; but where, even while secretly
conscious, though perhaps not yet publicly convicted, of so
many enormities, he had the audacity to solicit the office of
pastor in the church and to profane the character by his crimes.
But his debaucheries, his pride, and the general profligacies of
his conduct could not long escape the censure of the presbyters.
After being condemned for many heresies, which he basely re
canted, and to which he still as impiously adhered, he was at
last openly found guilty of adultery.^4
There is a great deal more in a similar vein, much of it quite clever,
including witticisms and puns on More's name.
That many of the pamphleteers were anonymous created for their
animadvertors a special problemand opportunityin terms of ad
personam attack. How does one denigrate the character of someone
whose identity is concealed? One solution often readily available was
that frequently the author's identity was an open secret. Then the
animadvertor need only make clear his knowledge of the fact (sometimes
by using the man's name or initials) and proceed normally. The author
of A Whip for an Ape, though, seems to have had no idea of Martin
Marprelate's real identity, so he solved the problem by creating a
character for him. The Modest Confuter devised another tactic. Faced
by the absence of Milton's name from the title page of the Animadversions,
he remarks:


35
I have no further notice of him, than he hath been pleased, in
his immodest and injurious Libell, to give of himself: and
therefore, as our industrious Criticks for want of clearer
evidence concerning the life and manners of some revived
Authors, must fetch his character from some scattered passages
in his own writings. It seems he hath been initiated in the
Arts by Jacke Seaton, and by Bishop Downam confirmed a Logician:
and as he sayes his companions did, it is like hee spent his
youth, in loytering, bezelling, and harlotting. Thus being
grown to an Impostume in the brest of the University, he was
at length vomited out thence into a Suburbe sinke about London;-
which, since his comming up, hath groaned under two ills, Him,
and the Plague. Where his morning haunts are I wist not; but
he that would finde him after dinner, must search the Play-
Houses or the Bordelli, for there I have traced him; [among old
Cloakes, false Beards, Tyres, Cases, Periwigs, Modona Vizzards,
night-walking Cudgellers, and Salt Lotion.]^5
The first part of this statement is based on Milton's assertion that
the clergy "spend their youth in loitering, bezzling, and harlotting,
their studies in unprofitable questions, and barbarous sophistry,
their middle age in ambition and idlenesse, their old age in avarice,
46
dotage, and diseases." The Modest Confuter, as Rudolf Kirk notes,
deduced that Milton "must have known evil ways from having lived them
47
at the university." The second part is based on a passage in which
Milton defends the value of freedom of the press. In the past, says
Milton, princes could only find out the genuine thoughts of their
people by sneaking about in disguise, eavesdropping. With a free
press, though, they receive "such an Anatomie of the shiest, and tender-
est truths ... as that they shall not need heerafter in old Cloaks,
and false Beards, to stand to the courtesy of a night-walking cudgeller
for eaves dropping, not to accept quietly as a perfume, the over-head
48
emptying of some salt lotion." Although James I seems on occasion
actually to have gone about in disguise like this, still, one cannot


36
help smiling at the thought of him or Charles 1, in old cloak and
false beard, being either cudgelled or quietly accepting the "perfume"
from a chamber-pot; this the alternative to a free press. Milton's
dry humor did not, however, charm the Modest Confuter from dismembering
and reassembling his words to the point of virtual unrecognizability.
The princely spy-gear has become (with considerable augmentation from
the Modest Confuter) the trappings of the theatre or even the bordello.
It is outrageously unfair, but also rather effective. Indeed, the
tactic was sufficiently admirable for Milton to immediately borrow it
for his reply:
And because he pretends to be a great conjector at other men by
their writings, I will not faile to give ye, Readers, a present
taste of him from his own title; hung out like a toling [enticing]
signe-post to call passengers, not simply a confutation but a
modest confutation with a laudatory of it selfe obtruded in the
very first word. Whereas a modest title should only informe the
buyer what the book containes without furder insinuation, this
officious epithet so hastily assuming the modesty wc^ others
are to judge of by reading, not the author to anticipate to him-
selfe by forestalling, is a strong presumption that his modesty
set there for sale in the frontispice, is not much addicted to
blush. A surer signe of his lost shame he could not have given,
then seeking thus unseasonably to prepossesse men of his modesty.49
Having spun all this and more, out of a single word, Milton goes on to
say that the phrase "slanderous and scurrilous" (which in the Modest
Confuter's title is applied to Milton's Animadversions) sounds like
his former adversary Hall, who must, says Milton, have been a consultant
to the Modest Confuter, if he did not actually write the pamphlet him
self. "O jt is Hall's sort of presumption to tell the reader something
is slanderous and scurrilous when the reader is perfectly capable of
judging such matters for himself. My impression from the complete


37
pamphlet is that Milton is uncomfortable not knowing who his
opponent is; he makes hints that it might be Hall, other hints that it
is a younger man, and seems to be seeking a focus for his vituperation.
However, Milton learned from the experience, and was well prepared
to face the anonymous author of the Answer against the Doctrine and
Discipline of Divorce. Indeed, the sub-title of his reply, Colaster.ion
(1645), indicated that it was a work "wherein the trivial Author of
that Answer is discover'd." Milton discovers the Answerer's identity
by the following process of deduction:
His very first page bewraies him as an illiterate, and arrogant
presumer in that which hee understands not .... Nor did I
finde this his want of the pretended Languages alone, but
accompanied with such a low and home-spun expression of his
Mother English all along, without joynt or frame, as made mee,
ere I knew furder of him, often stop, and conclude, that this
Author could for certain bee no other than som mechanic.-^
From this, and the Answerer's penchant for legal terminology, Milton
concludes he is a servingman with pretensions of being a lawyer. Through
out Colasterion, Milton faithfully maintains the image of his opponent
as a lawyerly servant. This creation and consistent elaboration of his
opponent's character as a servant is, I think, the most striking and
successful device in the Colasterion.
When Marvell came to write The Rehearsal Transpros'd, he would have
his cake and eat it too; knowing who his adversary was, he would be able
to write a burlesque biography containing enough truth to make it one
of the sources for Parker's entry in the Dictionary of National Bio
graphy, yet distorted and embellished enough to make Parker seem the
most bizarre monstrosity ever to pretend to sapience. At the same time,


38
Marvell would claim that the absence of Parker's name from the title-
page of his book was grounds for applying a suitable sobriquetBayes
and he would deduce the justification for that name from Parker's own
words.
The seventeenth century literature of ecclesiastical and political
animadversion was like a mulligan stew, simmering for a century on the
stove of unresolved controversy, with the potatoes and turnips of
thesis and antithesis constantly stirred and ladeled about, sometimes
augmented, sometimes diminished, spiced by the varying style and
strategy of each passing author. As I hope to show in subsequent
chapters, one could scarcely find a tastier portion than that served
up by Andrew Marvell. His use of the opponent's words, his extraor
dinary exfoliation of minor points, his attention to the weaknesses of
his opponent's style and logic, his many-pronged attack (including
the fictionalized biography) on Parker's character: in all of these and
more, The Rehearsal Transpros'd was the culminating manifestation of a
rich generic heritage. It was, as Charles II might have said, a dish
fit for a king.^


NOTES
For example, James Sutherland, English Literature of the Late
Seventeenth Century (The Oxford History of English Literature VI),
(Oxford, The Clarendon Press: 1969) neither mentions the term nor
gives any description of the genre, although he briefly discusses the
works of Marvell, Parker, and others. For an entire volume about
"animadversions" which never defines the term, see James Wise Nial,
"Some Seventeenth Century Animadversions on Sir Thomas Browne's
Religio Medici," Diss., The University of Florida, 1964.
2
William Tyndale, An Answere unto sir Thomas More1s Dialog (London:
1531), in Tyndale1s Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, &c. ed. Henry
Walter for the Parker Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1850). Written in 1530.
3
For a full treatment of this controversy, see Donald Joseph McGinn,
The Admonition Controversy (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
1949).
4
Martin Marprelate, Oh read over D. Iohn Bridges for it is £ worthy
worke. Printed ouer-sea in Europe [East Molesley (?): R. Waldegrave,
1588], [The Epistle]. and Martin Marprelate, Oh read over D. Iohn
Bridges for it is a worthy worke: An Epitome of the fyrste Booke of
that right worshipful volume . [1588].
~>John Bridges, A Defence of the Government Established in the
Church of Englande for Ecclesiastical Matters (London: By John Windet
for Thomas Chard, 1587).
^Francis Thynne, Animadversions upon the annotations and corrections
of some imperfections of impressions of Chaucers workes (sett downe
before tyme, and nowe) reprinted in the yere of pure lorde 1598 sett
downe by Francis Thynne, Ed. E. J. Furnivall from the MS. in the Bridge-
water Library (London: The Chaucer Society, 1876). Thynne is essentially
friendly to Speght and offers his comments not as a slap in the face, but
as a helping hand. Indeed, Speght made use of Thynne's work, which cir
culated only in manuscript, in his subsequent edition.
^Richard Tillesley, Animadversions upon M. Seldens History of tythes,
and his review thereof: before which (in lieu of the two first chapters
purposely pretermitted) is premised a. catalogue of 72 authors, before the
yeare 1215 (London: Printed by N. Okes for A. Iohnson, 1621), sig. c.
g
Richard Tillesley, Animadversions upon M. Selden's History of tithes,
and his review thereof: Before which (in lieu of the two first Chapters
purposely pretermitted) is premised a_ Catalogue of Seventy two Authors,
before the yeere 1215. Maintaining the Ius diminus of Tythes of more,
to_ be payed to the Priesthood under the Gospell (London: Printed by
John Bill, 1619, p. 236.
39


40
Don M. Wolfe et al., ed., Complete Prose Works of John Milton
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953 et seq.), I. 654. Cited
hereafter as Yale Milton.
10
The word used in the titles of seventeenth century books is
almost invariably "animadversions," not "an animadversion," although
we speak today of "animadversion literature," and a single book as an
"animadversion."
Richard Flecknoe, Animadversions on a_ Petition Delivered to the
Honourable House of Parliament [No printer or publisher] (1653). For
another example of marginal animadversion, see the anonymous Annota
tions upon certain Quaeries of (As they call it) tender conscienced
Christians concerning the late Protestation (London: For Axel Roper,
1642).
12
John Dryden, "A Defence of an Essay of Dramaticke Poesie, being
an Answer to the Preface of The Great Favourite, or the Duke of Lerma,"
in The Works of John Dryden, ed. John Loftis and Vinton A. Dearing
(Berkeley: University of California, 1966), IX, 5.
13Tillesley, 1619, p. 236.
^Tillesley, 1619, sig. b3v-b4r.
A Modest Confutation of a_ Slanderous and Scurrilous Libell entituled
Animadversions upon the Remonstrants defense against Smectymnuus (1642),
p. 24.
3^An Answer to a_ Book, Intituled the Doctrine and Discipline of
Divorce (London: Printed by G. M. for William Lee, 1644), p. 41.
^An Answer, p. 41.
John Milton, Brief Notes Upon a_ Late Sermon, Titled, the Fear of
God and the King, &c., in The Works of John Milton, ed. Frank Allen
Patterson et. al., (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1932), VI, 157.
Samuel Parker, A Defence and Continuation of the Ecclesiastical
Politie: By way of a_ Letter to a_ Friend in London. Together With a_
Letter from the Author of the Friendly Debate (London: John Martyn,
1671), sig. A3r.
20
[Joseph Glanville], A Further Discovery of M. Stubbe, in a Brief
Reply to his last pamphlet, against Jos. Glanvill (London: Printed
for H. Eversden, 1671),p. 2.
21
Raymond A. Anselment, "Satiric Strategy in Andrew Marvell's The
Rehearsal Transpros1d," MP, 68 (1970), p. 137.


41
22
Martin Marprelate, Oh read over I). Iohn Bridges for it is
worthy worke: An Epitome, sig. 4r.
23
[Martin Marprelate], Hay any worke for Cooper. Printed in Europe
not farre from some of the Bouncing Priestes [1589; actually printed
in England], sig. 3r-3v.
24
25
Yale Milton, pp. 666-667, and 666 n. 8.
A Modest Confutation, p. 13.
26
By ac[ personam, I mean what is often commonly referred to as ad
hominem, that is, an attack upon the person of one's opponent, aimed
at disqualifying him. On the other hand, jid hominem would indicate
an argument tailored to the assumptions of one's audience, which
assumptions might not be shared by all men, or by the speaker. The
grammatical nitpicking of the seventeenth century controversialists
would seem to be both, as it was an ad personam based upon a notion
to which nearly any seventeenth century reader was likely to subscribe,
although the same notion might have little weight at another time
and place. For the distinction between the two terms, see Chaim
Perelman and L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on
Argumentation (Notre Dame: University f Notre Dame Press, 1971),
p. 110-112.
27
Compare, too, the end of The Dunciad, where because of the
"uncreating word," we see that "Universal Darkness buries All."
28.
29
An Answer, p. 17.
Flecknoe, p. 6-7.
30
Dryden, p. 10.
31
32
Parker, A Defence and Continuation, p. 102.
The lust Censure and Reproofe of Martin Iunior [1588], sig. Clr.
33,
[Sir Roger L'Estrange] N Pamphlet of J_. Milton1 s, INTITULED Brief Notes upon a late Sermon
Titl1d, the fear of God and the King; . (London: 1660), p. 1.
34
An Answer, p. 36.
35
John Milton, Colasterion, in The Works of John Milton, ed. Frank
Allen Patterson et. al., (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1932), IV,
255.
36
Yale Milton, I, 895.


42
37
A Further Discovery, sig. A2r.
38
John S. Coolidge, "Martin Marprelate, Marvell, and Decorum
Personae as a Satirical Theme," PMLA, 74 (1959), p. 527.
39
sig.
A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied [London(?): 1589],
A2r.
40
41
A Modest Confutation, sig. A3r.
Yale Milton, I, 663.
42
Yale Milton, I, 881-882.
43
Thomas Nashe, Haue with you to Saffron-walden, or, Gabrieli
Harueys Hunt is vp. Containing the Halter-maker, or, Nashe his Confutation of the sinfull Doctor
(London: 1596), in The Works of Thomas Nashe, ed. R. B. Mckerrow
(London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1910), III; the biography is pp. 55-102.
44
John Milton, The Second Defense of the People of England (1654),
trans. Robert Fellowes, excerpted in John Milton: Complete Poems and
Major Prose, ed. Merritt Y. Hughes (Philadelphia: Bobbs-Merrill,
1957), p. 822.
45
A Modest Confutation, sig. A3r-A3v.
46Yale
Milton,
I,
677.
47Yale
Milton,
I,
677 n. 54.
48v .
Yale
Milton,
I,
670.
49Yale
Milton,
I,
875-876.
5Yale
Milton,
I,
876.
"^Colasterion,
P-
235.
52r
Of course the
English animadversion literature die not exist in
a vacuum. There were controversial works written, for continental
distribution, in Latin and in other languages with which Marvell and
other controversialists were familiar. However, there is ample material
in the tracts in English to derive and illustrate the extended definition
I seek here. Also, as King points out, there was a relationship between
the scholastic debate and the animadversion literature. (Robert Leo
King, "The Rhetoric of Andrew Marvell's Prose," Diss. Boston University,
1958, p. 71) Though I shall allude to this, it seemed best to let the
problems involved in a close study of the question remain outside the
scope of my investigation; indeed King may have done nearly all that
can usefully be done without more information then is presently avail
able about the debates during the seventeenth century.


CHAPTER III
POLITICS AND PAMPHLETEERS: MARVELLS CALL TO ACTION
Although The Rehearsal Transpros1d was part of a pamphlet war
already a century old, the specific battle that was to match Marvell
against Parker began in 1665. In my summary I shall not devote more
than passing attention to the details of the arguments in any given
book. Most of the ammunition had been used many times before. To
put things simply, one side, representing the church establishment,
desired conformity: ideally, everyone in England would be a loyal
member of the Church of England, subscribing to and obeying the
episcopal precepts. In opposition were the nonconformists, especially
the Presbyterians and Independents, and their sympathizers, including
Andrew Marvell, who as a member of Parliament was a sworn member of the
established church. Each book in the debate can be really summed up in
two words, either for conformity or against conformity.^ But, at least
as important as what was said was who was saying it, and how: it was
to be a combat of personalities and intellects as much as of ideas.
The debate in print was but part of the great political struggle
between the conformists and the nonconformists. With the restoration
of the crown in 1660 had come the restoration of the Church of England:
bishops returned to their palaces, and parishes were again in the care
of dutiful (if sometimes absent) divines. The Convention Parliament,
43


44
which existed primarily to effect the Restoration, was dissolved
December 29, 1660. The new election resulted in what was to become
known as the Cavalier Parliament, which was to sit, with recesses and
prorogations, until 1678. As its name implies, the Cavalier Parlia
ment was largely imbued with royalish sentiment, further enhanced by
a longing for the political stability which many thought a crown could
provide. Also, as was made certain by the Act of Uniformity of 1662,
Commons was composed entirely of men who could give at least lip-
service allegiance to the Anglican church, and it leaned consistently
in favor of uniformity.
On the other hand, Charles, titular head of the Church of England,
pursued an equally persistent although usually unsuccessful policy in
favor of toleration. llis reasons for this are subject to debate today,
but whatever the various motives involved, one of the major tensions in
the politics of Charles' reign was between those who favored toleration,
especially the King and the leading nonconformists, and those who favored
conformity, especially the bishops and a working majority of Commons.
Although soon after his accession, Charles had received from Parlia
ment what everyone thought would be a fairly adequate grant of permanent
revenue, he soon found himself chronically short of funds. Graft, mis
management, unforeseen events, and the King's lavish expenditures on
favorites and mistresses can all be adduced, but the simplest explanation
seems to be that the tools for managing the finances of a modem govern
ment were still undeveloped. The net effect was that the King was re
peatedly obliged to abandon his efforts for toleration in order to get


45
more money from Parliament. The King wanted to keep his head and his
throne, and was as pragmatic and plastic as necessary; a policy in
favor of conformity again and again proved to be, as Marvell put it,
"the price of money."
In the Declaration of Breda, promulgated just prior to the Restora
tion, Charles had promised (subject to the desires of Parliament)
"liberty to tender consciences." The Savoy Conference, required by
Charles' Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs of October 25, 1660,
failed to result in agreement between conformists and nonconformists,
and the bishops, now safely reestablished, saw little need to yield
too much for the comfort of their opponents. Because many members of
Parliament had similar sentiments, a series of anti-nonconformist laws
were enacted. The Act of Uniformity of 1662, requiring among other
things unfeigned assent of all ministers to the new Book of Common
Prayer in its entirety, resulted in the immediate ejection of about
2,000 nonconforming clergy from their livings. Soon after came that
group of laws which, although Clarendon was neither their originator
nor their sole promoter, became known as the Clarendon Code. Among
these laws was the Five-Mile Act of 1665, which
reaffimed the obligation of all in holy orders to take the pre
scribed oaths, and forbade all preachers and teachers refusing
the oaths to come within five miles of a corporate town, or of
the parish where they had taught or preached. All such persons,
as well as those who failed to attend the parish church, were
forbidden, under a penalty of <£40, to teach, whether as school
master of private tutors; and thus the legislature did its best
to deprive the educated dissenter or ejected minister of one of
his most natural means of livelihood.2
Naturally, the perpetual outpouring of nonconformist literature
soon included reaction against the Five Mile Act. This provoked a


46
defense of the Act by one of the Church of England's most respected
priests and prolific writers, Simon Patrick. Patrick, eventually to
be Bishop of Ely, had taken presbyterian orders upon graduation from
Cambridge in 1647, but became a convinced episcopalian and was ordained
in 1654 by Dr. Joseph Hall, Milton's old adversary, in that then-
ejected Bishop's parlor. Patrick's energy and ability is attested
by the one hundred and thirty entries that follow his name in Wing's
catalog, including a number of multiple editions. In 1665 he was
rector of St. Paul's, Covent Garden, where he would remain for
another quarter century. Patrick describes his opening shot in our
controversy:
In the latter end of the year 1668 [actually the first edition
of A Friendly Debate is dated 1666], the insolence of many of
the dissenters grew so great, that it provoked me to write a
little book, which I called "A Friendly Debate between a Con
formist and a Nonconformist." My intention in it was sincere,
to persuade them in a kind manner to join with us; at least
not to have us in contempt, as if they were the only godly people,
and we at the best but moral men, (as they called us,) who had
not the grace of God in us. This book proved very acceptable,
and had many editions; but was only guessed to be mine; for I
told nobody of it but my brother, and one that carried it to
the press. At last, one of my lord of Canterbury's chaplains
wheedled Mr. Royston the bookseller to confess he had it from
me. Whereupon his Grace, who had long been angry with me upon
the account of Queen's college business, ordered one to bring
me over to him, assuring me of a very kind welcome. Which indeed
I had from him ever after upon many occasions.^
It is worth noting that Samuel Parker was at this time one of the
Archbishop's chaplains; whether or not he was the one who made the
inquiry, he is likely to have seen Patrick as a useful ally; at any rate
he quickly became Patrick's close literary comrade, and in 1672 was in
strumental in securing for him a prebendary at Westminster.^


47
A Friendly Debate is a dialogue in which a conformist argues rings
around his neighbor the nonconformist. Patrick's mouthpiece defends the
Five-Mile Act by saying the nonconformists really ought to see their
error and conform, but if they are so stubborn as not to then they
should suffer in silence:
N.C. Would you not think it hard to be so abridg'd of your liberty?
C. Yes, without doubt. But, if we must never submit to such
things, as we count harsh and rigorous, then farewel all the
Doctrine of Christ concerning taking up our Cross, and suffering
patiently, &c. Which Doctrines, if you had studied, you would not
have uttered such a word as implies the King to be a Tyrant.
N.C. Pray pardon me that rashness.
C. I do most readily, and hope you ask God pardon for this, and
all other your rash words and actions.^
In other words, the nonconformists should be grateful for the splendid
opportunity the Five-Mile Act affords them to exercise their Christian
submission and patience.
A Friendly Debate was reprinted in 1668, then became a bestseller
with four editions in 1669. The nonconformist reaction may be typified
by Richard Baxter's comment that "this book was so dis-ingenuous and
virulent as caused most Religious People to abhor it for the strain and
£
tendency, and probable Effects." He notes that Patrick, having chosen
some of the worst examples of argumentation from the nonconformist side,
has committed a deliberate fallacy, which Baxter corrects: a cause
which includes fools among its adherents is not necessarily foolish.
Next, according to Baxter,
Some moderate worthy men did excellently well answer this Book
of Dr. Patrick's; so as would have stated matters rightly; but
the danger of the Times made them suppress them, and so they
were never printed; But Mr. Bowles late Minister at Thistleworth
printed an Answer, which sufficiently opened the faultiness of
what he wrote against; but wanting the Masculine strength, and


48
cautelousness which was necessary to deal with such an Adversary,
he was quickly answered (by fastening on the weakest parts) with
new reproach and triumph; And the Author was double exposed to
suffering; For whereas he was so neer Conformity as that he had
taken the Oxford Oath, and read some Common prayer, and therefore
by connivance was permitted to preach in South-Wark to an Hos
pital, where he had 40 1^. per Ann, and was now in expectation of
Liberty at a better place in Bridewell, he was now deprived of
that; And yet had little relief from the Nonconformists, because
he Conformed so far as he did: And having a numerous family was
in great want.7
This was Samuel Rolle; his book (under the pseudonym "Philagathus")
A Sober Answer to the Friendly Debate (London, 1669) Patrick had
published A Continuation to the Friendly Debate in April, 1669; Rolle's
book came out in August, and Patrick's A Further Continuation, with
appendix, which included the hatchet job on Rolle, was completed in
g
October. Having discovered the perils of the fence-straddler, Rolle
eventually conformed, recanting all he had said against the established
church, and lived comfortably from then on.
Shortly after Rolle's defeat the nonconformists received a new and
weighty attack, in Samuel Parker's Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity,
which Baxter calls "a far more virulent book" than Patrick's; a book
in which the author "in a fluent fervent ingenious style of Natural
Rhetorick, poureth out floods of Odious reproaches, and (with incaute-
lous Extremities) saith as much to make them [the nonconformists]
hated, and to stir up the Parliament to destroy them as he could well
9
speak." Parker, eventually to become Bishop of Oxford, was then
thirty, an obese, opportunistic, and intelligent young cleric. In
later days, when asked what was the best form of religion, he is said
to have replied, "that which would keep a man in a coach-and-six." In


49
his schooldays a member of an ascetic group called "the Grewellers,"
he saw his error after the Restoration and became a diligent member
of the Church of England. In The Discourse of Ecclesiastical Policy,
his third book, he argued for strict conformity, on the grounds that
the magistrate had the God-given authority to control the outward
actions of his subjects, regardless of what their thoughts might be.-
The magistrate could be expected to require conformity because it
was his duty and because of the many obvious benefitsdomestic tran
quillity, a united front against the Catholic menace, and a decent
adherence to tradition being among them. As Schmitter says, "Parker's
concern with religion was administrative, not spiritual. Religious
spirituality was outside his interest and his own experience, and one
feels that he would have been embarrassed had he been present when
the saintly Anglican, George Herbert, cast himself prone before the
altar of the little church at Bemerton."^
Parker devotes six pages of his preface to A Discourse of
Ecclesiastical Policy to a defense of A Friendly Debate, apparently
not against any printed attacks, but against the assaults of sermons
and coffee-house commentaries. He places himself firmly under Patrick's
standard, saying,
When I first resolved upon this Undertaking the Main Design in
my Thoughts, was to represent to the World the lamentable Folly
and Silliness of those mens Religion, and to shew what pitiful
and incompetent Guides of their Actions their own Consciences
are .... But in this design I found my self, happily prevented
by a late Learned and ingenious Discourse, The Friendly Debate,
that has unravel'd all their affected Phrases with so much
Perspicuity of Wit, discovered the Feebleness of their beloved
Notions with so much Clearness of Reason, demonstrated the Wild
ness of their Practices by so many pregnant and undeniable


50
Testimonies, exposed the palpable unwarrantableness of their
Schism, the shameful Prevarication of their Pretences, and
utter inconsistency of their Principles with Publick Peace
and Settlement; and in brief, so evidently convicted the
Leaders in the Fraction of such inexcusable Knavery, and their
followers of such a dull and stubborn simplicity, that 'tis
impossible any thing should hold out against so much force of
Reason and Demonstration, but invincible Impudence and Obstinacy.
Patrick's original efforts may well have been, as he claimed, "friendly"
and "kind," but it is clear that his stout new ally had no interest in
that sort of approach. Parker says his intention in A Discourse of
Ecclesiastical Policy is to prove
enough to satisfie any man of ordinary understanding, That
Indulgence and Toleration is the most absolute sort of Anarchy,
and that Princes may with less hazard give Liberty to mens
Vices and Debaucheries, than to their Consciences.^
This last phrase was to be a major area of contention later; those
who attacked the Discourse would seize upon it, Marvell making it one
of Parker's six "Aphorisms" or "plays," under the title "Debauchery
Tolerated." Parker of course is taking the usual position of the
established hierarchy, that the individual person cannot be trusted
to know what is best for himself, and needs someone to tell him.
Again, Parker says,
the main Notion I have pursued has been to make out, how Dangerous
a thing Liberty of Conscience is, considering the Tempers, and Ten
dencies of Humane Nature, to the most necessary ends and designs
of Government: A vein of which Reasoning I have been careful to
run through all Parts and Branches of my Discourse, it being vastly
the most considerable if not the only thing to be attended in this
Enquiry.^
However unsuccessful his efforts, Patrick seems to have had (at least
in the beginning) some genuine hope in some small way to win over the
nonconformists to a better accommodation with the Church of England.


51
Parker, on the other hand, sees them as adversaries, a threat that must
be revealed and attacked.
Parker was answered by two minor pamphlets. One was the twenty-
page Insolence and Impudence Triumphant (London, 1669), of which the
author remains anonymous. This "lively Portraiture of Mr. S. P. Limn'd
and drawn by his own hand," consists largely of quotations from
Parker's book, which the compiler believes show Parker to be savage and
intemperate and even to be voicing opinions contrary to the doctrine
14
of the Church of England. The other was John Humfrey's anonymously
published A Case of Conscience, an attack on A Friendly Debate, and
and through it on the Five-Mile Act. In this Humfrey included "Animad
versions on a new Book, entituled, Ecclesiastical Polity." These pub
lications, virtually ignored by the other controversialists, were
popguns lost in the roar of the major artillery.
John Owen, a grave and reverend leader of the Independents, feeling
the need of a major reply to Parker's book, approached that other great
nonconformist eminence, Richard Baxter, with the request that Baxter
take on the job, saying he was "the fittest man in England for that
work." Baxter refused because, he says,
I have above all men been oft enough searched in the malignant
fire, and contended with them with so little thanks from the
Independents (tho they could say little against it) that I
resolved not to meddle with them any more, without a clearer
call than this: and besides Patrick and that Party by except
ing me from those whom they reproached (in respect of Doctrine,
disposition and practice) made me the unfittest person to rise
up against them: Which if I had done, they that applauded me
before would soon have made me seem as odious almost as the rest;
For they had some at hand, that, in evil speaking, were such
Masters of Language, that they never wanted Matter, nor Words,
but could say what they listed as voluminously as they desired.


52
Owen then saw no alternative but to thrust his own thumb into
the dike, which he did by writing Truth and Innocence Vindicated, In
a_ Survey of a Discourse Concerning Ecclesiastical Polity; and the
Authority of the Civil Magistrate over the Consciences of Subjects
in Matters of Religion (London, 1669/70). This is a 340-page animad
version on Parker's book, with a preface rebutting Parker's preface .
and a chapter devoted to each of Parker's first six chapters. Owen
claimed that after reaching Parker's sixth chapter, he was "now
utterly wearied with the frequent occurrence of the same things in
various dresses," and Parker's repetition made it superfluous to pro
ceed further. In this he anticipates the "six plays" Marvell would
speak of in The Rehearsal Transpros1d.
Owen took note of Parker's alliance with Patrick, prophetically
commenting:
But in this main design he [Parker] professeth himself prevented
by the late Learned and Ingenious Discourse, The Friendly Debate;
which to manifest, it may be, that his Rhetorical faculty is not
confined to Invectives, he spendeth some pages in the splendid
Encomium of. There is no doubt, I suppose but that the Author of
that Discourse, will on the next occasion requite his Panegyrick,
and r^urn his Commendations for his own Achievements with Advan
tage.1
Patrick would soon do exactly that.
Owen also included a leisurely discourse on Patrick's choice of
technique, the dialogue. He first suggests that it is especially suited
to give unfair advantage to those whose unsound position does not permit
them to meet their adversaries head-on. Then he compares Patrick's
treatment of the nonconformists in A Friendly Debate with Aristophanes'


53
treatment of Socrates; that is, use of the dramatic device to put into
his opponent's mouth words he never said and to show him doing things
he would not have done. Patrick, Owen says, has been blatantly biased
and fictitious in his depiction of the character "Nonconformist.
Baxter reports that Owen's book was very well received and his
"esteem was much advanced with the Nonconformists," who thought Parker
18
would be unable to reply. Parker thought otherwise, and must have gone
to work almost immediately. While he toiled over what was to be the
longest book in the controversy, a year elapsed, but a friend kept the
fires stoked: George Vernon, rector of Bourton-on-the-Water, Gloucester
shire, who had attended Oxford when Parker was there, anonymously pro
duced A Letter to A Friend Concerning some of Dr. Owen's Principles and
Practices: With a_ Postscript To The Author of the late Ecclesiastical
Polity, and an Independent Catechism (London, 1670). It was a violent
attack on Owen's person, especially concerned with his alleged activities
in various official capacities under Cromwell, including that of Vice-
Chancellor of Oxford (while Vernon and Parker were students there).
Addressing "the Author of the late Ecclesiastical Polity," he tells
Parker, "All that have appeared against any of you, have been such
thick-scull'd Scriblers, and the very Fanaticks themselves ought to
thrust them out of their Synagogues, because of those crazy, lame and
18
diseased answers, which they have returned to your arguments." Speak
ing especially of Owen, Vernon says,
I never read any one of reputed Learning, who did more mangle and
mistake Arguments, pervert sence and overlook the whole state of
the Controversy, as your Antagonist does in his whole Treatise.
But you know it is the property of some ill-natur'd Animals, not
only to lick up their own Vomit, but to bark and be angry with
the light.19


54
The device of a "letter to a friend" was an old one, but Vernon
showed a spark of genius in his use of it; he claimed that his friend
was a great admirer of Owen's, who continually sent Vernon copies of
Owen's books, accompanied by laudatory comments. After reading Truth
and Innocence with, he claims, the highest expectations, and being
terribly dismayed, Vernon finds it necessary to write to his friend
to try to correct his friend's error. This gives Vernon a very
effective image of leaning over backwards only to find Owen such a
hopeless case that nothing good can be said of him. Vernon's attack
is avowedly quite aci personam, and was published in coordination with
Parker's coming book: "How he [Owen] contradicts himself and over
throws his own principles in his Truth and Innocence vindicated, I
20
shall leave to be examined by the care of your pen."
We are told that Parker made an effort to get his book out in time
for the next meeting of Parliament, in October 1670, and "shortly after
21
it came out." Similar efforts had been made by other pamphleteers,
and Vernon states that Owen had distributed free copies of Truth and
Innocence to the lodgings of members. Arithmetic shows the significance
of this: there were 509 members of Commons and 170 Lords, while the
22
probable printing of an important controversial book was 1000 copies.
Although the total membership of Parliament was never in town at one time,
still, Owen's giveaway must have taken about one-half of his total edi
tion, and Parker must have hoped that a similar number of parliamentarians
or men of parliamentary influence would part with three and six to read
his own book. The main target of our pampleteers, then, their intended


55
audience, was Parliament, and especially the House of Commons, because
it had the preponderance of power. The Restoration controversialists
clearly hoped to influence Parliament not merely by swaying the senti
ment of their constituencies, but by direct communication with the
individual members.
However foregone the conclusion may seem today, the struggle was
real at the time. While the King consistently favored toleration, his
most frequent calisthenic was the bow to necessity. The House of Lords
tended to be tolerant too, despite the presence of Lords Bishop in
their midst, and often delayed or modified the more extreme conformist
efforts of Commons. But in the Commons resided not only the most sub
stantial conformist sentiments but the power to express those sentiments
in law. However, Commons was far from monolithic, as Marvell's member
ship would indicate. In 1668 Sir Richard Temple noted that the Commons
could be divided into four main groups:
'the Clarendonians,' diehard anglicans; 'the anti-Claredonians,'
among whom he would presumably have numbered Seymour, Howard,
Osborne, Littleton, and himself; 'the Presbyterians,' men like
Holland and Birch; and the central mass of country gentlemen.23
D. T. Witcombe comments that Temple "believed rightly" that the votes
24
of the country gentlemen were the "key to parliamentary success."
This analysis of Parliament seems to remain essentially valid through
25
the period of the Marvell-Parker controversy.
To know your audience is one thing; to move them to action is
another. Though the flames of pamphleteering fervor leaped high, and
in the streets and courts of London politics might bring ruin, disfig
urement, or death to hapless individuals, the passions of the times were


56
not sufficient to rivet parliamentarians to their benches. On any
given date, many members might be absent from London; as for those
who were in the capital, we are told that on at least one occasion
Charles, needing votes on a crucial bill, "sent out the lord chamber-
lain to bring in the loyalists from the places where they were presumed
26
to be engagednamely the theatres and houses of ill fame." Many -
a bill was passed or defeated with the participation of a half, a
third, or a fifth of the membership of Commons. Such truancy might
well suggest a need to exhort even the members of one's own party.
Those who aimed their books at Parliament, then, might have at
least three goals in mind: to discredit their opponents, to sway the
opinion of the "central mass," and to motivate lukewarm sympathizers
to take action. Often the first of these seems to have been paramount,
but this may have been not purely from spite, but rather out of belief
that it was an effective way to accomplish the other goals.
In the Defence and Continuation, Parker does two things. First
is a reiteration of his stand in the Discourse, and a counterattack
against Owen's attack on the various parts of his argument, accompanied
by suitable charges that Owen is a deranged spouter of nothings:
Had it been my Fate to have fain into the hands of an Adversary,
that had either Ability or Patience to write Reason, it might have
afforded good Occasions for useful and material Remarks, and I
should not have blusht either at his or my own Victory. But this
man is not at leisure to write Sense, nor take time to weight
whether what he dictates be pertinent either to his own or to my
purpose. His whole Book is nothing but Cavil and vulgar talk. '
Second, Parker searches through Owen's voluminous prior publications,
including many sermons delivered under the aegis of the Commonwealth;


57
this is too copious and diffuse for quotation here, but Baxter describes
the result:
But the second part of the Matter of his book, was managed with
more advantage; because of all the Men in England Dr. Owen was
the Chief that had Headed the Independents in the Army with the
greatest height, and Confidence, and Applause, and afterward had
been the greater persuader of Fleetwood, Desborough and the rest
of the Officers of the Army who were his Gathered Church, to
Compel Rich. Cromwell to dissolve his Parliament; which being
done, he fell with it, and the King was brought in: So that
Parker had so many of his Parliament and Army Sermons to cite,
in which he urgeth them to Justice, and prophesyeth of the
ruine of the Western Kings, and telleth them that their work
was to take down Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny, with such
like, that the Dr. being neither able to repent (hitherto) or
to justify all this must be silent, or only plead the Act of
Oblivion: And so I fear his unfitness for this Work was a
general injury to the Nonconformists.28
Appended to Parker's Defence was a lengthy "letter from the Author
of the Friendly Debate," which is an animadversion against those pages
of Truth and Innocence wherein Owen attacks The Friendly Debate. Patrick
is especially upset at Owen's charge that the dialogue format is theatri
cal and used to slant the argument:
The most of his Declamation every body sees is spent against the
manner and way of my Writing; which he would have his easie
Disciples believe (notwithstanding all that hath been said) is
peculiarly accommodated to render the sentiments and expressions
of our Adversaries ridiculous, and expose their persons to contempt
and scorn. Insomuch that in points of Faith, Opinion and Judgment,
this way of dealing hath been hitherto esteemed fitter for the stage,
then ci serious disquisition after Truth, or confutation of Errour. ^
Patrick devotes virtually the entire twenty-five pages of his "Letter"
to a justification of dialogue as a mode of argumentative discourse,
citing numerous classical and ecclesiastical examples, even mentioning
the Song of Songs, which one authority had called "a kind of Divine
Pastoral, or Marriage-Play, consisting of divers Acts and Scenes; or a


58
sacred Dialogue with many interlocutory passages." Patrick also goes
to some length to defend Aristophanes, even to proving that the play
was not so vicious as Owen would have it, because Socrates lived for
some years subsequent to the performance. He also calls Truth and
Innocence "that indigested heap of stuff which [Owen] hath hudled
together," and accuses Owen of "sliding over those arguments which
are hard, and taking no notice of them." Finally he joins Parker and
Vernon in chorusing about Owen's Achilles' heelhis Cromwellian past:
[such men] are not so much for the Good Old Way, which calls men
to Repentance, as for the Good Old Cause, which could justifie
all things, and hallow the blackest Crime. These they must by
no measure hear of, because they will not condemn, and dare not
defend them. It is an unpardonable fault, if we do but make
mention of their evil deeds.3
While Owen examined his wounds, the machinery of domestic and foreign
politics, intimately bound with the question of toleration, ground on.
In the London area, nonconformists met openly in large gatherings; they
were persecuted by the Trained Bands and soldiers, who wounded many and
31
"killed some Quakers, especially while they took all patiently."
Rumors abounded, and the Lord Mayor, fearing insurrection, arrested a
number of leading dissenters in order to require from them bonds for
good behavior. Two of these, Hayes and Jekyll, refused and sued for
false arrest. The case came before Parliament, which after due process
canceled the entire matter and declared it closed.
Meanwhile, in the spring of 1670 Charles had made the secret
Treaty of Dover with Louis XIV, in which he promised to join Louis in
a war on the Dutch, to declare his own Catholicism, and to restore
England (with French help if need be) to the Catholic fold. In return


59
Charles was to receive certain parts of the expected Dutch conquests
andthe important itemtwo million livres in cash almost immediately,
plus three million a year for the duration of the war. For the benefit
of Buckingham and Charles's other protestant ministers, a false treaty
was executed in December 1670, after a lengthy charade of negotiations.
This treaty was identical with the first except for the omission of the
references to Catholicism. The French money was payable promptly, but
Charles' announcement was to be made at his own discretion; the French
monarch eventually discovered this would mean "never." Not wishing
Louis to get too impatient, however, Charles began planning the Third
Anglo-Dutch War. He hoped to profit in the war not only from the
French subsidy, but also from the capture of Dutch prizes, in addition
to an enlarged national military (especially naval) budget. In the
meantime, however, he needed ready cash.
Soon after Parliament convened in November, 1670, Charles had
found himself in need of an immediate & 60,000; as was often the case,
he could not wait for the normal processes of revenue. In a letter to
Popple, Marvell describes what happened:
The King had Occasion for sixty thousand Pounds. Sent to borrow
it of the City. Sterlin [the Lord Mayor], Robinson, and all the
rest of that Faction, were at it many a Week, and could not get
above ten thousand. The Fanatics, under Persecution, served his
Majesty. The other Party, both in Court and City, would have
prevented it. But the King protested Mony would be acceptable.
So the City patched up, out of the Chamber, and other Ways,
twenty thousand Pounds. The Fanatics, of all Sorts, forty
thousand.32
The "fanatics" (dissenters) could at times be useful to their king.


60
On December 10, 1670, Charles told the House he needed £800,000
(above the basic ^ 1,300,000 for paying his debts he had summoned
them for in the first place) to make England's military might sufficient
in the face of the French threat. Bills were soon underway to provide
this, but the process was not completed until March. At that time
Parliament became alarmed at the great numbers of priests and Jesuit's
in the London area, and at the laxity with which they were persecuted.
Before presenting the revenue bills to the King, they sent him a joint
petition against the growth of popery. His money within sight, the
King sacrificed the Catholics, issuing a proclamation calling for the
departure of all priests and Jesuits from England and for the vigorous
prosecution of laws against recusants. Parliament had also passed but
not yet sent to the King a bill against Catholics and a new Conven
ticle Act against the dissenters. His money secure, Charles thanked
Parliament and prorogued them. With the prorogation these bills,
among others, were as Marvell wrote to the Mayor of Hull, "fall'n to
33
the ground." The Conventicle Act had passed Commons by the slim
vote of 74 to 53, but this was on April 5, when prorogation was ex
pected and many Members had no doubt packed their bags.
At about this time or shortly thereafter Owen, with the assistance
(and he claims at the urging) of a friend, vigorously spiked Vernon's
guns. The anonymous author of An Expostulatory Letter to the Author of
the Late Slanderous Libel Against Dr. Ch With some short Reflections
thereon (London, 1671) claims that Vernon has done nothing but tell the
world


61
what few before but knew, That in the late unhappy differences
amongst us, Dr. 0, sided with the wrong Party; So did many more,
whose endeavours to support it far exceeded his; who are not
therefore the less faithful and Loyal Subjects now: But to what
degree of partiality will not envy and malice carry a man?34
He asserts that the Act of Oblivion makes mention of unfortunate acts
committed prior to the Restoration impertinent, and claims that if
Vernon insists on making a case he must produce witnesses. What fol
lows is a parody of The Friendly Debate; a series of supposedly hostile
witnesses are questioned in turn about charges against Owen, with re
sults that make the conformist camp look like simpletons. For example:
[Expostulator.] Here's a great deal indeed: But are you well
assur'd of the truth of all this?
Witness. Well assured; Sure am I, as a man can be of any thing
he dream't off, but last night.
[Expostulator.] That's well: But we must not here admit of
dreams for evidence. Call therefore, I pray, the next.^5
Appended to the Expostulatory Letter is an essay by Owen, addressed
to the Expostulator, which begins thus:
Sir, It is upon your desire, and not in any compliance with my
own judgement or inclination, that I have taken a little con
sideration of a late slanderous Libel published against me. I
have learned, I bless God, to bear and pass by such Reproaches,
without much trouble to my self, or giving the least unto others.
My mind and conscience are not at all concerned in them, and so
far as my Reputation seems to be so, I am very willing to let
it go. For I cannot entertain a valuation of their good opinion,
whose minds are capable of an impression from such virulent
calumnies.^6
In context it is difficult to read this without a vision of Owen,
firmly clenching his pen and his teeth, trying with all his might to
smile with sweet gentleness. Owen says that even after being told
the name of his enemy, he still has no idea who he is, and that all of
Vernon's accusations about Owen's behavior at Oxford and under Cromwell
are scandalous lies. Owen's rhetoric is hardly gentle:


62
But for this Author, one wholly unknown to me, without the com
pass of any pretence of the least provocation from me, to
accommodate the lusts and revenges of others, with that unruly
evil, a mercenary tongue full of deadly poison, without the
management of any difference, real or pretended, meerly to
calumniate and load me with false aspersions, as in the issue
they will prove, is an instance of such a depraved disposition
of mind, such a worthless baseness of soul, such a neglect of
all Rules of Morality, and Principles of humane Conversation,
such a contempt of Scripture Precepts innumerable, as it may be
can scarcely be parallel'd in an Age, amongst the vilest of Men-.
Something I confess of this nature is directed unto in the
Casuistical Divinity, or Modern Policy of the Jesuits.37
It was fairly standard procedure for a controversialist to link his
opponents with the Catholics, but the recent evidence of Parliamentary
concern made it perhaps more effective this time than usual. The
Owen-Vernon skirmish involves few subtleties; Vernon's attack is dir
ect and virtually unadulterated assault on Owen's character, and Owen's
reply is equally direct and forceful"Mentitur impudentissime," he
thunders again and again. One of the two must have been a blatant
liar, but which it was, who today can tell? The specific charges
Owen denies were not brought up again, although Parker was to have
the opportunity to do so later, if he had wished.
While the pamphleteers fought their paper war, Charles and his
advisors were preparing for a real one with the Dutch. They needed
a pretext, which, as the Dutch were not interested in a war, proved
difficult:
In the summer of 1671 Temple was recalled from The Hague, and as the
yacht Merlin conveying lady Temple passed through the Dutch fleet,
the English captain fired because he was not saluted. Here was
the required pretext. In December Downing 'le plus grand querelleur
de la diplomatic britannique' was sent to The Hague with orders to
insist that the Dutch should lower their flag in the Presence of
even a single English warship. The reply of the Dutch was concilia
tory . they were willing to discuss some regulation for avoid
ing confusion.


63
In January 1671/2 a new method of debt management combined with simple
scarcity of funds forced Charles to announce the Stoppage of the Ex
chequer, which by indefinitely postponing payment on debts so far
incurred, immediately ruined a number of his creditors. In early
March, an English fleet attacked the Dutch Smyrna fleet of the Isle
of Wight, and got the worst of it. This example of Dutch belligerence
seemed sufficient reason for war; it was declared on March 17.
From the signing of the secret Treaty of Dover, on through 1671
and 1672, Charles' Catholic advisors, especially the Duke of York and
Clifford, had urged the King to avow publicly his Catholicism and
begin coverting England into a Catholic state. As Ogg puts it, "A
revolution [in favor of Catholicism] might well have taken place in
the years 1671-2 .... Had James been King, the revolution would
39
have taken place." Charles was wiser than his brother, but on March
15, 1672, he issued a Declaration of Indulgence. This served as a
gesture to the French king, relieving the persecution of English
Catholics by permitting them to worship unmolested in their own houses.
It also presumably drew the King the support of dissenters, who could
40
now worship in public provided they obtained a license. Of course
it did not please the episcopal party, and their position would be
demonstrated at the next meeting of Parliament.
The nonconformists quickly took advantage of the Declaration; more
than 1,500 received licenses to preach. Still, they could not feel
wholly secure. First, the King had issued the Declaration of Indulgence
on the strength of a prerogative that many (almost certainly including


64
Marvell) felt he could not legitimately claim. Second, the votes of
Parliament had consistently run against toleration, and although Parlia
ment had been prorogued for nearly a year, they could be expected to
meet again reasonably soon. With the latter in mind, neither the
conformists nor their opponents were likely to relax their efforts at
persuasion.
If it seems likely that Vernon's charges were sufficiently exagger
ated or false that Owen felt confident in denying them, Parker's insinua
tions in the Defence and Continuation were another matter. Much that
Owen had said and done as a leading Cromwellian was a matter of printed
record and public memory that the Act of Oblivion could not erase.
Owen found himself unable to reply directly. His next book was the
Discourse Concerning Evangelical Love, Church-Peace, and Unity (London,
1672). Schmitter describes Owen's position:
It would have been the height of futility to repeat the same
old arguments with the same old antagonist. The problem that
engaged Owen's attention was not Parker, but the integrity of
his own religious conscience, so he took a fresh start . .
without mention of his opponents. But in a real way it picked
up the glove again .... The work explains the impossibility
of visible communion with the establishment.^
Owen may well have spread the word that his "mind and conscience were
not at all concerned" with Parker's attack; there is a manuscript note
on the title-page of the British Museum copy of A Discourse Concerning
Evangelical Love, to the effect that it was "Written by Dr. Owen
presently after Parker's reply to Owen's Survey of Ecclesi policy
1 ch 42
Writen by S Parker w Owen rejoyn not to as scurilous." That
Evangelical Love was, whatever else its value, in no small way a reply


65
to Parker disguised as a non-reply, may be seen by reading it in
the context of the controversy. Owen never names Parker or his other
opponents, or any of their books. Rather, he makes statements like
this:
Neither will that Plea, which is by some insisted on in this
case, yield any solid or universal relief. It is said, that
some may warrantably and duly observe in the Worship of God,
what is unduly and Unwarrantably imposed on them by others.
And indeed all Controversies about church Constitution, Dis
cipline, and external Worship, are by some reduced unto these
two Heads; that the Magistrate may appoint what he pleaseth,
and the People may observe whatever he appoints: For as there
is no Government of the Church determined in the Scripture,
it is meet it should be erected and disposed by the supreme
Magistrate, who, no doubt, upon that supposition, is only fit
and qualified so to do: And for outward worship, and the
Rites thereof, both it and they are so far indifferent, as
that we may comply with whatever is imposed on us; whether they
be good, or useful, or evil, lies at the doors of others to
answer about.^3
It is difficult to imagine that, as Parker and others read this, they
did not substitute "Parker" for the word "some." Elsewhere Owen
attempts a Janus-like performance, smiling at his fellows and snarling
at the conformists:
Our onely aim is to declare those Principles concerning mutual
Love and Unity among Christians, and Practices in the Worship
of God, wherein our own Consciences do find Rest and Peace,
and others have so much misjudged us about. This therefore we
shall briefly do; and that without such Reflexions or Recrimina
tions as may any way exasperate the Spirits of others, or in
the least impede that Reintroduction of Love and Concord, which
it is the Duty of us all to labour in. Wherefore we shall herein
have no regard unto the Revilings, Reproaches, and threatnings
of them, who seem to have had no regard to Truth, or Modesty,
or Sobriety, indeed to God or Man, in the mannagement of them.
With such it is our Duty not to strive, but to commit our cause
to him that Judgeth Righteously, especially with respect unto
those impure outrages which goe before unto Judgement. Furious
persons, animated by their secular Interests, or desire of
Revenge, unacquainted with the Spirit of the Gospel, and the


66
true nature of the Religion revealed by Jesus Christ, incom-
passionate towards the Infirmities of the minds of Men, whereof
yet none in the world give greater Instances than themselves,
who have no thoughts but to trample under foot and destroy
all that differ from them, we shall rather pitty and pray for,
then either contend withal, or hope to convince.^
To the modern reader this is likely to seem like a furious, extended
oxymoron; although Owen may not be trying to convince Parker and the
other prelatists, he is clearly contending with them, with considerable
vehemence. Elsewhere, among his numerous "uncontentious" statements,
Owen says that anyone who does not think the church needs reformation
shares in the "sinful Degeneracy," and that "to think to preserve a
Church by Outward Order, when its internal principles of Faith and
Holiness are decayed, is but to do like him who endeavouring to set
a Dead Body upright, but failing in his Attempt, concluded, that there
45
was somewhat wanting within.' Upon reading such things, Parker was
indeed likely to become a "furious person." But, in formal terms,
how could he retaliate? By speaking in so general a fashion, Owen
had broken the chain of controversy, had confronted Parker not with
a phalanx but a large pillow. As he had apparently spread the word
that he had not replied to Parker's attack because it was "scurrilous,"
any further direct attack by Parker, not overtly provoked, would appear
as further evidence of gratuitous spleen. Since Baxter was later to
admit that Owen seemed at this point to have lost hopelessly, and does
mention Evangelical Love as a resurgent effort, it seems that Parker
might have still been ahead if he had ignored Owen's strategem, admit
tedly clever but probably inadequate to overcome the handicap of
46
Owen's past record. But Parker too was clever, and was, it seems,


67
stung. Now it was, as Schmitter puts it, that "Parker's real genius
47
for attack was demonstrated."
Parker somehow acquired an unpublished manuscript in which the
late John Bramhall, Archbiship of Armagh, set forth the "Vindication
of himself and the Episcopal Clergy, from the Presbyterian Charge
of Popery, As it is managed by Mr. Baxter in his Treatise of the
Grotian Religion." Publishing it in June or July of 1672, Parker
appended to it his Preface, which he claimed the bookseller desired,
"to recommend it to the the present Genius of the Age, and reconcile
48
it to the present Juncture of Affairs." Bramhall's eighty-page essay
seems scarcely to have been heeded by anyone; it was primarily the
vehicle for Parker's equally long Preface. After a lavish but brief
encomium on Bramhall, and some comments on his essay, Parker devotes
forty pages to an attack on Owen (referred to as "J. 0.") and
Evangelical Love. The rest of the Preface, in consonance with Bram
hall 's defense of the episcopal establishment against the charge of
popery, is given over to a consideration of "what likelihood, or how
much Danger there is of the Return of Popery into this Nation."
According to Parker there is no such danger, except from the "Fanaticks,"
the nonconformists, who will in various ways so undermine and weaken
the establishment as to make England an easy prey for papists. Parker
seems to be aware that Baxter had earlier refused to attack the Dis
course of Ecclesiastical Polity:
But the main Reason that put me upon the Publication of it
[Bramhall's work], was thereby to give some check to their
[the dissenters'] disingenuity, for though Mr. B. have learnt
more modesty than to be so prodigal as formerly in sending
abroad his hard censures and positive Decrees against every
Body and upon every Occasion; yet others that pretend to as


68
great an Interest and Authority with the holy Brotherhood
still persevere in the same rudeness and incivility towards
Church of England; and upon every slight accident are beating
up the Drums against the Pope and Popish plots.^
The major elements of Parker's arguments will be dealt with in a later
chapter, but it is appropriate to speak here of his personal reaction
to Owen. It is unfortunate, says Parker, that not every nonconformist
takes example from Baxter's shyness; instead, their "Rat-Divines" are
"perpetually nibling and gnawing at other mens writings.Such men,
of which Owen is the chief, need chastisement and correction. Owen
is especially perverse to continue after Parker has already, in the
Defence, shown him the error of his ways.
Parker goes on to say that it is all right for Owen to "amuse
his own gazing and admiring drove" of nonconformists with his "wonder
ful Non-sense," as long as he does not disturb his neighbors; unfortu
nately, in attacking "the establisht Laws and Constitution of the
Commonwealth," he has made a nuisance of himself.^*" Indeed, Owen is
"the greatest Pest and most dangerous enemy of the Commonwealth," a
schismatic, a mutineer, a person of "gangren'd Temper and malignant
52
Spirit," a rank blasphemer against the Divine Spirit. As such, he
will be dealt with properly:
And therefore I would advise J. 0. for the future, to forbear
all Publick Attempts against the Church; and if he will not,
he will find all the Rebuke he has hitherto suffered, to be
but the beginnings of his sorrows, and will be brought to the
Sledge oftner than he is aware of: for if he be not taken down
with open and continual Disgraces, his Pride will quickly grow
raging and insupportable. I know he will complain of this as
the most intemperate Language that was ever poured upon him by
any Adversary; but 'tis no matter for that, as long as I know
them, and have proved them to be Words of Truth and Sobriety:


69
they proceed not from Passion or Revenge, but from an upright
and composed Mind, that upon mature Judgment chuses this way
of procedure as most proper and rational against such an
enormous and irreclaimable Offendor. I have not skill enough
in the Tricks of Hypocrisie, to protest my Friendship and
Charity to my Enemies in the coarsest Expressions of Rancour
and Bitterness; as this meek-spirited Man always does, with
heaping up all the Recriminations that (he tells us) he might,
but will not retort; and so in one breath vents his Malice,
and boasts his Charity: and were it not for this demure way of
darting his Revenge, it is manifest from the Genius of his
Mind and Writings, that Death it self would scarce be more
disgustful, than an hearty forgiveness, otherwise he would
not always issue out his Pardons with such spiteful and
stabbing Intimations.^^
Here Parker makes a charge to which Owen is quite vulnerable; Owen's
efforts to be sweetly wrathful could easily appear to the objective
reader to be what Parker says they are: hypocrisy. At the same time
Parker makes an attempt, the success of which the reader may judge for
himself, to use this very same technique against its originator.
Parker's own vituperation is not at all bitter, he assures us, but
is the appropriate expression of "an upright and composed Mind."
Nor did Parker neglect to employ his most powerful and well-
proven weapon against Owen; various allusions to Owen's past associa
tion with the "Good Old Cause" remind the informed reader that because
of his past activities under Cromwell, Owen was not the most credible
witness for gentleness and toleration.
Parker closes what he himself calls a "Rhapsody of hasty and
huddled thoughts" with the plea that for England's safety and well
being a strong national church is necessary, and none is so suitable
as the Church of England, "for when that is gone, it will be very hard
to find out another, with which, if thou are either honest or wise,


70
54
thou wilt be over-forward to join Communion." Parker's Preface
was first attacked by John Humfrey, who seems to have been a peren
nially unsolicited footsoldier in this verbal warfare. The Authority
of the Magistrate, about Religion, discussed in a rebuke to the
prefacer of a_ late book of Bishop Bramhall's (London, 1672), linked
Parker with Patrick and reproached them both. Of Parker, Humfrey
exclaims, Alas, that the Talents of our Lord, and excellent parts
which he hath given this man, should become to him such a temptation!
He is unhappy at "this filthy pride" displayed by both Parker and
Patrick, although Patrick is "more cankered and sly."^ Not long
after, Humfrey seems to have republished this in a single volume
with two previous tracts against Parker and Patrick, as Two Points
of Great Moment (London, 1672). This tract carried a brief end-note
by Richard Baxter, who by this time was at least willing to root from
the sidelines. Although (or perhaps because) Humfrey seems to have
had trouble from the authorities, his efforts went largely unnoticed.^
If Owen was even aware of Humfrey's efforts (and very possibly he was,
through Baxter) he rightly considered them inadequate. Yet Owen's
lance was broken and Baxter had refused to saddle; a new champion
was needed.
Previous studies of Marvell seem to indicate that Marvell leaped
to the defense of the dissenters of his own volition; nothing in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd indicates otherwise. But although Marvell
clearly attacked Parker with real enthusiasm, there is good evidence
that it was not entirely his own idea. The man who anonymously


71
published The Rehearsal Transpros'd was Nathaniel Ponder, whose
success up to that time was almost entirely based on the printing of
58
John Owen's books. At an inquiry years later, Ponder was to testify
that only one man had read the proofs of The Rehearsal Transpros'd,
and that man was John Owen. Marvell takes pains in The Rehearsal
Transpros'd to distance himself from Owen, saying for example, "I
do not much trouble my self, nor interest my self in the least in
J_. Ci.'s Quarrel: no other wise than if he were John a Nokes and
59
I heard him rail'd at by John a Stiles." Clearly this was not
so, but Marvell had good rhetorical reasons for saying soOwen's
ship was sunk, and anyway one always more readily believes an appar
ently nonpartisan commentator. We know from Baxter's account that
Owen was ready to ask for help, so it seems not at all unlikely that
a man whose book against Owen's enemy was printed under Owen's scru
tiny by Owen's printer, might have been asked by Owen to write the
book in the first place. Certainly Owen at least encouraged him.
At this point, while in the background the Dutch war went on
badly for the Englishthe dissenters had enjoyed the King's Indulgence
for some months, during which time Parliament had been prorogued.
Everyone knew that Parliament would meet again, and that when it did,
one of the first items of business would be the Declaration of Indul
gence and the whole question of toleration. Thus it seems reasonable
to assume that even though Parliament was not in session, its members
were for Marvell, as they had been for Owen and Parker, the primary
audience. Marvell must have seen his task as something like this:


72
(1) to torpedo Parker, who was scoring too many propaganda points
for the conformists; (2) to bolster the cause for toleration, in
spiring its lukewarm supporters and swaying the central mass of
country gentlemen in Parliament, so that when Parliament met again
it would let toleration stand; (3) en passant, to encourage the
King in maintaining his tolerant stance. There was no need to devote
much effort to defending Owen, whose personal cause, already lost on
this front, was beside the main point. Nor would it be very useful,
as Legouis seems to think, to lean too much on the Declaration of
Indulgence; for that instrument was, as past events suggested and
future events would prove, a thing itself in need of support. ^
Although Marvell had heretofore done no pamphleteering, his
Cromwellian poems showed a powerful mind; and his old poem on Holland,
revived for the present war, as well as his other political verse,
showed a very sharp wit. Now was the time, and Marvell was the man.
In September 1672 The Rehearsal Transpros1d appeared.


NOTES
An examination at some length of the theological ins and outs
of the major books in this controversy may be found in Dean M. Schmitter's
"Andrew Marvell: Member for Hull," Diss. University of Michigan, 1955,
pp. 56-123.
2
David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1963), I, 207.
3
Simon Patrick, The Autobiography of Symon Patrick, Bishop of Ely
(Oxford: J. H. Parker, 1839), pp. 59-60. The publisher J. H. Parker
is a descendant of Samuel Parker; his publishing firm yet flourishes.
4
Patrick, Autobiography, p. 68.
^Simon Patrick, A Friendly Debate Between a_ Conformist and a Non-
Conformist 4th ed. (London: 1669), p. 2.
Reliquae Baxterianae (London, 1696), III, 39.
8
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 41.
Patrick, Autobiography, p. 59.
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 41. The only extant copies of Parker's
Discourse are dated 1670, but Owen, when citing Parker, uses a different
pagination than that edition, and Humfrey's Case of Conscience, replying
to the Discourse, is dated 1669.
10
Schmitter, p. 18.
^Samuel Parker, Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity (London: John
Martyn, 1670), pp. x-xi.
12
13
Parker, Discourse, p. lxv.
Parker, Discourse, p. xlvi.
14
Richard L. King, in "The Rhetoric of Andrew Marvell's Prose," Diss.
Boston University, 1965, pp. 396-399, suggests that Marvell wrote or at
least had read this pamphlet. I feel reasonably sure that he did not
write it and that he need not have read it. To my mind, Marvell's book
more closely resembles Owen's Truth and Innocence.
15
16
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 42.
John Owen, Truth and Innocence Vindicated (London, 1669/70), p. 45.
73


74
17
Owen, Truth and Innocence,
P-
45 ff.
George Vernon, A Letter to a Friend (London, 1670), p. 65.
Vernon, p. 65.
20
Vernon,
p. 73.
Reliquae Baxterlanae, III, 42.
22
Vernon, p. 66. For information about the size of printings, I-
am indebted to John Sommerville, who notes that 500 copies was the
standard edition for learned books in the late seventeenth century
[John Johnson and Strickland Gibson, Print and Privilege at Oxford to
the Year 1700, Oxford Bibliographical Society Publications, No. 7
(1941-2), p. 123;] that 500 was the minimum edition for most other
works during the seventeenth centure [Johnson and Gibson, p. 147];
that in the mid-eighteenth century, the most common run was still
500 copies, with 1,000 being the next most common, and 750 next
[Patricia Hernlund, "William Strahan's Ledgers: Standard Charges
for Printing, 1738-1785," Studies in Bibliography, XX (1967), 104-
110.]; and that circa 1700 sermons usually had first editions of 500,
although 750 to 1000 was not unusual [D. F. McKenzie, The Cambridge
University Press 1696-1712: A Bibliographical Study (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1966), I, 99-101.] From all this it seems
reasonable to assume a printing for Owen's and Parker's books of not
more than 1,000.
D. T. Witcombe, Charles II and the Cavalier House of Commons
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), p. 78.
24
Witcombe, p. 78.
25
Things had shifted significantly by 1674; see Witcombe,
P-
150 ff.
26
Ogg,
II, 483, citing Pepys, Dec. 8, 1666.
Samuel Parker, A Defence and Continuation of the Ecclesiastical
Politie: By Way of a Letter to a_ Friend in London. Together With a_
Letter from the Author of the Friendly Debate (London: John Martyn,
1671), sig. A3r.
28
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 42.
29
Parker, Defence, p. 725.
30
Parker, Defence, p. 724, p. 745, and p. 747-8.


75
H. M. Margoliouth, ed., The Poems and Letters of Andrew Marvell,
third edition, rev. by Pierre Legouis with E. E. Duncan-Jones (Oxford:
The Clarendon Press, 1971), II, 317-318. Volume II, containing
Marvell's letters, will be cited hereafter as Letters.
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
Letters, p. 318.
Letters, p. 140
Expostulatory Letter,
Expostulatory Letter,
Expostulatory Letter,
Expostulatory Letter,
Ogg, I, 355.
Ogg, I, 352.
Ogg, I, 355.
P-
P-
P-
P-
2.
6
13.
15.
Schmitter, pp. 53-4; Schmitter suggests that the "general injury
to the Nonconformists" Baxter says Owen caused by his "unfitness for
such work" is the second Conventicle Act; however, as this act evapo
rated in the prorogation, it really caused no injury. I think Baxter
simply means "general injury."
Later Marvell would employ this same strategy, telling Sir Edward
Harley, as he prepared to write his reply to Parker's Reproof, "But
I desire that all the discourse of my friends may run as if no answer
ought to be expected to so scurrilous a book;" Letters, p. 328.
43
John Owen, A Discourse Concerning Evangelical Love, Church-Peace,
and Unity (London: 1672), p. 179.
44
Evangelical Love, p. 8.
45
Evangelical Love, p. 127, p,
128
46
Reliquae Baxterianae,
III, 42.
47
Schmitter,
P-
54.
Parker, Preface to Bishop Bramhall's Vindication (London: 1672),
sig. A2r.
49
Preface, sig. A8v.


76
50_ r
Preface,
sig. A8r.
51 ^
Preface,
sig. a3v.
52Preface,
sig. Clv-C2v.
^^Preface,
sig. C3r-C3v.
54
Preface,
sig. e8v.
~^J[ohn] H[umfrey], The
discussed in a_ rebuke to the prefacer of a_ late book of Bishop Bramhall's
(London: 1672), p. 4.
56
Humfrey, p. 47.
~^In a preface to his Two Points of Great Moment (London: 1672),
Humfrey notes that his sheet The Case had been seized, and says that he
has printed The Authority of the Magistrate himself because none of the
booksellers dare do it, its target Parker being (as chaplain to the
Archbishop) one of the licensers for ecclesiastical books. Humfrey
corrected the proofs with his own hand, and notes that Two Points is
upon issue a rare book, as after he has distributed copies to his friends,
there will be but sixty or seventy left to sell.
58
See F. M. Harrison, "Nathaniel Ponder: the Publisher of Pilgrim's
Progress," The Library, 15 (1934), pp. 257-294, for a complete account
of Ponder's career. Bunyan's extraordinarily popular book, which
Ponder would publish a few years after the Marvell-Parker controversy,
has been compared to the earlier and modestly popular book, The Pilgrim,
by Simon Patrick.
59
The Rehearsal Transpros'd, p. 75.
^Pierre Legouis, Andrew Marvell: Poet, Puritan, Patriot, 2nd ed.
(Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1968), p. 195-6.


CHAPTER IV
DECORUM ESTABLISHED
No one familiar with Marvell's poetry is likely to be surprised
to learn that his volume of animadversions upon Parker's Preface was
rather complex and subtle. Marvell chose to attack not merely Parker's
last book, but his last three books: the Discourse of Ecclesiastical
Polity, the Defence, and his Preface to Bramhall's essay. There was
good reason for this: Parker's Discourse was an intelligent and im
pressive statement in support of conformity; subsequent pamphlets on
both sides were charge and counter-charge about the citadel of Parker's
basic position, which he had repeated, with minor alterations and
additions, in the Defence and the Preface. To attack the complete
Parkerian creature, Marvell had to consider not merely the Preface,
which was primarily an attack on Owen, but the two prior books, where
Parker most fully set forth his position. To defend Owen was not im
portant; to defeat Parker was. At the same time Marvell gained certain
tactical advantages. First, he was on the attack instead of the defen
sive; this meant he was not required, by the dynamics of debate, to
repair the damage to Owen's case or to expound a position of his own,
but needed merely to shoot holes in Parker's argument in order to appear
successful. Second, because Parker had made certain real or apparent


78
changes in position from book to book, Marvell could compare his
statements from different places and show Parker arguing against him
self .
Today's reader, not well-imbued in the lore of the controversy, is
likely to find The Rehearsal Transpros'd a kaleidoscopic tangle of
arguments, a disconcertingly disorganized mass of commentary. Although
Marvell's attack is, as Legouis suggests, scarcely outlinable, still
there is a certain structure to it.
The first third (pp. 1-43 in Smith's edition) is an introduction
consisting largely of a broad ad personam attack on Parker, in which
he is given the name "Bayes" and the reader is given a sketch of his
biography and character. The next section defines and attacks
Parker's basic position on conformity, considering first the Discourse
(pp. 45-60) and then the Defence (pp. 61-72). Then comes the attack
on the Preface itself: the first part (pp. 73-114) includes some de
fusing of Parker's assault on Owen and a further consideration of
Parker's ideas on ecclesiastical polity, as set forth specifically in
the Preface; and the second part (pp. 117-145) attacks the titular
concern of the Preface, i. e. "grounds for fear of Popery," a very
real concern in England at the time. Marvell demonstrates, of course,
that there is no reason to fear popery from the nonconformists, but
great reason to fear it from people like Parker. This outline is far
simpler than the actual experience of reading The Rehearsal Transpros'd
Marvell usually has several balls in the air at any given moment.


79
Because much of Marvell's political and ecclesiastical argumenta
tion was old material, going as far back as the Elizabethan age, it was
not sufficient to ensure even the interest of his readers, much less
victory over Parker. Along with the more formal argumentation, there
fore, Marvell included persuasion, much of it implicit, against Parker
himself.
Most rhetoric texts today teach that the aci personam argument
(now usually called ad hominem) is a fallacy, that the validity of an
argument has no connection with the character of the person presenting
it. This may be true in a Euclidean or Cartesian world, but disputants
of the seventeenth century recognized that the theatre of human en
deavor was not such a world, and it was felt that the person and his
arguments were very closely identified. Thus in An Apology Against A
Pamphlet, Milton says, "For doubtlesse that indeed according to art
is most eloquent, which returnes and approaches neerest to nature from
whence it came; and they express nature best, who in their lives least
wander from her safe leading, which may be call'd regenerate reason.
So that how he should be truly eloquent who is not withall a good man,
I see not.""^ Milton devotes a large portion of this same pamphlet to
a defense of his own character against the charges of the Modest Confuter.
The gold mine of autobiographical information in Milton's polemical
prose results from the view Milton shared with his contemporaries, that
the argument and the advocate were no more separate than, for Yeats,
the dancer and the dance.


80
Marvell's persuasion against Parker was based on the broad and
varied hierarchy of values that may be called "decorum." At the
lower end of the continuum of decorum is what Kranidas calls the
"limited" or "rhetorical concept of decorum," which is "a concept
which demands from the parts of a work of art consistency with
established traditional forms: this [includes] decorum personae,
2
decorum of the three styles, and decorum of the 'kinds.' This is
what Richard Evans has in mind in the Prologue to his Damon and
Pithias (1675):
The old man is sober; the young man rash; the lover triumphing
in joys; The matron grave; the harlot wild, and full of wanton
toys: Which all in one course they no wise do agree,
So correspondent to their kind their speeches ought to be.
Which speeches, well-pronounc'd, with action lovely framed
If this offend the lookers on, let Horace then be blamed,
Which hath our author taught at school, from whom he doth
not swerve, In all such kind of exercise decorum to observe.-^
So too Ben Jonson in Volpone (1605):
And so presents quick comedy refined,
As best critics have designed;
The laws of time, place, persons he observeth,
From no needful rule he swerveth.^
This is what critical tradition has generally meant by decorum, or by
decorum personae. I shall at times refer to this as decorum of the
stage, because, although Marvell is clearly very conscious of this
kind of decorum when writing The Rehearsal Transpros1d, he applies the
term decorum personae with deliberate irony to yet another variety of
decorum.
Akin to decorum of the stage, in which each character must be
portrayed within limits thought appropriate to him, is a parallel de
corum in the world of real people, in which each person is expected to


81
act in a manner appropriate to his station in life: a servant should
act servile, a lord lordly, and a priest as the most upright and
generous of Christians. This is what Shakespeare's Cleopatra means
when she tells Octavian, "Majesty to keep decorum, must/No less beg
than a kingdom." This decorum, which might be denoted decorum of
station, or propriety, obviously can both generate and be generated
by the decorum of the stage; the world is a stage no less than the
stage is a world, and the idea of "playing a role" or "part" is applied
to both. As John S. Coolidge puts it (without labeling the term he
defines), this decorum of station is
an idea which . asserts that personality is a function of
social condition. It denies that personality might spontaneously
escape its social definition. In practice it does not necessarily
prevent a dramatist of genius from somehow sensing and rendering
manifest the inner experience of the individual life, but in
theory it considers the essential thing about a person to be,
not that inner experience, but his social "kind." It reflects,
therefore, a hierarchical social order.
There are two assumptions here: first, that a person should play his
assigned role, and not attempt one belonging to someone else; second,
that he is expected to play his assigned role well. A priest (for
example) should be a priest, not a clown or a king; and he should be
a good priest.
Coolidge points out that Marvell makes unusual use of the word
"decorum" for which he believes Marvell is indebted to Martin Marprelate.
Just as Martin claims, when attacking a book by Dean John Bridges, that
he must have "leave to play the dunce for the nonce, as well as he,
otherwise dealing with Master Doctor's book, I cannot keep decorum
personae," so Marvell will say, "as I am obliged to ask pardon if I


82
speak of serious things ridiculously, so I must beg excuse if I should
hap to speak of ridiculous things seriously. But I shall, so far as
possible, observe decorum, and whatever I talk of, not commit such an
absurdity as to be grave with a buffoon.The special interpretation
of decorum here is that one's address to and treatment of another must
accord, not with one's own condition, but with the condition of the
person being dealt with. This is akin to the doctrine of accommodation,
which holds that one must take care to speak in a way that will contain
meaning for one's intended audience. As Origen, in perhaps the first
formal Christian statement of this doctrine, puts it,
When divine Providence intervenes in human affairs, it uses human
ways of speaking snd thinking. If we have to talk to a two-year
old, we use the sort of language that children can understand, for
they cannot possibly understand what we say to them unless we put
aside our grown-up dignity and condescend to their way of speaking.
We must suppose that God does the same when he deals with mankind
and that he did so particularly when mankind was still in its
childhood.^
St. Augustine also spoke of it, and it may also be seen if one reads
at the simplest level that famous passage in Paradise Lost where
Raphael, preparing to tell Adam the story of Satan's fall, explains,
High matter thou injoin'st me, 0 prime of men,
Sad task and hard, for how shall I relate
To human sense th'invisible exploits
Of warring Spirits;
what surmounts the reach
Of human sense, I shall delineate so,
By lik'ning spiritual to corporal forms,
As may express them best.8
The difference between Raphael and Marvell is, I suppose, that Raphael's
accommodation springs from a benign attitude and a desire to communicate
with his hearer, while Marvell's decorum personae indicates a need to


83
signify, to Parker and the world at large, his estimation of Parker's
status.
Marvell might also be thinking of the notion that genres should
not be mixed, a concept much adhered to in France and espoused by some
Englishmen in the seventeenth century. It is asserted, for example, by
9
Lisideius in Dryden's Essay of Dramatic Poesy (1668). If Marvell's-
reader remembersand Marvell takes care to remind him at times, by
mentioning his "book" or "reader"that Marvell is not merely engaging
Parker in conversation, but is creating a piece of literature in which
Parker has a part, then Marvell's decorum personae is not that unusual
after all; he is merely saying that the author of a work in which the
leading character is a buffoon should write in a comic mode rather than
a serious one.
While none of this need detract from the laurels Coolidge claims
for Martin's originality in his ironic use of decorum personae, it
should be noted that the concept did not, as Coolidge seems to indicate,
lie rusty during the decades between Martin and Marvell. In his
Second Defence of the English People (1654), Milton writes,
If any one should think our refutation deficient in gravity,
he should consider that we have not to do with a grave adversary,
but with a heard of players; to which, while it was necessary
to accommodate the nature of the refutation, we thought it
proper to have in view not alwavs what would be most suitable
to decorum [here meaning propriety ] but what would most suit
them.I
Marvell's statement of his policy of decorum does not come until
the ground has been laid by devoting one third of The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd to an introduction in which he attaches the name "Bayes" to


84
Parker; gives unflattering descriptions of Parker, including a
burlesque biography; and depicts his praise of Bramhall and his
attacks on Calvin and John Owen as clownishly absurd and awkward.
First, Marvell takes advantage of the anonymity (however trans
parent it actually was) under which Parker published his Preface, to
paste upon him a nom de plume. He moves that
Instead of Author, I may henceforth indifferently call him
Mr. Bayes as oft as I shall see occasion. And that, first,
because he hath no Name or at least will not own it, though
he himself writes under the greatest security, and gives us
the first Letters of other Mens Names before he be asked them.
Secondly, because he is I perceive a lover of Elegancy of
stile, and can endure no mans Tautologies but his own, and
therefore I would not distaste him with too frequent repeti
tion of one word. But chiefly, because Mr. Bayes and he do
very much Symbolize; in their understandings, in their ex
pressions, in their humour, in their contempt and quarreling
of all others, though of their own Profession. Because, our
Divine, the Author, manages his contest with the same prudence
and civility, which the Players and Poets have practised of
late in their several Divisions. And, lastly, because both
their Talents do peculiarly lie in exposing and personating
the Nonconformists.(pp. 9-10).
In this Marvell capitalized on the recent popularity of the play The
Rehearsal, by The Duke of Buckingham and some of his associates. The
.ramifications of this deviceone of the most brilliant and original
in Marvell's workhave been commented on elsewhere."^ Briefly, it
affixes to Parker, will-he, nill-he, a comic mask, rich with recent
associations of foolishness; it ingratiates the work to Buckingham
and the court wits; it offers an oblique jab at Dryden, who seems for
reasons unknown to have had a quarrel with Marvell; and, very impor
tantly in terms of decorum, it coverts Parker into a stage figure,
and one inspiring not awe but laughter: a buffoon.


85
Since a mere label, however cleverly pasted on, will not sustain
a very lengthy or elaborate attack, Marvell follows up immediately
with a series of notions about Parker's character deduced from his
writings in a delightfully absurd fashion, blending this into an
equally outrageous fictitious biography. Ludicrous (and indecorous)
as a stage figure, Parker is no less so as a person and a priest;
whatever role he plays, he does badly but amusingly. Marvell quotes
Parker's explanation that he wrote the preface to Bramhall's work
because the book seller was "very sollicitous to have it set off with
some Preface that might recommend it to the Genius of the Age, and
reconcile it to the present juncture of Affairs (p.4) although
Parker was reluctant to do it because he was not only "none of the
most zealous Patrons of the Press (p.4), but also concerned "in
matters of a closer and more comfortable importance to himself and
his own Affairs (p. 5). By amusing use of a false-premised syllogism,
Marvell concludes that the "more comfortable importance" must be a
mistress, and, taking off from Parker's statement that his preface
was rushed into print, comments,
Thus it must be, and no better, when a man's Phancy is up, and
his Breeches are down; when the Mind and the Body make contrary
Assignation, and he hath both a Bookseller at once and a Mistress
to satisfie: Like Archimedes, into the Street he runs out naked
with his Invention. And truly, if at any time, we might now
pardon this Extravagance of our Author; when he was pearch'd
upon the highest Pinnacle of Ecclesiastical Felicity, being ready
at once to asswage his Concupiscience, and wreck his Malice, (p. 7)
Marvell describes Parker as deranged from being "too early acquainted
with Don Quixote, and reading the Bible too late," but nonetheless a


86
diligent and successful scholar. Upon graduation from the University,
however, "coming out of the confinement of the Square-cap and the
Quadrangle into the open Air, the World began to turn round with him:
which he imagined, though it were his own giddiness, to be nothing less
than the Quadrature of the Circle." He became a man about town and
an avid playgoer, but then obtained a position of chaplain for a noble
man. Having "wrought himself dextrously into his Patrons favour, by
short Graces and Sermons, and a mimical way of drolling upon the
Puritans," he also became popular with the domestics:
and they allow'd him by common consent, to have not only all the
Divinity, but more wit too, than all the rest of the family put
together. This thing alone elevated him exceedingly in his own
conceit, and raised his Hypochondria into the Region of the Brain;
that his head swell'd like any Bladder with wind and vapour. But
after he was stretch'd to such an height in his own fancy, that he
could not look down from top to toe but his Eyes dazled at the
Precipice of his Stature; there fell out, or in, another natural
chance which push'd him headlong. (p. 30)
Parker, Marvell tells us, found a particular sympathy with the gentle
women and
he directed his Reverence toward the Gentlewomens Pew. Till,
having before had enough of the Libertine, and undertaken his
Calling only for Preferment; he was transported now with the
Sanctity of his Office, even to extasy: and like the Bishop
over Maudlin Colledge Altar, or like Maudlin de la Croix, he
was seen in his Prayers to be lifted up sometimes in the Air,
and once particularly so high that he crack'd his Scul against
the Chappel Ceiling. I do not hear for all this that he had
ever practised upon the Honour of the Ladies, but that he pre
served alwayes the Civility of a Platonick Knight-Errant. For
all this Courtship had no other operation than to make him
still more in love with himself: and if he frequented their
company, it was only to speculate his own Baby in their Eyes.
But being thus, without Competitor or Rival, the Darling of
both Sexes in the Family and his own Minion; he grew beyond
measure elated, and that crack of his Scull, as in broken
Looking-Glasses, multipli'd him in self-conceit and imagination.
(PP. 30-31)


87
Then, with the "Vain-Glory" of seeing the title page of his new
book, Ecclesiastical Polity, pasted up under the playbills, "He lost
all the little remains of his understanding and his Cerebellum was so
dryed-up that there was more brains in a Walnut and both their Shells
were alike thin and brittle (p. 32). Yet this was not all:
This Gentleman, in the Dog-dayes, stragling by Temple-bar,
in a massy Cassock and Surcingle, and taking the opportunity
at once to piss and admire the Title-page of his Book; a tall
Servant of his, one J. 0. that was not so careful as he should
be, or whether he did it of purpose, lets another Book of four
hundred leaves fall upon his head; which meeting with the former
fracture in his Cranium, and all the concurrent Accidents already
mentioned, has utterly undone him. And so in conclusion his
Madness hath formed itself into a perfect Lycanthropy. He
doth so verily believe himself to be a Wolf, that his speech
is all turn'd into howling, yelling, and barking: and if there
were any Sheep here, you should see him pull out their throats
and suck the blood. Alas, that a sweet Gentleman, and so
hopeful, should miscarry! For want of Cattel here, you find him
raving now against all the Calvinists of England, and worrying the
whole Flock of them. (p. 32)
Here, like Milton with the Prelates in "Lycidas," Marvell may be
glancing at the parable of the sheepfold in John XI. 1-2, an image of
priesthood gone wrong. Even as a werewolf, Parker is a bit ludicrous
("Alas, that a sweet Gentleman, and so hopeful, should miscarry!");
when he should properly slaughter cattle, he "worries" Calvinists in
stead.
One way to play one's part badly is to overact: Marvell devotes
considerable space to showing that, as we might expect of a man with
such a history, Parker is in his Preface ridiculously generous and
overfulsome in praising Bishop Bramhall, and far too unkind to Calvin.
Marvell invokes them and asks:


88
Poor Mr. Calvin and Bishop Bramhall, what crime did you dye
guilty of, that you cannot lye quiet in your Graves, but must
be conjured up on the Stage as oft as Mr_. Bayes will ferret you?
And which of you two are most unfortunate I cannot determine;
whether the Bishop in being alwayes courted or the Presbyter in
being alwayes rail'd at. But in good earnest I think Mr. Calvin
hath the better of it. For, though an ill man cannot by praising
confer honour, nor by reproaching fix an ignominy, and so they
May seem on equal terms; yet ther is more in it: for at the
same time that we may imagine what is said by such an Author to
be false, we conceive the contrary to be true. (pp. 23-24)
In his attack on Owen, Parker made use of a convention of the time
by referring to his opponent only by initials, "J. 0." Marvell lampoons
this by imagining that Parker is at war with the letters themselves:
I began to repent of my Undertaking, being afraid that the Quarrel
was with the whole Criss-cross-row, and that we must fight it
out through all the Squadrons of the Vowels, the Mutes, the Semi
vowels and the Liquids. I foresaw a sore and endless labour, and
a battel the longest that ever was read of; being probable to con
tinue as long as one Letter was left alive, or there were any use of
Reading. Therefore, to spare mine own pains, and prevent Ink-shed,
I was advising the Letters to go before Mr. Bales, or any other
his Majesties Justices of Peace, to swear that they were in danger
of their Lives, and desire that Mr. Bayes might be bound to the
Good-behaviour. (p. 37)
Eventually Marvell "Plainly at last perceived that J. 0. is a very
Man as any of us are," and "concluded that necessarily there must be some
extraordinary Accident and Occasion that could alter so good a Nature"
as Parker's, and cause him to be so vindictive toward J. 0. Observing
that Parker's pique resembles that of a schoolboy against his master,
Marvell speculates that it may be the result of Parker having at one
time been under Owen's tutelage. Indeed, as Marvell (and the better-
informed of his readers) knew quite well, this was in a manner of speak
ing actually the case. When Owen was Vice-Chancellor of Oxford in the
1650's, Parker was an undergraduate there. This allusion serves not only


89
to remind the readers of Owen's very long and illustrious career, but also
to reduce Parker to a schoolboy, an image Marvell will repeat like a
leitmotif. Nor is Parker even successful as a schoolboy; rather than
being a proper, decorous one, he is a pipsqueak posturer who, having
overstepped his bound, is likely to be, Marvell suggests, hoisted up
and "whipt like a baggage (p.42)
In the first section of The Rehearsal Transpros1d, then, Marvell
has established the fundamental theme of Parker's indecorousnesshis
impropriety, his out-of-placeness, his failure to fit. One of the
recurrent patterns is that first, Parker is playing the wrong role; and
second, that he is unable to play even that role properly. As a con
troversialist he is a schoolboy, and as a schoolboy he deserves whipping.
With the theorem of indecorum as a base, Marvell will construct further
arguments against Parker.
One of the most important elements is Marvell's special inter
pretation of decorum personae. Having depicted Parker as multifariously
a buffoon, and having actually applied the term to him ("Buffoon-General
to the Church of England," p. 22), and having established his identity
with the recognized laughing-stock Mr. Bayes, Marvell has laid the
ground for the use of a special sort of decorum. He has demonstrated
that Parker is^ a buffoon; therefore, treatment appropriate to a buffoon
is appropriate to Parker. After outlining with lengthy quotations and
paraphrases what he takes to be the basic points of Parker's position in
his first book, The Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity, he prepares to
launch his attack upon it, with a caveat:


90
and now though I intend not to be longer than the nature of
Animadversions requires, (this also being but collateral to my
work of examining the Preface, and having been so abundantly
performed already) yet neither can I proceed well without some
Preface. For, as I am obliged to ask pardon if I speak of serious
things ridiculously; so I must now beg excuse if I should hap
to discourse of ridiculous things seriously. But 1 shall, so
far as possible, observe decorum, and, whatever I talk of, not
commit such an Absurdity as to be grave with a Buffoon. (p. 49)
According to Coolidge, "In effect he is saying that any lapses from -his
character of courtly wit that his subject matter may require from him
are to be disregarded. At the same time, he sets up a standing answer
to the opposite objection that such subject matter should not be
12
handled in a witty manner." Indeed, in the matter of jest versus
earnest, as I intend to show later, he is setting up a good deal more.
Further, he has not only established his unconventional variety of
decorum, he has by implication (aided by suitable comments in the
introductory pages) raised the question of decorum on all levels. As
Marvell's attack continues, Parker's clarion of conformity will be over
whelmed by Marvell's orchestra of decorum.
Marvell has prepared his reader for his approach to Ecclesiastical
Polity and the succeeding books by saying, somewhat ingenuously, that
I. 0. being of age and parts sufficient either to manage or to
to neglect this Quarrel, I shall as far as possible decline
the mentioning of him, seeing I have too upon further intelligence
and consideration found that he was not the person whom Mr. Bayes
principally intended. For the truth of it is, the King was the
Person concerned from the beginning. (p. 43)
Marvell will stress decorum of station, ultimately suggesting that
Parker's violation of that decorum amounts to lse majest and more.
Marvell not unfairly claims that in Ecclesiastical Polity:


91
The grand Thesis upon which he stakes not only his own Divinity
and Policy, his Reputation, Preferment and Conscience (of most
of which he hath no reason to be prodigal) but even the Crowns
and Fate of Princes, and the Liberties, Lives, and Estates, and,
which is more, the Consciences of their Subjects, (which are too
valuable to be trusted in his disposal,) is this, pag. 10. That
it is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the
World, that the supream Magistrate of every Commonwealth should
be vested with a_ Power to govern and conduct the Consciences of
Subjects in affairs of Religion. (p. 45)
Associated with this Grand Thesis, which he calls that of the
Unlimited Magistrate, are five other "Aphorisms or Hypotheses" which
sum up Parker's position:
First, The Unlimited Magistrate.
Secondly, The Publick Conscience.
Thirdly, Moral Grace.
Fourthly, Debauchery Tolerated.
Fifthly, Persecution recommended.
and lastly, Pushpin-Divinity. (p. 48)
Parker holds that the Magistrate possesses and should exercise
the power to bind all of his subjects to the single religious practice
most advantageous for the peace and tranquillity of the realm, and
that to that end nonconformists should be repressed and compelled to
conform. Also (Push-Pin Divinity)
his own best interest requires his
church, preferably in the style to
Marvell of course takes issue with
largely upon decorum.
After his summary of Parker's
statement on decorum quoted above,
the Magistrate must recognize that
total support of the national
which it would like to be accustomed,
all of this, and bases his argument
position, Marvell makes the explicit
which continues as follows:
But I shall, so far as possible, observe decorum, and, whatever
I talk of, not commit such a Absurdity as to be grave with a
Buffoon. But the principal cause of my Apology is, because I
see I am drawn in to mention Kings and Princes, and even our


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ANDREW MARVELL'S THE REHEARSAL TRANSPROS'D:
STRATEGIES OF CONTROVERSIAL PROSE
By
CHARLES HERBERT GILLILAND, JR.
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1976

Copyright
by
Charles Herbert Gilliland, Jr.
1976

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgments ill
Abstract v
Chapter I: Introduction 1
Notes to Chapter I 13
Chapter II: The Generic Tradition of Animadversion 15
Notes to Chapter II 39
Chapter III: Politics and Pamphleteers: Marvell's
Call to Action A3
Notes to Chapter III 73
Chapter IV: Decorum Established 77
Notes to Chapter IV 102
Chapter V: Jest and Earnest 103
Notes to Chapter V 118
Chapter VI: Indecorum Incomplete 119
Notes to Chapter VI 13A
Chapter VII: Disease, Disproportion, and Disjunction 135
Notes to Chapter VII 152
Chapter VIII: Conclusions 153
Notes to Chapter VIII 163
Appendix A 16A
Appendix B 165
ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It seems much more an honor and a pleasure than a duty to thank
all those who have made it possible for me to complete this study. My
director, Ira Clark, has from the beginning taken a very close and
lively interest, and has made countless suggestions, major and minor,
at every step of the way, making the result much better, as well as
more easily arrived at, than would otherwise have been the case. His
consistently positive support was of no small value. To Aubrey
Williams, T. Walter Herbert, and Sidney R. Homan, thanks are owed for
making valuable suggestions as early as my preliminary examination, and
for being expeditious but very careful readers. John Sommerville gave
invaluable help on the political and social background, and was instru¬
mental on the question of publishing practices and the size of seven¬
teenth-century editions. While Jack M. Perlette was not an official
member of my committee, he in fact took an enthusiastic interest in my
work, offered many helpful suggestions, answered many questions, and
served as a sounding-board for some of my trial balloons. The personnel
of the Interlibrary Loan Department and the Rare Book Room of the
University of Florida performed invaluable services; I am also very
grateful for the cheerful efficiency of the staff of the Folger
Shakespeare Library. Finally, much is owed to my parents, whose
unwavering support did not falter, even in this endeavor, and who made
iii

it considerably easier to devote to it the final, crucial year, suppor¬
ted by a "Gilliland Fellowship."
iv

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
ANDREW MARVELL'S THE REHEARSAL TRANSPROS'D:
STRATEGIES OF CONTROVERSIAL PROSE
By
Charles Herbert Gilliland, Jr.
August, 1976
Chairman: Ira G. Clark
Major Department: English
This study is devoted solely to Marvell's first published and
perhaps most important prose work, his first attack against anglican
conformity and its spokesman, Samuel Parker. Particular stress is
laid upon the autonomous integrity of this work, which, although
often called "the first part," is in fact a complete work not orig¬
inally intended to be supplemented by The Rehearsal Transpros'd:
The Second Part.
After the introductory chapter are two chapters placing The
Rehearsal Transpros'd in its literary and political contexts. The
first gives an extended definition of the animadversion genre, with
special attention to elements prominent in Marvell's work. Besides
the close point-by-point refutation of the opponent's argument
which is essential to the genre, these include (1) the use of the
opponent's own words, often quite unfairly, against him; (2) the
accusation that the opponent's argument is disorganized and devoid
V

of meaning; (3) nitpicking, especially at fine points of style,
grammar, or etymology; (4) a personal attack on the opponent, often
using a real or fictitious biography, and often including the charge
that the opponent is deranged.
The next chapter describes the political context, including
ramifications of the Third Dutch War, the struggle over conformity, •
and the interaction of King Charles II and his parliament, and gives
an account of the ecclesiastical-political pamphlet controversy
that had already been raging for years when Marvell joined it.
The rest of the study is essentially devoted to a reading of
The Rehearsal Transpros *d, presenting the thesis that Marvell mounts
against Parker a comprehensive attack based in large measure upon
an all-pervasive, largely implicit, concept of cosmic decorum, like
that described by Thomas Kranidas in The Fierce Equation: A Study
of Milton's Decorum (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1965). Kranidas
calls it "a concept of harmonious, resonant, joyous unity . . .
[it] includes other "decorums," the "rules," of genre, style, and
characterization, but it is characterized by a flexibility without
relativism " (p. 104). This grand decorum in varying facets, and
a variety of lesser decorums encompassed by it, become manifest as
the reader sees Parker violate them. Marvell, making use of many
devices besides the well-known "Bayes" persona, portrays Parker as
not only a priest who acts like a stage-buffoon, but a creature of
appalling disproportion and malformity, excessive of ambition, spleen,
girth, and sexual appetite, who is perverted and perverse. Parker
vi

is shown to flout the proprieties not only of station but of
time, place, and magnitude. Because Parker's stand was one of
"order and decency" against the supposed excesses of the noncon¬
formists, Marvell's book is the grandest kind of exercise in ironic
inversion.
Along with this all-encompassing attack on Parker himself,
Marvell carries out against Parker's position a refutation which
is rather better structured than some readers have credited.

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Although Andrew Marvell was for many years after his death thought
of as a great defender of individual liberty, and as an important author
of controversial prose, the twentieth century has seen him as a major
poet. Pierre Legouis suggests that most copies of the posthumous first
edition of Marvell's poems were probably bought for the sake of the
engraved portrait frontispiece of the premier puritan polemicist; today
the typical student of literature will express surprise at being told
that the great metaphysical poet also wrote prose.'*' Because nearly all
Marvell scholarship has been done in the twentieth century, the focus
has been almost exclusively on the poems. Nevertheless, there has been
a very small but persistent current of concern for his prose, primarily
as a lever to pry open his poems, but also, on still-too-rare occasions,
2
as a subject of merit unto itself.
The present study will be the first of any length to focus exclu¬
sively upon Marvell's first and most important prose publication, The
Rehearsal Transpros'd. There is a frequent and understandable tendency
among scholars to treat The Rehearsal Transpros'd and its sequel, The
Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part, as a single work published in
two halves. While this may be not only valid but almost necessary if
one is interested in The Second Part, it tends to obscure the undisputed
fact that The Rehearsal Transpros'd was conceived and published as a
1

2
single work, complete in itself; although it is now often referred to
for the sake of convenience as "the first part," there is no indication
that Marvell thought of it that way when he wrote it. In the present
study, I propose to emphasize the integrity of The Rehearsal Transpros'd
by deliberately stressing what went before its publication and ignoring
what came after. If, as one of Parker's friends threatened, Marvell' had
been murdered in late 1673, we would have been perforce untrammelled by
knowledge of his future works, and might have had a reading experience
of The Rehearsal Transpros'd closer to that of Marvell's first audience.
That audience would have known that Marvell was fifty-one, had
served in Cromwell's government, had written panegyrics in honor of the
Lord Protector and satiric verse at the expense of other people, and was
in his twelfth year as Member of Parliament from Hull when his first
published prose, The Rehearsal Transpros'd, appeared in late 1672. They
would not know that this great success would be followed by other con¬
troversial works: The Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part (1673);
Mr. Smirke; Or, The Divine in Mode (1676); A Short Historical Essay
(appended to Mr. Smirke, 1676); An Account of the Growth of Popery (1677);
and Remarks Upon a_ Late Disingenuous Discourse (published posthumously,
1678). Of them all, the most significant was surely The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd, a best-seller of its day, which quickly established the author
as, in Bishop Burnet's oft-quoted words, "the liveliest droll of the age."
The Rehearsal Transpros'd went through five editions (one pirated)
within two years of its first appearance, and a half-century later Swift,
while borrowing from it for A Tale of a^ Tub and The Battle of the Books,
commented that, "we still read Marvel's Answer to Parker with Pleasure,

3
tho' the Book it answeres be sunk long ago," but after Swift's day it
was little noted.^ In the last two centuries there have been but three
editions: Captain Thompson's (1776), Grosart's (1872), ^nd Smith's
(1971).^ We may expect the next edition about a century from now; in
the meantime, none of the editions to date contains any significant
analysis of The Rehearsal Transpros'd as literature or as argumentation.
Those aspects of Marvell's prose are also avowedly neglected by
Dean Morgan Schmitter in his dissertation, in favor of making a careful
and valuable study of the ecclesiastical and political issues involved.^
John Wallace has similar interests, making an effort in Destiny His
Choice: The Loyalism of Andrew Marvell (Cambridge, 1968) to show that
Marvell was politically consistent throughout his life, and < i
"Trimmer" before that term came into use. Wallace makes serious mis¬
readings in places, but his section on The Rehearsal Transpros'd seems
sound. However, Wallace too is primarily interested in Marvell's
politics, and gives only cursory attention to his writing technique.
In his rather good biography of Marvell, Augustine Birrell devotes
a fairly long section to The Rehearsal Transpros'd, which is, however,
almost exclusively composed of lengthy quotations, with little analysis.
Birrell falls into the same trap as many later readers, treating The
Rehearsal Transpros'd and The Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part
as a single work: "Marvell's chief prose work, the two parts of The
Rehearsal Transpros'd, is a very long pamphlet indeed.He also comments
that Marvell's title was "borrowed for no very good reason from the farce
O
of the hour." Finally, he notes Marvell's influence on Swift.

4
In the standard critical biography of Marvell, published first in
French (1928) and then in a revised, streamlined English version (1965;
second edition 1968) , Pierre Legouis gives a brief summary of the
Marvell-Parker controversy.9 Turning to The Rehearsal Transpros1d, he
says it is even worse than the usual animadversion for "lack of method"
and "desultoriness and wayward course."10 It cannot be epitomized, he
says, but he attempts to "give some idea of its uncertain progress."
The best way for the modern reader to enjoy it is not to take it Seri-
5,
ourly, for no one cares any more about the sober concerns of the con¬
troversy; what we can still enjoy is the Punchinello slapstick of
Marvell cudgelling the hapless Parker. Legouis is well aware of the
immense contemporary success of the work, but aside from no'ting' Its
comic power and warning that biographers ought to be wary of taking at
face value statements Marvell has made for tactical reasons, he does not
deal with the question of why Marvell's book was so successful.
One might say that literary criticism of The Prehears al Transpros' d
began as early as Parker's reply, the Reproof, wherein Parker noted that
Marvell was exactly like Martin Marprelate, the pseudonymous pamphleteer
of the 1570's, in his claim that decorum made it proper to jest even
while dealing with serious matters, because buffoonery was appropriate
to the allegedly buffoonish character of his opponent. M. C. Bradbrook
and M. G. Lloyd Thomas stress this notion, saying that:
Pamphlet-wars had been common throughout the century, and some of
the best prose, notably Milton's, had appeared in this way. Marvell's
technique, however, was new. By his popular style, his free use of
secular weapons, including the latest play, he pointed the way
towards a more Augustan method of handling disputation. To treat
a grave subject lightly, yet with the serious intention of rein¬
forcing the argument, was an art neglected since the Marprelate
with whom Marvell is so often compared.il

5
They also link his poetry with his prose by commenting that:
In the flexibility of his attack, Marvell produced what might
roughly be taken as the prose version of the 'metaphysical'
style. There is the same synchronization of the important with
the trivial, the same free combination of colloquialism and
learning, the same variety in the points of view.12
Their treatment of The Rehearsal Transpros'd is not extensive, but they
do make use of lengthy quotations, giving their readers some idea of- its
quality. They also note that Marvell is replying to three of Parker's
books, although they rather inaccurately suggest that The Rehearsal
Transpros'd attacks his Discourse on Ecclesiastical Polity for the first
seventy pages (in Grosart's edition), then Parker's Defence for twenty-
nine pages, and finally his Preface for the remainder. More importantly,
while they give some indication of the connection between Marvell's
pamphlets and the succeeding literary age, they give no real indication
of the continuous literary traditions that existed during the period
between Marprelate and Marvell, traditions to which Marvell was enormously
more indebted than he was to Marprelate.
In a dissertation and later an article, John S. Coolidge too follows
Parker's lead with regard to Marprelate and the special use of decorum.
Coolidge links this variety of decorum to the concept of decorum personae,
which is the principle, for which Coolidge indentifies the locus classicus
in Horace's Ars Poética, "that every person who appears in a play or a
13
narrative should speak and act in a manner appropriate to his type."
Coolidge also suggests that Marvell's borrowing from Buckingham's play,
The Rehearsal, and his other allusions to the stage, turn his quarrel
with Parker into a sort of stage-show in which such an argument of decorum
is appropriate, while at the same time reducing the entire affair to the

6
status of a mere "peek between players." Coolidge, however, is so
absorbed in Marprelate as not to be sufficiently aware of the rather
considerable use of the theme of theatricality all through the works on
both sides of the controversy Marvell joined. Coolidge further suggests
that Marvell chose the play as the basis for his pamphlet in order to
ingratiate himself with its author Buckingham and the circle of court
wits, while at the same time he expected the nonconformists to recognize
his use of Marprelate's device and therefore feel that Marvell was one
of their own. This may be so, but if, as seems the case, Marvell's main
target was Parliament, then Buckingham's opinion was not that important;
Marvell also takes particular care to dissociate himself from the non¬
conformists even while espousing their cause, and does not actually
mention Marprelate by name anywhere in The Rehearsal Transpros'd. In
The Second Part he takes notice of Parker's suggestion about Marprelate
only long enough to brush it off. Coolidge's classical concept of
decorum, while correct, is extremely narrow, although he does note a
connection with society at large, saying that decorum personae "asserts
that personality is a function of social conditions ... It reflects,
therefore, a hierarchical social order, and in this it corresponds to
the church polity which John Bridges [or Samuel Parker] defends.
Coolidge is followed by Raymond A. Anselment, who in a dissertation
and two articles derived therefrom, further examines the derogatory
persona Marvell has thrust upon his victim Parker. His concurrence in
the view that Marvell's technique is derived from Marprelate's is in¬
dicated by the title of his dissertation, "Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal
Transpros'd: A Study in Renaissance Satire," (University of Rochester,

7
1965). Anselment notes that Marvell differs from Marprelate in his use
of learned allusions and in his urbanity, in the latter anticipating
the style of the Restoration.^ He neglects to consider the usually
learned and sometimes urbane controversialists between Marprelate and
Marvell. Anselment's real contribution is to offer two new sources for
the "Bayes" persona of The Rehearsal Transpros1d. Buckingham's play
was obvious, and the Marprelate buffoon had been suggested by Parker,
followed by Coolidge and others; to these Anselment first adds the
character of the "political enthusiast" in Henry More's Enthusiasmus
Triumphatus; Or, a_ Brief Discourse of the Nature, Causes, Kinds, and
Cure of Enthusiasm (London, 1656).More importantly, Anselment points
out that Parker himself paints a portrait of the typical nonconformist
as a deranged, inflamed, enthusiastic "fanatick." This portrait Marvell
ironically reverses , depicting Parker himself as a person with exactly
those qualities. Thus Marvell "makes [Parker] the object of his own
satire.Anselment reasserts Coolidge's position that the concept of
decorum is vital to Marvell's attack, but he too has a very circumscribed
meaning for the term. Finally, while both Coolidge and Anselment are of
course quite aware that The Rehearsal Transpros'd and The Rehearsal
Transpros'd: The Second Part are two distinct books, they nevertheless
tend to conflate the two, mingling evidence from both as though they
were the two volumes of a single work.
Robert Leo King is able to be undistracted by Marprelate, approaching
Marvell's entire prose corpus in terms of classical rhetoric. He devotes
the most attention to The Rehearsal Transpros'd, recognizing and stressing

8
that Marvell's argument therein is primarily rhetorical rather than
logical. According to King,
[Marvell's] attack on Parker involves its audience in many of
the traditional ways such as through flattery and the ethical
proof, but Marvell's great contribution to the development of
English satire lies in his letting a literate, sophisticated
reader not only share in his attack but help to create it.
Even if Parker did see the point of this rhetoric, it would
have done him little good to try to explain it away because no •
term exists to cover it and because the only refutation for
such literate and literary rhetoric is something superior in
return. . . . Marvell's use of classical rhetoric is the means
toward achieving this satiric and rhetorical force. It will
not do simply to point out devices and label them because that
would suggest that Marvell followed his rhetoric text-book as
a school boy would. My contention is that Marvell did not turn
his back on classical rhetoric so much as he built on it or
transcended it. 18
According to King, Marvell's allusive, insinuative style requires that
the reader participate by filling out allusions and completing suggested
lines of thought.
With the evidence of Parker's membership in the Royal Society, as
well as various clear pronouncements by him on the necessity for language
logical and free from superfluities, with each word meaning exactly one
thing, King sees that the controversy includes a battle over old versus
new in use of language, with Marvell's agile and innovative use of
classical rhetoric being sufficient to defeat his modern opponent. King
discovers that "all of the longer passages in both parts of The
Rehearsal Transpros'd are rhetorical units" and that "each book defends
its satiric attack with a unified ethical proof.He concludes that
the books are not unified wholes but do possess some unity; each contains
well-organized blocks loosely tied to each other. It would be appropri¬
ate, he says, to call the books, not "animadversions," but "anthologies."

9
The "rhetorical units" are mostly long sections organized as classical
orations, generally following the rules of the Rhetorica ad Herrenium;
Marvell's discourse on "Debauchery Tolerated" is one such. King also
points out the importance to the techniques of both Parker and Marvell
of their academic training and practice in formal disputation.
Attacking an earlier approach to Marvell's work, King notes that
one need not seek as far afield as Marprelate to find precedent for
Marvell's special use of decorum, for it is in Milton's Second Defence,
a book Marvell promised to "get by heart." Anselment's approach, says
King, is "almost useless." Furthermore, while even Milton's attack
remained Elizabethan in its direct, Juvenalian manner, Marvell's use of
implication, insinuation, and irony, anticipated Augustan satire.
While King is well aware of the importance of decorum personae and
the ah personam argument ("the ethical proof") , he does not give a view
of what I believe to be Marvell's all-pervasive, comprehensive attack
based on principles of cosmic decorum.
Such a concept of decorum is described by Thomas Kranidas in his
study of Milton; that it was a concept more implicit than explicit prior
to Kranidas' writing does not make it less valid. Kranidas traces the
classical and Renaissance notions of decorum, which include quite limited
definitions, but also statements like Cinthio's that "decorum is nothing
other than the grace and fitness of things," and what Kranidas calls
"the major Elizabethan statement on decorum," by George Puttenham:
In all things to use decencie, is it onely that giveth every thing
his good grace & without which nothing in mans speach could seeme
good or gracious, in so much as many times it makes a bewtifull
figure fall into a deformities, and on th' other side a vicious

10
speach seeme pleasaunt and bewtifull: this decencie is therfore
the line & levell for al good makers to do their business by.
But herein resteth the difficultie, to know what this good
grace is, & wherein it consisteth, for peradventure it be
easier to conceave then to expresse . . . the mynde for the
things that be his mentall objectes hath his good graces and
his bad, whereof th' one contents him wondrous well, th' other
displeaseth him continually, no more nor no lesse then ye see
the discordes of musicke do to a well tuned eare. The Greekes
call this good grace of every thing in his kinde to upeirov,
the Latines decorum; we in our vulgar call it by a scholasticall
terme decencie; our owne Saxon English terme is seemelinesse,
that is to say, for his good shape and utter appearance well
pleasing the eye; we call it also comelynesse . . . This lovely
conformitie, or proportion, or conveniencie, betweene the sence
and the sensible hath nature her selfe first most carefully
observed in all her owne workes, then also by kinde graft it
in the appetites of every creature working by intelligence to
covet and desire, and in their actions to imitate & performe;
and of man chiefly before any other creature as well in his
speaches as in every other part of his behaviour.20
Kranidas notes that Puttenham's examples do not live up to the grand
promise of this statement. On the other hand, while Milton nowhere
makes a statement similarly linking decorum and cosmic comeliness,
Kranidas' reading of Milton's prose enables him to derive from his prac¬
tice a similar notion of decorum, a notion with amplitude appropriate to
a mind of Milton's calibre:
My definition of Milton's concept of decorum, arrived at after read
ing the prose, is this: Decorum is a concept of harmonious,
resonant, joyous unity, with consistency of inner and outer and
enormous variety and range extending from a base of certainty
about the ends of discourse and indeed of all human "conversation."
Decorum is an idea of unity which inspires and governs the opera¬
tions of life and writing. Decorum includes other "decorums," the
"rules," of genre, style, and characterization, but it is character
ized by a flexibility without relativism, by intricate and dynamic
relationships between parts, indeed opposites, the very tensions
of which give luminosity.21
This is a cosmic decorum, rooted in a world vision; while encompassing
those lesser "decorums" that would be violated by a venal priest or kept
by jesting with a fool, it opens the curtains on a grand world stage of

11
radiant order, where there is scope to display enormous crimes, and
scale to set off the true pettiness of peccadillos. Upon this concept
of decorum Kranidas bases his study of Milton's poetry, and upon it I
propose to base my own reading of The Rehearsal Transpros'd. Marvell's
weapon against Parker was protean: at times a Punchinello slapstick,
and at times the Archimedes' lever that could move the world.
In the present study, this introductory chapter will be followed
by two chapters placing The Rehearsal Transpros’d into its context, a
vital thing not only because Marvell's book is so topical and presently
so little known, but also because only thus can the roots of certain
important thematic elements be indicated. The "fit" of these elements
into the work as a whole will not be evident without some information
about their genesis. One of these preliminary chapters will be a
generic history of the animadversion. As in his poetry Marvell worked
from the traditions he received but did them one better, so too with
The Rehearsal Transpros'd, which employs all the forms and devices of
the animadversion, and does more besides—Marvell might well have
borrowed the motto of his contemporary, King Philip of Spain: plus
ultra. The other contextual chapter will examine the specific contro¬
versy of which The Rehearsal Transpros'd was a part, a controversy years
old when Marvell joined it, which had developed certain demands and
"traditions" of its own.
Following the introductory chapters will be four chapters devoted
to a reading (following Marvell, in good animadversion fashion, almost
page by page) of The Rehearsal Transpros'd, in which I hope to show that

12
Marvell's attack on Parker was more unified than most readers have
thought, and was based upon an implicit concept of decorum virtually
identical with that Kranidas claims for Milton. Marvell shows Parker
to be, in multitudinous ways and on every possible level, a violator
of decorum.
Finally, the last chapter will present conclusions and speculat-ions.

NOTES
Pierre Legouis, Andrew Marvell: Poet, Puritan, Patriot (Oxford:
The Claredon Press, 1968), p. 226.
2
Isabel G. MacCaffrey, "Some Notes on Marvell's Poetry, Suggested
by a Reading of his Prose," MP, 61 (1964), 261-9; and Kitty Datta,
"Marvell's Prose and Poetry: More Notes," MP, 63 (1966), 319-21.
3
Gilbert Burnet, Bishop Burnet1s History of His Own Time (London:
William Smith, 1838), p. 176.
4
Legouis, p. 208; see n. 1.
"*Capt. Edward Thompson, The Works of Andrew Marvell, Esq. 3 vols.
(London: Thompson, 1776); Rev. Alexander B. Grosart, The Complete
Works in Verse and Prose of Andrew Marvell M.P. 4 vols. (London: The
Fuller Worthies' Library, 1872-5; D. I. B. Smith, The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd and The Rehearsal Transpros'd: The Second Part (Oxford: The
Claredon Press, 1971).
g
Dean Morgan Schmitter, "Andrew Marvell: Member from Hull; A
Study in the Ecclesiastical and Political Thought of the Restoration,"
Diss. Columbia University, 1955.
^Augustine Birrell, Andrew Marvell (New York: The Macmillan Corn-
pany, 1905), p.
151.
g
Birrell,
P-
153.
9
Legouis,
P-
193 f.
10T
Legouis,
P-
194.
^Muriel C
. Bradbrook
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940), pp. 93-4.
12
Bradbrook and Thomas, p. 109.
13
John S. Coolidge, "Martin Marprelate, Marvell, and Decorum Personae
as a Satirical Theme," PMLA, 74 (1959), p. 526; Coolidge's dissertation
is "Satirical Devices and Themes in Andrew Marvell's Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd," Diss. Harvard University, 1968.
"^Coolidge, p. 526.
^Raymond A. Anselment, "Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal Transpros'd:
A Study in Renaissance Satire," Diss. The University of Rochester, 1965,
p. 310 and 301-2.
13

Raymond A. Anselment, "Satiric Strategy in Andrew Marvell's
The Rehearsal Transpros1d," MP, 68 (1970), 137-50.
Raymond A. Anselment, "Betwixt Jest and Earnest': Ironic
Reversal in Andrew Marvell's The Rehearsal Transpros'd," MLR, 66
(1971), 285.
18
Robert Leo King, "The Rhetoric of Andrew Marvell's Prose,"
Diss. Boston University, 1968, pp. 90-1.
19
King, p. 231.
20
Thomas Kranidas, The Fierce Equation: A Study of Milton's
Decorum (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1965), pp. 41-2.
21
Kranidas, p. 104.

CHAPTER II
THE GENERIC TRADITION OF ANIMADVERSION
It seems reasonable to assume that, when Andrew Marvell subtitled
his attack on Sanuel Parker "Animadversions Upon a late Book," and
included within it such comments as, "I do not intend to be longer than
the nature of animadversions requires," he felt himself to be working
in a recognized genre. That today recognition of the genre itself, not
to mention nearly all of the individual works, is scant, is probably
because the animadversions of the seventeenth century, generated in the
warmth of controversies long cold, swarmed not only as thickly and
energetically as mayflies, but as ephemerally. The issues have long
been settled, the destinations arrived at, leaving us multitudes of spent
volumes, blobs on the windshield of history. Dryden's Defence of An
Essay on Dramatic Poesy yet lives, because its subject is still of great
interest; probably most readers are unaware (as I was when studying
Dryden) of the generic tradition of which it is a part. Milton's animad¬
versions are now read, I suspect, because they were written by the author
of Paradise Lost; and Marvell's, once the cornerstone of his reputation,
are now pried into only by an occasional historian or a scholar seeking
clues to an understanding of the great metaphysical poet. Surely it is
also pertinent that in Marvell's day the printed periodical, eventually
to become an ideal forum for controversy, and much later to be augmented
by the other "mass media," was still in the early stages of development.
15

16
For the time being the most effective platform for public persuasion
was the individual printed work: the pamphlet. Of these a great
quantity, devoted to attacking previous pamphlets, were animadversions.
Although of course students of the seventeenth century know what
an animadversion is, this knowledge is apparently transmitted by osmosis,
as no extended historical definition or introductory essay is readily
available to aid the novice.^ A good portion then of the present dis¬
cussion will be devoted to saying what is already known, but seems not
to have been written down. I shall first treat the term "animadversion"
itself, with its attachment to a genre. Then I shall give a survey of
characteristics that tended to appear in animadversions by 1672, the
year of The Rehearsal Transpros1d. Many of the examples will be drawn
from works Marvell certainly knew, probably knew, or may well have known.
This includes works by Milton, Dryden, Flecknoe, Owen, Parker, and
L'Estrange. I am not attempting, however, to show distinct "influence"
of a particular work upon Marvell, but rather to depict the generic
milieu in which he worked.
The central, absolutely necessary, feature of an animadversion is
that it attack a previous work in such a way that it follows that work's
order of argument point by point. This often takes the form of matching
the opponent's preface with a preface, and then each of his chapters with
a counter-chapter. Usually each step is made by first quoting or para¬
phrasing the opponent's argument, then rebutting it. Works of this form
considerably predate the use of the term "animadversion." Tyndale's
Answere unto sir Thomas More's Dialogue (1530) is an early example of
English protestantism expressed in such a form. Among the tracts of

17
the Admonition Controversy of the early 1570's, in which John Whitgift
championed the established church against the puritan spokesman Thomas
O
Cartwright, can be found other examples. This controversy was the
first campaign in the struggle still raging a century later when
Marvell joined the fray with The Rehearsal Transpros1d; and during its
*
course were developed many of the same arguments which were to recur
again and again, and appear in but the latest of many refashionings in
the works of Parker and Marvell.
Although not all of the products of the Marprelate controversy of
the 1580's are animadversions in the sense of being point-by-point
rebuttals, Martin's Oil read over I). John Bridges for it is worthy worke,
published in two separate but coordinated parts, the Epistle and the
Epitome, is a clear example.^ Martin focuses on part of Bridges' first
book, and follows that pretty closely. Bridges' own volume, A Defence
of the Government Established in the Church of Englande for Ecclesiasti¬
cal Matters (1587), was a prodigious 1041 pages in answer to Walter
Travers' Learned Discourse of Ecclesiastical Government, in which Bridges
matches Travers' preface with his own preface, then attacks each of
Travers' chapters with a chapter of his own, for a total of nineteen.^
His procedure is to print a direct quotation of some length from the
Learned Discourse, in Roman type, with the marginal note, "The Discourse,"
and then to reply in a paragraph of italics, marginally labeled "Bridges."
His stance, resembling that taken by participants in the Admonition
Controversy, lacks the vitriol of the Marprelate and subsequent animad¬
versions. He speaks of his opponents as "mistaken brethren," and says

18
that his quarrel with them is minor compared to the real struggle
against the Antichrist and the "purple harlot" of Catholicism.
The term "animadversion" is not recorded in English until 1598,
when Francis Thynne uses it with a neutral meaning virtually identical
with the Latin from which it was composed, "to turn the mind toward,"
with no connotation of an adversary relationship. Similarly, Thoma's
Wise's Animadversions upon Lillies grammar (London, 1625) contains no
unkind word about Lilly. Rather, Wise is merely digesting, correcting,
and augmenting Lilly's book. Robert Ward, in Animadvesions of Warre:
or, A_ Militarie Magazine of the Truest rules and ablest instructions,
for the Managing of Warre (London, 1639) , is not even reacting to any
prior publication, but merely turning the reader's mind toward a con¬
sideration of the effective conduct of war.
At the same time, however, other authors were applying the term
"animadversion" to books clearly belonging to the genre now recognized
by that name. Among the earliest of these is Henry Ainsworth's An
Animadversion to Mr. Richard Clyfton's Advertísement, published in
Amsterdam in 1613. In it, Ainsworth soberly attacks Clifton's book
point by point, carefully citing the pages. He does not, however,
follow his opponent in strict order, but reorders the arguments somewhat.
Nor does Ainsworth employ the assaults on the opponent's style, choice
of words, or person, later to become common features of the genre.
Richard Tillesley's Animadversions upon M. Seldon's History of Tythes
(1619), is the earliest example I have found of a work labeled "animad¬
versions" which also displays the form and the adversary relationship
considered typical of the genre. Tillesley begins with a dedication to

19
King James and a preface to the reader, then "Animadversions upon the
Preface" of Selden's book. Then except for Selden's first two chapters,
which are "purposely pretermitted" and counterattacked by a catalog of
authorities, Tillesley matches his opponent chapter for chapter. He is
relatively less vitriolic than later animadvertors, but takes care that
we know how difficult this is, explaining in his "Animadversion upon
the Preface,"
If ever any Preface deserved the impatience of the greatest
moderation, and in scorne and self-love did prejudice the
Learning and Religion of an incomparable Nation: what then
may this Preface expect, but Satyricall and furious contra¬
diction? There being no part, but fraught with supercilious
contempt and full of the Rhetoricke of a censorious over-
weener. But wee have not so learned Christ Iesus, that being
reviled, we revile not againe, throgh good report, and evill
report in the conscience of Gods blessings, we endeavor to
please him who hath called us to a profession of peace:
Without passion, therefore, I will select some passages out
of his Preface, and there against oppose such Adversaries, or
Animadversions, whereby it may appeare, J3i_ verum nos sapimus;
quod veritas ei contradicat, non nos; that if my words be
true, he is more opposed by trueth then by me. 7
Here Tillesley expresses the belief that his opponent's own words will
serve as a display of his error. Elsewhere he speaks of "the severals
of his incoherent arguments," and calls Selden's book "the work wherein,
such falsities, injurious censures of writers, contradictions, and many
other impertinences are too frequent. So that no ingenuous and learned
Reader, but will be backeward to allow this for trueth, which is onely a
compacture out of the abuses and disobedience of religion and lawfull
g
government." He does not ever attack Selden's person, but always his
arguments, his style, his book; however, his attacks on these are suf¬
ficiently strong that Selden is unlikely to have taken it dispassion¬
ately .

20
The outpouring of pamphlets by puritans and prelaticals, becoming
a flood by the late 1630's, included many animadversions. Foremost among
the authors was Milton, whose efforts included Animadversions upon the
Remonstrants Defence Against Smectymnuus (1641), a reply to a book by
Bishop Joseph Hall. According to Rudolf Kirk, Milton "adopted the
method of quotation and reply, which he had seen effectively employed in
the Admonition Controversy. ... By citing a passage out of its context,
he was able to satirize and ridicule without the necessity of carrying
9
an elaborate argument."
By this time, then, the form was well established and was recognized
as "animadversions.""^ Primarily denoting an attack upon a previous
publication which was followed step by step, "animadversions" also came
to imply: (1) the liberal use of the opponent’s own words; (2) the sug¬
gestion that the opponent's statements are deranged and/or meaningless;
(3) an occasional preoccupation with seemingly minor points, especially
points of philology or grammar; (4) an attack on the opponent's style;
(5) the ad personam attack, often involving a biography or "character"
of the opponent. All of these are features readily apparent in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd. In my discussion to follow, I shall illustrate
each characteristic with examples from various animadversions published
prior to 1672. However much or little Marvell was directly influenced
by any one or more of these works, they do demonstrate a tradition of
which he and his audience were certainly quite conscious.
Practically die rigeur in an animadversion was the use of the oppo¬
nent's words against him, a not unnatural result of the necessity to state
the position being attacked, but also a practice encouraged by two

21
mutually supportive notions. The first was the ancient and eminently
sound idea that for a man to be defeated with his own weapon is the
most ignominious and devastating defeat of all, and the second was an
often apparently quite sincere belief (enunciated above by Tillesley)
that the opponent’s words are so patently wrong that the reader need
only see them and perhaps be slightly nudged in the right way, and •
he will realize the falsity of the position they represent. An
extreme example of this may be found in Daniel Featley's Virtumnus
Romanus, or, a_ discourse penned by ji Romish Priest, wherein he endevours
to prove that it is lawful for a_ Papist in England to goe to a_ Protestant
Church to receive the Communion, and to take the Oathes both of Allegiance
and Supremacie. To which are adjoyned Animadversions in the margine by
way of Antidote against those places where the rankest poyson is couched
(London, 1642). In this book, Featley writes a virulent introduction,
then merely reprints, for 156 pages, the original text. The "animad¬
versions" are in the form of marginal notes. Another variety of total
recapitulation is provided by Richard Flecknoe, the Catholic poetaster
who, though now famous chiefly for inspiring Marvell's poem about visit¬
ing him in Rome and Dryden’s "MacFlecknoe," was an active, well-known
controversialist. His Animadversions on a Petition (1653), begins by
reprinting the offending petition in its entirety, seven pages, then
follows with thirty pages of animadversions upon it. The usual practice
with the opponent's work, however, was to interstice varying amounts
of quotation or paraphrase with refuting commentary, as is done in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd, although often with more formality than that

22
work provides. Typically the paraphrasing or direct quotation would be
printed in italics, or, if the main body of the book were in italics,
then in Roman.
As Kirk noted with regard to Milton's Animadversions and the
participants in the Admonition Controversy (especially applying to
Cartwright, I think), the quotations might be used out of context,
sometimes with gleeful unfairness. A wonderful example of this is the
way, in a passage I shall cite later at length, the Modest Confuter
twists Milton's words in order to derive evidence about his life. No
one is more inclined to this sort of thing than Marvell. His most ex¬
tended treatment of this sort (to be presented in detail in a later
chapter) is the "flowers" sequence, where he seizes on various casual
comments by Parker, reversing their value while at the same time swell¬
ing their significance to vast proportion. The effect of re-using the
opponent's phrases in such a way was to confront him with a species of
Frankenstein's monster, cobbled together from the dismembered fragments
of his own children, sewn with the sinews of antithetical ideas, so
that it lurched toward him by a shove from a grinning animadvertor.
Of course such treatment was not improper if, as animadvertors
often claimed, the opponent's statements were essentially meaningless
or beside the point. Dryden, for example, in A Defence of an Essay of
Dramatieke Poesie (1667), says that "the world will suspect what Gentle¬
man that was, who was allowed to speak thrice in Parliament, because he
12
had not yet spoken to the Question." The italics quote Dryden's
opponent Howard, who was speaking about a third party, but Dryden has

23
made them apply to Howard himself (also an M.P.) and suggested that
Howard's essay against Dryden has no relevance. In a similar vein,
Tillesley said of Selden:
And concerning his Booke, in it more paines then trueth, more
strange reading then strong reasoning; more quotations, then
proofes; more will (God be thanked) then power; good to use, but
dangerous to beleeve; a Historie of Tythes, but not true, not
onely, but even the Authors sirname backeward, NEDLES; or in
summe, Sacrilega curiositas, Arguta malvia.J-3
He also warns Selden that obscure words and little-known authorities
will not serve to hide his mistakes: "He must not looke to lurke in
the darknesse of unknowen language, or private Chartularies, or unusual
by-named Bookes. There are that can trace his footsteps, and adde light
to his Errours."-^ The implication here is that even Selden suspects
that his own arguments are false, and he seeks to conceal this by making
them obscure.
The Modest Confuter, attacking Milton's Animadversions, speaks of
"that fault of your whole discourse, which in the easiest Censurers mouth
is but Levity and Digression.This is merely to say that Milton's
entire book is silly and pointless; elsewhere he is accused of being down
right wrong. Another of Milton's anonymous foes, in An Answer to . . .
the Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, claims that his "frothie dis¬
course, were it not sugred over with a little neat language, would appear
so immeritorious and undeserving, so contrary to all humane learning, yea
truth and common experience it self, that all that reade it must needs
count it worthie to be burnt by the Hangman.Speaking of Milton's
discussion of the mixing of the souls of a married couple, the Answerer
says, "this language is too sublime and Angelicall for mortall creatures

24
to comprehend it."^ This may not have dismayed the future author of
Paradise Lost, but what it amounts to is a charge of unintelligibility.
Nor was Milton himself averse to charging his opponents with producing
nonsense: in Brief Notes Upon a. Late Sermon, he says of the minister
in question, "the rest of his preachment is meer groundless chat, save
heer and there a few granes of corn scattered to entice the silly fowl
into his net, interlac't heer and there with some human reading; though
slight, and not without Geographical and Historical mistakes."-^ Samuel
Parker, attacking John Owen in A Defence and Continuation of Ecclesias¬
tical Polity, claims, "But this man is not at leisure to write Sense,
nor takes time to weigh whether what he dictates be pertinent to his
own or to my purpose. His whole book is nothing but Cavil and vulgar
talk." Joseph Glanville, for the second time attacking Henry Stubbe
(who a year later would attack Marvell with Rosemary 6^ Bayes), says to
him, "I admonish you, when you write again, endeavour to write Sence;
For both your Letters abound with palpable Non-sence, and false English."20
Here Glanville includes the question of style, as well as sense. When
Marvell set to work on The Rehearsal Transpros1d a few months later, he
did not neglect to include multitudinous suggestions that Parker's writ¬
ings were devoid of meaning and form.
Animadvertors often went to such lengths to prove their opponents
wrong in the smallest things, as to cause one student to describe the
genre as "comprised essentially of minute and often quibbling scrutiny."21
Thus Martin Marprelate makes much of John Bridges' mistaken citation of
I.Cor.12 when he meant to cite Rom.12, and his misnaming of the translator

25
of the Syriac Testament, neither point being material to the argu-
9 9
ment. c Again, in Hay any worke for Cooper (1589), Martin corrects
one of Bridges' statements and gives him a rather gratuitous lesson
in Greek:
Whereas that was far from my meaning/ and could by no means be
gathered out of my words/ but only by him that pronounced Eulogin
for Enlogeni in the pulpit: and by him whom a papist made to
beleeve/ that the greek word Enlogeni, that is to give thanks/
signifieth to make a crosse in the forhead: py hy hy hy. I
cannot but laugh/ py hy hy hy. I cannot but laugh to thinke that
an olde soaking student in this learned age/ is not ashamed to
be so impudent as to presume to deale with a papist/ when he
hath no grue in his pocked. But I promise you Sir/ it is no
shame to be a L. bishop if a man could/ though he were as un-
lerned as John of Glocester or William of Liechfeld.23
This seems to be partly an inside joke, which has lost some of its punch
in the last four centuries. But it appears clear that besides linking
Bridges with the papists, Martin's main objective is to show Bridges as
an unlearned fool, and he does not mind going far afield to do it.
In the Smectymnuus—Hall—Milton controversy, there was constant
skirmishing over the word form "Areopagi" versus "Areopagitae." The
Smectymnuuans had used "Areopagi," and Hall had twitted them for it in
his Defence, pointing out that it was incorrect. Milton, trailing clouds
of erudition, springs to their defense in Animadversions: he cites the
ancients and Chaucer, and claims the Smectymnuuan form better fits the
2
English mouth because it does not have "a harsh forreigne termination."
Next, Hall's ally, the Modest Confuter, enters the fray with considerable
indignation over Milton's position. Outdoing Milton in scholastic zeal,
he provides a compendious history of modified word-endings, with examples
from Polybius and Suetonius, from Italian and English, and arrives at
Chaucer's modifications of proper names (cited by Milton), such as Pegace,

26
or Ceys (for Ceyx). But Chaucer's example, he says, is no excuse for
Milton, for Chaucer
hath not metamorphosed the name of a place into the name of a man:
or if he had, it were one of those faults which ought to be forgiven
(not imitated) in so reverend antiquity. (Sir Ph. Sidney Defense
of Poesie) .... either you are as dis-ingenuous in matters of
Grammar as of Religion; in both, purposing therefore to maintain
a thing, because you have said it; or else perhaps you have a de¬
signe to innovate as well upon our language as upon our Church-'
government.25
The Modest Confuter has taken a word-ending as an emblem of Milton's
character and ecclesiastical politics. This battle over "Areopagi" is
surely one of the most extended examples of nitpicking in seventeenth
century literature, but the animadversions abound with myriad examples
no less trivial.
That some of the finest minds of their time would devote such large
efforts to seemingly miniscule points of contention, that they would
"beat a bush all day to start a butterfly," might seem incredible to a
reader today. I think it was partly what at first glance it seems:
callow one-upmanship, a relic of schooldays and scholastic debates. Per¬
haps more important however is that it was a variety of ad_ personam argu¬
ment, and clearly one that, because everyone thought it was effective,
2 6
was effective. One's pretence to authority would be seriously damaged
by any demonstrable error; if a person's grammar, vocabulary, or history
were faulty, mightn't he be wrong on larger issues? The education of
the seventeenth century was very heavily oriented to the proper and effec¬
tive use of language, so that language was to no small extent a touch¬
stone of authority; the greater a man's command of language (and languages)
the better he could understand God's word, and the better qualified he

27
was to speak to other men. Thus an incorrectly cited name or other
datum was damaging; a display of poor command of language was doubly
so. This is why Martin stretches so far to show Bishop Bridges with
no grammatical "grue in his pocked," why the Modest Confuter suggests
that Milton's treatment of language and his treatment of church govern¬
ment are linked. This surely is what motivates the Answerer to the •
Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce to say to Milton, "Only first we
shall speak to your phrase and manner of speaking, and then to the
2 8
matter of it." The Answerer's attack on Milton's phrase and manner
proves to be rather desperate; he is not really equal to taking on the
man who, when not defending "Areopagi," was surely one of England's
most awesomely learned and careful wielders of words. It is signifi¬
cant, though, that the Answerer felt it necessary to make an attack on
style an important feature of his pamphlet. So it is that Flecknoe,
attacking the Petitioners, says,
And first, to say nothing of their Preface, nor their Goodly
stile, all stuff'd and interlarded with Scripture phrase, so
senselessly alleg'd, as I will not say their reading of the
Scripture seems to make them mad, but certainly this I dare
affirm, that those who read it lesse, write far better, and
more sense than they, and would never have said the paths
to dwell in, (as they do) but rather the paths to walk in,
according to the more proper metaphore.^
Flecknoe is saying that the Puritan penchant for personal study and
interpretation of the Bible has not only caused them to fill their prose
with Biblical superfluities, but has damaged their ability to think and
communicate correctly. Dryden, too, seeking minute flaws in Howard's
writing, says archly that it is "abundantly interlac'd with variety of
Fancies, Tropes, and Figures, which the Criticks have enviously branded

28
30
with the name of obscurity and false Grammar." Parker similarly
attacks Owen's style. Citing Owen's claim to make an "examination
of the principal parts and seeming Pillars," of Parker's case, Parker
says, "I shall not mind him of the uncouthness of his Language. (though
if it were consider'd, it will be found that to examine a Pillar, is
31
scarce more proper English than to explicate a Post." For these men,
style is power; further, they recognize that words and phrases are the
bricks of which arguments are built; bad bricks indicate a shaky struc¬
ture.
Often the animadvertor would direct his efforts at finding fault
not only with the manner and the matter, but the man; the ad personam
attack is a common feature of animadversion literature. Thus the
Marprelate tracts (both Martinist and anti-Martinist) contain energetic
depictions of the opponent as a knave and fool, at times to the virtual
neglect of the real controversy. For example, the author of The lust
Censure and Reproofe of Martin Iunior includes as part of his reasoning
against the conformists the following:
Item particularly, concerning Iohn Canturburie himselfe, I doe
affirme, but yet no further then quatenus probabile, that is,
by great likelihoodes, that he is so finally hardened in his
hainous sinnes against God and his church, that as hee cannot
be reclaimed, for his mouth is full of cursing against God and
his Saintes, his feete are swift to shed the blood of the holie
ones, hee teareth in peeces the churches which he ought to foster,
wilfully pulling the shepheards from their sheepe, and so scat¬
tering them in a most lamentable sorte, making much of wicked
men that mainteine his popedome, and smiting the righteous for
gainesaying his wayes, bringing in daily into the church, either
by himselfe or his hangsons newe errors not heard of before.
Blaspheming the way of trueth. And being rooted in mallice
against that truth of Christ Iesus (who is blessed for eurer)
which he may see, if he did not hood-wincke himselfe, hee with
all his power contrarieth and striveth against the going forwarde

29
of the Gospell, least by the light thereof his sinnes shoulde be
reprooued. Finally, he hath in him too too many likely testimonies
of an heire of the kingdome of darknesse, where, without his true
turning unto the Lorde, he shall liue in hell for euer.^
The Archbishop's portrait is so broadly black we can scarcely see the
man; there are accusations of venality and evil, but no real specifics.
Nevertheless one assumes the reader is not likely to trust the state¬
ments of a man who blasphemes the way of truth, who brings in daily new
errors, and who is "rooted in mallice against that truth of Christ
lesus." Indeed, the mouth full of curses against God, the swift feet
shedding the blood of holy ones, the self-deception, all add up to a
picture of the heir of the kingdom of darkness: Satan. Surely not an
attractive picture for a reader who desires a church that will praise
God and save the sinner.
The vicious nature of Sir Roger L'Estrange's treatment of Milton
is indicated by the mere title of his pamphlet, No Blinde Guides (1660).
He then introduces his adversary in a blaze of sulphur squibs:
Mr. Milton, although in your Life, and Doctrine, you have Resolved
one great Question; by evidencing that Devils may indue Humane
shapes; and proving your self, even to your own Wife, an incubus:
you have yet started Another; and that is, whether you are not of
that Regiment, which carried the Heard of Swine headlong into the
Sea: and moved the People to beseech Jesus to depart out of their
coasts.^3
Like Martin, L'Estrange portrays his adversary as a would-be leader who
should not be followed; he is not only a blind guide, but—by virtue of
his demonic quality—a false one. By mentioning Milton's domestic pro¬
blems, L'Estrange links the satanic theme with the topic of the con¬
troversy: divorce, and connubial relations in general.

30
As no Christian would follow the devil, so no rational man (which
all readers assume themselves to be) would take the advice of a mad¬
man except with great caution. Thus animadvertors would at times
suggest that their opponents were insane. The Answerer, for example,
says of Milton's Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, "this is wilde,
34
mad, and frantick divinitie." Milton, in reply, claims that the
35
Answerer is "suddenly taken with a lunacy of Law." Previously,
attacking the Modest Confutation, Milton had alleged that "this . . .
36
is plaine bedlam stuffe." Joseph Glanville expressed distaste at
even having to reply to Stubbe, because, "I think a Man may with as
much Reputation write against the Wits of Bedlam, as against this crackt
Fop of Warwick.
Scarcely more reputable than a lunatic was his competitor in enter¬
tainment, the actor. The notion of the opponent as a stage-figure goes
at least as far back as the very first of the Martinist pamphlets, the
Epistle, in which Martin cites the concept of decorum personae to treat
his opponent Bridges as a comic stage figure. That he becomes one him¬
self does not disturb him, for his main goal is not so much to be a
propounder of positions as to be a burner of Bridges. As John S.
Coolidge puts it, "he reduces the Dean to a roister on a wooden stage,
but he also diminishes the whole discussion, momentarily, from one
Concerning the means of salvation to one concerning the bienseance of
a theatrical entertainment. This is the distinctive feature of Martin's
method generally: the deliberate interpenetration of religious and
38
theatrical associations."
Of course if the entire question of

31
conformity comes to be viewed as trivial, then the nonconformists will
have won their case. Conformists, too, could use the concept of
theatricality, with the objective of showing that their opponents (but
only they) were mere buffoons and, while having some entertainment
value, could hardly be taken seriously. Serious matters (such as
ecclesiastical polity) should be left to serious men. In an anti- •
Martinist pamphlet, A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied, we find
the following:
Since reason (Martin) cannot stay thy pen,
We'il see what rime will doo: haue at thee then.
A Vizard late skipt out upon our Stage;
But in a sacke, that no man might him see:
And though we knowe not yet the paltrie page,
Himselfe hath Martin made his name to bee.
A proper name, and for his feates most fit;
The only thing wherein he hath shew'd wit.
Who knoweth not, that Apes men Martins call;
Which beast this baggage seemes as t'were himselfe:
So as both nature, nurture, name and all,
Of that's expressed in this apish elfe.
Which lie make good to Martin Marr-als face
In three plaine poynts, and will not bate an ace.
For first the Ape delights with moppes and mowes,
And mocketh Prince and peasants all alike:
This jesting Jacke that no good manner knowes,
With his Asse heeles presumes all States to strike.
Whose scoffes so stinking in each nose doth smell,
As all mouthes saie of dolts he beares the bell.39
The point of the line, "Who knoweth not, that Apes men Martins call,"
I take to be this: the poet posits the fiction that men call apes
"Martins;" thus Martin has chosen an exactly suitable name for himself,
for he actually is an ape. Though somewhat amusing, he is rude and
does not know his proper place—he "no good manner knowes," and "presumes

32
all states to strike," in violation of decorum. The only thing he does
right, he does through ignorance, by choosing the name Martin. The
anonymous poet seems to forget himself in the fourth stanza when he
makes Martin a jackass instead of an ape. But the picture is amusing,
the verse lively; he has succeeded in creating a persona for his ad¬
versary, which he amplifies in the remainder of the pamphlet and which
leads the reader to think of Martin as a performing ape—hardly a
serious authority on religious matters.
The Modest Confuter seeks a similar effect when he introduces Milton
to the reader:
Reader . . . thou art acquainted with the late and hot bickerings
between the Prelates and Smectymnuus: To make up the breaches of
whose solemn Scenes, (it were too ominous to say Tragicall) there
is thrust forth upon the Stage, as also to take the eare of the
lesse intelligent, a scurrilous Mime, a personated, and (as him¬
self thinks) a grim, lowering, bitter fool.^0
The Modest Confuter is here referring to Milton's statement that, though
jest may seem out of place in the discussion of serious matters, yet in
the "serious uncasing of a grand imposture," which Prelatry is, there is
41
a place for "grim laughter." The Modest Confuter's position seems to
be that, grim or not, a jester is a jester; Milton has proclaimed himself
such, and should expect to be laughed at. In his turn, Milton, writing
An Apology against the Modest Confutation, is thoroughy incensed.
For one thing, says Milton, falling back to a fortress of philology, the
Modest Confuter has not stated what a mime is, "whereof we have no pat¬
tern from ancient writers except some fragments," which Milton then
provides, with commentary. In the process of this learned essay, Milton
of course suggests that it is the Modest Confuter himself who is "the

33
loosest and most extravagant Mime, that hath been heard of." Milton
has amplified the importance and pejorative power of the term, and
reversed its effect to apply it to his opponent. That he chose to do
so is indicative of the negative value of association with the stage,
a value hardly lessened three decades later when Marvell settled the
extravagant mantle of Bayes upon the shoulders of Samuel Parker.
What better way to display the flaws of a wretched adversary than
to recite his biography, especially when fiction may serve better than
fact? Surely one of the most extended examples of this stratagem
occurs in Haue with you to Saffron-walden, or, Gabrieli Harueys Hunt
jas v£ (1596), which is Thomas Nash 's reply to Harvey's Piers His
Supererogation. Nash devotes forty-eight pages to a biography of his
adversary, mixing fact (that Harvey's father was only a harness-maker)
with fiction (he describes a dream Harvey's mother supposedly had when
carrying him, to the effect that her womb was a "Solomon's brazen bowle"
that when broken—i. e. when Harvey was born—let loose thousands of
devils). Nash casts Harvey's horoscope, which proves to be a bad one,
43
describes his unfortunate career at school, and so on. Milton per¬
formed a similar service, though less copiously, for Salmasius in The
Defence of the English People (1651). Peter du Moulin, concealed be¬
hind the editorship of Alexander More, employed an essentially factual
but belittling biography of Milton in Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Coelum
(1652). Milton retaliated with one of the most vitriolic pseudo-bio¬
graphical attacks in English literature, against More, in The Second
Defence (1654):

34
There is one More, part Frenchman and part Scot, so that one
country or one people cannot be quite overwhelmed with the whole
infamy of his extraction; an unprincipled miscreant and proved
not only by the general testimony of his enemies, but even by
that of his dearest friends whom he has alienated by his in¬
sincerity, to be a monster of perfidy, falsehood, ingratitude,
and malevolence, the perpetual slanderer, not only of men, but
of women, whose chastity he is no more accustomed to regard than
their reputation. To pass over the more obscure transactions
of his youth, he first made his appearance as a teacher of the
Greek language at Geneva, where he could not divest himself
either of the knave or fool; but where, even while secretly
conscious, though perhaps not yet publicly convicted, of so
many enormities, he had the audacity to solicit the office of
pastor in the church and to profane the character by his crimes.
But his debaucheries, his pride, and the general profligacies of
his conduct could not long escape the censure of the presbyters.
After being condemned for many heresies, which he basely re¬
canted, and to which he still as impiously adhered, he was at
last openly found guilty of adultery.^4
There is a great deal more in a similar vein, much of it quite clever,
including witticisms and puns on More's name.
That many of the pamphleteers were anonymous created for their
animadvertors a special problem—and opportunity—in terms of ad
personam attack. How does one denigrate the character of someone
whose identity is concealed? One solution often readily available was
that frequently the author's identity was an open secret. Then the
animadvertor need only make clear his knowledge of the fact (sometimes
by using the man's name or initials) and proceed normally. The author
of A Whip for an Ape, though, seems to have had no idea of Martin
Marprelate's real identity, so he solved the problem by creating a
character for him. The Modest Confuter devised another tactic. Faced
by the absence of Milton's name from the title page of the Animadversions,
he remarks:

35
I have no further notice of him, than he hath been pleased, in
his immodest and injurious Libell, to give of himself: and
therefore, as our industrious Criticks for want of clearer
evidence concerning the life and manners of some revived
Authors, must fetch his character from some scattered passages
in his own writings. It seems he hath been initiated in the
Arts by Jacke Seaton, and by Bishop Downam confirmed a Logician:
and as he sayes his companions did, it is like hee spent his
youth, in loytering, bezelling, and harlotting. Thus being
grown to an Impostume in the brest of the University, he was
at length vomited out thence into a Suburbe sinke about London;-
which, since his comming up, hath groaned under two ills, Him,
and the Plague. Where his morning haunts are I wist not; but
he that would finde him after dinner, must search the Play-
Houses , or the Bordelli, for there I have traced him; [among old
Cloakes, false Beards, Tyres, Cases, Periwigs, Modona Vizzards,
night-walking Cudgellers, and Salt Lotion.]^5
The first part of this statement is based on Milton's assertion that
the clergy "spend their youth in loitering, bezzling, and harlotting,
their studies in unprofitable questions, and barbarous sophistry,
their middle age in ambition and idlenesse, their old age in avarice,
46
dotage, and diseases." The Modest Confuter, as Rudolf Kirk notes,
deduced that Milton "must have known evil ways from having lived them
47
at the university." The second part is based on a passage in which
Milton defends the value of freedom of the press. In the past, says
Milton, princes could only find out the genuine thoughts of their
people by sneaking about in disguise, eavesdropping. With a free
press, though, they receive "such an Anatomie of the shiest, and tender-
est truths ... as that they shall not need heerafter in old Cloaks,
and false Beards, to stand to the courtesy of a night-walking cudgeller
for eaves dropping, not to accept quietly as a perfume, the over-head
48
emptying of some salt lotion." Although James I seems on occasion
actually to have gone about in disguise like this, still, one cannot

36
help smiling at the thought of him or Charles 1, in old cloak and
false beard, being either cudgelled or quietly accepting the "perfume"
from a chamber-pot; this the alternative to a free press. Milton's
dry humor did not, however, charm the Modest Confuter from dismembering
and reassembling his words to the point of virtual unrecognizability.
The princely spy-gear has become (with considerable augmentation from
the Modest Confuter) the trappings of the theatre or even the bordello.
It is outrageously unfair, but also rather effective. Indeed, the
tactic was sufficiently admirable for Milton to immediately borrow it
for his reply:
And because he pretends to be a great conjector at other men by
their writings, I will not faile to give ye, Readers, a present
taste of him from his own title; hung out like a toling [enticing]
signe-post to call passengers, not simply a confutation but a
â– modest confutation with a laudatory of it selfe obtruded in the
very first word. Whereas a modest title should only informe the
buyer what the book containes without furder insinuation, this
officious epithet so hastily assuming the modesty wc^ others
are to judge of by reading, not the author to anticipate to him-
selfe by forestalling, is a strong presumption that his modesty
set there for sale in the frontispice, is not much addicted to
blush. A surer signe of his lost shame he could not have given,
then seeking thus unseasonably to prepossesse men of his modesty.49
Having spun all this and more, out of a single word, Milton goes on to
say that the phrase "slanderous and scurrilous" (which in the Modest
Confuter's title is applied to Milton's Animadversions) sounds like
his former adversary Hall, who must, says Milton, have been a consultant
to the Modest Confuter, if he did not actually write the pamphlet him¬
self. "’O jt is Hall's sort of presumption to tell the reader something
is slanderous and scurrilous when the reader is perfectly capable of
judging such matters for himself. My impression from the complete

37
pamphlet is that Milton is uncomfortable not knowing who his
opponent is; he makes hints that it might be Hall, other hints that it
is a younger man, and seems to be seeking a focus for his vituperation.
However, Milton learned from the experience, and was well prepared
to face the anonymous author of the Answer against the Doctrine and
Discipline of Divorce. Indeed, the sub-title of his reply, Colaster.ion
(1645), indicated that it was a work "wherein the trivial Author of
that Answer is discover'd." Milton discovers the Answerer's identity
by the following process of deduction:
His very first page bewraies him as an illiterate, and arrogant
presumer in that which hee understands not .... Nor did I
finde this his want of the pretended Languages alone, but
accompanied with such a low and home-spun expression of his
Mother English all along, without joynt or frame, as made mee,
ere I knew furder of him, often stop, and conclude, that this
Author could for certain bee no other than som mechanic.-^
From this, and the Answerer's penchant for legal terminology, Milton
concludes he is a servingman with pretensions of being a lawyer. Through¬
out Colasterion, Milton faithfully maintains the image of his opponent
as a lawyerly servant. This creation and consistent elaboration of his
opponent's character as a servant is, I think, the most striking and
successful device in the Colasterion.
When Marvell came to write The Rehearsal Transpros'd, he would have
his cake and eat it too; knowing who his adversary was, he would be able
to write a burlesque biography containing enough truth to make it one
of the sources for Parker's entry in the Dictionary of National Bio¬
graphy, yet distorted and embellished enough to make Parker seem the
most bizarre monstrosity ever to pretend to sapience. At the same time,

38
Marvell would claim that the absence of Parker's name from the title-
page of his book was grounds for applying a suitable sobriquet—Bayes—
and he would deduce the justification for that name from Parker's own
words.
The seventeenth century literature of ecclesiastical and political
animadversion was like a mulligan stew, simmering for a century on the
stove of unresolved controversy, with the potatoes and turnips of
thesis and antithesis constantly stirred and ladeled about, sometimes
augmented, sometimes diminished, spiced by the varying style and
strategy of each passing author. As I hope to show in subsequent
chapters, one could scarcely find a tastier portion than that served
up by Andrew Marvell. His use of the opponent's words, his extraor¬
dinary exfoliation of minor points, his attention to the weaknesses of
his opponent's style and logic, his many-pronged attack (including
the fictionalized biography) on Parker's character: in all of these and
more, The Rehearsal Transpros'd was the culminating manifestation of a
rich generic heritage. It was, as Charles II might have said, a dish
fit for a king.^

NOTES
For example, James Sutherland, English Literature of the Late
Seventeenth Century (The Oxford History of English Literature VI),
(Oxford, The Clarendon Press: 1969) neither mentions the term nor
gives any description of the genre, although he briefly discusses the
works of Marvell, Parker, and others. For an entire volume about
"animadversions" which never defines the term, see James Wise Nial,
"Some Seventeenth Century Animadversions on Sir Thomas Browne's
Religio Medici," Diss., The University of Florida, 1964.
2
William Tyndale, An Answere unto sir Thomas More1s Dialog (London:
1531), in Tyndale1s Answer to Sir Thomas More's Dialogue, &c. ed. Henry
Walter for the Parker Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1850). Written in 1530.
3
For a full treatment of this controversy, see Donald Joseph McGinn,
The Admonition Controversy (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
1949).
4
Martin Marprelate, Oh read over D. Iohn Bridges for it is £ worthy
worke. Printed ouer-sea in Europe [East Molesley (?): R. Waldegrave,
1588], [The Epistle]. and Martin Marprelate, Oh read over D. Iohn
Bridges for it is a_ worthy worke: An Epitome of the fyrste Booke of
that right worshipful volume . . . [1588].
~>John Bridges, A Defence of the Government Established in the
Church of Englande for Ecclesiastical Matters (London: By John Windet
for Thomas Chard, 1587).
^Francis Thynne, Animadversions upon the annotations and corrections
of some imperfections of impressions of Chaucers workes (sett downe
before tyme, and nowe) reprinted in the yere of pure lorde 1598 sett
downe by Francis Thynne, Ed. E. J. Furnivall from the MS. in the Bridge-
water Library (London: The Chaucer Society, 1876). Thynne is essentially
friendly to Speght and offers his comments not as a slap in the face, but
as a helping hand. Indeed, Speght made use of Thynne's work, which cir¬
culated only in manuscript, in his subsequent edition.
^Richard Tillesley, Animadversions upon M. Seldens History of tythes,
and his review thereof: before which (in lieu of the two first chapters
purposely pretermitted) is premised a. catalogue of 72 authors, before the
yeare 1215 (London: Printed by N. Okes for A. Iohnson, 1621), sig. c.
g
Richard Tillesley, Animadversions upon M. Selden's History of tithes,
and his review thereof: Before which (in lieu of the two first Chapters
purposely pretermitted) is premised a^ Catalogue of Seventy two Authors,
before the yeere 1215. Maintaining the Ius diminus of Tythes of more,
to_ be payed to the Priesthood under the Gospell (London: Printed by
John Bill, 1619, p. 236.
39

40
Don M. Wolfe et al., ed., Complete Prose Works of John Milton
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953 et seq.), I. 654. Cited
hereafter as Yale Milton.
10
The word used in the titles of seventeenth century books is
almost invariably "animadversions," not "an animadversion," although
we speak today of "animadversion literature," and a single book as an
"animadversion."
Richard Flecknoe, Animadversions on a_ Petition Delivered to the
Honourable House of Parliament [No printer or publisher] (1653). For
another example of marginal animadversion, see the anonymous Annota¬
tions upon certain Quaeries of (As they call it) tender conscienced
Christians concerning the late Protestation (London: For Axel Roper,
1642).
12
John Dryden, "A Defence of an Essay of Dramaticke Poesie, being
an Answer to the Preface of The Great Favourite, or the Duke of Lerma,"
in The Works of John Dryden, ed. John Loftis and Vinton A. Dearing
(Berkeley: University of California, 1966), IX, 5.
13Tillesley, 1619, p. 236.
3¿fTillesley, 1619, sig. b3v-b4r.
A Modest Confutation of a_ Slanderous and Scurrilous Libell entituled
Animadversions upon the Remonstrants defense against Smectymnuus (1642),
p. 24.
3^An Answer to a_ Book, Intituled the Doctrine and Discipline of
Divorce (London: Printed by G. M. for William Lee, 1644), p. 41.
^An Answer, p. 41.
John Milton, Brief Notes Upon a_ Late Sermon, Titled, the Fear of
God and the King, &c., in The Works of John Milton, ed. Frank Allen
Patterson et. al., (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1932), VI, 157.
Samuel Parker, A Defence and Continuation of the Ecclesiastical
Politie: By way of a_ Letter to a_ Friend in London. Together With a_
Letter from the Author of the Friendly Debate (London: John Martyn,
1671), sig. A3r.
20
[Joseph Glanville], A Further Discovery of M. Stubbe, in a Brief
Reply to his last pamphlet, against Jos. Glanvill (London: Printed
for H. Eversden, 1671),p. 2.
21
Raymond A. Anselment, "Satiric Strategy in Andrew Marvell's The
Rehearsal Transpros1d," MP, 68 (1970), p. 137.

41
22
Martin Marprelate, Oh read over I). Iohn Bridges for it is
worthy worke: An Epitome, sig. 4r.
23
[Martin Marprelate], Hay any worke for Cooper. Printed in Europe
not farre from some of the Bouncing Priestes [1589; actually printed
in England], sig. 3r-3v.
24
25
Yale Milton, pp. 666-667, and 666 n. 8.
A Modest Confutation, p. 13.
26
By ad_ personam, I mean what is often commonly referred to as ad
hominem, that is, an attack upon the person of one's opponent, aimed
at disqualifying him. On the other hand, jid hominem would indicate
an argument tailored to the assumptions of one's audience, which
assumptions might not be shared by all men, or by the speaker. The
grammatical nitpicking of the seventeenth century controversialists
would seem to be both, as it was an ah personam based upon a notion
to which nearly any seventeenth century reader was likely to subscribe,
although the same notion might have little weight at another time
and place. For the distinction between the two terms, see Chaim
Perelman and L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The New Rhetoric: A Treatise on
Argumentation (Notre Dame: University óf Notre Dame Press, 1971),
p. 110-112.
27
Compare, too, the end of The Dunciad, where because of the
"uncreating word," we see that "Universal Darkness buries All."
28.
29
An Answer, p. 17.
Flecknoe, p. 6-7.
30
Dryden, p. 10.
31
32
Parker, A Defence and Continuation, p. 102.
The lust Censure and Reproofe of Martin Iunior [1588], sig. Clr.
33,
[Sir Roger L'Estrange] , N Pamphlet of J_. Milton1 s, INTITULED Brief Notes upon a late Sermon
Titl1d, the fear of God and the King; . . . (London: 1660), p. 1.
34
An Answer, p. 36.
35
John Milton, Colasterion, in The Works of John Milton, ed. Frank
Allen Patterson et. al., (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1932), IV,
255.
36
Yale Milton, I, 895.

42
37
A Further Discovery, sig. A2r.
38
John S. Coolidge, "Martin Marprelate, Marvell, and Decorum
Personae as a Satirical Theme," PMLA, 74 (1959), p. 527.
39
sig.
A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied [London(?): 1589],
A2r.
40
41
A Modest Confutation, sig. A3r.
Yale Milton, I, 663.
42
Yale Milton, I, 881-882.
43
Thomas Nashe, Haue with you to Saffron-walden, or, Gabrieli
Harueys Hunt is vp. Containing the Halter-maker, or, Nashe his Confutation of the sinfull Doctor
(London: 1596), in The Works of Thomas Nashe, ed. R. B. Mckerrow
(London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1910), III; the biography is pp. 55-102.
44
John Milton, The Second Defense of the People of England (1654),
trans. Robert Fellowes, excerpted in John Milton: Complete Poems and
Major Prose, ed. Merritt Y. Hughes (Philadelphia: Bobbs-Merrill,
1957), p. 822.
45
A Modest Confutation, sig. A3r-A3v.
46Yale
Milton,
I,
677.
47Yale
Milton,
I,
677 n. 54.
48v .
Yale
Milton,
I,
670.
49Yale
Milton,
I,
875-876.
5°Yale
Milton,
I,
876.
"^Colasterion,
P-
235.
52„r
Of course the
English animadversion literature die not exist in
a vacuum. There were controversial works written, for continental
distribution, in Latin and in other languages with which Marvell and
other controversialists were familiar. However, there is ample material
in the tracts in English to derive and illustrate the extended definition
I seek here. Also, as King points out, there was a relationship between
the scholastic debate and the animadversion literature. (Robert Leo
King, "The Rhetoric of Andrew Marvell's Prose," Diss. Boston University,
1958, p. 71) Though I shall allude to this, it seemed best to let the
problems involved in a close study of the question remain outside the
scope of my investigation; indeed King may have done nearly all that
can usefully be done without more information then is presently avail¬
able about the debates during the seventeenth century.

CHAPTER III
POLITICS AND PAMPHLETEERS: MARVELL'S CALL TO ACTION
Although The Rehearsal Transpros1d was part of a pamphlet war
already a century old, the specific battle that was to match Marvell
against Parker began in 1665. In my summary I shall not devote more
than passing attention to the details of the arguments in any given
book. Most of the ammunition had been used many times before. To
put things simply, one side, representing the church establishment,
desired conformity: ideally, everyone in England would be a loyal
member of the Church of England, subscribing to and obeying the
episcopal precepts. In opposition were the nonconformists, especially
the Presbyterians and Independents, and their sympathizers, including
Andrew Marvell, who as a member of Parliament was a sworn member of the
established church. Each book in the debate can be really summed up in
two words, either for conformity or against conformity.^ But, at least
as important as what was said was who was saying it, and how: it was
to be a combat of personalities and intellects as much as of ideas.
The debate in print was but part of the great political struggle
between the conformists and the nonconformists. With the restoration
of the crown in 1660 had come the restoration of the Church of England:
bishops returned to their palaces, and parishes were again in the care
of dutiful (if sometimes absent) divines. The Convention Parliament,
43

44
which existed primarily to effect the Restoration, was dissolved
December 29, 1660. The new election resulted in what was to become
known as the Cavalier Parliament, which was to sit, with recesses and
prorogations, until 1678. As its name implies, the Cavalier Parlia¬
ment was largely imbued with royalish sentiment, further enhanced by
a longing for the political stability which many thought a crown could
provide. Also, as was made certain by the Act of Uniformity of 1662,
Commons was composed entirely of men who could give at least lip-
service allegiance to the Anglican church, and it leaned consistently
in favor of uniformity.
On the other hand, Charles, titular head of the Church of England,
pursued an equally persistent although usually unsuccessful policy in
favor of toleration. llis reasons for this are subject to debate today,
but whatever the various motives involved, one of the major tensions in
the politics of Charles' reign was between those who favored toleration,
especially the King and the leading nonconformists, and those who favored
conformity, especially the bishops and a working majority of Commons.
Although soon after his accession, Charles had received from Parlia¬
ment what everyone thought would be a fairly adequate grant of permanent
revenue, he soon found himself chronically short of funds. Graft, mis¬
management, unforeseen events, and the King's lavish expenditures on
favorites and mistresses can all be adduced, but the simplest explanation
seems to be that the tools for managing the finances of a modem govern¬
ment were still undeveloped. The net effect was that the King was re¬
peatedly obliged to abandon his efforts for toleration in order to get

45
more money from Parliament. The King wanted to keep his head and his
throne, and was as pragmatic and plastic as necessary; a policy in
favor of conformity again and again proved to be, as Marvell put it,
"the price of money."
In the Declaration of Breda, promulgated just prior to the Restora¬
tion, Charles had promised (subject to the desires of Parliament)
"liberty to tender consciences." The Savoy Conference, required by
Charles' Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs of October 25, 1660,
failed to result in agreement between conformists and nonconformists,
and the bishops, now safely reestablished, saw little need to yield
too much for the comfort of their opponents. Because many members of
Parliament had similar sentiments, a series of anti-nonconformist laws
were enacted. The Act of Uniformity of 1662, requiring among other
things unfeigned assent of all ministers to the new Book of Common
Prayer in its entirety, resulted in the immediate ejection of about
2,000 nonconforming clergy from their livings. Soon after came that
group of laws which, although Clarendon was neither their originator
nor their sole promoter, became known as the Clarendon Code. Among
these laws was the Five-Mile Act of 1665, which
reaffimed the obligation of all in holy orders to take the pre¬
scribed oaths, and forbade all preachers and teachers refusing
the oaths to come within five miles of a corporate town, or of
the parish where they had taught or preached. All such persons,
as well as those who failed to attend the parish church, were
forbidden, under a penalty of <£40, to teach, whether as school¬
master of private tutors; and thus the legislature did its best
to deprive the educated dissenter or ejected minister of one of
his most natural means of livelihood.2
Naturally, the perpetual outpouring of nonconformist literature
soon included reaction against the Five Mile Act. This provoked a

46
defense of the Act by one of the Church of England's most respected
priests and prolific writers, Simon Patrick. Patrick, eventually to
be Bishop of Ely, had taken presbyterian orders upon graduation from
Cambridge in 1647, but became a convinced episcopalian and was ordained
in 1654 by Dr. Joseph Hall, Milton's old adversary, in that then-
ejected Bishop's parlor. Patrick's energy and ability is attested •
by the one hundred and thirty entries that follow his name in Wing's
catalog, including a number of multiple editions. In 1665 he was
rector of St. Paul's, Covent Garden, where he would remain for
another quarter century. Patrick describes his opening shot in our
controversy:
In the latter end of the year 1668 [actually the first edition
of A Friendly Debate is dated 1666], the insolence of many of
the dissenters grew so great, that it provoked me to write a
little book, which I called "A Friendly Debate between a Con¬
formist and a Nonconformist." My intention in it was sincere,
to persuade them in a kind manner to join with us; at least
not to have us in contempt, as if they were the only godly people,
and we at the best but moral men, (as they called us,) who had
not the grace of God in us. This book proved very acceptable,
and had many editions; but was only guessed to be mine; for I
told nobody of it but my brother, and one that carried it to
the press. At last, one of my lord of Canterbury's chaplains
wheedled Mr. Royston the bookseller to confess he had it from
me. Whereupon his Grace, who had long been angry with me upon
the account of Queen's college business, ordered one to bring
me over to him, assuring me of a very kind welcome. Which indeed
I had from him ever after upon many occasions.^
It is worth noting that Samuel Parker was at this time one of the
Archbishop's chaplains; whether or not he was the one who made the
inquiry, he is likely to have seen Patrick as a useful ally; at any rate
he quickly became Patrick's close literary comrade, and in 1672 was in¬
strumental in securing for him a prebendary at Westminster.^

47
A Friendly Debate is a dialogue in which a conformist argues rings
around his neighbor the nonconformist. Patrick's mouthpiece defends the
Five-Mile Act by saying the nonconformists really ought to see their
error and conform, but if they are so stubborn as not to then they
should suffer in silence:
N.C. Would you not think it hard to be so abridg'd of your liberty?
C. Yes, without doubt. But, if we must never submit to such
things, as we count harsh and rigorous, then farewel all the
Doctrine of Christ concerning taking up our Cross, and suffering
patiently, &c. Which Doctrines, if you had studied, you would not
have uttered such a word as implies the King to be a Tyrant.
N.C. Pray pardon me that rashness.
C. I do most readily, and hope you ask God pardon for this, and
all other your rash words and actions.^
In other words, the nonconformists should be grateful for the splendid
opportunity the Five-Mile Act affords them to exercise their Christian
submission and patience.
A Friendly Debate was reprinted in 1668, then became a bestseller
with four editions in 1669. The nonconformist reaction may be typified
by Richard Baxter's comment that "this book was so dis-ingenuous and
virulent as caused most Religious People to abhor it for the strain and
£
tendency, and probable Effects." He notes that Patrick, having chosen
some of the worst examples of argumentation from the nonconformist side,
has committed a deliberate fallacy, which Baxter corrects: a cause
which includes fools among its adherents is not necessarily foolish.
Next, according to Baxter,
Some moderate worthy men did excellently well answer this Book
of Dr. Patrick's; so as would have stated matters rightly; but
the danger of the Times made them suppress them, and so they
were never printed; But Mr. Bowles late Minister at Thistleworth
printed an Answer, which sufficiently opened the faultiness of
what he wrote against; but wanting the Masculine strength, and

48
cautelousness which was necessary to deal with such an Adversary,
he was quickly answered (by fastening on the weakest parts) with
new reproach and triumph; And the Author was double exposed to
suffering; For whereas he was so neer Conformity as that he had
taken the Oxford Oath, and read some Common prayer, and therefore
by connivance was permitted to preach in South-Wark to an Hos¬
pital, where he had 40 per Ann, and was now in expectation of
Liberty at a better place in Bridewell, he was now deprived of
that; And yet had little relief from the Nonconformists, because
he Conformed so far as he did: And having a numerous family was
in great want.7
This was Samuel Rolle; his book (under the pseudonym "Philagathus")
A Sober Answer to the Friendly Debate (London, 1669). Patrick had
published A Continuation to the Friendly Debate in April, 1669; Rolle's
book came out in August, and Patrick's A Further Continuation, with
appendix, which included the hatchet job on Rolle, was completed in
g
October. Having discovered the perils of the fence-straddler, Rolle
eventually conformed, recanting all he had said against the established
church, and lived comfortably from then on.
Shortly after Rolle's defeat the nonconformists received a new and
weighty attack, in Samuel Parker's Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity,
which Baxter calls "a far more virulent book" than Patrick's; a book
in which the author "in a fluent fervent ingenious style of Natural
Rhetorick, poureth out floods of Odious reproaches, and (with incaute-
lous Extremities) saith as much to make them [the nonconformists]
hated, and to stir up the Parliament to destroy them as he could well
9
speak." Parker, eventually to become Bishop of Oxford, was then
thirty, an obese, opportunistic, and intelligent young cleric. In
later days, when asked what was the best form of religion, he is said
to have replied, "that which would keep a man in a coach-and-six." In

49
his schooldays a member of an ascetic group called "the Grewellers,"
he saw his error after the Restoration and became a diligent member
of the Church of England. In The Discourse of Ecclesiastical Policy,
his third book, he argued for strict conformity, on the grounds that
the magistrate had the God-given authority to control the outward
actions of his subjects, regardless of what their thoughts might be.-
The magistrate could be expected to require conformity because it
was his duty and because of the many obvious benefits—domestic tran¬
quillity, a united front against the Catholic menace, and a decent
adherence to tradition being among them. As Schmitter says, "Parker's
concern with religion was administrative, not spiritual. Religious
spirituality was outside his interest and his own experience, and one
feels that he would have been embarrassed had he been present when
the saintly Anglican, George Herbert, cast himself prone before the
altar of the little church at Bemerton."^
Parker devotes six pages of his preface to A Discourse of
Ecclesiastical Policy to a defense of A Friendly Debate, apparently
not against any printed attacks, but against the assaults of sermons
and coffee-house commentaries. He places himself firmly under Patrick's
standard, saying,
When I first resolved upon this Undertaking the Main Design in
my Thoughts, was to represent to the World the lamentable Folly
and Silliness of those mens Religion, and to shew what pitiful
and incompetent Guides of their Actions their own Consciences
are .... But in this design I found my self, happily prevented
by a late Learned and ingenious Discourse, The Friendly Debate,
that has unravel'd all their affected Phrases with so much
Perspicuity of Wit, discovered the Feebleness of their beloved
Notions with so much Clearness of Reason, demonstrated the Wild¬
ness of their Practices by so many pregnant and undeniable

50
Testimonies, exposed the palpable unwarrantableness of their
Schism, the shameful Prevarication of their Pretences, and
utter inconsistency of their Principles with Publick Peace
and Settlement; and in brief, so evidently convicted the
Leaders in the Fraction of such inexcusable Knavery, and their
followers of such a dull and stubborn simplicity, that 'tis
impossible any thing should hold out against so much force of
Reason and Demonstration, but invincible Impudence and Obstinacy.
Patrick's original efforts may well have been, as he claimed, "friendly"
and "kind," but it is clear that his stout new ally had no interest in
that sort of approach. Parker says his intention in A Discourse of
Ecclesiastical Policy is to prove
enough to satisfie any man of ordinary understanding, That
Indulgence and Toleration is the most absolute sort of Anarchy,
and that Princes may with less hazard give Liberty to mens
Vices and Debaucheries, than to their Consciences.^
This last phrase was to be a major area of contention later; those
who attacked the Discourse would seize upon it, Marvell making it one
of Parker's six "Aphorisms" or "plays," under the title "Debauchery
Tolerated." Parker of course is taking the usual position of the
established hierarchy, that the individual person cannot be trusted
to know what is best for himself, and needs someone to tell him.
Again, Parker says,
the main Notion I have pursued has been to make out, how Dangerous
a thing Liberty of Conscience is, considering the Tempers, and Ten¬
dencies of Humane Nature, to the most necessary ends and designs
of Government: A vein of which Reasoning I have been careful to
run through all Parts and Branches of my Discourse, it being vastly
the most considerable if not the only thing to be attended in this
Enquiry.^
However unsuccessful his efforts, Patrick seems to have had (at least
in the beginning) some genuine hope in some small way to win over the
nonconformists to a better accommodation with the Church of England.

51
Parker, on the other hand, sees them as adversaries, a threat that must
be revealed and attacked.
Parker was answered by two minor pamphlets. One was the twenty-
page Insolence and Impudence Triumphant (London, 1669), of which the
author remains anonymous. This "lively Portraiture of Mr. S. P. Limn'd
and drawn by his own hand," consists largely of quotations from
Parker's book, which the compiler believes show Parker to be savage and
intemperate and even to be voicing opinions contrary to the doctrine
14
of the Church of England. The other was John Humfrey's anonymously
published A Case of Conscience, an attack on A Friendly Debate, and
and through it on the Five-Mile Act. In this Humfrey included "Animad¬
versions on a new Book, entituled, Ecclesiastical Polity." These pub¬
lications, virtually ignored by the other controversialists, were
popguns lost in the roar of the major artillery.
John Owen, a grave and reverend leader of the Independents, feeling
the need of a major reply to Parker's book, approached that other great
nonconformist eminence, Richard Baxter, with the request that Baxter
take on the job, saying he was "the fittest man in England for that
work." Baxter refused because, he says,
I have above all men been oft enough searched in the malignant
fire, and contended with them with so little thanks from the
Independents (tho they could say little against it) that I
resolved not to meddle with them any more, without a clearer
call than this: and besides Patrick and that Party by except¬
ing me from those whom they reproached (in respect of Doctrine,
disposition and practice) made me the unfittest person to rise
up against them: Which if I had done, they that applauded me
before would soon have made me seem as odious almost as the rest;
For they had some at hand, that, in evil speaking, were such
Masters of Language, that they never wanted Matter, nor Words,
but could say what they listed as voluminously as they desired.

52
Owen then saw no alternative but to thrust his own thumb into
the dike, which he did by writing Truth and Innocence Vindicated, In
a_ Survey of a Discourse Concerning Ecclesiastical Polity; and the
Authority of the Civil Magistrate over the Consciences of Subjects
in Matters of Religion (London, 1669/70). This is a 340-page animad¬
version on Parker's book, with a preface rebutting Parker's preface .
and a chapter devoted to each of Parker's first six chapters. Owen
claimed that after reaching Parker's sixth chapter, he was "now
utterly wearied with the frequent occurrence of the same things in
various dresses," and Parker's repetition made it superfluous to pro¬
ceed further. In this he anticipates the "six plays" Marvell would
speak of in The Rehearsal Transpros1d.
Owen took note of Parker's alliance with Patrick, prophetically
commenting:
But in this main design he [Parker] professeth himself prevented
by the late Learned and Ingenious Discourse, The Friendly Debate;
which to manifest, it may be, that his Rhetorical faculty is not
confined to Invectives, he spendeth some pages in the splendid
Encomium of. There is no doubt, I suppose but that the Author of
that Discourse, will on the next occasion requite his Panegyrick,
and r^urn his Commendations for his own Achievements with Advan¬
tage.1
Patrick would soon do exactly that.
Owen also included a leisurely discourse on Patrick's choice of
technique, the dialogue. He first suggests that it is especially suited
to give unfair advantage to those whose unsound position does not permit
them to meet their adversaries head-on. Then he compares Patrick's
treatment of the nonconformists in A Friendly Debate with Aristophanes'

53
treatment of Socrates; that is, use of the dramatic device to put into
his opponent's mouth words he never said and to show him doing things
he would not have done. Patrick, Owen says, has been blatantly biased
and fictitious in his depiction of the character "Nonconformist.
Baxter reports that Owen's book was very well received and his
"esteem was much advanced with the Nonconformists," who thought Parker
18
would be unable to reply. Parker thought otherwise, and must have gone
to work almost immediately. While he toiled over what was to be the
longest book in the controversy, a year elapsed, but a friend kept the
fires stoked: George Vernon, rector of Bourton-on-the-Water, Gloucester¬
shire, who had attended Oxford when Parker was there, anonymously pro¬
duced A Letter to A Friend Concerning some of Dr. Owen's Principles and
Practices: With a_ Postscript To The Author of the late Ecclesiastical
Polity, and an Independent Catechism (London, 1670). It was a violent
attack on Owen's person, especially concerned with his alleged activities
in various official capacities under Cromwell, including that of Vice-
Chancellor of Oxford (while Vernon and Parker were students there).
Addressing "the Author of the late Ecclesiastical Polity," he tells
Parker, "All that have appeared against any of you, have been such
thick-scull'd Scriblers, and the very Fanaticks themselves ought to
thrust them out of their Synagogues, because of those crazy, lame and
18
diseased answers, which they have returned to your arguments." Speak¬
ing especially of Owen, Vernon says,
I never read any one of reputed Learning, who did more mangle and
mistake Arguments, pervert sence and overlook the whole state of
the Controversy, as your Antagonist does in his whole Treatise.
But you know it is the property of some ill-natur'd Animals, not
only to lick up their own Vomit, but to bark and be angry with
the light.19

54
The device of a "letter to a friend" was an old one, but Vernon
showed a spark of genius in his use of it; he claimed that his friend
was a great admirer of Owen's, who continually sent Vernon copies of
Owen's books, accompanied by laudatory comments. After reading Truth
and Innocence with, he claims, the highest expectations, and being
terribly dismayed, Vernon finds it necessary to write to his friend •
to try to correct his friend's error. This gives Vernon a very
effective image of leaning over backwards only to find Owen such a
hopeless case that nothing good can be said of him. Vernon's attack
is avowedly quite aci personam, and was published in coordination with
Parker's coming book: "How he [Owen] contradicts himself and over¬
throws his own principles in his Truth and Innocence vindicated, I
20
shall leave to be examined by the care of your pen."
We are told that Parker made an effort to get his book out in time
for the next meeting of Parliament, in October 1670, and "shortly after
21
it came out." Similar efforts had been made by other pamphleteers,
and Vernon states that Owen had distributed free copies of Truth and
Innocence to the lodgings of members. Arithmetic shows the significance
of this: there were 509 members of Commons and 170 Lords, while the
22
probable printing of an important controversial book was 1000 copies.
Although the total membership of Parliament was never in town at one time,
still, Owen's giveaway must have taken about one-half of his total edi¬
tion, and Parker must have hoped that a similar number of parliamentarians
or men of parliamentary influence would part with three and six to read
his own book. The main target of our pampleteers, then, their intended

55
audience, was Parliament, and especially the House of Commons, because
it had the preponderance of power. The Restoration controversialists
clearly hoped to influence Parliament not merely by swaying the senti¬
ment of their constituencies, but by direct communication with the
individual members.
However foregone the conclusion may seem today, the struggle was
real at the time. While the King consistently favored toleration, his
most frequent calisthenic was the bow to necessity. The House of Lords
tended to be tolerant too, despite the presence of Lords Bishop in
their midst, and often delayed or modified the more extreme conformist
efforts of Commons. But in the Commons resided not only the most sub¬
stantial conformist sentiments but the power to express those sentiments
in law. However, Commons was far from monolithic, as Marvell's member¬
ship would indicate. In 1668 Sir Richard Temple noted that the Commons
could be divided into four main groups:
'the Clarendonians,' diehard anglicans; 'the anti-Claredonians,'
among whom he would presumably have numbered Seymour, Howard,
Osborne, Littleton, and himself; 'the Presbyterians,' men like
Holland and Birch; and the central mass of country gentlemen.23
D. T. Witcombe comments that Temple "believed rightly" that the votes
24
of the country gentlemen were the "key to parliamentary success."
This analysis of Parliament seems to remain essentially valid through
25
the period of the Marvell-Parker controversy.
To know your audience is one thing; to move them to action is
another. Though the flames of pamphleteering fervor leaped high, and
in the streets and courts of London politics might bring ruin, disfig¬
urement, or death to hapless individuals, the passions of the times were

56
not sufficient to rivet parliamentarians to their benches. On any
given date, many members might be absent from London; as for those
who were in the capital, we are told that on at least one occasion
Charles, needing votes on a crucial bill, "sent out the lord chamber-
lain to bring in the loyalists from the places where they were presumed
26
to be engaged—namely the theatres and houses of ill fame." Many -
a bill was passed or defeated with the participation of a half, a
third, or a fifth of the membership of Commons. Such truancy might
well suggest a need to exhort even the members of one's own party.
Those who aimed their books at Parliament, then, might have at
least three goals in mind: to discredit their opponents, to sway the
opinion of the "central mass," and to motivate lukewarm sympathizers
to take action. Often the first of these seems to have been paramount,
but this may have been not purely from spite, but rather out of belief
that it was an effective way to accomplish the other goals.
In the Defence and Continuation, Parker does two things. First
is a reiteration of his stand in the Discourse, and a counterattack
against Owen's attack on the various parts of his argument, accompanied
by suitable charges that Owen is a deranged spouter of nothings:
Had it been my Fate to have fain into the hands of an Adversary,
that had either Ability or Patience to write Reason, it might have
afforded good Occasions for useful and material Remarks, and I
should not have blusht either at his or my own Victory. But this
man is not at leisure to write Sense, nor take time to weight
whether what he dictates be pertinent either to his own or to my
purpose. His whole Book is nothing but Cavil and vulgar talk. '
Second, Parker searches through Owen's voluminous prior publications,
including many sermons delivered under the aegis of the Commonwealth;

57
this is too copious and diffuse for quotation here, but Baxter describes
the result:
But the second part of the Matter of his book, was managed with
more advantage; because of all the Men in England Dr. Owen was
the Chief that had Headed the Independents in the Army with the
greatest height, and Confidence, and Applause, and afterward had
been the greater persuader of Fleetwood, Desborough and the rest
of the Officers of the Army who were his Gathered Church, to
Compel Rich. Cromwell to dissolve his Parliament; which being
done, he fell with it, and the King was brought in: So that
Parker had so many of his Parliament and Army Sermons to cite,
in which he urgeth them to Justice, and prophesyeth of the
ruine of the Western Kings, and telleth them that their work
was to take down Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny, with such
like, that the Dr. being neither able to repent (hitherto) or
to justify all this must be silent, or only plead the Act of
Oblivion: And so I fear his unfitness for this Work was a
general injury to the Nonconformists.28
Appended to Parker's Defence was a lengthy "letter from the Author
of the Friendly Debate," which is an animadversion against those pages
of Truth and Innocence wherein Owen attacks The Friendly Debate. Patrick
is especially upset at Owen's charge that the dialogue format is theatri¬
cal and used to slant the argument:
The most of his Declamation every body sees is spent against the
manner and way of my Writing; which he would have his easie
Disciples believe (notwithstanding all that hath been said) is
peculiarly accommodated to render the sentiments and expressions
of our Adversaries ridiculous, and expose their persons to contempt
and scorn. Insomuch that in points of Faith, Opinion and Judgment,
this way of dealing hath been hitherto esteemed fitter for the stage,
then ci serious disquisition after Truth, or_ confutation of Errour.^
Patrick devotes virtually the entire twenty-five pages of his "Letter"
to a justification of dialogue as a mode of argumentative discourse,
citing numerous classical and ecclesiastical examples, even mentioning
the Song of Songs, which one authority had called "a kind of Divine
Pastoral, or Marriage-Play, consisting of divers Acts and Scenes; or a

58
sacred Dialogue with many interlocutory passages." Patrick also goes
to some length to defend Aristophanes, even to proving that the play
was not so vicious as Owen would have it, because Socrates lived for
some years subsequent to the performance. He also calls Truth and
Innocence "that indigested heap of stuff which [Owen] hath hudled
together," and accuses Owen of "sliding over those arguments which •
are hard, and taking no notice of them." Finally he joins Parker and
Vernon in chorusing about Owen's Achilles' heel—his Cromwellian past:
[such men] are not so much for the Good Old Way, which calls men
to Repentance, as for the Good Old Cause, which could justifie
all things, and hallow the blackest Crime. These they must by
no measure hear of, because they will not condemn, and dare not
defend them. It is an unpardonable fault, if we do but make
mention of their evil deeds.3®
While Owen examined his wounds, the machinery of domestic and foreign
politics, intimately bound with the question of toleration, ground on.
In the London area, nonconformists met openly in large gatherings; they
were persecuted by the Trained Bands and soldiers, who wounded many and
31
"killed some Quakers, especially while they took all patiently."
Rumors abounded, and the Lord Mayor, fearing insurrection, arrested a
number of leading dissenters in order to require from them bonds for
good behavior. Two of these, Hayes and Jekyll, refused and sued for
false arrest. The case came before Parliament, which after due process
canceled the entire matter and declared it closed.
Meanwhile, in the spring of 1670 Charles had made the secret
Treaty of Dover with Louis XIV, in which he promised to join Louis in
a war on the Dutch, to declare his own Catholicism, and to restore
England (with French help if need be) to the Catholic fold. In return

59
Charles was to receive certain parts of the expected Dutch conquests
and—the important item—two million livres in cash almost immediately,
plus three million a year for the duration of the war. For the benefit
of Buckingham and Charles's other protestant ministers, a false treaty
was executed in December 1670, after a lengthy charade of negotiations.
This treaty was identical with the first except for the omission of the
references to Catholicism. The French money was payable promptly, but
Charles' announcement was to be made at his own discretion; the French
monarch eventually discovered this would mean "never." Not wishing
Louis to get too impatient, however, Charles began planning the Third
Anglo-Dutch War. He hoped to profit in the war not only from the
French subsidy, but also from the capture of Dutch prizes, in addition
to an enlarged national military (especially naval) budget. In the
meantime, however, he needed ready cash.
Soon after Parliament convened in November, 1670, Charles had
found himself in need of an immediate Í& 60,000; as was often the case,
he could not wait for the normal processes of revenue. In a letter to
Popple, Marvell describes what happened:
The King had Occasion for sixty thousand Pounds. Sent to borrow
it of the City. Sterlin [the Lord Mayor], Robinson, and all the
rest of that Faction, were at it many a Week, and could not get
above ten thousand. The Fanatics, under Persecution, served his
Majesty. The other Party, both in Court and City, would have
prevented it. But the King protested Mony would be acceptable.
So the City patched up, out of the Chamber, and other Ways,
twenty thousand Pounds. The Fanatics, of all Sorts, forty
thousand.32
The "fanatics" (dissenters) could at times be useful to their king.

60
On December 10, 1670, Charles told the House he needed ¿£800,000
(above the basic ^ 1,300,000 for paying his debts he had summoned
them for in the first place) to make England's military might sufficient
in the face of the French threat. Bills were soon underway to provide
this, but the process was not completed until March. At that time
Parliament became alarmed at the great numbers of priests and Jesuit's
in the London area, and at the laxity with which they were persecuted.
Before presenting the revenue bills to the King, they sent him a joint
petition against the growth of popery. His money within sight, the
King sacrificed the Catholics, issuing a proclamation calling for the
departure of all priests and Jesuits from England and for the vigorous
prosecution of laws against recusants. Parliament had also passed but
not yet sent to the King a bill against Catholics and a new Conven¬
ticle Act against the dissenters. His money secure, Charles thanked
Parliament and prorogued them. With the prorogation these bills,
among others, were as Marvell wrote to the Mayor of Hull, "fall'n to
33
the ground." The Conventicle Act had passed Commons by the slim
vote of 74 to 53, but this was on April 5, when prorogation was ex¬
pected and many Members had no doubt packed their bags.
At about this time or shortly thereafter Owen, with the assistance
(and he claims at the urging) of a friend, vigorously spiked Vernon's
guns. The anonymous author of An Expostulatory Letter to the Author of
the Late Slanderous Libel Against Dr. Ch With some short Reflections
thereon (London, 1671) claims that Vernon has done nothing but tell the
world

61
what few before but knew, That in the late unhappy differences
amongst us, Dr. 0, sided with the wrong Party; So did many more,
whose endeavours to support it far exceeded his; who are not
therefore the less faithful and Loyal Subjects now: But to what
degree of partiality will not envy and malice carry a man?34
He asserts that the Act of Oblivion makes mention of unfortunate acts
committed prior to the Restoration impertinent, and claims that if
Vernon insists on making a case he must produce witnesses. What fol¬
lows is a parody of The Friendly Debate; a series of supposedly hostile
witnesses are questioned in turn about charges against Owen, with re¬
sults that make the conformist camp look like simpletons. For example:
[Expostulator.] Here's a great deal indeed: But are you well
assur'd of the truth of all this?
Witness. Well assured; Sure am I, as a man can be of any thing
he dream't off, but last night.
[Expostulator.] That's well: But we must not here admit of
dreams for evidence. Call therefore, I pray, the next.^5
Appended to the Expostulatory Letter is an essay by Owen, addressed
to the Expostulator, which begins thus:
Sir, It is upon your desire, and not in any compliance with my
own judgement or inclination, that I have taken a little con¬
sideration of a late slanderous Libel published against me. I
have learned, I bless God, to bear and pass by such Reproaches,
without much trouble to my self, or giving the least unto others.
My mind and conscience are not at all concerned in them, and so
far as my Reputation seems to be so, I am very willing to let
it go. For I cannot entertain a valuation of their good opinion,
whose minds are capable of an impression from such virulent
calumnies.^6
In context it is difficult to read this without a vision of Owen,
firmly clenching his pen and his teeth, trying with all his might to
smile with sweet gentleness. Owen says that even after being told
the name of his enemy, he still has no idea who he is, and that all of
Vernon's accusations about Owen's behavior at Oxford and under Cromwell
are scandalous lies. Owen's rhetoric is hardly gentle:

62
But for this Author, one wholly unknown to me, without the com¬
pass of any pretence of the least provocation from me, to
accommodate the lusts and revenges of others, with that unruly
evil, a mercenary tongue full of deadly poison, without the
management of any difference, real or pretended, meerly to
calumniate and load me with false aspersions, as in the issue
they will prove, is an instance of such a depraved disposition
of mind, such a worthless baseness of soul, such a neglect of
all Rules of Morality, and Principles of humane Conversation,
such a contempt of Scripture Precepts innumerable, as it may be
can scarcely be parallel'd in an Age, amongst the vilest of Men-.
Something I confess of this nature is directed unto in the
Casuistical Divinity, or Modern Policy of the Jesuits.37
It was fairly standard procedure for a controversialist to link his
opponents with the Catholics, but the recent evidence of Parliamentary
concern made it perhaps more effective this time than usual. The
Owen-Vernon skirmish involves few subtleties; Vernon's attack is dir¬
ect and virtually unadulterated assault on Owen's character, and Owen's
reply is equally direct and forceful—"Mentitur impudentissime," he
thunders again and again. One of the two must have been a blatant
liar, but which it was, who today can tell? The specific charges
Owen denies were not brought up again, although Parker was to have
the opportunity to do so later, if he had wished.
While the pamphleteers fought their paper war, Charles and his
advisors were preparing for a real one with the Dutch. They needed
a pretext, which, as the Dutch were not interested in a war, proved
difficult:
In the summer of 1671 Temple was recalled from The Hague, and as the
yacht Merlin conveying lady Temple passed through the Dutch fleet,
the English captain fired because he was not saluted. Here was
the required pretext. In December Downing 'le plus grand querelleur
de la diplomatic britannique' was sent to The Hague with orders to
insist that the Dutch should lower their flag in the Presence of
even a single English warship. The reply of the Dutch was concilia¬
tory . . . they were willing to discuss some regulation for avoid¬
ing confusion.

63
In January 1671/2 a new method of debt management combined with simple
scarcity of funds forced Charles to announce the Stoppage of the Ex¬
chequer, which by indefinitely postponing payment on debts so far
incurred, immediately ruined a number of his creditors. In early
March, an English fleet attacked the Dutch Smyrna fleet of the Isle
of Wight, and got the worst of it. This example of Dutch belligerence
seemed sufficient reason for war; it was declared on March 17.
From the signing of the secret Treaty of Dover, on through 1671
and 1672, Charles' Catholic advisors, especially the Duke of York and
Clifford, had urged the King to avow publicly his Catholicism and
begin coverting England into a Catholic state. As Ogg puts it, "A
revolution [in favor of Catholicism] might well have taken place in
the years 1671-2 .... Had James been King, the revolution would
39
have taken place." Charles was wiser than his brother, but on March
15, 1672, he issued a Declaration of Indulgence. This served as a
gesture to the French king, relieving the persecution of English
Catholics by permitting them to worship unmolested in their own houses.
It also presumably drew the King the support of dissenters, who could
40
now worship in public provided they obtained a license. Of course
it did not please the episcopal party, and their position would be
demonstrated at the next meeting of Parliament.
The nonconformists quickly took advantage of the Declaration; more
than 1,500 received licenses to preach. Still, they could not feel
wholly secure. First, the King had issued the Declaration of Indulgence
on the strength of a prerogative that many (almost certainly including

64
Marvell) felt he could not legitimately claim. Second, the votes of
Parliament had consistently run against toleration, and although Parlia¬
ment had been prorogued for nearly a year, they could be expected to
meet again reasonably soon. With the latter in mind, neither the
conformists nor their opponents were likely to relax their efforts at
persuasion.
If it seems likely that Vernon's charges were sufficiently exagger¬
ated or false that Owen felt confident in denying them, Parker's insinua¬
tions in the Defence and Continuation were another matter. Much that
Owen had said and done as a leading Cromwellian was a matter of printed
record and public memory that the Act of Oblivion could not erase.
Owen found himself unable to reply directly. His next book was the
Discourse Concerning Evangelical Love, Church-Peace, and Unity (London,
1672). Schmitter describes Owen's position:
It would have been the height of futility to repeat the same
old arguments with the same old antagonist. The problem that
engaged Owen's attention was not Parker, but the integrity of
his own religious conscience, so he took a fresh start . . .
without mention of his opponents. But in a real way it picked
up the glove again .... The work explains the impossibility
of visible communion with the establishment.^
Owen may well have spread the word that his "mind and conscience were
not at all concerned" with Parker's attack; there is a manuscript note
on the title-page of the British Museum copy of A Discourse Concerning
Evangelical Love, to the effect that it was "Written by Dr. Owen
presently after Parker's reply to Owen's Survey of Ecclesi policy
1 ch 42
Writen by S Parker w Owen rejoyn not to as scurilous." That
Evangelical Love was, whatever else its value, in no small way a reply

65
to Parker disguised as a non-reply, may be seen by reading it in
the context of the controversy. Owen never names Parker or his other
opponents, or any of their books. Rather, he makes statements like
this:
Neither will that Plea, which is by some insisted on in this
case, yield any solid or universal relief. It is said, that
some may warrantably and duly observe in the Worship of God,
what is unduly and Unwarrantably imposed on them by others.
And indeed all Controversies about church Constitution, Dis¬
cipline, and external Worship, are by some reduced unto these
two Heads; that the Magistrate may appoint what he pleaseth,
and the People may observe whatever he appoints: For as there
is no Government of the Church determined in the Scripture,
it is meet it should be erected and disposed by the supreme
Magistrate, who, no doubt, upon that supposition, is only fit
and qualified so to do: And for outward worship, and the
Rites thereof, both it and they are so far indifferent, as
that we may comply with whatever is imposed on us; whether they
be good, or useful, or evil, lies at the doors of others to
answer about.43
It is difficult to imagine that, as Parker and others read this, they
did not substitute "Parker" for the word "some." Elsewhere Owen
attempts a Janus-like performance, smiling at his fellows and snarling
at the conformists:
Our onely aim is to declare those Principles concerning mutual
Love and Unity among Christians, and Practices in the Worship
of God, wherein our own Consciences do find Rest and Peace,
and others have so much misjudged us about. This therefore we
shall briefly do; and that without such Reflexions or Recrimina¬
tions , as may any way exasperate the Spirits of others, or in
the least impede that Reintroduction of Love and Concord, which
it is the Duty of us all to labour in. Wherefore we shall herein
have no regard unto the Revilings, Reproaches, and threatnings
of them, who seem to have had no regard to Truth, or Modesty,
or Sobriety, indeed to God or Man, in the mannagement of them.
With such it is our Duty not to strive, but to commit our cause
to him that Judgeth Righteously, especially with respect unto
those impure outrages which goe before unto Judgement. Furious
persons, animated by their secular Interests, or desire of
Revenge, unacquainted with the Spirit of the Gospel, and the

66
true nature of the Religion revealed by Jesus Christ, incom-
passionate towards the Infirmities of the minds of Men, whereof
yet none in the world give greater Instances than themselves,
who have no thoughts but to trample under foot and destroy
all that differ from them, we shall rather pitty and pray for,
then either contend withal, or hope to convince.^
To the modern reader this is likely to seem like a furious, extended
oxymoron; although Owen may not be trying to convince Parker and the
other prelatists, he is clearly contending with them, with considerable
vehemence. Elsewhere, among his numerous "uncontentious" statements,
Owen says that anyone who does not think the church needs reformation
shares in the "sinful Degeneracy," and that "to think to preserve a
Church by Outward Order, when its internal principles of Faith and
Holiness are decayed, is but to do like him who endeavouring to set
a Dead Body upright, but failing in his Attempt, concluded, that there
45
was somewhat wanting within.' Upon reading such things, Parker was
indeed likely to become a "furious person." But, in formal terms,
how could he retaliate? By speaking in so general a fashion, Owen
had broken the chain of controversy, had confronted Parker not with
a phalanx but a large pillow. As he had apparently spread the word
that he had not replied to Parker's attack because it was "scurrilous,"
any further direct attack by Parker, not overtly provoked, would appear
as further evidence of gratuitous spleen. Since Baxter was later to
admit that Owen seemed at this point to have lost hopelessly, and does
mention Evangelical Love as a resurgent effort, it seems that Parker
might have still been ahead if he had ignored Owen's strategem, admit¬
tedly clever but probably inadequate to overcome the handicap of
46
Owen's past record. But Parker too was clever, and was, it seems,

67
stung. Now it was, as Schmitter puts it, that "Parker's real genius
47
for attack was demonstrated."
Parker somehow acquired an unpublished manuscript in which the
late John Bramhall, Archbiship of Armagh, set forth the "Vindication
of himself and the Episcopal Clergy, from the Presbyterian Charge
of Popery, As it is managed by Mr. Baxter in his Treatise of the
Grotian Religion." Publishing it in June or July of 1672, Parker
appended to it his Preface, which he claimed the bookseller desired,
"to recommend it to the the present Genius of the Age, and reconcile
48
it to the present Juncture of Affairs." Bramhall's eighty-page essay
seems scarcely to have been heeded by anyone; it was primarily the
vehicle for Parker's equally long Preface. After a lavish but brief
encomium on Bramhall, and some comments on his essay, Parker devotes
forty pages to an attack on Owen (referred to as "J. 0.") and
Evangelical Love. The rest of the Preface, in consonance with Bram¬
hall 's defense of the episcopal establishment against the charge of
popery, is given over to a consideration of "what likelihood, or how
much Danger there is of the Return of Popery into this Nation."
According to Parker there is no such danger, except from the "Fanaticks,"
the nonconformists, who will in various ways so undermine and weaken
the establishment as to make England an easy prey for papists. Parker
seems to be aware that Baxter had earlier refused to attack the Dis¬
course of Ecclesiastical Polity:
But the main Reason that put me upon the Publication of it
[Bramhall's work], was thereby to give some check to their
[the dissenters'] disingenuity, for though Mr. B. have learnt
more modesty than to be so prodigal as formerly in sending
abroad his hard censures and positive Decrees against every
Body and upon every Occasion; yet others that pretend to as

68
great an Interest and Authority with the holy Brotherhood
still persevere in the same rudeness and incivility towards
Church of England; and upon every slight accident are beating
up the Drums against the Pope and Popish plots.^
The major elements of Parker's arguments will be dealt with in a later
chapter, but it is appropriate to speak here of his personal reaction
to Owen. It is unfortunate, says Parker, that not every nonconformist
takes example from Baxter's shyness; instead, their "Rat-Divines" are
"perpetually nibling and gnawing at other mens writings.Such men,
of which Owen is the chief, need chastisement and correction. Owen
is especially perverse to continue after Parker has already, in the
Defence, shown him the error of his ways.
Parker goes on to say that it is all right for Owen to "amuse
his own gazing and admiring drove" of nonconformists with his "wonder¬
ful Non-sense," as long as he does not disturb his neighbors; unfortu¬
nately, in attacking "the establisht Laws and Constitution of the
Commonwealth," he has made a nuisance of himself.^’*" Indeed, Owen is
"the greatest Pest and most dangerous enemy of the Commonwealth," a
schismatic, a mutineer, a person of "gangren'd Temper and malignant
52
Spirit," a rank blasphemer against the Divine Spirit. As such, he
will be dealt with properly:
And therefore I would advise J. 0. for the future, to forbear
all Publick Attempts against the Church; and if he will not,
he will find all the Rebuke he has hitherto suffered, to be
but the beginnings of his sorrows, and will be brought to the
Sledge oftner than he is aware of: for if he be not taken down
with open and continual Disgraces, his Pride will quickly grow
raging and insupportable. I know he will complain of this as
the most intemperate Language that was ever poured upon him by
any Adversary; but 'tis no matter for that, as long as I know
them, and have proved them to be Words of Truth and Sobriety:

69
they proceed not from Passion or Revenge, but from an upright
and composed Mind, that upon mature Judgment chuses this way
of procedure as most proper and rational against such an
enormous and irreclaimable Offendor. I have not skill enough
in the Tricks of Hypocrisie, to protest my Friendship and
Charity to my Enemies in the coarsest Expressions of Rancour
and Bitterness; as this meek-spirited Man always does, with
heaping up all the Recriminations that (he tells us) he might,
but will not retort; and so in one breath vents his Malice,
and boasts his Charity: and were it not for this demure way of
darting his Revenge, it is manifest from the Genius of his
Mind and Writings, that Death it self would scarce be more
disgustful, than an hearty forgiveness, otherwise he would
not always issue out his Pardons with such spiteful and
stabbing Intimations.^^
Here Parker makes a charge to which Owen is quite vulnerable; Owen's
efforts to be sweetly wrathful could easily appear to the objective
reader to be what Parker says they are: hypocrisy. At the same time
Parker makes an attempt, the success of which the reader may judge for
himself, to use this very same technique against its originator.
Parker's own vituperation is not at all bitter, he assures us, but
is the appropriate expression of "an upright and composed Mind."
Nor did Parker neglect to employ his most powerful and well-
proven weapon against Owen; various allusions to Owen's past associa¬
tion with the "Good Old Cause" remind the informed reader that because
of his past activities under Cromwell, Owen was not the most credible
witness for gentleness and toleration.
Parker closes what he himself calls a "Rhapsody of hasty and
huddled thoughts" with the plea that for England's safety and well¬
being a strong national church is necessary, and none is so suitable
as the Church of England, "for when that is gone, it will be very hard
to find out another, with which, if thou are either honest or wise,

70
54
thou wilt be over-forward to join Communion." Parker's Preface
was first attacked by John Humfrey, who seems to have been a peren¬
nially unsolicited footsoldier in this verbal warfare. The Authority
of the Magistrate, about Religion, discussed in a_ rebuke to the
prefacer of a_ late book of Bishop Bramhall's (London, 1672), linked
Parker with Patrick and reproached them both. Of Parker, Humfrey
exclaims, ALas, that the Talents of our Lord, and excellent parts
which he hath given this man, should become to him such a temptation!
He is unhappy at "this filthy pride" displayed by both Parker and
Patrick, although Patrick is "more cankered and sly."^ Not long
after, Humfrey seems to have republished this in a single volume
with two previous tracts against Parker and Patrick, as Two Points
of Great Moment (London, 1672). This tract carried a brief end-note
by Richard Baxter, who by this time was at least willing to root from
the sidelines. Although (or perhaps because) Humfrey seems to have
had trouble from the authorities, his efforts went largely unnoticed.^
If Owen was even aware of Humfrey's efforts (and very possibly he was,
through Baxter) he rightly considered them inadequate. Yet Owen's
lance was broken and Baxter had refused to saddle; a new champion
was needed.
Previous studies of Marvell seem to indicate that Marvell leaped
to the defense of the dissenters of his own volition; nothing in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd indicates otherwise. But although Marvell
clearly attacked Parker with real enthusiasm, there is good evidence
that it was not entirely his own idea. The man who anonymously â– 

71
published The Rehearsal Transpros'd was Nathaniel Ponder, whose
success up to that time was almost entirely based on the printing of
58
John Owen's books. At an inquiry years later, Ponder was to testify
that only one man had read the proofs of The Rehearsal Transpros'd,
and that man was John Owen. Marvell takes pains in The Rehearsal
Transpros'd to distance himself from Owen, saying for example, "I
do not much trouble my self, nor interest my self in the least in
J_. Ci.'s Quarrel: no other wise than if he were John a Nokes and
59
I heard him rail'd at by John a Stiles." Clearly this was not
so, but Marvell had good rhetorical reasons for saying so—Owen's
ship was sunk, and anyway one always more readily believes an appar¬
ently nonpartisan commentator. We know from Baxter's account that
Owen was ready to ask for help, so it seems not at all unlikely that
a man whose book against Owen's enemy was printed under Owen's scru¬
tiny by Owen's printer, might have been asked by Owen to write the
book in the first place. Certainly Owen at least encouraged him.
At this point, while in the background the Dutch war went on—
badly for the English—the dissenters had enjoyed the King's Indulgence
for some months, during which time Parliament had been prorogued.
Everyone knew that Parliament would meet again, and that when it did,
one of the first items of business would be the Declaration of Indul¬
gence and the whole question of toleration. Thus it seems reasonable
to assume that even though Parliament was not in session, its members
were for Marvell, as they had been for Owen and Parker, the primary
audience. Marvell must have seen his task as something like this:

72
(1) to torpedo Parker, who was scoring too many propaganda points
for the conformists; (2) to bolster the cause for toleration, in¬
spiring its lukewarm supporters and swaying the central mass of
country gentlemen in Parliament, so that when Parliament met again
it would let toleration stand; (3) en passant, to encourage the
King in maintaining his tolerant stance. There was no need to devote
much effort to defending Owen, whose personal cause, already lost on
this front, was beside the main point. Nor would it be very useful,
as Legouis seems to think, to lean too much on the Declaration of
Indulgence; for that instrument was, as past events suggested and
future events would prove, a thing itself in need of support. ^
Although Marvell had heretofore done no pamphleteering, his
Cromwellian poems showed a powerful mind; and his old poem on Holland,
revived for the present war, as well as his other political verse,
showed a very sharp wit. Now was the time, and Marvell was the man.
In September 1672 The Rehearsal Transpros1d appeared.

NOTES
An examination at some length of the theological ins and outs
of the major books in this controversy may be found in Dean M. Schmitter's
"Andrew Marvell: Member for Hull," Diss. University of Michigan, 1955,
pp. 56-123.
2
David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1963), I, 207.
3
Simon Patrick, The Autobiography of Symon Patrick, Bishop of Ely
(Oxford: J. H. Parker, 1839), pp. 59-60. The publisher J. H. Parker
is a descendant of Samuel Parker; his publishing firm yet flourishes.
4
Patrick, Autobiography, p. 68.
^Simon Patrick, A Friendly Debate Between £i Conformist and a Non-
Conformist , 4th ed. (London: 1669), p. 2.
Reliquae Baxterianae (London, 1696), III, 39.
8
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 41.
Patrick, Autobiography, p. 59.
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 41. The only extant copies of Parker's
Discourse are dated 1670, but Owen, when citing Parker, uses a different
pagination than that edition, and Humfrey's Case of Conscience, replying
to the Discourse, is dated 1669.
10
Schmitter, p. 18.
^Samuel Parker, Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity (London: John
Martyn, 1670), pp. x-xi.
12
13
Parker, Discourse, p. lxv.
Parker, Discourse, p. xlvi.
14
Richard L. King, in "The Rhetoric of Andrew Marvell's Prose," Diss.
Boston University, 1965, pp. 396-399, suggests that Marvell wrote or at
least had read this pamphlet. I feel reasonably sure that he did not
write it and that he need not have read it. To my mind, Marvell's book
more closely resembles Owen's Truth and Innocence.
15
16
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 42.
John Owen, Truth and Innocence Vindicated (London, 1669/70), p. 45.
73

74
17
Owen, Truth and Innocence,
P-
45 ff.
George Vernon, A Letter to a Friend (London, 1670), p. 65.
i
Vernon, p. 65.
20
Vernon,
p. 73.
Reliquae Baxterlanae, III, 42.
22
Vernon, p. 66. For information about the size of printings, I-
am indebted to John Sommerville, who notes that 500 copies was the
standard edition for learned books in the late seventeenth century
[John Johnson and Strickland Gibson, Print and Privilege at Oxford to
the Year 1700, Oxford Bibliographical Society Publications, No. 7
(1941-2), p. 123;] that 500 was the minimum edition for most other
works during the seventeenth centure [Johnson and Gibson, p. 147];
that in the mid-eighteenth century, the most common run was still
500 copies, with 1,000 being the next most common, and 750 next
[Patricia Hernlund, "William Strahan's Ledgers: Standard Charges
for Printing, 1738-1785," Studies in Bibliography, XX (1967), 104-
110.]; and that circa 1700 sermons usually had first editions of 500,
although 750 to 1000 was not unusual [D. F. McKenzie, The Cambridge
University Press 1696-1712: A Bibliographical Study (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1966), I, 99-101.] From all this it seems
reasonable to assume a printing for Owen's and Parker's books of not
more than 1,000.
D. T. Witcombe, Charles II and the Cavalier House of Commons
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), p. 78.
24
Witcombe, p. 78.
25
Things had shifted significantly by 1674; see Witcombe,
P-
150 ff.
26„
Ogg,
II, 483, citing Pepys, Dec. 8, 1666.
Samuel Parker, A Defence and Continuation of the Ecclesiastical
Politie: By Way of a Letter to a_ Friend in London. Together With a_
Letter from the Author of the Friendly Debate (London: John Martyn,
1671), sig. A3r.
28
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 42.
29
Parker, Defence, p. 725.
30
Parker, Defence, p. 724, p. 745, and p. 747-8.

75
H. M. Margoliouth, ed., The Poems and Letters of Andrew Marvell,
third edition, rev. by Pierre Legouis with E. E. Duncan-Jones (Oxford:
The Clarendon Press, 1971), II, 317-318. Volume II, containing
Marvell's letters, will be cited hereafter as Letters.
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
Letters, p. 318.
Letters, p. 140
Expostulatory Letter,
Expostulatory Letter,
Expostulatory Letter,
Expostulatory Letter,
Ogg, I, 355.
Ogg, I, 352.
Ogg, I, 355.
P-
P-
P-
P-
2.
6
13.
15.
Schmitter, pp. 53-4; Schmitter suggests that the "general injury
to the Nonconformists" Baxter says Owen caused by his "unfitness for
such work" is the second Conventicle Act; however, as this act evapo¬
rated in the prorogation, it really caused no injury. I think Baxter
simply means "general injury."
Later Marvell would employ this same strategy, telling Sir Edward
Harley, as he prepared to write his reply to Parker's Reproof, "But
I desire that all the discourse of my friends may run as if no answer
ought to be expected to so scurrilous a book;" Letters, p. 328.
43
John Owen, A Discourse Concerning Evangelical Love, Church-Peace,
and Unity (London: 1672), p. 179.
44
Evangelical Love, p. 8.
45
Evangelical Love, p. 127, p,
128
Reliquae Baxterianae, III, 42.
Schmitter, p. 54.
Parker, Preface to Bishop Bramhall's Vindication (London: 1672),
sig. A2r.
49
Preface, sig. A8v.

76
"^Preface,
sig.
A8r.
51 ,
Preface,
sig.
a3v.
52Preface,
sig.
Clv-C2v.
^Preface,
sig.
C3r-C3v.
54
Preface,
sig.
e8v.
^^J[ohn] Hfumfrey], The ,
discussed in a
rebuke to the
(London: 1672)
> P-
4.
5 6
Humfrey,
p. 47
t
In a preface to his Two Points of Great Moment (London: 1672),
Humfrey notes that his sheet The Case had been seized, and says that he
has printed The Authority of the Magistrate himself because none of the
booksellers dare do it, its target Parker being (as chaplain to the
Archbishop) one of the licensers for ecclesiastical books. Humfrey
corrected the proofs with his own hand, and notes that Two Points is
upon issue a rare book, as after he has distributed copies to his friends,
there will be but sixty or seventy left to sell.
58
See F. M. Harrison, "Nathaniel Ponder: the Publisher of Pilgrim's
Progress," The Library, 15 (1934), pp. 257-294, for a complete account
of Ponder's career. Bunyan's extraordinarily popular book, which
Ponder would publish a few years after the Marvell-Parker controversy,
has been compared to the earlier and modestly popular book, The Pilgrim,
by Simon Patrick.
59
The Rehearsal Transpros'd, p. 75.
^Pierre Legouis, Andrew Marvell: Poet, Puritan, Patriot, 2nd ed.
(Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1968), p. 195-6.

CHAPTER IV
DECORUM ESTABLISHED
No one familiar with Marvell's poetry is likely to be surprised
to learn that his volume of animadversions upon Parker's Preface was
rather complex and subtle. Marvell chose to attack not merely Parker's
last book, but his last three books: the Discourse of Ecclesiastical
Polity, the Defence, and his Preface to Bramhall's essay. There was
good reason for this: Parker's Discourse was an intelligent and im¬
pressive statement in support of conformity; subsequent pamphlets on
both sides were charge and counter-charge about the citadel of Parker's
basic position, which he had repeated, with minor alterations and
additions, in the Defence and the Preface. To attack the complete
Parkerian creature, Marvell had to consider not merely the Preface,
which was primarily an attack on Owen, but the two prior books, where
Parker most fully set forth his position. To defend Owen was not im¬
portant; to defeat Parker was. At the same time Marvell gained certain
tactical advantages. First, he was on the attack instead of the defen¬
sive; this meant he was not required, by the dynamics of debate, to
repair the damage to Owen's case or to expound a position of his own,
but needed merely to shoot holes in Parker's argument in order to appear
successful. Second, because Parker had made certain real or apparent

78
changes in position from book to book, Marvell could compare his
statements from different places and show Parker arguing against him¬
self .
Today's reader, not well-imbued in the lore of the controversy, is
likely to find The Rehearsal Transpros1d a kaleidoscopic tangle of
arguments, a disconcertingly disorganized mass of commentary. Although
Marvell's attack is, as Legouis suggests, scarcely outlinable, still
there is a certain structure to it.
The first third (pp. 1-43 in Smith's edition) is an introduction
consisting largely of a broad ad personam attack on Parker, in which
he is given the name "Bayes" and the reader is given a sketch of his
biography and character. The next section defines and attacks
Parker's basic position on conformity, considering first the Discourse
(pp. 45-60) and then the Defence (pp. 61-72). Then comes the attack
on the Preface itself: the first part (pp. 73-114) includes some de¬
fusing of Parker's assault on Owen and a further consideration of
Parker's ideas on ecclesiastical polity, as set forth specifically in
the Preface; and the second part (pp. 117-145) attacks the titular
concern of the Preface, i. e. "grounds for fear of Popery," a very
real concern in England at the time. Marvell demonstrates, of course,
that there is no reason to fear popery from the nonconformists, but
great reason to fear it from people like Parker. This outline is far
simpler than the actual experience of reading The Rehearsal Transpros'd
Marvell usually has several balls in the air at any given moment.

79
Because much of Marvell's political and ecclesiastical argumenta¬
tion was old material, going as far back as the Elizabethan age, it was
not sufficient to ensure even the interest of his readers, much less
victory over Parker. Along with the more formal argumentation, there¬
fore, Marvell included persuasion, much of it implicit, against Parker
himself.
Most rhetoric texts today teach that the aci personam argument
(now usually called ad hominem) is a fallacy, that the validity of an
argument has no connection with the character of the person presenting
it. This may be true in a Euclidean or Cartesian world, but disputants
of the seventeenth century recognized that the theatre of human en¬
deavor was not such a world, and it was felt that the person and his
arguments were very closely identified. Thus in An Apology Against A
Pamphlet, Milton says, "For doubtlesse that indeed according to art
is most eloquent, which returnes and approaches neerest to nature from
whence it came; and they express nature best, who in their lives least
wander from her safe leading, which may be call'd regenerate reason.
So that how he should be truly eloquent who is not withall a good man,
I see not.""^ Milton devotes a large portion of this same pamphlet to
a defense of his own character against the charges of the Modest Confuter.
The gold mine of autobiographical information in Milton's polemical
prose results from the view Milton shared with his contemporaries, that
the argument and the advocate were no more separate than, for Yeats,
the dancer and the dance.

80
Marvell's persuasion against Parker was based on the broad and
varied hierarchy of values that may be called "decorum." At the
lower end of the continuum of decorum is what Kranidas calls the
"limited" or "rhetorical concept of decorum," which is "a concept
which demands from the parts of a work of art consistency with
established traditional forms: this [includes] decorum personae,
2
decorum of the three styles, and decorum of the 'kinds.' " This is
what Richard Evans has in mind in the Prologue to his Damon and
Pithias (1675):
The old man is sober; the young man rash; the lover triumphing
in joys; The matron grave; the harlot wild, and full of wanton
toys: Which all in one course they no wise do agree,
So correspondent to their kind their speeches ought to be.
Which speeches, well-pronounc'd, with action lovely framed—
If this offend the lookers on, let Horace then be blamed,
Which hath our author taught at school, from whom he doth
not swerve, In all such kind of exercise decorum to observe.-^
So too Ben Jonson in Volpone (1605):
And so presents quick comedy refined,
As best critics have designed;
The laws of time, place, persons he observeth,
From no needful rule he swerveth.^
This is what critical tradition has generally meant by decorum, or by
decorum personae. I shall at times refer to this as decorum of the
stage, because, although Marvell is clearly very conscious of this
kind of decorum when writing The Rehearsal Transpros1d, he applies the
term decorum personae with deliberate irony to yet another variety of
decorum.
Akin to decorum of the stage, in which each character must be
portrayed within limits thought appropriate to him, is a parallel de¬
corum in the world of real people, in which each person is expected to

81
act in a manner appropriate to his station in life: a servant should
act servile, a lord lordly, and a priest as the most upright and
generous of Christians. This is what Shakespeare's Cleopatra means
when she tells Octavian, "Majesty to keep decorum, must/No less beg
than a kingdom." This decorum, which might be denoted decorum of
station, or propriety, obviously can both generate and be generated •
by the decorum of the stage; the world is a stage no less than the
stage is a world, and the idea of "playing a role" or "part" is applied
to both. As John S. Coolidge puts it (without labeling the term he
defines), this decorum of station is
an idea which . . . asserts that personality is a function of
social condition. It denies that personality might spontaneously
escape its social definition. In practice it does not necessarily
prevent a dramatist of genius from somehow sensing and rendering
manifest the inner experience of the individual life, but in
theory it considers the essential thing about a person to be,
not that inner experience, but his social "kind." It reflects,
therefore, a hierarchical social order.
There are two assumptions here: first, that a person should play his
assigned role, and not attempt one belonging to someone else; second,
that he is expected to play his assigned role well. A priest (for
example) should be a priest, not a clown or a king; and he should be
a good priest.
Coolidge points out that Marvell makes unusual use of the word
"decorum" for which he believes Marvell is indebted to Martin Marprelate.
Just as Martin claims, when attacking a book by Dean John Bridges, that
he must have "leave to play the dunce for the nonce, as well as he,
otherwise dealing with Master Doctor's book, I cannot keep decorum
personae," so Marvell will say, "as I am obliged to ask pardon if I

82
speak of serious things ridiculously, so I must beg excuse if I should
hap to speak of ridiculous things seriously. But I shall, so far as
possible, observe decorum, and whatever I talk of, not commit such an
absurdity as to be grave with a buffoon.The special interpretation
of decorum here is that one's address to and treatment of another must
accord, not with one's own condition, but with the condition of the •
person being dealt with. This is akin to the doctrine of accommodation,
which holds that one must take care to speak in a way that will contain
meaning for one's intended audience. As Origen, in perhaps the first
formal Christian statement of this doctrine, puts it,
When divine Providence intervenes in human affairs, it uses human
ways of speaking snd thinking. If we have to talk to a two-year
old, we use the sort of language that children can understand, for
they cannot possibly understand what we say to them unless we put
aside our grown-up dignity and condescend to their way of speaking.
We must suppose that God does the same when he deals with mankind
and that he did so particularly when mankind was still in its
childhood.^
St. Augustine also spoke of it, and it may also be seen if one reads
at the simplest level that famous passage in Paradise Lost where
Raphael, preparing to tell Adam the story of Satan's fall, explains,
High matter thou injoin'st me, 0 prime of men,
Sad task and hard, for how shall I relate
To human sense th'invisible exploits
Of warring Spirits;
what surmounts the reach
Of human sense, I shall delineate so,
By lik'ning spiritual to corporal forms,
As may express them best.8
The difference between Raphael and Marvell is, I suppose, that Raphael's
accommodation springs from a benign attitude and a desire to communicate
with his hearer, while Marvell's decorum personae indicates a need to

83
signify, to Parker and the world at large, his estimation of Parker's
status.
Marvell might also be thinking of the notion that genres should
not be mixed, a concept much adhered to in France and espoused by some
Englishmen in the seventeenth century. It is asserted, for example, by
9
Lisideius in Dryden's Essay of Dramatic Poesy (1668). If Marvell's-
reader remembers—and Marvell takes care to remind him at times, by
mentioning his "book" or "reader"—that Marvell is not merely engaging
Parker in conversation, but is creating a piece of literature in which
Parker has a part, then Marvell's decorum personae is not that unusual
after all; he is merely saying that the author of a work in which the
leading character is a buffoon should write in a comic mode rather than
a serious one.
While none of this need detract from the laurels Coolidge claims
for Martin's originality in his ironic use of decorum personae, it
should be noted that the concept did not, as Coolidge seems to indicate,
lie rusty during the decades between Martin and Marvell. In his
Second Defence of the English People (1654), Milton writes,
If any one should think our refutation deficient in gravity,
he should consider that we have not to do with a grave adversary,
but with a heard of players; to which, while it was necessary
to accommodate the nature of the refutation, we thought it
proper to have in view not alwavs what would be most suitable
to decorum [here meaning propriety ] but what would most suit
them.I®
Marvell's statement of his policy of decorum does not come until
the ground has been laid by devoting one third of The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd to an introduction in which he attaches the name "Bayes" to

84
Parker; gives unflattering descriptions of Parker, including a
burlesque biography; and depicts his praise of Bramhall and his
attacks on Calvin and John Owen as clownishly absurd and awkward.
First, Marvell takes advantage of the anonymity (however trans¬
parent it actually was) under which Parker published his Preface, to
paste upon him a nom de plume. He moves that
Instead of Author, I may henceforth indifferently call him
Mr. Bayes as oft as I shall see occasion. And that, first,
because he hath no Name or at least will not own it, though
he himself writes under the greatest security, and gives us
the first Letters of other Mens Names before he be asked them.
Secondly, because he is I perceive a lover of Elegancy of
stile, and can endure no mans Tautologies but his own, and
therefore I would not distaste him with too frequent repeti¬
tion of one word. But chiefly, because Mr. Bayes and he do
very much Symbolize; in their understandings, in their ex¬
pressions, in their humour, in their contempt and quarreling
of all others, though of their own Profession. Because, our
Divine, the Author, manages his contest with the same prudence
and civility, which the Players and Poets have practised of
late in their several Divisions. And, lastly, because both
their Talents do peculiarly lie in exposing and personating
the Nonconformists.(pp. 9-10).
In this Marvell capitalized on the recent popularity of the play The
Rehearsal, by The Duke of Buckingham and some of his associates. The
.ramifications of this device—one of the most brilliant and original
in Marvell's work—have been commented on elsewhere."^ Briefly, it
affixes to Parker, will-he, nill-he, a comic mask, rich with recent
associations of foolishness; it ingratiates the work to Buckingham
and the court wits; it offers an oblique jab at Dryden, who seems for
reasons unknown to have had a quarrel with Marvell; and, very impor¬
tantly in terms of decorum, it coverts Parker into a stage figure,
and one inspiring not awe but laughter: a buffoon.

85
Since a mere label, however cleverly pasted on, will not sustain
a very lengthy or elaborate attack, Marvell follows up immediately
with a series of notions about Parker's character deduced from his
writings in a delightfully absurd fashion, blending this into an
equally outrageous fictitious biography. Ludicrous (and indecorous)
as a stage figure, Parker is no less so as a person and a priest;
whatever role he plays, he does badly but amusingly. Marvell quotes
Parker's explanation that he wrote the preface to Bramhall's work
because the book seller was "very sollicitous to have it set off with
some Preface that might recommend it to the Genius of the Age, and
reconcile it to the present juncture of Affairs " (p.4) although
Parker was reluctant to do it because he was not only "none of the
most zealous Patrons of the Press " (p.4), but also concerned "in
matters of a closer and more comfortable importance to himself and
his own Affairs " (p. 5). By amusing use of a false-premised syllogism,
Marvell concludes that the "more comfortable importance" must be a
mistress, and, taking off from Parker's statement that his preface
was rushed into print, comments,
Thus it must be, and no better, when a man's Phancy is up, and
his Breeches are down; when the Mind and the Body make contrary
Assignation, and he hath both a Bookseller at once and a Mistress
to satisfie: Like Archimedes, into the Street he runs out naked
with his Invention. And truly, if at any time, we might now
pardon this Extravagance of our Author; when he was pearch'd
upon the highest Pinnacle of Ecclesiastical Felicity, being ready
at once to asswage his Concupiscience, and wreck his Malice, (p. 7)
Marvell describes Parker as deranged from being "too early acquainted
with Don Quixote, and reading the Bible too late," but nonetheless a

86
diligent and successful scholar. Upon graduation from the University,
however, "coming out of the confinement of the Square-cap and the
Quadrangle into the open Air, the World began to turn round with him:
which he imagined, though it were his own giddiness, to be nothing less
than the Quadrature of the Circle." He became a man about town and
an avid playgoer, but then obtained a position of chaplain for a noble¬
man. Having "wrought himself dextrously into his Patrons favour, by
short Graces and Sermons, and a mimical way of drolling upon the
Puritans," he also became popular with the domestics:
and they allow'd him by common consent, to have not only all the
Divinity, but more wit too, than all the rest of the family put
together. This thing alone elevated him exceedingly in his own
conceit, and raised his Hypochondria into the Region of the Brain;
that his head swell'd like any Bladder with wind and vapour. But
after he was stretch'd to such an height in his own fancy, that he
could not look down from top to toe but his Eyes dazled at the
Precipice of his Stature; there fell out, or in, another natural
chance which push'd him headlong. (p. 30)
Parker, Marvell tells us, found a particular sympathy with the gentle¬
women , and
he directed his Reverence toward the Gentlewomens Pew. Till,
having before had enough of the Libertine, and undertaken his
Calling only for Preferment; he was transported now with the
Sanctity of his Office, even to extasy: and like the Bishop
over Maudlin Colledge Altar, or like Maudlin de la Croix, he
was seen in his Prayers to be lifted up sometimes in the Air,
and once particularly so high that he crack'd his Scul against
the Chappel Ceiling. I do not hear for all this that he had
ever practised upon the Honour of the Ladies, but that he pre¬
served alwayes the Civility of a Platonick Knight-Errant. For
all this Courtship had no other operation than to make him
still more in love with himself: and if he frequented their
company, it was only to speculate his own Baby in their Eyes.
But being thus, without Competitor or Rival, the Darling of
both Sexes in the Family and his own Minion; he grew beyond
measure elated, and that crack of his Scull, as in broken
Looking-Glasses, multipli'd him in self-conceit and imagination.
(PP. 30-31)

87
Then, with the "Vain-Glory" of seeing the title page of his new
book, Ecclesiastical Polity, pasted up under the playbills, "He lost
all the little remains of his understanding and his Cerebellum was so
dryed-up that there was more brains in a Walnut and both their Shells
were alike thin and brittle " (p. 32). Yet this was not all:
This Gentleman, in the Dog-dayes, stragling by Temple-bar,
in a massy Cassock and Surcingle, and taking the opportunity
at once to piss and admire the Title-page of his Book; a tall
Servant of his, one J. 0. that was not so careful as he should
be, or whether he did it of purpose, lets another Book of four
hundred leaves fall upon his head; which meeting with the former
fracture in his Cranium, and all the concurrent Accidents already
mentioned, has utterly undone him. And so in conclusion his
Madness hath formed itself into a perfect Lycanthropy. He
doth so verily believe himself to be a Wolf, that his speech
is all turn'd into howling, yelling, and barking: and if there
were any Sheep here, you should see him pull out their throats
and suck the blood. Alas, that a sweet Gentleman, and so
hopeful, should miscarry! For want of Cattel here, you find him
raving now against all the Calvinists of England, and worrying the
whole Flock of them. (p. 32)
Here, like Milton with the Prelates in "Lycidas," Marvell may be
glancing at the parable of the sheepfold in John XI. 1-2, an image of
priesthood gone wrong. Even as a werewolf, Parker is a bit ludicrous
("Alas, that a sweet Gentleman, and so hopeful, should miscarry!");
when he should properly slaughter cattle, he "worries" Calvinists in¬
stead.
One way to play one's part badly is to overact: Marvell devotes
considerable space to showing that, as we might expect of a man with
such a history, Parker is in his Preface ridiculously generous and
overfulsome in praising Bishop Bramhall, and far too unkind to Calvin.
Marvell invokes them and asks:

88
Poor Mr. Calvin and Bishop Bramhall, what crime did you dye
guilty of, that you cannot lye quiet in your Graves, but must
be conjured up on the Stage as oft as Mr_. Bayes will ferret you?
And which of you two are most unfortunate I cannot determine;
whether the Bishop in being alwayes courted or the Presbyter in
being alwayes rail'd at. But in good earnest I think Mr. Calvin
hath the better of it. For, though an ill man cannot by praising
confer honour, nor by reproaching fix an ignominy, and so they
May seem on equal terms; yet ther is more in it: for at the
same time that we may imagine what is said by such an Author to
be false, we conceive the contrary to be true. (pp. 23-24)
In his attack on Owen, Parker made use of a convention of the time
by referring to his opponent only by initials, "J. 0." Marvell lampoons
this by imagining that Parker is at war with the letters themselves:
I began to repent of my Undertaking, being afraid that the Quarrel
was with the whole Criss-cross-row, and that we must fight it
out through all the Squadrons of the Vowels, the Mutes, the Semi¬
vowels , and the Liquids. I foresaw a sore and endless labour, and
a battel the longest that ever was read of; being probable to con¬
tinue as long as one Letter was left alive, or there were any use of
Reading. Therefore, to spare mine own pains, and prevent Ink-shed,
I was advising the Letters to go before Mr. Bales, or any other
his Majesties Justices of Peace, to swear that they were in danger
of their Lives, and desire that Mr. Bayes might be bound to the
Good-behaviour. (p. 37)
Eventually Marvell "Plainly at last perceived that J. 0. is a very
Man as any of us are," and "concluded that necessarily there must be some
extraordinary Accident and Occasion that could alter so good a Nature"
as Parker's, and cause him to be so vindictive toward J. 0. Observing
that Parker's pique resembles that of a schoolboy against his master,
Marvell speculates that it may be the result of Parker having at one
time been under Owen's tutelage. Indeed, as Marvell (and the better-
informed of his readers) knew quite well, this was in a manner of speak¬
ing actually the case. When Owen was Vice-Chancellor of Oxford in the
1650's, Parker was an undergraduate there. This allusion serves not only

89
to remind the readers of Owen's very long and illustrious career, but also
to reduce Parker to a schoolboy, an image Marvell will repeat like a
leitmotif. Nor is Parker even successful as a schoolboy; rather than
being a proper, decorous one, he is a pipsqueak posturer who, having
overstepped his bound, is likely to be, Marvell suggests, hoisted up
and "whipt like a baggage " (p.42)
In the first section of The Rehearsal Transpros1d, then, Marvell
has established the fundamental theme of Parker's indecorousness—his
impropriety, his out-of-placeness, his failure to fit. One of the
recurrent patterns is that first, Parker is playing the wrong role; and
second, that he is unable to play even that role properly. As a con¬
troversialist he is a schoolboy, and as a schoolboy he deserves whipping.
With the theorem of indecorum as a base, Marvell will construct further
arguments against Parker.
One of the most important elements is Marvell's special inter¬
pretation of decorum personae. Having depicted Parker as multifariously
a buffoon, and having actually applied the term to him ("Buffoon-General
to the Church of England," p. 22), and having established his identity
with the recognized laughing-stock Mr. Bayes, Marvell has laid the
ground for the use of a special sort of decorum. He has demonstrated
that Parker is^ a buffoon; therefore, treatment appropriate to a buffoon
is appropriate to Parker. After outlining with lengthy quotations and
paraphrases what he takes to be the basic points of Parker's position in
his first book, The Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity, he prepares to
launch his attack upon it, with a caveat:

90
and now though I intend not to be longer than the nature of
Animadversions requires, (this also being but collateral to my
work of examining the Preface, and having been so abundantly
performed already) yet neither can I proceed well without some
Preface. For, as I am obliged to ask pardon if I speak of serious
things ridiculously; so I must now beg excuse if I should hap
to discourse of ridiculous things seriously. But 1 shall, so
far as possible, observe decorum, and, whatever I talk of, not
commit such an Absurdity as to be grave with a Buffoon. (p. 49)
According to Coolidge, "In effect he is saying that any lapses from -his
character of courtly wit that his subject matter may require from him
are to be disregarded. At the same time, he sets up a standing answer
to the opposite objection that such subject matter should not be
12
handled in a witty manner." Indeed, in the matter of jest versus
earnest, as I intend to show later, he is setting up a good deal more.
Further, he has not only established his unconventional variety of
decorum, he has by implication (aided by suitable comments in the
introductory pages) raised the question of decorum on all levels. As
Marvell's attack continues, Parker's clarion of conformity will be over¬
whelmed by Marvell's orchestra of decorum.
Marvell has prepared his reader for his approach to Ecclesiastical
Polity and the succeeding books by saying, somewhat ingenuously, that
I. 0. being of age and parts sufficient either to manage or to
to neglect this Quarrel, I shall as far as possible decline
the mentioning of him, seeing I have too upon further intelligence
and consideration found that he was not the person whom Mr. Bayes
principally intended. For the truth of it is, the King was the
Person concerned from the beginning. (p. 43)
Marvell will stress decorum of station, ultimately suggesting that
Parker's violation of that decorum amounts to láse majesté and more.
Marvell not unfairly claims that in Ecclesiastical Polity:

91
The grand Thesis upon which he stakes not only his own Divinity
and Policy, his Reputation, Preferment and Conscience (of most
of which he hath no reason to be prodigal) but even the Crowns
and Fate of Princes, and the Liberties, Lives, and Estates, and,
which is more, the Consciences of their Subjects, (which are too
valuable to be trusted in his disposal,) is this, pag. 10. That
it is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the
World, that the supream Magistrate of every Commonwealth should
be vested with a_ Power to govern and conduct the Consciences of
Subjects in affairs of Religion. (p. 45)
Associated with this Grand Thesis, which he calls that of the
Unlimited Magistrate, are five other "Aphorisms or Hypotheses" which
sum up Parker's position:
First, The Unlimited Magistrate.
Secondly, The Publick Conscience.
Thirdly, Moral Grace.
Fourthly, Debauchery Tolerated.
Fifthly, Persecution recommended.
and lastly, Pushpin-Divinity. (p. 48)
Parker holds that the Magistrate possesses and should exercise
the power to bind all of his subjects to the single religious practice
most advantageous for the peace and tranquillity of the realm, and
that to that end nonconformists should be repressed and compelled to
conform. Also (Push-Pin Divinity)
his own best interest requires his
church, preferably in the style to
Marvell of course takes issue with
largely upon decorum.
After his summary of Parker's
statement on decorum quoted above,
the Magistrate must recognize that
total support of the national
which it would like to be accustomed,
all of this, and bases his argument
position, Marvell makes the explicit
which continues as follows:
But I shall, so far as possible, observe decorum, and, whatever
I talk of, not commit such a Absurdity as to be grave with a
Buffoon. But the principal cause of my Apology is, because I
see I am drawn in to mention Kings and Princes, and even our

92
own; whom, as I think of with all duty and reverence, so I
avoid speaking of either in jest or earnest, lest by reason of
my private condition & breeding, I should, though most unwill¬
ingly, trip in a word, or fail in the mannerliness of an express¬
ion. But Mr. Bayes, because Princes sometimes hear men of his
quality play their Part, or preach a Sermon, grows so insolent
that he thinks himself fit to be their Governour. So dangerous
is it to let such creatures be too familiar. They know not their
distance, and like the Ass in the Fable, because they see the .
Spaniel play with their Masters Leggs, they think themselves
priviledged to paw and ramp upon his Shoulders. Yet though I
must follow his track now I am in, I hope I shall not write
after his Copy. (p. 49)
Multiple interlocking levels of decorum are involved here. What is
implied is that as a priest, Parker is an actor (to preach a sermon is
to "play the part"); as such he is an ass, and as an ass he is a
failure. Contrasted with Parker's crass transgression of all proper
bounds is, first, Marvell's own expressed delicacy in speaking of
the King at all, not to mention speaking of him, or t£ him, improperly;
and second, the eminently refined and sensible restraint practised by
King Charles, who, though advised by Parker that he has total power
over the minds and lives of his subjects, and though "the gravest
Divines should be his Flatterers," is prudent in his puissance, for
He knows it's all but that you [Parker and company] may get into
the Saddle again; and that the Priest may ride him, though it be
to a Precipice. He therefore contents Himself with the Power that
He hath inherited from his Royal Progenitors Kings and Queens of
England, and as it is declared by Parliament: and is not to be
trepann'd into another kind of Tenure of Dominion to be held at
Mr. Bayes his pleasure, and depend upon the strength only of his
Arguments. But ... he considers that by not assuming a Deity
himself, he becomes secure and worthy of his Government. (p. 51)
The King keeps decorum, though Parker does not. Marvell includes an
amusing picture of how the King might appear were he to forget his sense
of propriety and proportion and assume the religious authority Parker
would give him in the Discourse:

93
but this only troubles me, how his Majesty would look in all
the Sacerdotal habiliments, and the Pontifical Wardrobe. I am
afraid the King would find himself incommoded with all that
furniture upon his back, and would scarce reconcile himself
to wear even the Lawn-sleeves and the Surplice. (p. 51)
Still, the King might be able to manage it, and might positively enjoy
assuming at the same time the ecclesiastical revenues, which he de¬
serves more than do the clergy. Not only is Parker wrong in presuming
to advise the magistrate that he has vast powers, but he does not
understand where such advice can lead.
The second "aphorism" is Publick Conscience, indicating Parker's
notion that although "thought is free," nevertheless men should per¬
form the outward and visible actions their leaders prescribe; that is,
they should conform. Even if the leaders should prescribe something
wrong, says Parker, "My Obedience will hallow, or at least excuse my
Action." Marvell replies,
Though the Subject made me serious, yet I could not reade the
expression without laughter: My_ Obedience will hallow, or at
least excuse my Action. So inconsiderable a difference he seems
to make betwixt those terms, That if ever our Author come for
his merits to be a Bishop, a man might almost adventure instead
of Consecrated to say that he was Excused. (p. 53)
The implication is that with such lack of personal responsibility,
Parker has need of excuse.
Related to this is Moral Grace, the label for Parker's position
that "All religion must of necessity be resolved into Enthusiasm or
Morality. The former is meer Imposture; and therefore all that is
true must be reduced to the latter " (p. 46). To this Marvell says, "if
Grace be resolv'd into Morality, I think a man may almost as well make
God too to be only a Notion and Moral Existence," and goes on to suggest

94
that Parker's religion is really opportunism (p. 53). Parker's am¬
bition has driven him to this "desperate vocation," but "those that
wil dance upon Ropes, do lightly some time or other break their
necks." He adds that even the Turkish rope-dancer, who recently
performed in London, every day "took leave of his Comfortable
Importance as if he should never see her more " (p. 54)»
This allusion to Parker's purported mistress leads info the
next "aphorism," Debauchery Tolerated, which derives from Parker's
statement that "'tis better and safer to give a Toleration to mens
Debaucheries than to their Religious Perswasions." Says Marvell,
"This is a very ill way of discoursing ... it argues too much in¬
discretion, by avoiding one evil to run up into the contrary extream "
(p. 55). Further, not only is debauchery a major cause of domestic
problems ("that even those who contribute toward it do yet complain
of it"—and no doubt he has Parker in mind here) but it also is the
chief cause of war, because debauched populations are either unable
to support themselves except by preying on others, or are so weak as
to be ready prizes for their neighbors. With exquisite dexterity,
Marvell then explains,
But therefore (as far as I understand) his Majesty to obviate
and prevent these inconveniencies in his Kingdoms, hath on
the one hand never refused a just Warre; that so he might take
down our Greese and Luxury, and keep the English Courage in
breath and exercise: and on the other, (though himself most
constantly addicted to the Church of England) hath thought fit
to grant some liberty to all other Sober People, (and longer
than they are so God forbid they should have it) thereby to
give more temper and allay to the common and notorious
Debauchery. (p. 56)

95
Thus England, which might well be destroyed by the debauchery Parker
would tolerate (and partakes of), is preserved by the wise and moral
King who enters the Dutch War in order to keep his people in shape,
and also, a sober person himself, promulgates the Declaration of
Indulgence in order that the nonconformists, who are the other sober
people, may further temper and allay the "common and notorious
Debauchery." If Marvell's readers, aware of the real world, did not
actually buy this reasoning, still they must have reveled in its
delicate skill. At the same time, Marvell has repeated his theme
that the King's toleration represents reason and balance, in opposi¬
tion to the irrational imbalance of Parker's conformism.
As for the fifth "hypothesis," Persecution Recommended, Parker
certainly does suggest persecution of the nonconformists, and while
not seriously proposing galleys and whipping, suggests that they
might not be entirely bad ideas. Marvell notes that among Christian
countries only popish ones have such practices, and that no one in
England would carry them out, "So that Mr. Bayes must either do it
himself in person, or constitute the chief Magistrate to be his
Deputy." Parker is clearly over-imbued with self-importance and zeal,
But when his Majesty, for Reasons best known to Himself, hath
been graciously pleased to abate of your Rigors, I hope Mr. Bayes
that we shall not see when you have a mind to junket with your
Comfortable Importance that the Entremeses shall be of a Fanaticks
Giblets: nor that a Nonconformists head must be wip'd off as oft
as your nose drivles. (p. 59)
This last image is especially happy, because it gives the picture of
Parker as a literal driveler, while at the same time "wip'd off"

96
suggests that Parker confuses his own nasal discomfort with England's
ecclesiastical unrest. Fortunately, though Parker fails to observe
the proportion, the propriety, and the awareness of station that
decorum requires, "God be prais'd his Majesty is of far another temper:
and he is wise, though some men be malicious " (p. 60).
The sixth "aphorism"—Push-pin Divinity—represents Parker's
insistence that the state cannot survive without the support of a
strong church establishment. Indeed, says Parker, again overstating
his case, "there cannot be a Pin pull'd out of the Church but the
State immediately totters." By calling this "push-pin Divinity,"
Marvell compares Parker's argumentation to child's play. Then he com¬
ments :
That is strange. And yet I have seen many a Pin pull'd out upon
occasion, and yet not so much as the Church it self hath wagg'd.
It is true indeed, and we have had sad experiments of it, that
some Clergy-men have been so opiniastre that they have rather
exposed the State to ruine than they would part with a Pin, I
will not say out of their Church, but out of their Sleeve, (p. 61)
As with Parker's nose, so with the churchmen's sleeves: the body
politic has been improperly confounded with, and at the same time sub¬
ordinated to, the body personal. Worse yet, these churchmen have not
merely failed to observe decorum of station, but:
There is nothing more natural then for the Ivy to be of opinion
that the Oak cannot stand without it support: or, seeing we
are got into Ivy, that the Church cannot hold up longer than It
underprops the Walls: whereas it is a sneaking insinuating
Imp, scarce better than Bindweed, that sucks the Tree dry,
and moulders the building where it catches. (p. 61)
Not only is their would-be station the wrong one, but they are posi¬
tively harmful: as an oak they are ivy, but as ivy they are a bindweed.

97
The primary theme in Marvell's discussion of Ecclesiastical Polity
is that of affront and injury to the King. Whereas the foundation of
Parker's book had been the vesting of all ecclesiastical power in the
King (with the implicit assumption that he would use it properly),
Marvell has ironically inverted this and placed Parker in opposition
to the King (as indeed Parker was in opposition to the King's Declara¬
tion). Parker, it appears, acts as though he were himself greater than
the King, and presumes to prescribe the King's position and actions;
yet Parker is actually not a proper subject, a fit priest, nor a
healthy advisor to the King. In the face of this, the King is never¬
theless able to maintain his sense of what belongs to him, of what is
fitting and proper: the King observes decorum.
Rounding off his discussion of Ecclesiastical Polity with an
elaborately stated suggestion that Parker suffers from the mental equiva¬
lent of venereal disease, Marvell proceeds to his opponent's second
book, The Defense and Continuation of the Ecclesiastical Politie. Sub¬
sequent to the publication of Ecclesiastical Polity, the King appeared
to have other interests than pleasing Parker's party, and in his new
book, Parker revised his position slightly, from making the assumption
that the King would naturally tend to take care of the established
church, to insisting that he had better do so out of self-interest.
(Owen's Truth and Innocence, says Marvell, was but Parker's excuse to
publish a correction of the King.) As Marvell takes great pains to
point out, if one accepts Parker's arguments in his first book, the
King's policies were perfectly within his right. So Parker is found
to change his premises, and Marvell gleefully chronicles Parker's
backpedaling:

98
For as in Law a Man is not accounted so till he hath compleated
21, and 'tis but the last minute of that time that makes him his
own Man, (as to all things but Conscience I mean, for as to that
he saieth men are never sui Juris) so though the distance of
Bayes his Books was but betwixt 1670 and 1671, yet a year, nay
an instant at any time of a man's life may make him wiser, and
he hath, like all other fruits, his annual maturity. It was so
long since as 1670 p. 33 that this Universal Unlimited and Uncon-
troulable Power was the natural right of Princes antecedent to
Christ, firmly established by the unalterable Dictates of Natural
Reason, Universal Practice, and Consent of Nations, that the •
Scripture rather supposes than asserts the Ecclesiastical (and
so the Civil) Jurisdiction of Princes. . . . This was in 1670.
But one night hath made some men gray. And now p. 238 of his
second Book ... he hath made Princes accountable, ay and to so
severe an Auditor as God himself. The Thrones of Princes are
established upon the Dominion of God. . . . And p. 260. he owns
that if the Subjects can plead a clear and undoubted preingagemnet
to that higher Authority, they have a liberty to remonstrate to
the equity of their Laws. (pp. 64-66).
Marvell is using Parker against Parker, so that, especially with the
sarcastic tone of Marvell's account for a context, it is difficult
for either avatar to appear correct or principled. It appears that,
having in Ecclesiastical Polity treated princes "like a company of
ignorants," and discovered that they do not know how to handle properly
(for Parker) the uncontrollable power he gave them there, in his second
book Parker "strips and disrobes them again of all those Regal Ornaments
that he had superinduced upon them, and leaves them good Princes in
querpo [naked] as he found'm, to shift for themselves in the wide World
as well as they can " (p. 64).
Nor is this all; Marvell appears to search about for further
explanation, finally reaching the conclusion that Parker intends to
upset the balance of the Kingdom and the King, "to set his Majesty at
variance not only with his Subjects, but with himself, and to raise a

99
Civil-War in his Intellectual Kingdom, betwixt his controulable &
his uncontroulable Jurisdiction " (p. 67)» Here the problem of civil
disturbance, to be of major concern somewhat later, is in passing
laid at Parker's door. Meanwhile, making use of a concept now
usually called the "Freudian slip," Marvell continues:
And because, having to do with a wise man, as Mr. Bayes is, one
may often gather more of his mind out of a word that drops
casually, than out of his whole watchful and serious discourse,
when he is talking of matters of Policy that require caution . . .
Where raging bitterly against all the Presbyterians and other
Sects, ... he concludes thus, Tenderness and Indulgence to
such men, were to nourish Vipers in our own Bowels, and the most
sottish neglect of our own quiet and security, and we should
deserve to perish with the dishonour of Sardanapalus. . . .
I am thinking what Mr. Bayes meant by it, for every Similitude
must have, though not all, yet some likeness: Now I am sure
there were no Nonconformists in Sardanapalus his dayes, I am
sure also that Sardanapalus was no Clergyman, that he was no
subject; but he was one of the Uncontroulable Creatures, that
instead of exercising his Ecclesiastical Power delighted in
spinning; till some body come in on the sudden, and catching
him at it, cut his thred. Come 'tis better we left this Argu¬
ment and the Company too, for you see the Crime, you see the
Sentence: and who ever it be, there is some Prince or other
whom Mr. Bayes will have to perish. (p. 67)
The charge is no longer lése-majesté, but downright treason, and in¬
tended regicide, a most grave thing in the reign of the son of Charles I.
This is the burden of Marvell's examination of the Defence, but he
is willing to devote a few pages to a consideration of it as part of
a dialogue with Owen. He returns to the theme of Parker's changeable¬
ness, this time making that traditional charge of animadvertors, that
his opponent's statements are hopelessly wild, jumbled, and meaningless;
he adds the charge that Parker has made things so on purpose:
In all his Writings he doth so confound terms, he leaps cross, he
hath more doubles (nay triples and quadruples) than any Hare, so
that he thinks himself secure of the Hunters . . . [he thinks] in

100
all matters of Argument I will so muddle my self in Ink, that
there shall be no catching no finding me; and besides I wil
speak alwayes with so Magisterial a Confidence, that no modest
man (and most ingenious persons are so) shall so much as quetch
at me, but be beat out of all Countenance; and plain men shall
think that I durst not talk at such a rate but that I have a
Commission. I will first, said he in his heart, like a stout
Vagrant, beg, and, if that will not do, I will command the
Question and as soon as I have got it I will so alter the Pro¬
perty and put on another Periwig that I defie them all for
discovering me or ever finding it again. (p 72)
With the confusion, there is also railing, such that Parker reminds
Marvell of "the incorrigible Scold, that though she was duck'd over
her head and ears under water, yet stretched up her hands with her
two thumb-nails in the Nit-cracking posture, or with her two fingers
divaricated, to call the man still in that Language Lousy Rascal and
Cuckold " (p. 73). Parker's empty and confused chattering is likened
to that of the magpie threatened by a hawk, who chatters and huffs
"in token of courage and Victory: when, alas, 'tis her fear all,
and another way of crying the Hawk mercy, and to the end that the
Hawk finding nothing but tail and feather to strike at, she may per¬
haps shelter her body " (p. 73).
Although Marvell never calls Parker by name, he makes it perfectly
apparent from the beginning of The Rehearsal Transpros'd that he knows
his opponent's identity, and it is certain that the reading public
knows it as well. Hence Marvell can assert that the alleged emptiness
and vituperative quality of Parker's prose are not only an affront to
the readers, but also a violation of the decorum proper to Parker's
own station: "there is scarce any thing but slender trifling unworthy
of a Logician, and beastly railing unbecoming any man, much more a

101
Divine " (p. 71). While the accusations of self-contradiction, con¬
fusion, and meaninglessness are almost de rigeur in an animadversion,
they are furthermore, because they represent the dismemberment of order,
quite in harmony with an argument based on decorum. Marvell has moved
up the scale of decorum, from the decorum personae of the stage, to his
own variety of decorum personae, to the question of decorum of stati.on,
in society at large; as we see that Parker has violated each of these
varieties of decorum, not knowing his place and not knowing how properly
to perform in any place, we see too that he is incapable of the pro¬
portion, restraint, and coherence that make up the "radiant unity"
of a grand universal decorum which all more limited varieties of decorum
imply.
Marvell first showed us the buffoon, then told us what he was and
how he should be treated. Next, in the Discourse, we saw the violator
of propriety, even the propriety of a king. Then, in the Defence, we
saw a regicide. Yet, as in an accumulating series of transparencies,
the earlier images did not disappear: the violator of station, even
the regicide, was still also a buffoon.

NOTES
Yale Milton,
I, 874.
^Kranidas,
P-
47.
3Kranidas,
P-
43.
^Kranidas,
pp,
. 43-44
^Coolidge,
P-
526
^Coolidge,
P-
526
^Kranidas,
P-
25, quoting Jean Danielou,
Walter Mitchell (New York, 1955), p. 16.
Origen,
transí, by
Q
Paradise Lost V. 565-566; 571-574; in Hughes, p. 315.
9
Alexander M. Witherspoon and Frank J. Warnke, eds., Seventeenth
Century Prose and Poetry 2nd edition (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and
World, 1963), p. 585 ff. For Augustine, see Kranidas, pp. 25-27.
^Columbia Milton, VII, 45; cited by Kranidas, p. 97.
^Nearly every student of The Rehearsal Transpros1d has said some¬
thing about it, but Coolidge has given it the most attention.
3 Coolidge, p. 530.
102

CHAPTER V
JEST AND EARNEST
Tracing the concept of decorum from classical time, Kranidas dis¬
tinguishes two major, non-exclusive aspects. The "limited" or
"rhetorical" concept of decorum has been described and illustrated in
the previous chapter. There have also been suggestions of the broader
concept of decorum, the one by whose light Kranidas reads Milton's
work, and which I believe to also be important to The Rehearsal Trans-
pros 'd. This larger, or encompassing
Decorum, TO TTpeirov, is for the Greek world of Plato, the offspring
of the idea of the proper functioning of parts in a whole. Every
thing has its functions, dictated by its natural limits. These
natural limits result in internal harmony and prepare the thing
for its proper function in a larger harmony.^
In discourse, this decorum is not composed of rigid requirements, but
is lively and flexible, pulsating in response to the environment of
the discourse. It represents "radiant unity" and the "strategy of
2
subordinating and relating local texture to that unity." It is the
decorum of "nothing to excess," also "nothing too small," and "the
right thing at the right place at the right time." This concept of
decorum, which might be called the "highest" or "universal" decorum,
is one which subsumes and outranks all more stiff and limited varieties
of decorum; it comprehends hierarchies. With this for a background,
argumentation that may at first seem mere cleverness for its own sake
assumes greater significance and relevance.
103

104
One of the most effective and most often-used devices in Marvell's
attack on Parker is his tactic of jesting where Parker is earnest and
being grave where Parker has made merry. John M. Wallace, like other
readers, notes Marvell's mixture of gravity and gaiety, and concludes
that
Even if the arrogance of Parker's style were not, as he said
it was, the first cause of Marvell's decision to reply, Marvell's
own style, between jest and earnest, can be seen now as the
direct result of his concern with middle ground where moderation
would prevail . . . Marvell's style may owe a little to Martin
Marprelate and to other practitioners of the art of scoffing, but
it springs immediately from his command of an area of common
sense of which Parker was ignorant.3
There is much to this, but Wallace does not look closely at the way
Marvell mixes his jest and earnest.
The mixture of jest into discussion of serious matters was, though
a usage of long standing by the mid-seventeenth century, nevertheless
an area of contention. Ernst Curtius has traced both the usage and
the debate over its suitability from the Greeks and Romans through the
4
Christian writers of the middle ages. Perhaps the earliest statement
was by Gorgias, cited in Aristotle's Rhetoric:
As to jests. These are supposed to be of some service in contro¬
versy. Gorgias said that you should kill your opponents' earnest¬
ness with jesting and their jesting with earnestness; in which
he was right.^
The question of jest and earnest had even received considerable
attention in the controversy Marvell joined. In his "Letter From the
Author of the Friendly Debate," appended to Parker's Defence and Con¬
tinuation of Ecclesiastical Politie, Simon Patrick, stung by John
Owen's allegations in Truth and Innocence Vindicated that his use of

105
dialogue in The Friendly Debate is frivolous, discourses at length on
the authorities and precedents for not only the use of dialogue but
also the use of humor for serious purposes:
The best Masters of Rhetorick have given precepts about ways
of facetious speaking and moving laughter, in the making of
Orations. Cicero himself hath treated at large of this Argument
in his second Book, dii Oratore: and touches it again in his
Orator ad Brutum. And whoever he was that wrote the Books ad •
Herrenium, he shows (Lib. I.) how to refresh the Judge when he
is weary of hearing a long Speech, by jests and pleasant reflec¬
tions. So doth Quintilian likewise; who treating of the way to
move affections, spends a whole Chapter (and one of the longest
in all the twelve Books) in a discourse concerning Laughter, the
exciting of which he acknowledges may be useful and to good
purpose.^
Patrick continues, citing Erasmus ("a scurrilous Companion jests after
one fashion, an honest man after another.") and then Beza, who cites
further authorities, and concluding with a lengthy justification of his
position via an analysis of Aristophanes' The Clouds.
As William T. Costello has shown, the scholastic disputations, in
which all university-educated men of the seventeenth century had taken
part, also provided precedent for the use of jest in serious discussions
"the prevaricator, or varier, was an official humorist introduced into
the philosophical disputation immediately after the 'father's' speech."
[The speech introducing the question.] The varier's function was to
play verbally upon the question under dispute.This use of humor,
especially the pun, often continued as an effective ploy as well as a
habit of writing when the graduates published political and theological
pamphlets. Thus Milton, rarely accused of excessive levity, sprinkled
puns into his polemics against Salmasius. It is noteworthy that, like

106
the prevaricators, Patrick and his authorities emphasized the applica¬
tion of jest to earnest, but not the opposite.
What is especially noteworthy about Marvell's use of humor in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd is not merely its quantity, variety, and power,
but that much of it is employed not simply for decoration, or to keep
the audience amused or awake, but deliberately in a single tactic, used
over and over, to whipsaw Parker: Marvell meets Parker's earnestness
with jest, and Parker's jest with earnestness. No other disputant of
the time seems to have used this tactic so deliberately and success¬
fully as Marvell, who not only took heed of both halves of Aristotle's
(Gorgias') prescription, but achieved further refinements upon it.
Viewed most broadly, the three books by Parker which Marvell attacks
in The Rehearsal Transpros'd are preponderantly sober tomes; when
Parker does display cleverness, it tends to be more Juvenalian than
Horatian. In contrast, Marvell's attack is essentially amusing and
g
light-hearted. Time and time again Parker's most serious trains of
discourse are derailed by Marvell's wit. The impression most readers
seem to have is that Marvell's work is "enlivened" by "the constant
9
stream of wit and scurrility." However, Marvell's work is not with¬
out its graver moments. Marvell felt the need to back the sharp edge
of his wit with some philosophical mass, and also wished to turn the
weapon back on Parker's somewhat more modest use of wit against the
nonconformists. As a rule, Marvell's serious discourses come in the
shape of affronted reactions to Parkerian witticism. This technique
is especially consistent in the section where he attacks the coherence
of Parker's Preface, the "flowers" section.

107
Marvell begins his attack on the Preface by continuing his thesis
that Parker's books are attacks not against Owen and the nonconformists,
but against the King. Marvell claims that upon the King's issuance of
the Declaration of Indulgence, "Bayes finding that the King had so
vigorously exerted his Ecclesiastical Power, but to a purpose quite
contrary to what Mr. Bayes had intended, he grew quite angry at the •
King and his Privy Council " (p. 73). Parker's attack on Owen (and
nonconformists in general) is merely "as he imagined, the safest way
by which he might proceed first to undermine and then to blow up his
Majesties gracious Declaration " (p. 74). Then quickly brushing
aside a major feature of the Preface (Parker's formal defense of his
ad personam attack on Owen in the Defence) by suggesting that it is
mere railing, Marvell goes on to say,
Therefore, until I meet with something more serious, I will
take a walk in the Garden and gather some of Mr. Bayes his
Flowers. Or I might more properly have said I will go see
Bedlam and pick straws with our Mad-man. First he saith, that
some that pretend a great interest in the holy Brother-hood,
upon every slight accident are beating up the Drums against
the Pope and Popish Plots; they discry Popery in every common
and usual chance, and a Chimny cannot take fire in the City
or Suburbs but they are immediately crying Jesuites and
Firebals. (p. 77)
Marvell seizes upon Parker's small extravagence of diction here
as an occasion first for witticism, then for gravity. He makes use of
the "Bayes" mask that he has already pasted onto Parker, to credit
the witticism to Parker's account, even while attacking him with it:
I understand you, Sir. This, Mr. Bayes, is your Prologue, that
is to be spoke by Thunder and Lightning. 1^ am loud Thunder, brisk
Lightning _I. I strike men down. I_ fire the Town-Look too' t.
Wee'1 doot. Mr. Bayes, it is something dangerous medling with
those matters. As innocent persons as your self, have felt the
fury of the wild multitude, when such a Calamity hath disordered
them. (p. 77)

108
This leaves Marvell free to reproach Parker for being not merely
frivolous but dangerously irresponsible. Using allegorically the
image of the Great Fire of London, he warns Parker that to speak of
civil disturbance is to invite civil disturbance, which, once begun,
could destroy everything, including Parker's own Church of England.
The net result is to show Parker doing exactly what he has accused
the nonconformists of doing:
These things are too edged to be jested with: if you did but
consider that not onely the Holy Brother-hood, but the Sober
and intelligent Citizens are equally involved in these sad
Accidents. And in that lamentable Conflagration (which was
so terrible, that though so many years agoe, it is yet fresh
in mens memories, and besides, is yearly by Act of Parliament
observed with due Humiliation and Solemnity.) It was not
Trade onely and Merchandise suffered, which you called their
Diana, and was not so much to be considered; But Saint Pauls
too was burnt, which the Historians tell us was Diana's Temple,
(p. 77)10
The next "flower" Marvell finds is where Parker jeers at Owen
for saying "We cannot conform to Arminianism or Socinianism on the
one hand, or Popery on the other." According to Marvell, "Bayes
turns all into Mirth; [by saying that Owen] might have well have
added all the -isms in the Old Testament, Perizzitism, Hivitism,
Jebuzitism, Hittitism, &c " (p. 78). Marvell takes this occasion for
a lengthy discourse (six pages in Smith's edition) on the nature of
schism, impressively quoting from Bishop Bramhall himself, Bishop
Thorndike, and Charles I, and finally giving a redaction of the en¬
tire Treatise of Schism, a remarkable and famous defense of toleration
by the late John Hales. The gist of it all is the standard argument
that if a schism takes place, the schismatics are not necessarily those

109
who have become separated from the established church, but rather
those who have caused the separation—and here the reader is obviously
meant to think of Parker and those he speaks for. Marvell ends this
extraordinary exercise with the most organ-toned paragraph in the
entire volume, comparing Parker and Hales:
I could not upon comparing them both together but reflect most .
seriously upon the difference of their two wayes of Discoursing.
I could not but admire that Majesty and Beauty which sits upon
the forehead of masculine Truth and generous Honesty: but no
less detest the Deformity of Falshood disguised in all its
Ornaments. How much another thing it is to hear him speak,
that hath cleared himself from froth and growns, and who suffers
neither Sloth nor Fear, nor Ambition, nor any other tempting
Spirit of that nature to abuse him, from one, who as Mr. Hales
expresseth it, makes Christianity Laquey to Ambition; How
wretchedly, the one to uphold his Fiction, must incite Princes
to Persecution and Tyranny, degrade Grace to Morality, debauch
Conscience against its own Principles, distort and mis-interpret
the Scripture, fill the World with Blood, Execution and Massacre;
while the other needs and requires no more but a peaceable and
unprejudicate Soul and the native Simplicity of a Christian-
spirit! And me-thinks, if our Author had any spark of Vertue
unextinguished, he should, upon considering these together,
retire into his Closet, and there lament and pine away for his
desperate follie; for the disgrace he hath, as far as in him is,
brought upon the Church of England by such an undertaking, and
for the eternal shame to which he has hereby condem'd his own
Memory. (p. 83)
Just as the King has been held up as a model of decorum to which Parker
may be, to his shame, compared, so now it is (with perhaps more justice)
with Hales, who is a monument of radiant rightness.
There now follow some short paragraphs in which Marvell quotes
some of Parker's witticisms and caps them with humor of his own; this
change in tactic is prefaced by a remark again laying at Parker's door
whatever blame this levity may incur: "I ask you heartily pardon,
Mr. Bayes, for treating you against Decorum here, with so much gravity.

110
(p. 83) Excerpting two of Parker's sarcastic comments on Owen,
Marvell caps Parker's jests with mock-seriousness. In the first,
Parker has reacted with sarcasm to Owen's efforts at sweet gentle¬
ness in Evangelical Love: "Dear Heart, how could I hug and kiss thee
for all this Love and Sweetness!" For Marvell to directly follow
Gorgias' maxim would have resulted in something like, "When J. 0.
offers terms of Christian charity, an occasion for all decent and
ingenuous persons to be sober, Bayes turns all into jest." Instead,
Marvell says,
Fy, fy, Mr. Bayes, Is this the Language of a Divine, and to be
used, as you sometimes express it, in the face of the Sun? Who
can escape from thinking that you are adream'd of your Comfort¬
able Importance? These are (as the Moral Satyrist calls them in
the cleanliest manner the thing would bear) Words left betwixt
the Sheets: Somebody might take it ill thaL you shold misapply
your Courtship to an Enemy. (p. 84)
In the second witticism ("Wellfare Macedo for an honest Fool!"),
Parker's point had been that compared with the bold mendacity of Owen
and the nonconformists, that of Macedo (a false witness in the recent
trial of an accused Papist) was modest. Marvell again takes Parker's
statement at face value, and expresses hand-wringing dismay that
anyone would be allowed to "raise such false and scandalous reports of
worthy Gentlemen" like Macedo (p. 84). In each case he has employed a
satiric twist on the maxim by meeting Parker's jest not with earnest,
but with mock-earnest.
Next Marvell comes to a passage where Parker means to say that
Owen, univited in the first place, has gone through the standard
formalities of debate and been defeated in the process, so that his

Ill
subsequent statements are without merit, being mere rehashings of
his already discredited arguments. According to Parker:
When he [Owen] had without any Provocation, (though that he
never needs) in a publick and solemn way undertaken the Defence
of the Fanatick [nonconformist] Cause, and when he had reason
done him in a particular Rejoinder to all his Pretences and
Exceptions, such as they were, he could think of satisfying his
People, and salving his Reputation by Scribling over the very
same stuff again, and presenting it to the World in a new
Phamphlet.12
Marvell seizes on the slightly odd phrasing of part of Parker's state¬
ment to suggest that Parker's argumentation is superficial and frivolous
and that therefore Parker fears the scrutiny of solemn men:
Here follows a sore Charge: That the Answerer had without any
provocation, in a_ publick and solemn way, undertaken the Defence
of the Fanatick Cause. Here, indeed, Mr. Bayes, You have Reason,
And you might have had as just a quarrel against whosoever had
undertaken it. For, your design and hope was from the beginning,
that no man would have answered you in a publick and solemn way;
and, nothing would vex a wise man, as you are, more than to
have his Intention and Counsel frustrated. When you have
rang'd all your forces in battel, when you have plac'd your Canon,
when you have sounded a charge, and given the Word to fall on upon
the whole Party; if you could then perswade every particular
person of'm, that you gave him no Provocation, I confess, Mr. Bayes,
this were an excellent and a new way of your inventing, to conquer
single, (tis your Moral Vertue) whole Armies. And so the admir¬
ing Drove might stand gaping, till one by one, you had cut all
their throats. (p. 84)
Marvell continues this line by paraphrasing Parker's charge (an
ancient one in animadversions) against Owen that "you finde not one
Syllable to the purpose beside a_ perpetual Repetition of the old worn-
out Story of Unscriptural Ceremonies, and some frequent whinings, and
sometimes ravings &c " (p. 85). Marvell attempts to turn the tables
on Parker by asserting that Owen's book is indeed "very pertinent to the
matter at hand" and that conversely Parker's writings have no substance;

112
he compliments Parker on "this admirable way (like fat Sir John
Falstaffe's singular dexterity in sinking) that you have of answer¬
ing whole Books or Discourses, how pithy and knotty soever, in a
line or two, nay sometimes with a word " (p. 85). This section is
logically very weak, consisting essentially of meeting Parker's
assertions with opposite (and no better supported) counter-asser¬
tions. Rhetorically it rides on the impetus from the previous
"flowers," where Parker's statements have been shown to the reader
as pointless at best, improperly silly in the main, and seditious at
worst. Marvell has employed a species of equivocation: It is not,
as in the previous "flowers," Parker's remarks that are the joke,
but Parker himself, the "Bayes" who would expect his foes to "stand
gaping" while he cut their throats, who resembles Falstaff, and who
answers sober disquisitions with "the Tale of Robin Hood, and the
mighty Bramble on the South side of Lake Leman " (p. 86)*
Having just accused Parker of replying to whole discourses with
a single word, Marvell does, as so often throughout The Rehearsal
Transpros1d, the exact opposite, by answering one of Parker's words
with a discourse. Indeed it is not even a word, but the way the word
is printed. Having noticed that Parker favors words ending with -ness,
and that some of the longer of these have in the Preface been set off
by a different kind of type, Marvell makes a few jests at Parker's
expense:
The word of Mr. Bayes1s that [the printer] has here made more
notorious, is Categoricalness: and I observe that wheresoever
there comes a word of that termination he shows it the same

113
honour; as if he had a mind to make Bayes a Collar of Nesses.
What the mystery is, I cannot so easily imagine; no more than
of Shiboleth and Intanglement. But I doubt Mr. Bayes is sick
of many complicated Diseases; or to keep our rhime, Sicknesses.
He is troubled not only with the Ismes but the Nesses. He
might, if he had pleased, here to have told us of Sheerness,
Dongioness, Inverness, and Cathness. (p. 86)
This bit of fun leads to a discussion of Parker's treatment of
Galatians in the Discourse of Ecclesiastical Politie, wherein "our .
Author translates Joy to Chearfulness, Peace to Peaceableness, and
Faith to Faithfulness " (p. 87). Marvell notes that Owen has corrected
Parker, who replied in the Defence that "the Cavil is but a little one,
and the Fortune of Caesar and the Roman Empire depend not upon it."
At this Marvell, now playing the oboe to Parker's piccolo, ominously
rumbles, "I doubt there is something more depends upon it, if it be
matter of Salvation. And I am afraid besides, that there may a curse
too belong to him who shall knowingly add or dimish in the Scripture "
(p. 87). Marvell drives the point home by quoting a fulmination by
Bishop Bramhall himself on the evils of permitting improper interpre¬
tation of the scripture. Here Marvell makes explicit something that
was no doubt implicitly behind much of the vast quantity of nitpicking
found in animadversion literature.
The next flower is "a piece of Mirth, on occasion of some dis¬
course of the Answerers, about the Morality of the Lords-day " (p. 87).
Marvell turns Parker's sarcasm about the usefulness of Owen's book
back upon him by asserting that Parker is jesting not about Owen's
book about the Sabbath, but about the Sabbath itself; Marvell claims
righteously that

114
Mr. Bayes might, if he had pleased, have spared his jibing
at that day, which hath more sacredness in it by far than
many, nay than any of those things he pleads for. But when
men are once Adepti and have attain'd Bayes his height, and
Divinity at least is^ rightly understood, they have a Privi-
ledge, it seems, not onely to play and make merry on the
Sabbath day, but with it. (p. 88)
Marvell follows this up (p. 88) with two more of Parker's
witticisms, both involving the Judgement Day, one apparently alludin'g
to the nonconformists' habit of frequently invoking that day. Then,
by the use of an address to Parker, asking that he be earnest, Marvell
is able to momentarily shift his opponent to the serious end of the
see-saw: "Pray tell us in good earnest, what you think of these things,
that we may know how to take our measures of living accordingly "
(p. 88). Now Marvell can joke, "For, if indeed there be no judgment,
no account for what is done here below, I have lost a great deal of
precious time, that I might have injoyed in one of the fruits of your
spirit, that is Chearfulness. How many good jests have I balk'd, even
in writing this book, lest I should be brought to answer for every
profane and idle word!" As he continues, Marvell shifts his tone,
becoming more serious, saying, "If therefore there be such a thing, I
would not for fear, and, if there be not, yet I would not for good luck
sake, set that terrible day at defiance, or make merry with it." He
then concludes that it is not proper or fitting for Parker to "make a
mere mockery of the whole business of that supreme Judge and Judicature."
Where Parker has made fun of the nonconformists' habit of speech, Marvell
has managed to charge him with making fun of God. He stresses the point:
"Yet I marked how your Answerer look'd when he spoke of the day of

115
Judgment. Very gravely, I assure you. . . . And I have most often
observed that serious words have produced serious Effects " (p. 89-90).
Marvell has made each sentence more serious than the last, tiptoeing
back from frivolity to solemnity, and now devotes two paragraphs to
condemning Parker for using falsehood and scurrility.
Finally, Marvell (as we would expect at this point) brings in •
an example of Parkerian levity, inserting a redaction of one of Parker's
more successful essays in sarcasm, wherein he purports to summarize
the nonconformists' arguments against "Symbolicalness," the conformist
love of certain trappings and ceremonies:
There remains but one Flower more that I have a mind to. But
that indeed is a Rapper. 'Tis a Flower of the Sun, and might
alone serve both for a Staff and a Nose-gay for any Noble-man's
Porter. Symbolicalness is the very Essence of Paganism, Super¬
stition and Idolatry. They will and ought sooner to broy1 in
Smithfield than submit to such Abominations of the Strumpet and
the Beast. 'Tis the very Potion wherewith the Scarlet-Whore
made drunk the Kings of the Earth. Heliogabalus and Bishop
Bonner lov'd it like Clary and Eggs, and alwayes made it their
mornings-draught upon burning days; and it is not to be doubted
but the seven Vials of Wrath that were to be poured out upon
the Nations of the Earth under the Reign of Antichrist were
filled with Symbolica] Extracts and Spirits: with more such
stuff which I omit. This is I confess a pretty Posy for the
Nose of such a Divine. (p. 91)
Marvell attempts to meet Parker's sarcasm with his own serious¬
ness, saying he is sure Parker would "have delivered up his Bible too
into the bargain, before he would quit the honour of so excellent a
piece of Drollery;" and telling him, "this Divinity I doubt was the
Bacchus of your thigh, and not the Pallas of your Brain " (p. 92).
His most successful blow, however, is struck by the introductory pic¬
ture of Parker strolling along with his nose buried in a sunflower,

116
which is so ludicrous a vision as to destroy Parker's credit with the
reader from the outset. The comic disproportion—the indecorousness—
involved in Parker's efforts to be both jester and priest is emble¬
matized here, and then reinforced by such comments as, "a pretty
Posy for the Nose of such a Divine." Further, there is a powerful
irony in the fact that perhaps the most clear and memorable symbol ih
the book—the sunflower—attacks "symbolicalness" itself.
Thus ends the "flowers" sequence, in which Marvell has consistently
shown Parker to be laughing when he should be decently sober, and to be
ludicrous when he attempts to be grave. Marvell makes the transition
to his subsequent lengthy discussion of symbols and ceremonies, not
only through the striking image of the "Rapper," but by commenting,
"Here it is that after so great an excess of Wit, he thinks fit to take
a Julep and resettle his Brain, and the Government. He grows as serious
as 'tis possible for such a madman, and pretends to sum up the whole
state of the Controversie with the Nonconformists " (p. 92). Marvell has
enthymemically connected his picture of Parker in the "flowers" with
the underlying traditional ad personam attack: "my opponent is a mad-
man." J Here too, as Parker takes his Julep, reappears the confounding
of body personal with body politic.
Marvell has really twice over neutralized Parker's attack on Owen
in the Preface. First, he brushed it aside as a formal question, then
he took it up again as the running motif of the deliberately disorgan¬
ized "flowers." Marvell's strategy of treating Parker's jest with
earnest and his earnest with jest is inseparably a part of his concern

117
with decorum. The effect of his oscillating opposition of jest and
earnest is to show Parker as the one who is constantly out of phase,
improper, and unfashionable. Parker is made to seem over and over
again like a man who has, somehow, worn a tuxedo to a surfside luau,
then rushed home to change, and returned in his swim-trunks and
towel, only to discover himself in the midst of a black-tie dinner.
So far, Marvell has established Parker's character as Mr. Bayes
the buffoon, as an impious, lustful, and greedy cleric, as a would-
be commander of kings who in fact knows least of all what kingliness
entails, a decryer of schism who causes schism, and as a violator not
only of all these more convential varieties of decorum but also of
that broader "seemliness" of time, place, and demeanor; one who is
always out of place: an oafish woodchopper in the cosmic cabinet-
shop. At the same time, Marvell has dealt with Parker's two earlier
books and those elements of the Preface associated with the attack on
Owen. He is now ready to attack the more general and substantive
portions of the Preface.

NOTES
Kranidas, pp. 15-16.
2
Kranidas, pp. 52-53.
3
Wallace, P. 195.
Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature in the Latin Middle '
Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), pp. 417-435.
^Aristotle, Rhetoric, translated by W. Rhys Roberts, in The Works
of Aristotle, ed. W. Rhys Roberts (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1924),
XI, 1419b.
^Parker, Defence, p. 730.
^William T. Costello, S. J., The Scholastic Curriculum at Seven¬
teenth-Century Cambridge (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958),
p. 26. In his dissertation, Leo King first points out the applicability,
of Costello's work to the study of animadversions.
g
pace Augustine Birrell, who says, p. 163, that "Marvell is occas¬
ionally humorous and not infrequently carries a jest beyond the limits
of becoming mirth; but he is more often grave."
90 . u
Smith, p. xm.
"^This same device is used to even greater effect later, when Marvell
reasons that by expressing alarm at the possible rise of popery, Parker
is encouraging that very thing; p. 118.
John Hales' book was A Tract Concerning Schisms and Schismatiques,
probably written in 1636 and published without Hales' knowledge in 1642.
Hales was recognized as one of the most learned and upright men of the
time.
12
Parker, Preface, sig.
a2v.
13,^
That is,
acts thus is a
my opponent is
with the first proposition implied:
madman]; (2) my opponent acts thus;
a madman.
[(1) Anyone who
(3) therefore
118

CHAPTER VI
INDECORUM COMPLETE
Having dealt with Parker's two earlier books, and having blunted
Parker's attack on Owen and somewhat outrageously used quotations from
the Preface (in the "flowers" section) to elaborately portray Parker
as someone perpetually marching to the wrong drum, Marvell prepares
to attack the substance of the Preface. He tells us that although
Parker seems to reduce the controversy between conformists and non¬
conformists to a mere fuss over some "symbolical ceremonies," in fact
it is a question of the extent of the power of a magistrate (government)
over the actions and minds of the governed: "The truth is in short
and let Bayes make more or less of it if he can; Bayes had at first
built up such a Magistrate, as never was of God's making. He had put
all Princes upon the Rack to stretch them to his dimensions " (p. 92)
A prince with the power Parker would grant him cannot exist in the real
world, and, "as a streight line continued grows a Circle, he had given
them so infinite a Power that it was extended unto Impotency." Wiser
than Parker, princes (especially Charles) know this and avoid the
aggrandization Parker urges upon them.
Like a general attacking a stronghold on his flank while marching to
the main objective, Marvell assaults Parker's position with regard to
ceremonies. The question was, of course, actually an important one
119

120
throughout the time of controversy over conformity, and is given
considerable attention in Parker's Preface. Marvell employs the old
nonconformist arguments that the ceremonies in question, promulgated
by the conformists, smack of the sacramental, may be idolatrous, and
should therefore be a serious matter for anyone who cannot subscribe
to them. If, on the other hand, they are not a serious matter, as
Parker and others of his party claim they are not, then the conformists
should have no objection to letting a person dispense with them if he
so wishes:
But here I say then is their [the Nonconformists'] main objection,
that things indifferent, and that have no proper signature or
significancy to that purpose, should by command be made necessary
conditions of Church-Communion. I have many times wished for
peaceableness-sake that they had a greater latitude; but if unless
they should stretch their Consciences till they tear again, they
cannot conform, what remedy? For I must confess that Christians
have a better Right and Title to the Church, and to the Ordinances
of God there, than the Author [Parker] had to his Surplice. (p. 99)
Again, Marvell has suggested that Parker is not where he belongs, and
therefore is in no position to prescribe for others.
A section on the meanings of words serves as a steppingstone from
the question of arbitrary ceremonies to that of the exercise of unlimited
sovereign power. Marvell quotes Parker:
Why may not the Soverain Power bestow this Priviledge upon
Ceremony, as well as Use and Cus tom [may], by_ virtue of its
prerogative? What greater Immorality is there in them when
determined by the Command and Institution of the Prince, than
when by the consent and institution of the people? This is
the tap-lash of what he said, p. 110. [in the Discourse]
"When the Civil Magistrate takes upon him to determine any
particular Forms of outward Worship, 'tis of no worse Conse¬
quence than if he should go about to define the significance
of all words used in the Worship of God." (p. 102)

121
Having thus pried open the topic, Marvell cites five more instances
where Parker equates "the signification of words and Ceremonies."
He then undermines the notion of decreeing the meanings of words,
by noting that even if princes have such power in theory, they have
traditionally avoided the use of it, and that if any prince were to
attempt the exercise of it,
I cannot but think how full that Princes head must be of Procla¬
mations. For, if he published but once a Proclamation to that
purpose, he must forthwith set out another to stamp and declare
the signification of all the words contained in it, and then
another to appoint the meaning of all the words in this, and so
on: that here is work cut out in one Paper of State for the
whole Privy Council, both Secretaries of State, and all the
Clerks of the Council, for one Kings Reign, and in infinitum.
(p. 104)
As a professional government writer as well as a poet, Marvell must
have been particularly sensitive to the tension between vocabulary and
reality. Because Marvell devotes hundreds of words to an issue which
Parker does not even directly mention in his Preface, the reader of
The Rehearsal Transpros1d may feel that Marvell is here himself a bit
disproportionate. It may be that the man whose finest poems depend on
the vibrant multivalence of words has yielded slightly to the lure
of the soapbox.-*- Here again, however, in contrast to Parker's over¬
weening presumption, is the balanced awareness of place and proportion
shown by the typical magistrate, who leaves the determination of mean¬
ings of words to popular usage. This decorum of station merges into
the more universal decorum, because in the vitality Marvell demands
for vocabulary, we glimpse the "harmonious, resonant, joyous unity, with
consistency of inner and outer and enormous variety and range extending

122
from a base of certainty about the ends of discourse and indeed of
all human 'conversation,'" which Kranidas defines.
In the process, by showing the results of a relatively minor
application of arbitrary power, in which it is "extended unto Impo-
tency," Marvell has prepared the reader for what he introduces as a
new topic: "One Argument I confess remains still behind, and that will
justifie any thing. 'Tis that which I call'd lately Rationem
ultimam Cleri; Force, Law, Execution, or what you will have it "
(p. 106). This, he claims, is promoted by men who "are the Politick
Would-be's of the Clergy." These men are fiery and inhumane:
They cannot endure that Humility, that Meekness, that strictness
of Manners and Conversation, which is the true way of gaining
Reputation and Authority to the Clergy; much less can they
content themselves with the ordinary and comfortable provision
that is made for the Ministry; But, having wholly calculated
themselves for Preferment, and Grandeur, know or practise no
other means to make themselves venerable but by Ceremony and
Severity .... the former Civil War cannot make them wise,
nor his Majesties Happy Return, good natured; but they are still
for running things up unto the same extreams. . . . they seem
to have contracted no Idea of wisdom, but what they learnt at
School, the Pedantry of Whipping. They take themselves qualified
to Preach the Gospel, and no less to intermeddle in affairs of
State. (p. 107)
These of course are Parker and those like him, who would be politicians
over the King, who should be priests, and who are actually qualified
to be neither.
Immediately after, and in deliberately striking contrast to this
portrait comes another: that of princes, and of King Charles II in
particular (in the context of England of 1672, anything said about
"kings" would automatically be taken, unless carefully disclaimed, to
apply to Charles). Marvell informs Parker,

123
'Tis not with them as with you. You have but one Cure of
Souls, or perhaps two, as being a Noblemans Chaplain, to
look after: And if you make Conscience of discharging them
as you ought, you would find you had work sufficient, without
writing your Ecclesiastical Policies. But they are the
Incumbents of whole Kingdoms, and the Rectorship of the
Common people, the Nobility, and even of the Clergy, whom you
are prone to affirm when possest with principles that incline
to rebellion and disloyal practices, to be of all Rebels the
most dangerous, p. 49. the care of all these, rests upon them.
So that they are fain to condescend to many things for peace- '
sake, and the quiet of Mankind, that your proud heart would
break before it would bend to. They do not think fit to
require any thing that is impossible, unnecessary, or wanton,
of their people; but are fain to consider the very temper of the
Climate in which they live, the Constitution and Laws under
which they have been formerly bred, and upon ill occasions to
give them good words, and humour them like Children. They
reflect upon the Histories of former times, and the present
Transactions to regulate themselves by in every circumstance.
... So their people will pay their Taxes in good Gold and
Silver, they demand no Subsidy of so many bushel of Fleas . . .
[they have heard] that the occasion of the revolt of Swizzerland
from the Emperour and its turning Commonwealth, was only the
imposing of a Civil Ceremony by a Capricious Governour, who
set up a Pole in the high-way with a Cap upon the top of it,
to which he would have all Passengers be uncover'd, and do
obeyance . . . That the King of Spain lost Flanders chiefly
upon introducing the Inquisition .... And hence 'tis that
instead of assuming your unhoopable jurisdiction, they are so
satisfied with their abundance of power, that they rather think
meet to abate of its exercise by their discretion. The greater
their fortune is, they are content to use the less extravagancy,
(pp. 109-110)
Marvell, stopping here just short of a ringing declaration that princes
really do not have the unlimited power Parker describes, demonstrates
that the attempted exercise of such power would be unsuccessful and
foolish, and that good kings are too wise and moderate to make the
attempt. Just as they are wise enough not to force words or word-
meanings upon their subjects, so too, aware of their responsibility
for the peace and quiet of mankind, "they do not think fit to require

124
any thing that is impossible, unnecessary, or wanton, of their
people " (pp. 108-109). Marvell further emphasizes that Charles is
such a reflective and satisfied magistrate, and, after again recalling
Parker's position, asks,
Do not you think that the King has considered all these things?
I believe he has; ... he must needs take you to be very strange
men, to cram these in spite down the throats of any Christian. • If
a man have an Antipathy against any thing, the Company is
generally so civil, as to refrain the use of it, however not to
press it upon the person. If a man be sick or weak the Pope grants
a Dispensation from Lent, or Fasting dayes: ay, and from many a
thing that strikes deeper in his Religion. If one have got a
cold, their betters will force them to be covered. (pp. 110-111)
Here Marvell seems to have boiled toleration down to a matter of simple
good manners, decorum at the most everyday level. It is that, but it
is also a great deal more, for Marvell goes on to depict the great chain
of society in harmonious interconnection, with only Parker's link mis¬
shapen :
'Tis matter of Conscience: and if Kings do, out of discretion,
connive at the other infirmities of their People; if great
persons do out of civility condescend to their inferiours; and
if all men out of common humanity do yield to the weaker; Will
your Clergy only be the men, who, in an affair of Conscience, and
where perhaps 'tis you are in the wrong, be the onely hard¬
hearted and inflexible Tyrants; and not only so, but instigate
and provoke Princes to be the ministers of your cruelty? (p. Ill)
The restraint exercised by a good prince (as we are assured Charles
is) is not however merely a function of prudent statecraft, or of
ordinary good manners, or of decorum of station. For princes, says
Marvell, consider above all that
God has instated them in the Government of Mankind, with that
incumbrance (if it may so be called) of Reason, and that
incumbrance upon Reason of Conscience. . . . that men are

125
therefore to be dealt with reasonably: and conscientious men
by Conscience. That even Law is force, and the execution of
that Law a greater Violence; and therefore with rational
creatures not to be used but upon the utmost extremity. That
the Body is in the power of the mind; so that corporal punish¬
ments do never reach the offender, but the innocent suffers
for the guilty. That the Mind is in the hand of God, and cannot
correct those perswasions which upon the best of its natural
capacity it hath collected: So that it too, though erroneous,
is so farr innocent. That the Prince therefore, by how much
God hath indued him with a clearer reason, and by consequence
with a more enlightned judgement, ought the rather to take
heed lest by punishing Conscience, he violate not only his
own, but the Divine Majesty. (pp. 111-112)
What is involved is the entire design of God, the largest harmony,
the grand decorum, to which each lesser decorum belongs. The King
(we are assured) knows this. Marvell—and so his reader—also knows
it. Only Parker does not. By urging force and violence as he does,
Parker is rending the universal fabric.
Marvell rounds off his discussion of ceremonies and the proper
exercise of magisterial power with a long quotation (ironically from
an Archbishop Parker) about squabbling petty churchmen, who, "otherwise
learned and pious, do still cut and slash about Vestments and such kind
of trifles, rather in a swashbuckler and Hectoring way, than either
like Philosophers or like Christians " (p. 116). This, says Marvell,
perfectly describes Parker and "those whom you call the Church of
England." Marvell has now disposed of the major elements of Parker's
fundamental position, and has presented the case against required con¬
formity. Also, by his use of the portrait of the squabbling churchmen,
he has again set up before his reader the vision of Parker the petty,
violator of decorum, in opposition to Charles the magnanimous, keeper
of decorum. This done, he remarks, "And so, Mr. Bayes, Good night "
(p. 117).

126
There remains, however, what may seem a subsidiary issue, but
one that was important and could not be ignored: the titular topic
of Parker's Preface:
And now Good-morrow, Mr. Bayes; For though it seems so
little a time and that you are but now gone to bed, it hath
been a whole live-long night, and you have toss'd up and down
in many a troublesom dream, and are but just now awaked at the
Title-page of your book: A Preface shewing what grounds there .
are of fears and jealousies of Popery. (p. 117)
In his peroration for this section, Marvell makes two main
charges, each previously suggested many times: First, that Parker
and his party, although amusingly clumsy, are themselves the main
danger of Popery; second, "that he had writ not only his two former
Books but especially too this Preface, with an evil eye and aim at
his Majesty, and the measures he had taken of Government " (p. 118).
Heretofore the question of evil intent against the King had been the
more overtly stated and more important, with the popery question being
a tune whistled in the background. But the question of popery was of
course a very serious one, and Parker's charge that indulgence for
nonconformists would render England more vulnerable to popery required
a reply. Marvell takes Parker's arguments one by one, first summariz¬
ing them:
And how shall they [the nonconformists] bring in Popery?
why thus, three wayes. First, by creating disorders and
distrubances in the State. Secondly, By the assistance
of Atheism and Irreligión. Thirdly, by joyning with crafty
and Sacrilegious Statemen in confederacy. (p. 122)
More than two-thirds of Marvell's discussion is under the head
of the first topic, with the other two being auxiliary. Here Marvell's
strategy is to show that it is actually the clergy who raise disturbance

127
in the state, and that they do so by violations of decorum. Taking
Parker's understandable use of the Civil War as an example of
disturbance caused by nonconformists, Marvell, with apparent objec¬
tivity, says he
betook my self to get the best Information concerning [those
troubles], to the end that I might, if it appear'd so, decline
the dangerous acquaintance of the Nonconformists, some of whom'
I had taken for honest men, nor therefore avoided their Company.
But I took care nevertheless, not to receive Impressions from
any of their party; but to gather my lights from the most
impartial Authorities that I could meet with . . . First of all
therefore, I will without further Ceremony, fall upon you with
the butt-end of another Arch-bishop. 'Tis the Arch-bishop of
Canterbury, Abbot, in the Narrative under his own hand, concern¬
ing his disgrace at Court in the time of his late Majesty.
(p. 125)
Abbot's story involves a rising young divine named Sibthorpe, who
wrote a book, in support of an enforced loan, to the effect that all
property really belonged to the King, who could rightfully take whatever
he wanted. Abbot's troubles resulted from his refusal to license the
book. The parallel between Sibthorpe and Parker is, as Marvell points
out, an easy thing to extract. Marvell cites statements similar to
Sibthorpe's made by other clergy at about the same time. The point of
all this is that "this was then the Doctrine of those persons that
pretended to be the Church of England. The whole Quire sang that tune"
(pp. 130-131). He paints a picture of the country being pillaged by the
"Ecclesiastical Loan" while many of the eminentest Gentry of England
were under restraint," and the churchmen "thought it seasonable to re¬
cover once again their antient Glory, and to Magnifícate the Church with
triumphal Pomp and Ceremony." Many new ceremonies were established, and

128
"so many several Cringes & Genuflexions, that a man unpractised stood
in need to entertain both a Dancing Master and a Remembrancer "
(p. 131). These were so rigorously imposed as to drive thousands of
Englishmen abroad, to the King's and the nation's great loss. Further,
our Church did even then exceed the Romish in Ceremonies and
Decorations; and indeed, several of our Church did thereby
frequently mistake their way, and from a Popish kind of Worship-,
fell into the Roman Religion; yet I cannot upon my best judgment
believe, that that party had generally a design to alter the
Religion so far, but rather to set up a new kind of Papacy of
their own, here in England. (p. 132)
This ceremonial excess (which in itself gives grounds for fear of
popery) is borne on a tide of rapacity: throughout this section of
Marvell's book, there runs especially thick the theme of clerical
greed. Like the question of excessive formalism, this was not only a
charge directly against Parker and the conformist party, but was also
an important element in the distasteful picture Englishmen had of
popery. At one point Marvell mentions a clergyman who cheated him
at cards, and a highwayman in bishop's robes. These pictures of
thieves in clerical clothing are a striking image of decorum ruptured,
which becomes linked in the reader's mind with fiscal adventures less
unequivocally improper, so that these too seem thoroughly reprehensible,
especially when described in the vocabulary of freebooting: In the
time of Charles I, says Marvell, "between their own Revenue, which must
be held Jure Divino, as every thing else that belong'd to them, and
the Prince's that was Jure Regio, they [the clergy) had not left an
inch of propriety for the Subject. It seem'd that they had granted
themselves Letters of Reprisal [letters granted to privateers, who often

129
turned to pure piracy] against the Laity, for the losses of the Church
under Henry the Eighth " (p. 131).
As they usurp wealth, so these improper priests usurp govern¬
mental power, to everyone's great detriment, including their own. The
question is not whether what they have done is legal, but whether,
in a universe presumed to operate on principles of consistent, divinely
inspired order and harmony, it is proper. The clergy have overstepped
their bounds and no longer play their correct part in society. The
world order has been violated:
But these things before mentioned, grew yet higher, after that
Biship Laud was once not only exalted to the See of Canterbury,
but to be chief Minister. Happy had it been for the King, happy
for the Nation, and happy for himself, had he never climed that
Pinacle. For whether it be or no, that the Clergy are not so
well fitted by Education, as others for Political Affairs, I
know not; though I should rather think they have advantage
above others, and even if they would but keep to their Bibles,
might make the best Ministers of State in the world [this being
Parker's position]; yet it is generally observed that things
miscarry under their government. If there be any Counsel more
precipitate, more violent, more rigorous, more extreme than
other, that is theirs. Truly I think the reason God does not
bless them in Affairs of State, is, because he never intended
them for that imployment. ... I am confident the Bishop
[Laud] studied to do both God and his Majesty good service,
but alas how utterly was he mistaken. Though so learned, so
pious, so wise a Man, he seem'd to know nothing beyond Ceremonies,
Arminianism, and Manwaring. With that he begun, and with that
ended, and thereby deform'd the whole reign of the best Prince
that ever wielded the English Sceptre. (p. 134)
Indeed, these men had not only overstepped their place by meddling
in state affairs, but had also transgressed against the Church itself:
"Shall these men always presume to usurp to themselves that vener¬
able stile of the Church of England?" (p. 135). Nor is their secular
meddling a thing of the past, says Marvell, for such men continue to

130
obstruct the King in many ways, especially in his need for money,
using their parliamentary power to keep it from him, "unless the
King would buy it with a new Law against the Fanaticks " (p. 138).
Thus Marvell has shown that the great raisers of disturbance
in the state are not the nonconformists but the conformists, who tend
to be rapacious plunderers of honest Englishmen, deformers of govern¬
ment, and causers of general civil disorder. Even if, like Laud,
they are men of the most earnest good will, they will nevertheless
have ill effect, because they are attempting to act contrary to God's
plan for the world; they ignore decorum: "every man is best in his
own Post, and so the Preacher in the Pulpit " (p. 134).
Marvell considers Parker's second charge: "The Second Way
whereby the Fanatick party, he saith, may at last work the ruine of
the Church, is by_ combining with the Atheists, for their Union is
like the mixture of Nitre and Charcoal, it carries all before it
without mercy or resistance " (p. 138). Marvell argues that if there
are any atheists around, and there are many people Parker would call
atheists "because they use to jear the Parsons," it is certainly be¬
cause of men like Parker, who fail to maintain their decorum of station
For really, while Clergy men will, having so serious an office,
play the Drols and the Boon-companions, and make merry with the
Scriptures, not onely among themselves, but in Gentlemen's com¬
pany 'tis impossible but that they should meet with, at least,
an unlucky Repartee sometimes, and grow by degrees to be a tayle,
and contempt to the people. Nay, even that which our Author
alwayes magnifies, the Reputation, the Interest, the secular
grandure of the Church, is indeed the very thing which renders
them ridiculous to many, and looks as improper and buffoonish
as to have seen the Porter lately in the good Doctors Cassock
and Girdle. [This allusion is unknown to me, but the intent is
obvious.] For, so they tell me, that there are no where more

131
Atheists than at Rome, because men seeing that Princely garb
and Pomp of the Clergy, and observing their life and manners,
think therefore the meaner of Religion. (pp. 138-139)
As at the beginning of The Rehearsal Transpros1d, we have a buffoonish
entertainment, a clerical burlesque. Further, while inspiring atheism
in others by making religion a joke, Parker also resembles an atheist
himself:
But whether there be any Atheists or no, which I question more
than Witches, I do not for all this take our Author to be one,
though some would conclude it out of his Principles, others
out of his Expressions. Yet really, I think he hath done that
sort of men so much service in his Books, by his ill handling,
and while he personates one party, making all Religion ridi¬
culous, that they will never be able to requite him but in the
same manner. (p. 140)
Having thus argued that Parker is the closest thing to an atheist
one is likely to find, and that if any real atheists exist, nothing
is likely to inspire and assist them more than Parker's own behavior
and publications, Marvell proceeds to Parker's third charge:
The third way and last (which I being tired, am very glad of)
by which the Fanatics may raise Disturbances, and so introduce
Popery, is by joyning crafty and sacrilegious States-men into
the Confederacy. But really here he doth speak concerning
King, and Counsellors, at such a rate, and describe and charac¬
terize some men so, whomsoever he intends, that though I know
there are no such, I dare not touch it, it is too hazardous.
(p. 140)
Not only does _it appear that Parker thinks the King and his counsellors
are crafty and sacrilegious statesman, but Marvell also notices that in
part of the Preface, Parker often slips into use of the word "your"
and appears to be directly addressing (though not, of course, by name)
King Charles himself. It is not the place of any ordinary subject to
address the King on how to choose his counselors or how to rule. Parker
is again an ass pawing the royal shoulders, and hazardously too.

132
To Parker's claim that his talk of the particular danger if an
infant should come to the crown is merely theoretical, Marvell says,
He is not so weak but knows too much, and is too well instructed,
to speak to so little purpose. That would have been like a set
of Elsibeth Players, that in the Country having worn out and
over-acted all the Playes they brought with them from London,
laid their wits together to make a new one of their own. No
less man then Julius Caesar was the Argument; and one of the
chief parts was Moses, perswading Julius Caesar not to make War
against his own Countrey, nor pass Rubicon. If our Author did
not speak of our present times (to do which nevertheless had
been sufficiently false and absurd) but writ all this meerly
out of his Providence for after ages, I shall no more call him
Bayes, for he is just such a second Moses. I ask pardon, if I
have said too much, but I shall deserve none, if I meddle any
further with so improbable and dangerous a business. (pp. 141-142)
Again Parker is a ludicrous stage-figure, but also dangerously imperti¬
nent. Marvell, by asking pardon, draws a contrast with his own decor-
ours circumspection.
Marvell's attack on Parker and the conformists has here possessed
two prongs, each based on an aspect of decorum. First, he charges them
with having acted (with their extremes of ceremony, greed, and buffoon¬
ery) inappropriately as priests—they have violated the decorum of
station. Second, they have attempted to be statesmen, to usurp the
place of king and counsellors; they have tried to act a part other than
the one God has assigned them.
Here in his attack on Parker's titular argument, Marvell has one
by one reversed Parker's charges against the nonconformists, to show
Parker's party to be the ones really most likely to create disturbances
and induce Popery. He has also painted their portrait in the most
Popish light possible--their dress, their mannerisms, ceremonies, pro¬
nouncements, and policies are all apparently Popish. So they will

133
either bring about genuine Popery, or establish something virtually
indistinguishable from it, all from their failure to observe decorum.
Throughout The Rehearsal Transpros'd, Marvell has erected around
Parker a vast arena of crushed fences, trampled grain, and broken
china. Parker has been shown to have violated the universal decorum
of fittingness and proportion; he has been shown to have violated the
interrelated levels of the hierarchical varieties of decorum—decorum
personae, decorum of station, and the peculiarly tender decorum that
surrounds a sovereign. What remains? As he terminates his phamphlet,
Marvell recapitulates his reasons for writing it, ending with one
that "gave, if not the greatest, yet the last impulse to my writing."
By quibbling with some passages in Parker's books, he arrives at the
conclusion that Parker
hath spoken evil distinctly of the Father, distinctly of the
Son, and distinctly of the Holy Ghost. That only remain'd
behinde, wherein our Author might surpass the Character given
to Aretine, a famous man of this faculty,
Qui giace il Aretino
Chi de tutti mal disse fuor d'Iddio
Ma di questo si scusa perche no '_1 conobbe
Here lies Aretine,
Who spoke evil of all, except God only,
But of this he beggs excuse, because he did not know him.
(p. 144)
Parker's ultimate indecorum is revealed: blasphemy.

NOTES
The idea of fixing the meanings of words was a subject of some
interest at the time. The French Academy, founded 1635, struggled
then, as it still does today with Gallic stubbornness, to achieve a
comforting and "rational" paralysis in their dismayingly limber lexicon.
In England, the Royal Society (of which Parker was a member), chartered
in 1662, also took a great interest in language, and fostered efforts
to stabilize the meanings of words and to further the simplicity and-
unequivocality of syntax. These efforts, perhaps reaching their most
extreme expression in the notion that each word must, like a number,
ideally be equated with one and only one thing, were later to be
satirized by Marvell's admirer Jonathan Swift's depiction of the
object-waving savants of Laputa. For a discussion of the Marvell-Parker
aspect of this controversy, see King, pp. 67-89.
134

CHAPTER VII
DISEASE, DISPROPORTION, AND DISJUNCTION
The preceding chapters have illustrated the schemes by which
Marvell displays Parker's buffoonery, his antipodean application of
jest and earnest, and his presumptuous transgression and dereliction of
the levels of the hierarchies of decorum. There is also in The
Rehearsal Transpros'd a great quantity of imagery depicting Parker as
a person deformed and depraved, a contaminated source whence can flow
no trustworthy argument, no good: not, as Milton prescribes, a voice
of "regenerate reason," but rather an example of degenerate excess.
Marvell repeatedly suggests that Parker is mad, diseased, gross in
body, and sexually improper—all qualities reprehensible in any
Christian gentleman, but doubly so in a priest. To heed the counsel
of such an advisor would be to slake one's thirst from a poisoned
well. Such an attack could be damaging to anyone, but Parker, in re¬
presenting the prelatical party, was a champion for "things done de¬
cently and in order," of seemliness and decorum, versus the unregu¬
lated, irrational behavior of the nonconformist "fanatics." Against
someone in that position, Marvell's imagery of disease and dispro¬
portion, depicting his opponent as someone extremely unseemly and
unnatural, was an especially powerful weapon.
The notion of the Ministers of Christ as physicians to the soul
was one of long standing.'*' Milton, for example, made much of it in
135

136
Reason of Church-Government, saying that as a result of the new covenant
of Christ,
[God] hath committed this other office of preserving in healthful
constitution the innerman, which may be term'd the spirit of the
soul, to his spiritual deputy the minister of each Congregation;
who being best acquainted with his own flock, hath best reason to
know all the secretest diseases likely to be there.2
To fill his role as priest and as a would-be advisor on ecclesiastical
government, Parker should be such a physician. But he is hardly quali¬
fied, for Marvell shows that he is himself extremely unhealthy and a
source of contagion, physically and mentally as well as spiritually.
Seventeenth century controversialists commonly ascribed insanity
to their opponents, for the arguments of fools and madmen were often
held to be invalid—such people could hardly "express nature best."
Thus Marvell calls Parker the "Insana Laurus, or accursed Bay-tree,"
a phrase he borrows from the very work by Bramhall to which Parker had
attached his Preface, and he warns us that "'tis known that Mr. Bayes
is subject to a distemper; and who knows but when he is in a fit "
(p. 105). Parker is likened to a raging Indian running amok; to Don
Quixote, the mad knight of La Mancha (a comparison Parker and Owen had
used previously against each other); and "a madman" who takes "a Julep,
to resettle his Brain, and the Government " (p. 92). This last remark
is indicative of the fusion between Parker's person and his politics
that is fundamental to Marvell's attack.
What better way to recognize a madman than by his ravings? The
charge that one's opponent was a mouther of nothings was a well-estab¬
lished part of the animadversion tradition, and Marvell does not
neglect it:

137
It were a wild thing for me to Squire it after this Knight,
and accompany him through all his Extravagancies against our
Calvinists. You find nothing but Orthodoxy, Systems, and
Syntagms, Polemical Theology, Subtilties and Distinctions.
Demosthenes; Tankard-bearers; Pragmatical; Controversial:
General terms without foundation or reason assigned. That
they seem like words of Cabal, & have no significance till
they be decipher'd. Or, you would think he were playing at
Substantives and Adjectives. All that rationally can be
gathered from what he saith, is, that the Man is mad. (pp. 32-33)
Parker, apparently wishing to portray himself as imbued with righteous
wrath, used in his Preface some words of self-description that proved
unfortunate; Marvell gleefully paraphrases: "he started, as himself
saies, into many warm and glowing Meditations: His heart burnt and
the fire kindled, and that heated him into all this wild and rambling
talk " (p. 73). If this is true, says Marvell, he is "an hot-headed
Incendiary; and a wild and rambling talker."
A conventional part of the charge of incoherence is the accusation
that the book one is attacking is completely without organization. As
the animadversion form requires the animadvertor to follow his opponent's
argument step by step, it is not surprising to find Marvell saying,
"there being no method at all in his wild, rambling talk: I must
either tread just on his footsteps, or else I shall be in a perpetual
maze, and never know when I am come to my journeys end " (p. 74). An
important section of Marvell's book—the "flowers" sequence (pp. 77-92)
in which Marvell animadverts specifically upon Parker's Preface, is built
on the premise that Parker's writing is essentially disorganized vitu¬
peration. Marvell begins that section by saying, "therefore, till I
meet with something more serious, I will take a walk in the Garden and
gather some of Mr. Bayes his Flowers. Or I might more properly have

138
said I will go see Bedlam and pick straws with our Mad-man." (p. 77)
The man and his argument are alike in their incoherence; to know one
is to know both.
One of the best-known sections of the book, the burlesque bio¬
graphy, is devoted primarily to depicting Parker's progressively
worsening madness, begun perhaps by reading Don Quixote, and terminating
in raving lycanthropy. Marvell expresses sympathy:
But is it not a great pity to see a man in the flower of his age,
and the vigor of his studies, to fall into such a distraction,
That his head runs upon nothing but Romane Empire and Ecclesias¬
tical Policy? This happens by his growing too early acquainted
with Don Quixote, and reading the Bible too late: so that
the first impressions being most strong, and mixing with the
last, as more novel, have made such a medly in his brain-pan
that he is become a mad Priest, which of all the sorts is the
most incurable. Hence it is that you shall hear him anon
instructing Princes, like Sancho, how to govern his Island:
as he is busied at present in vanquishing the Calvinists of
Germany and Geneva. (pp. 28-29)
Marvell's syntax here reveals a touch of anti-prelatism: the phrase,
"a mad Priest, which of all sorts is the most incurable," literally in¬
dicates that many, if not all, sorts of Priests are defective, although
the mad ones are the worst. The sketch of Parker's case history continues
after having demonstrated his insanity in conversation (especially with
the ladies) and in his conduct during church services,
nothing would serve him but he must be a madman in print, and
write a Book of Ecclesiastical Policy. There he distributes
all the Territories of Conscience into the Princes Province,
and makes the Hierarchy to be but Bishops of the Air: and talks
at such a rate in things of higher concernment, that they Reader
will avow that in the whole discourse he had not one lucid interval,
(p. 31)
In passing, two small devices are worth noting here. First, as Dean
Schmitter observes, Marvell consistently refers to Parker's book as
Ecclesiastical Policy, whereas the actual form in the title is Polity.

139
Although the two forms were often interchanged in this period, Marvell
clearly is deliberately choosing policy in order to capitalize on the
3
overtones of manipulation and expedience attached to that form. Second,
the phrase "the Reader will avow," sliding easily by, suggests in passing
that Parker's madness is self-evident. Parker's madness progresses
until it "hath formed it self into a perfect Lycanthropy . . . [so] that
his speech is all turn'd into howling, yelling, and barking. (p. 23)
This lupine imagery may well bring to the reader's mind Milton's favor¬
ite image for bishops, "ravening wolves" in sheep's clothing—false
prophets. In Parker's case the image is also one of excess and madness:
"how can [the Calvinists of England] hope to escape his chaps and his
paws better than those of Germany and Geneva; of which he is so hungry,
that he hath scratch'd up even their dead bodies out of their Graves
to prey upon?" (p. 32).
Parker's mental morbidity is also depicted in terms of bodily
disease. Marvell employs a light sprinkling of the vocabulary of
pathology, remarking, for example, upon Parker's "officious virulence"
and his "distemper," and calling his party "a perpetual Eye-sore, that
I may not say a Canker and Gangreen," on the Church of England. The
most full-blown expression of this theme occurs in the paragraph on
venereal disease, in which Marvell suggests that Parker's "Mind too has
its Nodes sometimes, and the Stile its Buboes " (p. 61). Richard L.
King has pointed out that the disease imagery is a relatively minor
element in The Rehearsal Transpros1d, becoming (perhaps in reaction to
Parker's direct attack in his Reproof) much more important in The

140
Rehearsal Transpros'd, The Second Part. King also notes that Marvell
tends to associate the disease imagery with Parker's style, but that
it has a larger value as well:
These images of disease are the rhetorical counterparts to
Marvell's more reasoned discussions of meaning and style,
for their rationale depends on this chain of suggestions:
Parker is dieased; his style, therefore, is corrupt and will
poison society as a whole. The clear implications, they are
that for the good of the kingdom Parker and his program must
be purged from the body politic just as syphilis or scurvy
must be cleansed from the human body. Further, these images
support the ethical proof for Marvell's character because a
good citizen is obliged to attack such a corrupt and corrupting
threat and cannot be blamed for doing so.
Indeed, the implication is that Marvell the good citizen should not
merely be held blameless, but should be praised. Parker's style, of
course, is but one of the many indications of Parker's disharmonious
condition. Parker's body is not only diseased but is foully misused.
Particularly at this point, the very strong image of venereal disease
links the themes of disease and style with that of improper sexuality,
of which Parker is, in an elaborate array of innuendo and fable,
accused—apparently not without some justification, at least as regards
his having had a mistress.^
By far the most important sexual motif—and indeed one of the
major devices in the book—is the mistress, the Comfortable Importance.
One of the reasons Parker gives for not having published the Preface
sooner than he did is that he was "concerned ... in matters of a
closer and more comfortable importance to himself and his own Affairs."
Not for the only time, Parker's tendency to construct phrases resembling
a balloon-vendor's inventory got him into trouble. Reasoned Marvell:

141
And yet who ever shall take the pains to read over his Preface,
will find that it intermeddles with the King, the Succession,
the Privy-Council, Popery, Atheism, Bishops, Ecclesiastical
Government, and above all with Nonconformity, and J_. (). A man
would wonder what this thing should be of a closer importance;
But being more comfortable too, I conclude it must be one of
these three things; either his Salvation, or a Benefice, or a
Female. Now as to Salvation he could not be so much concern'd:
for that care was over; there hath been a course taken to insure
all that are on his bottom. And he is yet surer of a Benefice;
or else his Patrons must be very ungrateful. He can not have .
deserved less than a Prebend for his first Book, a Sine-cure for
his second, and for this third a Rectorship, although it were
that of Malmesbury. Why, then of necessity it must be a Female.
For that I confess might have been sufficient excuse from writing
of Prefaces, and against the importunity of the Book-seller.
'Twas fit that all business should have given place to the work
of Propagation. Nor was there any thing that could more closely
import him, than that the race and Family of the Railers should
be perpetuated among Mankind. Who could in Reason expect that
a Man should in the same moments undertake the labour of an
Author and a Father? (pp. 5-6)
1 2
What matter that Marvell's logic is based on a flimsy either/or /or pre¬
mise? What matter that Parker in his Reproof will lamely explain that
he was referring to the sale of a piece of property he had lately in¬
herited? What matter that Marvell has outrageously sandwiched into his
syllogism the notion that Parker writes only for personal gain, and
the hint that his writing is reprehensibly reminiscent of Hobbes, the
philosopher of Malmesbury? The Comfortable Importance is now onstage *
a supporting player with Mr. Bayes. Marvell will refer to her again
and again, each time generating laughter at Parker's expense. Each
time, too, the reader is reminded that Parker is hardly a model priest;
he is a misshapen peg who does not fit into the holy round: can one
expect sound arguments from such an unsound spokesman?
Of the appearances of the Comfortable Importance, one especially
proves to be a hilarious surprise. Marvell has described Parker's

142
undisputable virulence against J. 0., and said "he is, like the Island
of Fayal, on fire in three-score and ten places." He could not flame
more, says Marvell, if he dined like the professional fire-eater lately
in London, or if he "never tasted other sustenance than the Focus of
the burning Glasses." From the easily accepted metaphor of flames,
Marvell has led Parker and the reader to the elaboration of that
metaphor, of flames for dinner, whence he continues to the (by this
point) not unnatural picture of the pyrophage Parker, relaxing and
engaging in "little sports, with your comfortable importance after
Supper." Little sports, we soon learn, enjoyed in bed:
Is it not strange, that in those most benign minutes of a Man's
life, when the Stars smile, the Birds sing, the Winds whisper,
the Fountains warble, the Trees blossom, and universal Nature
seems to invite it self to the Bridal; When the Lion pulls in
his Claws, and the Aspick layes by its Poyson, and all the most
noxious Creatures grow amorously innocent: that even then, Mr.
Bayes alone should not be able to refrain his Malignity? As
you love your self, Madam, let him not come near you. He hath
been fed all his life with Vipers instead of Lampreys . . .
he hath so invenomed his whole substance that 'tis much safer
to bed with a Mountebank before he hath taken his Antidote.
But it cannot be any vulgar furnace that hath chafed so cool a
Salamander. 'Tis not the strewing of Cowitch in his Genial-bed
that could thus disquiet him the first night. And therefore
let's take the Candle and see whether there be not some body
underneath that hath cut the Bed-Cords. (pp. 39-40)
There is no other passage in The Rehearsal Transpros'd with the tone of
this one; it is the Mock-Garden Poet's work. Here Marvell pauses in
the midst of his pell-mell Punchinello assault on Parker to create a
locus amoenus, an island of tranquillity and sweetness which is a
description of making love. Thus would it be with Parker and his
Comfortable Importance, but, as Marvell hastens to warn her, "as you

143
love yourself, Madam, come not near him," for he is too "envenomed."
This disparity between the occasion and Parker's condition could
hardly be more striking; nor is the effect lessened by the subliminal
suggestion that Parker is the serpent in Eden. Marvell asks what
could be the cause of such malignity, and then in several pages of
discussion reaches the conclusion that it is John Owen who has, by
publishing his pamphlets, metaphorically cut Parker's bed-cords. One
may wonder how that stern and senior divine reacted when, in the
course of proof-reading The Rehearsal Transpros'd, he discovered him¬
self in this quaint position. He need have considered the question but
briefly, for Marvell goes on to say that he has "upon further intelli¬
gence and consideration found that he [Owen] was not the person whom
Mr. Bayes principally intended. For the truth of it is, the King was
the Person concerned from the beginning " (p. 43). Owen, various
courtiers and parliamentarians, and even the King may have smiled at
this, for it was not at all difficult to imagine Charles II, his child
(for example) by Nell Gwynn a year old at this point, in an odd bedroom
situation. Marvell may not have really planned this connection; cer¬
tainly it is subtle enough that no charge of lése-majesté could be made.
At any event, neither Owen nor the King's representative demanded a
change here.
Although the Comfortable Importance is by far the major sexual
image in The Rehearsal Transpros'd, other sexual charges are also leveled
or slanted—against Parker. He is, it would seem, a violator of virgins.
Reacting to a fairly strong attack by Owen, who claims that his own
language, however strong, flows from Christian love, Parker comments

144
sarcastically, "Dear Heart, how could I hug and kiss thee for all this
Love and Sweetness?" Marvell, picking this as one of his "flowers,"
exclaims:
Fy, fy, Mr. Bayes, Is this the Language of a Divine, and to be
used, as you sometimes express it, in the face of the Sun? Who
can escape from thinking that you are adream'd of your Comfort¬
able Importance? These are (as the Moral Satyrist [Juvenal]
calls them in the cleanliest manner the thing would bear) Words
left betwixt the Sheets: Somebody might take it ill that you
should misapply your Courtship to an Enemy. But in the Roman
Empire it was the priviledge of the Hangman to deflour a Virgin
before Execution. (pp. 83-84)
While taking Parker to task for language unbefitting his station,
Marvell clusters
mistress; Parker
• . 6
a virgin. (Did
last equation to
here the following sexual images: Parker with his
seducing an enemy; and Parker the hangman, violating
Marvell's venerable proofreader notice that for this
balance, John Owen must be the virgin?)
King has remarked on the sexual double entendre in the story of
Parker as a chaplain in a nobleman's house, where Marvell speaks of
the "Cock-divine" who established his reputation "upon the Gentlewomen's
g
side" and was a "Rising-Man " (p. 30). Elsewhere Parker is described
as leaping Archimedes-like naked into the street, his fancy up, his
breeches down, "pearch'd upon the highest Pinacle of Ecclesiastical
Felicity, being ready at once to asswage his Concupiscience, and wreck
his Malice " (p. 7). In this last, whatever Marvell may say elsewhere
to the contrary, a bias against all prelates seems evident.
Perhaps the most perverted sexual image in The Rehearsal Transpros'd
is this:
and I shall say nothing severer, than that our Author [in praising
the late Bramhall] speaks the language of a Lover, and so may claim

145
some pardon, if the habit and excess of his Courtship do as yet
give a tincture to his discourse upon more ordinary Subjects. For
I would not by any means be mistaken, as if I thought our Author
so sharp set, or so necessitated that he should make a dead
Bishop his Mistress; so far from that, that he hath taken such a
course, that if the Bishop were alive, he would be out of love
with himself. He hath, like those frightful Looking-glasses,
made for sport, represented him in such bloated lineaments, as,
I am confident, if he could see his face in it, he would break the
Glass. (p. 13)
Of course by insisting clearly that he does not mean Parker is making
love to a dead Bishop, Marvell thrusts the image into the reader's
awareness, an image only heightened by the mention of "bloated linea¬
ments." As Marvell has explicitly dissociated himself, the reader's
disgust will be associated with Parker. Indeed, the entire purpose
of the sexual imagery is to evoke in the reader feelings of distaste
and reprehension, all clustered about Parker, and, implicitly, his
political and ecclesiastical tenets. It is worth noting the close
association of Parker's improper sexuality with his condition as a
priest. Parker's use of language improper for a cleric is "explained"
by his being a hangman deflowering an enemy virgin; half of the
"Pinacle of Ecclesiastical Felicity" is the opportunity to assuage
one's concupiscience; and Parker's eager necrophilia is addressed to
a dead Bishop. The net effect is that the reader is disgusted with
Parker not only as a person, but also specifically as a priest and
a spokesman on ecclesiastical matters.
Another group of images functions no less powerfully to dissever
Parker, and what he represents, from all that Marvell's readers felt
was appropriate (in the most radical sense) to their world. These
are images of size, which, like place, time, and shape, is a major

146
aspect of the grandest decorum. They include striking, at times almost
surreal, contrasts of large and small; images of disproportion. They
have that quality of astonishing disjunctiveness possessed by the
metaphysical conceit. Among them are some of the finest artifacts of
Marvell's extrapolative imagination, created for purposes of reduction
and disjunction.
There seems to exist no contemporary, portrait or physical descrip¬
tion of Parker, but Marvell leaves us little doubt that the nickname,
"the young Leviathan," applied as much to Parker's physique as to his
politics. With poetic use of assonance and alliteration, Marvell speaks
of Parker "stragling by Temple-bar, in a massy cassock and surcingle."
He compares him to "fat Sir John Falstaffe," and to an empty barrel;
he says that if Parker "had a fifth Council in his belly he could not
dictate more dogmatically." It was a commonplace (Parker does it him¬
self) to speak of an author as being pregnant with his book, but Marvell
is especially consistent and elaborate in his use of this image, which
would have been particularly effective against a corpulent adversary.
Carrying this image to extremes, Marvell describes Parker's creation
of the Defence of the Ecclesiastical Polity:
So that a Book too of J. 0. 's happening mischievously to come
out at the same season, Upon pretence of answering that, he
resolved to make his Majesty feel the effects of his displeasure.
He therefore set pen to paper again, and having kept his Midwife
of the Friendly Debate by him all the time of his pregnancy for
fear of miscarrying, he was at last happily delivered of his
second Child, the Defence of the Ecclesiastical Policy, in the
in the year 1671. It was a very lusty Baby, and twice as big
as the former, and (which some observed as an ill sign, and that
if it lived it would prove a great Tyrant) it had, when born, all
the Teeth, as perfect as ever you saw in any mans Head. But I

147
do not reckon much upon those ominous circumstances. For there
was partly a natural cause in it, Mr. Bayes having gone so many
months, more than the Civil Law allowes for the utmost term of
legitimation, that it was no wonder if the Brat were at its
birth more forward than others usually are. And indeed Mr. Bayes
was so provident against abortion, & careful for some reasons
that the Child should cry, that the only question in Town
(though without much cause, for truly 'twas very like him) was,
whether it was not spurious or suppositious. (pp. 62-63)
The conventional metaphor has been elaborated into a picture of
monstrosity. Simon Patrick, who helped Parker's Defence into the
world by appending to it a lengthy "letter" of his own, becomes a
midwife; the relatively long period between Owen's Truth and Innocence
Vindicated and Parker's Defence is taken to mean the "baby," if not
illegitimate, is then monstrous; and the argumentive "teeth" of the
book are likened to the historical teeth of Richard III, famous for
neonatal toothiness, presaging his tyranny.^
Elsewhere, Marvell's comparison of Parker's authorial exertions
to those of the mountain that, laboring to deliver another mountain,
brought forth only a mouse, is an inverse equivalent of the more
frequent tactic of displaying Parker as someone very small who is
making grotesque efforts to be large or to have large effects. At
times Parker shrinks before our eyes: "From a Writer of Books, our
Author is already dwinled to a Preface-monger, and from Prefaces I am
confident he may in a short time be improved to endite Tickets for
the Bear-Garden " (p. 4). Using a brewer's metaphor, Marvell says,
"we all have our infirmities, and Mr. Bayes his Defence was but the
blew-John of his Ecclesiastical Policy, and this Preface the Tap-
droppings of his Defence " (p. 38). If Parker's Ecclesiastical Polity

148
was beer, then his Defence was second-run beer, and his Preface mere
left-over drops from an empty barrel.
Probably nowhere is Parker more miniscule than in the combat with
the letters of the alphabet, Marvell's extension of "this misunder¬
standing betwixt Mr. Bayes and .J. CL," in which Marvell pretends to
take the letters "J" and "0" for Parker's targets, and expresses fea-r
"that we must fight it out through all the Squadrons of the Vowels,
the Mutes, the Semi-vowels, and the Liquids " (p. 37). This abecedary
agon serves to reduce Parker to the size and simpleness of the "other"
twenty-six letters. It also adumbrates a later, Hudibrastic, scene
in which the prelatical forces, threatened by the Declaration of
Indulgence, bustle to get their defenses in some kind of hasty order:
Great variety there was, and an heavy doo. Some clapp'd
it on all rusty as it was, others fell of oyling and furbishing
their armour: Some piss'd in their Barrels, others spit in their
pans, to scowr them. Here you might see one put on his Helmet
the wrong way: there one buckle on a Back in place of a Breast.
Some by mistake catched up a Socinian or Arminian Argument,
and some a Popish to fight a Papist. Here a Dwarf lost in the
accoutrements of a Giant: there a Don-Quixot in an equipage of
differing pieces, and of several Parishes. Never was there
such Incongruity and Nonconformity in their furniture. (p. 120)
The image of disparate size (the dwarf in giant's armor) is of course
but one of the many images of disjunction and indecorum this particular
scene affords. The theme of Don Quixote reappears here too, coupled
with the charge of pluralism. The wealth of busy detail renders this
one of the funniest and most lively parts of The Rehearsal Transpros'd.
At the same time Marvell is making the useful suggestion that in their
eagerness to combat the professed nonconformists, the prelatical champ¬
ions have neglected to preserve much conformity among themselves.

149
Perhaps the most extraordinary episode of Parkerian diminution is
this:
Once perhaps in a hundred years there may arise such a Prodigy
in the University ... so prodigious a Person I say may even
there be hatch'd, as shall neither know or care how to behave
himself to God or Man; and who having never seen the receptacle
of Grace or Conscience at an Anatomical Dissection, may conclude
therefore that there is no such matter, or no such obligation
among Christians; who shall persecute the Scripture it self,
unless it will conform to his Interpretation; who shall strive
to put the World into Blood, and animate Princes to be the
Executioners of their own Subjects for well-doing. All this
is possible; but comes to pass as rarely and at as long periods
in our Climate, as the birth of a false Prophet. But unluckily,
in this fatal Year of Seventy two, among all the Calamities
that Astrologers foretel, this also hath befaln us. I would
not hereby confirm his vanity, as if I also believed that any
Scheme of Heaven did influence his actions, or that he were so
considerable as that the Comet under which they say we yet
labour, had fore-boded the appearance of his Preface. No, no:
though he be a creature most noxious, yet he is more despicable.
A Comet is of far higher quality, and hath other kind of imploy-
ment. Although we call it an Hairy-Star, it affords no prog-
nostick of what breeds there: but the Astrologer that would
discern our Author and his business, must lay by his Telescope,
and use a Microscope. You may find him still in Mr. Calvin's
head. (p. 23)
Here Marvell has first painted a portrait of Parker as full of extra¬
ordinary, unredeemed malignity, a creature seemingly stuffed with evil
in cosmic proportions—so rare and monstrous as to seem suitable presaged
by the comet. That pivotal image—the comet—Marvell undermines even as
he introduces it, with the negative "I would not confirm;" then with the
etymologically proper shift, from comet to hairy-star to hair, the
reader discovers suddenly that "monstrous" need not be large, and he is
really confronted with a creature no less small than evil, not fearsome
but despicable: a louse. The genre to which this passage belongs is,
I think, easily recognized; the long buildup leading to the sudden

150
reversal and the quick punchline identify it as an elaborate joke—
g
and the joke's on Parker.
As might be expected of such a creature, or of a person described
elsewhere as "stretch'd to such an height in his own fancy, that he
could not look down from top to toe but his Eyes dazled at the Pre¬
cipice of his Stature," (p. 31; the image occurs also in Marvell's .
poem, "The Dialogue of the Soul and the Body") Parker attempts deeds
of monstrous disproportion. In praising Bramhall, "he hath erected
him, like a St. Christopher in Popish Churches, as big as ten Porters,
and yet only imploy'd to sweat under the burden of an Infant " (p. 14).
His arguments are so overblown, his rhetoric so exuberant, that "one
may beat the Bush a whole day; but after so much labour shall, for
all game, only spring a Butterfly, or start an Hedghog " (p. 27). His
efforts at enlargement have always an opposite effect. The late
Bramhall suffers at his hands, for "these improbable Elegies too are
of the greatest disservice to their own design, and do in effect
diminish alwayes the Person whom they pretend to magnifie " (p. 12),
Parker's "Grand Thesis" in Ecclesiastical Polity, the "Unlimited
Magistrate" with power even over the consciences of his subjects, is
another grotesque Parkerian essay in malproportion, another rupture of
decorum, which inevitably fails to achieve its end, for kings, when
Parker provides them a superabundance of power, prove impotent:
The truth is in short and let Bayes make more or less of it if
he can; Bayes had at first built up such a stupendious Magistrate,
as never was of God's making. He had put all Princes upon the
Rack to stretch them to his dimension. And, as a straight line
continued grows a Circle he had given them so infinite a Power
that it was extended unto Impotency. (pp. 92-93)

151
Behind this image of Procrustean geometry is Marvell's argument of
pragmatism. It is dangerous to pretend to sovereignty over regions
one cannot possibly control. Implicit in all of these contrasts of
large and small is a decorum of dimension, of which Parker is ignorant.
In The Rehearsal Transpros1d, then, multitudinous images coalesce
to create in the mind of Marvell's audience an impression of Parker '
as a creature of appalling disproportion and malformity. He is ex¬
cessive of girth, of spleen, of sexual appetite; he is perverted and
perverse; he is diseased. The discrepancy between, on the one hand,
the enormity of Parker's ambition and the vast scope of the universal
arena in which he would exercise it, and on the other hand the micro¬
scopic quality of his actual capacity is a disproportion Marvell
champions by a display of jarring contrasts. Parker's every effort—
indeed, his very existence—appears a rupture of the boundaries of
what is right and proper. Marvell has gone beyond the argumentum ad
personam to a demonstratio ad monstrum.

NOTES
"'"See Stanley E. Fish, Self-Consuming Artifacts (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1972), p. 2.
2Yale Milton, I, 837.
•^Schmitter, p. 71.
^King, p. 141.
â– *He never refuted the charge. The pamphleteers who later attacked
Marvell accused him of being a eunuch and a homosexual; the charges are
hardly convincing, especially when Richard Leigh (The Transproser
Rehears1d, London, 1673) accuses him of a relationship with Milton.
^For another example of a Parkerian assault on virginity, see The
Rehearsal Transpros'd, p. 93.
^Smith, The Rehearsal Transpros'd, p. 343, note to p. 63. King,
p. 136, points out that, like most monstrous births, this one has soon
died, as Marvell indicates in the phrase, "if it had lived."
O
All jokes, I suspect, may be seen as pictures of violation of
decorum, while the reaction they evoke—laughter—can be seen as an
expression of confidence in the face of that violation, of willingness
to attempt to handle the situation, to thrust one's thumb into the
dike (the bared teeth of the snarling animal may, it has been suggested,
be the origin of the smile). The difference between the rent in world-
fabric that produces the smile and that which produces fear or anxiety
is that the former (often because it is fictitious) is perceived as
smaller than we are, as something we can control or observe unharmed.
At the same time we are unconsciously reminded of those things we
cannot control, and have the feeling of a victory—albeit surrogate and
ephemeral—over them.
152

I
CHAPTER VIII
CONCLUSIONS
It now seems fair to say that The Rehearsal Transpros 'd is not so
disorganized and shapeless a work as it may upon first reading appear,
or as modern readers have suggested it is. Marvell begins with a
lengthy personal attack on his opponent, which is perfectly in conson¬
ance with the tactical situation as well as the generic tradition. He
then addresses Parker's position, dealing first with his two earlier
works, which contained it in its most full and weighty form, and which
had yet to be adequately attacked. Finally, he deals with the Prefane,
the publication of immediate concern, taking first the more fundamental
issues and finally the titular concern—the danger of Popery. Through¬
out, he deflects Parker's assault on Owen by converting it into an
attack on the King.
Anselment's observation on ironic reversal in The Rehearsal Trans-
pros'd, while perceptive, falls far short of the truth, for the book is
a total structure of ironic reversals and inversions. Not only is
Parker's character as depicted therein a precise reversal of the
character he had created for Owen and the nonconformists, but his entire
effort against the nonconformists, based on the vesting of enormous
theoretical powers in the King, is ironically reversed into an attack
against the King. Further, the charge that the nonconformists will
153

154
encourage popery becomes a charge (supported by a running portrait of
papist-like conformists) that the conformists are far more dangerous in
that regard, and the broader conformist complaint that the nonconformists
were unseemly and improper in their behavior, both in church and out,
is the negative pattern for a vista of Parkerian violation of the
decorous cosmos. Indeed, all roads in The Rehearsal Transpros1d lead
to a vision of dynamic, radiant fittingness and unity to which Parker
does not in any way conform.
That the 1974 PMLA Bibliography lists twenty-six entries for
Marvell, none of which appears to have anything to do with his prose,
is indicative of the present state of Marvell scholarship. The typical
student of seventeenth-century literature will, upon seeing the present
study, say a bit impatiently, "All very well, but what does this have
to do with the poems?" I do not believe it need have anything to do with
the poems, for Marvell is by his prose alone a significant figure in the
seventeenth century. Further, while his lyrics, published after both
their author and the metaphysical mode had passed away, engendered no
poetic descendants until the twentieth century (then see, say, Marianne
Moore), his prose was a living part of the literary tradition, blazing
trails to be followed by the Augustans. Nor is his prose really more
inaccessible than his poetry, except that a book is longer than a page.
The comic episodes can be immediately enjoyed by anyone, while the less
obvious portions demand merely the sort of care and introductory pre¬
paration required by poems like "The Definition of Love" or "The Unfor¬
tunate Lover." Despite all this, the most ardent advocate for the prose
cannot expect soon to hear The Rehearsal Transpros1d quoted on every
street corner.

155
Still, as Ann Berthoff points out, "Andrew Marvell—poet, Puritan,
patriot—is not a tripartite being." She claims that in her book on
Marvell's poetry, "I have had recourse frequently to Marvell's prose,
examining there the seams and joints of arguments which in the poems
are all of a piece. The underlying philosophical conceptions, the
habits of mind, and even the temperament expressed in poetry and prose
seems to me indivisible."^- Unfortunately, the student of Marvell's
prose, eagerly seeking in her book the fruits of this promise, is
disappointed to find that the "frequent recourse" is only a dozen or
so brief mentions plus one short appendix, and the prose titles are
not even listed in the index. By contrast with most studies of Marvell,
however, this might be considered "frequent recourse." Nevertheless,
Berthoff is surely correct in theory, and the student of the prose can
gain new insights by examining studies of the poetry.
In Rosalie Colie's My Ecchoing Song, for example, there is a section
on visual traditions in "Upon Appleton House," where she notes Marvell's
occasional conceits based on the mirror and the distorting glass,
devices that appear in the prose as well. She also points out that
Marvell makes use of "scalar shifts and optical illusions." For example,
the grasshoppers in "Upon Appleton House," perched on the tall grass,
are "Gyants" in the meadow, looking down on the men; in the same section,
we see the mowers at a distance, but when one of them kills the rail, we
are at close range to see the details as Thestylis scoops it up. A
particularly interesting passage in this regard is the description of
the cows in stanza lviii:

156
They seem within the polisht Grass
A Landskip drawen in Looking-Glass.
And shrunk in the huge Pasture show
As Spots, so shap'd, on Faces do.
Such Fleas, ere they approach the Eye,
In multiplying Glasses lye.
They feed so wide, so slowly move,
As Constellations do above.¿
About this, Miss Colie comments:
In the famous image of the gazing cattle sent to crop the stubble-
fields, the same movement [as in the episode of the rail] occurs
from small to great. At first we see the cows from afar; they
are like fleas, or like stars in the night sky. The flea image
is turned inside out: the fleas emerge from a subsidiary posi¬
tion in the original metaphor to be transformed into something
huge, as if seen through a microscope. And what huge things
are they made to resemble? Cows, of course, so that the total
circularity of the image is established. "Multiplying Glasses"
are the means used to telescope tenor and vehicle of this image:
we are made to consider the fleas through a microscope, where
they appear disproportionately large—like that classical page
tipped into Hooke's Micrographia, where the flea is depicted as
enormous. We then turn to look up, not down, at the stars;
through a telescope, not a microscope: the image itself works
in reverse, too. Unlike fleas, constellations are made up of
huge bodies which look small to us who are so distanced from them.^
Miss Colie suggests that, in this and other passages, Marvell's
effects resemble those produced by microscopes and other optical de¬
vices experimented with in the seventeenth century. The reader of
The Rehearsal Transpros'd will see at once the close similarity of the
description of grazing cattle to the passage wherein Parker appears at
first as a comet, but proves to be a louse on Calvin's head. Whereas
in the poem the shift from microscope to telescope serves perhaps to
express a congruence of levels in the chain of being (cows^fleas^spots-
stars), a different effect is achieved in the passage from The Rehearsal
Transpros'd. There, in contrast to the cows who ruminate unaware

157
that the poet sees their likeness to other things, Parker, a self-aware
transgressor of decorum, would have himself thought a comet when he
is actually a louse. The implicit natural order is the same in each
case, but in the prose passage the optical trick serves to heighten
the reader's awareness of violation.
A study of the poems which is particularly congenial to my own •
perspective on the prose, is Harold Toliver's Marvell's Ironic Vision.
Although Legouis may have some reason to say that Toliver "fails in
his attempt at reducing the poems to a philosophical formula," the
attempt, when seen as a paradigm with expansive variations, has con¬
siderable value, depicting a world view interestingly similar to that
4
I believe to be present in The Rehearsal Transpros d. The view is
essentially that of the Cambridge Platonists, which Toliver believes
Marvell largely shared. According to Toliver, a Platonist in the
seventeenth century was in a position of considerable philosophic
tension. A purely Platonic world view, which previous centuries had
permitted, included a fully ordered universe, with the totality of
existence descending from the deity level by level, each level reflect¬
ing the ones above, with man a microcosm reflecting in his mind and
body God's orderly creation. In the seventeenth century this Platonic
order was crumbling primarily under the assaults of post-Baconian
empiricism and secondarily under those of the Calvinist concept of the
depravity of nature. In the face of this, the Platonist could choose
one of two options, says Toliver: he could reject the world and seek
his place in God's order by searching within himself, guided by an

158
"inner light," or he could first make such a search and then return
to the world, confronting and ordering nature, as a way of confirming,
expressing, and strengthening his soul's redemption. As Toliver says,
They did not entirely separate philosophy from dogma, or nature
as a mirror of divine truths from nature as something confronted
daily. Rather, they shifted the emphasis from sacramental dogma
only far enough to imply that a moral and reasonable existence
has as much to do with receiving grace as inexplicable mysteries
and that "right reason" can extract the essences of things, the
vestigia dei, from the record of history. Their benediction is
meant to stimulate the soul's enterprise as the mastery of
nature, their laceration to keep that enterprise relatively
pure. The active life can at least lead to, if not directly
incarnate, full and essential Existence—as Milton's Christ
achieves knowledge of his divinity only after rejecting tempta¬
tion and demonstrating patience. Enterprise is thus chiefly the
agonistic return of the soul to its first principles; it is both
aided and obstructed by nature.-*
For such a person, then, there exists a cosmic order linking the individ¬
ual soul with God and, in a "theoretical" way, pervading the cosmos.
Upon this order obtrudes the experiential, natural, fallen world.
According to Toliver:
Marvell is aware both of the contemporary conditions in which
his poetry takes shape and of the Christian Platonist traditions
which help him interpret those conditions and assimilate them
into a larger, timeless context. His poetry is a verbal enact¬
ment of order in, and transformation of, a given "scene"—the
civil wars, the pervasive threat of "femininity," the distractions
of created pleasure—with the aid of the Platonist's cosmic order.
But only a partial transformation: the force of time in "To His
Coy Mistress," the wanton slaying of the Nymph's fawn, the documented
folly of the satires, the death wish of Damon the Mower, testify to
the residual stubbornness of nature that Marvell insisted upon making
an essential part of his poetry.6
If, where Toliver speaks of Marvell's poetry as reflecting a "tension
between rational order and existential nature," we substitute for the
latter, "Samuel Parker," we have the strategy that informs The Rehearsal

159
Transpros1d. As the wanton troopers intrude upon the Nymph's garden,
as undigested historical change threatens order in "An Horatian Ode,"
as the "Traitor-worm" infests the oak in "Upon Appleton House," so
Parker is a manifestation of nature unreconciled with rational order—
the grand decorum and all the lesser varieties of decorum that compose
and reflect it. Accusations that one's opponent was disorganized and
illogical were standard in animadversions, but it was surely something
more than adherence to tradition that made Marvell imbue his book
with patterns of Parkerian disarray. Or perhaps it may be said that
Marvell took the tradition to its ultimate expression.
Although Marvell's strategy is not to compare himself or his case
with Parker and Parker's case, so much as to portray a cosmic order
which Parker violates, it would not be difficult, I think, for the
sympathetically disposed reader to perceive Marvell as the active
Puritan issuing forth on behalf of God's order against Parkerian chaos.
One need only read Grosart's commentary to find an example. Toliver
himself presents one explanation of why this combat is not, a we
might expect with anyone but Marvell, ponderous. While discussing
"Ametas and Thestylis Making Hay-Ropes," he comments that
Marvell never totally forgets that such dialectical combat is
a sport, an agon conducted according to definite rules. Ordinar¬
ily of course, his dialectic and exploratory irony have a more
serious duty to perform than in "Ametas and Thestylis." As in
The Rehearsal Transpros'd, in which the court wit defends the
plain nonconformist, they enable him to tread a narrow path between
levity and seriousness.^
The designations "court wit" and "plain nonconformist" may be too
simple, but the mechanism seems sound.

160
I find Marvell a particularly difficult author from whom to distill
a personal world view: all of his published work and most of his
correspondence (being official) presents the possibility or certainty
of the presence of a persona. Clearly, for example, Marvell is not
speaking for himself in the "Mower" poems, and I suspect he is not in
"The Garden"; it is difficult to imagine that he believed some of the
things he said (about the wisdom and magnanimity of King Charles, for
example) in The Rehearsal Transpros1d. I am therefore reluctant to
urge my reading of Marvell's attack upon Parker, obviously written to
a specific political end, as a reading of Marvell's mind; rather, we
can only be sure that Marvell's apparent position in that book is a
vast strategy, a wide-winged rhetorical device that may or may not be
also something more. Still, if we cannot be certain what he thought,
we can feel that we have some knowledge of the modes of his thought.
The notion of a cosmic, radiant unity, which becomes more manifest
even as we witness its violation, is surely one.
Where do we go from here? So little attention has bben- directed
at Marvell's prose, much remains to be done. When the prose is examined
for its own sake, engrossing questions can emerge. For example, Marvell's
time is seen as one in which the euphuistic, Ciceronian style of prose
gave way to the unadorned, scientific style of the modern day. Vir¬
tually every prose style from one extreme to the other can be found in
Marvell's pamphlets. For example, choppy sentences:
But now I see there is some danger by the Nonconformists
opposition to the Church of England. And now your business is
all fixed. The Fanaticks are ready at hand to bear the blame
of all things. (p. 122)

161
Elsewhere can be found long, elaborate periods:
And, I who am a great well-wisher to the Pillars of the Earth,
or the eight Elephants, lest we should have an Earth-quake; and
much more a Servant to the King's Prerogative, lest we should all
fall into confusion; and perfectly devoted to the Foundations of
our Faith, lest we should run out into Popery or Paganism; have
no heart to this incounter: lest if I should prove that the
Magistrates absolute unlimited and uncontrolable Power doth not
extend to define the signification of all words, I should thereby
not only.be the occasion of all those mischiefs mentioned, but,-
which is of far more dismal Importance, the loss of two or three
significant Ceremonies. (pp. 102-103)
A study of the effects deliberately achieved within a given work by
the use of varying prose styles could yield interesting results. This
done, it might be useful to compare Marvell's practice with that of
his contemporaries.
Another tantalizing question is that of The Rehearsal Transpros'd
The Second Part. Marvell retreated to the country to write this fresh
attack, speaking of it much as Milton might have spoken of Paradise
Lost: "I am (if I may say with reverence) drawn in, I hope by a good
Providence, to intermeddle in a noble and high argument wc^ therefore
by how much it is above my capacity I shall use the more industry not
to disparage it." The beginning of the book bears this out, for it is
very carefully written, full of polished, balanced phrases. Nor does
Marvell seem to have been hurried, for the quotation above is from a
letter of May 3, 1673, while The Second Part was not completed until
after November 3 of the same year. Yet modern readers of The Second
Part tend to agree that it is even less well-made than they are will¬
ing to credit The Rehearsal Transpros'd for being. Legouis, for
example, says that "The first part of The Rehearsal Transpros'd would

162
seem to hold a fairly straightforward course if compared to the second.
Again and again when you think Marvell has done, he simply tacks about
9
to let fly one more broadside." Lawrence W. Hyman says, "the invective
is much stronger than the argument."'*-® Either Marvell did not know
what he was doing when he wrote The Second Part (and yet it silenced
Parker) or else it has yet to be properly appreciated by a modern
reader.

NOTES
-^Ann E. Berthoff, The Resolved Soul: A Study of Marvell's Major
Poems (Princeton: The Princeton University Press, 1970), pp. xi-xii.
o
Andrew Marvell: Complete Poetry, ed. George deF. Lord (New York
The Modem Library, 1968), p. 77.
3
Rosalie Colie, My_ Ecchoing Song: Andrew Marvell1s Poetry of '
Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), p. 206.
^Legouis, p. 250.
^Harold Toliver, Marvell's Ironic Vision (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1965), p. 25-6.
^Toliver, pp. 8-9.
^Toliver, p. 55.
^Letters, II, 328.
G
Legouis, p. 200.
^Lawrence W. Hyman, Andrew Marvell (New York: Grosset and Dunlap,
1964), p. 121.
163

APPENDIX A
It seems worth taking brief notice of a publication I have
not seen mentioned in previous studies of the Marvell-Parker
controversy. This is an edition of Parker's Preface, printed
independently of the work by Bramhall it was purportedly designed
to adorn. It is Wing 458A, with the only copy listed being in the
Widener Library at Harvard. The title is:
A Discourse in Vindication of B? Bramhall and the Clergy of
the Church of England from the Fanatick Charge of Popery,
Together with some Reflections upon the present State of Affairs.
Shewing, That there are no Grounds for any Present Fears or
Jealousies of it, but only from the Non-conformists. London,
Printed for James Collins, at the Sign of the Kings Armes in
Ludgate-Street, 1673.
Following the title page,
The Bookseller to the Reader. This Discourse was first
publisht by way of Preface _t£ a Treatise of BP. Bramhall's,
which being in the Press, together with all his other Workes;
I thought it convenient to publish this alone, the First
Impression being quite gone, and the Book being often call'd
for.
I think it probable that this unusual popularity of a preface was
due to the curiosity of those who had read The Rehearsal Transpos'd
and wanted a closer look at the target.
164

APPENDIX B
Smith's unobtrusive annotations to his edition are excellent,
and show the result of a great quantity of scholarship in now ob¬
scure places. They greatly smooth the course of the present-day
reader. I offer here some supplementary annotations that I either
found necessary to add in the course of reading The Rehearsal, or
else think may be of interest to future readers.
P. 3. 8. Dilemma] Discourse, "Preface," p. xviii.
P. 10. 14. Cf. L'Estrange, No Blind Guides (1660), p. 9, "Now we
have Play'd, let's to our Book again, and be a little Earnest."
P. 15. 27. See also "The Character of Holland," 11. 98-100.
P. 29. 32-3. Quadrature of the Circle.] Used also by Parker, Preface,
b2v, and Discourse, "Preface," p. xxvi. Also, see Square Caps
Turned into Roundheads, or The Bishops Vindication, and the
Brownists' Conviction, by H. P., London, 1641.
P. 31. 27. See George Vernon, A Letter to a Friend, postscript,
p. 64, "your Book and those other two gentlemen," meaning,
he says in a marginal note, "The Authors of the Friendly
Debates (Simon Patrick) and the Author of Toleration Dis¬
cussed (Roger L'Estrange)."
P. 35. 24. disintricated . . . Labyrinths.] Defence, p. 665.
P. 37. 5. Pushpin-Divinity] Marvell's use of this term here,
without elaboration, is likely to surprise the reader. See
the Preface, A8v; see also Reh. Trans. p. 9.
P. 44. 18. 1670] The Discourse actually came out in late 1669.
P. 56. 9. in one place taken a List] Refers to "a hundred proud,
ignorant, seditious preachers," Discourse, p. 253; a passage
picked over at great length by Owen, Truth and Innocence,
pp. 61-5.
165

166
P. 67. 22-4. be . . . drudgeries] Note should read Defence,
"Preface," A6r.
P. 76. 32. sleeps . . . Ears] See Bramhall's Vindication, p. 30.
P. 84. 30. admiring Drove] Preface, a3v.
P. 90. 6-7. Dunghill . . . Magazin] Actually, Parker says "the
Dunghill his only Magazin" in reference to Owen. Marvell has
reversed the reference.
12. a modern reader lately dead.] I do not know who this
is. Perhaps Bridge?
P. 91. 19. Smithfield] Where heretics were burned in the 16th
century.
P. 92. 4. Ordination . . . Nags Head] Also see Defence, pp. 19-20,
where, citing the Bishop of Derry [Bramhall], Parker uses it
as an example of a rumor for which the origin, like that of
the Nile, can never be found.
21. But therefore . . . pinioned] Cf. George Vernon, Letter
to a_ Friend, p. 70.
P. 100. 7. we . . . Porridge] This story is also told in An Humble
Apology for Non-Conformists (London, 1669), p. 42.
P. 105. 19-21. Wellfare . . . Fool and Oh how . . . this.] See
also Reh. Tr., pp. 83-4.
22-29. I would not . . . his Parish.] Cf. Preface, a4r,
11. 1-14.
P. 109. 27. letters-Pattents] Apparently a pun on "patent" (open)
or "pattee," (spread).
P. 118. 11. March 1671] The Old Style date; 1672 New Style.
P. 120. 9. 5th of November] The date of a plot against James I,
in 1605. Cf. Marvell's Greek poem "To King Charles," cele¬
brating the birth of his fifth child, Princess Anne.
P. 138. 26. And so will the Larks too.] "When the sky faith, we
shall have larks." John Heywood, Proverbs, Pt. i. Ch. 4. (1546).
A proverb, occurring in other forms as well.
P. 144. 22. distinct Communion] See, inter alia, Defence, p. 139.
24-25. he hath spoken . . . Holy Ghost.] Defence, p. 108.
At this point, however, Parker is quoting Owen.

BIOGRAPHICAL SUMMARY
Charles Herbert Gilliland, Jr. was born December 4, 1942, in
Alton, Illinois. In June, 1960, he was graduated from Gainesville •
High School, in Gainesville, Florida. In April, 1964, he received
the degree of Bachelor of Arts from the University of Florida. He
spent the following year as a Technical Assistant in Theatre while
working on a Master of Arts degree in Speech and Theatre, which he
received in June, 1965. His thesis was The Greek and Roman Skene:
A Religious Background? In 1966, after a period studying languages
and teaching Comprehensive English at the University of Florida, he
began active duty with the United States Navy, serving primarily
as a destroyer communications officer. Returning to civilian life
in 1969, he spent the academic year 1969-70 as an Interim Instruc¬
tor at the University of Florida, and then began graduate studies
at the University of Kentucky, where he remained until 1973, receiving
two teaching assistantships and, for 1972-73, a Kentucky Research
Foundation Fellowship. In September 1973 he returned to graduate
work in English at the University of Florida, where he was a teaching
assistant from 1973 to 1975, and has until the present time pursued
his work toward a Doctor of Philosophy degree.

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
¿Z-/.
Ira G. Clark, Chairman
Associate Professor of English
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Aubrey T,. Williams
Graduate Research Professor
of English
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
T. Walter Herbert
Professor of English
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree Of Doctor of Philosophy.
Associate Professor of English

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and
is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree Doctor of Philosophy.
C. dohn Sommerville
Associate Professor of History
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of
the Department of English in the College of Arts and Sciences
and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfill¬
ment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
August, 1976
Dean, Graduate School

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262 07332 041 7



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
3 1262 07332 041 7



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