Citation
The invisible Indians

Material Information

Title:
The invisible Indians a history and analysis of the relations of the Cocamilla Indians of Loreto, Peru, to the state
Added title page title:
Cocamilla Indians of Loreto, Peru, to the state, A history and analysis of the relations of the
Creator:
Stocks, Anthony Wayne, 1939-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xxii, 366 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Barrios ( jstor )
Cassava ( jstor )
Ethnic groups ( jstor )
Human geography ( jstor )
Lowlands ( jstor )
Priests ( jstor )
Society of Jesus ( jstor )
Tropical forests ( jstor )
Tropical regions ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Acculturation -- Case studies ( lcsh )
Indians of South America -- Peru -- Loreto ( lcsh )
Indians of South America -- Social conditions -- Peru ( lcsh )
Indios de Perú -- Relaciones con el gobierno
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 353-365).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Anthony Wayne Stocks.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
022828402 ( ALEPH )
AAJ7307 ( NOTIS )
05112670 ( OCLC )
AA00004914_00001 ( sobekcm )

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Full Text


THE INVISIBLE INDIANS: A HISTORY AND ANALYSIS
OF THE RELATIONS OF THE COCAMILLA INDIANS
OF LORETO, PERU, TO THE STATE
By
ANTHONY WAYNE STOCKS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


This work is dedicated to the people of
Achual Tipishca who give so freely and
who have received so little.


)


PREFACE
The title of this work was chosen in order to drama
tize the rather unique position of large numbers of native
American Indians in eastern Peru. While a considerable
amount of attention has been given to the problems of
"tribal" Indians, there exists a large class of "detriba-
lized" Indians who are generally ignored. It is usually
thought in Peru that such Indians have integrated into the
white-mestizo culture and that they have disappeared
biologically and as ethnic groups. Were this so, we would
be presented with a selvatic society in which most rural
members would be equivalent to the Brazilian caboclo. In
fact, the term ribereo is generally used in Peru in exactly
the same sense that caboclo is used in Brazil, to describe
the rural frontiersmen of the tropical forest region who
bear a culture which is much closer to European patterns
than to autochthonous native patterns. Furthermore, the
use of the term ribereo in Peru implies that most rural
populations which are not tribal Indians do in fact fit
into this category and that they form a homogeneous group
culturally and socially.
IV


Unfortunately for this view, social reality in eastern
Peru does not match the Brazilian model. While there is
certainly a ribereo stratum which is equivalent to the
Brazilian caboclo (I would call them white-mestizo rural
frontiersmen), there is also a stratum called the cholada
which does not, from all accounts, exist in Brazil. The
cholada is composed of the detribalized, acculturated, but
unassimilated Indians who have made a wide range of adjus t-
ments to Peruvian society.
The Cocamilla are members of the cholada. They live in
communities which might be described as native enclaves in
the midst of a world dominated by white-mestizo culture.
They are acculturated to many of the superficial aspects of
white-mestizo existence, appearances which are deceptive.
They retain many of the social forms and practices of
their historical past. They retain them not through some
vague sense of tradition but because they find them useful.
They have special needs and problems which derive from
their position at the bottom of the Peruvian social system
as it is encountered in the tropical forest regions. The
only social status lower than the cholo in eastern Peru
is that of the tribal Indian, and it cannot truly be said
that the tribal Indian is a member of Peruvian society.


The needs of the Cocamilla and the rest of the cholada
are not recognized. It is much more convenient to pretend
that they have disappeared, integrated, assimilated,
"mestizoized. This pretense is facilitated by the degree
of acculturation of the cholada to white-mestizo patterns
which renders them so similar in outward appearance to the
white-mestizo ribereos that they are effectively "invisible.
Hence, the title of the present work. By examining the
history and relations with the state society of what is now
Peru of one representative group of the selvatic cholada,
it is hoped that sensitivity toward the plight of other
members of this social class will be heightened. It is not
a small class in numbers. The Cocamilla and their closely
related cousins, the Cocana, have a population which ap
proaches 25,000 (Stocks, 1977). If all of the cholada
were counted their population would easily reach 100,000,
a significant percentage (7%) of Lcreto's population of
close to one and a half million persons.
Since the subject will not arise again until the last
chapter of this dissertation, I would like to say something
about the theoretical orientation which is implicit in
much of the organization and understanding of the material
contained in this work. I have been for some time and
vi


continue to be influenced by the perspective in American
anthropology called "cultural materialism" by some (cf.
Harris, 1968, for a thorough treatment of this strategy
for organizing our thoughts about cultural matters).
The debt of cultural materialism to the "dialectical ma
terialism" of Marx has been generally recognized. I
consider myself to be an economic and ecological anthropolo
gist. To me, the subjects are entwined to a degree which
makes their separation, even for heuristic purposes,
impractical. Cultural materialism as a research strategy
suggests, among other things, that the determinants of
cultural patterns are to be found in the objective rela
tions which a given society or culture has with its environ
ment, both physical and socio-political. Thus, in this
work I have consistently searched out the meaning and the
implications of the relations between the Cocamilla and
the state in the economic relations between them. It is my
belief that these relations are the major determinants
for relations in the socio-political sphere and in the
kinds of ideas and opinions expressed by the Cocamilla and
the members of the Peruvian society with whom they have
related in the past and continue to be related. When the
Cocamilla are considered alone, it is their productive sys
tem which receives major emphasis in this work.
vn


I am not unmindful of the debt which cultural
materialism owes to earlier thinkers in the social and
natural sciences. Darwinian evolutionary theory is basic.
The work of Leslie White, especially in The Science of
Culture (1949), in stating the basic framework of the
study of culture has influenced me greatly. His "layercake"
model of society devised from earlier materialists including
Marx, in which the technological and economic base sup
ports layers" of social organization and ideology is
useful and is implicit in this work. The work of Robert
Murphy in The Dialectics of Social Life (1971) has greatly
clarified for me the relations between the ideological
"layer" and the "layer" of social interaction. My use of
the term "praxis" in the sense of the social and economic
interactions of humans prior to their conceptions of those
interactions follows Murphy. Marshall Sahlins' work,
Stone Age Economics (1972) has helped me greatly in
organizing my thoughts about the domestic mode of produc
tion, an economic organization which is fundamental to
many groups of South American tropical forest Indians,
the Cocamilla among them. Since I use the terms "mode of
production" and "relations of production" in this work
several times, it is just that the debt to Marxian social
viii


Science be made more explicit in this sense. Marx's
conception of mode of production includes the fundamental
relations between people engendered by a determined way
of producing the necessities of life, and considers the
whole implied by the complex of the productive system and
the relations and cultural patterns necessary to carrying
it on. The mode of production, in short, is a socio
cultural and economic system and interacts with other
systems of the same conceptual order (cf. Godelier, 1977:
15-69). Thus, one may speak of the conflicts between the
Cocamilla mode of production and a capitalist mode of
production and be understood to mean that the conflicts
are on several levels, economic, social, and cultural or
ideological. Marx's work Pre-Capitalist Economic Forma
tions (1975) has been influential in making me think about
such matters with regard to native Indian societies.
I would like to thank Dr. Charles Wagley for the
material aid, intellectual guidance, and moral encourage
ment which made it possible to complete this work. It is
difficult to imagine having completed it without him. The
warm support he provides for his students is appreciated
more than he knows. Special thanks also go to the
members of my academic committee, Drs. Paul Doughty,
IX


Maxine Margolis, Anthony Oliver-Smith, and Glaucio Soares
who read and criticized earlier versions of the disserta
tion. Needless to say, final responsibility for content
and interpretation lies with me. Among my Peruvian friends
I would like to thank Alejandro Camino for his great aid
in securing institutional affiliation in Peru and all of
t *
the staff of the Centro Amaznico de Antropologa y
/ /
Aplicacin Practica (CAAAP) in Lima and Iquitos. Alberto
Chirif of SINAMOS first guided me toward the Cocama and
Cocamilla. Norma Faust of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics deserves special thanks for her great help in
making possible my first orientation among the Cocama of
the Ucayali River. My friends in Lagunas know who they
are and they also know that I value their help and their
friendship. P. Fr. Julian Heras O.F.M. was of great help
in guiding my reading in the library at Santa Rosa de
Ocopa. A special debt is owed to Juan de la Cruz Murayari
who shared his knowledge of Cocamilla history unselfishly.
My wife, Kathleen Butkus Stocks, worked as hard during the
field portion of the study as I did. Her contribution is
beyond calculation. Finally, although they never quite
understood precisely why "Don Antonio" was among them, the
people of Achual Tipishca accepted me and my family.
x


supported us, fed us, entertained us, socialized my
infant daughter Gabriela, and made us one of them in a
way which is slightly incredible to me yet. To them I
owe the most, and it is to them that this work is dedicated
Research for the dissertation was carried out through
financial help from several sources. The Tropical South
American Research Program under Dr. Charles Wagley at the
University of Florida paid for a field trip of four months
in 1975 during which time I selected a community and
began to learn to deal with the tropical forest environment
The major portion of the field work, a stay of 19 months
in 1976-1977, was supported by the Social Science Research
Council in the form of a grant for doctoral dissertation
research, by the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare in the form of a Fulbright-Hayes grant for
doctoral dissertation research #13.441AH60020, and by the
National Science Foundation in the form of a grant for
improvement of doctoral dissertation research #BNS76-09554.
The Social Science Research Council also provided funds
for a six month extension of fieldwork and a six month
write-up period after the field work had ended, a grant
which has saved me much worry and fatigue. My thanks
to all of these institutions and their dedicated staffs.
xi


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE iv
LIST OF TABLES xvi
LIST OF FIGURES xviii
LIST OF MAPS xix
ABSTRACT xx
CHAPTER
I FIELDWORK AMONG THE COCAMILLA 1
Notes 16
II WHO ARE THE NATIVES? 17
Toward a New Model of Lowlands
Native Societies 34
The Problem of Ethnicity 43
III THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE
COCAMILLA 54
Proteins and Populations 59
Land and Water Features of
the River Valley 62
Land and Water Features of
the Upland Plain 70
The Larger Region 73
IV THE PREHISTORY AND ABORIGINAL CULTURE
OF THE COCAMA AND COCAMILLA 7 7
xii


TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
The Aboriginal Subsistence Economy . 82
Social Organization 85
Adornment 92
Ideology and Custom 93
Notes 98
V CONTACTTHE FIRST FORTY YEARS
1640-1680 99
Summary 135
Notes 142
VI THE COCAMILLA AND COLONIAL MISSION
LIFE 1680-1820 143
The Departure of the Jesuits 158
Military Rule in Mainas 160
Summary 167
VII THE COCAMILLA AND THE REPUBLIC:
IDEAL AND REALITY 169
The Native Response to Independence. 171
Competition for Indian Labor 176
Haciendas Appear on the Lower
Huallaga 180
The Rubber Boom 187
The Barbasco Years 195
Recent Times 201
Notes 207
VIII THE RURAL COCAMILLA ECONOMY TODAY:
CLASHES WITH THE STATE 208
Agriculture and Land Use 210
The Tipishca Economy in
Qualitative Terms 218
The Position of the Agrarian Bank. . 225
The Agrarian Band and Rural
Impoverishment
xiii
234


TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
Land and Water Rights 237
Fishing Rights or Starvation 241
Present Nutritional Levels 243
Summary 243
Notes 248
IX SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: THE EGALITARIAN
COMMUNITY AND THE AUTHORITARIAN STATE . 249
The Nature of the Egalitarian
CommunityCocamilla Social
Organization 253
The Community and the State 264
The School as a Model of the Social
Environment of Achual Tipishca. . 270
Summary 276
X COCAMILLA IDENTITY PATTERNS: THE
NATIVE AND THE STATE 278
Identity as Peruvians 279
The Class of the Apellido Humilde. . 281
The Cocamilla as Cocamilla 284
Community Identification 287
Shamanism and Cocamilla Identity . 288
The Fiesta System 292
Other Boundary-Maintaining Customs . 295
Summary 298
XI ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS 300
Today's Cocamilla 305
The Future of the Cocamilla 308
APPENDICES
APPENDIX IGLOSSARY OF FOREIGN TERMS 315
APPENDIX II--POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
ACHUAL TIPISHCA 331
APPENDIX IIILIST IN SPANISH OF FOODS
REGULARLY CONSUMED BY THE COCAMILLA ... 334
xiv


TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
APPENDIX IVCOCAMILLA KINSHIP TERMS 338
APPENDIX VHISTORIC CATHOLIC FESTIVAL
CYCLE AS PRACTICED BY THE COCAMILLA
IN ACHUAL TIPISHCA DURING THE 19TH
AND 20TH CENTURIES 343
BIBLIOGRAPHY 3 53
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 366
xv


LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
3.1 Climatological Data from Yurimaguas
Experimental Station 1976 57
5.1 Cocamilla Population Decline 1638-1681. . 138
5.2 Cocama Population Decline 1559-1681 .... 139
5.3 Major Epidemics in Mainas Missions
1638-1681 140
6.1 Population of Lagunas from 1670 to 1768 . 157
6.2 Lagunas Political Organization 1790 .... 163
7.1 Populations in the Lower Huallaga
Region 1790-1864 174
7.2 Exports of Some Lowland Products
from Loreto 1862-1870 185
7.3 Tipishca Populations as Shown in
Various Censuses 200
8.1 Land Use in Achual Tipishca in 1976
and 1977 212
8.2 Average Time Per Day Spent on Various
Subsistence Activities by Age and Sex . 216
8.3 Sample Planting Schedule for Floodplain
Agriculture 217
8.4 Expenses of Growing and Marketing Rice
in Achual Tipishca 229
8.5 Time Inputs Per Adult Male Equivalent
(AME) Per Year Per Hectare on Manioc,
Plantains, and Jute 221
xvi


LIST OF TABLES (Continued)
Table Page
8.6 Expenses of Growing and Marketing
Jute in Achual Tipishca 232
8.7 Bank Debt in Achual Tipishca Over a
Three Year Period 235
8.8 Degree of Community Involvement with
Agrarian Bank vs. Value of Material
Prestige Items in Huallaga Communities. . 236
8.9 Results of Three Dietary Studies in
Achual Tipishca at Varying Points in
the Flood Cycle 244
8.10Proportions of Food by Weight Supplied
by Various Categories of Activity 245
10.1 Partial Reconstruction of the Annual
Calendar 293
xvii


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
3.1 Graph of Twenty-One Year Average
Rainfall in Yurimaguas 58
8.1 Subsistence Activities of Adult Males
on a Daily Basis 215
8.2 Plantain Prices Per Stalk in Lagunas
1976-1977 in Soles 219
9.1 Groups of Patrilineal Kinsmen in
Achual Tipishca 255
9.2 Cocamilla Use of Spanish Kinship Terms . 258
9.3 Cocamilla Use of Primo-Tio-Sobrino-
Abuelo Terms 258
9.4 Typical Marriage Exchange Over Two
Generations 261
9.5 Typical Cross-Cousin Inter-Generational
Marriage 261
xviii


LIST OF MAPS
Map Page
1.1 Showing Modern Day Distribution of
Tupian Indians in Peru ii
3.1 Showing General Region of Study with
Locations of Some Native Groups at
Contact 76
5.1 Showing the Limits of the Mainas
Missions 100
5.2 Showing the Early Mainas Missions
Discussed in this Chapter 101
7.1 Showing the Location of Prominent Towns
in the Lower Huallaga Region in the 19th
and 20th Centuries 170
8.1 Showing Part of the Lower Huallaga River
Valley and the Location of the Study
Community, Achual Tipishca 211
xix


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE INVISIBLE INDIANS: A HISTORY AND ANALYSIS
OF THE RELATIONS OF THE COCAMILLA INDIANS
OF LRETO, PERU TO THE STATE
By
Anthony Wayne Stocks
December, 1978
Chairman; Charles Wagley
Major Department: Anthropology
This dissertation addresses itself to the problems of
the Cocamilla Indians of Loreto, Peru,and other similar
groups of tropical forest Indians of Peru who are acculturated
to white-mestizo patterns, but who are not assimilated or
well-integrated into Peruvian society. The Cocamilla form,
in effect, is a native "enclave" which is part of the rural
class structure of eastern Peru. Cocamilla ethnohistorv pro
vides the background for understanding how this situation
came about as a result of historical processes. It is
asserted with supporting evidence that the Cocamilla and
other Peruvian native Indians in similar structural posi
tions actually form a "native" social class which is dis
tinguishable both from the less-acculturated tribal Indians
and from the poor rural white-mestizos who form the other
component of Loreto rural society. This social class has
xx


special problems because of the discordance produced by
the thorough insertion of native ethnic groups such as the
Cocamilla into the regional variants of Peruvian national
class structure, an insertion which demands of them patterns
of behavior which are alien to them. The Cocamilla, a group
of about 5,000 7,000 people, have survived nearly 340
years of contact with western society by working out an
arrangement whereby they supplied the developing Peruvian
society with labor as canoemen and the products of the lakes
and rivers of the Peruvian varzea, using techniques which
have only recently been modified. Since their own lands,
until the late 19th century, were essentially valueless to
the Peruvian society in terms of agriculture and lumber,
they were allowed to fill this economic niche without being
forced to make drastic modifications in the life-style
generated by their domestic subsistence-oriented mode of
production. This situation has changed in the 20th century
and Cocamilla institutions are undergoing rapid and radical
changes today.
Based on an analysis of the conflicts between the
Cocamilla native communities (defined by the qualities of
being egalitarian, non-intrusive, and essentially kinship-
based communities) and the bureaucratic, hierarchical, and
xxi


highly formal institutions of the state with which they
are in constant contact, recommendations are made for
recognizing the Cocamilla's right under Peruvian law as
native Indians. These rights must include rights to both
land and water resources in order to permit them to adjust
to the developing Loreto society on terms which include
the possibility of cultural and economic survival as an
ethnic group.
XXII


CHAPTER I
FIELDWORK AMONG THE COCAMILLA
t
The Cocamilla are a group of about 5,000 native Ameri
can Indians living in three major and a dozen minor com
munities who speak a language called Cocama, a member of
the Tupi linguistic family. They are generally considered
to be a sub-group of the Cocama. The Cocama number about
20,000 people and inhabit the lower Ucayali River flood-
plain in eastern Peru from about latitude 6101 South to
the river's mouth. The Cocamilla inhabit the lower
Huallaga floodplain from about latitude 528' South to
the mouth. These were the historical limits of their
territory, but both groups have expanded considerably in
recent times. Tupian Indians may now be found along parts
of the floodplain of the Maraen, Upper Amazon, Nanay,
Pastaza, and lov/er Napo rivers, to name but a few.
Neither group has a long history in Peru. Archaeological
evidence indicates that the Peruvian Tupians, including
the Cocamilla and Cocama, probably arrived as part of a
historical migration of Tupian Indians not more than two
1


2
or three hundred years before the conquest. They were part
of an expanding population and were reported to have been
extremely bellicose in many of the early historical sources.
I first became interested in the Cocamilla Indians as
I become interested in most things, through slight ex
perience with them. In 1973 I was traveling down the
Ucayali River in eastern Peru on a decrepit wooden passen
ger boat. I had been studying in the Andes and wanted to
see more of the country. Part of my plan was to see some
of the eastern lowlands.
My first view of the eastern flanks of the Andes where
the tropical forest begins as a cloud forest above Tingo
Maria was breathtaking, even at 4:00 A.M. in the rain from
a crowded bus. The dry Andean air was suddenly charged
with heat and showerbath humidity. The moon lit up the
thick vegetation on the right of the bus and the impossibly
sheer and deep canyon on the left. We soon became stuck
in the mud while waiting for a landslide to be cleared.
At Pucallpa a couple of days later, my wife and I
found a boat traveling to Iquitos, 1200 kilometers
downstream. The trip was revealing in terms of the river
life and commerce. I was confused at the terms used by
the Cantonese owner and his river pilot to refer to the


3
occasional Indians (mostly Shipibo, Conibo, and, farther
down, Cocama) we saw living along the shores and
paddling canoes. They were all called chamas or cholos^-
by the boatsmen without distinction as to their ethnic
group. Since I had been interested in the so-called
cholos in southern Peru, and since the people called
cholos on the river hardly seemed to be in the same posi
tions as their highlands counterpart, I became interested
in them.
In 1975 I returned to Peru with my wife, having by
then determined to work in the tropical lowlands as my
professional area specialty in anthropology. In the
course of making contacts in the capital, Lima, we visited
the offices of SINAMOS (National Social Mobilization
Support System), the political-organizational arm of the
1968 military junta. There we talked to Alberto Chirif,
the head of the support office for native communities.
His office was in charge of organizing Amazon native
Indians into political and juridical entities called
2
"native^ communities" so that they might receive land
titles, learn to deal with bank loans, receive identity
papers, and in general defend themselves against white-
mestizo traders and patrons. All of this was being done,


4
at least on paper, under law #20653, which, since 1973,
has defined the rights of Amazon ethnic minorities, and
has regulated the use of lands in eastern Peru under the
700 meter contour, which was the lower limit of the
Agrarian Reform.
Mr. Chirif indicated an interest in the Cocama Indians
He pointed out to me that on his maps of the locations of
240 native villages of tropical forest Indians there was
not a single Cocama or Cocamilla village shown. He said
they had been able to organize no Cocama native communities
and in fact his office did not know which villages along
the Ucayali, Amazon, Maranon, and Huallaga rivers might be
Cocama or Cocamilla. This was true despite the fact that
the Cocama/Cocamilla ethnic groups, with approximately
20,000 population comprise one of the largest native
Indian groups in eastern Peru, and lie along the flood-
plains of the most traveled rivers in the country.
The puzzle, of course, had a simple solution. The
Cocama and Cocamilla were believed to have lost their
"tribal" identity and to have largely merged with and
integrated into that large sector of riverbank frontiers
men frequently called ribereos in Peru and caboclos in
Brazil. Although no one I talked to in Lima during the


5
month I stayed there actually said it, there seemed to be
an unstated assumption that if lowland tropical forest
Indians were no longer "tribal," then they were no longer
Indians at all.
This unvoiced assumption actually became voiced later
in the summer in the heart of historic Cocama country,
Requena, where the local head of SINAMOS, the man who,
along with his other duties, was in charge of organizing
the native communities, told me that they had not organized
any Cocama under law #20653 because he did not consider
them to be natives. "They are now mostly crossed with
the mestizos," he said. He saw his job with regard to
"real" natives as helping them to "revalidate their cul
tural patterns." This was taken to mean getting them to
"preserve their dances and folklore." The Cocama and
Cocamilla had no colorful dances and no one had asked them
about their folklore since 1935. Their villages looked
like the frontiersmen's villages, so much so that the
Requena office was not sure where they could find a Cocama
village. The Cocama, they said, "were too mixed with the
rural agriculturalists and urban slum people to identify."
The only reason I failed to become persuaded that the
Cocama and Cocamilla had disappeared as ethnic groups was


6
that I was traveling in a small boat with a Cocama family
and they unhesitatingly identified certain communities as
places where old people spoke the language, the dialecto.
Furthermore, the white-mestizos on the Ucayali, the
upper Amazon, lower Maranon, and lower Huallaga rivers,
also knew where idicmeros were to be found and were quite
willing to point out their communities.
On the advice of Norma Faust of the Summer Institute
of Linguistics, the Cocama language specialist, I journeyed
to Lagunas on the lower Huallaga River to see the Cocamilla.
They were supposed to be more conservative of language and
custom than the Cocama. It seemed to be true. Three large
and several small communities of Cocamilla were identified.
Most of the children understood the language, even if they
did not speak it.
I saw no reason why the communities of Cocamilla on
the Huallaga River should not have titles for their land
and protection under the law as native Indians. They
were stable communities in a geographic sense. They
expressed an interest in securing titles to communal land.
The only drawback was that they had never been visited
by a government organizer, and they had no idea of the
law or of their rights. I decided to study the question


7
of what sort of lands might be desirable for them to
secure title to, a study which implied a study of their
subsistence patterns and needs.
I returned to Peru in July of 1976 for the field por
tion of the study. By then I was familiar enough with the
Cocamilla so that I naively assumed that they were not
socially "invisible" to the authorities, even if the
more dispersed Cocama seemed to be. I spent the next
nineteen months disabusing myself of that idea as I tried
to convince the officials in the closest SINAMOS office
in Yurimaguas to come and at least talk to the Cocamilla
about their rights as native Indians. The office responded
that the Cocamilla were "campesinos" (peasants), and thus
could only be organized on an equal basis with the white-
mestizo rural agriculturalists. SINAMOS promoters in
Yurimaguas were busy organizing Chayahuita Indians, among
other groups, into native communities. The Chayahuita at
least looked like the popular conception of Indians, the
men with pudding-bowl haircuts, and the women in crude
black homespun skirts and short blouses with bracelets
and beads. The last Cocamilla who wore such clothes had
died two years before. Yet in phenotypical appearance
the Cocamilla were as Indian as the Chayahuita.


8
As I began to understand something about Cocamilla
social and economic life from living in one of their
villages, I began to see that they were discriminated
against by most, if not all, of their white-mestizo
neighbors. Their history as mission Indians, and later
as peons, had ill-fitted them to be thrust into the
capitalist-extractive or capitalist-agricultural economy
of Loreto as individuals or as communities without some
sort of "head-start." Their historical heritage as
Christian Indians seemed to be strong enough to keep them
distinct as an ethnic group, at least up until the pre
sent, but they lacked the access to political and
economic power which the ribereo white-mestizo frontiers
men had.
As I lived among the Cocamilla I began to see that
they still formed a distinct society in which up to 90%
of them found marriage partners with other Cocamilla. I
watched their customs deprecated by the white-mestizo
teachers, their lakes violated by commercial fishermen,
and their daughters go away to near bondage as servants
in urban centers. In such circumstances others have
spoken of "ethnocide." I wish it ware that simple. But
at times there almost seemed to be an element of malevolant


9
conspiracy in the way the entire Peruvian society in con
tact with them persistently tried to get them to act
like anything but Cocamilla.
The Cocamilla had long-since developed cultural means
of dealing with such pressures from white-mestizo society.
They had become "closed" in the sense that they did not
speak easily to outsiders and the men tried to behave
like the white-mestizos when they were around them. When
their language was mentioned,they shuffled their feet
and laughed nervously.
But in the past 30 years direct domination by mestizos
who formerly lived in their communities and appropriated
their labor, and direct contact with the public school
system had eroded their old cultural models, and had
destroyed the old system of authority developed during
the Jesuit period 300 years before. Cash cropping had
brought them into close relations with the Peruvian econ
omy, not as peons any longer, but as independent small
producers. A "generation gap" had appeared as the
younger members of the community tried to deal with new
developments in their life-plans. The Cocamilla were
no longer "tribal" Indians in any sense of the term, but
neither were they white-mestizos, either as a society or
as a culture.


10
As my hopes faded for seeing them secure titles
for their communal land and their fishing rights protected
in the immediate future, my plans for the kind of work I
would write about them changed. I have always thought that
anthropologists should observe some sort of large-scale
reciprocity with the people who provide the data for their
work. That we who study reciprocity in finely-shaded
detail should ignore such a fundamental seems to me to be
the most gross form of ingratitude. I speak here not of the
difference between so-called "applied" or "action"
anthropology and "theoretical" anthropology, but rather
to the simple dictates of elementary human relations.
The present work thus grew out of experience or praxis,
if you will, with the real conditions of life for the
Cocamilla. It will try to lay bare the historical reasons
for what might be called the Cocamilla "particularity,"
and to show that their specialness has broad ramifications
in their relations with Peruvian national society. It
will argue that the Cocamilla and other native minorities
in a similar socio-economic position deserve special con
sideration. It will be a very different work, in short,
than it started out to be. The ecological and historical
data are made to serve an argument which is politically


11
biased in favor of the Cocamilla. I think it must be that
way if I am to write it at all.
A word about method. There are three axes of data
collection integrated in this work. The first is his
torical, the second ecological, and the third ethnographic.
In terms of history I was interested in the past of
one specific ethnolinguistic group, the Cocamilla. Towards
that end I studied all available documents in the community
in which I lived. In Lagunas I consulted all the docu
ments in the Catholic mission, and in the meagre public
archives available. In Yurimaguas, the provincial capital,
I examined church archives, consulted the public library,
and examined unpublished documents in the files of the
sub-prefecture. I consulted published sources insofar as
they were available to me on interlibrary loans. I col
lected data on the people's own version of their history,
and conducted interviews to cross-check the information
as much as possible. There is at least one general
academic work in English on the conquest of the Peruvian
montana (Werlich, 1968) with an extensive bibliography for
those interested in the macrohistory of the region. The
history I wish to write deals essentially with the Coca
milla experience over the course of more than 330 years


12
of direct domination by the culture-bearers of the Western
World. I wish in this way to arrive at an understanding
of the sociology of eastern Peru through the Cocamilla
experience.
The data on the current Cocamilla economy and ecology,
the subsistence system, and cash cropping, were gathered in
a systematic way. For calculating the use of time by age
and sex I relied on five visits each day for one year to
houses selected at random by non-replacement sampling, at
times also selected at random in 15 minute blocks from
6:00 A.M. until 7:30 P.M. The activities of each house
hold member were recorded and later given a classification
number, the first three digits of which are based on the
Outline of Cultural Materials (Murdock et al., 1971), and
the last two digits based on the activities specific to the
Cocamilla culture. This material was collected specifically
so as to be analyzed by computer. This method was suggested
by Johnson (1974). Over the course of a year over 14,000
observations were accumulated.
More specific data on agriculture, hunting, and fish
ing were collected by the use of three key informants.
Each of these informants was carefully selected as to
reliability and representativity after five months


13
experience in the community. Each was given a watch and
asked to provide daily reports. The information requested
involved the time they spent traveling to their work, the
time worked at each daily activity, the people present,
the location of the work, the tools used, and the weight
in kilograms of the product they brought home. All fish
were to be weighed before cleaning, and all animals were
to be weighed before gutting. These reports also included
the subsistence activities of other household members and
the inputs of non-household members into the fields or
fishing activities of the person filling out the form.
Communal work sessions attended, for example, would include
the names of all persons present. These reports were
obtained daily for a full calendar year and presented a
picture of a domestic mode of production which included
the entire family, not simply data on the activities of
adult males. The reports were carefully analyzed daily
and recorded in large account books, the activities of
each person working in the system being separated. The
data were set up to be processed by computer.
Nutritional data were obtained by sitting in selected
houses for periods of five to seven days weighing every
thing that family members ate. This was as much of a


14
burden on the Cocamilla as it was difficult for us. Since
the families frequently eat from common dishes, we weighed
what went into the pots and took notes on what was indivi
dually consumed. The leftovers were weighed before being
thrown to the chickens, as were the fishbones. These data
were collected in February when the water was rising
toward flood stage, in March at "high water" during the
rainy season, and in August at the dry season "low water"
time. Nutritional data are the most difficult data to
collect since the close cooperation and patience of all
family members is required and I owe a large debt of
gratitude to the Cocamilla families who assisted in this
work.
Ethnographic material was provided by the technique
of participant-observation, which is another way of saying
that my family and I lived with the Cocamilla, worked with
them, danced with them, marketed with them, shared ritual
coparenthood with them, were occasionally laughed at by
them, and never really understood them as well as we
wanted to. We collected geneologies in order to compre
hend their social organization with some sort of time
depth. WTe collected census data and tried to be
systematic about exploring their social world. We took


15
extensive notes on what we saw and heard, and classified
the notes along standard ethnographic categories for
purposes of analysis.
I cannot say that we came to think as the Cocamilla
thinkI have too much respect for the power of one's own
sociocultural system in forming personality and cognitive
categories to believe that we could ever "think" like the
Cocamilla, but we did come to understand some of the
reasons why the Cocamilla behave as they do, and at
times I felt very close to them indeed.


Notes
-'-The use of the terms cholo and cholada will prove
troublesome to some. I am aware that the terms are used
in many different senses in Peru. The literature on
so-called cholos and the process sometimes called
cholification has become fairly abundant. I do not
intend to argue that my usage of the term corresponds to
its usage in the rest of Peru. The people called cholos
in the tropical forest region provide yet another example
of the varied use of the term and I use it here in a
regional sense to refer to acculturated native Indians
who are integrated into the Peruvian national class
structure. In this sense the term probably has more
than regional significance but I leave it to others to
draw that conclusion.
-This terminology provides the framework for the use
of the term "native" in this work. By native, I refer to
members of ethnic groups which are American Indians. This
usage corresponds to the terminology used by government
of Peru in referring to Indian societies in the tropical
forest regions. I consider members of the cholada to be
natives when they form native communities as defined by
the qualities of being essentially egalitarian communities
in which social and economic relations are kinship-based.
When members of the selvatic cholada do not live in such
communities, they may be considered to have advanced far
along the path to assimilation into white-mestizo culture
and society. To be native, then, is less a matter of
biology than of cultural patterns including residence and
social organization.


CHAPTER II
WHO ARE THE NATIVES?
The Peruvian system of stratification,
whether in the colonial, republican, or
contemporary periods, has never made
use of a strictly binary opposition
between Indian and non-Indian. But
neither has it been characterized by
a pluralism of juxtaposed groups--that
is, at once isolated from each other yet
all forming part of the same economic
space and subject to the same legal sys
tem, as, for example, is the case with
the Jews, Italians, and Puerto Ricans of
New York . (Bourricaud, 1975:351).
The above quote illustrates a problem. The problem
arises when statements about the nature of Peruvian society
such as this one are applied to the eastern lowlands of
Peru. The fact is that the history and sociology of the
lowland tropical forest region tend to make attempts at
generalizations about Peru problematic. The long co
existence of many ethnic groups in the lowlands missions,
groups which shared the same "economic space," and yet were
ethnically and socially "isolated from each other" for
nearly two centuries in many cases, serves as an example.
The lowland tropical areas simply do not fit the model
17


18
for highland and coastal Peru. The land tenure system
which heavily influenced the relations between Spanish
and Indians in the highlands of all the Andean countries
did not apply. Probably for the above reasons the lowland
tropical forest region has, until very recently, been
excluded from consideration in discussions of social
stratification in Peru, usually on the basis that it is
"sparsely populated" (Larson and Bergman, 1969:4) if it is
mentioned at all. More frequently it is not mentioned.
Actually, with a population of close to 1,500,000
people the montaa accounts for over 10% of Peru's total
population, hardly a negligible number. It is only the
fact that this population is spread over the 60% of Peru
which is or was covered by various sorts of tropical
forest that allows the region to be dismissed so easily.
If the same number of people were gathered in one place,
their social composition would doubtless arouse more
interest and attention.
But if this region is not to be analyzed with the
rest of Peru, how is it to be thought of? The history of
post-conquest geo-politics in the Amazon basin has meant
that the native populations of the tropical forest regions
of the Andean countries and those of Brazil have had very


19
different histories; the Amazon basin in general cannot
be thought of as a social unit in any sense. Peru, for
example, became a refuge area for at least four large groups
of riverine Tupian Indians between 1549 and 1700 (Bollaert,
1861:2-3; Edmunson, 1922:119-127; Vasquez, 1881). Spanish
military control in what is today lowland Peru determined
considerable cultural divergence in the upper Amazon from
the lower Amazon which was controlled soon after 1500 by
the Portuguese. For the Andean countries of South America
the lowland tropical forest was always a far-off hinterland.
Difficulty of access through the rough topography of the
eastern valleys of the Andes, covered with thick cloud
forest growth, tended to protect the Peruvian native forest
and river Indians from total destruction. On the other
hand, Portuguese slavers were more or less free to wreak
havoc on Brazilian natives by traveling up the broad
Amazon River and its tributaries from Para.
To be sure, the destruction of forest and river Indians
during the years from 1885 to 1912, when world demand for
rubber was dependent on the dispersed wild resources of
the Amazon Basin, took place in both the Peruvian and
Brazilian Amazon. Labor-intensive extraction methods
were frequently accompanied by the slavery and starvation


20
of captive Indian populations (Valcarcel, 1915; Singleton-
Gates, 1959). But by this time Brazil had few easily
accessible native Indians left and it is symptomatic of
the relatively more numerous Peruvian Indian population
that most of the infamous "correrias" (Indian roundups)
of this period took place in Peru. Today the results of
the very different history of the Peruvian Amazon and
that of Brazil is starkly suggested by simply population
figures. Brazil has approximately 120,000 native Indians
in the entire country (Supysua, 1974) while Peru has
approximately 212,500 (Uriarte, 1977) in the Amazon
region alone.
It must be emphasized that the situation described
above is not due to pre-conquest population differences.
By all accounts the Brazilian Amazon River valley and its
tributaries were more densely populated than any part
of the Peruvian Amazon (Medina, 1834; Acua, 1918).
Rather it is due to an accident of geo-politics which gave
a large region of the Amazon basin to Peru, a country
which could not efficiently dominate or exploit it. The
Andean mountains were the barrier, and Lima, the capital
of Peru, was on the coast. In between were up to six
million Quechua and Aymara Indian peasants who provided


21
at once, labor for the new colony, and a management problem
which has occupied and plagued the dominant but minority
white-mestizo society ever since the conquest.
Yet the Peruvian Amazon in its recent social history
is very much a part of the Peruvian nation, even though it
forms a distinct region within national boundaries. How
ever, when Mariategui took up an analysis of Peruvian
society in 1928 he dismissed the montaa completely as
insignificant.
The montaa still lacks any significance
sociologically or economically. It may
be said that the montaffa or better put,
the floresta, is a colonial dominion of
the Peruvian state. (Mariategui, 1928:151,
translation mine)
At the time the lowland tropical forest was the sixth
largest lumber exporter in the world. Rubber export had
reached enormous proportions a few years before. The
department of Loreto had had two attempts within twenty
years at revolution. The scandals of the Putumayo River
in which the rubber gatherers enslaved and destroyed as
many as 40,000 native Indians were well-known history
(Singleton-Gates, 1959).
In the early part of the 20th century when people
turned their gaze to the lowlands in eastern Peru, it was


22
through strangely tinted lenses. Disagreements about
the nature of eastern Peruvian society usually revolved
about racial categories. Wilheim Sievers' well-known
Peruvian and Bolivian geography (Sievers, 1931) divided
Peru, as do most geographers, into three regions, the
sierra, the coast, and the montana. His estimate of
the population of Loreto (then in dispute with Ecuador)
was 150,000 people. Wiesse (1921) had computed earlier
that roughly one-half of these were Indians while 45.8%
were white or mixed. Sievers disagreed and estimated
that 60-70% were mixed "bloods." What all of this meant
in socio-cultural terms is difficult to fathom. Saenz had
this to say:
The population of ""eastern Peru_7 apart
from the small groups of mestizos and
mestizo-blancos is formed by the Jivaros,
the Chunchos, and other tribes. . .They
speak a great variety of languages from
the primitive inje-inje to others more
developed such as aguaruna-campa. Most
of these people live from hunting and
fishing and lead a nomadic life, although
some have initiated the agricultural
step, for they are dedicated to the
cultivation of small fields on the
riverbanks. (Saenz, 1933:13-14, trans
lation mine)
That views such as these were extremely unsophisticated
hardly needs to be pointed out. In fact, earlier accounts


23
were much more sophisticated. In 1791, a hundred and
forty years before, Fr. Manual Sobreviela, the dynamic
Fransciscan guardian of Santa Rosa de Ocopa, had visited
the lower Huallaga River region (Aristio, 1861:29-50).
His map clearly recognized the distinction between the
"faithful" Christian Indians (fieles or almas) and the
non-Christian Indians (infieles or savages) in the area
bounded by the Andes and the Ucayali River. In addition
he noted a stratum of white-mestizo governors and
priests. The distinction between fieles and infieles
was more than a label of religious convenience. It also
implied very different life styles between Indians
gathered in white-mestizo dominated communities who were
given Christian instruction and whose socio-political
organization had quasi-military hierarchies imposed on it,
and autonomous groups of Indians who avoided contact
with the whites and whose socio-political organization
was essentially egalitarian.
Travelers in the 19th century such as Herndon (1853)
were even more sophisticated about the montana society,
perhaps because the society itself was becoming more
complex than a simple Indian/White distinction would
indicate. In Herndon's accounts of the lower Huallaga, he


24
distinguished between free forest Indians who were
captured and sold as slaves to Tarapoto residents, peas
ant farmers without ethnic label (apparently the com
pletely assimilated remains of former tribes such as the
Yurimaguas and Aysuares in the town of Yurimaguas, for
example), Indians in towns under secular and religious
authority, such as the Aganos in Santa Cruz and the
Cocamillas in Lagunas, and finally the white-mestizo
stratum, including priests, military governors, and
traders.
Such elaborations as the above should have provided
the basis for some coherent theory of social structure in
the montaa, but by the 20th century it appears that the
White/Indian distinction had only become more polarized;
in the current sociological imagination the Indians had all
become reconverted into savages who spoke primitive
languages such as Saenz's above mentioned "inje-inje."
Part of the problem was that the only social scientists
who wrote about eastern Peru were anthropologists, and
they were totally uninterested in the current sociology
of the tropical forest regions. Farabee's 1907 expedition
to the eastern Peruvian lowlands, for example, makes no
comment on the condition of the Indians from whom he


25
collected data, beyond the bare mention that most of them
were "working for" rubber patrons (Farabee, 1922, 1, 77, SI,
96, 136, 152, 163). Even the terrible scandals of the
Putumayo (cf. Congress, 1913, 160; Singleton-Gates, 1959;
Valcarcel, 1915) seemed to stimulate no interest among
anthropologists to do anything except to hasten to "salvage"
what cultural data they could before aboriginal cultures were
completely destroyed. Tessman's (1930) treatise on eastern
Peruvian Indians gives but few hints about the real condi
tions of their existence and lays great stress on "pure"
scientific data. Studies in the acculturation genre were
not done in the region until recently. Anthropologists,
in short, worred a great deal more about the provenience
of "culture traits" than they did about slavery.
The net effect of such writing by ethnographers be
fore 1945 was to give the impression, quite falsely, of
an upper Amazon Basin full of wild Indian tribes who were
just coming into contact with traders and scientists.
Even Espinosa's monograph on the Tupian Indians (including
the Cocamilla, the classic 11 fieles, Indians who had been
living in or closely connected with missions for nearly
300 years at the time), mentioned merely that they were
dominated by patrons and described their ideal culture


26
patterns without further reference to their socio-political
environment (Espincfe, 1935).
One may argue that the ethnographers of the time were
merely fulfilling the demands of their profession. It is
not, after all, the job of an icthyologist to be con
cerned with birds, nor of the medical doctor to analyze
social structure. While this may be true, it cannot be
seriously maintained that contemporary socio-political
environments have so little to do with ethnography, even
if the goal of the ethnographer is only historical recon
struction of a culture. It is currently acceptable theory
that the environment in which social data is gathered
has a great deal to do with its interpretation and its
reliability.
Another factor which influenced the re-conversion
of the popular image of tropical forest social structure
from the fairly complex schemes along the great rivers
hinted at by Herndon and other travelers to the simple
White/Indian distinctions of the 20th century may have
been the growing pressures by a mercantile-extractive
economy for "civilized" workers. San Roman (1975) has
noted a change in the 18th century consideration of the
Indian as "pagan" who must be "christianized" to the


27
Indian as "savage" who must be "civilized." He lays the
burden for explaining the change in emphasis to the
expulsion of the Jesuits from the region in 1767 and the
increased demands on the Indians by a growing and secular
trading, agricultural, and extractive economy during the
19th and 20th centuries.
It is true that the role of workers in extractive
and large-scale agricultural enterprises often demands
that they understand and participate to some degree in the
money economy as they become pawns in a supposedly
"rational" system. It is probably not necessary for them
to understand the system completely to do so. One may
note in this connection that the term for the so-called
"half-breeds" who helped the rubber gatherers round up
Indians as workers was "racionales" which was equivalent
to calling them "civilized" (Singleton-Gates, 1959:230).
But neither the 19th century nor our own era has been
free of missionizing efforts, and the Jesuit era was
hardly free of encomiendas, extraction, trading, and
slaving, sometimes aided and abetted by the priests them
selves. The expulsion of the Jesuits and their replace
ment by a series of secular and Franciscan priests in
the late 18th century Mainas missions merely reflected


28
a relative shift in the power structure of the tropical
forest regions. It tipped the balance in favor of more
direct secular domination of the Indians by the white-
mestizo minority of traders and land-owners. Thus, the
image of a halcyon Jesuit period during which the Indians
were merely protected and instructed in religious matters
must give way to a more realistic assessment of the long
term economic importance of Indian labor to all montaa
settlement.
By the first half of the 20th century the distinction
between Christian and non-Christian Indians in the tropical
forest regions had become blurred, and Indian society
began again to be considered as one pole of a racial-
cultural dichotomy which had as its counterbalance the
white-mestizo sector. It may be that the image of two
somewhat disconnected sectors, a "modern" or "progressive"
one, and a "backward" or "traditional" one was easier to
hold in the low tropical forest regions because of the
writings of ethnographers mentioned above, but such
works as Roger Casement's report to the British govern
ment on the rubber camps (Singleton-Gates, 1959), the
congressional report on slavery in Peru (Congress, 1913),
and Harry Hoy's (1946) description of the Peruvian logging


29
industry were pregnant with implications of the links
between the allegedly separate sectors and complex
stratifications of local society based on access to
credit.
The 1940 Peruvian census reflects the lack of
detailed knowledge of the society of the region. The
census reported that at least 321,341 people lived in
Loreto but only 52% of them were actually counted (Censo,
1944:3). The other 48% were only estimated. The social/
racial classifications were White-Mestizo, Indian, Black,
and Yellow. Loreto was considered to be 65% Indian (Censo,
1944:46-47). The black and yellow populations were a
scant .16% of the total population.
The picture is not uniformly dark for this period,
however. Avencio Villarejo, in 1948, published Asi es la
Selva and in 1959 published La Selva y el Hombre which
located Indian groups with an excellent map and classified
them into such categories as "civilized" and "semi-civilized"
with much information on the current status of Indian
societies at the time (Villarejo, 1948, 1949).
In 1972 Sefano Varese published a study for the
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA)
in which he tried to make sense of the society of the


30
tropical forest region. His work is the first serious
attempt to understand the contemporary social reality of
the Peruvian tropical forest Indians. A major theoretical
base for his analysis was the premise that the analysis of
the political and economic position of "tribal minorities"
was inseparable from the analysis of the entire surround
ing society. This was true because the empirical con
ditions for all aspects of their existence is imposed by
the dominant society. Nor can an analysis of their position
be made without taking into consideration the international
economic and political environment in which the Peruvian
national society exists (Varese, 1972:3-4).
All Peruvian tropical forest Indians are now and have
for some time been directly affected by the international
demand for a series of forest products, and the national
demands for certain cash crops. All tropical forest
Indians, with no exceptions, supply labor or products to
a national or international market, and all, with no
exceptions, have at least some material needs which cannot
be satisfied without participation in those markets. The
factor of national and international economic demands which
leads to concrete social, economic, political and cultural
relations between tropical forest Indians and the dominant


31
white-mestizo society is the most basic element of the
social reality of the tropical forest region.
Varese's schema, admittedly preliminary, for the
sociology of the lowland tropical forest region involved
setting up a polarity between the native societies and
the "white" society which I have called white-mestizo.
Native societies are defined by Vnese as "ethnolinguis-
tic minorities" rather than "tribes" to avoid giving the
impression that any given group is characterized either
by complete internal cultural homogeneity or by possessing
contiguous territory. The term seems specifically designed
to include the cases of the Campa and the Aguaruna, both
of which peoples are dispersed, and both of which have
rather distinct sub-cultural variations within the same
language group.
Having polarized the Indian/Non-Indian populations on
the basis of ethnic, cultural, and linguistic differences,
and especially differences in access to the means of produc
tion and power, Vnese presents an analysis of selvatic
society based on occupation and relative power. White
society is divided into three categories. Category one
is an urban based commercial sector and includes large
land owners or administrators. Category two is a rural


32
mixed group of small farmers and commercial traders and
outfitters. Varese calls these groups intermediaries
from the native viewpoint. Category three includes the
non-commercial network of government officials, military
police, and missionaries whom Varese calls "the communica
tors of white society." This group is especially charac
terized being ethnocentric and racist, and it forms the
channel by which national economic and political power is
transmitted to the tropical forest region.
The native population is grouped together into one
category, but with the admission that generalizations are
difficult within this sector, since occupation is variable,
and some incipient local stratification is visible with
native bilingual teachers and native boat-owners. In
terms of access to economic and political power, however,
the native population is always at the bottom of an
"asymmetric pyramid" vis vis the white-mestizo sectors.
The native populations along the navigable rivers tend to
be "disintegrated and atomized" by the demand for labor on
the part of the extractive economy, while tne highland
forest communities tend to cohere and consolidate around
their territory" (Varese, 1972:19).


33
The units of Varese's analysis of the native sector
are (1) ethnolinguistic groups divided into, (a) highland
forest and, (b) lowland forest regions, on the basis that
the two regions have been characterized by two distinct
sorts of frontiers, demographic (colonists who occupy land)
in the case of the highland forest groups, and economic
(extractive industries for the most part) in the case of
the lowland forest groups. Ethnolinguistic groups are
further divided into "native communities" which are
operationally defined as follows;
pihe Native Community is_/r the stable
socio-economic unit, bound to a specific
territory, with a type of settlement which
can be either nuclear or dispersed, which
recognized itself as a community, and which
is distinguished from other neighboring
socio-economic communities, native or not
(
Furthermore, Varese indicates that the two sorts of
frontiers have had differential effects on the highland
forest and lowland forest peoples. The choices of the
highlanders have been to retreat into marginal areas, to
be absorbed as agricultural laborers through a process of
being "detribalized" with resultant loss of land, or to
retain small and inadequate pockets of land in settled
regions. The choices of the lowland forest and river
groups are more subtle; (1) "De-tribalization. .through


34
a process of proletarization and ethnic disintegration
or dissolution" (Ibid., 10), but in most cases with the
retention of land for those who remain in the rural areas;
(2) Retreat to remote areas to avoid contact.
Toward a New Model of Lowlands
Native Societies
To arrive at an understanding of the current sociology
of native groups in the lowland forest, it is necessary
to revise some of Varese's concepts. This should be done
first by examining his units of analysis. The term
"ethnolinguistic group" is troublesome. It makes an
assumption which is difficult to support. That assumption
is that language is somehow necessarily related to
ethnicity. As Barth (1969) has shown, ethnicity may be
defined (for some purposes) as the maintenance of boun
daries between social groups over time by means of cul
tural differences. While language is usually one of
those cultural differences, there is no a priori way of
determining that it must be. The focus on language leads
to discussions of a native group which may vary widely
internally in social organization, responses to local
pressures, and degree of self-identity as natives as if


35
it were a homogeneous social unit. In other words, non-
linguistic factors may be much more important than lin
guistic factors in determining the nature of a given group's
adjustment to white-mestizo society. A focus on linguistic
factors also diverts attention from native groups which
maintain ethnic boundaries (or, as in the case of the
Cocamilla and most other members of the cholada, have
them imposed) in spite of partial or total loss of the
original native language. It is not difficult through
empirical research in the lowland forest to demonstrate
this point. In the highlands it is adequately demonstrated
by the peasant populations of the Cajamarca region whose
cultural differences are ignored because they speak
Spanish rather than Quechua.
Politically, the consequences of the emphasis on
language has led to the denial of the "native" status of
large sectors of autochthonous populations in the major
river valleys who may be losing at least the public use
of their languages and who are now under strong pressure
from a new wave of white-mestizo and highland Indian
agricultural frontiersmen. Populations such as the
Cocamilla are biologically self-sustaining and clear
ethnic barriers separate them from white-mestizo settlers


36
and wage workers. Nevertheless, the focus on language
has meant that they have no protection for their communal
lands even today, and their fish-protein base is being
constantly diminished by white-mestizo commercial fisher
men without any attempt by the government to give them the
guarantees which "natives" are supposed to have under the
law. Most of the Cocamilla speak Spanish, while generally
adults under 30 understand but do not speak Cocama.
If linguistic criteria are removed from "ethnolinguistic
groups" we are left with "ethnic groups." Two concepts
are implied which require definition if we are to arrive
at a new model for comprehending the social reality of
the lowland forest. These concepts are "ethnic" (with the
implication in this case of "native ethnic") and the con
cept of group. Groups are easier to deal with. Native
society in the upper Amazon has its locus in the unit of
the extended family (broadly defined) both today and in
the past. Numbers of extended families may form nucleated
settlements of individual houses, nucleated settlements
of one large house, or more dispersed "neighborhoods."
The nucleated settlements or neighborhoods tend to interact
socially around cultural institutions which usually take
the form of one or more integrative rituals throughout the
year.


37
The field of regular inter-personal interaction over
the yearly cycle is conceived by the native as constituting
a social unit which may be conceived in many cases simply
as a kinship unit. This unit is distinguished from other
social units of the same order. In the great majority of
cases the unit has a name. It is this unit which largely
corresponds to Varese's "native community" and his defini
tion can be accepted with the provision that the term
"stable socio-economic unit" does not necessarily imply
geographic stability except within very large areas, nor
does it imply that personnel do not freely flow across
community boundaries without destroying the conceptual,
territorial, or economic unit. The phrase, "bound to a
territory" must not be taken to mean that the territory
does not change as ecological conditions change. In
addition, it should be stressed that Varese's definition
of the "native community" says nothing about its socio
political composition, a feature of prime importance in
the dealings of the native community with the state as
Chapter IX will show.
Groups of communities form larger aggregates which
may be objectively and subjectively identified by cul
tural criteria which may or may not include language.


38
They may or may not be contiguous in space. Such aggre
gates have 1ittle or no importance today in economic
or political terms in the lowland forest. They may, how
ever, be conceptually significant in the broader social
organization of the group. Native ethnic group may be
used to refer to this aggregate or communities in the
abstract, or they may be given conventional "linguistic"
names such as Cocama, or Campa. Such terms, as pointed
out above, have more historical value than current socio
logical value. Given the broad ties of social organiza
tion and ethnic boundaries usually marked by linguistic
features, this ethnic and linguistic group corresponds to
what is frequently called a "tribe" in the literature.
Native communities in the lowland forest are articu
lated to the national society in a variety of ways. We
may conceive of a continuum ranging from more to less
domination in their dealings with white-mestizo sectors.
The few communities with relatively little contact tend
to be completely dominated by a few patrons whenever they
are in contact, while communities in permanent and con
tinuous contact along the great rivers choose the middle
men with whom they deal with relatively greater autonomy,
including working directly as individual community members


39
with agricultural development banks, or working as wage
laborers in extractive industries.
One might conceive of the above continuum as con
sisting of the poles "colony" to "class." Colonized
communities have access to upward social mobility only in
the very limited local context. The range of contacts
with the dominant society is narrow; perhaps a few traders,
lumber patrons, or missionaries may be the only members
of the dominant society which will have dealings with
them in a year's time. Their relatively isolated position
means that the prices they pay for material goods from
the dominant society is much more dependent on the quality
of the social relationship they have with the traders than
the actual market prices of the items.
The members of communities fully in the class system
may move up through that social system if they are able
to shed their ethnic identities through geographic
migration and subsequent education. This ability depends
on a knowledge of white-mestizo values, economics, and
politics which is quite outside the range of the colonized
(see Delgato, 1968, for a more general discussion of
social mobility in the Peruvian class system). In terms
of middlemen, the native community member in the class


40
system has relative autonomy in choosing which middlemen
he will deal with and the prices for his labor and
products are much more dependent on market factors than
are prices in the colony. In the "colony'1 native com
munity prices are strongly influenced by the dominant-
subordinate character of the white-mestizo/native relation
ship. Prices also vary according to the relative lack
of market information available to the native. To sum
up, the communities tending toward incorporation in the
regional class system have a much greater number of social
and economic connections with the rest of society than does
the colony, and those connections fall along a much wider
qualitative range. A major point made by this thesis is
that the communities tending toward incorporation in
the class system are the communities historically iden
tified as mission Indian or Christian Indian.
Such people are called the cholada by the dominant
white-mestizos of the Peruvian lowlands to distinguish
them from the tribal (colony) Indians. The term cholada
refers to the members of these communities in the context
in which it is normally used in the lowland tropical
forest area of Peru. The socioeconomic position of the
Cocamilla cholo is more similar to that of the rural


41
agricultural village Indians of the highlands in that the
term in the tropical forest region does not imply the
upward mobility of the persons to which it refers as
is usually the case in the highlands. One semantic
connection with the term as it is used in the highlands
is that the cholo of the tropical forest region stands
between persons called Indian and persons called mestizo
just as the cholo of the highlands does in many instances.
Thus, it refers somewhat imprecisely to obviously
acculturated native Americans. It should be added that
even though, objectively, upward mobility is possible
for only a few of the selvatic cholada, their insertion
into the national class system means that they are con
scious of the possibilities of such mobility. Tribal
Indians simply are not sufficiently involved in the
national structure to care about individual social
mobility within it.
The term "class" is used above advisedly. The broad
front of contacts which native communities in the regional
stratification system have with white-mestizo sectors,
and their similar lack of access to the means of produc
tion, may not be enough per se to identify them as
belonging to a social class. However, among the Cocamilla


42
at least, there is a definite and growing sense of class
identification frequently expressed in terms of native
versus Spanish surnames (apellidos bajos vs. apellidos
altos) which transcends the ethnic group. The identifi
cation as cholo is closely tied to the identification
as apellido bajo and is, in fact, a class identification
based upon cultural criteria and difference in access to
political and economic power.
To complete the methodological/conceptual inventory-
required for a new model of lowland tropical forest
native ethnic groups now requires dealing with the ex
tremely problematic terms "native" and "ethnic." As many
studies in the Peruvian highlands show, distinguishing
the "Indians" from the non-Indians is not as simple as
it might seem (Adams, 1953; Arguedas, 1952; Borricaud,
1954, 1975; Hammel, 1961; Mangin, 1955, 1965; Metraux,
1959; Mishkin, 1946; Nunez del Prado, 1951; Tschopik,
1952). This is true in part because Indian identity is
socially stigmatized all over the Andean countries.
It is popularly thought that in the tropical forest
areas the problem is somehow simplified; the "Native
Community Law" (20653 ) ,for example, does not even approach
the problem of defining who the natives are, and Varese's


43
article which is discussed above conspicuously avoids
it. It seems to be assumed that the natives will step
forward and identify themselves, or that there will be
criteria, clear to all, on which to base an application
of the law. The laws and their application clearly imply
that if the natives do not so identify themselves, and
if they are in the economic position of being subsistence
mixed farmers who sell small surpluses to the regional
markets, then they will be treated like the Cocamilla as
campesinos (peasants) along with white-mestizo settlers
in a similar structural position. They are thus classed
campesinos regardless of other factors in their mode of
production such as discrimination in access to credit,
organization of labor in communal forms, and lack of
familiarity with white-mestizo bureaucracy which put
them at a disadvantage with regard to the white-mestizo
settlers.
The Problem of Ethnicity
When Metraux (1959:227) rejected the list of ob
jective cultural traits which supposedly defined the
Indian in the Peruvian highlands (i.e., coca chewing,
birthplace, craft characteristics, etc.) as being too


44
imprecise, he proposed the criteria of ascription and
self-ascription in order to settle the issue. He pre
ceded Barth by ten years in this formulation (Barth,
1969). Barth, however, took the issue farther, and
probed the logic behind ascription and self-ascription.
He concluded that ethnicity depended on the maintenance
of boundaries between social units over time by means of
cultural differences. Following Barth, however, one
cannot predict what "cultural differences" will provide
such boundaries (i.e., ritual, food habits, dress and
ornaments, etc.). Thus, Barth's definition is not a
scientific definition, if one defines science as the art
of generating statements which have predictive power.
Barth's "definition" is, in fact, merely an empirical
description (Cf. Gomes, 1977:38-40 for an interesting
discussion on this point). Another problem is that if
we follow Barth and define ethnic groups as socio-cultural
systems enclosed by cultural boundaries, a certain amount
of tautological reasoning automatically follows. State
ments such as "such and such ethnic group disappeared
because it failed to maintain its boundaries" become
common. If the question is changed to a query about why
a given ethnic group failed to maintain its boundaries,


45
the answer usually becomes, "because it was 'etribalized1
or weakened as an ethnic group." If an ethnic group is only
defined by its boundaries, then the two terms are synonymous.
In any case, such a definition of an ethnic group is of
little practical help in determining if a given group is or
is not an ethnic group.
The fact is that most studies of ethnicity and ethnic
groups begin with the assumption of the existence of such
groups and proceed with an examination of their boundary-
maintaining mechanisms. But what calls such groups into
being and what is the cause of their persistence, or alterna
tively their demise, are two separate questions. The cause
of their persistence and the means of their persistence are
also distinct questions.
In the usage applied here it is necessary to separate
the term "ethnic group" from a usage common to the social
sciences. Wagley and Harris (1958:244-253) point out that
the term has become synonymous in some sectors with
"minority group." As such, ethnic groups can only be
considered to have existed since the rise of state
societies which included them, thereby making them
minorities. But this usage misconstrues the nature of
ethnicity. In the sense used here, ethnicity would be
the sense of belonging to a cultural group regardless
of whether it is a "tribe" or an "ethnic minority."


46
Ethnic group, then, refers to the group of primary cultural
identification regardless of the group's objective status
with regard to the state society. If an ethnic group is
included in a state society, as all modern ethnic groups
are, it becomes an ethnic minority.
In the above sense, ethnic groups appeared on the scene
as social organizations long before the rise of the state.
Generations of anthropologists have indicated that in a
pre-state condition, ethnic groups might be defined as
territorial groups organized by theories of consanguinity
(or simply geneology) and affinity and residence rules.
Boundary mechanisms vary, but language differences, or at
least certain linguistic features, are common. Such terri
torial units must be distinguished from most groups claiming
"ethnicity" in the modern world, and the term is used in an
extremely variable way today. The features common to both
are that the theme of material interest runs as a motive
through the course of history, and all ethnic groups like
all social groups must solve problems of continuity, com
munication, authority, and ideology, as well as boundary
problems in order to survive.
There is a further problem with Metraux's and Barth's
formulations of the nature of ethnicity which is a purely


47
practical problem in operationalizing a definition which
can be used in the lowland tropical forest region of Peru.
Eidham (1969) has shown that in a situation in which ethnic
identity is stigmatized, the aspect of self-ascription as
a member of an ethnic group tends to be acted out only
in private situations. The ethnic boundaries are operating,
but they are not easily visible in public life where the
two sectors interact. In the case of eastern Peru this is
precisely the case because of the situation of the Cocamilla
and other native ethnic groups as conquered and dominated
peoples. This makes it highly unlikely that many Cocamilla
or any other Indians in their position are going to step
forward and identify themselves as such unless they see some
very concrete economic or social advantage in doing so.
Since the Cocamilla and others in their position are rarely
offered information as to possible economic advantages of
the public assumption of Cocamilla identity, they do not
proclaim publically their ethnic membership.
All this leads to a dilemma: What, in fact, is the
minimal definition of an ethnic group which can be
operationalized and has objective significance? The answer
is clearly that such a definition is as impossible as
defining a concept of "word" which will be valid in all


48
languages. Pursuing the linguistic analogy, in the same
way that all non-gestural words may be assumed to have a
carrier, the voice, all ethnic groups have an essence; like
all distinct societies they may be assumed to have provided
for biological and social continuity. Putting the methodolo
gical cart before the horse, this means that such groups must
have a theory of consanguinity (geneology) and affinity
which is expressed in behavior, which in turn implies rules
of inclusion and exclusion, and the authority to enforce
them (Wagley and Harris, 1958:1-14, 237-295).
Fortunately, just as the concept of "word" may be
defined structurally for a given language, a concept such
as native ethnic group may be formulated in terms of
regional social behavior. In the upper Amazon region of
Peru, a native ethnic group might be defined as follows:
A native ethnic group is a cultural group,
the members of which are inhibited from
marrying members of the larger society of
Peruvians. It derives its composition from
the resultant endogamy and from the appli
cation of its own exogamic principles as
distinct from Catholic canonic law to persons
outside the primary kin group.
The above definition depends for its validity on two
social facts. The first is that persons with "native"
surnames infrequently marry persons with Spanish surnames
in the region. The second is that all native ethnic groups


49
have theories of consanguinity which are different from
white-mestizo sectors. The Cocamilla, for example, pro
hibit marriage to any person bearing one's own paternal
surname under the theory that they are one "blood." Thus,
exogamic principles are extended to persons outside the
group which a white-mestizo would consider the "primary"
kin group (i.e., 1st, 2nd, and 3rd cousins).
Since theories of consanguinity loom as important in
native social organization, it may be predicted that life
in native communities will be organized along kinship lines
whether or not the community is "tribal" or "detribalized"
and part of the class system. It may also be predicted that
because of the relations between social organization and
the rituals and symbols which make social life coherent,
any native ethnic group will have at least one integrative
ritual at regular intervals which will tend to be exclusive
and which, while it may be formally similar to that of a
neighboring ethnic group, will have a content which expresses
the individuality of the group practicing it. It is important
to stress again that the "detribalization" of native com
munities is not synonymous with their disappearance.
The question of what a native ethnic group is and how
one may determine whether a given ethnic group is or is not a


50
native ethnic group is now largely solved. The remaining
question, as far as this dissertation is concerned, is one
of determining what is the essential relation between the
native community and the state. The native extended family
mode of production and the importance of kinship units in
native social organization provide the basis for a theory
of this relation. These two features of native life mean
that native communities will tend to be politically acephalous
and organized around related groups of families rather than
central political figures with overall authority as in the
case of white-mestizo culture. Given this organizational
base, a theory of the relation between the native community
and the state would necessarily be one of their mutual and
natural antagonism, for the state is a bureaucratic organi
zation which depends on the adherence to formally agreed-
upon rules. The state cannot tolerate the acephalous com
munity. Thus, we may predict that the native community will
only be drawn into the orbit of the state by deception and/or
violence, and it will be maintained in the state system only
by duress. Whenever the state tries to impose itself upon
the native community directly on a day to day basis, one
may predict that conflicts and clashes will occur which can
be traced to che opposed nature of the state and the native


51
community social and economic organization. When these
clashes are overcome, it will only be at the expense of
converting the native community into a "non-native" com
munity, that is by changing native cultural behavior into
acceptable white-mestizo behavior.
The chapters which follow are arranged in two parts.
After a brief description of their ecological setting and
some basic information about their life-style pre-
historically, Cocamilla history is explored in order to
examine the changes they have undergone as a result of their
contacts with the Western world through time, and, I hasten
to add, as a result of the internal logic of their own social
system as it is supported by their mode of production.
Special emphasis will be given to their position in the
developing social stratification of the region. Two related
problems will also be explored in the course of this work.
The first problem was outlined in the first part of this
chapter. It is a problem of conceptualizing the lowland
tropical forest region as something other than the two-class
or two-race region it is commonly considered to be. The
Cocamilla and others like them form a lower class which is
neither Indian in its own conception, or mestizo in either
their own or in the mestizo view.
It is a class


52
ideologically based on their historical separation from other
Indians as Christian Indians, and created by the praxis
which that status implies. Though called cholos their
position in the regional economic structure and their his
torical trajectory has little to do with the term cholo as
it is used in the highlands or on the coast (cf. Fuenzalida,
1970). The second problem concerns the units of sociological
analysis. There are the household, the native community,
and the native ethnic group.
The historical depth seems essential to sound sociologi
cal analysis, but it would be included in any case, if for
no other reason then for the very practical reason that the
Cocamilla are now in a rapidly changing and developing world,
and, as Levy (1972) has observed, the most cruel and stupid
mistakes in modernization result from ignorance about the
history of the people involved.
The second section will continue the theme of the
relations between the Cocamilla and the state society in
which they are included, this time synchronically. The
interface of the relationship will be examined at the level
of the economic system, the level of social organization,
and the level of ideology and identity. A final chapter


53
will draw conclusions as to the reasons for their survival
thus far from the perspective of cultural materialism,
and attempt to project a trajectory for them based on
possible actions by the Peruvian government.


CHAPTER III
THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE COCAMILLA
The eastern lowlands of Peru, mostly covered with
trees and shrubs except where human use has destroyed it,
presents two orders of problem to the Peruvian nation.
The region presents formidable problems in settlement,
strictly from a tactical and ecological standpoint. An even
more serious problem is that few if any people have ever
understood the region thoroughly in both its social and
ecological aspects. To make a sweeping statement even more
sweeping, I will include most of the people responsible for
planning and implementation of planning in the tropical
lowlands in the ranks of the ignorant. To calm outraged
friends and colleagues, the writer must be included among
their ranks as well, for the complexity of the problem is
overwhelming, and the division of labor among academic
disciplines mitigates against global views.
To further the point about how little the region is
known in general, even after 330 years of occupation and
the recent intense search for oil in the Peruvian lowlands,
54


55
there are no topographical maps available for any of the
lowland forest. The impression is gotten from the literature
which points out how little slope there is in the 4,167
kilometers from the Atlantic Ocean (Elevation 0 meters) to
Iquitos (Elevation 300 meters) along the Amazon River, that
the entire Amazon basin is as flat as a table. This im
pression pervades even the thinking of normally careful
planners. The Swiss project of cattle-raising at Genaro
Herrera on the Ucayali River, for example, had serious
problems with cattle when the planners cleared the forest for
pasture. Rolling hills, holes, and deep gullies severely
prejudiced their effort. The terrain throughout the lowland
forest region is very accidental within limits of fairly
low relief, and this has many consequences for native agri
cultural practices. The old people among the Cocamilla
used to say that when the earth changed from water to land,
the waves got frozen into place.
Different people split up the totality of the forested
lands east of the Andes in different ways. The usual ceja/
selva distinction based on altitude above sea level was
echoed in Pulgar Vidal's Geografia del Per (1968) when he
divided eastern Peru into Selva Alta and Selva Baja with
the former occupying the altitude of 400 to 1,000 meters,


56
and the latter occupying the elevations under 400 meters.
Ecologists today are able to improve on the scheme with the
concept of "life zones" (Holdridge, 1967) based on three
factors: average annual bio-temperatures (the annual average
of temperatures between 0C. and 30C.), average annual
rainfall in millimeters, and the potential evapotranspira-
tion ratio(mean annual temp, in C. X 58.93), which expresses
( mean annual rainfall in mm. )
the relation between rainfall and evaporation. By Hol-
dridge's system much of the lowland forest in the Cocamilla
area would be classified as "premontane tropical moist
forest." Table 3.1 shows the relevant climatological data
from 1976 (Bandy and Benites, 1977), and for comparison,
the average rainfall from a 21 year sample. These data were
taken in Yurimaguas, Loreto Department, and are very similar
to figures for Iquitos, indicating that the totality of the
area immediately along the lower Huallaga, lower Maranon,
and lower Ucayali rivers may have a similar climate.
One should be aware, however, that ecologists currently
working on the problem now believe that the entire lowland
forest under 400 meters is probably a mozaic of premontane
tropical moist, tropical wet, and tropical dry forest,
depending on purely local convection cells which seem to
remain persistently in some regions (Ewell, personal


Table 3.1
Climatological Data from Yurimaguas Experimental Station1976
Month
Maximum
Temp.C.
Minimum
Mean
MM
Precip.
Wind in
Meters/Sec.
Relative
Humidity
Solar
Radiation
Cal/cm2/day
January
30.8
22.0
26.4
396
0.86
84.8%
337
February
31.5
22.2
26.9
67
1.14
80.5%
357
March
31.0
22.3
26.7
222
0.92
82.5%
355
April
30.5
21.9
26.2
245
0.53
89.7%
332
May
30.6
22.5
26.6
167
0.53
87.4%
340
June
30.6
21.9
26.3
93
0.42
86.5%
320
July
30.1
17.9
24.0
62
0.67
76.8%
371
August
31.2
19.9
25.6
126
0.55
77.1%
407
September
32.6
19.6
26.1
129
0.55
77.5%
416
October
32.1
21.1
26.6
402
0.61
81.2%
397
November
31.7
21.1
26.4
230
1.17
81.1%
408
December
31.1
21.2
26.2
219
0.88
82.6%
387
Annual
31.2
21.1
26.2
2359
0.74
82.3%
369
Daily
Absolute
35.8
11.2
115
609
(Data from Bandy and Ben.ites, 1977:3) .


monthlv rainfall
300
DATA FROM SOIL
SCIENCE DEPARTMENT,
NORTH CAROLINA
STATE UNIVERSITY,
1974
50
annual mean 2 11 4 mm
J FMAMJ J ASOND
month
Figure 3.1
Graph of rjwenty-one Year Average Rainfall in
Yuriraaguab.
U1
oo


59
communication). This variability may go a long way toward
explaining some of the cultural diversity noted in the region,
even among non-riverine Indians.
The life zone classification does not tell the whole
story, however. Various micro-environments within a life
zone have profound consequences for human occupation. The
conventional distinction between riverine Indians and
inland Indians (or forest Indians) reflects great differ
ences in adaptation to the two major poles of subsistence
resources in the lowland tropics.
Proteins and Populations
Lowie observed that the major part of the human popula
tions of the lowland forests were more adapted to the rivers
than to the areas between the rivers. While he recognized
that some people were canoeless, he considered the possession
of "effective river craft" a diagnostic feature of the cul
tures of the lowland tropical forest (1963:1).
Meggers (1970) pointed out certain similarities in
density of settlement and ease of subsistence among
populations living in the limits defined by the margins
of the river valleys. She contrasted these populations
with the more scattered and migratory populations in the


60
areas between the rivers which she supposed to be an adapta
tion to poor soils and low protein availability, to name
the two most important variables.
Lathrap (1970) agreed with the basic division of
cultural types (while disagreeing with Meggar's assessment
on general population movements) and took the point far
enough to insist that Panoan Indians who lived inland from
the Ucayali River were "de-cultured" refugees from river
populations, driven inland at some previous time by fierce
competition for the fertile lands of the river valleys.
They had been unable, he said, to sustain the relatively
rich symbolic life of the riverine Panoans, primarily
because the poor soils and protein resources of the inland
areas did not permit large and enduring settlements.
Gross (1975) took both Meggars and Lathrap to task
for emphasizing relative soil quality rather than relative
richness in animal proteins between river floodplain and
inland areas. He brought a great deal of data to bear
on the subject and emphasized the very low ratio of animal
mass to total biomass in the inland areas. The distribution
of proteins, he maintained, was sufficient in and of itself
to explain population size and stability. His Peruvian
data were taken from Bergman (1974) who studied the


61
subsistence patterns of a group of Ucayali Shipibo as an
example of riverine subsistence. These Shipibo had no
access to high ground and their entire agricultural cycle
was based on the rise and fall of the river, for in the
rainy season the river flooded all their lands.
While conceding the essential validity of the riverine/
inland distinction, it seems wise to hedge a bit. Recent
studies have shown rather large settlements of Matss
(Mayoruna) between the Ucayali and Yavari rivers, hardly
the scattered fugitives predicted by Lathrap's model
(Romanoff, personal communication). Campos (1977) has
studied Shipibo on the Aguatia River far from the major
river valleys who seem to exploit both river and inland
areas about equally. Previous studies of the animal mass/
total biomass have not included stream fish, and no studies
of this kind have been conducted in eastern Peru. In all
of the area treated by this study, small and large streams
(quebradas) wind their way inland for long distances, often
carrying surprising quantities of fish species unique to
the stream environment, and easily exploited with fish
poisons. Even the floodplain Indians such as the Cocamilla
did a considerable amount of hunting and gathering in the
inland forests during flood times. Thus, there seem to


62
be groups who exploit both riverine and inland environments
and no simple separation of the two kinds of groups is likely
to be accurate.
Land and Water Features of
the River Valley
The area of interest to this study is mainly the lower
Huallaga River valley between Yurimaguas and the confluence
of the Huallaga and the Maranon. It will have reference,
however, to the Maranon as far upstream as Borja and as
far downstream as the mouth of the Napo River, the Pastaza
River as far upstream as Lake Rimachi, and the Ucayali from
its mouth to the area around the current site of Tierra
Blanca, some 12 days upstream by canoe. For this reason,
these areas are included in Map 1, but the following
description is of the lower Huallaga region, the most signi
ficant area for the Cocamilla. The river valley dynamics,
of course, have wide application.
Thirty miles downstream from Yurimaguas, near the town
of Santa Maria, the Huallaga River leaves the confining low
hills through which it has flowed rapidly, being unable to
easily widen its channel, and slows down abruptly, dumping
an enormous load of sand just below Santa Maria. From that
point on, it becomes a wide threaded river, moving leisurely


63
at about 4-5 kilometers per hour, and meandering back and
forth across its valley boundaries. Between Santa Maria
and Yurimaguas, entrenched meanders indicate that the uplift
which provides the inland high ground between the Huallaga
River and the current location of Xeberos is more recent
than some of the Andean uplift, and in fact earthquakes are
frequently felt all over the lower Huallaga region.
Below Santa Maria the width of the river floodplain
averages close to 5-8 kilometers. As the river migrates
back and forth over this valley,it has a predictable dynamic
cycle. The cycle is born in the fact that while the water
tends to run in the shortest straight line from A to B,
following gravitational laws, the unequal pulls of river
channel and sand bars tend to make the river currents
shuttle back and forth, forming curves (vueltas). Distance
between riverbank communities is often expressed in terms
of the number of vueltas between them.
The curves lengthen into long and elaborate U forms
as the faster-moving currents on the outside of the curve
wear away the bank and the slower currents deposit sand
on the inside of the curves in longer and longer beaches.
These beaches are the major resource area of the river
channel itself, or were in pre-conquest times, for fish


64
could be speared along their margins, and turtles, turtle
eggs, and iguana eggs could be gathered in July and August
on the beaches themselves. The main part of the river
channel was effectively sterile for native use, for they
lacked the means to exploit the resource.
Eventually gravity wins the struggle of the vuelta
and the river shortens its channel by cutting off the U and
isolating it into an oxbow lake (cocha or tipishca) connected
to the main river by deep canals (canos) which serve as
channels to fill and drain the lakes as the river goes up
and down from day to day and seasonally in response to local
and regional rains. In high water time, from February until
May (and a less drastic flood in November and early December)
other channels to the lakes open up (sacaritas) and in all
seasons the lake and river system forms one connected water
mass.
The river is never stable. It is always either rising
or falling and the lakes connected to it rise and fall in
rhythm. Tremendous surges of water go in and out through
the canos and they may change the direction of their
current quite abruptly as the lakes change from fill to
drain. The rise and fall of the lakes and rivers is an
important feature energizing the floodplain ecosystem for
it allows rapid incorporation of plant material cycling


65
from an enormous area of forest into the lakes and into the
total water system. The drastic rises and falls (as much
as tvo meters in 24 hours) of the lakes create an unstable
ecosystem for the fish populations. The instability favors
the propagation of "R" selected species, selected for the
ability to grow and reproduce rapidly, and this feature of
the ecosystem dynamics helps explain why it is that the lakes
and rivers of the lowland tropical forest are such an extra
ordinary resource for native populations. The lakes,
especially, are rich in fish and reptile populations.
Figure 3.1 shows the rise and fall of one such lake on a
weekly basis for 1977.
Eventually, the oxbow lake silts in and its canos close
except in high water. The Cocamilla vividly express what
happens then when they say the lake "dies." Aquatic plants
take over and the lake is gradually made uninhabitable for
fish, although some "dead" lakes have large populations of
paiche (arapaima gigas), the fish known as pirarucu in Brazil
and the largest freshwater fish in the world, for a long
time before they are extinct. Eventually the lake becomes
a muddy bog colonized by a few tree species, waiting for
the next migration of the river channel to destroy it.


NO
APPROXIMATE
METERS ABOVE SEA LEVEL
L-J
99


67
The total length of time from birth of a vuelta to
the death of the resultant lake may vary widely. One
vuelta observed over the 19 month field portion of this
study lengthened the arms of its U over 1,000 meters after
being relatively stable for 50 years, putting a community
on the cutting bank into full flight inland. Once a lake
is formed it seems unlikely, from the historical evidence
on riverine communities gathered in this study, that the
lake can exist for more than 200 years.
One other feature of the lakes should be noted. During
the flood season from February until May many fish move into
the lakes and into the surrounding forest which is flooded.
In the forests they can feed more directly on plant
material including the direct utilization of fruits, but
they become very hard to catch by native techniques. This
creates a protein crisis at least once a year. A related
feature of the flood is that when the lake goes back into
its normal boundaries the fish populations become more and
more dense as the size of the water body is reduced until,
at a critical point sometime in June or July, they begin
to migrate out of the lake in phenomenal numbers. The
local term for such migrations is the "mijano" and at
such time fishing in the canos, through which the fish


68
must pass, is very productive. Natives today sometimes try
to block the channel temporarily and net as many fish as
possible. Leaving the lakes, the fish migrate to the
rivers and move upstream, forming pockets of local rich
ness for the communities which happen to be where the fish
are at any given time.
The land features of the floodplain take their forms
from the dynamics of the river. Every time the river spills
its banks it deposits the greater part of its sediment load
within 30 meters of the channel, creating rather uneven
natural levees which tend to be higher in elevation than
the lands immediately in back of them. The zone of the
levee (the banda) is the zone normally used today for river-
bank agriculture. The crops most frequently grown are
plantains, corn, sweet manioc, taro, peanuts, sweet
potatoes, and recently jute (malva urena).
Old levees along old river channels and old oxbow lakes
may be high enough so that only exceptionally high floods
in the rainy season can cover them. These areas are called
restingas and are an.important land resource for the
natives, not only for agriculture, but also for hunting.
When the flood waters rise in the floodplain, terrestrial
animals tend to concentrate on the restingas and hunting


69
them becomes easier. Many Cocamilla today only hunt such
animals when the restingas become islands, and a special
verb, restinguiar, describes the activity.
The lower lands of the floodplain are of two kinds.
Lands lying so low that even moderate rises in the water
level will flood them, and which tend to act as rain catch
ment basins, are called tahuampas and are not used for any
purpose except for gathering and occasional hunting of the
tapir and the capybara which inhabit them. Lands which
are not high restingas but which have adequate drainage
are called bajiales (also used as a generic term for any
lowlying area), and are farmed and hunted. These lands are
of exceptional significance today for cash-cropping and
they flood annually, but with a much lower rate of sedi
mentation than the banda. Today they are mainly used for
jute, corn, watermelon, and various herbs.
The last significant land forms of the river valley
are the beaches along the river which are exposed from late
May until November. These are of two kinds. Sandy beaches,
over which water flows too rapidly to deposit silt and
which are not particularly good for any crop, are called
playas. As mentioned earlier, these beaches are signifi
cant fishing and gathering resources. Beaches over which


70
water runs slowly have an annual layer of silt deposited
on them and are used to plant beans, peanuts, and (recently)
rice. These beaches are called barreales. Appropriate
crops can be grown on them at a comparatively light cost
in labor energy.
Land and Water Features of
the Upland Plain
The drainage of the uplands is far from complete. All
over the upland areas are rain catchment basins which tend
to be swampy during most of the year. These are called
ba j jales, the same as the annually flooded farmlands of
the river basin. The ground between the bajiales is called
altura, a term which refers to any land which never floods
from the rivers. Nevertheless, some of the altura does
flood, not from the rivers but from local rainfall rushing
down the larger quebradas which cut their way toward the
river from the divide between the Huallaga and Ucayali
rivers. These quebradas can be quite good sources of fish,
for many of them are born not in the leached sediments of
the ancient ocean and lake beds of the Amazon basin, but
rather in sedimentary bedrock which is comparatively rich
in nutrients. The native names for these quebradas fre
quently express a distinction between "white water"


71
(yurac yacu) and "black water" (yana yacu) a distinction
which some ecologists think is significant in terms of the
environment the two types of streams provide for fish
populations.
Many quebradas have their own small floodplains which,
in cases of heavy rainfall flood for a period ranging from
two hours to two days, creating a permanent micro-environment
with more friable soils than the usual upland soils. These
areas are good for hunting and for farming. The crops
planted on them include most of the repertory of the banda
and the bajiales (i.e., plantains, corn, manioc, sweet
potatoes, taro, herbs,and sometimes (recently) rice and
jute). These lands are recognized in the native classifi
cation system for soils as varinales, meaning that the
varina palm (phytelephas macrocarpa) is a dominant under
story plant. The palm has cultural significance as the
source for the gable covering on native houses. A worm
which grows in the palm is consumed, and the fruit of the
palm became valuable for a time as button material before
the widespread use of plastic buttons.
The sandier upland soils are recognized as irapayales.
The irapaya, an unidentified plant with a palmate arrange
ment of long laurel shaped leaves, is used for roofing


72
material and the soils on which it grows are recognized
as being good for cultivating manioc and a root used for
fish poison (barbasco), but not for plantains or corn.
Land along quebradas which do not flood, and which tend
to have heavier clay soils than those that do flood, are
also valued, possibly because of the drainage offered by
the quebrada. These soils are used for plantains and
(recently) occasionally rice.
On the west side of the Huallaga River, the floodplain
extends much farther inland, and relatively little of the
land forms are presently used for farming. The settle
ments tend to be either on the river bank or on the shores
of oxbow lakes.
The impression is widespread that the adaptation of
the aboriginal populations in all of the Amazon valley was
mainly to the rivers. The generic term in eastern Peru,
for example, for rural residents is ribereos. A close
reading of the Cocamilla adaptation today, however, reveals
that the floodplain lakes are much more important than the
rivers as fish protein resources. This, as pointed out
before, is because some of the lakes are closer than the
rivers to the sources of primary production emanating from
the forests, and they are, therefore, much richer in fish


73
populations. They are also easier to exploit. The
lakeshores and valley margins are closer to alturas, and
the present Cocamilla farming system involves exploiting
both alturas and ba j jales (used here in the generic sense
to include restingas; in other words, all floodplain land
which is farmable except for the beaches). Even popula
tions along the west bank of the river who do not have
easy access to inland alturas, normally have one or two
fields in the east bank alturas, sometimes a day's travel
or more from their communities. These fields are a sort
of insurance against extremely high or long-lasting floods,
guaranteeing that some food will be available even in
cases of emergency. In all probability the Cocamilla in
pre-conquest times did not use the alturas east of the
river because of conflicts with the Aguano-Chamicuro people.
The Larger Region
The valley of the lower Huallaga River is only one of
the valleys which concern the Cocamilla historically,
although by far the most important. A small part of it
was their homeland at the time of contact, and they have
subsequently occupied most of the lower 100 kilometers of
it. They have recently occupied lands along the lower


74
Marafifon Valley, and have begun to occupy some of the rivers
and quebradas north of the Maraon River. The displaced
and the dissatisfied swell the migrant barrios of Yurimaguas,
Lagunas, and Iquitos. Their familiarity with the region is
long-standing as will be seen. At least from the mid-19th
century on and possibly before, they used lake Rimachi,
near the Pastaza River as a major resource for Manatee and
Paiche fish, traveling up to 11 days in canoes to get
there, and staying until the Muratos drove them out. Before
the conquest they and the Cocama in confederation were the
scourge of the entire lower Huallaga River and the Maranon
from Borja to the Ucayali River. According to some accounts,
they prevented other Indians from occupying the shores of
the river or the accessible floodplain. After they were
reduced to a few starving and sick Indians by the 1680
epidemics they became river explorers and travelers for
whites. The theatre in which the history of the next
chapter takes place is this larger area of operations with
special emphasis on mission sites. They will be traced
from contact to the present and at all times will be seen
in opposition to the dominant Spanish and later white-
mestizos. Their history is a history of action and
reaction, not the blending of peoples. It reflects the


75
fixed intent of peoples to remain separate under conditions
of direct domination. First, however, a few pages will
be devoted to reconstructing what is known about their
culture before contact, and their placement with regard to
other ethnic groups. Map 3.1 shows the region pertinent
to the Cocamilla and Cocama.


I
cr>


CHAPTER IV
THE PREHISTORY AND ABORIGINAL CULTURE
OF THE COCAMA AND COCAMILLA
The prehistory of the Cocama and Cocamilla in the
natural realm described in the previous chapter is some
what obscure. If Lathrap (1970:145) is correct in identify
ing the central Ucayali River Caimito complex as belonging
to the ancestors of the Cocama, the probability is that
the Cocama fissioned from the Omagua not too long before
the 14th century A.D., and pushed on upstream and into the
Ucayali. They must have established themselves as far south
as the Tamaya River at that time. Lathrap's model of Tupian
expansion implies that they had been pushing the Panoans
upstream on the Ucayali River and that the process is
ongoing today. It is difficult to reconcile this view with
the historical data for the Cocama. At the time they were
discovered in 1557 by the expedition of Juan de Salinas
Loyola (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:LXXIII), they were isolated
between a group called the "Benorinas" and the Panoans to
the South. It seems extremely improbable, using Salinas
77


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81,9(56,7< 2) )/25,'$



THE INVISIBLE INDIANS: A HISTORY AND ANALYSIS
OF THE RELATIONS OF THE COCAMILLA INDIANS
OF LORETO, PERU, TO THE STATE
By
ANTHONY WAYNE STOCKS
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

This work is dedicated to the people of
Achual Tipishca who give so freely and
who have received so little.

)

PREFACE
The title of this work was chosen in order to drama¬
tize the rather unique position of large numbers of native
American Indians in eastern Peru. While a considerable
amount of attention has been given to the problems of
"tribal" Indians, there exists a large class of "detriba-
lized" Indians who are generally ignored. It is usually
thought in Peru that such Indians have integrated into the
white-mestizo culture and that they have disappeared
biologically and as ethnic groups. Were this so, we would
be presented with a selvatic society in which most rural
members would be equivalent to the Brazilian caboclo. In
fact, the term ribereño is generally used in Peru in exactly
the same sense that caboclo is used in Brazil, to describe
the rural frontiersmen of the tropical forest region who
bear a culture which is much closer to European patterns
than to autochthonous native patterns. Furthermore, the
use of the term ribereño in Peru implies that most rural
populations which are not tribal Indians do in fact fit
into this category and that they form a homogeneous group
culturally and socially.
IV

Unfortunately for this view, social reality in eastern
Peru does not match the Brazilian model. While there is
certainly a ribereño stratum which is equivalent to the
Brazilian caboclo (I would call them white-mestizo rural
frontiersmen), there is also a stratum called the cholada
which does not, from all accounts, exist in Brazil. The
cholada is composed of the detribalized, acculturated, but
unassimilated Indians who have made a wide range of adjus t-
ments to Peruvian society.
The Cocamilla are members of the cholada. They live in
communities which might be described as native enclaves in
the midst of a world dominated by white-mestizo culture.
They are acculturated to many of the superficial aspects of
white-mestizo existence, appearances which are deceptive.
They retain many of the social forms and practices of
their historical past. They retain them not through some
vague sense of tradition but because they find them useful.
They have special needs and problems which derive from
their position at the bottom of the Peruvian social system
as it is encountered in the tropical forest regions. The
only social status lower than the cholo in eastern Peru
is that of the tribal Indian, and it cannot truly be said
that the tribal Indian is a member of Peruvian society.

The needs of the Cocamilla and the rest of the cholada
are not recognized. It is much more convenient to pretend
that they have disappeared, integrated, assimilated,
"mestizoized. " This pretense is facilitated by the degree
of acculturation of the cholada to white-mestizo patterns
which renders them so similar in outward appearance to the
white-mestizo ribereños that they are effectively "invisible.
Hence, the title of the present work. By examining the
history and relations with the state society of what is now
Peru of one representative group of the selvatic cholada,
it is hoped that sensitivity toward the plight of other
members of this social class will be heightened. It is not
a small class in numbers. The Cocamilla and their closely
related cousins, the Cocama, have a population which ap¬
proaches 25,000 (Stocks, 1977). If all of the cholada
were counted their population would easily reach 100,000,
a significant percentage (7%) of Lcreto's population of
close to one and a half million persons.
Since the subject will not arise again until the last
chapter of this dissertation, I would like to say something
about the theoretical orientation which is implicit in
much of the organization and understanding of the material
contained in this work. I have been for some time and
vi

continue to be influenced by the perspective in American
anthropology called "cultural materialism" by some (cf.
Harris, 1968, for a thorough treatment of this strategy
for organizing our thoughts about cultural matters).
The debt of cultural materialism to the "dialectical ma¬
terialism" of Marx has been generally recognized. I
consider myself to be an economic and ecological anthropolo
gist. To me, the subjects are entwined to a degree which
makes their separation, even for heuristic purposes,
impractical. Cultural materialism as a research strategy
suggests, among other things, that the determinants of
cultural patterns are to be found in the objective rela¬
tions which a given society or culture has with its environ
ment, both physical and socio-political. Thus, in this
work I have consistently searched out the meaning and the
implications of the relations between the Cocamilla and
the state in the economic relations between them. It is my
belief that these relations are the major determinants
for relations in the socio-political sphere and in the
kinds of ideas and opinions expressed by the Cocamilla and
the members of the Peruvian society with whom they have
related in the past and continue to be related. When the
Cocamilla are considered alone, it is their productive sys¬
tem which receives major emphasis in this work.
V2.X

I am not unmindful of the debt which cultural
materialism owes to earlier thinkers in the social and
natural sciences. Darwinian evolutionary theory is basic.
The work of Leslie White, especially in The Science of
Culture (1949), in stating the basic framework of the
study of culture has influenced me greatly. His "layercake"
model of society devised from earlier materialists including
Marx, in which the technological and economic base sup¬
ports “layers" of social organization and ideology is
useful and is implicit in this work. The work of Robert
Murphy in The Dialectics of Social Life (1971) has greatly
clarified for me the relations between the ideological
"layer" and the "layer" of social interaction. My use of
the term "praxis" in the sense of the social and economic
interactions of humans prior to their conceptions of those
interactions follows Murphy. Marshall Sahlins' work,
Stone Age Economics (1972) has helped me greatly in
organizing my thoughts about the domestic mode of produc¬
tion, an economic organization which is fundamental to
many groups of South American tropical forest Indians,
the Cocamilla among them. Since I use the terms "mode of
production" and "relations of production" in this work
several times, it is just that the debt to Marxian social
viii

Science be made more explicit in this sense. Marx's
conception of mode of production includes the fundamental
relations between people engendered by a determined way
of producing the necessities of life, and considers the
whole implied by the complex of the productive system and
the relations and cultural patterns necessary to carrying
it on. The mode of production, in short, is a socio¬
cultural and economic system and interacts with other
systems of the same conceptual order (cf. Godelier, 1977:
15-69). Thus, one may speak of the conflicts between the
Cocamilla mode of production and a capitalist mode of
production and be understood to mean that the conflicts
are on several levels, economic, social, and cultural or
ideological. Marx's work Pre-Capitalist Economic Forma¬
tions (1975) has been influential in making me think about
such matters with regard to native Indian societies.
I would like to thank Dr. Charles Wagley for the
material aid, intellectual guidance, and moral encourage¬
ment which made it possible to complete this work. It is
difficult to imagine having completed it without him. The
warm support he provides for his students is appreciated
more than he knows. Special thanks also go to the
members of my academic committee, Drs. Paul Doughty,
IX

Maxine Margolis, Anthony Oliver-Smith, and Glaucio Soares
who read and criticized earlier versions of the disserta¬
tion. Needless to say, final responsibility for content
and interpretation lies with me. Among my Peruvian friends
I would like to thank Alejandro Camino for his great aid
in securing institutional affiliation in Peru and all of
t . *
the staff of the Centro Amazónico de Antropología y
/ /
Aplicación Practica (CAAAP) in Lima and Iquitos. Alberto
Chirif of SINAMOS first guided me toward the Cocama and
Cocamilla. Norma Faust of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics deserves special thanks for her great help in
making possible my first orientation among the Cocama of
the Ucayali River. My friends in Lagunas know who they
are and they also know that I value their help and their
friendship. P. Fr. Julian Heras O.F.M. was of great help
in guiding my reading in the library at Santa Rosa de
Ocopa. A special debt is owed to Juan de la Cruz Murayari
who shared his knowledge of Cocamilla history unselfishly.
My wife, Kathleen Butkus Stocks, worked as hard during the
field portion of the study as I did. Her contribution is
beyond calculation. Finally, although they never quite
understood precisely why "Don Antonio" was among them, the
people of Achual Tipishca accepted me and my family.
x

supported us, fed us, entertained us, socialized my
infant daughter Gabriela, and made us one of them in a
way which is slightly incredible to me yet. To them I
owe the most, and it is to them that this work is dedicated
Research for the dissertation was carried out through
financial help from several sources. The Tropical South
American Research Program under Dr. Charles Wagley at the
University of Florida paid for a field trip of four months
in 1975 during which time I selected a community and
began to learn to deal with the tropical forest environment
The major portion of the field work, a stay of 19 months
in 1976-1977, was supported by the Social Science Research
Council in the form of a grant for doctoral dissertation
research, by the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare in the form of a Fulbright-Hayes grant for
doctoral dissertation research #13.441AH60020, and by the
National Science Foundation in the form of a grant for
improvement of doctoral dissertation research #BNS76-09554.
The Social Science Research Council also provided funds
for a six month extension of fieldwork and a six month
write-up period after the field work had ended, a grant
which has saved me much worry and fatigue. My thanks
to all of these institutions and their dedicated staffs.
xi

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE iv
LIST OF TABLES xvi
LIST OF FIGURES xviii
LIST OF MAPS xix
ABSTRACT xx
CHAPTER
I FIELDWORK AMONG THE COCAMILLA 1
Notes 16
II WHO ARE THE NATIVES? 17
Toward a New Model of Lowlands
Native Societies 34
The Problem of Ethnicity 43
III THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE
COCAMILLA 54
Proteins and Populations 59
Land and Water Features of
the River Valley 62
Land and Water Features of
the Upland Plain 70
The Larger Region 73
IV THE PREHISTORY AND ABORIGINAL CULTURE
OF THE COCAMA AND COCAMILLA 7 7
xii

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
The Aboriginal Subsistence Economy . . 82
Social Organization 85
Adornment 92
Ideology and Custom 93
Notes 98
V CONTACT—THE FIRST FORTY YEARS
1640-1680 99
Summary 135
Notes 142
VI THE COCAMILLA AND COLONIAL MISSION
LIFE 1680-1820 143
The Departure of the Jesuits 158
Military Rule in Mainas 160
Summary 167
VII THE COCAMILLA AND THE REPUBLIC:
IDEAL AND REALITY 169
The Native Response to Independence. . 171
Competition for Indian Labor 176
Haciendas Appear on the Lower
Huallaga 180
The Rubber Boom 187
The Barbasco Years 195
Recent Times 201
Notes 207
VIII THE RURAL COCAMILLA ECONOMY TODAY:
CLASHES WITH THE STATE 208
Agriculture and Land Use 210
The Tipishca Economy in
Qualitative Terms 218
The Position of the Agrarian Bank. . . 225
The Agrarian Band and Rural
Impoverishment
xiii
234

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
Land and Water Rights 237
Fishing Rights or Starvation 241
Present Nutritional Levels 243
Summary 243
Notes 248
IX SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: THE EGALITARIAN
COMMUNITY AND THE AUTHORITARIAN STATE . . 249
The Nature of the Egalitarian
Community—Cocamilla Social
Organization 253
The Community and the State 264
The School as a Model of the Social
Environment of Achual Tipishca. . . . 270
Summary 276
X COCAMILLA IDENTITY PATTERNS: THE
NATIVE AND THE STATE 278
Identity as Peruvians 279
The Class of the Apellido Humilde. . . 281
The Cocamilla as Cocamilla 284
Community Identification 287
Shamanism and Cocamilla Identity . . . 288
The Fiesta System 292
Other Boundary-Maintaining Customs . . 295
Summary 298
XI ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS 300
Today's Cocamilla 305
The Future of the Cocamilla 308
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I—GLOSSARY OF FOREIGN TERMS 315
APPENDIX II--POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS
ACHUAL TIPISHCA 331
APPENDIX III—LIST IN SPANISH OF FOODS
REGULARLY CONSUMED BY THE COCAMILLA ... 334
xiv

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
APPENDIX IV—COCAMILLA KINSHIP TERMS 338
APPENDIX V—HISTORIC CATHOLIC FESTIVAL
CYCLE AS PRACTICED BY THE COCAMILLA
IN ACHUAL TIPISHCA DURING THE 19TH
AND 20TH CENTURIES 343
BIBLIOGRAPHY 3 53
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 366
xv

LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
3.1 Climatological Data from Yurimaguas
Experimental Station —1976 57
5.1 Cocamilla Population Decline 1638-1681. . . 138
5.2 Cocama Population Decline 1559-1681 .... 139
5.3 Major Epidemics in Mainas Missions
1638-1681 140
6.1 Population of Lagunas from 1670 to 1768 . . 157
6.2 Lagunas Political Organization 1790 .... 163
7.1 Populations in the Lower Huallaga
Region 1790-1864 174
7.2 Exports of Some Lowland Products
from Loreto 1862-1870 185
7.3 Tipishca Populations as Shown in
Various Censuses 200
8.1 Land Use in Achual Tipishca in 1976
and 1977 212
8.2 Average Time Per Day Spent on Various
Subsistence Activities by Age and Sex . . . 216
8.3 Sample Planting Schedule for Floodplain
Agriculture 217
8.4 Expenses of Growing and Marketing Rice
in Achual Tipishca 229
8.5 Time Inputs Per Adult Male Equivalent
(AME) Per Year Per Hectare on Manioc,
Plantains, and Jute 221
xvi

LIST OF TABLES (Continued)
Table Page
8.6 Expenses of Growing and Marketing
Jute in Achual Tipishca 232
8.7 Bank Debt in Achual Tipishca Over a
Three Year Period 235
8.8 Degree of Community Involvement with
Agrarian Bank vs. Value of Material
Prestige Items in Huallaga Communities. . . 236
8.9 Results of Three Dietary Studies in
Achual Tipishca at Varying Points in
the Flood Cycle 244
8.10Proportions of Food by Weight Supplied
by Various Categories of Activity 245
10.1 Partial Reconstruction of the Annual
Calendar 293
xvii

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
3.1 Graph of Twenty-One Year Average
Rainfall in Yurimaguas 58
8.1 Subsistence Activities of Adult Males
on a Daily Basis 215
8.2 Plantain Prices Per Stalk in Lagunas
1976-1977 in Soles 219
9.1 Groups of Patrilineal Kinsmen in
Achual Tipishca 255
9.2 Cocamilla Use of Spanish Kinship Terms . . 258
9.3 Cocamilla Use of Primo-Tio-Sobrino-
Abuelo Terms 258
9.4 Typical Marriage Exchange Over Two
Generations 261
9.5 Typical Cross-Cousin Inter-Generational
Marriage 261
xviii

LIST OF MAPS
Map Page
1.1 Showing Modern Day Distribution of
Tupian Indians in Peru ii
3.1 Showing General Region of Study with
Locations of Some Native Groups at
Contact 76
5.1 Showing the Limits of the Mainas
Missions 100
5.2 Showing the Early Mainas Missions
Discussed in this Chapter 101
7.1 Showing the Location of Prominent Towns
in the Lower Huallaga Region in the 19th
and 20th Centuries 170
8.1 Showing Part of the Lower Huallaga River
Valley and the Location of the Study
Community, Achual Tipishca 211
xrx

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE INVISIBLE INDIANS: A HISTORY AND ANALYSIS
OF THE RELATIONS OF THE COCAMILLA INDIANS
OF LRETO, PERU TO THE STATE
By
Anthony Wayne Stocks
December, 1978
Chairman; Charles Wagley
Major Department: Anthropology
This dissertation addresses itself to the problems of
the Cocamilla Indians of Loreto, Peru,and other similar
groups of tropical forest Indians of Peru who are acculturated
to white-mestizo patterns, but who are not assimilated or
well-integrated into Peruvian society. The Cocamilla form,
in effect, is a native "enclave" which is part of the rural
class structure of eastern Peru. Cocamilla ethnohistorv pro¬
vides the background for understanding how this situation
came about as a result of historical processes. It is
asserted with supporting evidence that the Cocamilla and
other Peruvian native Indians in similar structural posi¬
tions actually form a "native" social class which is dis¬
tinguishable both from the less-acculturated tribal Indians
and from the poor rural white-mestizos who form the other
component of Loreto rural society. This social class has
xx

special problems because of the discordance produced by
the thorough insertion of native ethnic groups such as the
Cocamilla into the regional variants of Peruvian national
class structure, an insertion which demands of them patterns
of behavior which are alien to them. The Cocamilla, a group
of about 5,000 - 7,000 people, have survived nearly 340
years of contact with western society by working out an
arrangement whereby they supplied the developing Peruvian
society with labor as canoemen and the products of the lakes
and rivers of the Peruvian varzea, using techniques which
have only recently been modified. Since their own lands,
until the late 19th century, were essentially valueless to
the Peruvian society in terms of agriculture and lumber,
they were allowed to fill this economic niche without being
forced to make drastic modifications in the life-style
generated by their domestic subsistence-oriented mode of
production. This situation has changed in the 20th century
and Cocamilla institutions are undergoing rapid and radical
changes today.
Based on an analysis of the conflicts between the
Cocamilla native communities (defined by the qualities of
being egalitarian, non-intrusive, and essentially kinship-
based communities) and the bureaucratic, hierarchical, and
xxi

highly formal institutions of the state with which they
are in constant contact, recommendations are made for
recognizing the Cocamilla's right under Peruvian law as
native Indians. These rights must include rights to both
land and water resources in order to permit them to adjust
to the developing Loreto society on terms which include
the possibility of cultural and economic survival as an
ethnic group.
XXII

CHAPTER I
FIELDWORK AMONG THE COCAMILLA
I
The Cocamilla are a group of about 5,000 native Ameri¬
can Indians living in three major and a dozen minor com¬
munities who speak a language called Cocama, a member of
the Tupi linguistic family. They are generally considered
to be a sub-group of the Cocama. The Cocama number about
20,000 people and inhabit the lower Ucayali River flood-
plain in eastern Peru from about latitude 6°101 South to
the river's mouth. The Cocamilla inhabit the lower
Huallaga floodplain from about latitude 5°28' South to
the mouth. These were the historical limits of their
territory, but both groups have expanded considerably in
recent times. Tupian Indians may now be found along parts
of the floodplain of the Marañen, Upper Amazon, Nanay,
Pastaza, and lov/er Napo rivers, to name but a few.
Neither group has a long history in Peru. Archaeological
evidence indicates that the Peruvian Tupians, including
the Cocamilla and Cocama, probably arrived as part of a
historical migration of Tupian Indians not more than two
1

2
or three hundred years before the conquest. They were part
of an expanding population and were reported to have been
extremely bellicose in many of the early historical sources.
I first became interested in the Cocamilla Indians as
I become interested in most things, through slight ex¬
perience with them. In 1973 I was traveling down the
Ucayali River in eastern Peru on a decrepit wooden passen¬
ger boat. I had been studying in the Andes and wanted to
see more of the country. Part of my plan was to see some
of the eastern lowlands.
My first view of the eastern flanks of the Andes where
the tropical forest begins as a cloud forest above Tingo
Maria was breathtaking, even at 4:00 A.M. in the rain from
a crowded bus. The dry Andean air was suddenly charged
with heat and showerbath humidity. The moon lit up the
thick vegetation on the right of the bus and the impossibly
sheer and deep canyon on the left. We soon became stuck
in the mud while waiting for a landslide to be cleared.
At Pucallpa a couple of days later, my wife and I
found a boat traveling to Iquitos, 1200 kilometers
downstream. The trip was revealing in terms of the river
life and commerce. I was confused at the terms used by
the Cantonese owner and his river pilot to refer to the

3
occasional Indians (mostly Shipibo, Conibo, and, farther
down, Cocama) we saw living along the shores and
paddling canoes. They were all called chamas or cholos^
by the boatsmen without distinction as to their ethnic
group. Since I had been interested in the so-called
cholos in southern Peru, and since the people called
cholos on the river hardly seemed to be in the same posi¬
tions as their highlands counterpart, I became interested
in them.
In 1975 I returned to Peru with my wife, having by
then determined to work in the tropical lowlands as my
professional area specialty in anthropology. In the
course of making contacts in the capital, Lima, we visited
the offices of SINAMOS (National Social Mobilization
Support System), the political-organizational arm of the
1968 military junta. There we talked to Alberto Chirif,
the head of the support office for native communities.
His office was in charge of organizing Amazon native
Indians into political and juridical entities called
2
"native^ communities" so that they might receive land
titles, learn to deal with bank loans, receive identity
papers, and in general defend themselves against white-
mestizo traders and patrons. All of this was being done,

4
at least on paper, under law #20653, which, since 1973,
has defined the rights of Amazon ethnic minorities, and
has regulated the use of lands in eastern Peru under the
700 meter contour, which was the lower limit of the
Agrarian Reform.
Mr. Chirif indicated an interest in the Cocama Indians
He pointed out to me that on his maps of the locations of
240 native villages of tropical forest Indians there was
not a single Cocama or Cocamilla village shown. He said
they had been able to organize no Cocama native communities
and in fact his office did not know which villages along
the Ucayali, Amazon, Maranon, and Huallaga rivers might be
Cocama or Cocamilla. This was true despite the fact that
the Cocama/Cocamilla ethnic groups, with approximately
20,000 population comprise one of the largest native
Indian groups in eastern Peru, and lie along the flood-
plains of the most traveled rivers in the country.
The puzzle, of course, had a simple solution. The
Cocama and Cocamilla were believed to have lost their
"tribal" identity and to have largely merged with and
integrated into that large sector of riverbank frontiers¬
men frequently called ribereños in Peru and caboclos in
Brazil. Although no one I talked to in Lima during the

5
month I stayed there actually said it, there seemed to be
an unstated assumption that if lowland tropical forest
Indians were no longer "tribal," then they were no longer
Indians at all.
This unvoiced assumption actually became voiced later
in the summer in the heart of historic Cocama country,
Requena, where the local head of SINAMOS, the man who,
along with his other duties, was in charge of organizing
the native communities, told me that they had not organized
any Cocama under law #20653 because he did not consider
them to be natives. "They are now mostly crossed with
the mestizos," he said. He saw his job with- regard to
"real" natives as helping them to "revalidate their cul¬
tural patterns." This was taken to mean getting them to
"preserve their dances and folklore." The Cocama and
Cocamilla had no colorful dances and no one had asked them
about their folklore since 1935. Their villages looked
like the frontiersmen's villages, so much so that the
Requena office was not sure where they could find a Cocama
village. The Cocama, they said, "were too mixed with the
rural agriculturalists and urban slum people to identify."
The only reason I failed to become persuaded that the
Cocama and Cocamilla had disappeared as ethnic groups was

6
that I was traveling in a small boat with a Cocama family
and they unhesitatingly identified certain communities as
places where old people spoke the language, the dialecto.
Furthermore, the white-mestizos on the Ucayali, the
upper Amazon, lower Maranon, and lower Huallaga rivers,
also knew where idicmeros were to be found and were quite
willing to point out their communities.
On the advice of Norma Faust of the Summer Institute
of Linguistics, the Cocama language specialist, I journeyed
to Lagunas on the lower Huallaga River to see the Cocamilla.
They were supposed to be more conservative of language and
custom than the Cocama. It seemed to be true. Three large
and several small communities of Cocamilla were identified.
Most of the children understood the language, even if they
did not speak it.
I saw no reason why the communities of Cocamilla on
the Huallaga River should not have titles for their land
and protection under the law as native Indians. They
were stable communities in a geographic sense. They
expressed an interest in securing titles to communal land.
The only drawback was that they had never been visited
by a government organizer, and they had no idea of the
law or of their rights. I decided to study the question

7
of what sort of lands might be desirable for them to
secure title to, a study which implied a study of their
subsistence patterns and needs.
I returned to Peru in July of 1976 for the field por¬
tion of the study. By then I was familiar enough with the
Cocamilla so that I naively assumed that they were not
socially "invisible" to the authorities, even if the
more dispersed Cocama seemed to be. I spent the next
nineteen months disabusing myself of that idea as I tried
to convince the officials in the closest SINAMOS office
in Yurimaguas to come and at least talk to the Cocamilla
about their rights as native Indians. The office responded
that the Cocamilla were "campesinos" (peasants), and thus
could only be organized on an equal basis with the white-
mestizo rural agriculturalists. SINAMOS promoters in
Yurimaguas were busy organizing Chayahuita Indians, among
other groups, into native communities. The Chayahuita at
least looked like the popular conception of Indians, the
men with pudding-bowl haircuts, and the women in crude
black homespun skirts and short blouses with bracelets
and beads. The last Cocamilla who wore such clothes had
died two years before. Yet in phenotypical appearance
the Cocamilla were as Indian as the Chayahuita.

8
As I began to understand something about Cocamilla
social and economic life from living in one of their
villages, I began to see that they were discriminated
against by most, if not all, of their white-mestizo
neighbors. Their history as mission Indians, and later
as peons, had ill-fitted them to be thrust into the
capitalist-extractive or capitalist-agricultural economy
of Loreto as individuals or as communities without some
sort of "head-start." Their historical heritage as
Christian Indians seemed to be strong enough to keep them
distinct as an ethnic group, at least up until the pre¬
sent, but they lacked the access to political and
economic power which the ribereño white-mestizo frontiers¬
men had.
As I lived among the Cocamilla I began to see that
they still formed a distinct society in which up to 90%
of them found marriage partners with other Cocamilla. I
watched their customs deprecated by the white-mestizo
teachers, their lakes violated by commercial fishermen,
and their daughters go away to near bondage as servants
in urban centers. In such circumstances others have
spoken of "ethnocide." I wish it ware that simple. But
at times there almost seemed to be an element of malevolant

9
conspiracy in the way the entire Peruvian society in con¬
tact with them persistently tried to get them to act
like anything but Cocamilla.
The Cocamilla had long-since developed cultural means
of dealing with such pressures from white-mestizo society.
They had become "closed" in the sense that they did not
speak easily to outsiders and the men tried to behave
like the white-mestizos when they were around them. When
their language was mentioned,they shuffled their feet
and laughed nervously.
But in the past 30 years direct domination by mestizos
who formerly lived in their communities and appropriated
their labor, and direct contact with the public school
system had eroded their old cultural models, and had
destroyed the old system of authority developed during
the Jesuit period 300 years before. Cash cropping had
brought them into close relations with the Peruvian econ¬
omy, not as peons any longer, but as independent small
producers. A "generation gap" had appeared as the
younger members of the community tried to deal with new
developments in their life-plans. The Cocamilla were
no longer "tribal" Indians in any sense of the term, but
neither were they white-mestizos, either as a society or
as a culture.

10
As my hopes faded for seeing them secure titles
for their communal land and their fishing rights protected
in the immediate future, my plans for the kind of work I
would write about them changed. I have always thought that
anthropologists should observe some sort of large-scale
reciprocity with the people who provide the data for their
work. That we who study reciprocity in finely-shaded
detail should ignore such a fundamental seems to me to be
the most gross form of ingratitude. I speak here not of the
difference between so-called "applied" or "action"
anthropology and "theoretical" anthropology, but rather
to the simple dictates of elementary human relations.
The present work thus grew out of experience or praxis,
if you will, with the real conditions of life for the
Cocamilla. It will try to lay bare the historical reasons
for what might be called the Cocamilla "particularity,"
and to show that their specialness has broad ramifications
in their relations with Peruvian national society. It
will argue that the Cocamilla and other native minorities
in a similar socio-economic position deserve special con¬
sideration. It will be a very different work, in short,
than it started out to be. The ecological and historical
data are made to serve an argument which is politically

11
biased in favor of the Cocamilla. I think it must be that
way if I am to write it at all.
A word about method. There are three axes of data
collection integrated in this work. The first is his¬
torical, the second ecological, and the third ethnographic.
In terms of history I was interested in the past of
one specific ethnolinguistic group, the Cocamilla. Towards
that end I studied all available documents in the community
in which I lived. In Lagunas I consulted all the docu¬
ments in the Catholic mission, and in the meagre public
archives available. In Yurimaguas, the provincial capital,
I examined church archives, consulted the public library,
and examined unpublished documents in the files of the
sub-prefecture. I consulted published sources insofar as
they were available to me on interlibrary loans. I col¬
lected data on the people's own version of their history,
and conducted interviews to cross-check the information
as much as possible. There is at least one general
academic work in English on the conquest of the Peruvian
montana (Werlich, 1968) with an extensive bibliography for
those interested in the macrohistory of the region. The
history I wish to write deals essentially with the Coca¬
milla experience over the course of more than 330 years

12
of direct domination by the culture-bearers of the Western
World. I wish in this way to arrive at an understanding
of the sociology of eastern Peru through the Cocamilla
experience.
The data on the current Cocamilla economy and ecology,
the subsistence system, and cash cropping, were gathered in
a systematic way. For calculating the use of time by age
and sex I relied on five visits each day for one year to
houses selected at random by non-replacement sampling, at
times also selected at random in 15 minute blocks from
6:00 A.M. until 7:30 P.M. The activities of each house¬
hold member were recorded and later given a classification
number, the first three digits of which are based on the
Outline of Cultural Materials (Murdock et al., 1971), and
the last two digits based on the activities specific to the
Cocamilla culture. This material was collected specifically
so as to be analyzed by computer. This method was suggested
by Johnson (1974). Over the course of a year over 14,000
observations were accumulated.
More specific data on agriculture, hunting, and fish¬
ing were collected by the use of three key informants.
Each of these informants was carefully selected as to
reliability and representativity after five months

13
experience in the community. Each was given a watch and
asked to provide daily reports. The information requested
involved the time they spent traveling to their work, the
time worked at each daily activity, the people present,
the location of the work, the tools used, and the weight
in kilograms of the product they brought home. All fish
were to be weighed before cleaning, and all animals were
to be weighed before gutting. These reports also included
the subsistence activities of other household members and
the inputs of non-household members into the fields or
fishing activities of the person filling out the form.
Communal work sessions attended, for example, would include
the names of all persons present. These reports were
obtained daily for a full calendar year and presented a
picture of a domestic mode of production which included
the entire family, not simply data on the activities of
adult males. The reports were carefully analyzed daily
and recorded in large account books, the activities of
each person working in the system being separated. The
data were set up to be processed by computer.
Nutritional data were obtained by sitting in selected
houses for periods of five to seven days weighing every¬
thing that family members ate. This was as much of a

14
burden on the Cocamilla as it was difficult for us. Since
the families frequently eat from common dishes, we weighed
what went into the pots and took notes on what was indivi¬
dually consumed. The leftovers were weighed before being
thrown to the chickens, as were the fishbones. These data
were collected in February when the water was rising
toward flood stage, in March at "high water" during the
rainy season, and in August at the dry season "low water"
time. Nutritional data are the most difficult data to
collect since the close cooperation and patience of all
family members is required and I owe a large debt of
gratitude to the Cocamilla families who assisted in this
work.
Ethnographic material was provided by the technique
of participant-observation, which is another way of saying
that my family and I lived with the Cocamilla, worked with
them, danced with them, marketed with them, shared ritual
coparenthood with them, were occasionally laughed at by
them, and never really understood them as well as we
wanted to. We collected geneologies in order to compre¬
hend their social organization with some sort of time
depth. We collected census data and tried to be
systematic about exploring their social world. We took

15
extensive notes on what we saw and heard, and classified
the notes along standard ethnographic categories for
purposes of analysis.
I cannot say that we came to think as the Cocamilla
think—I have too much respect for the power of one's own
sociocultural system in forming personality and cognitive
categories to believe that we could ever "think" like the
Cocamilla, but we did come to understand some of the
reasons why the Cocamilla behave as they do, and at
times I felt very close to them indeed.

Notes
-'-The use of the terms cholo and cholada will prove
troublesome to some. I am aware that the terms are used
in many different senses in Peru. The literature on
so-called cholos and the process sometimes called
cholification has become fairly abundant. I do not
intend to argue that my usage of the term corresponds to
its usage in the rest of Peru. The people called cholos
in the tropical forest region provide yet another example
of the varied use of the term and I use it here in a
regional sense to refer to acculturated native Indians
who are integrated into the Peruvian national class
structure. In this sense the term probably has more
than regional significance but I leave it to others to
draw that conclusion.
-This terminology provides the framework for the use
of the term "native" in this work. By native, I refer to
members of ethnic groups which are American Indians. This
usage corresponds to the terminology used by government
of Peru in referring to Indian societies in the tropical
forest regions. I consider members of the cholada to be
natives when they form native communities as defined by
the qualities of being essentially egalitarian communities
in which social and economic relations are kinship-based.
When members of the selvatic cholada do not live in such
communities, they may be considered to have advanced far
along the path to assimilation into white-mestizo culture
and society. To be native, then, is less a matter of
biology than of cultural patterns including residence and
social organization.

CHAPTER II
WHO ARE THE NATIVES?
The Peruvian system of stratification,
whether in the colonial, republican, or
contemporary periods, has never made
use of a strictly binary opposition
between Indian and non-Indian. But
neither has it been characterized by
a pluralism of juxtaposed groups--that
is, at once isolated from each other yet
all forming part of the same economic
space and subject to the same legal sys¬
tem, as, for example, is the case with
the Jews, Italians, and Puerto Ricans of
New York . . . (Bourricaud, 1975:351).
The above quote illustrates a problem. The problem
arises when statements about the nature of Peruvian society
such as this one are applied to the eastern lowlands of
Peru. The fact is that the history and sociology of the
lowland tropical forest region tend to make attempts at
generalizations about Peru problematic. The long co¬
existence of many ethnic groups in the lowlands missions,
groups which shared the same "economic space," and yet were
ethnically and socially "isolated from each other" for
nearly two centuries in many cases, serves as an example.
The lowland tropical areas simply do not fit the model
17

18
for highland and coastal Peru. The land tenure system
which heavily influenced the relations between Spanish
and Indians in the highlands of all the Andean countries
did not apply. Probably for the above reasons the lowland
tropical forest region has, until very recently, been
excluded from consideration in discussions of social
stratification in Peru, usually on the basis that it is
"sparsely populated" (Larson and Bergman, 1969:4) if it is
mentioned at all. More frequently it is not mentioned.
Actually, with a population of close to 1,500,000
people the montaña accounts for over 10% of Peru's total
population, hardly a negligible number. It is only the
fact that this population is spread over the 60% of Peru
which is or was covered by various sorts of tropical
forest that allows the region to be dismissed so easily.
If the same number of people were gathered in one place,
their social composition would doubtless arouse more
interest and attention.
But if this region is not to be analyzed with the
rest of Peru, how is it to be thought of? The history of
post-conquest geo-politics in the Amazon basin has meant
that the native populations of the tropical forest regions
of the Andean countries and those of Brazil have had very

19
different histories; the Amazon basin in general cannot
be thought of as a social unit in any sense. Peru, for
example, became a refuge area for at least four large groups
of riverine Tupian Indians between 1549 and 1700 (Bollaert,
1861:2-3; Edmunson, 1922:119-127; Vasquez, 1881). Spanish
military control in what is today lowland Peru determined
considerable cultural divergence in the upper Amazon from
the lower Amazon which was controlled soon after 1500 by
the Portuguese. For the Andean countries of South America
the lowland tropical forest was always a far-off hinterland.
Difficulty of access through the rough topography of the
eastern valleys of the Andes, covered with thick cloud
forest growth, tended to protect the Peruvian native forest
and river Indians from total destruction. On the other
hand, Portuguese slavers were more or less free to wreak
havoc on Brazilian natives by traveling up the broad
Amazon River and its tributaries from Para.
To be sure, the destruction of forest and river Indians
during the years from 1885 to 1912, when world demand for
rubber was dependent on the dispersed wild resources of
the Amazon Basin, took place in both the Peruvian and
Brazilian Amazon. Labor-intensive extraction methods
were frequently accompanied by the slavery and starvation

20
of captive Indian populations (Valcarcel, 1915; Singleton-
Gates, 1959). But by this time Brazil had few easily
accessible native Indians left and it is symptomatic of
the relatively more numerous Peruvian Indian population
that most of the infamous "correrias" (Indian roundups)
of this period took place in Peru. Today the results of
the very different history of the Peruvian Amazon and
that of Brazil is starkly suggested by simply population
figures. Brazil has approximately 120,000 native Indians
in the entire country (Supysáua, 1974) while Peru has
approximately 212,500 (Uriarte, 1977) in the Amazon
region alone.
It must be emphasized that the situation described
above is not due to pre-conquest population differences.
By all accounts the Brazilian Amazon River valley and its
tributaries were more densely populated than any part
of the Peruvian Amazon (Medina, 1834; Acuña, 1918).
Rather it is due to an accident of geo-politics which gave
a large region of the Amazon basin to Peru, a country
which could not efficiently dominate or exploit it. The
Andean mountains were the barrier, and Lima, the capital
of Peru, was on the coast. In between were up to six
million Quechua and Aymara Indian peasants who provided

21
at once, labor for the new colony, and a management problem
which has occupied and plagued the dominant but minority
white-mestizo society ever since the conquest.
Yet the Peruvian Amazon in its recent social history
is very much a part of the Peruvian nation, even though it
forms a distinct region within national boundaries. How¬
ever, when Mariategui took up an analysis of Peruvian
society in 1928 he dismissed the montaña completely as
insignificant.
The montaña still lacks any significance
sociologically or economically. It may
be said that the montaffa or better put,
the floresta, is a colonial dominion of
the Peruvian state. (Mariategui, 1928:151,
translation mine)
At the time the lowland tropical forest was the sixth
largest lumber exporter in the world. Rubber export had
reached enormous proportions a few years before. The
department of Loreto had had two attempts within twenty
years at revolution. The scandals of the Putumayo River
in which the rubber gatherers enslaved and destroyed as
many as 40,000 native Indians were well-known history
(Singleton-Gates, 1959).
In the early part of the 20th century when people
turned their gaze to the lowlands in eastern Peru, it was

22
through strangely tinted lenses. Disagreements about
the nature of eastern Peruvian society usually revolved
about racial categories. Wilheim Sievers' well-known
Peruvian and Bolivian geography (Sievers, 1931) divided
Peru, as do most geographers, into three regions, the
sierra, the coast, and the montana. His estimate of
the population of Loreto (then in dispute with Ecuador)
was 150,000 people. Wiesse (1921) had computed earlier
that roughly one-half of these were Indians while 45.8%
were white or mixed. Sievers disagreed and estimated
that 60-70% were mixed "bloods." What all of this meant
in socio-cultural terms is difficult to fathom. Saenz had
this to say:
The population of ¿""eastern Peru_7 apart
from the small groups of mestizos and
mestizo-blancos is formed by the Jivaros,
the Chunchos, and other tribes. . . .They
speak a great variety of languages from
the primitive inje-inje to others more
developed such as aguaruna-campa. Most
of these people live from hunting and
fishing and lead a nomadic life, although
some have initiated the agricultural
step, for they are dedicated to the
cultivation of small fields on the
riverbanks. (Saenz, 1933:13-14, trans¬
lation mine)
That views such as these were extremely unsophisticated
hardly needs to be pointed out. In fact, earlier accounts

23
were much more sophisticated. In 1791, a hundred and
forty years before, Fr. Manual Sobreviela, the dynamic
Fransciscan guardian of Santa Rosa de Ocopa, had visited
the lower Huallaga River region (Aristio, 1861:29-50).
His map clearly recognized the distinction between the
"faithful" Christian Indians (fieles or almas) and the
non-Christian Indians (infieles or savages) in the area
bounded by the Andes and the Ucayali River. In addition
he noted a stratum of white-mestizo governors and
priests. The distinction between fieles and infieles
was more than a label of religious convenience. It also
implied very different life styles between Indians
gathered in white-mestizo dominated communities who were
given Christian instruction and whose socio-political
organization had quasi-military hierarchies imposed on it,
and autonomous groups of Indians who avoided contact
with the whites and whose socio-political organization
was essentially egalitarian.
Travelers in the 19th century such as Herndon (1853)
were even more sophisticated about the montana society,
perhaps because the society itself was becoming more
complex than a simple Indian/White distinction would
indicate. In Herndon's accounts of the lower Huallaga, he

24
distinguished between free forest Indians who were
captured and sold as slaves to Tarapoto residents, peas¬
ant farmers without ethnic label (apparently the com¬
pletely assimilated remains of former tribes such as the
Yurimaguas and Aysuares in the town of Yurimaguas, for
example), Indians in towns under secular and religious
authority, such as the Agúanos in Santa Cruz and the
Cocamillas in Lagunas, and finally the white-mestizo
stratum, including priests, military governors, and
traders.
Such elaborations as the above should have provided
the basis for some coherent theory of social structure in
the montana, but by the 20th century it appears that the
White/Indian distinction had only become more polarized;
in the current sociological imagination the Indians had all
become reconverted into savages who spoke primitive
languages such as Saenz's above mentioned "inje-inje."
Part of the problem was that the only social scientists
who wrote about eastern Peru were anthropologists, and
they were totally uninterested in the current sociology
of the tropical forest regions. Farabee's 1907 expedition
to the eastern Peruvian lowlands, for example, makes no
comment on the condition of the Indians from whom he

25
collected data, beyond the bare mention that most of them
were "working for" rubber patrons (Farabee, 1922, 1, 77, SI,
96, 136, 152, 163). Even the terrible scandals of the
Putumayo (cf. Congress, 1913, 160; Singleton-Gates, 1959;
Valcarcel, 1915) seemed to stimulate no interest among
anthropologists to do anything except to hasten to "salvage"
what cultural data they could before aboriginal cultures were
completely destroyed. Tessman's (1930) treatise on eastern
Peruvian Indians gives but few hints about the real condi¬
tions of their existence and lays great stress on "pure"
scientific data. Studies in the acculturation genre were
not done in the region until recently. Anthropologists,
in short, worred a great deal more about the provenience
of "culture traits" than they did about slavery.
The net effect of such writing by ethnographers be¬
fore 1945 was to give the impression, quite falsely, of
an upper Amazon Basin full of wild Indian tribes who were
just coming into contact with traders and scientists.
Even Espinosa's monograph on the Tupian Indians (including
the Cocamilla, the classic 11 fieles, " Indians who had been
living in or closely connected with missions for nearly
300 years at the time), mentioned merely that they were
dominated by patrons and described their ideal culture

26
patterns without further reference to their socio-political
environment (Espincfe, 1935).
One may argue that the ethnographers of the time were
merely fulfilling the demands of their profession. It is
not, after all, the job of an icthyologist to be con¬
cerned with birds, nor of the medical doctor to analyze
social structure. While this may be true, it cannot be
seriously maintained that contemporary socio-political
environments have so little to do with ethnography, even
if the goal of the ethnographer is only historical recon¬
struction of a culture. It is currently acceptable theory
that the environment in which social data is gathered
has a great deal to do with its interpretation and its
reliability.
Another factor which influenced the re-conversion
of the popular image of tropical forest social structure
from the fairly complex schemes along the great rivers
hinted at by Herndon and other travelers to the simple
White/Indian distinctions of the 20th century may have
been the growing pressures by a mercantile-extractive
economy for "civilized" workers. San Roman (1975) has
noted a change in the 18th century consideration of the
Indian as "pagan" who must be "christianized" to the

27
Indian as "savage" who must be "civilized." He lays the
burden for explaining the change in emphasis to the
expulsion of the Jesuits from the region in 1767 and the
increased demands on the Indians by a growing and secular
trading, agricultural, and extractive economy during the
19th and 20th centuries.
It is true that the role of workers in extractive
and large-scale agricultural enterprises often demands
that they understand and participate to some degree in the
money economy as they become pawns in a supposedly
"rational" system. It is probably not necessary for them
to understand the system completely to do so. One may
note in this connection that the term for the so-called
"half-breeds" who helped the rubber gatherers round up
Indians as workers was "racionales" which was equivalent
to calling them "civilized" (Singleton-Gates, 1959:230).
But neither the 19th century nor our own era has been
free of missionizing efforts, and the Jesuit era was
hardly free of encomiendas, extraction, trading, and
slaving, sometimes aided and abetted by the priests them¬
selves. The expulsion of the Jesuits and their replace¬
ment by a series of secular and Franciscan priests in
the late 18th century Mainas missions merely reflected

28
a relative shift in the power structure of the tropical
forest regions. It tipped the balance in favor of more
direct secular domination of the Indians by the white-
mestizo minority of traders and land-owners. Thus, the
image of a halcyon Jesuit period during which the Indians
were merely protected and instructed in religious matters
must give way to a more realistic assessment of the long¬
term economic importance of Indian labor to all montaña
settlement.
By the first half of the 20th century the distinction
between Christian and non-Christian Indians in the tropical
forest regions had become blurred, and Indian society
began again to be considered as one pole of a racial-
cultural dichotomy which had as its counterbalance the
white-mestizo sector. It may be that the image of two
somewhat disconnected sectors, a "modern" or "progressive"
one, and a "backward" or "traditional" one was easier to
hold in the low tropical forest regions because of the
writings of ethnographers mentioned above, but such
works as Roger Casement's report to the British govern¬
ment on the rubber camps (Singleton-Gates, 1959), the
congressional report on slavery in Peru (Congress, 1913),
and Harry Hoy's (1946) description of the Peruvian logging

29
industry were pregnant with implications of the links
between the allegedly separate sectors and complex
stratifications of local society based on access to
credit.
The 1940 Peruvian census reflects the lack of
detailed knowledge of the society of the region. The
census reported that at least 321,341 people lived in
Loreto but only 52% of them were actually counted (Censo,
1944:3). The other 48% were only estimated. The social/
racial classifications were White-Mestizo, Indian, Black,
and Yellow. Loreto was considered to be 65% Indian (Censo,
1944:46-47). The black and yellow populations were a
scant .16% of the total population.
The picture is not uniformly dark for this period,
however. Avencio Villarejo, in 1948, published Asi es la
Selva and in 1959 published La Selva y el Hombre which
located Indian groups with an excellent map and classified
them into such categories as "civilized" and "semi-civilized"
with much information on the current status of Indian
societies at the time (Villarejo, 1948, 1949).
In 1972 Sefano Varese published a study for the
International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA)
in which he tried to make sense of the society of the

30
tropical forest region. His work is the first serious
attempt to understand the contemporary social reality of
the Peruvian tropical forest Indians. A major theoretical
base for his analysis was the premise that the analysis of
the political and economic position of "tribal minorities"
was inseparable from the analysis of the entire surround¬
ing society. This was true because the empirical con¬
ditions for all aspects of their existence is imposed by
the dominant society. Nor can an analysis of their position
be made without taking into consideration the international
economic and political environment in which the Peruvian
national society exists (Varese, 1972:3-4).
All Peruvian tropical forest Indians are now and have
for some time been directly affected by the international
demand for a series of forest products, and the national
demands for certain cash crops. All tropical forest
Indians, with no exceptions, supply labor or products to
a national or international market, and all, with no
exceptions, have at least some material needs which cannot
be satisfied without participation in those markets. The
factor of national and international economic demands which
leads to concrete social, economic, political and cultural
relations between tropical forest Indians and the dominant

31
white-mestizo society is the most basic element of the
social reality of the tropical forest region.
Varese's schema, admittedly preliminary, for the
sociology of the lowland tropical forest region involved
setting up a polarity between the native societies and
the "white" society which I have called white-mestizo.
Native societies are defined by Vánese as "ethnolinguis-
tic minorities" rather than "tribes" to avoid giving the
impression that any given group is characterized either
by complete internal cultural homogeneity or by possessing
contiguous territory. The term seems specifically designed
to include the cases of the Campa and the Aguaruna, both
of which peoples are dispersed, and both of which have
rather distinct sub-cultural variations within the same
language group.
Having polarized the Indian/Non-Indian populations on
the basis of ethnic, cultural, and linguistic differences,
and especially differences in access to the means of produc¬
tion and power, Vánese presents an analysis of selvatic
society based on occupation and relative power. White
society is divided into three categories. Category one
is an urban based commercial sector and includes large
land owners or administrators. Category two is a rural

32
mixed group of small farmers and commercial traders and
outfitters. Varese calls these groups intermediaries
from the native viewpoint. Category three includes the
non-commercial network of government officials, military
police, and missionaries whom Varese calls "the communica¬
tors of white society." This group is especially charac¬
terized being ethnocentric and racist, and it forms the
channel by which national economic and political power is
transmitted to the tropical forest region.
The native population is grouped together into one
category, but with the admission that generalizations are
difficult within this sector, since occupation is variable,
and some incipient local stratification is visible with
native bilingual teachers and native boat-owners. In
terms of access to economic and political power, however,
the native population is always at the bottom of an
"asymmetric pyramid" vis á vis the white-mestizo sectors.
The native populations along the navigable rivers tend to
be "disintegrated and atomized" by the demand for labor on
the part of the extractive economy, while tne highland
forest communities tend to cohere and consolidate around
their territory" (Varese, 1972:19).

33
The units of Varese's analysis of the native sector
are (1) ethnolinguistic groups divided into, (a) highland
forest and, (b) lowland forest regions, on the basis that
the two regions have been characterized by two distinct
sorts of frontiers, demographic (colonists who occupy land)
in the case of the highland forest groups, and economic
(extractive industries for the most part) in the case of
the lowland forest groups. Ethnolinguistic groups are
further divided into "native communities" which are
operationally defined as follows;
¿pihe Native Community is_/r the stable
socio-economic unit, bound to a specific
territory, with a type of settlement which
can be either nuclear or dispersed, which
recognized itself as a community, and which
is distinguished from other neighboring
socio-economic communities, native or not
(
Furthermore, Varese indicates that the two sorts of
frontiers have had differential effects on the highland
forest and lowland forest peoples. The choices of the
highlanders have been to retreat into marginal areas, to
be absorbed as agricultural laborers through a process of
being "detribalized" with resultant loss of land, or to
retain small and inadequate pockets of land in settled
regions. The choices of the lowland forest and river
groups are more subtle; (1) "De-tribalization. . .through

34
a process of proletarization and ethnic disintegration
or dissolution" (Ibid., 10), but in most cases with the
retention of land for those who remain in the rural areas;
(2) Retreat to remote areas to avoid contact.
Toward a New Model of Lowlands
Native Societies
To arrive at an understanding of the current sociology
of native groups in the lowland forest, it is necessary
to revise some of Varese's concepts. This should be done
first by examining his units of analysis. The term
"ethnolinguistic group" is troublesome. It makes an
assumption which is difficult to support. That assumption
is that language is somehow necessarily related to
ethnicity. As Barth (1969) has shown, ethnicity may be
defined (for some purposes) as the maintenance of boun¬
daries between social groups over time by means of cul¬
tural differences. While language is usually one of
those cultural differences, there is no a priori way of
determining that it must be. The focus on language leads
to discussions of a native group which may vary widely
internally in social organization, responses to local
pressures, and degree of self-identity as natives as if

35
it were a homogeneous social unit. In other words, non-
linguistic factors may be much more important than lin¬
guistic factors in determining the nature of a given group's
adjustment to white-mestizo society. A focus on linguistic
factors also diverts attention from native groups which
maintain ethnic boundaries (or, as in the case of the
Cocamilla and most other members of the cholada, have
them imposed) in spite of partial or total loss of the
original native language. It is not difficult through
empirical research in the lowland forest to demonstrate
this point. In the highlands it is adequately demonstrated
by the peasant populations of the Cajamarca region whose
cultural differences are ignored because they speak
Spanish rather than Quechua.
Politically, the consequences of the emphasis on
language has led to the denial of the "native" status of
large sectors of autochthonous populations in the major
river valleys who may be losing at least the public use
of their languages and who are now under strong pressure
from a new wave of white-mestizo and highland Indian
agricultural frontiersmen. Populations such as the
Cocamilla are biologically self-sustaining and clear
ethnic barriers separate them from white-mestizo settlers

36
and wage workers. Nevertheless, the focus on language
has meant that they have no protection for their communal
lands even today, and their fish-protein base is being
constantly diminished by white-mestizo commercial fisher¬
men without any attempt by the government to give them the
guarantees which "natives" are supposed to have under the
law. Most of the Cocamilla speak Spanish, while generally
adults under 30 understand but do not speak Cocama.
If linguistic criteria are removed from "ethnolinguistic
groups" we are left with "ethnic groups." Two concepts
are implied which require definition if we are to arrive
at a new model for comprehending the social reality of
the lowland forest. These concepts are "ethnic" (with the
implication in this case of "native ethnic") and the con¬
cept of group. Groups are easier to deal with. Native
society in the upper Amazon has its locus in the unit of
the extended family (broadly defined) both today and in
the past. Numbers of extended families may form nucleated
settlements of individual houses, nucleated settlements
of one large house, or more dispersed "neighborhoods."
The nucleated settlements or neighborhoods tend to interact
socially around cultural institutions which usually take
the form of one or more integrative rituals throughout the
year.

37
The field of regular inter-personal interaction over
the yearly cycle is conceived by the native as constituting
a social unit which may be conceived in many cases simply
as a kinship unit. This unit is distinguished from other
social units of the same order. In the great majority of
cases the unit has a name. It is this unit which largely
corresponds to Varese's "native community" and his defini¬
tion can be accepted with the provision that the term
"stable socio-economic unit" does not necessarily imply
geographic stability except within very large areas, nor
does it imply that personnel do not freely flow across
community boundaries without destroying the conceptual,
territorial, or economic unit. The phrase, "bound to a
territory" must not be taken to mean that the territory
does not change as ecological conditions change. In
addition, it should be stressed that Varese's definition
of the "native community" says nothing about its socio¬
political composition, a feature of prime importance in
the dealings of the native community with the state as
Chapter IX will show.
Groups of communities form larger aggregates which
may be objectively and subjectively identified by cul¬
tural criteria which may or may not include language.

38
They may or may not be contiguous in space. Such aggre¬
gates have 1ittle or no importance today in economic
or political terms in the lowland forest. They may, how¬
ever, be conceptually significant in the broader social
organization of the group. Native ethnic group may be
used to refer to this aggregate or communities in the
abstract, or they may be given conventional "linguistic"
names such as Cocama, or Campa. Such terms, as pointed
out above, have more historical value than current socio¬
logical value. Given the broad ties of social organiza¬
tion and ethnic boundaries usually marked by linguistic
features, this ethnic and linguistic group corresponds to
what is frequently called a "tribe" in the literature.
Native communities in the lowland forest are articu¬
lated to the national society in a variety of ways. We
may conceive of a continuum ranging from more to less
domination in their dealings with white-mestizo sectors.
The few communities with relatively little contact tend
to be completely dominated by a few patrons whenever they
are in contact, while communities in permanent and con¬
tinuous contact along the great rivers choose the middle¬
men with whom they deal with relatively greater autonomy,
including working directly as individual community members

39
with agricultural development banks, or working as wage
laborers in extractive industries.
One might conceive of the above continuum as con¬
sisting of the poles "colony" to "class." Colonized
communities have access to upward social mobility only in
the very limited local context. The range of contacts
with the dominant society is narrow; perhaps a few traders,
lumber patrons, or missionaries may be the only members
of the dominant society which will have dealings with
them in a year's time. Their relatively isolated position
means that the prices they pay for material goods from
the dominant society is much more dependent on the quality
of the social relationship they have with the traders than
the actual market prices of the items.
The members of communities fully in the class system
may move up through that social system if they are able
to shed their ethnic identities through geographic
migration and subsequent education. This ability depends
on a knowledge of white-mestizo values, economics, and
politics which is quite outside the range of the colonized
(see Delgato, 1968, for a more general discussion of
social mobility in the Peruvian class system). In terms
of middlemen, the native community member in the class

40
system has relative autonomy in choosing which middlemen
he will deal with and the prices for his labor and
products are much more dependent on market factors than
are prices in the colony. In the "colony'1 native com¬
munity prices are strongly influenced by the dominant-
subordinate character of the white-mestizo/native relation¬
ship. Prices also vary according to the relative lack
of market information available to the native. To sum
up, the communities tending toward incorporation in the
regional class system have a much greater number of social
and economic connections with the rest of society than does
the colony, and those connections fall along a much wider
qualitative range. A major point made by this thesis is
that the communities tending toward incorporation in
the class system are the communities historically iden¬
tified as mission Indian or Christian Indian.
Such people are called the cholada by the dominant
white-mestizos of the Peruvian lowlands to distinguish
them from the tribal (colony) Indians. The term cholada
refers to the members of these communities in the context
in which it is normally used in the lowland tropical
forest area of Peru. The socioeconomic position of the
Cocamilla cholo is more similar to that of the rural

41
agricultural village Indians of the highlands in that the
term in the tropical forest region does not imply the
upward mobility of the persons to which it refers as
is usually the case in the highlands. One semantic
connection with the term as it is used in the highlands
is that the cholo of the tropical forest region stands
between persons called Indian and persons called mestizo
just as the cholo of the highlands does in many instances.
Thus, it refers somewhat imprecisely to obviously
acculturated native Americans. It should be added that
even though, objectively, upward mobility is possible
for only a few of the selvatic cholada, their insertion
into the national class system means that they are con¬
scious of the possibilities of such mobility. Tribal
Indians simply are not sufficiently involved in the
national structure to care about individual social
mobility within it.
The term "class" is used above advisedly. The broad
front of contacts which native communities in the regional
stratification system have with white-mestizo sectors,
and their similar lack of access to the means of produc¬
tion, may not be enough per se to identify them as
belonging to a social class. However, among the Cocamilla

42
at least, there is a definite and growing sense of class
identification frequently expressed in terms of native
versus Spanish surnames (apellidos bajos vs. apellidos
altos) which transcends the ethnic group. The identifi¬
cation as cholo is closely tied to the identification
as apellido bajo and is, in fact, a class identification
based upon cultural criteria and difference in access to
political and economic power.
To complete the methodological/conceptual inventory-
required for a new model of lowland tropical forest
native ethnic groups now requires dealing with the ex¬
tremely problematic terms "native" and "ethnic." As many
studies in the Peruvian highlands show, distinguishing
the "Indians" from the non-Indians is not as simple as
it might seem (Adams, 1953; Arguedas, 1952; Borricaud,
1954, 1975; Hammel, 1961; Mangin, 1955, 1965; Metraux,
1959; Mishkin, 1946; Nunez del Prado, 1951; Tschopik,
1952). This is true in part because Indian identity is
socially stigmatized all over the Andean countries.
It is popularly thought that in the tropical forest
areas the problem is somehow simplified; the "Native
Community Law" (20653 ) ,for example, does not even approach
the problem of defining who the natives are, and Varese's

43
article which is discussed above conspicuously avoids
it. It seems to be assumed that the natives will step
forward and identify themselves, or that there will be
criteria, clear to all, on which to base an application
of the law. The laws and their application clearly imply
that if the natives do not so identify themselves, and
if they are in the economic position of being subsistence
mixed farmers who sell small surpluses to the regional
markets, then they will be treated like the Cocamilla as
campesinos (peasants) along with white-mestizo settlers
in a similar structural position. They are thus classed
campesinos regardless of other factors in their mode of
production such as discrimination in access to credit,
organization of labor in communal forms, and lack of
familiarity with white-mestizo bureaucracy which put
them at a disadvantage with regard to the white-mestizo
settlers.
The Problem of Ethnicity
When Metraux (1959:227) rejected the list of ob¬
jective cultural traits which supposedly defined the
Indian in the Peruvian highlands (i.e., coca chewing,
birthplace, craft characteristics, etc.) as being too

44
imprecise, he proposed the criteria of ascription and
self-ascription in order to settle the issue. He pre¬
ceded Barth by ten years in this formulation (Barth,
1969). Barth, however, took the issue farther, and
probed the logic behind ascription and self-ascription.
He concluded that ethnicity depended on the maintenance
of boundaries between social units over time by means of
cultural differences. Following Barth, however, one
cannot predict what "cultural differences" will provide
such boundaries (i.e., ritual, food habits, dress and
ornaments, etc.). Thus, Barth's definition is not a
scientific definition, if one defines science as the art
of generating statements which have predictive power.
Barth's "definition" is, in fact, merely an empirical
description (Cf. Gomes, 1977:38-40 for an interesting
discussion on this point). Another problem is that if
we follow Barth and define ethnic groups as socio-cultural
systems enclosed by cultural boundaries, a certain amount
of tautological reasoning automatically follows. State¬
ments such as "such and such ethnic group disappeared
because it failed to maintain its boundaries" become
common. If the question is changed to a query about why
a given ethnic group failed to maintain its boundaries,

45
the answer usually becomes, "because it was 'áetribalized1
or weakened as an ethnic group." If an ethnic group is only
defined by its boundaries, then the two terms are synonymous.
In any case, such a definition of an ethnic group is of
little practical help in determining if a given group is or
is not an ethnic group.
The fact is that most studies of ethnicity and ethnic
groups begin with the assumption of the existence of such
groups and proceed with an examination of their boundary-
maintaining mechanisms. But what calls such groups into
being and what is the cause of their persistence, or alterna¬
tively their demise, are two separate questions. The cause
of their persistence and the means of their persistence are
also distinct questions.
In the usage applied here it is necessary to separate
the term "ethnic group" from a usage common to the social
sciences. Wagley and Harris (1958:244-253) point out that
the term has become synonymous in some sectors with
"minority group." As such, ethnic groups can only be
considered to have existed since the rise of state
societies which included them, thereby making them
minorities. But this usage misconstrues the nature of
ethnicity. In the sense used here, ethnicity would be
the sense of belonging to a cultural group regardless
of whether it is a "tribe" or an "ethnic minority."

46
Ethnic group, then, refers to the group of primary cultural
identification regardless of the group's objective status
with regard to the state society. If an ethnic group is
included in a state society, as all modern ethnic groups
are, it becomes an ethnic minority.
In the above sense, ethnic groups appeared on the scene
as social organizations long before the rise of the state.
Generations of anthropologists have indicated that in a
pre-state condition, ethnic groups might be defined as
territorial groups organized by theories of consanguinity
(or simply geneology) and affinity and residence rules.
Boundary mechanisms vary, but language differences, or at
least certain linguistic features, are common. Such terri¬
torial units must be distinguished from most groups claiming
"ethnicity" in the modern world, and the term is used in an
extremely variable way today. The features common to both
are that the theme of material interest runs as a motive
through the course of history, and all ethnic groups like
all social groups must solve problems of continuity, com¬
munication, authority, and ideology, as well as boundary
problems in order to survive.
There is a further problem with Metraux's and Barth's
formulations of the nature of ethnicity which is a purely

47
practical problem in operationalizing a definition which
can be used in the lowland tropical forest region of Peru.
Eidham (1969) has shown that in a situation in which ethnic
identity is stigmatized, the aspect of self-ascription as
a member of an ethnic group tends to be acted out only
in private situations. The ethnic boundaries are operating,
but they are not easily visible in public life where the
two sectors interact. In the case of eastern Peru this is
precisely the case because of the situation of the Cocamilla
and other native ethnic groups as conquered and dominated
peoples. This makes it highly unlikely that many Cocamilla
or any other Indians in their position are going to step
forward and identify themselves as such unless they see some
very concrete economic or social advantage in doing so.
Since the Cocamilla and others in their position are rarely
offered information as to possible economic advantages of
the public assumption of Cocamilla identity, they do not
proclaim publically their ethnic membership.
All this leads to a dilemma: What, in fact, is the
minimal definition of an ethnic group which can be
operationalized and has objective significance? The answer
is clearly that such a definition is as impossible as
defining a concept of "word" which will be valid in all

48
languages. Pursuing the linguistic analogy, in the same
way that all non-gestural words may be assumed to have a
carrier, the voice, all ethnic groups have an essence; like
all distinct societies they may be assumed to have provided
for biological and social continuity. Putting the methodolo¬
gical cart before the horse, this means that such groups must
have a theory of consanguinity (geneology) and affinity
which is expressed in behavior, which in turn implies rules
of inclusion and exclusion, and the authority to enforce
them (Wagley and Harris, 1958:1-14, 237-295).
Fortunately, just as the concept of "word" may be
defined structurally for a given language, a concept such
as native ethnic group may be formulated in terms of
regional social behavior. In the upper Amazon region of
Peru, a native ethnic group might be defined as follows:
A native ethnic group is a cultural group,
the members of which are inhibited from
marrying members of the larger society of
Peruvians. It derives its composition from
the resultant endogamy and from the appli¬
cation of its own exogamic principles as
distinct from Catholic canonic law to persons
outside the primary kin group.
The above definition depends for its validity on two
social facts. The first is that persons with "native"
surnames infrequently marry persons with Spanish surnames
in the region. The second is that all native ethnic groups

49
have theories of consanguinity which are different from
white-mestizo sectors. The Cocamilla, for example, pro¬
hibit marriage to any person bearing one's own paternal
surname under the theory that they are one "blood." Thus,
exogamic principles are extended to persons outside the
group which a white-mestizo would consider the "primary"
kin group (i.e., 1st, 2nd, and 3rd cousins).
Since theories of consanguinity loom as important in
native social organization, it may be predicted that life
in native communities will be organized along kinship lines
whether or not the community is "tribal" or "detribalized"
and part of the class system. It may also be predicted that
because of the relations between social organization and
the rituals and symbols which make social life coherent,
any native ethnic group will have at least one integrative
ritual at regular intervals which will tend to be exclusive
and which, while it may be formally similar to that of a
neighboring ethnic group, will have a content which expresses
the individuality of the group practicing it. It is important
to stress again that the "detribalization" of native com¬
munities is not synonymous with their disappearance.
The question of what a native ethnic group is and how
one may determine whether a given ethnic group is or is not a

50
native ethnic group is now largely solved. The remaining
question, as far as this dissertation is concerned, is one
of determining what is the essential relation between the
native community and the state. The native extended family
mode of production and the importance of kinship units in
native social organization provide the basis for a theory
of this relation. These two features of native life mean
that native communities will tend to be politically acephalous
and organized around related groups of families rather than
central political figures with overall authority as in the
case of white-mestizo culture. Given this organizational
base, a theory of the relation between the native community
and the state would necessarily be one of their mutual and
natural antagonism, for the state is a bureaucratic organi¬
zation which depends on the adherence to formally agreed-
upon rules. The state cannot tolerate the acephalous com¬
munity. Thus, we may predict that the native community will
only be drawn into the orbit of the state by deception and/or
violence, and it will be maintained in the state system only
by duress. Whenever the state tries to impose itself upon
the native community directly on a day to day basis, one
may predict that conflicts and clashes will occur which can
be traced to che opposed nature of the state and the native

51
community social and economic organization. When these
clashes are overcome,it will only be at the expense of
converting the native community into a "non-native" com¬
munity, that is by changing native cultural behavior into
acceptable white-mestizo behavior.
The chapters which follow are arranged in two parts.
After a brief description of their ecological setting and
some basic information about their life-style pre-
historically, Cocamilla history is explored in order to
examine the changes they have undergone as a result of their
contacts with the Western world through time, and, I hasten
to add, as a result of the internal logic of their own social
system as it is supported by their mode of production.
Special emphasis will be given to their position in the
developing social stratification of the region. Two related
problems will also be explored in the course of this work.
The first problem was outlined in the first part of this
chapter. It is a problem of conceptualizing the lowland
tropical forest region as something other than the two-class
or two-race region it is commonly considered to be. The
Cocamilla and others like them form a lower class which is
neither Indian in its own conception, or mestizo in either
their own or in the mestizo view.
It is a class

52
ideologically based on their historical separation from other
Indians as Christian Indians, and created by the praxis
which that status implies. Though called cholos their
position in the regional economic structure and their his¬
torical trajectory has little to do with the term cholo as
it is used in the highlands or on the coast (cf. Fuenzalida,
1970). The second problem concerns the units of sociological
analysis. There are the household, the native community,
and the native ethnic group.
The historical depth seems essential to sound sociologi¬
cal analysis, but it would be included in any case, if for
no other reason then for the very practical reason that the
Cocamilla are now in a rapidly changing and developing world,
and, as Levy (1972) has observed, the most cruel and stupid
mistakes in modernization result from ignorance about the
history of the people involved.
The second section will continue the theme of the
relations between the Cocamilla and the state society in
which they are included, this time synchronically. The
interface of the relationship will be examined at the level
of the economic system, the level of social organization,
and the level of ideology and identity. A final chapter

53
will draw conclusions as to the reasons for their survival
thus far from the perspective of cultural materialism,
and attempt to project a trajectory for them based on
possible actions by the Peruvian government.

CHAPTER III
THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE COCAMILLA
The eastern lowlands of Peru, mostly covered with
trees and shrubs except where human use has destroyed it,
presents two orders of problem to the Peruvian nation.
The region presents formidable problems in settlement,
strictly from a tactical and ecological standpoint. An even
more serious problem is that few if any people have ever
understood the region thoroughly in both its social and
ecological aspects. To make a sweeping statement even more
sweeping, I will include most of the people responsible for
planning and implementation of planning in the tropical
lowlands in the ranks of the ignorant. To calm outraged
friends and colleagues, the writer must be included among
their ranks as well, for the complexity of the problem is
overwhelming, and the division of labor among academic
disciplines mitigates against global views.
To further the point about how little the region is
known in general, even after 330 years of occupation and
the recent intense search for oil in the Peruvian lowlands,
54

55
there are no topographical maps available for any of the
lowland forest. The impression is gotten from the literature
which points out how little slope there is in the 4,167
kilometers from the Atlantic Ocean (Elevation 0 meters) to
Iquitos (Elevation 300 meters) along the Amazon River, that
the entire Amazon basin is as flat as a table. This im¬
pression pervades even the thinking of normally careful
planners. The Swiss project of cattle-raising at Genaro
Herrera on the Ucayali River, for example, had serious
problems with cattle when the planners cleared the forest for
pasture. Rolling hills, holes, and deep gullies severely
prejudiced their effort. The terrain throughout the lowland
forest region is very accidental within limits of fairly
low relief, and this has many consequences for native agri¬
cultural practices. The old people among the Cocamilla
used to say that when the earth changed from water to land,
the waves got frozen into place.
Different people split up the totality of the forested
lands east of the Andes in different ways. The usual ceja/
selva distinction based on altitude above sea level was
echoed in Pulgar Vidal's Geografia del Perú (1968) when he
divided eastern Peru into Selva Alta and Selva Baja with
the former occupying the altitude of 400 to 1,000 meters,

56
and the latter occupying the elevations under 400 meters.
Ecologists today are able to improve on the scheme with the
concept of "life zones" (Holdridge, 1967) based on three
factors: average annual bio-temperatures (the annual average
of temperatures between 0°C. and 30°C.), average annual
rainfall in millimeters, and the potential evapotranspira-
tion ratio(mean annual temp, in C. X 58.93), which expresses
( mean annual rainfall in mm. )
the relation between rainfall and evaporation. By Hol-
dridge's system much of the lowland forest in the Cocamilla
area would be classified as "premontane tropical moist
forest." Table 3.1 shows the relevant climatological data
from 1976 (Bandy and Benites, 1977), and for comparison,
the average rainfall from a 21 year sample. These data were
taken in Yurimaguas, Loreto Department, and are very similar
to figures for Iquitos, indicating that the totality of the
area immediately along the lower Huallaga, lower Maranon,
and lower Ucayali rivers may have a similar climate.
One should be aware, however, that ecologists currently
working on the problem now believe that the entire lowland
forest under 400 meters is probably a mozaic of premontane
tropical moist, tropical wet, and tropical dry forest,
depending on purely local convection cells which seem to
remain persistently in some regions (Ewell, personal

Table 3.1
Climatological Data from Yurimaguas Experimental Station—1976
Month
Maximum
Temp.°C.
Minimum
Mean
MM
Precip.
Wind in
Meters/Sec.
Relative
Humidity
Solar
Radiation
Cal/cm2/day
January
30.8
22.0
26.4
396
0.86
84.8%
337
February
31.5
22.2
26.9
67
1.14
80.5%
357
March
31.0
22.3
26.7
222
0.92
82.5%
355
April
30.5
21.9
26.2
245
0.53
89.7%
332
May
30.6
22.5
26.6
167
0.53
87.4%
340
June
30.6
21.9
26.3
93
0.42
86.5%
320
July
30.1
17.9
24.0
62
0.67
76.8%
371
August
31.2
19.9
25.6
126
0.55
77.1%
407
September
32.6
19.6
26.1
129
0.55
77.5%
416
October
32.1
21.1
26.6
402
0.61
81.2%
397
November
31.7
21.1
26.4
230
1.17
81.1%
408
December
31.1
21.2
26.2
219
0.88
82.6%
387
Annual
31.2
21.1
26.2
2359
0.74
82.3%
369
Daily
Absolute
35.8
11.2
115
609
(Data from Bandy and Ben.ites, 1977:3) .

monthlv rainfall
300
DATA FROM SOIL
SCIENCE DEPARTMENT,
NORTH CAROLINA
STATE UNIVERSITY,
1974
50
annual mean - 2 11 4 mm
J FMAMJ J ASOND
month
Figure 3.1
Graph of Twenty-one Year Average Rainfall in
Yurimaguas.
U1
oo

59
communication). This variability may go a long way toward
explaining some of the cultural diversity noted in the region,
even among non-riverine Indians.
The life zone classification does not tell the whole
story, however. Various micro-environments within a life
zone have profound consequences for human occupation. The
conventional distinction between riverine Indians and
inland Indians (or forest Indians) reflects great differ¬
ences in adaptation to the two major poles of subsistence
resources in the lowland tropics.
Proteins and Populations
Lowie observed that the major part of the human popula¬
tions of the lowland forests were more adapted to the rivers
than to the areas between the rivers. While he recognized
that some people were canoeless, he considered the possession
of "effective river craft" a diagnostic feature of the cul¬
tures of the lowland tropical forest (1963:1).
Meggers (1970) pointed out certain similarities in
density of settlement and ease of subsistence among
populations living in the limits defined by the margins
of the river valleys. She contrasted these populations
with the more scattered and migratory populations in the

60
areas between the rivers which she supposed to be an adapta¬
tion to poor soils and low protein availability, to name
the two most important variables.
Lathrap (1970) agreed with the basic division of
cultural types (while disagreeing with Meggar's assessment
on general population movements) and took the point far
enough to insist that Panoan Indians who lived inland from
the Ucayali River were "de-cultured" refugees from river
populations, driven inland at some previous time by fierce
competition for the fertile lands of the river valleys.
They had been unable, he said, to sustain the relatively
rich symbolic life of the riverine Panoans, primarily
because the poor soils and protein resources of the inland
areas did not permit large and enduring settlements.
Gross (1975) took both Meggars and Lathrap to task
for emphasizing relative soil quality rather than relative
richness in animal proteins between river floodplain and
inland areas. He brought a great deal of data to bear
on the subject and emphasized the very low ratio of animal
mass to total biomass in the inland areas. The distribution
of proteins, he maintained, was sufficient in and of itself
to explain population size and stability. His Peruvian
data were taken from Bergman (1974) who studied the

61
subsistence patterns of a group of Ucayali Shipibo as an
example of riverine subsistence. These Shipibo had no
access to high ground and their entire agricultural cycle
was based on the rise and fall of the river, for in the
rainy season the river flooded all their lands.
While conceding the essential validity of the riverine/
inland distinction, it seems wise to hedge a bit. Recent
studies have shown rather large settlements of Matsés
(Mayoruna) between the Ucayali and Yavari rivers, hardly
the scattered fugitives predicted by Lathrap's model
(Romanoff, personal communication). Campos (1977) has
studied Shipibo on the Aguatia River far from the major
river valleys who seem to exploit both river and inland
areas about equally. Previous studies of the animal mass/
total biomass have not included stream fish, and no studies
of this kind have been conducted in eastern Peru. In all
of the area treated by this study, small and large streams
(quebradas) wind their way inland for long distances, often
carrying surprising quantities of fish species unique to
the stream environment, and easily exploited with fish
poisons. Even the floodplain Indians such as the Cocamilla
did a considerable amount of hunting and gathering in the
inland forests during flood times. Thus, there seem to

62
be groups who exploit both riverine and inland environments
and no simple separation of the two kinds of groups is likely
to be accurate.
Land and Water Features of
the River Valley
The area of interest to this study is mainly the lower
Huallaga River valley between Yurimaguas and the confluence
of the Huallaga and the Maranon. It will have reference,
however, to the Maranon as far upstream as Borja and as
far downstream as the mouth of the Napo River, the Pastaza
River as far upstream as Lake Rimachi, and the Ucayali from
its mouth to the area around the current site of Tierra
Blanca, some 12 days upstream by canoe. For this reason,
these areas are included in Map 1, but the following
description is of the lower Huallaga region, the most signi¬
ficant area for the Cocamilla. The river valley dynamics,
of course, have wide application.
Thirty miles downstream from Yurimaguas, near the town
of Santa Maria, the Huallaga River leaves the confining low
hills through which it has flowed rapidly, being unable to
easily widen its channel, and slows down abruptly, dumping
an enormous load of sand just below Santa Maria. From that
point on, it becomes a wide threaded river, moving leisurely

63
at about 4-5 kilometers per hour, and meandering back and
forth across its valley boundaries. Between Santa Maria
and Yurimaguas, entrenched meanders indicate that the uplift
which provides the inland high ground between the Huallaga
River and the current location of Xeberos is more recent
than some of the Andean uplift, and in fact earthquakes are
frequently felt all over the lower Huallaga region.
Below Santa Maria the width of the river floodplain
averages close to 5-8 kilometers. As the river migrates
back and forth over this valley,it has a predictable dynamic
cycle. The cycle is born in the fact that while the water
tends to run in the shortest straight line from A to B,
following gravitational laws, the unequal pulls of river
channel and sand bars tend to make the river currents
shuttle back and forth, forming curves (vueltas). Distance
between riverbank communities is often expressed in terms
of the number of vueltas between them.
The curves lengthen into long and elaborate U forms
as the faster-moving currents on the outside of the curve
wear away the bank and the slower currents deposit sand
on the inside of the curves in longer and longer beaches.
These beaches are the major resource area of the river
channel itself, or were in pre-conquest times, for fish

64
could be speared along their margins, and turtles, turtle
eggs, and iguana eggs could be gathered in July and August
on the beaches themselves. The main part of the river
channel was effectively sterile for native use, for they
lacked the means to exploit the resource.
Eventually gravity wins the struggle of the vuelta
and the river shortens its channel by cutting off the U and
isolating it into an oxbow lake (cocha or tipishca) connected
to the main river by deep canals (canos) which serve as
channels to fill and drain the lakes as the river goes up
and down from day to day and seasonally in response to local
and regional rains. In high water time, from February until
May (and a less drastic flood in November and early December)
other channels to the lakes open up (sacaritas) and in all
seasons the lake and river system forms one connected water
mass.
The river is never stable. It is always either rising
or falling and the lakes connected to it rise and fall in
rhythm. Tremendous surges of water go in and out through
the canos and they may change the direction of their
current quite abruptly as the lakes change from fill to
drain. The rise and fall of the lakes and rivers is an
important feature energizing the floodplain ecosystem for
it allows rapid incorporation of plant material cycling

65
from an enormous area of forest into the lakes and into the
total water system. The drastic rises and falls (as much
as tvo meters in 24 hours) of the lakes create an unstable
ecosystem for the fish populations. The instability favors
the propagation of "R" selected species, selected for the
ability to grow and reproduce rapidly, and this feature of
the ecosystem dynamics helps explain why it is that the lakes
and rivers of the lowland tropical forest are such an extra¬
ordinary resource for native populations. The lakes,
especially, are rich in fish and reptile populations.
Figure 3.1 shows the rise and fall of one such lake on a
weekly basis for 1977.
Eventually, the oxbow lake silts in and its canos close
except in high water. The Cocamilla vividly express what
happens then when they say the lake "dies." Aquatic plants
take over and the lake is gradually made uninhabitable for
fish, although some "dead" lakes have large populations of
paiche (arapaima gigas), the fish known as pirarucu in Brazil
and the largest freshwater fish in the world, for a long
time before they are extinct. Eventually the lake becomes
a muddy bog colonized by a few tree species, waiting for
the next migration of the river channel to destroy it.

NO
APPROXIMATE
METERS ABOVE SEA LEVEL
L-J
99

67
The total length of time from birth of a vuelta to
the death of the resultant lake may vary widely. One
vuelta observed over the 19 month field portion of this
study lengthened the arms of its U over 1,000 meters after
being relatively stable for 50 years, putting a community
on the cutting bank into full flight inland. Once a lake
is formed it seems unlikely, from the historical evidence
on riverine communities gathered in this study, that the
lake can exist for more than 200 years.
One other feature of the lakes should be noted. During
the flood season from February until May many fish move into
the lakes and into the surrounding forest which is flooded.
In the forests they can feed more directly on plant
material including the direct utilization of fruits, but
they become very hard to catch by native techniques. This
creates a protein crisis at least once a year. A related
feature of the flood is that when the lake goes back into
its normal boundaries the fish populations become more and
more dense as the size of the water body is reduced until,
at a critical point sometime in June or July, they begin
to migrate out of the lake in phenomenal numbers. The
local term for such migrations is the "mijano" and at
such time fishing in the canos, through which the fish

68
must pass, is very productive. Natives today sometimes try
to block the channel temporarily and net as many fish as
possible. Leaving the lakes, the fish migrate to the
rivers and move upstream, forming pockets of local rich¬
ness for the communities which happen to be where the fish
are at any given time.
The land features of the floodplain take their forms
from the dynamics of the river. Every time the river spills
its banks it deposits the greater part of its sediment load
within 30 meters of the channel, creating rather uneven
natural levees which tend to be higher in elevation than
the lands immediately in back of them. The zone of the
levee (the banda) is the zone normally used today for river-
bank agriculture. The crops most frequently grown are
plantains, corn, sweet manioc, taro, peanuts, sweet
potatoes, and recently jute (malva urena).
Old levees along old river channels and old oxbow lakes
may be high enough so that only exceptionally high floods
in the rainy season can cover them. These areas are called
restingas and are an.important land resource for the
natives, not only for agriculture, but also for hunting.
When the flood waters rise in the floodplain, terrestrial
animals tend to concentrate on the restingas and hunting

69
them becomes easier. Many Cocamilla today only hunt such
animals when the restingas become islands, and a special
verb, restinguiar, describes the activity.
The lower lands of the floodplain are of two kinds.
Lands lying so low that even moderate rises in the water
level will flood them, and which tend to act as rain catch¬
ment basins, are called tahuampas and are not used for any
purpose except for gathering and occasional hunting of the
tapir and the capybara which inhabit them. Lands which
are not high restingas but which have adequate drainage
are called bajiales (also used as a generic term for any
lowlying area), and are farmed and hunted. These lands are
of exceptional significance today for cash-cropping and
they flood annually, but with a much lower rate of sedi¬
mentation than the banda. Today they are mainly used for
jute, corn, watermelon, and various herbs.
The last significant land forms of the river valley
are the beaches along the river which are exposed from late
May until November. These are of two kinds. Sandy beaches,
over which water flows too rapidly to deposit silt and
which are not particularly good for any crop, are called
playas. As mentioned earlier, these beaches are signifi¬
cant fishing and gathering resources. Beaches over which

70
water runs slowly have an annual layer of silt deposited
on them and are used to plant beans, peanuts, and (recently)
rice. These beaches are called barreales. Appropriate
crops can be grown on them at a comparatively light cost
in labor energy.
Land and Water Features of
the Upland Plain
The drainage of the uplands is far from complete. All
over the upland areas are rain catchment basins which tend
to be swampy during most of the year. These are called
ba j jales, the same as the annually flooded farmlands of
the river basin. The ground between the bajiales is called
altura, a term which refers to any land which never floods
from the rivers. Nevertheless, some of the altura does
flood, not from the rivers but from local rainfall rushing
down the larger quebradas which cut their way toward the
river from the divide between the Huallaga and Ucayali
rivers. These quebradas can be quite good sources of fish,
for many of them are born not in the leached sediments of
the ancient ocean and lake beds of the Amazon basin, but
rather in sedimentary bedrock which is comparatively rich
in nutrients. The native names for these quebradas fre¬
quently express a distinction between "white water"

71
(yurac yacu) and "black water" (yana yacu) , a distinction
which some ecologists think is significant in terms of the
environment the two types of streams provide for fish
populations.
Many quebradas have their own small floodplains which,
in cases of heavy rainfall flood for a period ranging from
two hours to two days, creating a permanent micro-environment
with more friable soils than the usual upland soils. These
areas are good for hunting and for farming. The crops
planted on them include most of the repertory of the banda
and the bajiales (i.e., plantains, corn, manioc, sweet
potatoes, taro, herbs,and sometimes (recently) rice and
jute). These lands are recognized in the native classifi¬
cation system for soils as varinales, meaning that the
varina palm (phytelephas macrocarpa) is a dominant under¬
story plant. The palm has cultural significance as the
source for the gable covering on native houses. A worm
which grows in the palm is consumed, and the fruit of the
palm became valuable for a time as button material before
the widespread use of plastic buttons.
The sandier upland soils are recognized as irapayales.
The irapaya, an unidentified plant with a palmate arrange¬
ment of long laurel shaped leaves, is used for roofing

72
material and the soils on which it grows are recognized
as being good for cultivating manioc and a root used for
fish poison (barbasco), but not for plantains or corn.
Land along quebradas which do not flood, and which tend
to have heavier clay soils than those that do flood, are
also valued, possibly because of the drainage offered by
the quebrada. These soils are used for plantains and
(recently) occasionally rice.
On the west side of the Huallaga River, the floodplain
extends much farther inland, and relatively little of the
land forms are presently used for farming. The settle¬
ments tend to be either on the river bank or on the shores
of oxbow lakes.
The impression is widespread that the adaptation of
the aboriginal populations in all of the Amazon valley was
mainly to the rivers. The generic term in eastern Peru,
for example, for rural residents is ribereños. A close
reading of the Cocamilla adaptation today, however, reveals
that the floodplain lakes are much more important than the
rivers as fish protein resources. This, as pointed out
before, is because some of the lakes are closer than the
rivers to the sources of primary production emanating from
the forests, and they are, therefore, much richer in fish

73
populations. They are also easier to exploit. The
lakeshores and valley margins are closer to alturas, and
the present Cocamilla farming system involves exploiting
both alturas and ba j jales (used here in the generic sense
to include restingas; in other words, all floodplain land
which is farmable except for the beaches). Even popula¬
tions along the west bank of the river who do not have
easy access to inland alturas, normally have one or two
fields in the east bank alturas, sometimes a day's travel
or more from their communities. These fields are a sort
of insurance against extremely high or long-lasting floods,
guaranteeing that some food will be available even in
cases of emergency. In all probability the Cocamilla in
pre-conquest times did not use the alturas east of the
river because of conflicts with the Aguano-Chamicuro people.
The Larger Region
The valley of the lower Huallaga River is only one of
the valleys which concern the Cocamilla historically,
although by far the most important. A small part of it
was their homeland at the time of contact, and they have
subsequently occupied most of the lower 100 kilometers of
it. They have recently occupied lands along the lower

74
Marafifon Valley, and have begun to occupy some of the rivers
and quebradas north of the Marañon River. The displaced
and the dissatisfied swell the migrant barrios of Yurimaguas,
Lagunas, and Iquitos. Their familiarity with the region is
long-standing as will be seen. At least from the mid-19th
century on and possibly before, they used lake Rimachi,
near the Pastaza River as a major resource for Manatee and
Paiche fish, traveling up to 11 days in canoes to get
there, and staying until the Muratos drove them out. Before
the conquest they and the Cocama in confederation were the
scourge of the entire lower Huallaga River and the Maranon
from Borja to the Ucayali River. According to some accounts,
they prevented other Indians from occupying the shores of
the river or the accessible floodplain. After they were
reduced to a few starving and sick Indians by the 1680
epidemics they became river explorers and travelers for
whites. The theatre in which the history of the next
chapter takes place is this larger area of operations with
special emphasis on mission sites. They will be traced
from contact to the present and at all times will be seen
in opposition to the dominant Spanish and later white-
mestizos. Their history is a history of action and
reaction, not the blending of peoples. It reflects the

75
fixed intent of peoples to remain separate under conditions
of direct domination. First, however, a few pages will
be devoted to reconstructing what is known about their
culture before contact, and their placement with regard to
other ethnic groups. Map 3.1 shows the region pertinent
to the Cocamilla and Cocama.

I
cr>

CHAPTER IV
THE PREHISTORY AND ABORIGINAL CULTURE
OF THE COCAMA AND COCAMILLA
The prehistory of the Cocama and Cocamilla in the
natural realm described in the previous chapter is some¬
what obscure. If Lathrap (1970:145) is correct in identify¬
ing the central Ucayali River Caimito complex as belonging
to the ancestors of the Cocama, the probability is that
the Cocama fissioned from the Omagua not too long before
the 14th century A.D., and pushed on upstream and into the
Ucayali. They must have established themselves as far south
as the Tamaya River at that time. Lathrap's model of Tupian
expansion implies that they had been pushing the Panoans
upstream on the Ucayali River and that the process is
ongoing today. It is difficult to reconcile this view with
the historical data for the Cocama. At the time they were
discovered in 1557 by the expedition of Juan de Salinas
Loyola (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:LXXIII), they were isolated
between a group called the "Benorinas1' and the Panoans to
the South. It seems extremely improbable, using Salinas
77

78
Loyola's information on distance (and factoring it for a
comparison between his estimates in leagues and actual
kilometers on modern maps) that the Cocama were distributed
at that time any farther south than Tierra Blanca, and prob¬
ably not even that far. This would indicate that the
Panoan Indians had been steadily pushing back the Cocama
for 200 years, and not the reverse. By the 17th century,
the Cocama were indeed at war with the Panoans to the
South, and the Cocama were forced to have their largest
concentration of population on the southern frontier.
The Cocama, by 1619, had separated into two groups,
the Cocama proper and the Cocamilla. The direction of
fissioning was not upstream on the Ucayali, but rather
across the isthmus which separates the Ucayali and Huallaga
drainages in their lower reaches. On the Lower Huallaga
River the Cocamilla (frequently called the Cocama of the
Huallaga or simply Guallagas in the old literature) had
formed at least one village somewhere in the vicinity of
the mouth of the Shishinahua River, probably on the western
side of the river valley of the Huallaga (Figueroa, 1904:
78-84; Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CLX). The Cocamilla were
/
at peace with the Xeberos Indians, an inland group between
the Huallaga and Mara?ion rivers, and had assimilated to

79
the Xeberos Indians in dress by the time of contact. The
men tied the penis up with a string passed around the
waist, and occasionally wore a sort of short poncho which
was open along the sides. The women wore a short skirt
(pampanilla) which extended from the waist to the knees
(Figueroa, 1904:82). The Cocama men continued to dress
as the Omagua did, in rather loose long shirts, brightly
painted with various dyes.
The Cocamilla may have assimilated to the upland
non-canoe Xeberos Indians in more than dress, for a sub¬
group, perhaps a group of families separating from the
main body of the Cocamilla, were known as the Pambadeques.
They may have exploited the upland forest west of the lower
Huallaga River, just as the Xeberos did. After contact some
of these Cocamilla were actually grouped at the mission
of Xeberos, first in their own annex, San Pablo de
Pambadeques (founded in 1646), and later as a barrio in
a re-located Xeberos, the present site of the town (Chantre
y Herrera, 1901:141-142; Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:227;
Figueroa, 1904:72).
Another group which may have fissioned from the
Cocamilla and about which nothing is known except that they
lived upstream from Santiago de Borja, possibly on the

80
Santiago River (and thus were the westernmost Tupi), that
they were divided into encomiendas before 1644, and that
their language was Tupian, were the Xibitaona (Figueroa,
1904:100; Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:121).
Both the Cocama and the Cocamilla were living in
villages on the floodplain when first described. The
Cocama lived right on the riverbank (Jimenex de Espada,
1897:LXXIII, CXLIV; Figueroa, 1904:82,109). The Cocama
were described by Salinas Loyola's men as having "a very
populated land, with more than 20,000 people /_wearing_7
robes and shirts, very docile of good disposition and
will. . ." (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CXLIV). In 1644
Gaspar de Cugia, who saw them briefly, estimated their popu¬
lation at 10,000 to 12,000 persons and said they had three
villages along the Ucayali with a total of 150 houses.
The largest village of 80 houses was on the Shipibo fron¬
tier to the South (Grohs, 1974, thinks these must have
been the Conibo and not the Shipibo).
The Cocama population in 1644 was composed of 2,000
"indios de lanza," or males old enough to fight (Figueroa,
1904:109). It is difficult to evaluate these population
figures. If taken literally, Cugia's estimate would mean
that each Cocama "long house" had about 73 people in it.

81
The Huallaga Cocamilla averaged about 40 people to a house
in 1651, but they may have been reduced by disease to some
extent by that time (Figueroa, 1904:226). The Cocamilla
probably did not exceed 1,000-1,600 persons in population
even with the Pambadeques. Their village was not reported
as being especially large at contact, and the usual number
of long houses for a Tupian village in this area seems to
be around 40.
In terms of demography, both groups present some
anomalies. By the time the Cocamilla were counted in
1651 (Figueroa, 1904:81), there were only 170 idios de lanza,
and a total population of 600, even with at least one long
house of Cocama who had come back from the Ucayali and joined
the Cocamilla in 1644. This gives a population ratio of
3.53 women and children (the Spanish called them the chusma)
per adult male. The missionaries normally multiplied the
adult male population by 4 or 5 to arrive at population
estimates. It seems likely that many children had died
of imported diseases between 1621 and 1651. The Cocamilla
had been visited as early as 1621 by the Borja Spanish,
and there was a serious smallpox epidemic among the Mainas
Indians and Borja Spanish as early as 1642 (Figueroa, 1904:
25; Jimémez de Espada, 1897:CLX), on the Maranon River,

82
although there is no written evidence that it affected the
Huallaga River. It should also be remembered that Moyo-
bamba, an important Spanish settlement along the Mayo
River had been occupied for over 100 years by 1651.
Diseases such as smallpox affected the children more than
the adults (Figueroa, 1904:161; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:
278). Also, after Cugia's visit to the Cocama with Spanish
soldiers in 1644, at least half the Cocama died before 1652
of what was probably influenza (Figueroa, 1904:81, 102-104).
It seems likely that the Cocamilla would have suffered
similarly. The population ration may have been accurate,
however. The Cocama certainly practiced infanticide
regularly, probably killing more females than males
(Chantre y Herrera, 1901:76, 274-275). They were said
by priests who were familiar with many Indian groups to
have few children.
The Aboriginal Subsistence Economy
Unfortunately, the description of the aboriginal sub¬
sistence economy of the Cocama and Cocamilla is grouped
with that of the Omagua in the Handbook of South American
Indians (Metraux, 1963:691-693). In the case of the crops
planted, it is likely that the Cocama and the Cocamilla

83
was based on the exploitation of the floodplain lake and
river protein sources and floodplain soils. The Cocamilla
were reported to exploit the upland forests (an elevation
difference of perhaps 8-10 meters) during times of
scarcity in the winter floods, and it seems likely that
the Cocama did the same. The Cocama were said to have no
altura in their territory around the upstream mouth of the
Puinahua Canal. This area is all flooded in the winter
from February until May or June. However, it is possible
that the Cocamilla did plant some high ground (Figueroa,
1904:98-104). Fields were cleared annually by slash and
burn techniques. It is not known how often fields were
rotated to forest but today they are not planted for
more than two three years in succession.
The basic staple crops of the Cocama and the Cocamilla
were plantains, sweet manioc, and corn. Secondary staples
were probably sweet potatoes (camote), taro (mandi), beans,
various other tubers such as cara and taya-cara (Discorea
sp. and Solanum sp., respectively), various kinds of
squashes, peanuts, and pineapples. The major part of the
corn and manioc probably went as it does today to make a
mildly fermented beer which is a dietary staple and highly
esteemed.

84
Corn was planted with manioc as soon as the flood-
waters fell in June and July. Corn could be eaten within
60 days while the fastest manioc took between three and
four months to develop. Corn thus served as an emergency
staple in cases where all the plantains died in the floods.
The slower varieties of manioc matured just as the waters
rose again for the next flood.
Food storage of agricultural products is not mentioned
for the Cocama or the Cocamilla, but it may be assumed that
the manioc, which had to be harvested before the annual
flood covered it, was stored in two ways as it is today and
as it is also reported for the Omagua. After peeling the
tubers can be stored with little spoilage for up to four
months in pits dug into the flood plain and sealed with
dirt and banana leaves to prevent oxidation, and may be
used for manioc beer (masato) or a manioc pancake (meio
/
or casabe) when the flood goes down (Noticias Autenticas,
1889-92:131). Some of the manioc undoubtedly was stored
in the form of manioc flour (farina) to last over the
time of scarcity in the winter. They probably used the
tipipi to squeeze the juices out of the manioc pulp
aboriginally as they do today.

85
Fishing and hunting water mammals, turtles, and turtle
eggs were the main source of protein. The Cocamilla fished
daily, and it is not reported that they stored dried fish
as they do today. They did, however, store river turtles,
gathered on the beaches in July and August as they laid
their eggs, when there was a surplus. The tools used for
fishing and hunting involved detachable-headed harpoons
for the paiche and the manatee (vaca marina) and light
spears for smaller fish (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:102).
For warfare and perhaps for hunting larger mammels a spear
/
thrower (estolica) was used (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:88,
606). Hooks, traps, weirs, large palm fibre nets, and fish
poisons are regional cultural characteristics, but there is
no information on their use specifically among the
Cocamilla and Cocama.
Social Organization
The pre-conquest social organization of the Cocama and
the Cocamilla is unknown. It cannot be assumed that they
were organized in moieties as the Omagua may have been,
although there are some bits of information that leave the
possibility open (cf. Figueroa, 1904:102-103). The Coca¬
milla, as mentioned above, lived in villages of longhouses,

86
each with as many as 40 people in 1651. The original
population of these houses may have been as high as 60-70
people in 1644 if Cugia's data on the Cocama at that time
is correct. The Omagua houses averaged 50-60 people
(Steward, 1963:698). If the social organization of the
Cocamilla today were true in the past, each of the houses
would have been composed of patrilineally related men and
their wives and children. Numbers of residents in each
house would have varied drastically, depending on the
"strength" of the dominant male resident (not necessarily
the oldest resident). Houses near each other may have also
belonged to the same patrilineal segment, and each patri¬
lineage or sangre, as it is expressed today, would have
been exogamous. Marital residence would have been patri-
local, unlike most Tupian groups in Brazil, but in accord¬
ance with the general patterns in the upper Amazon.
The Cocama and Cocamilla kinship system was almost cer¬
tainly bifurcate merging, judging from today's terminology
in the Cocama language, with Iroquois cousin terms and
with bilateral cross-cousin marriage in a loose sense
which included inter-generational marriage between a man
and his cross-cousin's daughter. This last feature of the
aboriginal marriage system was the only one to be mentioned
by the priests (Figueroa, 1904:253-54).

87
Each house or group of closely related houses probably
had an informal leader in certain affairs whom the Spanish
called the cacique, but the community had a number of such
caciques, none of which had control over the community as
a whole, and none of which had the power to commit even his
own household followers to activities which did not agree
with them (Figueroa, 1904:81-82, 106-108). The early
Spanish were looking for leaders on European models and
statements such as that of Juan Salinas Loyola that the
Cocama were "obedient and respectful of their chiefs,"
(Jimenez de Espada, 1897:LXXXII) has to be understood in a
very loose sense. Later Spanish explorers marveled at the
acephalous nature of the political system and wondered why
the Cocama and Cocamilla lived in communities at all.
They concluded that it was primarily for reasons of de¬
fense and social life and not because they were politically
centralized (Figueroa, 1904:81-91, 106-108). Communities
probably fissioned by entire households or segments includ¬
ing more than one household, thus removing entire sangres
from the community. Figueroa reported that when one of
the Cocama communities fissioned in 1644 that a cacique,
one of the greatest of the Cocama, with the people who
recognized him, was the fissioning social unit.

88
Chantre indicates that marriage among the Cocama and
Cocamilla was not very stable, wives frequently going back
to their own houses. He also implies that they practiced
polygyny (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:226).
How the extended household functioned as a productive
unit is not known and it is extremely unlikely that the
patterns of today with close connections to a capitalistic
market economy were those of the past. The division of
labor noted for the general region aboriginally relegated
to women the job of preparing masato and chicha. The women
also made ceramic vessels. Men had exclusive responsibility
for warfare, hunting, fishing, and tool making. The two
sexes cooperated in field work and carrying agricultural
products to the community (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:68).
Diego Vaca de Vega grouped the Cocamilla with the Mainas
Indians in a description of the division of labor, and it
is impossible to know to which group he was referring when
he said the following:
The men occupy themselves in hunting in
the forest and in fishing and making their
canoes, and traveling on the river in them
from place to another, and the women in
planting and cleaning the fields, making
thread, weaving, and making clothes to paint
(Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CXLV, translation
mine).

89
In current practice the women work with the men in the fields
and help carry agricultural products.
Given the social organization of the Cocama and Coca-
milla in terms of intra-village household relations, it is
extremely probably that each village was autonomous and only
kinship relations linked them. This should be emphasized
because Metraux (1963:687-706) seems to identify the Cocama
with the Omagua in terms of social organization. However,
from early accounts of the Omagua, they were much more
densely settled and much more politically centralized than
the Cocama (Edmunson, 1922; Acuna, 1698).
In terms of inter-village relations and inter-ethnic
relations it seems like that the Cocama and Cocamilla were
always friendly toward each other but practiced warfare
outside the ethnic group. Vaca de Vega reported a general
trade in cotton cloth and palm fibre mosquito nets (cachi-
bangos ) for the Cocamilla are and the Mainas area and it
is known that the Cocamilla made such things (Jimenez de
Espada, 1897:CXLVI; Steward, 1963:694-697). The extent to
which Cocama and Cocamilla warfare patterns, as chronicled
by the early Jesuit missionaries, were aboriginal, however,
is difficult to assess. The earliest missionaries reported
that the Cocama were at war with the Chipeo (probably the

90
modern Shipibo) (Figueroa, 1904:108-109). Salinas Loyola,
a hundred years earlier, on the other hand, spoke of how
"docile" the Cocama were, and he had no problem with them
in 1559. They even acted as canoemen for him to take him
on up the Ucayali River into Panoan territory, probably
ferrying him as far as the Aguaytia River or perhaps even
farther (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:LXXIV, LXXXII, CXLIV).
Vaca de Vega, in 1619, who lived in Borja and should have
known, makes no mention of Cocama-Cocamilla raids on the
Mainas Indians who were in the process of being placed on
encomiendas by the Spanish (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CXLII-
CLX). The Cocamilla lived on the western side of the Huallaga
River valley both before and after they were missionized
because they feared attack from the inland groups on the
other side of the river. These groups were hostile as late
as 1654 and consisted of the so-called Mayoruna (Barbudo)
Panoans to the south of the Cocamilla, and the Aguano-
Chamicuro groups to the north (Figueroa, 1904:111-115, 124-
134) .
Based on the above evidence, it seems likely that
Cocama and Cocamilla warfare patterns, including head¬
hunting, were aboriginal but that they were aggravated by
the Spanish presence. Whatever the extent of aboriginal

91
warfare, Cocama-Cocamilla headhunting raids which terrorized
the river explorations of the 17th century missionaries on
the Maratón River, and which gave the two groups the name
of "corsairs" were increased by the presence of European
iron tools. In six to seven days through a series of canals
with two portages, the Cocama would pass from the Ucayali
River to the Huallaga River with 40-50 canoes during the
flood season, probably reaching the Huallaga through the
Shishinahua River.'*' Once on the Huallaga, the Cocama would
join the Cocamilla and travel down to the Maránon River and
to the Pastaza River hunting heads and iron tools, and
carrying away other Indians (Figueroa, 1904:99; Chantre y
Herrera, 1901:140). They were especially fond of attacking
the Mainas Indians (Figueroa, 1904:42). It is significant
that in 1638 the Mainas Indians were the only Indians in
the region who had tools, having been in direct contact
with the Spanish since 1591 (Figueroa, 1904:15; Jimenez de
Espada, 1897:CLIV). It should also be emphasized that by
the time the Cocamilla and Cocama were known, the Spanish
had been in nearby parts of the Ceja zone for nearly a
hundred years.
Known weapons of warfare for the Cocama and Cocamilla
include the spear with spear thrower (estólica), palmwood

92
lances, decorated shields of cane, palmwood, and manatee
hide and war clubs (macana), but not the bow and arrow
(Chantre y Herrera, 1901:88). Palmwood knives were probably
used.
Adornment
Some of the material culture of personal adornment
which can be pieced together is found in Salinas Loyola's
description:
The Cocama used_7 cotton clothes highly
painted with brushes, jewelry of gold and
of silver with which they adorned their
persons, plates on their breasts and on the
wrists of the arm; pieces of gold and silver
hung from the nose and ears; wires of silver
on their heads like the hoops of sieves;
great plumage (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:
LXXXII, translation mine).
Cugia reported that the Cocama in the 17th century wore
labrets of bullets and belt buckles for which they traded
the Spanish soldiers elaborate robes (camisetas), a ruinous
trade which they soon stopped. They also perforated their
lower lips to hang pendants of leather with beads attached
from them (barbados). Nothing is known specifically about
Cocama and Cocamilla body painting, although they still
use wooden stamps and genipa dye (nuito) on certain
occasions.

93
Ideology and Custom
The ideological superstructures and value system
which rationalized the socio-economic system are only
hinted at by the early literature. The missionaries were
convinced that the Indians had no "system'' at all, that
they were ungoverned brutes; in the terms of the time that
/
they had no policia. In a letter to the Jesuit head¬
quarters in 1681, Father Lucero, the missionary who founded
Santiago de Lagunas on the Huallaga River, called the
Indians "Stolid animals without government because they
never recognized a prince" (Figueroa, 1904:412-418). Thus,
they were not disposed to make sense of Indian culture.
The acephalous political structure hints at a philosophy of
rather strong personal or family independence within the
loose confines of the community and household social struc¬
ture. Fights or feuds between individuals were a family
matter and revenge was the job of the individual or near
kinsmen if death resulted (Figueroa, 1904:82). There were
no community means of resolving disputes.
Beliefs about sickness and death show the same feeling
of social independence. All sickness was believed to be
supernatural, and most illness originated within the social
system, being caused by persons who wish one ill, through

94
the aid of shamans (Chantre, 238-239). Fear and distrust
of neighbors was a strong motive to move one's location
(Chantre y Herrera, 1901:69). Witchcraft was also a
primary motive for going to war (Noticias Auténticas,
1889-92:27, 264-26S).
Curing involved a stage of diagnosis with the aid of
the hallucinogenic drugs Ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis Sp.)
and/or Toé (Datura Sp.), and a stage of casting out the
harmful agent done by a Shaman who sucks out the harm, some¬
times represented by an object. Sick persons were sung over
constantly by the shamans and by nearby relatives (Figueroa,
1904:245). The Spanish called these curing songs cantos.
The Cocamilla know them today as icaros. Each disease
had its own icaros (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:107).
It is not clear from the literature that the Cocama
and Cocamilla believed in two spirits as stated by Metraux
(1963:702) and his source is not cited. It is clear that
the Cocama believed that the spirit could leave the body;
shamanas were able to allow it to do so at will (Figueroa,
1904:242). At death the spirit could inhabit either an
animal body or another human body. Reincarnation beliefs are
strongly implied (Figueroa, 1904:242). In later colonial
times and during the Republican years the Cocama came to

95
be known to have a great many place spirits, animal spirits,
and various malevolent demons in their worldview. It is
not known how many of these are aboriginal.
The value system which allowed social ranking is hinted
at by Figueroa in discussing the afterlife of spirits. The
larger "more generous" animals received the spirits of
the "valient, the diligent, the workers, and the women who
best serve their husbands, and among them the most respected
killers" (Figueroa, 1904:242; Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:
127) .
Death was of two kinds. From what might be called a
"light" death (including extreme sickness, called death)
one could return. At this point the spirit wanders in the
realms of the dead in which there may be houses and people,
but can be called back by relatives (Figueroa, 1904:245).
This belief is still extant with the Cocamilla and they
consider it a grave error to cry within the first 10 or
15 minutes after the death of a family member. Crying
gives social recognition to the death and prevents the spirit
from re-animating the body. The second kind of death is
permanent.
Burial was in two stages. The body of the dead person
was doubled; the mouth and eyes were sealed, and the body

96
was placed in a large ceramic urn along with the principal
possessions of the deceased. The urn was sealed by cover¬
ing with a smaller urn and was buried under the floor of
the house. After one year the urn was dug up, the bones
were cleaned and painted, and a ceremony took place in
which a quantity of "bebida" (presumably masato) was con¬
sumed which was supposed to "dry the tears." The near
relatives cried, and the other guests danced. Afterwards
the urn was reburied and forgotten "even to the names of
the deceased" (Figueroa, 1904:249-250; Chantre y Herrera,
1901:274-275; Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:155-156). This
ceremony is still occasionally seen among the Cocamilla,
though with Catholic trappings, and without physically
removing the body from its grave in the Catholic graveyard.
There is some indication that natural phenomena were
seen as metaphors of earthly social life. The Cocama saw
in thunder the sounds of assaults on houses in warfare,
and the "exhalations which heads make when they are being
cut off" (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:127).
The Cocama-Cocamilla ritual cycle is largely unknown.
A major integrative ritual was the dance around the heads
of slain enemies with much masatc drinking (Noticias Autén¬
ticas, 1889-92:127). There was undoubtedly inter-communitv

97
feasting and especially inter-ethnic feasting for allies
and friendly tribes (Noticias Autenticas, 1889-92:282).
The ceremony, described by Chantre (1901:83-85) of hair¬
cutting of children which he imagined to confer nobility,
is still practiced, and is a rite of passage. It takes
place with male children who have begun to talk and who have
thus become fully human. The ceremony today is not elaborate
and most of the trappings described by Metraux (1963:699)
are now absent.

98
Note
-'-The Shishinahua is a likely possibility because the
Cocamilla were located near its mouth at contact, and
even today the people living around its mouth know the
trail to the Ucayali from San Antonio de Shishinahua.
They pass there for fiestas on occasion. The portages
may have been rather long.

CHAPTER V
CONTACT—THE FIRST FORTY YEARS
1640-1680
The Cocamilla probably began to feel the European
presence long before they were seriously affected by the
disastrous European attempts to colonize the Huallaga area.
Alonzo Mercadillo, one of Hernando Pizarro's captains, had
made an entry into the lowland forest as early as 1538. If
Cieza's report is reliable, however, the expedition pro¬
ceeded down the middle Huallaga valley until blocked by
the narrow river canyon with swift rapids called the Pongo
de Aguirre (Aguirre's gate in Quechua) below the mouth of
the Mayo River. They then crossed over to the west shore
of the Huallaga and followed the low mountain range which
divides the Mayo and Paranapura River drainages all the way
to the Maranon River. Twelve leagues before the Maranon,
where the hills begin to get lower, they made contact with
the Mainas Indians who were reported to be friendly (Cieza
de Leon, 1923:284-287). At least one party leaving the base
camp Mercadillo established with the Mainas journeyed 25
days downstream on the Maranon River, and almost certainly
99



102
made contact with the Tupian Omagua below the Napo River,
and perhaps with the Ayzuare or Yurimagua groups even far¬
ther downstream. This was three years before Orellana's
historic journey in 1541 down the Napo and the Amazon
rivers (Varnhagen, 1840:365-269). There is no evidence
that the expedition explored the Huallaga Valley in its
lower reaches.
The Spanish presence continued to exert pressure on
the lowland forest in the region. In 1543 there were
probably permanent Spanish populations in Moyobamba across
the blue range from the Huallaga River within 150 kilo¬
meters of the Cocamilla, and expeditions (entradas) were
effected into the lower Mayo Valley from Moyobamba at inter¬
vals, causing populations of Indians to dislocate into the
lowland forest. The Muniche and Paranapura Indians found
on the Paranapura River and its tributaries a hundred years
later were mostly displaced remnants of Moyobamba "long
houses," and with the Chayahuita had occupied the blue range
between the Paranapura and the Mayo Rivers (Figueroa, 1904:
88) .
Pressure did not come solely from the Spanish. It may
have seemed to the Cocamilla that there were some important
changes going on when in 1549 a group of 150 fugitive

103
Indians, warriors and their families passed through the lower
Huallaga region. These people were almost certainly Tupinambá
from the Brazilian coast and they spoke a language very
similar to the Cocamilla. When they reached Moyobamba they
told the Spanish an incredible tale. They said they had left
the Brazilian coast some ten years before with 2,000 people,
including two Portuguese, perhaps deserters from the Portu¬
guese Military (Bollaert, 1861:2-3). In the most amazing
migration in Amazon history they trekked by canoe the entire
length of the Amazon. They had nearly all been exterminated
in a battle with an unknown group of Indians on a large lake
four or five days from the river, along a canal or tributary.
The tattered remnants, led by a man called Virazu, finally
came to rest at Moyobamba where their tale stimulated new
rumors of El Dorado and resulted a decade later in the
expedition of Pedro de Ursua down the Huallaga, Mararfon and
Amazon rivers in search of riches (Vasquez, 1881; Bollaert,
1861). Ursua's fateful expedition in 1560 passed by the
Cocamilla and was carrying some of the men of the Virazu
migration as interpreters, but no mention is made of the
Cocamilla (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CXXXIX).
The expedition of Juan de Salinas Loyola may have ex¬
plored the lower part of the Huallaga in 1557 and it is

104
certain that the Ucayali was traversed, probably as far as
the mouth of the Aguaytia River. Salinas Loyola was the
first known European to see the Cocama. Some of his men
later estimated their population at 20,000 and Salinas Loyola
said that their villages, "are on the banks of the river
together in the manner of towns of 200 and 300 and 400
houses. They are obedient and respectful of their chiefs
much more than those downstream, and in this, as in the
ornament of their persons, they seem to be gentlemen"
(Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CXLIV, LXXXII). This was the first
and last time the Cocama or the Cocamilla would be spoken
well of; future accounts would emphasize their contrariness.
Nearly four generations of Cocamilla and Cocama grew up
before the next intrusions of Spanish on the Hualla River
are reported. In 1619 Diego Vaca de Vega had established a
town below the narrow canyon and swift rapid called the
Pongo de Manseriche (Parrot Gate in Quechua) on the Maranon
River. He called it Santiago de Borja. He had been making
entradas in the upper Maranon region since 1611, and, as
noted above, others had been making raids on the Mainas
since 1591 (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CLIV; Chantre y Herrera,
1901:32-46). The 20,000 Mainas Indians had been reduced
to a few hundred individuals, and these Indians, so friendly

105
to Mercadillo a hundred years before, had been divided up
into 24 encomiendas. The Spanish encomenderos, in the first
and last attempt to physically occupy the lowland forest for
many years, were spread for 40 kilometers along the Maranon.
The Mainas were also forced to provide for the white-mestizo
"vecinos" of Borja. In 1635 the Mainas had had enough.
They rose up and killed all the dispersed encomenderos
and soldiers, and attacked Borja itself. Thirty-four people
were killed in the countryside, 29 of them "of account"
(i.e., Spanish; presumably the six Indians who were killed
were no account) . The Borjerfos barricaded themselves in
the church and repelled the attack (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:
CLVTII; Figueroa, 1904:4; Noticias Auténticas, 1889-1892:
192). Chantre says this uprising was in 1640 but he is almost
certainly in error as he is the only source to give this as
the year. What is certain is that Spanish reprisals were
still going on in 1640.
The Spanish reacted by sending more soldiers to re¬
capture fugitive Mainas rebels from the lakes and forests
and by sending for Jesuit priests to help pacify and to
baptize the Indians. Interestingly, the Jesuits were not
the first priests in Borja. As early as 1618 a Franciscan
priest, Francisco Ponce de Leon, had been baptizing Mainas

106
Indians (Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CLVII), and Diego Vaca de
Vega, a layman, had illegally baptized some thousands of
Indians himself, a fact which strained relations with the
Jesuits. Two priests arrived in February of 1638 after four
months of travel from Quito by way of the Rio Santiago and
the Pongo de Manseriche. Their names were Gaspar de Cugia
and Lucas de la Cueva. Cugia stayed in Borja to minister
to the local Indians, the Spanish populations, and later to
open a school for Indian children. The school was a vital
step in the long-range plans of the missionaries. The
Indians, viewed by the missionaries as being "destitute of
all culture and government" were encouraged or forced to
send children to the school to be trained in Spanish arts,
crafts, customs, the Quechua language, and the Catholic
religion. The school was in two parts separated by sex.
The most significant feature of the schools, from the point
of view of this study, besides the introduction of Quechua
as a lingua franca, was that when the students were sent back
to their homes, they became local elites in the Indian cul¬
tures. The other Indians, says Chantre,
viewed them as men of another class. They
respected them and followed them in their
words and council (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:
139, translation mine).

107
Indian society had, in fact, begun to stratify under the
influence of the missionaries and soldiers.
Lucas de la Cueva accompanied the soldiers who were
looking for fugitive Mainas downstream on the Maraifon, and
very near the Cocamilla. When the Indians were found, the
punishments were extreme. The Xeberos Indians,"*" who were
enemies of the Mainas, turned up at the soldier's camp and
volunteered to help the Spanish hunt for the Mainas. They
were motivated partly by dislike of the Mainas, but the
desire stemmed more from fear of the Spanish and a felt
need to ally with such potentially dangerous people. A
letter from Father Gueva to Cugia in April of 1638, two
months after the two had arrived in Borja, is telling on
this point;
/""The Xeberos are in terror of the
Spanish_7, having seen so many Indians
judged, so many quartered bodies hung
on the trees and gallows, so many ear¬
less, noseless ones; others torn, hands
and feet cut off. Those who get off
lightly are infected and skinned by
whips. . ./""and the Xeberos know_7 that
they too are threatened for crimes and
treason, and even Spanish deaths (Figueroa,
1904:35, translation mine).
The Cocamilla and other Indians certainly were aware
of what was happening on the Maranon and lower Pastaza
rivers. The Cocamilla were at peace with the Xeberos at

108
the time, and according to all accounts were, in the winter
of 1638, terrorizing the H-uallaga and Mara'non rivers in the
company of the Cocama, in squadrons of 40-60 canoes. In
addition, Cueva1s letter reports that a Cocamilla "chief"
in the company of Xeberos Indians had killed two Spanish
cacao gatherers before 1638 (Figueroa, 1904:41), doubtless
the crime referred to in the above quote.
The Xeberos cooperated by leading Cueva to their terri¬
tory, one and a half days upstream on the Aipena River, a
narrow blackwater river which cuts through sandy soils of
the upland forest, and 20 kilometers up a tributary stream.
There they lived dispersed in small groups as far apart as
35 kilometers calculating a league at 5 kilometers and more
(Figueroa, 1904:47-48). Since their sandy upland soils
would support manioc but not plantains, corn, or cotton,
they raised the latter products on an island of the Maranon
only about 25 kilometers through the forest from their
territory (Figueroa, 1904:48). Grohs (1974:42) has tenta¬
tively identified the island as Isla Baradero on modern
maps. Cueva founded a mission at that location among the
Xeberos, but spent little time there in the first few years.
As early as 1641, he contacted the Pambadeques (the orthogra¬
phy is Figueroa's), a sub-group of the Cocamilla. He also

109
contacted the Cutinanas, apparently a sub-group of the Aguano-
Chamicuro, and the Ataguates, probably speaking a language
similar to the Xeberos, but it would be some years before
they were missionized (Chantre & Herrera, 1901:132).
The Cocamilla were not well-known, at least to the
priests, at this time (1641) except for their warlike ten¬
dencies. Cueva knew they were friendly with the Xeberos
Indians, and it was through the Xeberos that he managed
to contact them. It is unclear in all sources what relation
the Pambadeques had with the Cocamilla. Chantre (1901:
141-143) associated the two as the same group.
In 1643, after five years, the Xeberos Indians revolted
and fled their new mission. Their initial enthusiasm for
the presence of a priest bringing iron tools and other use¬
ful gifts had turned into a heartfelt desire to be as far
away from him and the Spanish soldiers as possible. The
reasons were several. The priest's baptism books frightened
them. They thought he was writing names so that they could
be divided up among the Spanish encomenderos, now in Borja.
A Mainas Indian who knew their language told them that
the Spanish were going to kill some and give some to the
Ucayali Cocama who were feared by the Xeberos (Figueroa,
1904:56-57). They were tired of working on the priest's

110
house and the church. But a letter from Cueva to Cugia in
October of 1643 indicates even deeper reason. Cueva had
tried to get them to do the following things:
1. To be instructed in Catholic doctrine.
2. To attend mass on festival days.
3. To live monogamously.
4. To stop killing other Indians.
5. To stop victory dances with heads.
6. To stop eating the liver and hearts of the slain
enemy.
7. To stop leaving the uplands to hunt river turtles
and eggs.
8. To stop leaving the village to gather fruit in
season.
(Figueroa, 1904:62-63, translation and emphasis
my own.)
In other words, he had insisted that they change their entire
subsistence pattern, socio-political organization, and
belief system. The effects on nutrition alone must have
been profound.
Although it treats of the Xeberos, the point seems
significant with regard to the Cocamilla later, because the
Xeberos reduction was the Jesuits' first mission in the
Mararion area among the free Indians. Thus, the technique
of settling it as well as their policy came to be an ideal

Ill
model (though not always followsed) for all further settle¬
ments in the region (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:215;
Figueroa, 1904:54). Since more is known about its settle¬
ment than any of the other early missions, the clash be¬
tween the expectations of the Jesuit priests and the
expectations of the Indians has a wider significance. This
being the case, it is well to examine some of Cueva's
techniques in a little more detail before proceeding.
The original technique evolved by Cueva and Cugia was
three pronged (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:138):
1. Gifts to persuade the Indians to form permanent
settled villages.
2. Doctrinary instruction on young people, and
to a lesser degree, adults.
3. When possible, the placement of Indians from
already settled and Christianized groups in
new villages to act as role models and
examples.
Underlying the plan was the threat of military force
which was brought to bear when the Indians disobeyed the
priest. But in the earliest days there were few soldiers
and the distances were great. The priests such as Cueva
depended on the generosity of their gifts as much as the
Indians' fear of the distant soldiers to keep them in line.
However, the missionaries, contrary to general belief, were

112
not opposed to force as a means of imposing their own ideas
of morality and sound social organization on the Indians.
It was simply that in the first years they had not yet
consolidated their position enough with the free Indians
to apply force effectively (Figueroa, 1904:62). Actually
they viewed the enforced secular control of Indians as
a vital part of Christianizing them, in Figueroa's graphic
phrase, "to make of brutes, men, and of men, Christians"
(Figueroa, 1904:180). The priests, unlike the Council of
the Indies, recognized the "embeddedness" in Indian social
and economic life of their beliefs. While the Indians
wished to become Christians only to receive axes, knives,
hooks, and machetes, they wished to retain their own
customs and practices as much as possible. Thus, the
necessity of force to bring them to "reason" (Figueroa,
1904:180-181; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:539).
The flight of the Xéberos Indians in 1643 was touched
off by the Cocamilla. By this time the Cocamilla, an
expert river people, were being used as canoemen and guides
for Spanish expeditions, although they had not yet been
placed in a mission village (reducción). On one such
expedition, a group was paddling canoes and guiding a
Teniente and some troops to Moyobamba. The Cocamilla

113
attempted to kill the soldiers, setting the canoes free to
drift off downstream, and tried to spear the troops while
they slept. The soldiers had been alerted by an Indian
traitor, and they foiled the attempt. The Cocamilla fled
back to their village, gathered their families, and left
for the Cocama heartland on the Ucayali River (Figueroa,
1904:78-79). The Xeberos, probably fearing generalized
reprisal, and being thoroughly sick of the mission life,
also fled. Some of them joined the Cocamilla on the
Ucayali. Others soon returned to the Pueblo under the
Spanish threat of hanging anyone who was caught outside
the village (Figueroa, 1904:61).
The Spanish reacted quickly to the Cocamilla revolt.
They dispatched the Teniente General, Padre Cugia, 25
soldiers and enough frightened Xeberos, Mainas, and Cocamil-
las, to fill 30 canoes, and headed for the lands of the
Cocama, passing by way of the isthmus route with its two
portages. They arrived at the Ucayali on May 21, 1644,
and found the Cocama on the opposite shore (Figueroa, 1904:
100). They dispatched interpreters, telling the Cocama
that they were not there to make war. Padre Cugia then
went over in a canoe and was recognized by the fugitive
Cocamilla and Xeberos. They then greeted the troops with

114
much embracing, staining the Spanish clothes with the
achiote dye on their arms and clothes (Figueroa, 1904:101).
The lieutenant in charge of the soldiers put the
Xeberos and Cocamilla, led by a cacique named Manico, under
arrest. Padre Cugia and the lieutenant then staged a little
drama in which the priest begged for the lives of the Indians
and at last the lieutenant gave in. This impressed the
Indians no end with the priest's power (as it was planned
to do) and this impression was heightened when the priest
dressed down a pair of soldiers who were immediately
arrested by the lieutenant, as the second act in the little
morality play (Figueroa, 1904:70, 102). At later times it
was not unusual for the priest to whip a naked soldier or
two to show the Indians where the power supposedly lay.
The Cocama were perhaps even more amazed by one of
the soldiers in the Borja troop who spoke and understood
their language. His mother was a Xibitaona Indian, member
of a group which had been granted in encomienda to the
Borje'Kos and had taught her son to speak Xibitaona, which
turned out to be very similar to Cocama. Thinking he had
the soul of a recently departed cacique (recall their
belief in reincarnation), the Cocama came from other
villages to see him. He was offered the retainers of the

115
daad cacique but declined the privilege (Figueroa, 1904:
102-103) .
The troop left to visit the upriver village for a few
days, and then left with the captives, leaving many tools
with the Cocama. The Cocama immediately began to die from
various "pestes" (Figueroa, 1904:104). Chantre (1901:141)
says at least half of them died soon after, and by the
time they were next counted eight years later, the three
villages had been reduced to one. This village was located
somewhat north from the former downstream one in which only
300 indios de lanza were found with their families. A
hundred families (perhaps 400 people) had gone back to the
Huallaga River with the Spanish and the Cocamilla (Figueroa,
1904:109). The surviving Cocama were under fierce pressure
from the Chipeo Indians. The Spanish later marveled at how
delicate the Cocama and other Indians (especially the
inland Indians) were. They said they had died at the
sight of the Spanish soldiers, the smell of the powder,
and the sound of the arcabuces firing (Figueroa, 1904:103-
104, 121).
The first expedition was followed by another one some¬
time after the departure in 1644, but before the Cocama had
suffered such disastrous population reduction. This

116
expedition was brought on by alleged Cocama threats to
attack the Mainas and the Spanish. The Cocama reportedly
offered to shave the Spanish beards by sticking tree resin
to them and ripping the hair off their faces. Apparently
they had not been quite as happy with their guests as
Padre Cugia had implied. This time the Spanish could not
persuade any Cocama to verify the rumors so they left taking
the captives currently held by the Cocama from raids on
other Indians (Figueroa, 1904:104).
The Cocamilla continued to live in their village near
the Shishinahua River, mixed with probably 400 Cocama until
September of 1649 when Bartolomé Perez was sent to put the
village in order. They had been cowed by hangings (viewed
as necessary by the priests to instill respect). Padre
Perez laid out a plaza with a church, and straightened out
the streets along the riverbank. He gave the village a
Catholic name, Santa Maria de Guallaga. According to
Chantre (1901:144-145), Padre Perez founded three villages
among the Cocamilla, the largest of which was Santa Maria.
Figueroa, a source much closer to the scene, mentions only
one, namely Santa Maria de Guallaga. The chronology of the
next few years is equally in doubt. The most likely
scenario is that Padre Perez worked on the Huallaga River

117
until 1651, when he was replaced by Raimundo de Santa Cruz
who had arrived that year from Quito (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:
149; Figueroa, 1904:105). Padre Perez went to the Ucayali
River the following year to work among the Cocama. He
feared that their fractiousness was endangering the stability
of the entire mission structure. He founded at least one
mission among them, Santa Maria de Ucayale, in the three
months he was there. This village was probably on a lake
near the upstream mouth of the Puinahua canal (Chantre y
Herrera, 1901:146; Figueroa, 1904:105). The Cocama were
called Ucayales at that time, a term probably derived from
the Cocama word for the long house, Uca. It was this visit
by Padre Perez in 1652 in which he found the Cocama reduced
in numbers to one village of perhaps 1,000-1,500 people.
This seems to have been the population nadir for the Cocama,
reported, as mentioned in the last chapter, as having
20,000 people in 1659.
Padre Santa Cruz, meanwhile, was having his problems
with the Cocamilla. Much of what is known about them at
this time comes from his stay with them beginning in 1651,
and is found in Figueroa:
These Indians, although they always lived
almost all together as the Spanish found
them, and for this reason it would seem

118
that they had more government than
others who live very divided and apart,
have little or nothing of government
. . . In helping each other in wars. . .
or in defending themselves against the
attempts of others, in the drinking,
dances, (curative) singing, and other
similar things which require the con¬
course of men, one may say that it was
worthwhile for them to live in villages.
But in other things of importance it
was as if they did not live among men
(Figueroa, 1904:81-83, translation
mine).
Padre Santa Cruz worked with them and learned the language,
according to Chantre (1901:150), helping them in their
fields and giving them many tools. He counted Santa Maria
de Guallaga at this time at 600 people of whom 170 were
indios de lanza (Figueroa, 1904:81). Apparently most of
the Cocama who came from the Ucayali River had died by chis
time as well as most of the Cocamilla.
Padre Santa Cruz did not like the floodplain location
of the village, notwithstanding the fact that the Cocamilla
way of life was intimately based on the river and lake
resources and alluvial soils of the floodplain. He com¬
plained that his books and clothes were rotting from the
humidity. He viewed as especially pernicious the Cocamilla
habit of leaving the village for a period of time in the
winter to hunt and gather inland, which they were accustomed
to do when the fish were hard to catch and their lands

119
were flooded. Formerly many of the men had gone warring
at this time of year. Santa Cruz's solution was to move
the village to higher ground upstream near the present site
of Santa Maria, but on the west bank of the river. This
move was in 1652, a year after Santa Cruz arrived and three
years after Perez had begun to live with the Cocamilla
(Figueroa, 1904:81). There was apparently some resistance
on the part of the Cocamilla because they recognized the
inferiority of the site in ecological terms (Chantre y
Herrera, 1901:151-152), but Santa Cruz prevailed. They
moved and Santa Cruz, having "taught the Cocamilla to work
the land, now instructed them in housebuilding, making of
them peons and arquitects" (Figueroa, 1904:152). The new
spot had the advantage, in the medieval healthlore of the
Padres of "good airs."
Although Santa Cruz treated the Cocamilla to "punish¬
ment and whips" (Figueroa, 1904:82-83), they remained
undisciplined. They were always poor in cooperation with
building schemes, as the following quote indicates;
Although all of them would indicate their
willingness to work, afterwards they would
go wherever they saw fit, getting up early
to leave and saying, "the ones who stay will
do it." Others staying in their houses would
say when called that they were lazy. In short,
they are people taught not to be yoked nor

120
ordered, and not to be given tasks except
to their liking (Figueroa, 1904:82-83,
translation mine).
Padre Santa Cruz appointed regidores, alcaldes, alguaciles,
and fiscales for government and had stocks built to punish
malfeasors. He caused a church to be built. He introduced
the custom of assigning Indians called mitayeros to bring
meat to him daily. He persuaded the Cocamilla to make
fields for him and to bring him offerings of food called
camaricos. Some of this food was redistributed to the poor
(who, of course, were only poor because of the Spanish
presence). He introduced cattle and pigs (Figueroa, 1904:
84). Felipe Manico, the cacique who had led his people to
the Cocama in 1643, and who was brought back ignominously
in 1644, became governor of the pueblo in accordance with
Spanish policy (Figueroa, 1904:126; Chantre y Herrera,
1901:594).
The Cocamilla had made their first great adjustment
to the Spanish by 1653. There is some indication that
they resisted fiercely in areas such as curing beliefs,
and were not afraid to tell the priest when he had gone too
far in deprecating their customs (Figueroa, 1904:245-246).
Even at this stage in their adjustment to Spanish culture
they had closed off certain aspects of social life such

121
as curing from the Spanish while cooperating with them in the
public sphere. This adjustment, the gradual separation of the
public and private spheres of social life, was to last them a
long time. One area of cooperation which seemed agreeable
to the Cocamilla in these years was in making entradas
(expeditions) to encourage other Indians to be racionales
as they themselves were.
Santa Cruz and his Cocamilla guides and expert canoe-
men missionized the Paranapura and Muniche Indians in 1652
(Figueroa, 1904:88; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:155-156). By
1653 the Cocama and Cocamilla at Santa Maria de Guallage,
under a Cocama cacique, Raimundo Aconoma, had helped missionize
the so-called Barbudos or Mayoruna Panoans upstream to the
east of the Huallaga River, and Felip Manico and some of
his followers, not to be outdone, had visited at least one
village of Aguano Indians slightly downstream and across
the river from Santa Maria, all without the aid of the
priest or the Spanish soldiers (Figueroa, 1905:114, 124,
126-127; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:153-156, 188-189).
The new missions were named San Ignacio de Mayorunas
and San Xavier de Agúanos. San Ignacio, founded in approxi¬
mately 1654, was located just across the river from Santa
Maria de Guallaga (Figueroa, 1904:116-117, 123). San
Xavier was founded at about the same time and probably

122
had two annexes (Chantre says there was only one village
at the time, p. 54). San Xavier was abandoned later (date
unknown) and a new San Xavier de Chamicuro (a group
fissioned from the Agúanos) was founded in about 1657,
named so as to distinguish it from the old San Xavier.
At the same time San Antonio de Abad de Agúanos became the
Aguano reduction, almost certainly in the same site where
the present town of Santa Cruz now sits (Chantre y Herrera,
1901:189). San Ignacio de Mayorunas still existed in 1682
but was abandoned sometime afterward, probably when there
were no more Mayoruna (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:281).
/
In 1654 Santa Cruz took his Cocamilla and a few Xeberos
Indians on a voyage to find a better route to Quito from
mission headquarters in Borja. The rapids at the Pongo de
Manseriche made travel upstream impossible during much of
the year, and Santa Cruz was looking for the route traveled
by Orellana. They found the Napo River and traveled almost
to Archidona in 51 days of paddling, during which time four
of the Xeberos were killed by hostile Encabellados near
the mouth of the Aguarico River while asking directions.
Another 14 days walk got him and 40 Cocamilla to Quito,
where they made a rather grand entrance. The Cocamilla
were dressed by the Jesuits in long white shirts and,

123
with feathered head-dresses and rosaries clanking about
their necks, they paraded in the streets. Santa Cruz made
a memorable speech in the cathedral in the Cocama language.
The Quito "vecinos11 wanted the Cocamillas as godchildren,
and they learned the advantages of such fictive ties there
(Chantre y Herrera, 1901:163-173).
The trip back to Borja was made in 30 days, but the
Jesuits were not satisfied. The route was too long. Before
he died in 1662, drowned in the Bohono River (Bobonazo
on modern maps), Santa Cruz was to try twice more to find
a direct route via the Pastaza River. When he drowned, he
was on his way back to Borja with the news that he had
indeed found the way (Chantre y Herrera, 215-216, 220-222).
He died at 39 years old, an extremely brave and dedicated
but emaciated and balding man with sores all over his legs
who wore a ragged black robe flapping about his bare knees.
He had heavily influenced the destiny of the Cocamilla
(cf. Chantre y Herrera, 1901:168, for a description of
Santa Cruz entering Quito).
In 1655, one hundred Cocamilla men were impressed into
military service under Don Martin de la Riva Agüero in his
/ /
furious and futile attempt to tame the Jivaros (Shuar) of
the Santiago River, and to take over jurisdiction of the

124
Borja government, until then the province of a dynasty
of Vacas and Vegas (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:176-180;
Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:300-301, 599; Figueroa,
1904:84). They were accompanied by Santa Cruz, the Jesuit
with the most experience in such matters. Riva tried to
fight a conventional Spanish battle among the guerilla
fighters of the jívaro and lost. Four of Santa Cruz's
men were killed. Many of the rest deserted and fled back
to the Huallaga mission where they gathered their families
and, as they had a decade before, fled to the Cocama
(Figueroa, 1904:84).
The same year, an epidemic swept the Huallaga. The
effects among the Cocamilla were terrible:
It was a horrifying thing to see the sick
and the dead bodies on the beaches where
in small huts they had retired, eaten by
vultures and other birds, and exposed to
the sweeping of the river when it rose sud¬
denly to carry away the bones (Figueroa,
1904:85, translation mine).
This and other epidemics weakened the mission as much or
more than the flight of the deserters. In 1656 Santa Cruz
found time to lead the Cocamilla to found villages among
the Roamainas of the Pastaza River but there could not have
been many Cocamilla men left by that time (Chantre y Herrera,
1901:187).

125
While Padre Santa Cruz was leading his few Cocamilla
and Cocama warriors on long expeditions of peace and war,
the Cocama, who had only been visited sporadically in their
Ucayali River territory, and who were now harboring fugi-
/
tives, had received a missionary, Tomas Maxano.
Padre Maxano arrived among the Cocama on the Ucayali
River in October of 1657 with a lay brother, Domingo
Fernandez,and some friendly Indians to paddle their canoe.
The Ucayali region was not calm. Earlier in the year the
Chipeo had killed four Franciscan priests and lay brothers
and at least three soldiers (Figueroa, 1904:98; Noticias
Auténticas, 1889-92:294). Chantre (1901:226) implies this
incident happened after 1659, but he is in disagreement
with the Franciscans themselves on this score. They say
that two priests, three lay brothers, twelve Spanish
soldiers and eight Christian Indians were killed in 1657
(Amich, 1975:49, 544).
Maxano found the Cocama living in only one village of
33 houses, twelve days upstream on the Ucayali River.
There were an additional 12-14 houses scattered downstream
from the village. Chipeo attacks and disease had accounted
for the rest of the Cocama (Figueroa, 1904:109). The Cocama
welcomed Maxano and his companion. The two spent the next

126
two years until 1659 with the group. Maxano seems to have
been a singularly devout and inflexible man (Chantre y
Herrera, 1901:173-211). After two years, the Cocama re¬
fused to obey him or to attend mass, and they continued
raiding other Indians. They had made some sort of peace
with the Chipeo; however, for when a group of the Chipeo
came to feast on one occasion, the Cocama asked them to
kill Maxano for them (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:284).
Padre Figueroa thought the insolent Cocama had not been
made to fear enough (Figueroa, 1904:107-108).
Finally Juan Mauricio Vaca, the Borja governor, ordered
Maxano and Fernandez out of Cocama territory because he was
worried for their safety. He intended to send in a punitive
force, but his plans were foiled for lack of powder, and
because of the epidemics then sweeping the entire region
between 1656 and 1660 (Figueroa, 1904:108). In 1659 the
Cocamilla from Santa Maria de Guallaga were sent to bring
Maxano back to their mission (Figueroa, 1904:108-109).
Chantre (1901:211-212) asserts that 100 Cocama families
went with him, but Figueroa does not mention it. It seems
likely that Chantre had them confused with the 100 families
in 1644. If true it would have swelled the population of
Santa Maria to around 600 people. It seems unlikely,

127
however, because Maxano was so unpopular. In two years he
had only baptized 300 people, mostly children (Figueroa,
1904:108). With Padre Maxano gone and a treaty in effect
with the Chipeo, the Cocama began to recreate their old
raiding patterns. From the Spanish point of view they were
completely out of hand. The Borja government had its own
problems, and for several years the Cocama were allowed
to do what they wished.
It appears that the Cocamilla could stand Padre Maxano
no better than the Cocama could. When Padre Santa Cruz
drowned in 1662, the Cocamilla openly rebelled against
their missionary who, it is assumed, was still Padre
Maxano:
Various of them spoke out openly against
the village's missionary, saying that he
would not let them live, that he was op¬
posed to all of them, and that they could
not tolerate him (Chantre y. Herrera,
1901:226, translation mine).
The Cocamilla, led by a man named Yaricota rose up and fled
Santa Maria for the third time, this time sewing unrest
in other villages in a last desperate attempt to throw off
the Spanish yoke. They traveled to the Ucayali River again
where they joined with the Cocama and the Chipeo (Chantre
y Herrera, 1901:226; Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:294).

128
This was too much for Padre Maxano and the Borja
government. In 1663 a force of 200 friendly (or
frightened) Indians with some Spanish soldiers accompanied
by Padre Maxano went after the fugitives. Lucas de la
Cueva, another priest, described the armada's success two
years later in a letter to Gaspar Cugia, then in Quito.
The force met with a Cocama cacique named Pacaya who took
them to a lagoon where Yaricota and his people were hiding.
The other Cocama, some Maparina Indians, and the same
Chipeo who had killed the Franciscans and soldiers six
years earlier tried to deceive the Spanish long enough to
kill them, burying weapons for the purpose on a beach where
the whole party was to sleep. The weapons were poorly
buried and the Chipeos and Cocamas paid for the mistake
with their lives. Ten Cocama caciques, including two
called Apity and Alolama, and four from the Chipeos,were
hanged on the spot. As he died, Apity managed to rasp at
Majano bitterly:
If I had killed you, you wouldn't be
killing me now.
The beach became known as the "beach of the hanged." The
Maparina Indians got off without hanging, because they said
they had been forced to come. It is true that they seem

129
to have been dominated by the Cocama and had been living
in Cocama villages at least since the 17th century. They
and the rest of the Cocama and Chipeo were whipped. The
Chipeos were taken to Borja to serve the Spanish. The
Cocamilla were ordered back to the Guallaga, and the Cocama
were ordered to join them. The force returned over the
inland waterway to avoid the Ucayali mosquitos, but the
water was so low that they suffered greatly before they saw
Borja again (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:294-296).
The rebellion was not to be stopped so easily. The
Cocama remaining must have felt that this was their last
chance, and they were joined by more Cocamilla. Within a
year, in 1664, the Cocama, aided by some Chipeos, attacked
a mission on the Pastaza River, 15 days upstream, killing
six Spanish and many Indians. On another occasion, the
rebels entered the Cocamilla village, burned the houses,
tore the doors off the church, and killed some of Maxano's
cattle. Padre Maxano and the non-participating Cocamilla
fled into the woods (Noticias Autéticas, 1889-92:305-306).
Many Indians deserted their villages to join the rebels
or to flee to the forests (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:226-
227) .

130
Chantre believes that Maxano was probably killed and
the fact hidden around this time, because he is never men¬
tioned again (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:225, 228). Figueroa
himself tried to convince the Cocama by means of diplomacy on
numerous occasions to settle down, but they demanded Maxano's
life. On the ides of March in 1666, an armada of Cocama,
Cocamilla, Chipeos, and Maparinas, led by a Huallaga River
Cocama named Pacaya (perhaps the same one as in the 1663
raid) found Figueroa at the mouth of the Aipena River with
his retainers. He was traveling to find Maxano who may
already have been dead. The armada was also looking for
Padre Maxano. Finding Padre Figueroa instead, they clubbed
him and cut off his head. Some of his retainers escaped and
must have told various tales about the killing. Some
stories have the Indians eating his body; some have them
cutting off his limbs while he miraculously continued to
pray (cf. Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:297-298, 594; Chantre
y Herrera, 1901:229). The man who killed him, Felix Pacaya,
was apparently a Cocama who was raised among the Cocamilla
in Sta. Maria, and was a fiscal of the church (Noticias
Auténticas, 1889-92:298; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:229-230).
The armada changed its plans and decided to raid the
/
Xeberos mission from whence Figueroa had come. Forgotten

131
was the former bond between the Xeberos and the Cocamilla.
The Xeberos had helped in the justice on the beach of the
hanged. The force killed 44 Xeberos and one Spanish, and
then retired (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:298-299; Chantre
y Herrera, 1901:230).
By August of 1666, the Spanish mounted an expedition
of 200 Indians, 20 Spanish ,and Lorenzo Lucero, a priest
who was later to play an important part in Cocamilla
history, and went after the rebels. It was said that the
Indians had Father Figueroa's head apart from other such
grisly trophies and before going on a raid would taunt it,
saying, "Father Figueroa is tired of hearing confessions,
and needs another companion to help him” (Noticias
Auténticas, 1889-92;298). When the Spanish found the
rebel Indians they battled and over 200 rebels were killed
and/or hung, and many more were carried away to Moyobamba
/
after being judged in Borja (Noticias Autenticas, 1889-92;
595-596; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:235).
The surviving Cocama on the Ucayali remained ob¬
stinate. One can only imagine their spirit of resolve.
Too many people had been killed among both the Cocama and
Cocamilla by disease and war in the 22 years since the
first expedition to the Ucayali. The years of exploration

132
with Santa Cruz kept Cocamilla men out of their fields
and away from their families, and many had died in far¬
away places. Santa Maria de Guallaga had only 40 men, a
total of 100 people left in it by 1661, and the rebellion
stretched on and on (Figueroa, 1904:84-85).
Finally Lorenzo Lucero, the priest who had attended
the last great battle of the rebels, gave up trying to re¬
establish the Cocama mission on the Ucayali. The Cocama
who had moved to the Huallaga River after the 1663 defeat
told him of greener pastures among the Panoans of the
central Ucayali, and he traveled there between 1667 and
1669. He had some success with the Chipeos, Panos, and
Gitipos (probably Shipibos, Setebos, and Conibos of today)
and resolved to move as many of them as were willing to the
Huallaga where they could more easily be controlled from
Borja. The Chipeos and Panos, especially, must have been
ready for peace, as many of them had participated in the 10
year rebellion (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:250-251).
Lucero led his charges back to the Huallaga. It
seems probable that Lucero had settled some of the defeated
Cocama on the large lake, 25 kilometers upstream on the
Huallaga River where he was to found Lagunas, as early as
1663-1666 while he returned to the Ucayali River. By 1670

133
he had returned with his Panoans and formed a separate
village, also on the shores of the lake. An inscription
in the old baptism book read as follows:
On the 25th day of July, 1670 began the
evangelical teaching of the Xitipos and
Chepeos I brought from the Ucayale, whose
reduction and population was completed on
said day, month and year, in the shadow
of the glorious apostle Sant-iago to whom
is dedicated said reduction which, being
on a very beautiful lagoon which drains
into the Guallaga, is called Nueva
Cartagena de Sant-iago. And because the
Alférez Juan Davila Bejarana has been my
only companion, and who has made this
reduction, moved by the zeal of bringing
souls to heaven, I wish to testify here to
all who read this, how great a thanks is
owed him (Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:
306-307, translation mine).
The note was signed by Padre Lucero on August 3, 1670,
and was written in a new mission of San Lorenzo de Tibilos,
about 15 kilometers inland from Lagunas, where Lucero was
seeing to the settlement of a sub-group of the Aguano-
Chamicuro language group.
The Cocama mission came to bear the same name as the
abandoned Ucayali mission, Santa Maria de Ucayale, and
the Panoan village was called Santiago de Xitipos y
Chepeos. In 1682 the two were still listed as separate
villages, but by 1735 they had become separate barrios in
a village whose name had come to be Santiago de la

134
Laguna (Figueroa, 1904:294-295; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:
281). Lagunas was founded with a population of 1600 people
(Noticias Autenticas, 1889-92:306). How many were Cocama
is not known, but it seems unlikely that there would have
been more than 500. The majority of the population of
Lagunas by 1670 was probably Panoan.
The Cocamilla, decimated by disease and war, continued
to live in Santa Maria de Guallaga without a missionary.
In June of 1680, a smallpox epidemic swept the already
ravaged lower Huallaga missions. The Cocama fled from
Lagunas for the lower Maranon and Amazon rivers, where
they found safety with the distantly related Omagua, only
returning when the epidemic was over. Some hid on the
Ucayali and never returned. The Panoans stayed to die and
at least half of them did. By October the epidemic reached
the three inland Aguano, Tibilo, and Chamicuro missions.
The un-baptized Indians crowded to be baptized in the hope
that the act would save them. In one 15 day period Padre
Lucero baptized 600 Indians who soon died. The bells
tolled constantly (Figueroa, 1904:412-418). When it was
over in 1681 there were not enough Cocamilla left in Santa
Maria de Guallaga to form a viable village. Some time
after 1682, they were moved to Lagunas where they formed

135
/
a separate barrio (Noticias Autenticas, 1889-92:312).
The tragedy of contact had played its final act.
Summary
In analyzing these first 40 years of contact from the
point of view of social stratification, it is clear that
Indian society in general had undergone a radical schism
from which it would never recover. From this time on,
there were Christian Indians and "gentiles." In Christian
communities, high status went to the "ladinos" who were
originally defined not racially, but as acculturated
Indians (Figueroa, 1904:184). The white sector had begun
to differentiate into whites and mestizos, racially
defined, who lived together in their own town, Borja, and
who had begun to stratify occupationally into a two-class
system with whites on top. The main outlines of the four
class system (whites, mestizos, Christian Indians, and
gentiles) has not basically varied since that time, except
that the mestizo sector has tended to blend biologically
even more with the whites.
Notable is the rapidity with which the Cocamilla and
Christian Cocama became "Uncle Toms" in the conquest of
other Indians. This was probably due in part, as in the

136
/
case of the Xeberos Indians, to fear of the Spanish, but
it must also be understood as a case in which their own
attitude toward other Indians, developed over long periods
of warfare in which they and the Cocama were probably
the aggressors, were able to be validated by a special
relationship with the Spanish in which they were exempted
from tribute and encomienda labor in exchange for their
services.
Politically, the first 40 years saw a power struggle
develop between the Church and the Spanish colonists. The
basic issue was whether the Indians would or would not serve
the Spanish directly (Figueroa, 1904:184-186). For them
to have done so would have meant that the Jesuit missions
would have had to be dissolved. From the time of the Mainas
rebellion in 1635, the encomenderos had not dared to live
far from the safety of Borja, but they continued to try to
bring Indians to Borja. The bureaucracy of the church
spent its efforts in maintaining the Indians in their own
missionary-led villages. In 1670 the Superior of missions
had moved to Lagunas.
Demographically, the first 40 years were an unmitigated
disaster for the Indians. Table 1 shows the estimated and
verified figures for the Cocamilla, and Table 2 shows the

137
figures for the Cocaína. Table 3 lists the major epidemics
of this period and estimates their effects.

138
Table 5.1
Cocamilla Population Decline 1638-1681
Year
Population
Total
Indios de Lanza
Source
1638
±1000-1600
(200 I.D.L.)
Estimate
1651
600
(170 I.D.L. with
some Cocaraa)
Figueroa,
p. 81
1656
100
(40 I.D.L.)
Figueroa,
pp. 84-85
1681
Too few to
live apart.
Perhaps
50-60
9
Noticias,
p. 312
Population
Nadir - 1681 in
which year one in
twenty were
left.

139
Table 5.2
Cocama Population Decline 1559-1681
Year
Total
Population
Breakdown
Source
1559
20,000
-
Jimenez de
Espada,
1897:CXLIV
1644
11-12,000+
(2,000 I.D.L.,
150 houses)
Figueroa,
p. 109
1652
1412++
(400 I.D.L.)
Figueroa,
p. 109
1657
1840+++
(46 houses)
Figueroa,
p. 109
1681
37 5+++ in
mission
(75 canoes in
Lagunas alone)
Noticias,
p. 312
Probable population nadir around 1652 when roughly one in
18 were left alive but it is difficult to be sure, because
the Cocama were never counted after 1657 and there is no
surety that the house size averaged even 40 per house by
that time.
+ estimated by P. Cugia on first brief visit.
++ calculated at the rate of 3.53 population per adult male.
+++ calculated at the rate of 40 I.D.L. per house.
++++calculated at the rate of 5 per canoe.

Table 5.3
Ma j or
Epidemics in
Mainas Missions 1638-1681
Year
Disease
Region
Known Effects
Source
1642
Smallpox
Upper Marañon
20% of Mainas alive at
that time died
Figueroa, p. 25;
Noticias,pp.197-198
1644-52
Smallpox,
Colds
Ucayali
50% of Cocama alive at
time died
Figueroa,pp.81,104
Chantre, p. 141
1656
Smallpox
Huallaga
83% od Cocamilla
died
Figueroa, pp. 81,
84-85
1659-1660
Peste (?)
Huallaga
60% of all remaining
Mainas Mission Indians
died
Figueroa, pp. 161-
162; Chantre pp.
212, 224-225
1680
Smallpox
Huallaga,
Aipena
^50% of remaining
Huallaga Mission
Indians died
Chantre, pp. 274-
277; Noticias,
pp. 307-312
140

Note; The population dataareintended as a contribution to the dialogue about aboriginal
populations in lowland South America, the best summary of which is to be found in
Denevan (1976:213-218. In Chapter VIII of this work will be found further informa¬
tion which will bear on the subject. In general, my data support Dobyns1 (1966)
contention that a good way of estimating aboriginal popultion of a given group is
to determine the time of the population nadir and multiply the figure by about
20 times. This does not imply, however, that we may simply multiply the square
kilometers of the Peruvian Amazon floodplain by a habitat density factor derived
from the Cocama, the Omagua, or any similar group and arrive at an estimate of
aboriginal population. Land surface is not the question, but rather water surface.
Groups such as the Cocamilla seem to have been rather the masters of much land
along the floodplain which they did not actively use. "Buffer zones" separated
them from other floodplain groups on the Maranon and Pastaza rivers. The most
reliable means, I believe, to estimate Amazonian populations in a general geographic
sense (i.e., not tribe by tribe but by using a constant factor of habitat density)
is to calculate the water surface of the active lakes and ponds of the floodplain
and apply the figure of 150-200 persons per square kilometer of water surface. This
figure seems in the lower Huallaga River region to be something of a constant and
there is historical information in Chapter VIII of this dissertation to indicate
that populations in the region are or were in long-term balance with fish popula¬
tions in the lakes. The distribution of the lakes provide adequate "buffer zones"
and thus the unknown political factor is eliminated.
141

Notes
-*-These are the Xeberos Indians who live south of the
Marañon River and who speak a Cahuapana language. In
Greenberg's classification scheme they belong to the Andean
sub-family of the Andean-Equatorial language family. They
should not be confused with the Jívaro /—Shuár_7’ who live
north of the Maranon River and who speak a language which
Greenberg classifies as a separate sub-family of the
Andean-Equatorial language family (Steward and Faron,
1959:22).
2
The Cocamilla were frequently referred, to as Guallagas
because the Mainas Indians had referred to their river as
"that river down there" (Guariaa or Guariaga in the Mainas
language). The Spanish sometimes called it the Guánuco
River because it passed through what is now the modern town
of Huánuco in its upper reaches. Sometimes they called it
Rio del Mani (Peanut River), probably because people along
its lower reaches raided that crop. Sometimes they called
it Amapiaga in another Indian language but the meaning of
the term and the reason for its application are unclear
(Figueroa, 1904:78; Jimenez de Espada, 1897:CLX, CXLII).

CHAPTER VI
THE COCAMILLA AND COLONIAL MISSION
LIFE 1680-1820
After the Cocama/Cocamilla/Chipeo rebellion ended and
with the Huallaga populations decimated by the 1680 epidemics,
life along the lower Huallaga valley began to acquire a
degree of stability which was to last for some time. The
headquarters of the Jesuit missions in Mainas had shifted
to Lagunas when it was founded, for Lorenzo Lucero, the
founder, was the Superior of missions at the time. Lagunas
was a much more logical site than Borja for the mission
Superior. It was more central to the already established
missions, and much closer to the new missions which the
Jesuits wished to open on the Ucayali, Ñapo, Tigre, Pastaza,
and upper Amazon rivers.
When the Cocamilla were moved to Lagunas in 1682, the
Maparinas, old confederates of the Cocama, were also moved
there from their own Huallaga mission. The original
arrangement in Lagunas of two separate villages changed in
the next few decades. By the early part of the 18th century
143

144
there was one village with four barrios, a Cocama barrio,
a Cocamilla barrio, a Chipeo barrio, and a Pano (Maparina)
barrio. By 1737 the Maparinas were grouped with the Itucales
(Singacuchuscas or Arucuies), a Chambira River group with a
sad history of disease and forced migration. The four
barrios were arranged along the lakeshore in crescent fashion
with a church, missionary house and plaza in the center
(Noticias Auténticas, 1889-92:312-312, 367). The site of
the village was altura and all indications are that the
oldest barrio in Lagunas today is on or very near the loca¬
tion of the old village (cf. Condamine, 1973:1031).
Following the model set up by Viceroy Toledo for the
Peruvian vice-royalty in the 16th century (Dobyns and
Doughty, 1976:88-119), the Lagunas mission used Indians for
local authorities while maintaining control at higher
levels. The mission was nominally under the secular
authority of the governor of Borja and belonged to the
"Kingdom of Quito," that is the region governed by the Quito
viceroy. Actually, each mission was effectively run by the
missionary in charge. It was he who made the Borja gover¬
nor aware of the meritorious and the cooperative Indians.
It was he who influenced the naming of the alcaldes
(mayors) and he who directly named the fiscales of the

145
church. It was he who decided punishments and rewards, and
it was he, most importantly, who directed the economic life
of the people (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:593-594, 597).
In theory, authority in the missions stemmed from two
sources. The governor of the village, usually the leader
(curaca) of the largest Indian ethnic group in the village,
was directly named by the Borja governor. This was a posi¬
tion with life tenure, and succession was commonly along
consanguineal lines. Theoretically, there should have been
regidores and alguaciles as part of the cabildo (the council
of political authorities) but there is no evidence that
Lagunas ever had such positions (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:
594). The cabildo, whatever its composition, elected new
alcaldes each January for each barrio. These men became
part of the next year's cabildo. The alcaldes had to
travel to Borja each year--a round trip of three weeks--for
confirmation. The duties of the alcaldes were to maintain
order and morality in the barrios, and to report infrac¬
tions to the governor who reported in turn to the priest.
The priest alone determined punishment, usually whipping
or detention in small cells in the sun for periods of
24 hours to three days. Each alcalde carried a staff of
office, the vara (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:594, 597-601).

146
The priest had his own men, the fiscales, directly-
named by him on the same day the cabildo named the alcaldes
in early January. The naming was done in the church in
front of the whole village, and it was the function of the
priest to hand the new fiscales their varas. At the same
time he would name junior fiscales, called fiscalillos,
whose main duty was to inform on the fiscales. Fiscales
were named from each ethnic group and there were probably
seven of them in Lagunas in total. The duties of the
fiscales were both civil and religious. The chief fiscal
was the liaison with the priest. He appointed one fiscal
each week as bell-ringer and a few fiscalillos to bring wate
for the priest. The other fiscales kept track of the sick,
the women giving birth, and the needy. They acted as
auditors of the functions of the alcaldes, and they were
audited in turn by the fiscalillos. Marital discord, for
example, the province of the alcaldes, was frequently re¬
ported to the priest by the fiscales. Through them the
priest made certain that the civil government of the village
did not stray from his control to that of the gover¬
nor .
The support of the priest was mainly through charges
for services to the Indians although the viceroy had

147
granted the missions 400 pesos per year in 1656. Marriage
and funerals were commonly paid for. It was customary to
plant fields for the priest, the proceeds of which were
partly redistributed. Easter offerings of baskets of food
(the camarico) and end of year food offerings were common.
Sometimes the offerings were demanded twice a year (the
chaupiguata or half-year in Quechua). Certain duties
toward the priest were owed by children attending cathe-
quism. Confessed sinners also owed duties to the priest.
Some of these duties included hunting meat and such hunters
were called mitayeros. The offerings were frequently paid
in white wax, the currency of the time, to be used for
candles (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:200).
In addition to these obligations, the Indians were
called on to gather white wax, resins, vanilla, and other
forest products to send twice a year to Quito. These
products were exchanged for flour and wine for the church,
clothes for the priest, and iron tools. Commercial expedi¬
tions were also sent regularly to Lamas and to Moyobamba
to obtain fish poison, sugar, and cotton cloth (tocuyo,
lienzo, lona) for clothing and for mosquito nets for the
Indians (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:616, 618).

148
An indication of the sorts of goods which formed the
bulk of the exchange comes from a report of a Lagunas
disaster in 1749. The church and missionary house burned
down, as well as the entire Pano barrio. The following
items were lost:
1. Six arrobas of white wax
2. 900 varas of Iona
3. Tobacco
4. Tools.
The mission records were also lost, and the Panos were very
angry at the priest, who had started the fire testing
rockets for a fiesta (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:408-409).
Probably the most serious disruption to the normal
economic life of the Indians was the entradas and expedi¬
tions which they were frequently asked to make. As long as
these were carried on during the flood season, their old
patterns were not too upset, but there was no guarantee
that the timing would be so well-tuned to their own
patterns. They also had to supply these expeditions as
the following quote indicates;
The governor or his ministers were denied
nothing, the Indians furnishing canoes or
releasing supplies according to what was
required. They would leave with gusto with
their arms at the voice the king. . .leaving

149
to the charity of the missionaries their
families, and exposing themselves generously
to the dangers of losing their health and
their lives with the work which was given to
them onthe journey of serving as oarsmen in
the canoe which carried no other sailors than
they; serving also as soldiers, fishermen,
and hunters. All of this the Indians did in
the expeditions to which they were called, be
it punishing rebel peoples, discovering
gentiles, making peace with some barbarians
. . .employing at times three, four, and more
months in which time some die with the weight
of so much fatigue (Chantre y Herrera, 1901;
587, translation mine).
Under Jeronimo Vaca who took over the Borja government
in 1677, an Indian militia was formed in each mission. All
able-bodied men from 18 to 50 were required to serve, and
in Lagunas each barrio had its own little army for the
entradas mentioned above. Moreover each group used its
own weapons, the Cocama and Cocamilla using the spear
thrower and war club (macana) (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:606).
In addition, male labor was used for village main¬
tenance and building canoes for public use. Women kept
the plaza clean and sanded it regularly with white sand
to keep the grass down. Indian men were sent to the salt
deposits near the pongo de Aguirre, a week upstream, from
July to October to mine salt for the missions.

150
It should be emphasized that from the time the Coca-
milla were transferred to Lagunas in 1682 until the expul¬
sion of the Jesuits in April of 1768, they were not part of
any encomienda. Nor were they put directly to daily work
for any Spanish colonists except on expeditions, some of
which were of a commercial nature. Unlike many other
Indians, especially the downriver Tupian groups of Brazil
and the Mainas Indians of Peru, they avoided a period of
slavery in this important part of their history. Neither
did they pay tribute directly to the king. In fact, the
entire Mainas mission area was exempt from tribute for four
main reasons:
1. The distance to the highlands was great; products
would have to have been of great value to be
worth shipping.
2. The lands were poor and it was judged that the
lowland tropical forest had nothing which was
worth the cost of transporting.
3. The Indians were already in the service of the
church.
4. The Indians served the Spanish with their militia
(Chantre y Herrera, 1901:627).
The laws required that the Cocamilla and other Indians
be paid for their service. It is not known whether they were
actually paid for militia expeditions but it is probable
that they were paid for commercial trade as gatherers

151
or as canoemen. Chantre reports a wage of approximately
2.4 reales per day for canoemen but it is extremely doubt¬
ful that they were paid in cash. It took three days to
collect an arroba of cacao worth eight reales. It took
about the same amount of time to collect a pound of white
wax, also worth about eight reales. The price of a hatchet
was three pounds of wax or ten days work. A greedy governor
doubled the prices in 1758 (Chantre y Herrera, 1901:504,
628-629).
The economy of the Cocamilla was thus quickly trans¬
formed from a simple economy of reciprocity in Polanyi's
terms (1958:243-270) to an economy which, by the end of the
Jesuit period, had acquired characteristics of both redistri¬
butive and market economies with use of currency. The
purely reciprocal economy probably held for a time in
intra-village relations among the Indians. The flow of
products to the priest and the subsequent redistribution of
part of them was grafted loosely on the basic reciprocity.
By far the most pervasive and insidious influence on the
Indians was the introduction of the exchange of labor and
products for tools, sugar, salt, and cloth. The direct
contact with European markets and wage labor had profound
consequences for the future. Appetites thus whetted could

152
never be assuaged. As long as wages remained low and
Europeans determined the prices for the goods the Indians
wished to buy, they could always be gotten into debt easily.
Until the Jesuits were expelled, however, the Cocamilla were
partly protected from the logical consequences of their own
appetites. The Jesuits controlled the demand and supply
for reasons which were partly moral and partly bureaucratic.
In addition to the economic changes and the changes in
socio-political organization mentioned previously, the Jesuits
also provided the Cocamilla with a set of rituals which
lasted over three centuries. The most important celebra¬
tions mentioned in the literature were Corpus Cristi and
Semana Santa, although the celebration of special saint's
days, All Saints, Christmas, New Year, and Carnaval all
date from the Jesuit period. Corpus Cristi included the
custom of castillos, constructions to which were appended
fruits and food and sometimes live animals. During a
parade around the village, the contents of the castillos
were gathered up by the fiscales and given out (Chantre y
Herrera, 660-552). It seems likely that the roots of the
modern custom of the húmisha, a pole decorated with trinkets
which is felled and the trinkets distributed on certain
ritual occasions, is found here.

153
The celebration of Semana Santa included a parade of
the penitents in which men would march for two nights
lashing themselves with whips and thongs tipped with balls
of rubber into which sharJs of glass were embedded. This
self-flagellation would often wound them seriously and the
priests had sometimes to restrain overzealous penitents.
This custom spread very rapidly. Its spread probably repre¬
sents the coincidence of a native Tupian custom of self
scarification and the asceticism and self-mortification
of which the Jesuits were fond (Noticias Auténticas, 1887-92
594; Chantre y Herrera, 1901:665-667; Edmunson, 1922:61).
The years from 1682 until the end of the Jesuit period
were marked by a determined thrust by the Portuguese colo¬
nists on the lower Amazon into the Spanish territory in the
lowland tropics of what is now Peru. The Indians on the
lower river were enslaved and they died even more rapidly
than their counterparts in the Mainas missions. Slaving
expeditions advanced farther and farther up the river each
year and groups such as the Omagua, Yurimagua, Aysuare,
and Ibanoma Indians were either carried away in chains or
retreated step by step upriver. Some of the Yurimagua and
Ayzuare Indians were settled for a time in 1709 in the old
mission site of the Cocamilla, but they sickened and died

154
quickly and the mission was abandoned by the survivors.
Fifty families of Yurimagua were returned in December of
1712 by Padre Jose Ximénes who settled them at the mouth of
the Paranapura River where the modern city of Yurimaguas
still lies. The mission was given the name of the old
Yurimagua mission on the Amazon River, Nuestra Se'Kora de las
Nieves de Yurimaguas, and the old 17th century Muniche Indian
mission founded by Santa Cruz, as well as a new mission for
Lamista Indians a short distance away, became annexes. In
1715 Yurimaguas had just over 300 people (Edmunson, 1922:
121-122, 126, 128, 139).
The Omagua, fragmented by slavers and disease were
finally settled in their present site at San Joaquin on the
extreme upper Amazon, near the mouth of the Ucayali River
in 1726. By 1731 they were mixed with over eleven other
Indian groups and the population of San Joaquin was 522
(Edmunson, 1922:238, 139-142). This extraordinary mixing
of Indian groups was brought about by the cycle of entrada,
miss ionization, and the subsequent death by disease of
forest Indians during this period. The bureaucratic main¬
tenance of the missions demanded that established missions
be full. To achieve fullness, entradas were intensified.
The policy of founding isolated missions was changed to one

155
of bringing newly pacified Indians to already established
missions. More entradas meant more Indians were brought in
without resistance to diseases and more deaths. The cycle
might have ended when all the Indians were dead, but
fortunately the Jesuits were expelled before this logical
outcome could be achieved. The Indians not on major rivers
withdrew into their former territories and thus retained
many customs. The river Indians who had passed their popula
tion nadir early, such as the Cocama and Cocamilla, were the
lucky ones. For the Omagua, the combination of slave raids
and a relatively late population nadir (c. 1710), in addi¬
tion to the extreme cultural mixing mentioned above, meant
their effective destruction as a culture (Chantre & Herrera,
1901:609-611, 580-581, 501-503; Noticias Autenticas, 1889-92
519-520).
Legunas continued to suffer epidemics. In 1695 there
was another outbreak of smallpox. This time the priest
(Gaspar Vidal) did not permit the Cocama and Cocamilla to
disperse. Many died as a consequence (Jouanen, 1943(2):
387). In 1750 the Hualiaga was swept by a new disease,
measles. Smallpox hit again in 1757-1758, and again in
1761-1762. It appears that natural antibodies had become
weakened in two generations. Grohs (974-50) has assembled

156
part of the data (Table 6.1) for Lagunas' population during
the Jesuit period.
The 1762 smallpox epidemic was the worst in intensity.
Two hundred Cocamilla and Panos died in Lagunas. Half of
the Yurimaguas died. Two hundred Cocama again fled Lagunas
for San Joaquin de Omagua where they were directed to the
lower Ucayali for six months quarantine. Some, under Andrés
Pacaya wanted to stay and populate the lower Tapiche River
along with the Cocama who had never been missionized and who
had participated in Figueroa's murder nearly a century
before. Eventually, some were persuaded to return to
Lagunas (Uriarte, 1952:264-266) but others never returned.
It was during the 1761-62 epidemic that the documentary
history of the lower Huallaga begins to connect with the oral
history of the Cocamilla. The community in this study,
Achual Tipishca, was said by the oldest residents to have
been founded by people fleeing from the Maranon River to
escape smallpox at about this time. Possibly they were
Borjenos, for the names of three of the families were
Salinas, and it is known that many Borjenos fled downstream
at this time. It is certain that during this epidemic or
just after the 1758 one, the mission called San Antonio de
Agúanos was abandoned and the remaining Agúanos were taken

157
Table 6.1
Population of Lagunas from 1670 to 1768
Year
Population
Note
1670
1,600
(Cocama, Xitipo,
Chipeo)
p
4,000
(According to
Chantre, year un¬
specified but "sooi
after founding."
Questionable
figure.)
1727
850
1732
c.1,000
1735
c.1,000
1737
1,062-1,072
1740
1,000+
1743
1,000
C. 1745
1,109
C. 1768
1,600
(According to
Uriarte: Index
to Vol. 2)

158
to Lagunas. The Tibilo mission was merged with the
Chamicuro mission which had 1,000 people at the time of
the Jesuit expulsion. Chamicuro largely escaped the
effects of the epidemic because of a form of vaccination
with pustule material carried out by Padre Esquini 26
years before Jenner developed a vaccine (Uriarte, 1952;
264-266, Index).
The Departure of the Jesuits
The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768 came as no sur¬
prise. The Portuguese had suppressed them nearly ten years
before the Spanish got around to it. However, the vacuum
created by their departure was never filled by the Fran¬
ciscan and secular priests who followed them. The notice
came in September of 1767 and the last priests left in
April of 1768. Thirty secular clerics in Jesuit robes
arrived from Quito for the transition, but at least ten of
them went straight back to Quito. They lacked the "vocation"
of the Jesuits. At least one of the broke into tears when
he realized he was to live and work in San Joaquin, the
ends of the earth (Chantre & Hererra, 1901:670-676;
Izaguirre, 1923-26(8):48).

159
The Indians knew better than anyone that expulsion
meant that the Jesuit political buffer was lost to them:
Nearly all the new reductions were extin¬
guished. The Indians, oppressed by the
authorities and the traders, abandoned civil
life and returned to their old customs, or,
made desperate by the oppression, various
villages rebelled and gave death to their
oppressors (Compte, 1885:253).
Quito Franciscans quickly followed the seculars but
many of them soon deserted the missions. Lagunas and
Chamicuro were left without a priest until 1772 (Compte,
1885:258-261). Francisco Requena had this to say in 1779:
Many deserted. Some stayed voluntarily in
villages they liked, and others traveled
about the province at their discretion,
vagrants (Compte, 1885:263).
Crown officials were no less worried than the Indians
at the decay of Mainas missions. To keep the Portuguese
at bay, various decrees were promulgated. In 1771 the
post of Vicar of Missions was created in Lagunas. The
missions were supposed to have the regimen of the Uruguay
and Paraná missions. In 1774 the Quito-based Franciscans
were withdrawn and secular clerics moved in again (Pardo
y Barreda, 1905:111-113; Cornejo, 1905:XXVII; Compte,
1885:264). Franciscans from Santa Rosa de Ocopa reported
in a letter to King Charles III in 1781 that the Portuguese

160
had actually taken over Lamas in 1777, traveling up the
Huallaga to do so. This was not the only time they had
advanced so far. The suggestion was made that "adequate"
boats should be placed on the rivers to protect national
territory, to re-conquer the Indians, and to re-introduce
religion and social life (Izaguirre, 1923-29(6):24, 26;
Ugarte, 1970:105-170).
Some of the Cocamilla in Lagunas began to hide along
isolated lakes and streams at this time. It seems probable
that any of the Chipeo or Xitipo Indians left alive by
1761-62 epidemics also dispersed. The Chipeo-Xitipo barrio
is never again mentioned. The Agunaos and Chamicuros
brought from San Antonio and San Xavier began to form the
fourth barrio. The population in Lagunas had dropped from
1600 in 1768 to 1149 in 1769 (Jouanen, 1943 (2) : 536) . How¬
ever, by 1790 Lagunas was back to 1402 (Izaguirre, 1923-29
(7):345-346).
Military Rule in Mainas
In 1777 Francisco Requena was sent to Mainas as
governor and chief of a military force to be stationed at
Tefe in what is now Brazil. This force was to prevent
further Portuguese upriver expansion. The Indians of

161
Mainas, now directly dominated by white-mestizo governors
had to pay the burden of supporting the troops. Manuel
Sobreviela, the Franciscan guardian of the Ocopa College,
traveled to the Mainas missions after Requena reinstated the
Franciscans in 1790. He found the Indians in Yurimaguas
under armed guard to prevent them from fleeing. The town
had dwindled to 123 people. All of the Huallaga Indians
were being placed at the service of traders in the salt
fish, salt extraction, and cacao extraction businesses.
The secular priests had the Indians out gathering wax. In
Xeberos, the Indians were producing hats and clothing.
Among other things they were making a blanket for the King.
In Lagunas, the lieutenant governor, Juan Salinas, was
interested in trade and new routes for shipping products
out. He had spent ten years in getting Indians tc work
and was ready to make money now that he had a population
who were almost slaves (Izaguirre, 1923-29(7):232-236).
The Cocamilla were forbidden to leave Lagunas and were
furnishing weekly mitayeros (Indians who hunted meat) to
the governor and to the secular priest. The men were
building large boats for Requena's defense plans. The
principal occupation of the Cocamilla, however, was to
make fields of bitter manioc, a crop introduced to the

162
missions by Requena, from which the women made farina
(manioc flour) to feed the Tefe troops (Izaguirre, 1923-29(7)
237-238). The wages for canoe work had dropped to 12 reales
per month in tools and clothes (izaguirre, 1923-29(7):243).
The price for farina was supposed to be five reales for 60
pounds; about four days of work, not counting planting and
cultivating, was involved in producing this amount.
The political system of Lagunas had changed radically.
Lagunas still had four barrios, now Cocama, Cocamilla, Pano,
and Aguano-Chamicuro, but the governor was now Spanish.
Effective control had passed from the priest to the Spanish
governor backed up by soldiers who now lived in the village
(Table 6.2).
A letter from Requena to Sobreviela in 1792 indicates
some of the current practice. Requena thought that whipping
with manatee leather whips was damaging to the health and
too sexually titillating when the culprit's pants and shirt
were removed. He preferred palm whips and prison which
the Cocamilla hated worse than whipping. The Cocamilla
sleeping arrangement in which whole families lay on wooden
platforms under a common mosquito net, a custom practiced
since before the conquest, was immoral in his eyes. "What
excesses might not be committed when the husband was out

Table 6.2
Lagunas Political Organization 1790
Francisco Requene (Governor in
Jeberos)
Juan Salinas (Lagunas Lieutenant
1
1
Governor)
1
Barrio Indian
1
i Spanish
|Young Alcalde
Alcaldes
i Soldiers
¡age 12-14
Barrio Indian
â–  Field Indian
1
|
Varayos
. and trans¬
port crews
1
1
Responsible for main-
Responsible
Informers
taining morality
for super¬
vision of
work and
1
1
1
maintenance
' of order
1
Bishop (in Quito)
Lagunas (3 year
Priest contract
at 200
pesos/yr.)
mitayeros
Responsible for
religious life of
Indians with
recommendations
for punishments
cr>
CO

164
of town and the wife was sleeping with her adult sons," he
protested. He wanted the nuclear family isolated in a
separate house (he did not succeed in this). He wanted
the Lagunas Indians to stop painting their bodies with
huito (genipa) dye. The Cocamilla women were to stop
wearing the pampanilla skirt and to wrap their bodies
modestly. He wanted the Indians taught Spanish, holding
Quechua to be too foreign. Even better, he thought, would
be bilingual schools (Izaguirre, 1923-29(8):16-38).
Requena1s recommendations to the King in another letter
were to have far-reaching consequences. He thought that
the general command of Mainas and other lowland mission
areas, then under the control of Quito, should be under the
control of the viceroy of Peru for easier defense (Izaguirre,
1923-29(3) :43-48) . In the ecclesiastic sphere, Requena
wanted the Ocopan Franciscans to be given the missions.
The clerics from Quito, he said, "didn’t even know how to
say mass." They had abandoned the smaller towns and con¬
centrated in the larger ones. The total number of Indians
in the missions had consequently dwindled from 15,000 in
1768 (Chantre y Herrers, 1901:580) to 9,000 in 1790
(Izaguirre, 1923-29(8):64). Requena wanted an episcopal
seat to be created for Mainas to include Lamas and Moyobamba

165
as well as the lowland tropical forest (Izaguirre, 1923-29
(8):43-64).
In 1802 the Crown gave the Lima viceroy Mainas and
Quijos, including the entire Morona, Huallaga, Pastaza,
Ucayali, Napo, Yavari, Putumayo, Japura, and other lesser
rivers. The college of Santa Rosa de Ocopa in the high¬
lands was given the ecclesiastical responsibility for the
entire area, including the supervision of all the secular
priests. Four thousand pesos per year was assigned them
to run it. No Ocopans could be found, however, who wished
to accept the new Bishop's mitre. After two Ocopans refused
the post, Fr. Hipólito Rangel, a Franciscan but not an
Ocopan, was named Bishop of Mainas in 1805. He made the
town of Xeberos his headquarters. The Ocopans eventually
controlled only the central Huallaga and the new conversions
of the Ucayali River. They clashed with Bishop Rangel
repeatedly over jurisdiction (Izaguirre, 1923-29(8):76-96;
Ugarte, 1970:133-139).
The Cocamilla, thus rudely brought into the 19th
century saw white-mestizo control concentrating and becoming
more and more coercive. Much of the time Lagunas lacked
priests, for Bishop Rangel was never able to exert effective
control over his far-flung domain. Relations between the

166
Aguano-Chamicuro barrio and the Cocamilla barrio became
worse and worse in the early part of the 19th century until,
in 1819 (Maw, 1973:228 says 1813, but a copy of the act of
foundation exists in Lagunas), the Agúanos and Chamicuros
were permitted to leave Lagunas and resettle on the site
of the old mission of San Antonio de Agúanos. The re¬
settlement was called Santa Cruz del Huallaga in official
documents but persists as San Antonio de Abad de Santa
Cruz in baptism records until late in the 19th century
(Maw, 1973:232; Lagunas Parish Archives). The Cocamilla
called it simply "Aguano."
In 1820 Bishop Rangel denounced the treatment of the
Indians under the long-term military regime introduced by
Requena. In a letter to the archbishop Las Heras, he said
the following:
Z-There are_'7 immense expenses to maintain
the lazy and the libertines, perdition of the
Indians, with scandals which they have not yet
seen; intolerable punishments to reduce them
to the barbarous or capricious system of the
governors. . . .In a word, so much bad as can
be imagined has produced the Tefé expedition.
At its finish, without having achieved its
ends in 20 years, the men are now found here
vegetating (Ugarte, 1970:142, translation
mine) .
This situation of oppression under a direct military
presence was ended by the War of Independence. Moyobamba

167
declared its independence in August of 1821. The lowland
tropical forest towns and villages remained royalist for a
time but the issue was decided not by soldiers, but by the
flight of royalist officials to Pebas on the Brazilian
border. Bishop Rangel left late in 1821, saying that
there was no longer any government in Mainas nor any troops.
They had all been called away to fight in more profitable
zones. Mainas and Quijos were combined and made into a
department of the new republic in 1322 (Larrabure y Correa,
1905-09(1):18; (8):16-17). Independence was a great
victory for the new Peruvian republic but its ultimate
consequences for the lowland Indians, especially the
Christian Indians, were sombre.
Summary
This chapter in Cocamilla history from post-contact
settlement in Lagunas to their incorporation in the new
republic was a time of gradual tightening of control of all
Christian Indians. Most of the non-Christian Indians who
survived the Jesuit period retreated to remote areas. Many
formerly Christian Indians also fled and renounced Chris¬
tianity. The white-mestizo sectors of lowland society
became more differentiated as entrepreneurs, traders,

168
political officials, religious officials, soldiers, and (in
the border areas such as Borja) land-holders, multiplied
and created more and more economic niches, the exploitation
of which needed Indian labor.
Again it should be stressed that during this period
there was no direct occupation of Indian lands or waters in
most of the lowland forest areas of Peru. The Christian
Indian economy had to adjust to increased demands for support
of troops and officials, and they were forced or induced to
provide labor for the still-nascent extractive industries.
Some were put to work producing crafts, but only the Indians
under the direct control of the governor general in Jeberos.
The Cocamilla found their niche as rivermen for export
and import operations, exploration, and as fishermen for the
white-mestizo sectors. They were less willing to be forest
and field workers as the next chapter will show. Their own
subsistence economy and many of their cultural arrangements
were affected but not destroyed by the increased demands placed
on them. Forest Indians who were Christianized and brought to
the rivers were not so fortunate. Those who survived became
culturally more and more like the river Indians, to the point
that they disappeared as ethnic groups. In the lower Huallaga
region, only the Xeberos and the Chamicuro, left in their
pre-conquest inland locations, survived the period.

CHAPTER VII
THE COCAMILLA AND THE REPUBLIC:
IDEAL AND REALITY
The independence of Peru meant very different things
to the Cocamilla and to the new Peruvians. Filled with
democratic sentiments, the new government published a
series of laws and decrees which purported to make the
Indians of the lowland tropics full citizens. All Mainas
inhabitants were freed of contributions in 1827. In 1828
Indians and mestizos were declared owners of lands which
they possessed with "full dominion over the lands which they
presently occupy," as long as no competing claims existed.
Landless Indians in the highlands (there were probably few
in the lowlands) were to be given land, and if literate,
they could sell it. In 1830 the forced work of Indians
was prohibited by prefectural decree. In 1842 the law
forbade "contributions" by Indians in Mainas. In 1846
personal service and gratuities given by Indians to the few
priests in Mainas was forbidden. In 1845 President Ramon
Castilla declared the entire montana, including the low¬
lands, free of taxes and spoke out about the need to
169

170
v

171
"protect the civilization of the Savages." Forced labor
was again prohibited in 1850. Tribute payments (the
diezmo) were forbidden in 1854 again (Larrabure y Correa,
1905-09(1):228, 229-230, 242, 242; (5):6-7; (8):490;
(9)\211, 278-280, 282, 392).
The Native Response to Independence
The law is one thing. Compliance is quite another.
To the Cocamilla, and to all other lowland Indians, the
first thirty years after independence meant that troops
which had been plentiful in Mainas were now gone. A
political and economic vacuum ensued. The near monopoly
held by the Spanish governors over Indian labor was
shattered as merchants from the more developed Brazilian
Amazon region required more workers and canoemen. Gold-
seekers on independent expeditions invaded the Morona
and Pastaza Rivers. Independent extractors began to
mobilize large work forces by 1840.
The Indian response to the relaxation of military
pressure was the same as their response to the vacuum
following the Jesuit expulsion, rebellion and dispersal.
The first uprising began in 1830 among Aguaruna Indians in
the Borja region, the most developed region of the lowland

172
tropical forest. By 1832 the towns of Andoas and Pinches
on the Pastaza River were threatened by Indians (Larrabure
y Correa, 1905-09 (1):233; (5):138; (6):500-505; (7):7-18?
(9):282-296, 307, 310, 315-322, 357, 407-408, 500-505;
Herndon, 1853:221; Lagunas Parish Archives, Pena 1863).
Many of these areas were not pacified again until the 20th
century.
The response to independence in Lagunas among Christian
Indians was a small-scale rebellion and dispersal. Hos¬
tilities between ethnic groups dissolved the formerly
enforced bond which held the disparate barrios of Lagunas
together. The Panoans dispersed to the Ucayali and to remote
parts of the hinterland and renounced Christianity. Many
of the Cocaína left Lagunas in 1829 under Manuel Pacaye.
This group fissioned and formed the towns of Nauta and
Parinari on the lower Maranon River. The stimulus for this
move was probably connected both to an epidemic and a local
rebellion. Either in 1829 or in 1832, the Cocamilla and
Cocama attacked some soldiers under a lieutenant Ulloa who
had offended them. They wounded one soldier. The Agúanos
and Chamicuros had left in 1819 to re-establish San Antonio
de Abad, now called Santa Cruz (Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09
(5):99-100; (6)328-330; Lagunas Parish Archives, copy of
1819 document; Maw, 1973:233-234).

173
By 1830 Lagunas was largely a Cocamilla town. The
demographic effects of Independence are suggested by com¬
paring some censuses of the time. Lagunas shrank rapidly,
and smaller towns held their own or grew (see Table 7.1).
Economically, the effect of Independence on the
Cocamilla was that they were somewhat more free to choose
the ways in which they were exploited, as they were also
more free for a time to move about physically. The district
governors had only Christian tradition, trade goods, and
the verbal threat of force to keep them in line until the
middle of the century. An entire generation of Cocamilla
grew up after independence which knew a lifestyle more free
of direct military restrictions than any generation since
1650. The Cocamilla continued to be canoemen, guides, and
guards over other Indians on expeditions seeking gold
or other commercial ventures. They provided food from
the rivers for extractive operations in the Huallaga
Valley.
Culturally, their temporary freedom was reflected in
independent behavior. They submitted but they were touchy.
Manuel Ijurra, a commercial extractor of forest products,
who put hundreds of Huallaga Indians to work as peons
between 1841 and 1845 and who used Cocamilla as guards

Table 7.1
Populations in the Lower Huallaga Region 1790-1864+
Year
Lagunas
Santa Cruz
Chamicuro
Yurimaguas
Source
1790
1402
—
391
123
Izaguirre, 1923-29(7):
345 346
1814
1115
—
122
515
Larrabure y Correa, 1905-
09(6):180-181
1824
1245
—
7
311
Larrabure (14):252-
255
1827
"a few
hundred"
150-300
7
275
Maw, 1973:233; Yurimaguas
baptism records
1847
596
320
246
240
Larrabure(6):185
1864
283
277
317
296
Lagunas Parish Archive,
Ecclesiastical Census
*The 1847 census and the 1864 census are unimpeachable and the original data still
exist in Lagunas for the 1864 census. Other census material conflicts with this data
but the estimates almost certainly include Lagunas and small towns in Lagunas' juris¬
diction, not simply the town of Lagunas (Cf. Herndon, 1853:176; Larrabure y Correa,
1905-09 (6) :195) . The assumption that conflicting census data include district popula¬
tion indicates that there was little net loss of population. By 1864 Achual Tipishca
with population of 309, a small Cocamilla town before, was the largest town on the lower
Huallaga River.

175
and hunters, called them "arrogant, impudent, and belli¬
cose (Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(6):319). They had to
be treated with "delicacy." In 1844, they threatened the
life of a Lagunas priest when he tried to whip one of his
mitayeros. Ijurra said they "felt themselves superior to
the other Indians" (Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(6) :320) .
The Cocama who had participated in the Lagunas uprising were
called "insubordinate" by an official of the time, and the
Cocamilla were worse, "incorrigible in their ferocity"
(Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(6):272-273).
Freedom for the main part of the Cocamilla was only a
token and only temporary. Objectively they were caught up
by an ever-diversifying national and international economy.
As "pacified" Christian Indians, their place in the economy
was at the bottom as basic producers and wage workers. As
riverine Indians there was no place to run. Demands on
them came from four basic sources in the 19th century.
There were (1) the governors and other political authorities,
(2) the extractors of forest and river products who were
also merchants, (3) the church, (4) the lowland hacienda
patrons after 1853.

176
Competition for Indian Labor
Demands by the governors never stopped but they be¬
came for a time less able to enforce them as competition
multiplied. In 1827, the Lagunas Cocamilla were dominated
by Fortunalto Sumalta, the Lagunas governor. He had them
producing wax, salt fish, and turtles, which he exchanged
in Moyobamba for tocuyo cloth. They also produced manatee
oil and zarzaparilla which he sent downstream to Brazil to
be traded for knives, hooks, machetes, adzes, beads, and
imported cloth for his own clothes (Maw, 1973:232-234).
Sometime before 1842, the governors imposed the remesa,
tribute at frequent intervals, consisting of demands for
each Cocamilla male to present 20 piezas (pieces) of salt
fish or meat to the governor. They were required to supply
their own salt, fish poison, and dart poison for blowguns
(they had by this time adopted the blowgun as well as the
bow and arrow from their former Lagunas neighbors). Fre¬
quent "contributions" of one-and-a-half arrobas (2C kilograms)
of manioc flour were demanded. These products were sold
by the governor and the profits were shared with the
prefecture (Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(6):334-335).
After the introduction of regular steamship travel
in the upper Amazon region in 1851, the governors were in

177
charge of providing wood for the boats to burn. They
sometimes paid Indians 8-10 pesos per 1000 pounds for the
wood which they resold at 14 pesos. Sometimes they paid
nothing (Larrabure & Correa, 1905-9(7):316-317). Despite
government prohibitions on forced labor, Indians were
carried away to the highlands to work on roads in
Chachapoyas in 1853, and in 1866 the government used forced
labor of Cocamas in dock construction in Iquitos (Larrabure
y Correa, 1905-09(9):505, 513-514, (14):135-136). Herndon,
in 1853, said the following:
I do not wonder at the indifference of the
people to attempt to better their condition.
The power of the governor to take them from
their labor and send them on journeys of
week's duration with any passing merchant or
traveler, would have this effect. At this
time they have furnished canoes and rowers
for the priest, and a Señor Santa Maria,
bound up the river; and for the governor
and us, bound down; which has taken thirty-
eight men out of a population of ninety.
(The whole population of the town and neigh¬
borhood, reckoning women and children, is
three hundred.) (Herndon, 1853:153)
The temporary extractors and the merchants used Indians
for harvesting forest and river products and for canoemen
and boatmen. The Cocamilla, however, never fond of field
work destroyed the zarzaparilla plants, "with the object
of not seeing themselves obligated to return to collect

178
them" (Maw, 1973:232-233). Increasing trade with the more
developed lower Amazon began to attract Indians, especially
Cocama and Cocamilla, out of the country for long periods
of time. Many never returned. Some of the merchants
stayed and married Cocamilla women. Their children accul-
turated to the Cocamilla completely and soon became Coca¬
milla (Lagunas Parish Archives, 1864 Ecclesiastical Census).
Demands by the Church could not have been too heavy
overall, since there were never more than seven priests in
all of the lowland Mainas missions during the entire 19th
and early 20th centuries. In towns such as Lagunas, Santa
Cruz, and Chamicuros, however, the demands amounted to a
considerable nusiance for the Indians, since there were
resident priests in these towns much of the time. Despite
bans on charging the Indians, the priests continued charging
3-4 pounds of white wax (about 10-12 days work) for marriages,
a chicken or 4-5 eggs for baptism, a basket of manioc (35
kilograms), a stalk of plantains, and a chicken for pre¬
marital confession, and a chicken for burial. Festival
mayordomos (uwo for each festival) gave two pounds of wax,
and their five assistants gave a pound each, besides the
food supplied for village consumption. The priest was
given a stalk of plantains, a basket of manioc, a chicken,

179
and a ball of thread (which was, along with wax and tocuyo
cloth, the local currency). Each priest had two fiscales at
his beck and call, and two sacristans and a treasurer for
each chapel, all to serve him. He had two cooks, a boy who
ran errands (called a pongo) and two hunters (mitaveros) who
served a week at a time. Semaneros were appointed for a
month at a time and brought jerked meat weekly to the
priest (Lagunas Parish Archives, Papers of Zacharias Peria).
Rates vary according to racial and corresponding
economic status. In 1877 Zacharias Peria, the vicar of mis¬
sions in Lagunas, advised one of his priests to charge the
whites 18 pesos for marriage, the mixtos 13 pesos 4 reales,
and the Indians 6 pesos 6 reales. One-half was to go for
the church and one-half to the priest (Lagunas Parish
Archive, Papers of Zacharias Pena; Herndon, 1853:168-169).
Competition for Indian labor between political
authorities, merchants, travelers, and priests resulted in
many of the laws and decrees mentioned earlier in this
chapter. The authorities usually cooperated with commercial
interests since profits accrued to them as well as to the
businessmen, and to some degree the two sectors merged.
The church, however, was repeatedly denied the right to
parasitize the Indian economy. A letter from an Iquitos

180
official to Zacharias Peña, the Vicar of Mainas Missions
in 1860 is worth quoting in full on this point:
If the superior orders of the prefecture
are published it is in order that they may
be given due compliance, not to make note
of them. From the moment the supreme govern¬
ment gives salaries to the curates of the
litoral, it is to correspond to their work
and to free the less fortunate classes from
the forced obligation of pongos, mitayos,
semaneros, fiscales, and other services with
which they are oppressed, just as they are
also freed of all payments for marriage,
baptism, and burial for which they may be
demanded nothing. And it is very strange
that you, Mr. Curate, who ought to give an
example of subordination to the laws, oppose
yourself openly to the superior dispositions
(Lagunas Parish Archives, papers of Zacharias
Peña, 1860, translation mine).
The Mainas priests, for their part, pointed out on numerous
occasions that their salaries never arrived. In any case,
as Peña said in 1864, "The political authority wishes to
inject itself in matters wholly outside temporal control"
(Lagunas Parish Archives, papers of Zacharias Pena, 1964).
Haciendas Appear on the Lower Huallaga
All of the economic forces impelling the history of
the tropical forest lowlands in the 19th century found
their ultimate expression in the institution of the low¬
lands hacienda. In 1853 the Province of Loreto had been

181
created and by 1857 Moyobamba was the capital. By 1866
Loreto was made a department and Lagunas was placed in Alto
Amazonas Province with Balsapuerta the Capital. Steamboat
navigation to Yurimaguas encouraged trade along the Huallaga
River. Eighteen fifty-three marked the year in which large-
scale colonization schemes for the lowlands began. At
first they had little effect on the lower Huallaga Valley,
but eventually whites and mestizos began to settle in small
numbers. Herndon found no haciendas on the lower Huallaga
in 1853 below Yurimaguas. By 1864 five steamships were in
operation on the Huallaga River and there were 16 settlements
below Yurimaguas with a total population of 2500 people.
At least four of these were new haciendas (Lagunas Parish
Archives, 1864 Ecclesiastical Census). In 1869, Raimondi
found Yurimaguas transformed. There were wood fueling
stations at Santa Cruz and Lagunas, and the governors were
''tyrants1' (Raimondi in Larrabure y Correa, 1905-1909(7):
316-317). By 1878 there were 22 settlements below Yurima¬
guas and six of them were classified as haciendas (Larrabure
y Correa, 1905-09(7):381-383). The Huallaga Valley above
the Pongo de Aguirre and the Mayo Valley between Moyobamba
and Tarapoto developed even more rapidly. By 1853 Tarapoto
had 3500 people and the district population numbered 6000
(Herndon, 1853:160).

182
It is difficult to imagine a more appropriate institu¬
tional response than the lowlands hacienda to the weak,
fluctuating, and export-dependent markets of the 19th
century lowland tropics. The lowlands hacienda was a
highly diversified industrial, commercial, extractive
economic institution with an agrarian subsistence base.
White-mestizos settled near resident native populations.
In Lagunas, the whites set up a separate village a kilo¬
meter from the Cocamilla barrio and called it Pueblo Nuevo
(New Town). In Chamicuro, and Santa Cruz they lived in the
native communities. Achual Tipishca, by 1864, the most
important Cocamilla town, resisted efforts to dominate it
directly, and remained socially if not economically inde¬
pendent. The hacienda planted fields for basic subsistence
food. Indians worked the fields sometimes without pay,
and even school children were forced to work in the fields
of the patron (Lagunas Parish Archive, Papers of Zacharias
Peña, 1863). Indians were dispatched into the inland areas
to gather Copal, Copaiba (resins), zarzaparilia, and elastic
gums for sale. At first the Cocamilla were mainly used to
produce river products, salt fish, and manatee oil for
export. The haciendas all grew some sugar cane and dis¬
tilled the juice to produce aguardiente (raw cane liquor) .

183
The Jesuits had introduced it and had madfe it part of the
religious festivities. Now it was used as a means of social
control, a created dependency. It was not exported from
the lower Huallaga (Lagunas Parish Archive, Papers of
Zacharias Pena, 1863).
The patrons^- bought goods to sell to the Indians with
the products of Indian labor. The Indians remained in debt.
The haciendas also made contracts with the governors to
supply wood, then contracted independent villages to cut it.
A favorite device of the time was to sell bronze bells to
villages like Achual Tipishca. The Jesuits had introduced
them and they had become extremely important for village
identity, and even as prime symbols of ethnic identity.
Each barrio in Lagunas, for example, had its bells and each
bell had a known history. Thus, it was that the following
document was made by Zacharias Pena in 1871:
In the village of Achual Tipishca on the
19th day of December 1871 before the under¬
signed Justice of the Peace and the witness
to the action. Dr. D. Zacharias Pena, D. Juan
Rengifo /“from a hacienda at Sta. Cruz_7’ and
D. Pedro Ortiz /“from a hacienda at Chamicuros_/,
both proponents for the sale of two bells
to the cited village, appeared the justices
in the name of the residents, and they were
told that D. Juan Rengifo offered two bells
weighing 93 pounds for the value of 270 rajas
of wood placed in the fields of Santa Maria
/“his hacienda_7 by each one of the residents

184
which ascends to 70. And D. Pedro Ortiz
offers two bells weighing 80 pounds for the
value of 300 rajas of wood which each one of
the same residents must place in the fields
of Santa Lucia /“his hacienda_7. . .etc.
(Lagunas Parish Archives, Papers of Zacharias
Peña, 1871, translation mine).
The pace of the mid-century export economy of Loreto
down the Amazon is shown by Table 7.2. The zarzaparilla
trade was never important in terms of money. Other exports
included cotton and tobacco. The table shows clearly the
fluctuating nature of the export economy which made the
industrial-agrarian-extractive-commercial hacienda adaptive.
Loreto became at this time, incredibly enough, a food
importer. Potatoes and onions were imported from Portugal.
Rice, beans, coffee, cacao, and rum were imported from
Brazil. The price structure indicates a problem which was
and is chronic with the extractive economy which takes men
out of food production. An arroba of imported potatoes or
onions cost three to four soles. An arroba of rubber also
cost three to four soles. The work of producing the
rubber took one man 30 days at wages of one real per day
(Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(16):129-130). If the rubber
collector had to buy imported food with his wages, he would
starve to death. Many did precisely that when the ex¬
tractive economy reached its insane fever pitch during the

Table 7.2
Exports of Some Lowland Products from Loreto 1862-1870
Year
Rubber kq.
Zarzaparilla kq.
Salt Fish kq.
Note
1862
2,088
4,793
1,459
Brazil blocked
1863
4,889
7,073
36,445
the mouth of the
1864
1,736
2,255
34,937
Amazon
1865
1,381
305
37,632
1866
11,847
1,137
56,631
1867
8,441
9,403
13,059
1868
3,699
8,225
38,542
Peruvian Amazon
opened to all
countries
1869
24,353
9,746
56,948
1870
58,584
6,532
67,049
(Source;
Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(16) :125-127) .

186
height of the rubber boom from 1887 to 1910. With prevail¬
ing wages, even if they were paid, the Indians had to
depend on food and clothing supplements from the patrons
at prices determined by the patrons. The alternative option,
to reject wage work, was not permitted them.
The commercial trade which the hacienda patron carried
with "his" Indians in terms of wages and prices is interest¬
ing. The Cocamilla worked about three-and-a-half days to
produce a pound of white bee's wax which was harvested from
the setico tree. A pound of wax bought, in 1853, four varas
of tocuyo cloth. A machete cost three varas of tocuyo in
Chasuta or the equivalent of 2.6 days work. This was a
great improvement over the six to nine days work required
in 1768 for the same purchase. However, the price for
machetes never dropped below the 1853 level even after the
introduction of steamships, although at times prices greatly
exceeded this limit. The Cocamilla today still work about
2.6 days for a machete, and less acculturated Indians pay
much more (price sources from Chantre y Herrera, 1901:504,
628-628; Maw, 1973:231; Herndon, 1853:166-167; Lagunas
Parish Archive Pena, 1863).
Each hacienda patron was the exclusive source of com¬
mercial goods to "his" Indians. There were agreements

187
between them to the effect that they would not sell to an¬
other's Indians. Even today the folk definition of slavery
in the region is "the inability to buy from whom one chooses."
In the lower Huallaga River valley, the white-mestizo society
was and is tightly knit by kinship, making economic collusion
easy. Church records of the time show marriage after marriage
in the white-mestizo sector annulled because the kinship
relationship between spouses was too close according to
Catholic canonic law (Lagunas Parish Archives).
The Rubber Boom
The rubber boom put a strain on the cozy nature of the
relationships among members of the white-mestizo sector.
Competition for Indian workers became much sharper and
roving gangs of thugs carried Indians away by force in
many areas. The abuses of this period on the Putumayo River
are well-known (Cf. Singleton-Gates, 1959) and it seems
unnecessary to concentrate on them here. On the lower
Huallaga River the rubber boom marked the effective end of
the Chamicuro and the Aguano. A German immigrant named
Belisario Patow was able to dominate the old mission of
Chamicuro and he insisted that the remaining Chamicuro
(pop. 275 in 1876) move to the Huallaga where he had founded

188
a hacienda in about 1885. He decided to take the Chamicuro
men to work far away on the Yavari River where there was
good rubber. Accordingly, he built rafts to float them
away. The last thing the Chamicuro women heard was the
sound of the men singing as they set out and were lost to
sight around a bend of the river. Only one came back. The
rest died on the Yavari. The women and children were left
on Belisario's hacienda and became his property. After he
died they became the property of his son, Rodolfo. Rodolfo
fathered many children by the Chamicuro women and was said
in his maturity to have been so mean that he bathed in his
aguardiente before selling it to the Indians, saying,
"These people can drink my sweat."
Wherever there were found defenseless Indians they were
removed. In 1903, the governor of Chayahuita on the Parana-
pura River complained that the religious festivals had nearly
disappeared in the community beginning in 1888 due to the
"continuous and inhuman persecution that the rubber ex¬
ploiters visit on the residents, to the extreme that the
few who are left are forced to abandon the village, separat¬
ing themselves great distances in order not to be found"
(Archives of Yurimaguas Sub-Prefecture). By 1903, the
entire province of Alto Amazonas including Lagunas, Santa

189
Cruz, Yurimaguas, Jeberos, Cahuapanas, and Balsapuerto
district had only 4020 people, only one-half of its 1876
population (Archives of Yurimaguas Sub-Prefecture, 1903;
Larrabure y Correa, 1905-09(6):214).
The Cocamilla were not so easily dominated. At one
time ten men from Achual Tipishca contracted to go to Manaus
to work in exchange for a large bronze bell which the com¬
munity still has in its possession. They were gone for five
years. Achual Tipishca, as the largest independent Cocamilla
community, was a constant temptation to the rubber gatherers.
A story passed on by the Cocamilla from the turn of the
century goes as follows:
One time some rubber gatherers from Manaus
came to Pampa Hermosa with the aim of carry¬
ing away people. They came bringing all
kinds of articles to give as advances to the
people who would go. Belisario Patow, the
owner of Pampa Hermosa brought them to Tipishca
after he had already taken away the Chamicuro.
The Cocamilla were having a fiesta at the time
and one of the old men said, "Brothers, I had
a bad dream. I dreamed that I raised (as a
child) a manatee. Something could happen to
us." At this he grabbed his carbine and,
loading it, put it in the rafter of his house.
The fiesta went on, everyone drinking their
fermented banana drink. In a few minutes the
caucheros, led by Mr. Patow, arrived with some
of the peons, Chamicuros. The Cocamilla were
surprised to see the whites, or Wiracochas as
they were called. The whites ordered them
all into their houses. Then they arrived at
the house where the fiesta was. One of the

190
old men responded in his dialect, "We are
the owners of these houses and you cannot
order us around in this manner." At this,
Patow, the patron of the Chamicuros who knew
very well the speech of the Cocamilla, told
the caucheros what had been said. "They say
no one can order them around because they are
in their houses." Hearing this, the caucheros
were infuriated and as they were armed with
carbines they shot an old man, wounding him.
The Cocamilla spokesman immediately grabbed
his carbine and shot the cauchero. At this
the Cocamilla dispersed themselves in the
forests, leaving their houses and everything
behind. Taking advantage of this, Mr. Patow
and his companions entered the church, taking
the treasure (some gold, silver, and copper
coins) and the act of foundation of the village
which was guarded there. This is how Tipishca
lost title to the land (Verbatim transcription
of tape in field notes, translation mine).
The renewed climate of violence in this period even
extended to the church. In 1901 Abraham Bernuy, the Lagunas
priest, beat a Cocamilla man to death in the Parish House,
lashing him to a post to do so. The act was committed
because the man had two women and Bernuy wanted him to marry
the one with a child. At the same time he mutilated one of
the women. He then refused to bury the man in the church¬
yard and took the dead man's son into the convent to pre¬
vent him from testifying, threatening him with the same fate
as his father (Archives of the Yurimaguas Sub-Prefecture,
1901) .

191
Arahuante, Lagunas, and Achual Tipishca remained the
centers of Cocamilla population which maintained the cycle
of traditional Catholic religious festivals introduced by
the Jesuits. The continued observance of these festivals
must have been a powerful force maintaining the cohesion
of the ethnic group, for their celebration had long before
come to express cultural themes particular to the Cocamilla.
Cooperation between men and women were represented, for
example, by the joint cutting of the humisha at pre-lenten
carnaval (see p. 116). A subsequent tug-of-war which the
women always lest seemed to reflect the relative political
and economic power of the sexes. The ritual bath of all
participants afterward symbolically joined the sexes. Coca¬
milla beliefs about the dangers of contact with the dead were
acted out in the placement of stations for protective prayer
at the points of a procession closest to the cemetery. The
native sacristans were prime instruments of the syncretiza-
tion, for villages like Tipishca were rarely visited by
priests, and the sacristans early came to be surrogate
priests.
By the time the rubber boom ended, the Cocamilla were
becoming fragmented socially despite the integrative effects
of the religious cycle. Each native community of Cocamilla

192
had slightly different relations with patrons. The old Coca-
milla barrio in Lagunas had become somewhat distinct socially,
and the oldest Cocamilla today remember that there was
hostility between the people of the Lagunas barrio and
Tipishca. The Cocamilla of Arahuante had become peons of
the Montero hacienda. Only Tipishca remained undominated,
but many Tipishca men worked as peons in other places.
Most of the Cocamilla remained peons even after the
rubber boom. While the market for caucho (castilloa ulei)
collapsed, there was still some money to be made in other
gums and resins. Many of the older people today spent time
in their youth gathering jebe (hevea brasilensis) inland
from Santa Cruz, balata (manikara balata, manikara bidentata,
mimusops bidentata) in Jeberos, and Leche Caspi (galactonden-
/
tron untilisimun or couma macrocarpa) inland from Tipishca.
The haciendas scaled down their extractive activities and
began to raise cash crops, especially rice and beans. Sugar
cane for liquor continued to be raised. Cattle raising
was increasingly important in some communities. Although
many of the Cocamilla had become field peons, their most
important economic function in the larger society was still
as suppliers of fish and other river animals to the swelling
white-mestizo populations in Lagunas, Santa Cruz, and

193
Yurimaguas (Espinosa, 1935:103; San Roman, 1975:169-176),
many of them working for patrons in these activities.
The relaxation of pressure on the "indigens" reported
by San Roman (1975:130, 176) after the rubber boom did not
extend to the Cocamilla peons. On the contrary, new oppres¬
sive decrees were promulgated to prevent their dispersal,
such as obligatory military service and forced road and
trail work in 1913. A letter received in Lagunas from the
Comisaria del Alto Maranon required the following measure:
1. All patrons sending commissions of peons must
send papers with them; otherwise they will be
suspected of fleeing their work and will be
arrested.
2. All patrons were authorized to arrest peons
traveling without papers.
3. All patrons must comply or they will be punished.
(Source, Lagunas Municipal Archives, 1913)
Schools began to be introduced to the smaller towns by
1926. Achual Tipishca received its first resident priest in
that year and he began a parochial school with instruction
in the Spanish language. A few men understood Spanish, and
most spoke Quechua, the lingua franca of trade and river
travel, as well as their own language. The priest, father
Julio, a Passionist, found many Cocamilla customs repugnant.
The careful attempts by the Jesuits to instill a religious
orthodoxy had been erased by the century and a half since

194
their expulsion. Customs such as the cult of the Maicucos,
masked dancers who were representations of devils or demons,
thinly veiled versions of colonial Spanish soldiers, offended
him. Some of the maicucos were adorned with enormous red
penises grafted onto the costume. He found the penitents
gruesome. He soon went back to Spain (Lagunas Parish
Archive; Corera, 1943: Appendix 1).
In 1935, Lucas Espinosa wrote the only monograph ever
published on the Cocamilla. Despite 300 years of contact,
they had managed to preserve an incredible amount of their
cultural particularity. The Cocama language was still used
by everyone. Shamanism was strong. The Curaca was still the
most respected authority. The blowgun and bow and arrow were
still in use. Most of their old crafts were still being
practiced, although graphic designs had undergone an evolu¬
tion to European styles. The division of labor in sub¬
sistence activities among the free Cocamilla had not changed
since Jesuit times. Family life based on the subsistence
patterns had not changed. Achual Tipishca, Arahuante, and
Lagunas' old Cocamilla barrio were the main concentrations
of Cocamilla families, although Cocamilla men could be found
working in many of the towns along the Maranon River
(Espinosa, 1935).

195
The Cocama were more dispersed. Some had been carried
to the mouth of the Nanay River during the rubber boom.
Both Nauta and Parinari (see p. 130) had been taken over by
white patrons soon after their founding and the men spent
much of their time away. The Cocama were widely scattered
over the major river valleys in small colonies wherever there
was work. They appeared to have been even more dominated
and fragmented than the Cocamilla were by their 19th century
patrons (Espinosa, 1935:130).
The riverine Indians witnessed a continuation of the
slow process of colonization as ex-caucheros looked for a new
life along the great rivers. These former masters were now
downwardly mobile socially, and they resented it fiercely.
The old colonial term cholo with its association of half-
breed became common all over Loreto at this time as the
newly poor ribereños tried to differentiate themselves
from the poor but pacified and Christian Indians. Indio
was still in vogue for the more isolated natives.
The Barbasco Years
The placing of schools did not stop. By 1935 all of
the major Cocamilla communities had public schools. The
children were forbidden to speak Cocama and were publicly

196
punished and humiliated if they did. The most severe blow
to Cocamilla independence, however, came with the beginnings
of the barbasco boom during World War II. The native fish
poison had been found to make an effective insecticide and
possibilities were sensed for its use as a weapon of chemical
warfare. The war also created a greater need for natural
rubbers. With such markets, Achual Tipishca, the last
independent Cocamilla community could no longer be permitted
the luxury of isolation. The Lagunas Cocamilla barrio, while
not actually occupied by white-mestizos, was completely
dominated. Between 1940 and 1954 the population of Lagunas
swelled from 2822 to 4500 (one source says 5300) , due to
the strong immigration of "gente blanca" who came for the
barbasco. They took over the commerce completely, exclud¬
ing the Cocamilla (Lagunas Parish Archive, Papers of José
Manuel Iriondo, 1954; Lagunas Parish Census, 1951-52).
Arahuante was a hacienda. Tipishca was not only a fertile
source of peons but it had a school as well. The patrons
moved in and competed with the Santa Cruz patrons for
Indians.
Barbasco fields of up to 100 hectares in size were
cleared from the forests. The labor involved in their
clearing and maintenance was incredible. The patrons

197
divided the work force by agreements as in the rubber boom.
As in the rubber boom forced work became the mode. Santa
Cruz was the residence of many barbasco patrons. Boats
with Guardia civil (the national police) aboard would pull
into Tipishca and load up all of the men a given patron
would identify as "his." The women and children were left
to fend for themselves. On wages of three to ten soles per
day the men could not buy them the food they needed. Their
plantain and manioc fields grew rank with weeds and grass.
The most damaging blow to Achual Tipishca, the last
independent Cocamilla community in Peru, was that the com¬
munity authority structure was completely undermined by the
white-mestizo takeover. Since before independence the
community had had a Cocamilla curaca with alcaldes, capitanes,
and varavos under him. He responded to the white-mestizo
lieutenant governor but the effective social control of the
village was in his hands. He resolved disputes, administered
discipline, and kept communal work projects operating. The
curaca was always a mature man and the position lasted until
death.
With the inflow of white-mestizo patrons the position of
the curaca was abolished. For a time the position was called
capitan del pueblo. The work of running the day to day

198
affairs of the village fell to the position of agente
municipal in accord with Peruvian municipal law, a position
created after the rubber boom. All other positions were
"illegal." From 1945 until 1954 the post of agente municipal
was held by a white-mestizo patron. For a few years the
capitan del pueblo continued to function as an authority
figure, but gradually the post merged with the varayos and
all disputes were taken by official orders to the teniente
gobernador, a post which had existed since the creation of
districts in the 19th century and a post normally held by a
white-mestizo. Thus the traditional chain of command through
Cocamilla authorities was bypassed and the moral structure
of the community was dealt a serious blow.
The patrons made the Cocamilla toe the line. Everyone
now remembers how the village "progressed." The streets
and plaza were purged of grass and white sand glittered
in front of the houses. The patrons imported cattle and
let them run loose defecating in the village to the Coca-
milla1 s intense disgust. The Cocamilla in Tipishca, from
1940 on, became the first generation in post independence
Peru to grow up with white-mestizo dominated schools,
white-mestizo authorities in the community, and white-
mestizo role models of all ages. They were the first

199
generation forbidden to speak their native language in
school, and they were reminded constantly in subtle and not-
so-subtle ways that they were barely civilized brutish
cholos fit only to be peons.
The rapid influx of population to Tipishca made the
village swell to over 1000 people by 1955. Fishing began
to deteriorate soon after 1945 as more and more people ex¬
ploited the lake. Fortunately for the Cocamilla, in the
early 1960s the price for barbasco fell almost overnight
and the patrons began to desert the village for larger towns
where there were economic niches which did not involve
living like rustics. By 1967 only one patron was left, and
the village went through an incredibly tortuous process to
get him and his cattle removed from the village. By this time
there were many Cocamilla who were literate and they took
an active hand in fomenting his legal removal. Eventually
they prevailed and the cattle were removed. The community
continued to dwindle in size until it reached the 1864 size
of just over 300 people sometime in 1975. The fishing
improved (See Table 7.3).
With the barbasco price collapse, another economic
depression ensued. The haciendas all along the lower
Huallaga had been withering since the rubber depression.

Table 7.3
Tipishea Populations as Shown in Various Censuses
Year of Census
Population
Type of Census
Note
1864
309
Ecclesiastical
1876
372
National
Larrabure y Correa,
1905-09(6):211-212
1940
688
National
Tipishea is found
in Santa Cruz Dis¬
trict (Censo Na-
cional,1940(9):82)
1961
416
National
Tipishea is found
in Lagunas District
(Censo Nacional,
1961(3):307)
1972
435
National
(Censo National,1972,
Dept, of Loreto, V.
2:543)
1976
304
My Own

201
their owners left with only agriculture and cattle to sup¬
port them. Cotton and jebe had no value by mid-century.
With the collapse of barbasco prices, prices for rice, beans,
and corn fell to five or six soles per arroba (11.5 kilograms).
The owners of the haciendas, the hacendados, by this time
the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the originals,
were reduced to a living standard which did not meet their
expectations of the "decorous life." Their own children
were being educated in large cities. The land was abandoned
when the old men died and an era was ended. The 1968
agrarian reform merely legalized the absorption of the
hacienda lands as state property; the fundamental economic
change had already taken place.
Recent Times
The Cocamilla had not long to wait for new patrons.
Despite the ups and downs in their immediate economic and
social environment caused by competition for their labor
among members of the white-mestizo sectors and the conse¬
quent expulsions, conflicts, and revolutions of their his¬
torical past, the general evolution of their relationship
to the dominant society is clear. They were first
dominated as a complete tribe by the Church and State

202
together. When the Jesuits were expelled, the domination
became finer-grained, and individual communities were
dominated by the State, Church, and rising commercial in¬
terests. With independence and the rise of the hacienda
they were further fragmented and dominated in nuclei of
patronage which separated them into groups of less than com
munitv size. The Church was gradually excluded. With the
collapse of the hacienda and patron system (a process still
on-going), the next logical step in their fragmentation had
to be their domination as individuals in an ever finer-
grained multiplicity of variable economic niches. This
logical step was aided by the 1968 military takeover of the
state and the creation of the agrarian bank. Soon after,
massive oil exploration efforts began which took many
Cocamilla men out of food production and river resource
exploitation, and turnedthem temporarily into industrial
wage workers. Catholic nuns in Lagunas report widespread
misery among Cocamilla families at this time due to aban¬
donment and the failure of the male workers to provide for
families left alone. Much of the cash income was spent in
the consumption of alcohol and other luxuries.
To summarize, the major changes in the social stratifi
cation of the Huallaga region during the post-independence

203
period include the creation of a highly-capitalized banking
and commercial elite by the rubber boom. This sector was
sustained by subsequent development. A second change was
the creation for a period of about 100 years of a rural
hacienda elite which gradually diversified to create the
motorized boat trading sector and some of the wealthier
buyers and sellers of agricultural and industrial goods in
the port towns today (the richer rematistas). Indian
society changed with the rubber boom as many formerly non-
Christian Indians were forcibly brought into close relations
with patrons. Thus "civilized" they were brought into the
orbit of modern Catholic and Protestant missionaries. With
white-mestizo downward mobility and riverbank colonization,
the Christian and patron-dominated Indians became known as
cholos and the gulf between such "civilized" Indians and
other Indian widened. The Cocamilla and Cocama, as well
as all other dominated Indians, were fragmented by the new
patrons. It was no longer possible to think of the Coca¬
milla and many other Indian groups as tribes or even as
unified ethnic groups since individual patron-dominated
communities acculturated at varying paces determined by the
degree of direct domination and insertion into the regional
class system. An important variable was certainly the

204
degree to which individual native communities were physi¬
cally occupied by the patrons. The Lagunas Cocamilla
barrio, for example, was dominated but not occupied and had
a more active ritual cycle than the outlying communities
since Lagunas had resident priests. It has preserved its
"ethnicity" in terms of language, custom, and self
ascription more than any other Cocamilla community. This
is true even though by most judgements it might be said
to be more "in contact" with white-mestizo sectors than
other more rural communities. After Achual Tipishca was
physically occupied, the pace of culture change accelerated
notably until the patrons left.
The situation of the Cocamilla today is one of a series
of communities which range from urban satellites in which
the Cocamilla generally fill the niche of suppliers of fish
and other river products to white-mestizo urban dwellers
to rural communities which provide their own subsistence
and are heavily involved in markets and in debt to the banks.
The Lagunas barrio occupies a unique position and has
economic characteristics of both rural communities and
urban satellites. The satellites, other than the Lagunas
barrio can no longer be considered native communities since
the residents come from many different places and they are

205
not strongly tied by kinship. Nevertheless these communities,
by virtue of the endogamy created by ethnic boundaries,
may in the future again become native communities.
The major rural Cocamilla communities today, as in the
past, are the Lagunas barrio central, Arahuante, and Achual
Tipishca. Among the three they account for over 2000 of
the Cocamilla. The numbers of Cocamilla in the satellite
port barrios of Lagunas, Yurimaguas, and Iquitos is difficult
to estimate, but cannot be less than an additional 2000.
Scattered in a dozen largely Cocamilla towns on the lower
Huallaga River and the lower Maranon River are an additional
1000-2000 Cocamilla. The most important of these towns are
Bello Horizonte, Yahuar Huaca, Atahualpa, Tamarate, and
Yonan on the Huallaga River, and Concordia and Shapajilla on
the Maranon River. Recently, Cocamilla have migrated into
the rivers north of the Maranon River, especially the lower
Nucuray River and the quebrada of Urituyacu. This migra¬
tion puts pressure on the natives who formerly occupied
these lands, and they are presently in retreat little by
little.
The Cocama remain more scattered and diffused into the
rural white-mestizo populations. A number of Cocama com¬
munities exist on the lower Ucayali River especially along

206
the upper reaches of the Puinahua Canal (Stocks, 1977) and
Nauta, Parinari, Concordia, and all points downstream to
the Napo have high percentages of Cocama surnames.

207
N ote
â– 'â– The hacienda owners became patrons of many of the
Cocamilla at this time. The relationship is known as the
patron-client relation and is distinguished by asymmetrical,
dominant-subordinate social relationship. Many of the Coca¬
milla were linked to their patrons by ties of ritual co¬
parenthood (compadrazgo). Ideally the patron is obligated
by the unwritten terms of the relationship to provide credit
to the client, to buy the products or employ the labor of
the client, and to protect his clients from other patrons.
The client has the obligation to work off the debt and to
buy from the patron. The client must pay particular atten¬
tion to placating the patron and avoiding the appearance
of being "uppity."

CHAPTER VIII
THE RURAL COCAMILLA ECONOMY TODAY:
CLASHES WITH THE STATE
This chapter will focus on the major problems a rural
Cocamilla native community at the level of certain features
of the substantive economy faces in its dealings with the
state society of Peru. The substantive economy includes the
production, distribution, and consumption of the material
means of existence. The features of the economy which are
most salient for this discussion are their subsistence
agriculture, hunting, fishing, and gathering, their cash
cropping and marketing, and their subsequent purchase and
consumption of goods acquired from the outside society.
The community discussed in this chapter is Achual Tipishca,
sometimes referred to as Tipishca. The native Tipishca
resident is called a Tipishquino(a).
As the preceding chapter demonstrates, it is no longer
possible to speak of a Cocamilla economy since historical
domination and fragmentation ha^ meant that as part of the
Peruvian class structure each Cocamilla native community has
somewhat distinctive relations with the national economic
208

209
system. The situation of the community of Achual Tipishca
may be taken to be representative of most rural Cocamilla
and Cocama communities, and is probably typical (although
no data presently exists to support such a statement) of
most independent rural native enclaves of unassimilated
Indians. Throughout this chapter it is important to keep
in mind that the Tipishquinos and the white-mestizo immi¬
grant settlers form two strata of the rural class structure
with the Tipishquino on the bottom.
As the description of the Tipishca substantive economy
develops, the interests of focusing on problems will lead
naturally to discussion of the interface between national
and local economies. Specifically with regard to the sub¬
sistence economy, the major problems lie with white-mestizo
colonization, the ministry of fishing, and the peculiar
policies of the agrarian bank. In cash-cropping and market¬
ing, the major problems lie with discrimination, the agrarian
bank, and white-mestizo domination of transportation. In
purchase, distribution, and consumption of products, the
major problem is inflated prices, a consequence of white-
mestizo domination of the marketing infrastructures as well
as a function of distance and time.

210
Agriculture and Land Use
Achual Tipishca is a community of just over 300 people
(see Appendix II for population characteristics) on the
shores of an oxbow lake in the floodplain of the Huallaga
River. The community lies on the edge of the floodplain;
the land inland is mostly altura and not flooded by the
annual rise and fall of the river. Map 3.1 showed the
resource area of the community. The section shown as agri¬
cultural land has about 50% usability, the remainder being
poorly drained.
Tipishquinos formerly used the floodplain for raising
plantains and bananas and the upland plain for manioc and
fish poison. Excessively high flooding in recent years,
due to massive destruction of the forests along the central
Huallaga River and consequent increased runoff, have changed
this pattern. Another factor in the change is that the
floodplain soils are the best for their major cash crop,
jute (malva urena), and the crop must be raised near water
for its processing. Thus, the bottomlands are now mainly
devoted to this crop with far-reaching consequences. The
change from food to fibre crops in the arable bottomlands
of the floodplain is still in process as Table 8.1 shows.
The total number of hectares devoted to jute increased by

ro

Table 8.1
Land Use in Achual Tipishca in 1976 and 1977
In Hectares
Inland in
Inland in
Fallow
Virgin
Banks of
Floodplain
Forest
Forest
Huallaqa
Total
Jute
34.25
2.50
—
--
36.75
33.2%
>£>
[â– "
Manioc
26.00
2.50
—
28.25
(J\
1 1
2 5.5%
U
0)
Plantain
—
7.75
28.00
--
35.75
(D
>
32.3%
0
Corn
—
—
--
.50
.50
01
00.4%
o
u
u
Rice
1.00
1.00
0.9%
Preparation
1.00
1.75
5.75
—
3.50
7.7%
Totals
36.25
38.00
36.00
.50
110.75
32.7%
34.3%
32.5%
0.4%
100.0%

Table 8.1 (Continued)
In Hectares
Floodplain
Inland in
Fallow
Forest
Inland in
Virgin
Forest
Banks of
Huallaqa
Total
Jute
58.50
—
—
1.75
60.25
51.6%
1977
Manioc
—
22.25
2.50
—
24.75
21.2%
8
CD
1
CD
>
0
(0
Q,
O
Plantain
8.50
21.00
29.50
25.2%
Corn
0.75
1.25
.36
2.36
2.0%
u
u
Rice
—
—
—
Preparation
—
—
—
--
—
Totals
59.25
50.7%
30.75
26.3%
24.75
21.2%
2.11
1.8%
116.86
100.0%

214
64% between 1976 and 1977 while the total number of hectares
planted in all crops increased only 5%%. The increase in
jute was mainly at the expense of manioc and plantains.
Population did not change.
The average Tipishca adult male household head spends
about 3.41 hours per day on subsistence activities not
including jute cropping. Jute cropping accounts for an
additional 1.62 hours per day. His total time budget for
food-crop agriculture, hunting, fishing and gathering is
shown in Figure 8.1 expressed in hours spent and the per
cent of the total time spent on subsistence activities per
day. Table 8.2 shows the food crop, hunting, fishing, and
gathering time budget by age and sex on a hypothetical daily
basis with a breakdown of the major food crops.
The general cycle of agriculture has not changed markedly
from the patterns in the past. The rhythm of planting and
harvesting the floodplain lands is dependent on the seasonal
flooding of the river from late February until May. New
lands are cleared, burned, and planted from May until October,
and most crops are harvested before they are flooded. The
schedule for one floodplain strategy at Lake Naranjal is
shown below in Table 8.3. This farmer raises all of his food
crops on the floodplain. The plantains will survive the flood
if it does not last too long.

215
total time budget
3.41 HOURS
Figure 8,1
Subsistence Activities of Adult Males on a Daily Basis

Table 8.2
Average Time Per Day Spent on Various Subsistence
Activities^ by Age and Sex
Males
Females
0-9
10-14
15-19
20-50
51+
0-9
10-14
15-19
20-50
51+
Plantains++
.13
.28
.14
.87
.87
.05
.22
.23
.50
.37
Manioc
. 19
.38
.29
.74
1.37
. 11
.05
.43
.45
.69
Hunting
—
—
--
.12
.12
—
—
—
—
—
Fishing
. 17
1.66
.43
1.27
1.66
.05
—
.20
.23
—
Gathering
.03
. 10
.05
.04
.04
—
.03
—
.03
—
Total Hours
. 52
2.42
.91
3.04
4.06
.21
.30
.86
1.06
+The agricultural work counted as subsistence activities included the clearing, cultivation,
and harvest work of the two major crops shown. Subsistence activities shown in Figure 8.1
includes the cultivation harvest of secondary crops intercropped with the main crop.
**Not all plantains are consumed in the community since they are a cash crop. Approxi¬
mately 23% of the harvested plantains are diverted to regional markets, mainly in
Lagunas.
216

Herbs
Table 8.3
Sample Planting Schedule
for Floodplain Agriculture
Crop
Month Planted
Month Harvested
Note
Manioc
May 1976
February 1977
First crop planted
Plantain
December 1976
Aug.-Oct. 1977
Second crop planted
Sugar Cane
April 1976
February 1977
Margins of Field
Taro
December 1976
March 1977
Intercrop with
Plantain
Sweet Potato
December 1976
March 1977
Intercrop with
Plantain
(Hot Pepper
(
(Muílaca
(
(Parsely
(
(Guisador
January 1977
March 1977
Planted around house
January 1977
March 1977
Planted around house
January 1977
March 1977
Planted around house
January 1977
March 1977
Planted around house
217

218
The planting and harvesting of the inland alturas is
regulated only indirectly by flooding in the floodplain.
Since most families are working in the floodplain during
the summer (May-October), they normally do not have time to
work steadily at clearing new ground in the altura until
October-December. This has always been the traditional time
to clear altura land, and most people try to take advantage
of the three to four week December dry season (refer to
rainfall tables in Chapter II) to dry and burn new altura
fields. Harvesting in the alturas goes on all year for
food crops. The plantains sent to market are normally
harvested from October to March.
The laws of supply and demand operate strictly in the
plantain market. Figure 8.2 shows a schedule of prices in
Lagunas over the year. Low prices reflect the fact that
many people are harvesting at that time. The return to
peak prices in June of 1977 is somewhat deceptive in that
inflation had lowered the purchasing power of the sol by
about 31%.
The Tipishca Economy in Qualitative Terms
The mode of production in the Tipishca economy is
domestic, that is, the producing and consuming unilt is

219
Figure 8.2
Plantain Prices Per Stalk in Lagunas 1976-77 in Soles

220
usually the extended family household. Each household has
from one to several nuclear family units living under one
roof. The average Cocamilla household has eight residents,
a figure slightly larger than the 7.22 average for Lagunas
district as a whole (Censo National, 1972). The major
exception to the domestic mode of production is the case of
two brothers sharing a house when the parents are dead or
not present. In such a case, the brothers will have
separate fields and their wives will frequently have
separate kitchens.
The clearing and cultivation of many fields is done by
minga (work party). In the minga, a man mobilizes closely
related men and women, using members of both his own
patriline and that of his wife. His ritual co-parents will
be asked as well. The work is reciprocated on an immediate
level by food (two meals), drink (masato, fermented manioc
drink and sometimes aguardiente after work), and hospitality
(a party after work). It is reciprocated in the work sphere
by the promise of future work on other mingas. The only
money which changes hands is the money which goes into
procuring and preparing the food and drink for the party,
for special food is required. Meat rather than fish must
be hunted. Rice rather than manioc must be borrowed or

221
purchased. Onions must be bought and other condiments must
be located. The average expense of a minga approximates
400-600 soles (about 4% of a year's gross income from cash¬
cropping) . By the minga system, all households are linked
in a series of interlocking work groups.
The minga system is more complex than a simple model
of balanced reciprocity would indicate. By inviting persons
to a minga who are sons and daughters of household heads and
who do not have many fields of their own, the minga giver
can manipulate the system to get as much as three or four
times the work input into his own fields as he and his
family return. Exclusive of the social activities after
work, the average of three households shows that 160 hours
per year were invested in the mingas of others, while 293
hours per year were collected as input into the family
subsistence system. These figures indicate that the minga
system is not simply a traditional exercise in reciprocity
but a method of distributing adolescent and female labor.
The Cocamilla have long been accustomed to the use of
money and to wage labor. The money exchange co-exists with
the essentially reciprocal economy of the Tipishquino today
and seems to be making inroads into the reciprocal system.
Food exchange between houses in a generalized reciprocity

222
is now restricted to the very closely related houses while
more distantly related houses buy food from each other to
make up daily shortages. To be sure, the price for food
products within the community is usually about one-half of
the price charged to outsiders, but there is a tendency
in times of scarcity to approach the prices set by the
regional markets, thus alienating family members who resent
being treated like anyone else (Cf. Sahlins, 1972:196-204,
for a discussion of the relationship between kinship distance
and mode of reciprocity which this data indicates). The
result of the penetration of the money economy in these
spheres is fragmentation of the social order.
The common use of small amounts of money in the com¬
munity has contributed to social inequality. Very few men
have been able or willing to afford nets, but those who have
them can accumulate money, especially during times of
scarcity. Shamans, formerly paid in food and prestige,
are now paid in cash and can command fantastic prices for
curing. The reason for this is that many illnesses are
believed to originate from "mal de gente" (neighborly ill-
will) and envidia (envy). The penetration of the capitalis¬
tic economy and consequent gradual fragmentation of the
social order accelerates "mal de gente," and the

223
shamans benefit financially from the breakup of the native
society.
There are, of course, wealth leveling mechanisms. The
minga itself has become an important one. It is extremely
prestigious to give good food and drink at a minga. One
man who had nets gave a minga at which ten men ate twelve
lake turtles (taricaya), worth about 250 soles each in the
regional markets, and one armadillo. The other men talked
about it for weeks. The Catholic fiesta system functions
in Tipishca as it does in communities all over Latin America
to cause mayordomos and assistants to over-extend themselves
financially, thus leveling economic differences. One
important festival introduced by the public school system,
the Queen of the Spring festival, allows the fathers of
the young women competing for the prize to "buy" the crown.
The young woman who collects the most money is crowned.
At times up to 3000 soles (the average gross yearly income
does not exceed 10,000 soles or $117 in 1977 values) may be
paid for the crown. Of the total money raised for the 1977
festival (6000 soles), at least two-thirds was spent on the
liquor for the festival, music, and the dresses of che queen
and her attendants. The government has demanded that
schools desist in this festival, but the Tipishquinos

224
refuse to give it up, perhaps because they unconsciously
recognize its value to the social order in wealth levelling.
A great deal of satisfaction is gotten from seeing someone
impoverish himself to buy the crown, and Tipishquinos
gleefully recounted to each other how much was paid in 1977
even though the winner's father was not particularly well off.
A word more should be said about the functioning of
the domestic economy. In cases where households consist of
an elder man, his wife, his sons, and their wives, and
perhaps an unmarried daughter and her children (a typical
case), the father and sons will plant their major food fields
together and the food is commonly shared. The addition of
the capitalist market system in providing opportunities for
cash crops has upset the system, causing disputes in the
household. The problem arises when each son wishes to make
his own cash crop field separate from the rest of the family.
Since plantains are one of the cash crops, married sons tend
to have their own plantain fields while working with their
fathers on manioc fields. Plantains carried to the house
have an implied cash value even if they are to be eaten
instead of sold. Disputes arise then, involving whether
one son is contributing his share from his own fields to the
household. Disputes can be particularly bitter between the
unrelated wives of the sons.

225
The Position of the Agrarian Bank
The major problems faced by the Tipishquino in agri¬
culture are related to the factors discussed above, avail¬
ability of the land, nature of the crops, and markets for
the crops. The state institution which imposes itself most
strongly on the Tipishquino is the Agrarian Bank. The bank
has one mission, namely to foment agricultural production
by extending crop loans to farmers. While the bank's
relationships with white-mestizos, especially relatively
well-off ones who can hire peon labor, is cordial, its
relations with rural Cocamilla are frequently not good.
It is not simply the fact that the bank employees are
a social class much removed from the Cocamilla peasant clients
with whom they deal, the class relations affect the climate
in which loans are given but the Cocamilla can deal v/ith
that. They know how to appear humble and are masters at
manipulating the patron-client relation in the small latitude
they are allowed. The real problem of the agrarian bank
is lack of planning and a grave lack of understanding about
the lives and practices of the people with whom they deal.
Only a complete failure to comprehend the economic realities
of Loreto could explain some of their policies in the lower
Huallaga region.

226
A case in point will illustrate why this is so. The
bank calculated in 1975 that plantains are sold for an
average of 50 soles per stalk through the year. They worked
hard during 1975 and 1976 to get people to plant the crop
as a cash crop. Many people did, operating on their normal
planting schedule. All the plantains came to market during
the period from December to March in 1977, dropping the
price drastically to 30 soles. The Tipishquinos who had
taken the bank's advice and borrowed money lost heavily
through the bank's failure to predict laws of supply and
demand, failure to estimate the number of plantains the
Lagunas market could absorb, and failure to warn them,
because of the large numbers of hectares financed, to dis¬
tribute planting through the year. The Tipishquinos who
had plantain loans remained 92,000 soles in debt by Novem¬
ber of 1977, and the bank then refused to lend them more
money. The crop lien was transferred to their jute crop
for the following year.
A second case in point will further illustrate my
point of view. The bank might extend a line of credit for
a field of any given cash crop, plantains, rice, or jute.
Their line of credit is calculated at estimated market
prices and standard production figures. The amount loaned

227
averages about $200 - $300 per hectare depending on the
crop. The bank interest rate was about 14% in 1976. Most
Tipishquinos cannot handle more than a hectare of any cash
crop because of time difficulties, since they must maintain
a subsistence system as well as a cash crop system. Main¬
taining and marketing an average of one hectare of cash
crop as well as a subsistence system extends the average
time that an adult man must work to 5.13 hours per day.
This figure includes travel time to the fields (about 31%
of all agricultural time) but it does not include the time
spent maintaining subsistence tools, getting firewood,
food preparation or any other of the inputs into the
infrastructure which supports the subsistence system.
The policy of the bank in loaning the money fails
completely to take time and distance of travel to the bank
into account. They release the money in small payments
of $40 - $60 for each step of clearing, planting, cultivating,
and harvest and transportation. As often as not, the
inspector from the bank fails to come to the village to
inspect the fields at the appointed time. A Tipishquino
farmer is forced to travel to Lagunas (two or three days
round trip by paddle) for each payment. The agronomist
who is the inspector may or may not be there. If he is not

228
there, no one else can give the Tipishquino his money. By
the time a crop such as rice is marketed, the expenses
approximate the figures in Table 8.4 as a conservative
estimate. The expense of supporting a family while working
on a cash crop is not included. It can be seen from Table
8.4 that a Tipishca farmer would only realize about 5,345
soles for four months labor. Even peon work pays at least
$100 soles per day with meals, about 60% more than this.
It is common to hear white-mestizos in the area crit¬
icize the Cocamilla for not raising rice. They say the
Cocamilla are too lazy to raise it. An evaluation of
Table 8.4 should make obvious the reason why rice is not
grown in Achual Tipishca or any other Cocamilla community.
They have had experience. The only people who can make money
at rice must be able to market it cheaply since marketing
is at least 60% of the cost of raising the crop. White-
mestizos who have homes in Yurimaguas, boats to carry the
products, and peons who work by the day, can make money at
rice farming but even they chafe at the byzantine complexity
of dealing with the banking structure. The few Cocamilla
who plant rice sell it illegally to white-mestizo patrons
with boats for a price of half the official price.

229
Table 8.4
Expenses of Growing and Marketing Rice in Achual Tipishca
Credit Extended
Expenses
23,000 soles/hec.
Discounts on Weight of Rice
Travel to collect bank loan
500
soles
Three months interest at
14% per year
805
soles
Seed
600
soles
Clearing by Minga
800
soles
Cultivation by Minga
800
soles
Harvesting two metric tons
2000
soles
Transport to River
320
soles
Boat to Yurimaguas
4000
soles
Unload from Boat
330
soles
Load on Truck
330
soles
Take to Mill
1320
soles
Unload Truck
330
soles
Carry to Scales
330
soles
Change to Mill Sacks
330
soles
Weighing
330
soles
Food and Lodging for minimum
of 7 days in Yurimaguas
700
soles
Total Cash Expense
13,825
soles
Rice
Humidity Discount 14% 280 kg
Discount Charge for Drying 200 kg
Discount for Impurities 100 kg
Total Discount from
Two Metric Tons 580 kg
The producer is paid for 1420 kg after discounts at 13.5
soles per kg. The total is 19,170 soles.
Value of crop grown
Expense of growing, marketing, and interest
Net Profit
19,170
13,825
5,345
Net Profit of 5,345 soles represents $82 for four months work
or $20.50 per month not counting expenses of feeding a family
while work is done on the rice field. At that rate a man would
work six years saving all of his money to buy a boat motor.

230
The most serious effect of the bank on the lives of
the Tipishquinos is their encouragement of jute as a cash
crop. The crop is labor intensive, which means that people
have to put a high number of hours into its preparation.
The major crops and their time inputs per Adult Male
Equivalent (AME) per year per hectare are shown in Table
8.5
The Tipishquinos see a possibility of making money in
jute since they do not count their own time as inputs into
the cropping system .and there is less cash outlay in jute
than in rice. First class jute sold for 25 soles per kilogram
in 1977 and a hectare of jute may produce from 600 to 1200 kilo¬
gram of jute. The average is close to 900 kg in Tipishca
which produces gross sales of 22,500 soles. Jute has a
guaranteed sale price throughout the year, unlike plantains,
and the cash expenses of clearing floodplain land where
jute is grown is as little as 600 soles per hectare,the
maximum out-of-pocket expense for one minga. Since jute
is essentially a weed (it grows rapidly, disseminates many
seeds, and competes well in primary succession), fields
which have been planted once in jute will produce again
without re-seeding the next time the field is cut. Total
expenses for jute growing and marketing are estimated in
Table 8.6.

231
Table 8.5
Time Inputs Per Adult Male Equivalent (AME)+ Per Year
Per Hectare on Manioc, Plantains, and Jute
HRS./ AME / HECTARE / YEAR
Manioc
1266++
Plantain
845++
Jute
1029++
+In calculating AME values, the work of people of all ages
and both sexes is taken into account. The time values of
adult males are calculated as being worth 100%. Because
of size and weight differences and work patterns
the values of others are multiplied by the following
figures.
0.9
10-14
15-19
20-50
51+
Males
.10
.25
.67
1.00
.67
Females
.10
.25
.50
.67
.50
++The labor of adult males (between 20 and 50 years of age)
accounts for 43% of the inputs into manioc, 61% of the
inputs into plantains, and 62% of the inputs into jute.
The labor of adult females (between 20 and 50 years of age)
accounts for 15% of the inputs into manioc, 24% of the
inputs into plantains, and 16% of the inputs into jute.

232
Table 8.6
Expenses of Growing and Marketing
Jute in Achual Tipishca
Credit Extended
Expenses
17,000 soles/hectare
Travel to collect bank
loan 500
soles
Six months interest at
14%' per year
1190
soles
Seed
-0-
Clearing by Minga
600
soles
Cultivation by Minga
600
soles
Harvest 900 kg
2200
soles
Washing and drying
2200
soles
Transport to Lagunas
880
soles
Transport to Bank
550
soles
Food and Lodging for
two days
200
soles
Total Cash Expense
8420 soles
Gross Sales on 900 kg 22,500
Total Cash Expense 7,390
Net Profit
15,110 soles

233
Because of the bank-caused plantain disaster in 1976-
77 and the poor marketing conditions for rice, the Tipish-
quinos have concentrated on jute, as the land-use tables
(Table 8.1) demonstrated. As the Table also demonstrated,
the concentration on fibre production has been at the expense
of food crops. This cannot help but impoverish the lower
Huallaga region nutritionally as prices for plantains
shoot up in 1978-79. Gross (1971) has observed a parallel
phenomenon in Northeastern Brazil in sisal agriculture.
The increase in prices is predictable. During the oil
exploration period, when food production dropped, plantains
rose in price to 250 - 300 soles per stalk in Lagunas. The
effect was to concentrate money in the hands of marketing
middlemen and store owners, none of whom were Cocamilla.
Any profits the Cocamilla make on the on-coming rise in
plantain prices will almost certainly be consumed in in¬
flated prices for consumer goods. At a time when Loreto
still imports food, the practice of the bank in concen¬
trating in jute seems to be extremely irresponsible and
short-sighted.

234
The Agrarian Bank and Rural
Impoverishment
Finally, with regard to the bank, it is usually argued
that "development,” which includes increasing native and
non-native dependence on cash advances from the bank, is
good for the bank clients since it increases their cash
income. That this conventional argument may not be well-
supported by facts is indicated by Table 8.7 which shows the
total debt incurred by Tipishquinos over a three year period.
The debt is estimated on the basis of a field census. The
total debt rises each year, while the amount owed by each
person remains consistent.
Table 8.8 shows the results of a census of material
items made in November of 1976 in a number of Huallaga
communities. The communities are arranged in increasing
order of involvement with the bank. In column two the
total value of material items which were selected as index
items to increasing wealth in the region is calculated.
Column three adjusts the total values on the basis of the
population of the communities. The correlation between
columns one and three is a negative —.45, indicating that
there is an inverse relation between the degree to which a
community is involved with the bank and the value/person
of material items in the community.

235
Table 8.7
Bank Debt in Achual Tipishca Over
a Three Year Period
Date
Number of
Men Working
with Bank
Average
Debt
Estimate of
Total Com¬
munity Debt
November
1975
c. 24
c.8333s .
c.200,000 soles
November
1976
29
9898s.
287,040 soles
November
1977
36
9713s.
349,652 soles

Table 8.8
Degree
of Community Involvement
Material Prestige Items
with Agrarian Bank vs. Value
in Huallaga Communities
of
Community
% of Men Over
15 years of Age
in Debt to Bank
Total Value
of Material
Items in Index+
Value Per
Person in
Community
Esperanza
4.3
143,000 soles
1336 soles
Pampa Hermosa
17.6
36,000 soles
418 soles
Yahuar Huaca
17.6
72,000 soles
782 soles
Bello Horizonte
20.6
48,000 soles
348 soles
Naranjal
24.4
224,000 soles
1087 soles
Atahualpa
36.4
38,000 soles
311 soles
Tamarate
41.0
110,000 soles
614 soles
Tipishca
43.9
222,000 soles
730 soles
+Indexed items are radios, record players, and sewing machines.
236

237
The distribution of the data in column three makes
much more sense when the communities are arranged in terms
of the numbers of persons in the community who have Spanish
surnames. Both Naranjal and Esperanza, the two communities
with over 1000 soles/person in indexed material items
have percentages of Spanish surnames which approach 50%.
The other communities are Cocamilla except for Pampa Hermosa
which is largely Chamicuro.
Land and Water Rights
The history of the lower Huallaga valley showed that
until the era of the rubber boom, the land and water used
by Achual Tipishca remained theirs. After the turn of the
century, Rodolfo Patow (see Chapter VII) claimed all of
the lands occupied by Tipishca as part of his Pampa Hermosa
hacienda, but was unable to keep the community from using
the land they needed for their subsistence fields. The
later barbasco patrons actually occupied the land they
needed for barbasco fields, often large extensions of
terrain, planting barbasco on the well drained sandier soils.
They did not, however, infringe to any great degree on the
area in which plantains and manioc are normally planted by
the Tipishquinos.

238
With the end of the barbasco boom, the situation
changed. Immigrants from San Martin department were left
stranded when the entire barbasco economic structure
collapsed virtually overnight. The oil exploration boom
from 1971 until 1975 dislocated many thousands of white-
mestizos and acculturated Indians like the Cocamilla,
accentuating the migrant problem in the cities. Flooding
has dislocated thousands more. In the last few years, more
and more uprooted people have moved into the lower Huallaga
seeking high ground to the east of the river, and fertile
riverbank lands for jute. The Lagunas field area is se¬
verely overtaxed at present and some people must walk as
long as four hours to their fields. At Achual Tipishca,
the stream of Yurac Yacu where the best plantain lands are
found has seen a strong inflow of people. Esperanza, a
new community which overlaps with the Tipishca lands, now
has 107 people. The best soils along the stream are all
marked out by would-be colonists. Naranjal, a nearby
community, has doubled in size in five years. Thus, Tipishca,
and other Cocamilla communities are slowly losing control
over agricultural land.
The Tipishquinos are aware of the problem but do not
know what to do. As natives and cholos they have no access

239
to the arena of political decision making. Their own land
tenure system is a loosely structured one in which the
alturas generally considered to be part of the community
patrimony are available to any community member. When a
field goes into fallow it is considered open property,
available to anyone in the community after three to five
years. At this point, the grass has been out-competed
by trees and shrubs. If the original user does not re-clear
the forest, anyone can do so, with or without permission.
The system is so loose that the field area can easily be
encroached upon by outsiders, since Tipishquinos are
reluctant to confront them.
The floodplain lands where jute is planted are now
in transition with regard to tenure. The loose system
described above has given way to one in which jute fields
are said to "belong" to the man who cleared them first. As
long as he is still in the community it is his property
even if he has been in fallow for five years or more.
Emigrating community members lose such rights. This
unfortunate individualization of the Cocamilla land tenure
(unfortunate because disputes new arise each year regarding
the land) is directly attributable to the stimulation of
jute as a cash crop and the limited lands available for its
planting within a reasonable distance from Tipishca.

240
Tenure on beaches is more or less permanent. It is
generally conceded that the same people will plant the
same beaches each year. In the lower Huallaga, most of the
good planting beaches "belong" to white-mestizos who use
Cocamilla labor to work them. Many of the owners are
absentee.
It is clear that the Cocamilla should have their lands
protected and that they should secure titles to the land
as communities. The agricultural ministry has a program
in process of individual parcelization but that project
has not affected many Cocamilla by the time of this writing.
The effects of imposing private property on the communal
land tenure system of Achual Tipishca could only be frag¬
mentation of the society and further individual alienation.
The quickest route to land-titles is through the native
community law (20653) but one is forced to conclude that
the government is reluctant to apply that law in the
large river valleys. It is easier to maintain that the
Indians such as the Cocamilla have "assimilated" or
disappeared.

241
Fishing Rights or Starvation
The question of fishing rights is even more pressing.
The Tipishquinos are now and have always been dependent on
the lake for most of their protein resources. The facts
are these;
2
1. The lake surface is approximately 1.82 km .
2. The community harvests about 38.9 tons of fresh
fish per year. This fish is capable of supplying
approximately 56 grams of protein per day per
person in the community if none is exported.
Actually about 15% of the fish is sold outside
the community.
3. Except for the sudden rise in population during
the barbasco boom, the size of the community
has remained stable for at least 114 years at
300-400 people while net population growth has
caused migrant Cocamilla to expand into new lands
on and north of the Maranon River valley putting
pressure on other Indian groups.
4. In 1952, shortly after the Tipishca population
began to swell, complaints began to appear in
the community archives that fishing was
deteriorating. Within ten years large quan¬
tities of barbasco fish poison were being put
to use to harvest the increasingly scarce fish.
By 1967 the problem was acute. It was not
until the community again reached a level of 300-
400 population in 1972 that the fish population
began to recover. All historical information
indicates a balance between the human population
on this lake and the fish population at approxi¬
mately 150-200 people per square kilometer of
lake surface with current technology.
The Peruvian fishing ministry maintains the
principle that all waterways belong to the state.
5.

242
Accordingly, they grant fishing licenses to
commercial fishermen without restriction as to
where they can fish except that they are not
allowed to fish certain reserved zones set
aside for preserving endangered species. The
lake of Achual Tipishca has been entered re¬
peatedly in the past few years by relatively
highly capitalized white-mestizo fishermen who
have virtually eliminated the larger fish and
have seriously upset the lake food chain.
Some of the Cocamilla work with and for these
fishermen even though such work is detrimental
to the long-range survival of the community.
The fishing boats provide an easy market for
their catch.
The government has made little attempt to assess the
actual or potential production of lakes such as Achual
Tipishca, nor are they particularly concerned with where
the commercial fishermen fish."'' They do not know the human
population which vitally depend on the lakes to which they
so freely grant fishing rights. The result of such policies
will certainly be the creation of nutritional deficiencies
in hundreds of communities like Tipishca. Ultimately
populations will be stimulated even more to move to urban
centers, and more people will be driven out of food produc¬
tion. The rush to "develop" the fishing resources of Loreto
has been largely at the expense of native diets.

243
Present Nutritional Levels
As to nutrition today, because of the rapid decrease in
the population of Tipishca since the 1960s, the diet is now
excellent by any standards. It cannot be projected, however,
in the future that the levels of caloric intake will remain
as high. Table 8.9 shows the results of three dietary
studies on two different families at varying points in the
flood cycle. Table 8.10 shows the proportions of the diet
supplied by certain categories of foods.
The Tipishquinos regularly consume from 12-20 species of
small fish (See Appendix III for a list in Spanish of the
range of foods regularly consumed. These data are taken
from lists made at five times during a year by school
children). Five species of wild meat are regularly consumed.
Few birds are killed now since the men hunt with shotguns
and are reluctant to waste expensive shells on small
quantities of meat. Five wild fruits are a regularly
exploited resource.
Summary
In summary, it is difficult to escape the conclusion
that the effects of the conjunction of native and national
economies are detrimental to the natives in purely material

Table 8.9
Results of Three Dietary Studies in Achual Tipishca
at Varying Points in the Flood Cycle
Date Lake Level
Grams/Person
Protein
Grams/Person
Fat
Grams/Person
Carbohydrate
Total Calories
Per Person
2/15/77 Rising and
46
7
391
1765
2/16/77 just short
55
13
509
2207
2/17/77 of flood level.
63
19
465
2497
2/18/77 Fishing is
55
9
538
2637
2/19/77 relatively
35
6
438
1998
2/20/77 unproductive.
50
9
558
2486
Mean
51
11
483
2265
3/25/77 Lake flooded.
21
3
438
1699
3/26/77 Hunting
87
17
375
1910
3/27/77 taking place
35
30
430
1013
3/28/77 in restingas
53
10
359
1809
3/29/77 for wild meat.
72
16
625
2739
3/30/77
39
7
453
1870
3/31/77
54
11
441
1899
Mean
52
13
446
1977
8/3/77 Low water.
161
26
758
2914
8/4/77 Fishing is
44
8
420
1674
8/5/77 relatively
34
6
264
1109
8/6/77 easy and
80
14
443
2143
8/7/77 productive.
58
10
609
2521
Mean
75
13
499
2072
Each of the three studies was conducted on a single family by actual observation and
weighing of the foods consumed. The gram values per 100 grams of edible portion were
taken from Wu Leung 1961, Food Composition Table for Use in Latin America.
244

Table 8.10
Proportions of Food by Weight Supplied by Various
Categories of Activity
Date of
Plantains
Other Ag.
Other
Gathered
Fermented
Purchased
Study
and Manioc
Products
Fish
Meat
Products
Beverages
Products
Totals
2-15-77
through
2-20-77
56.7%
4.7%
8.5%
—
5.8%
24.0%
0.3%
100.0%
3-25-77
through
3-31-77
69.7%
4.0%
4.3%
8.3%
12.0%
—
1.7%
100.0%
8-3-77
through
8-7-77
75.2%
4.2%
17.2%
0.6%
1.4%
1.0%
0.4%
100.0%
Mean for
Year
67.2%
4.3%
10.0%
3.0%
6.4%
8.3%
0.8%
100.0%
245

246
terms. The less acculturated and therefore more visible
Indians can now receive partial protection by means of
land-titles and special relationships with government
agencies which enable them in effect to bypass part of the
white-mestizo commercial and marketing structure. The
Cocamilla do not have this option and it seems unlikely
that they will be offered a chance to protect themselves
as Cocamilla. While splendid arguments can be made that
the Cocamilla are, in fact, Indians, and that the frag¬
menting and impoverishing effects of "development" work
more hardship on them than on any other Indians, the poli¬
tics of Loreto's development mitigate against their
receiving special help.
It must be recognized that in general terms the
Tipishquinos are in a similar economic niche vis á vis
the national economy as are neighboring white-mestizo
settlers. However, the white-mestizo settlers differ from
them in important ways. The social organization of their
work is much more individualized than the Tipishquinos.
The Tipishquinos, because of uncertainties derived from
their position at the bottom of the social heap, use bank
capital in relatively inefficient ways, spending as little
as possible and guarding the money for emergencies,

247
sometimes paying interest for long periods of time. The
white-mestizos use capital from the banks as investments
into land-clearing labor inputs and peon labor, providing
relatively quick turn-over of the cash. The white-mestizos
know more about the credit system than the Tipishquinos
and can manipulate the social system through which credit
is given much more effectively than the Tipishquinos.
These differences, as well as differences in socio-economic
class, are reflected in the relatively greater quantity of
indexed items found in communities which have high per¬
centages of Spanish surnames.

248
Note
^This is not to say, however, that the Peruvian
government in the person of the ministry of fishing is
totally unaware of the potential problem created by free
access to populated lakes (cf. Banco de Crédito del Peru,
1972; Landa, 1972; Ministerio de Pesquería, 1975-76;
Piazza Larraongo and Vildoso Baca, 1965). It is simply
that the quality of information about populations and
their locations is so poorly coordinated with ecological
information about the habitat of the populations that
little progress has been made. Furthermore, such an
investigation would require the use of social.scientists
as well as hordes of technicians, an expensive prospect.

CHAPTER IX
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION: THE EGALITARIAN COMMUNITY
AND THE AUTHORITARIAN STATE
This chapter describes only some of the salient aspects
of social organization in Achual Tipishca. Indeed, a
separate book could and should be written about the social
and economic organization of this or a similar community,
since it typifies so many problems in what is sometimes
called "rural development" in Loreto. It is at the con¬
ceptual level of social organization that certain jarring
contradictions between the state society of Peru with its
authoritarian bureaucratic hierarchies and acceptance of
formal rules and procedures, and the essentially egalitarian
and non-intrusive social system of the native Indian society
become most apparent. These contradictions are problematic
for both the state and the native ethnic group.
The problem presented to the state by the Cocamilla
native community centers around its seeming intransigence
in the face of pressures to develop or modernize. Since
the state fails through ignorance to recognize the Cocamilla
249

250
communities as native communities and therefore fails to
understand the nature of the socio-economic system of the
Cocamilla native community, it tries to impose its own
organizational structure on the community in the form of
institutions such as schools, banks, police, and the like.
The failure of the institution (especially the medical
and educational institutions) to function in approved ways
is interpreted as being caused by backwardness and
stupidity on the part of the Cocamilla. The state then
assumes the relation of parent to child and the Cocamilla
are treated as if they were somewhat regressed and backward
white-mestizos. District school officials have been heard
to say that Tipishquinos do not even know how to cook their
food properly. Such arrogance on the part of the white-
mestizo elite in dealing v/ith the Cocamilla is ludicrous
when the nature of the long-term adaptation to the Amazon
environment by the Cocamilla is considered. The communities
of Cocamilla on the lower Huallaga River are viewed by white
mestizo persons generally as backward and resistant to
change.
Consideration of the recent rapid changes in the
cropping system leading to changes in land tenure, nutrition
and abandonment of religious holidays which fall during

251
the jute-washing season should, for any thoughtful person,
suggest that it is not some vaguely conceived "tradition"
or innate backwardness which causes developmental problems.
Nor is it some mental model, "image of limited good" or
other such ideological construct which causes the problem.
Rather, it should be abundantly clear that when the marketing
and price structures permit the Cocamilla to gain materially,
even slightly, they make changes necessary to take advantage
of the opportunity. State officials, however, particularly
in the education field, cling resolutely to the mentalistic
notion that the Cocamilla need somehow to be educated out
of their "backwardness."
The problem of the conjunction of state and native sys¬
tems from the Cocamilla perspective is that while they
perceive that they are discriminated against economically
and socially, and while they perceive that the communal
basis for their society is being shattered, what they get
from the state is patronizing advice from white-mestizo
school teachers on cooking. Uncomprehending bank officials
and heavy-handedness on the part of the Civil Guard
aggravate the problem. The Tipishquinos know also that
the school organizations do not function properly and that
public funds are usually stolen or misused in their

252
community, but the problems are so embedded in their own
and the white-mestizo social structure that they have little
insight into the reasons for the failure.
The essential clash is between a small subsistence
society based on kinship relations, and the bureaucracies of
a large state based on formal rules and procedures. The
contradiction might not be so serious if there were not
added factors of overt racial-social class discrimination,
and major socio-economic differences between the representa¬
tives of the state and the Tipishquinos. The hacienda sys¬
tem welded all these contradictions into a functioning
economic unit by means of a social system in which the
patrons had a number of fictive and affective ties with
their clients. The contradictions in wealth and social
status were still present even then, but they were worked
out in the give and take of the social system of the
hacienda, if sometimes by force. With modern bureaucratic
infrastructures this solution is no longer possible, although
attempts to turn bank officials, school teachers, and anthro¬
pologists, into fictive kinsmen are constantly noted. It
should also be noted here that the use of force to work
out the contradictions surfaced as recently as 15 years
ago during the barbasco boom (see Chapter VII).

253
The Nature of the Egalitarian Community--
Cocamilla Social Organization
As Chapter IV indicated, the Cocamilla have always
lived in communities of roughly the size of Tipishca today,
and such communities have always been of a rather acephalous
nature politically. The extended family mode of production
seems to be linked to the need for the community to disperse
periodically to exploit forest resources during times of
exceptional flooding, and to plant distant beaches during
low water. This flexibility was always a basic part of
Cocamilla social organization, and the essential relation
of the Cocamilla to the floodplain in terms of subsistence
has varied little since contact. It is well to consider
also in this context that scarcity of land and water re¬
sources was never a problem until recently. This probably
inhibited the development of indigenous politically cen¬
tralized structures except in the middle Amazon where popu¬
lation densities seemed to have been much greater.
The consequence of the mode of production of the
Cocamilla is a certain independence of household units
although over time the gross size of the unit has reduced
from 40-60 persons to just over eight persons. This
reduction has probably not had negative consequences in

254
terms of the ecological adaptation, leaving aside social
and moral questions, since internecine war was also suppressed
and large defensive units were probably not needed after the
conquest.
Achual Tipishca had 41 residential units in 1976-77.
The village is organized spatially into rough groups of
households of closely related patrilineal kinsmen as shown
in Figure 9.1. The major groups are shown in this figure.
The houses unidentified with groups are the remnants of
patrilines whose members have largely migrated. The five
major patrilines left are the Murayaris in three distinct
segments, the Tapayuris, the Manihuaris, the Huaycamas, and
the Pereyras. The barrios shown in the figure were created
in the 1960s to organize communal work and have social
significance only insofar as related people tend to live
close to each other; therefore, the barrio separation also
separated major kin groups, tending to isolate them further.
Each patriline, recognized by surname, is called a
sangre (blood). Sangres do not mix; hence, one looks for
a mate in another sangre. Violations of this prohibition
are extremely rare. Children belong to the sangre of their
fathers, but preserve the maternal surname as a second sur¬
name in Spanish fashion. The importance of maternal surnames

255
Figure 9.1
Groups of Patrilineal Kinsman in Achual Tipishca
! ‘?Ar

256
was illustrated for the writer by his first trip to Achual
Tipishca in 1975. A nine year old boy was able to give
the complete names of every man and woman in the village
with both paternal and maternal surnames. There were few
corrections as the community became better known. Interes¬
tingly, however, adult males frequently cannot recall the
names of adult women in other families, probably since the
matter is no longer of interest to them as already married
men.
Sangres do not have a recognized founder nor do they
have totems associated with them at present, but Espinosa
(1935:128-129) provides etymologies which indicate animal
and vegetable origin of some surnames. The depth of known
geneologies is rarely over two ascending generations.
Members of different segments of one sangre recognize that
they are closely related even if they are not completely
certain of the geneological connection. The Spanish term
primo (cousin) frequently takes care of ambiguous relation¬
ships .
The Cocamilla formerly had bifurcate-merging kinship
terminology in the first ascending generation with Iroquois
cousin terms (see appendix IV for the basic system and a
brief discussion of some of the more interesting aspects of

257
the old kinship system). Their present kinship system has
lost some of the distinctions while preserving others
necessary to the marriage system. As Figure 9.2 shows,
the parallel versus cross-cousin distinctions is maintained.
This is so because many marriages still take place between
cross-cousins. Additional rules of kinship different from
the Spanish system are shown in Figure 9.3.
The children of primos call each other primo. The
parents of one's orirnos are called tip and tia (uncle and
aunt), and the grandparents of primos are called abuelo and
abuela (grandfather and grandmother). A check with the
original Cocamilla terminology will reveal the coincidence
of the two systems. The generations twice removed from
one's own receive Hawaiian terminology in either language.
The Catholic priests in the area today do not understand
the part of the system shown in Figure 9.2. They fre¬
quently suffer pangs of guilt for marrying primos when, in
fact, the relationship may be several generations removed
and extremely distant.
Marriage tends to be between sangres which are spatially
proximate. Achual Tipishca is 78% endogamous. Only 10.9%
of the population was born in another village. This endogamy
rate is extremely high, even for this zone, but it must be

258
O
t ia
A
t i o
A=Ó
papa mama
Ó
t i a
A
t I o
A) Áo
hermano hermana
hermano hermana
Figure 9.2
Cocamilla Use of Spanish Kinship Terms
Figure 9.3
Cocamilla Use of Primo-Tio-Sobrino-Abuelo Terms

259
recalled that Tipishca is one of the three oldest Cocamilla
communities, each of which has similar endogamy rates. An
analysis of seven smaller neighboring communities shows an
average village endogamy rate of 21.7%. Two of these com¬
munities have relatively high rates of Spanish surnames.
Their endogamy rate considered alone is less than 2%. The
other five are composed mostly of Cocamilla of various
sangres, many of them emigrants from the larger Cocamilla
communities like Tipishca. Their endogmy rate is about 30%.
These five native communities which are smaller than
Tipishca tend to find mates in Tipishca, Lagunas, and
Arahuante. Endogamy within the Cocamilla native ethnic
group as a whole is difficult to estimate, but it is un¬
likely to be lower than 85%. In examining baptismal and
marriage records in Lagunas, and in a census of ten lower
Huallaga communities, only about 7% of cases were en¬
countered where Spanish and Cocamilla surnames were mixed
in a marriage. Few cases are encountered where maternal
and paternal surnames are mixed Spanish and Cocamilla.
The very low proportion of out-marriage is due as much to
prejudice on the part of white-mestizos with Spanish
surnames as it is to a desire by the Cocamilla to maintain
the integrity of the native ethnic group. White-mestizo

260
parents, even poor ones, simply do not want their children
to marry cholos. This, of course, is a powerful demonstra¬
tion of continued Cocamilla identity and viability.
As mentioned above, village endogamy in Achual Tipishca
is 78%. Of the village-endogamous marriages, 60% are within
a single barrio. The most desirable marriage has always
been between two sangres which continue to exchange women
over the years. Marriages are called cambios (exchanges)
when two women in the same generation are exchanged as in
Figure 9.4. Anthropologists will recognize a simple exchange
system with bilateral cross-cousin marriage in this pattern.
As is apparent in Figure 9.4, any family of the
immediate sangre may give the woman. Thus, in this case,
#2 gets a woman from Sangre B. He gives a daughter (#7)
to Sangre B years later and B gives a daughter (#9) to #21s
brother's son (#6). The cambio is conceived as #7 for #9.
Cambios are no longer as prevalent as they were, though
some older people maintain that it is still the desired
marriage. Probably no more than 10% of the marriages are
now part of formal cambios, but a loose exchange system
over the generations persists. A male tends to find a wife
where his father found one, in his mother's sangre (which
helps explain why maternal surnames are recalled by young

261
SANGRE A
sangre b
& : male
O : female
i 11 marriage
j ^ de_sce nt
1 ' - s i b I i n g
Figure 9.4
Typical Marriage Exchange Over Two Generations
this marriage between uncle
and niece was noted for the
omagua by early missionaries.
A i male
0 z female
1
= m a r r i ag e
; descent
a sibling
Figure 9.5
Typical Cross-Cousin Inter-Generational Marriage

262
people). Another fairly common variation on the theme is
the marriage of a man with the daughter of a cross-cousin
as shown in Figure 9.5. Since the church disapproves of
such marriages, Tipishquinos are reluctant to discuss them,
and preserve the fiction that the married pair are "primos."
Actually very few marriages are either civil or religious in
an official sense nowadays. Most are simply arranged and
executed without benefit of paper or clergy because no
priest is now resident in the community and visits are
extremely rare.
The organization of the community into groups of inter¬
marrying kinsmen who tend to be spatially proximate is re¬
flected in all larger organizations which are indigenous
to the community. The two sports clubs take their member¬
ship mainly from the barrio in which the building which
houses the club is located, although the buildings are less
than 100 meters apart. The membership of one of them is
85% from the Murayari sangre, while the other has no
Murayaris as members. Kinship rivalries are both expressed
and heightened by competition between the two clubs. Of
course, soccer has very important functions in creating
male solidarity beyond immediate kinsmen, and especially
in inter-community communication. It is also important in

263
the marriage system, for it is frequently through visiting
other communities to play soccer that young men from the
smaller communities find wives.
Most important distinctions in Cocamilla social organi¬
zation are eventually expressed as soccer teams. The follow
ing competitions were observed over an 18 month period:
1. Males in club A vs. males in club B.
2. Females in club A vs. females in club B (wives and
daughters of the males in the respective clubs).
3. Married males vs. unmarried males.
4. Married females vs. unmarried females.
5. Army veterans vs. non-veterans.
6. Competition both in and out of school between
males of various age groups.
7. Competition both in and out of school between
females of various age groups.
8. Inter-community school competition for males.
9. Inter-community school competition for females.
10. Young males vs. young females.
11. Community A males vs. community B males.
12. Community A females vs. community B females.
13. Mestizo teachers vs. Tipishquinos.
Conversely, institutions such as the Parents of Family
(Padres de Familia) an organization of the parents of school
age children (and attended exclusively by males in Tipishca)

264
do not form soccer teams even though there were in 1^76-77
two such organizations, one for each school and one would
expect competition between them. The institution is imposed
on the Tipishquinos from outside and does not reflect any
basic distinction in social organization.
The Community and the State
Given the general organization of the community, it
should not be surprising that institutions which are imposed
from outside and which cross-cut the natural divisions of
the community are not successful. A recent attempt to
create a medical cooperative in the community is almost
certainly doomed to failure (as it is presently organized)
simply because it attempts to create a situation in which
some people are members of the cooperative and some are not.
The medicines are paid for by members and are to be sold to
them at a cheaper price than to non-members. But the Cocamilla
act by kinship rules, not by formal rules of the hospital
service of the state. When a member's brother or brother's
wife or children need medicine, the member will obtain it
at membership rates. Eventually the funds of the coopera¬
tive will be exhausted. The only solution would be to
organize the entire community, but many people do not wish
to belong, since membership requires a cash outlay.

265
The least-understood feature of the many-faceted social
behavior of the Tipishquino deals with the non-intrusive
nature of their social relations. White-mestizo culture with
its easy acceptance of authoritarian hierarchies and formal
rules tends to socialize its children by imposing multitudes
of rules on them in a highly autocratic fashion. "Bureaucratic"
authoritarianism penetrates even to the most elementary rela¬
tions between child and parent. The authoritarian state
structures are thus understood and usually maintained by the
children when they grow up.
No native ethnic group operates in this way. Children
are socialized to be part of a small-scale social system.
This means that they must be extremely flexible in their
dealings with others. Confrontations are discouraged. In
all age groups there is a concerted attempt to discourage
open conflict. When it breaks out among adults, the result
is usually the emigration of the household with the least
kinsmen, or at least a change of residence within the com¬
munity. The elimination of the post of curaca and its
replacement by young community political authorities has made
it even more likely that migration will be the result of
open conflict, since the young authorities have not the
moral authority to resolve disputes.

266
Many of the behaviors of the Cocamilla objected to by
the white-mestizo authorities stem from the non-intrusive
principle. A case in point is behavior that white-mestizos
frequently see as child neglect. Tipishquino parents do
not often over-ride the objections of children to taking
medicine, especially long series of injections for tuber¬
culosis. Thus medicines are not always given to the children,
and in some cases the parents may sell medicine given by the
state because the child does not want to take it.
In the adult sphere non-intrusiveness conflicts
directly with the state bureaucratic procedures in the realm
of public funds. Money is collected for a number of com¬
munity purposes. At times the municipal agent may arrange
a contract with outsiders for the clearing of fields and
every man in the community works for a day on the contract.
Community members with bank loans occasionally contract the
community for field work. This money usually is destined
for public projects such as the purchase of oil for the
ancient diesel engine given to the community by the pre-1968
government of Fernando Belaunde. The groups of men who
have children in school (there are two primary schools,
male and female, and each has an organization of padres de
familia)raise money to buy books and repair the school.

267
The two sports clubs raise money to have dances and buy
equipment. The medical cooperative raises money to buy
medicines. The accounting of these funds is virtually
nonexistent and in 18 months the records of the writer
show discrepancies of close to 12,000 soles. Where did the
money go? Much of it was loaned to relatives by the various
treasurers. One man stocked a small household store
(bodeguita) with funds at least part of which were public
money. A school teacher and his compadre spent some on beer
and gambling.
Representatives of white-mestizo bureaucracies cannot
fathom such behavior. Obviously accounting is needed. Why
can these people not "learn to handle money," they say? On
the surface it is confusing. On one hand the Tipishquino
is extremely guarded with money, spending an absolute
minimum; on the other hand robberies of public money are
never seen as such. But it must be recalled that formal
accounting systems are confrontation systems in the sense
that accounts must balance and blame must be assigned when
they do not. The survival over centuries of Cocamilla
society has depended in part on allowing the social system
to absorb direct confrontation and to avoid it when possible.
There are powerful forces at play which mitigate against

268
assigning blame publicly and officially and acting on it.
Even when, as in one case, consensus has been reached that
a certain treasurer is missing several thousand soles, it
is highly unlikely that he (Cocamilla women do not handle
money) will be pressed for it. Most of the Tipishquinos
are related to him in one way or another and do not wish to
offend. Also, when money has left one's pocket and is in a
public fund, it is considered to be already gone and the
individual is unlikely to see it again, even if it does not
melt away.
Non-intrusiveness creates special problems for all
state bureaucratic procedures which depend on public meetings,
majority rule, and voting. The Cocamilla method of achiev¬
ing consensus is extremely difficult for white-mestizos to
understand. Tipishquino public meetings are filled with
silences. They operate on the principle of de facto
unanimity, that is, the absence of voiced objection. A
proposal is made. Silence follows. If there is no
verbal objection after a few minutestthe proposal is
assumed to be accepted. At times two or three minutes will
pass until someone voices a mild objection. If no further
discussion ensues, the proposal is assumed to be rejected,
but a slight re-statement of the original proposal by

269
another may swing the issue if there is no further objection.
No vote is normally taken. The majority does not impose
its will on the minority because the cooperation of all is
needed. Given the acephalous nature of the socio-political
system, any attempt to force a minority would result in its
non-participation. Thus, measures considered "good" or
"progressive" by school authorities, medical authorities,
or political authorities cannot possibly succeed when they
alienate more than two or three community members. If they
succeed temporarily, as in the case of the building of the
two schools in the 1960s, they fail ultimately. In the
case of the schools, the man most responsible for building
them was ultimately forced out of the community, even though
he was a native Tipishquino, the first Cocamilla to teach
there. The schools are now neglected and half-destroyed.
Officials who visit the community misinterpret the
silences in which consensus is building and try to fill
them in with talk—supposedly convincing arguments. They
assume that their suggestions will be carried out when they
force a vote and get a majority. They are disappointed
when the community fails to follow through, and they blame
the Tipishquino's "backwardness." Again, they fail to
realize that the Tipishquino's socio-political system has

270
strong roots in their relations with the physical and
social environments, and that even if they understood the
system, it would be impossible to change it without changing
basic economic structures in the environment of the Tipish-
quinos or by physically forcing the Tipishquinos to conform
to white-mestizo ideals.
The School as a Model of the Social
Environment of Achual Tipishca
The social environment of Achual Tipishca and its
effects on community social organization is best described
with reference to the school system. It should be clearly
recognized that the essential relation of the Cocamilla with
white-mestizo sectors historically has been one of an
economic and social underclass. In response, the Cocamilla
native community long ago made certain defensive behaviors
a part of its cultural repertory. Deference to white-
mestizos is a norm, while making gentle jokes about them
when they are not present is also a norm. Appearing to
cooperate while continuing to pursue one's own aims is
another long-established pattern. Behaviors likely to be
viewed as "Indian" by white-mestizos are acted out only in
contexts in which no white-mestizo is likely to be pres¬
ent .

271
The school system is the one state institution (be¬
sides the ineffective political posts in the community)
which is always with the Tipishquinos and it is the only
one today which requires white-mestizos to be present con¬
stantly in the community. Two school teachers, a man and
a woman, are normally assigned. Their travails are a
paradigm of Cocamilla/white-mestizo relations. There are,
as mentioned previously, two schools, each with five grades
in 1976-77. Although the state wishes the schools to mix
male and female students, the Tipishquinos have until now
insisted that the schools be separated by sex. There are
about 80 students in the two schools.
The Tipishquinos want their children to learn. At the
heart of much urban migration from the rural areas in the
lowlands is the desire by upwardly mobile parents to send
their children (at least an elder son) to secondary school.
The settlement pattern of the entire lower Ucayali River
(Cocama territory) is strongly influenced by the school
system (Stocks, 1977) as is the settlement pattern on the
lower Huallaga River. Except for regional market towns,
communities tend to be just large .enough to have a primary
school.

272
The school system fails to take into account differences
in social class between the school teachers and most of their
rural clients. In Loreto, furthermore, teachers in rural
areas rarely have more than a secondary school degree and
have not, therefore, the training or the understanding of
their function which would allow them to supercede questions
of social class. The result is that poorly trained white-
mestizos are normally thrust into isolated rural communities
where they vegetate resentfully until they can be transferred
out. Because the teachers earn six or seven times as much
as the Cocamilla, by the end of the stay it is a rare teacher
who does not function as a patron, and in one case observed
the teacher had nearly every man in town working for her.
The teachers in Achual Tipish have no respect and little
liking for the Tipishquinos and the Tipishquinos reciprocate.
They have no difficulty sensing the teachers' attitudes
and they resent the patronizing manner which the teachers
adopt to mask their true feelings.
For its part, the school system believes the educational
problem to be one of lack of relevance of the curriculum to
rural life. The national school system has, by means of
educational reform, tried to eliminate autocratic and
authoritarian teaching methods, an impossible task in the

273
context of an authoritarian state. Ideal models of educa¬
tion developed, one is led to believe, from research on
how children in industrialized societies learn and behave
have been imported. These models and methods are applied
to the educational regime of the upper Amazon Basin as
elsewhere in Peru. They use, as mentioned above, untrained,
unskilled, and largely insensitive teachers in the rural
areas. The result is a school system ill-adapted to any
conceivable needs of the Cocamilla.
The Tipishquinos are perplexed by all of this. They
want their children to read and write. They do not need
the schools as places where children are socialized as in
industrial countries; their children are adequately socialized
in the course of everyday community life. They do not need
schools to be babysitters; if children are not to learn basic
disciplines in order to "defend themselves," then they should
help in the fields. The labor of children is an important
part of their own adaptation to the environment as it is all
over Peru among rural agriculturalists and herders. Children
should be learning basic survival skills. The Cocamilla
perceive that the graduates of elementary school were much
more educated and prepared to "defend themselves" in the
world twenty years ago than they are today.

274
The teachers themselves do not comprehend the foreign
models of education thrust upon them for implementation.
When called upon to carry on "roundtable discussions" in
primary school, one teacher is reported to have sawed
the corners off the school table. The easiest thing for
them to do is to teach the way they were taught, in a
highly formal, quasi-military, didactic, authoritarian
fashion. One Tipishca school teacher, frustrated and
confused, regularly beats the children in his charge,
forces them to perform painful exercises used in the army
for punishments, takes them out of school regularly to have
them work in his plantain field, and closes up school for
days at a time without explanation.
Naturally there is constant friction between the schools
and the community. Satisfaction is rarely granted. The
above-mentioned school teacher took as his woman the daughter
of a village man, to her father's chagrin. He had previously
impregnated another unmarried young woman in the same com¬
munity and had abandoned another young woman and the child
they had produced in another community. During the school
year he tried to seduce four of the female primary school
students (age 12-14). When their parents finally objected,
he taunted them, saying that they could not make trouble

275
for him because he had money. Official community complaints
to the school district with full documentation produced
nothing but a transfer the following year to another com¬
munity. The school distrct said there "was not sufficient
evidence." It is nearly impossible to fire a state employee
and the school district was not prepared to attempt to do
so on the behalf of a Cocamilla community. Upon his
transfer he abandoned the woman with whom he was living
and their new child. When the writer pursued the case at
the level of the school district, he was told by some of the
Lagunas white-mestizos not to be upset, the girls were
"only cholas." In any event the head of the school district
has no power to discharge employees.
The school parent organization, the "padres de familia,"
is probably the most ineffective social group in the com¬
munity. The organization crosscuts barrio and sangre
indiscriminately. It is supposed to function democratically
by majority rule. Meetings of the two organizations (there
are two schools) invariably produce lists of goals and
objectives which are rarely acted on or accomplished.

276
Summary
In summary, Achual Tipishca social organization
shows many characteristics which identify it as a native
community. Above all, social life is based on kinship
relations. The necessities and relations of production
which give rise to the extended family household as a
productive unit, and the work relations between households,
are expressed and coordinated by the kinship system. Nearly
all other social relations are embedded in it. The acepha¬
lous political structure of the community is directly
related to the kinship system. All three of the major
Cocamilla communities are largely endogamous, and endogamy
is even higher within the native ethnic group.
The non-intrusive socialization of Tipishquinos affects
all of their relations with white-mestizos, even the
poorest. The position of the egalitarian community in an
authoritarian state is logically one of direct opposition.
The two systems of socialization and their consequent
behaviors and institutions are diametric opposites. His¬
torical penetration of the egalitarian social system by a
capitalist economy (as shown in Chapter VIII) has probably
given it the flexibility to co-exist with the increasingly
pervasive authoritarian system without being totally

277
destroyed, at least for the present. The long historic
experience of the Cocamilla with domination by white-
mestizos has also helped them to deal with state institu¬
tions with a minimum of confrontation. They apply the
rules of their non-intrusive social system to their deal¬
ings with the state, and succeed in merely being thought
backward and rather dull. The clash of the two systems is
seldom dramatic, but it is extremely painful for the Coca¬
milla in Achual Tipishca and other native communities, and
it is especially frustrating for the state officials who
only dimly comprehend that they are dealing with an un¬
familiar cultural adaptation.

CHAPTER X
COCAMILLA IDENTITY PATTERNS: THE
NATIVE AND THE STATE
Most anthropologists would agree that ideologies have
important functions in "making sense" of the praxis of
social life. It is at the level of ideology that values
are expressed, and it is the system of values which allows
ranking and ordering of the experiential world. Without
ideology, sensory experience would be overwhelmingly com¬
plicated. It is also at the level of ideology that ethnic
boundaries are maintained. The maintenance of these
boundaries and the social practices which both give rise
to them and express them is the subject of this chapter.
The Cocamilla have learned the art of protective
ideological coloring. They have learned it well. The
various levels of social identity which these Indian peas¬
ants have developed can each be called forth under appro¬
priate circumstances. It is their relationship to the
larger Peruvian state society and their simultaneous
identification as citizens of the nation, native Indians,
and members of a regional social class, which make their
278

279
identity such a complex affair. Less acculturated
Indians in a "tribal" state may self-identify only as mem¬
bers of a village or lineage. White-mestizos identify as
Peruvians and as members of a social class. Only the
"civilized" or "Christian" Indians, the cholada in the low¬
land tropical forest, have identities as native Indians,
as cholos in the class system, and as Peruvians. The range
of possible identities results in a system of remarkable
layering and many protective behaviors result to mask
unpopular identities.
Identity as Peruvians
The auto-identification of the Cocamilla depends on
many factors. Like all members of nation-states, Tipish-
quinos have various levels of identity which are called
into consciousness and acted out in varying circumstances.
At the most general level, certain national holidays such
as "Dia de la Patria" call forth an identity as Peruvians.
At this time flags are seen, and seme houses even have
flags painted on their outside walls. Tipishquinos listen
to national soccer games on the two or three radios in the
village and exult with the Peruvian team when it wins.
They have, as mentioned in Chapter IX, adopted soccer as

280
a sport and they spend a great deal of time playing or
watching it. The activity has many other economic and
social functions, but it has an ideological function as
well. The Tipishquinos, by identifying with the national
sport, are making a statement about belonging.
In a similar way, men who have served in the Peruvian
army (34% of males over 15), stress their national identity
at certain specific times, especially at official Peruvian
holidays such as "Dia de la Patria. " School children are
trained to march and the men stand around and give them
advice, reliving their own military lessons. It is only at
this particular celebration where games of individual com¬
petition are seen. Such games are influenced by contact
with white-mestizo society and culture and the Tipishquinos
see them as "Peruvian" games.
The state prefers to see only these behaviors as
indicative of the Tipishquino identity. The fact that
many Tipishca men have had to get identity documents in
order to borrow bank money and work for oil companies is
seen by state officials and by the few Cocamilla who have
genuinely "passed" into white-mestizo society as indications
that they are no longer native Indians. One such man, for
example, a former Tipishquino, says, "These people are not

281
natives. They are citizens. Most have their papers and
the laws regard them as any other. A native is one who
knows nothing, who has to have patrons. We see them every
day at SINAMOS asking for help."
Disregarding errors in fact (only 34% of adult males
and no females have papers) if the Tipishquinos are not
natives but rather citizens, are they equal to other citi¬
zens? The same man quoted above is extremely bitter be¬
cause he was forced out of a responsible job in the school
district "because I was a cholo and the other teachers,
these mestizos, didn't want to take orders from a cholo.
So they conspired against me."
The Class of the Apellido Humilde
The identity as cholo is the next layer of identity,
and in some ways, for most people, the strongest identity
beyond that of the individual. This identity is the one
which directly reflects the status of the unassimilated
native enclave typical of the rural Cocamilla. It is
almost certain that the "national identity" of the Tipish-
quino is of fairly recent origin, and is related to
obligatory military service for men, and the presence of
white-mestizos in the community during the barbasco boom.

282
The identity as cholo, on the other hand, is much older
and based on the historic separation of the Cocamilla and
other "mission" or "civilized" Indians from the rest of
the native ethnic groups, and their conjunction with and
domination by white-mestizos.
The cholo identity is a class identity. Its semantic
field extends to all persons known by the Cocamilla in the
condition of peasants or workers with "Indian" surnames.
The experience of being cholo is constantly reinforced
whenever the Tipishquinos have any contact with white-
mestizo traders, patrons, marketing centers, or state
authorities. The extension of cholo boundaries beyond the
native ethnic group is clearly shown by the social dis¬
tinctions made between "low" or "humble" (native) and
"high" or "wiracocha" surnames (Spanish or other European).
It is very difficult when we, the people
with low surnames try to marry with other
people; at times the boy or girl becomes
enamored with other people, the mestizos,
or people with high surnames. But the
families do not like their children marrying
with cholos (Tipishca man, in unpublished
field notes) .
There are many non-Cocamilla, but "native" surnames
in the region, and the speaker who refers to "low" surnames
includes them in this statement. There are also a few
Spanish and Portuguese surnames which are now Cocamilla.

283
An 1864 census of Tipishca, for example, showed that a
Salvador Pereyra (a Brazilian trader) lived there and
married a Cocamilla woman. His descendents still live
there and are Cocamilla. There are no non-Cocamilla
Pereyras on the lower Huallaga River.
In another case, the Spanish-Basque name Olortegui
has become largely identified as Cocamilla. In this case,
the identification is not complete, and most of the
Olorte