Citation
Language acquisition of 1980 Cuban immigrant junior high school students

Material Information

Title:
Language acquisition of 1980 Cuban immigrant junior high school students
Creator:
Fradd, Sandra H., 1941-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiii, 311 leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Bilingual students ( jstor )
Educational research ( jstor )
High school students ( jstor )
Immigration ( jstor )
Language ( jstor )
Learning ( jstor )
Parents ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Students ( jstor )
Teachers ( jstor )
Bilingualism ( lcsh )
Einwanderer ( swd )
English language -- Study and teaching (Secondary) -- Spanish students ( lcsh )
Language acquisition ( lcsh )
Schüler ( swd )
Spracherwerb ( swd )
Kuba ( swd )
City of Miami ( local )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1983.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 287-309).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Sandra Homlar Fradd.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
029293243 ( ALEPH )
ACA4761 ( NOTIS )
09952288 ( OCLC )
AA00004895_00001 ( sobekcm )
Classification:
HF 617 ( rvk )

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Full Text












LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OF 1980 CUBAN IMMIGRANT
JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS










By

SANDRA HOMLAR FRADD


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1983




LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OF 1980 CUBAN IMMIGRANT
JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS
By
SANDRA HOMLAR FRADD
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1983


Copyright 1983
by
Sandra Homlar Fradd


To all the Cubans who came here in 1980--may you
someday know and love the people of the United States
as I have grown to love those of you whom I have known.
To the Cuban-Americans who allowed me to step
through the transparent curtain that divides our worlds.


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to the following people for their encouragement
and assistance in this endeavor:
Dr. E. Paul Torrance, who gave me the seeds for this research
and encouraged them to grow.
Dr. James Cummins, who developed the theory upon which this
research is based and who was willing to share his ideas with me.
Dr. Betty Mace-Mat!uck, who provided many ideas on language
evaluation.
Dr. Clemens L. Hallman, who made this research possible.
Dr. Allan F. Burns, who opened up a new world of understanding
for me.
Dr. Arthur J. Lewis, who always took the time to ask me questions.
Dr. Patricia T. Ashton, who helped me find those awkward phrases.
Dr. Catherine V. Morsink, for whom all people are special.
Dianne Downing, who always provided editorial assistance and never
failed to "type it just once more."
TV


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv
LIST OF TABLES x
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTER
ONE RATIONALE FOR STUDY I
Problem Statement .... 1
Introduction 2
Nonaffiliation : 3
Historical-Demographic Overview 3
Hypotheses and Research Questions 6
Hypothesis One 6
Hypothesis Two 6
Hypothesis Three 7
Delimitations
Definitions 8
Justification 9
TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 12
Introduction 12
Ethnography in Second Language Acquisition 13
Education and Ethnography 14
The building of stereotypes 15
The removal of barriers 16
Sociolinguistics in Education and Second
Language Acquisition 18
Process and motivation 13
Measuring language proficiency 22
The relationship of language and intelli-
gence/academic achievement 24
The relationship of first language
proficiency to second language
acquisition 26
Summary of Important Findings in Ethnography
and Sociolinguistics in Second Language
Acquisition 28
v


Paqe
Immigrants in the United States 30
Accommodation, Adaptation, and Assimilation 31
The Role of Culture in Assimilation 34
Ethnic group identification 34
Conflict Perspective 37
Emotional Adjustment 40
Summary on Immigrants in the United States 42
The Metamorphosis from Cubans to Cuban-Americans... 43
Demography 44
Stages of Emigration 46
Reasons for Immigration 47
Indicators of Integration Within U.S. Social
and Economic Systems 49
Transcending Ties with the Past 52
Cultural patterns 53
Patterns of Emotional Adjustment 54
Mothers and sons 55
Female Cuban-Americans 56
Teenage Cuban-Americans 57
Educational Achievement 57
English Language Acquisition and Retention of
Spanish 58
Summary of the Metamorphosis of Cubans to
Cuban-Americans 59
Life in Cuba 61
Difficulties in Data Collection 61
Cultural Change 63
Negative image of United States 64
Changes in the Educational System 65
Integration of education into total system... 65
Conflicting opinions on educational
integration 66
Educational achievements 68
Vocational education 71
Juvenile delinquency 72
Use of unpaid labor as an educational tool... 73
Changes in Female Roles 74
Changes in Religious Practices 75
Problems of Rationing 76
Summary of Life in Cuba 78
The 1980 Immigrants 79
Historical Background 79
The North American Reception 80
The media 81
The government 82
Reception by the Cuban-Americans 84
Comparison with Previous Cuban Immigrant Groups. 87
Adjustment Problems 89
Educational Comparison 93
Summary of the 1980 Immigrants 94
Summary 95
VI


Paae
THREE METHODOLOGY 98
Introduction 98
Organization 99
Instrumentation 99
School Program 101
Student Population Description 102
Data Collection 103
Test Validity and Reliability 109
Inter-American Series Reading Test 109
Language Assessment Battery 110
Language Assessment Scales Ill
Data Analysis 113
FOUR RESULTS 115
Hypothesis and Research Questions One 116
Quantitative Measures of Expressive Language.... 117
Discussion of findings on expressive
language 117
Teachers' Ratings of Oral Proficiency 119
Discussion of teachers' ratings 120
Composition of Language Scores 122
Measures of listening 123
Discussion of listening scores 123
Measures of reading 125
Discussion of reading scores 125
Correlations of written measures by age
and sex 125
Correlations of oral and written measures.... 128
Comparison of Male and Female Students 130
Entire Cuban Group 130
Stanine scores 134
Writing subsection 138
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis
and Research Questions One 138
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research
Questions One 146
Hypothesis and Research Question Two 146
Students and Parents 147
Description of the students 148
Student surveys 151
Results of student survey 151
Results of parent survey 154
Students' and parents' self-rating of
language 180
Correlations of students' and parents' self-
ratings 180
Discussion of results of students' and
parents' surveys 181
vi i


Page
Student interviews 183
Parent interviews 194
Discussion of interviews 197
A View of the Community System 199
Process through time 199
View of the ecological change 200
A perspective of cultural transmission 201
View of the social structure of the area 202
A look at language and ideology 204
A View of the School System 206
The ecological change 206
A description of the school teachers and staff.. 209
A view of language and ideology within the
school 210
Observations of Cultural Differences and Cultural
Transmission 211
The Cuban context 211
The North American context 215
Differences in sexual roles 216
Cultural similarities and continuity 218
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis and
Research Question Two 220
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research
Question Two 224
Hypothesis and Research Question Three 225
Language Ability and Participation in Physical
Education 225
Discussion of Correlations of Physical Education
Ratings and Language Scores 226
Individual Differences 228
Group Differences 232
The low group 233
Individuals within the low group 235
The high achievers 237
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis and
Research Question Three 239
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research
Question Three 240
FIVE CONCLUSIONS 241
Problem Statement 241
Discussion of Hypotheses and Research Questions 242
Hypothesis One 242
Hypothesis Two 246
Hypothesis Three 252
Conclusions 255
Recommendations 257
Recommendations for Additional Research 259
vi i i


Page
APPENDICES
A INTERVIEWEES AND INFORMANTS 260
B STUDENTS' LETTER OF PERMISSION 262
C PARENTS' LETTER OF PERMISSION 264
D ENCUESTA PARA ESTUDIANTES (STUDENT SURVEY) 266
E ENCUESTA PARA LOS PADRES (PARENT SURVEY) 272
F ORAL PROFICIENCY RATING SCALE 280
G ORAL PROFICIENCY RATING SCALE GUIDELINES 281
H ENTREVISTA DE ALUMNOS (STUDENT INTERVIEW) 284
I ENTREVISTA DE PADRES (PARENT INTERVIEW) 286
BIBLIOGRAPHY 287
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 310
'i x


LIST OF TABLES
Page
TABLE
4-1 Language Assessment Scale (LAS) Oral and Written
Measures in English and Spanish; Correlations
with Total English and Spanish Scores 118
4-2 Teachers' Evaluations of Oral Proficiency 121
4-3 Measures of Listening Proficiency 124
4-4 Measures of Reading Ability 126
4-5 Correlations of Written English and Spanish Scores.... 127
4-6 Correlations of Rank on Total English Scores and Rank
on Total Spanish Scores by Sex and Component 129
4-7 Comparison of Male and Female Scores in English and
Spanish 131
4-8 Comparison of Students by Rank on Total LAB Scores.... 133
4-9 Comparison Between Groups and Seasons on the Language
Assessment Battery, Stanines 135
4-10 Comparison Between Groups and Seasons on the Language
Assessment Battery, Writing Subtest 139
4-11 Provinces Where Students Last Attended School 149
4-12 Provinces Where Parents Were Born 149
4-13 Sex and Range of Birthdates of Students 150
4-14 Results of Student Survey 155
4-15 Results of Parent Survey 169
4-16 Students' Self-rating of Language Proficiency 184
4-17 Parents' Self-rating of Language Proficiency 135
x


Paos
-18 Enrollment 203
4-19 Correlations of Rank on Total Englisn Scores and
Rank on Total Soam'sn Scores and Ratings by
Physical Education Teachers 227
XI


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OF 1980 CUBAN IMMIGRANT
JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS
By
Sandra Homlar Fradd
April 1983
Chairman: Clemens L. Hallman
Cochairman: Allan F. Burns
Major Department: Curriculum and Instruction
This is an ethnographic study of the influences of first language,
school, peers, and home on language acquisition among 1980 Cuban
immigrants in a junior high school.
Participants were seventh- and eighth-grade students who cams to
the U.S. during the 1980 Cuban exodus. These students spoke Spanish
and were in the process of learning English. Forty-one students agreed
to individual language testing; 63 students participated in the group
tests. Tests in English and Spanish were the Language Assessment
Battery III, the Language Assessment Scales II, and Inter-American
Reading Comprehension Test III, in Spanish. Students completed language
use surveys and participated in individual interviews. Thirty-nine
students returned language surveys completed by parents. Four parents
viere interviewed. Bilingual and ESL teachers rated students' language


competence in English and Spanish. Physical education teachers rated
them on participation.
Participant observation revealed that females who avoided inter
action in English were the lowest achievers in oral English. Males
and females who were the highest achievers in oral English preferred
to speak Spanish, but communicated freely in English.
First language ability was significantly correlated with second
language acquisition. Parents' self-rating was significantly correlated
with Spanish oral proficiency. Physical education ratings were
correlated with English achievement for females, Spanish achievement
for males.
Results of the study indicate that those who establish and implement
second language program policy should consider the relationship of first
language fluency to second language acquisition. First language in
struction can be an important component of the language program for
limited English proficient students. Schools with populations of these
students should consider the entire faculty responsible for these
students' progress. Further research should focus on the role of
culturally prescribed sex roles as determiners of language acquisition.
Additional study should also include the effect of students' previous
experience in Cuba as an influence in English acquisition.
xiii


CHAPTER ONE
RATIONALE FOR STUDY
Problem Statement
One of the critical questions which recent researchers in second
language acquisition have begun to address is the relationship between
first language ability and second language acquisition. Considering
the diversity of opinion which exists concerning the best method for
enabling students who speak another language to become fluent in English,
the importance of this question is apparent. There are educators, ad
ministrators, and politicians who believe all-day instruction in English
is the only method which will enable children to achieve mastery of
English. Other educators and professionals believe the same goal can
be achieved more effectively by building on students' first language
fluency. Because little research has been done on the relationship
between first language fluency and second language acquisition, most
educational decisions are based on opinion rather than knowledge of
research (Carrison, 1933; Troike, 1983).
The learning of a second language can also be influenced by other
factors in addition to first language fluency. In order to fully
understand the relationship between first language ability and second
language acquisition, other influencing factors must be analyzed and
documented. The purpose of this research is to study the relationship
between first language ability ana second language learning and to
1


2
explore and observe some other factors which influence the learning
of a second language.
Introduction
Ethnography is the research method used in this study. In anthro
pology, ethnography is a method by which the researcher gains under
standing of the participants of the research by studying them within
the context of the community in which they live and interact. For
purposes of this work, I am using the definitions of Geertz (1973)
and Wolcott (1980).
Geertz sees ethnography as a process of interpreting the ecological
webs of significance in peoples' lives. From the textbook perspective,
Geertz (1973) sees doing ethnography as . establishing rapport,
selecting informants, transcribing texts, . keeping a diary ..."
(p. 5), but argues that while these activities may be methods used by
the ethnographer, they do not necessarily make an ethnography. The
primary characteristic which distinguishes ethnography from other re
search methods is the requirement that the researcher utilize the
participants' understanding in interpreting the results (Geertz, 1973).
The responsibility of the ethnographer is to impose a cultural
framework of interpretation on what he or she observes as occurring in
the culture. Wolcott (1980) believes, "we are fast losing sight of the
fact that the essential ethnographic contribution is interpretive rather
than methodological" (p. 57). He emphasizes that the difference between
doing descriptive fieldwork and doing ethnography is that ethnography
seeks to apply a cultural context and a cultural interpretation to an
observed event. Observational fieldwork does not.


3
Nonaffil iation
Cubans and Cuban-Americans have very strong, persuasive feelings
about the Cuban Revolution. Much of what they say is colored by their
experiences, as well as their political perspective. While the dominant
position of the Cuban-Americans in the U.S. is one of opposition to the
Cuban Revolution, there are also pro-Revolutionary forces within the
Cuban-American and the larger U.S. population (Azicri, 1981-82). These
opposing political positions act like opposite polarizing magnets
within the Cuban-American community. Because field research brings
one into close, direct contact with the research population and other
significant people, the researcher soon becomes aware of these con
flicting political positions. In spite of the tendency to identify
with the group in which one is working, this researcher maintains a
politically neutral position and seeks only to report and interpret
the research evidence in the most comprehensible way possible. Any
political interpretations placed on this work are erroneous. The purposes
of this research are to study the relationship between first language
ability and second language learning, to explore some other factors
that influence the learning of a second language, and to share this
knowledge with other interested persons.
Historical-Demographic Overview
Cuba is by far the largest island in the Caribbean in terms of:
population with 9,865,000 inhabitants; land mass, 43,533 square miles;
and length, 745 miles (Lowenthal, 1982). It has about the same amount
of land under cultivation as Japan, but only one-tenth the population


4
(Black, Bluestein, Edwards, Johnston, & McMorris, 1976). Its location
makes it one of the U.S. closest noncontiguous neighbors. However, in
terms of ideology, for the past 24 years the historical, political,
social, and educational evolution of Cuba has been very different from
that of its neighbor to the north.
When compared with the amount of research collected on other
Hispanic groups, little is known about the Cuban students in the U.S.
school systems (Diaz, 1980), even though they comprise about 6% of the
Hispanic population in the U.S. and are the third largest Hispanic
single group in the U.S. (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1981). According
to Diaz (1980), the number of Cubans in the U.S. has increased over the
past two decades by 1,500%. His report was completed before the 1980
immigration which added approximately another 125,000 Cubans to the
U.S. population (Department of Health and Rehabilitative Services,
1982). There are several reasons for this lack of information. Cubans
have concentrated in a few major locations within the U.S. and are not
widely available for research; few sociologists, anthropologists, or
educational researchers have chosen to observe and study Cubans in
the U.S. (Diaz, 1980).
The people from the first wave of Cuban refugees to arrive after
Castro's takeover in 1959 were labeled the "golden immigrants" because
they represented the wealthy, well-educated elite who already had close
ties with the economic and social establishment within the U.S. For a
period of more than 5 years, the Cuban immigrants in the U.S. were not
at all representative of the island population. The wealthy and well-
educated Cubans in the U.S. represented a much larger proportion of the
total Cuban immigrants than they did in Cuba (Fagen, Brody, & O'Leary,


5
1968). As Cuban immigration continued, the Cuban population in the
U.S. began to take on characteristics more closely resembling the
island population in terms of race, economic and social levels (Clark,
1975).
The most recent and massive immigration, termed by the press as
the "Freedom Flotilla" or the "Mariel Boatlift" because most immigrants
left from the northern port of Marie!, began in April 1980 and
officially terminated in September of the same year. Although some
reports are conflicting, until recently most of the information about
these people has been negative, categorizing them as Castro himself
labeled them, "the scum of Cuban society, 'gusanos,' or worms." With
the exception of the work of Rivero (1981), little is known about the
special needs, problems, or abilities of the Cuban children who entered
the Florida public school system in 1980. These children who have been
raised in a socialist society have attitudes and habits which differ
from those who came in previous migrations. Because of the lack of
research, little is known about the way these students are adapting
to the new social and educational environment.
This study was designed to collect data on a specific population
of 1980 Cuban immigrant junior high school students, their parents,
and other significant family and community members. It investigates
students' Spanish proficiency and their progress in learning English.
Data have been collected through participant observation, linguistic
measurements, surveys, and interviews. Correlations have been performed
which indicate some of the factors which facilitate or inhibit second
language acquisition for these students.
Because of the sensitive nature of the data collected, no references
are made to the specific location of the community, school, or students


6
where the study was conducted. AIT information gathered through
interviews and participant observation remains anonymous. It is
presented in such a way as to preclude identification of informants
or other participants.
Hypotheses and Research Questions
Hypothesis One
Using standardized written and oral measurements, students judged
to be more proficient in Spanish will be found to make significantly
more progress in learning English than students who are determined to be
less proficient in Spanish. Research questions: For these students,
is there a relationship between first language ability and second
language acquisition? Does greater ability in first language facilitate
the acquisition of the second?
Hypothesis Two
Students whose parents, family members, relatives, and other
significant community members are reinforcing learning by their
behavior will make more progress toward acquiring English skills as
measured by ethnographic means than students whose parents, family
members, relatives, and significant community members do not. The
research question: What is happening at home and in the community
and the school environment that is inhibiting or facilitating the
acquisition of English?


7
Hypothesis Three
Students who utilize English communication opportunities will
make more progress in mastering English as measured by ethnographic
means than students who do not. Research question: Are there
measurable behavioral differences which can be observed in the school
environment that distinguish students who score higher on standardized
written and oral tests from students who score lower on the same
measures?
Del imitations
This research has been limited to the Cuban students who arrived
in the U.S. between the months of April and October 1980 and who were
enrolled in one junior high school in a county in south Florida.
Included in the formal student interviews and oral language sample
phase of the study were 41 seventh and eighth graders--!9 males and
22 females. These 41 students and 39 of their parents participated
in the survey phase. Four parents participated in the formal parent
interviews. A total of 63 Cuban students--the entire enrollment for
this junior high school--participated in the written language tests
and informal interview phase of the research.
Formal and informal interviews were conducted with 15 teachers,
6 administrators, 8 aides and other staff, 41 students and their
parents, and 15 other students at the school where the study was con
ducted. Merchants and others who work in the corranunity where the re
search was conducted were also interviewed, as were other Cubans
and Cuban-Americans from earlier immigrations who had settled in the


8
area. Formal and informal interviews of 1980 Cubans and Cuban-
Americans were conducted in the Little Havana district of Miami,
Hialeah, and in other parts of Florida. A total of 141 formal and
informal interviews were conducted for this research. A list of
interviewees, by occupation, is available in Appendix A. All inter
views are anonymous to protect the confidentiality of the informants.
Definitions
1. Cuban-Cuba nsCubans who were born in Cuba, continue to
retain residence there, and who may visit the U.S., but have not sought
to become permanent inhabitants, are, for the purpose of this research,
identified as Cuban-Cubans.
2. CubansCubans who have recently migrated to the U.S. and
still retain a sense of identification with their homeland which sets
them apart from Cubans who have been in the U.S. for longer periods of
time are in essence still Cubans. They have not experienced the accul
turation process which moves them toward ties with the host country.
Although many people who were born in Cuba have become naturalized
U.S. citizens and still refer to themselves as "Cubans," for purposes
of this study, the word Cubans is used to mean people who migrated to
the U.S. in the 1980 cohort.
3. Cuban-AmericansThe term "Cuban-Americans" is primarily an
Anglo-American word used by people speaking English. It is seldom
used by immigrants from Cuba in the U.S. who usually refer to themselves
as either "Cubans" or "Americans." However, for purposes of this
research, Cubans who have experienced, at least in part, the accultura
tion process which links them with the customs and culture of the U.S.


9
are termed Cuban-Americans. They represent the group of Cuban im
migrants who arrived in the .S. prior to the 1980 "Freedom Flotilla"
or "Marie! Boat!ift."
Justification
The second language research by Rodriguez-Brown (1979), who
looked at primary Mexican students in Chicago, along with the work
of Cummins (1981), Cummins, Swain, Nakajima, Handscombe, and Green
(1981), and Cummins, Swain, Nakajima, Handscombe, Green, and Tran
(in press), who looked at the relationship of first and second languages
across ages, indicates that first language proficiency is related to
second language acquisition. Cummins et al. (in press) point out that
the theoretical assumption of "common underlying proficiency" is a
construct which "... appears counterintuitive to many policy makers
and educators" (p. 2). Cummins et al. (in press) state that research
in behavioral and language use patterns across languages is an innova
tion in second language study that requires a great deal of further
investigation.
The controversy regarding the use of primary language instruction
to enhance second language learning has continued for the past decade,
yet most second language research has been focused on elementary school
students and adults learning a second language (Hatch, 1978). Hatch
documents that between 1913 and 1976, 75 second language acquisition
studies of children 12 years or younger were conducted. During the
same time period, 30 studies of adults and 11 studies of teenagers also
occurred. Both Genesee (1978) and Snow and Hoefnagel-Hohle (1978) agree
that adolescents learn the rule-governed parts of language--those aspects


10
of language generally taught at schoolmore quickly than younger
children. Therefore, if the primary language is important for
knowledge transfer to the second language, that importance should
become more rapidly evident in studies of adolescents than in studies
of younger students. Because adolescents form social groups and main
tain social contacts more independent of authority and direction than
do elementary students, it is theorized that adolescent second
language acquisition should also provide fruitful ground for observing
the social aspects of language learning.
Often, adequate exposure time to the target language is inter
preted to mean the number of minutes of classroom instruction within
the school day. However, classroom exposure is only one facet of
language learning. Fillmore's (1976) use of the term "adequate ex
posure time to the target language" points to the need for linguistic
interpersonal interaction as one of the major determiners of language
acquisition. The social influence of language learning must seriously
be considered if schools are to fully integrate the limited English-
speaking student into the English-speaking population. Expanded
understanding of "adequate exposure time to the target language" can
be translated into improved training programs for all school personnel
where there are large populations of second language learners. It can
also be useful in working with parents to plan more effective programs
for their children and for bridging the cultural and linguistic gulf
which may exist between the minority language community and the larger
English-speaking community.
By looking at these limited English-speaking students as in
dividuals, as well as members of a specific cultural and linguistic


n
group, this research seeks to remove some of the stereotypical ways
of thinking about them which may currently exist. In summary, it is
anticipated that this research will provide the school systems and
those charged with the responsibility of educating students with
limited English proficiency, additional information on which to base
educational decisions regarding the relationship of students' first
language and second language acquisition. Additionally, it will give
educators and policy makers information on the behaviors which students
display in learning English as a second language. This information can
be utilized to train teachers, structure programs, and encourage
additional research.


CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
Because this research is interdisciplinary in nature, it requires
an understanding not only of the findings in the field of second
language acquisition, but also of the process of assimilation and
acculturation. To understand the factors which influence English
learning for a group of 1980 Cuban students, it is important to con
sider the way in which previous groups of Cuban immigrants have adapted
to life in the U.S., the conditions under which they lived in Cuba,
and circumstances of their arrival and adjustment in the U.S.
This review is therefore divided into five subsections: the
first is an overview of the use of ethnography and sociolinguistics in
second language education; the second is a review of assimilation and
acculturation of immigrant groups within the U.S.; the third is a review
of the data on previous Cuban migrations that have occurred since the
Cuban Revolution; the fourth is a review of significant sociopolitical
and economic factors in Revolutionary Cuba that may have affected the
1980 migrants; the fifth is a review of data on the 1980 immigrants.
Because of the broad scope of this review of the literature, no
one section is considered to be an exhaustive analysis of all available
information. Each section is written for the purpose of presenting an
overview of background information relating to the current language
learning of this specific population.
12


13
Ethnography in Second Language Acquisition
The current movement for bilingual education is largely the
result of the struggles of linguistic minorities for equal educational
opportunity (Guthrie & Hall, 1981). The underpinnings of the movement
came with the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VII of the Elementary
and Secondary Act of 1965 established federal policy. The Bilingual
Education Acts of 1968 and 1974, the 1970 Memorandum, and the 1974
Lau v. Nichols Supreme Court decision all expanded on those first two
enactments (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Clearinghouse, 1975).
Until recently, educators, as well as most of the population,
viewed cultural and linguistic differences as limitations within the
students and as the underlying cause of minority failure in school.
While this view is slowly changing, it is still accepted by some
educators today.
For purposes of this research, culture is defined as ". . what
ever one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner
acceptable to its members . ." (Goodenough, 1964, p. 36). Culture
provides group members with a common social heritage. Although for
some anthropologists, language is not considered relevant to the under
standing of culture, for purposes of this research.it is considered an
integral element. In the words of Sapir, "... they talk like us,
they are like us" (1958, p. 16). The language and culture which recent
Cuban immigrants share with immigrants who entered the U.S. during
previous waves, unite, and at the same time, separate the two groups.


14
Education and Ethnography
Cultural knowledge is more than just a stock of information people
must know about everyday life. It consists of attitudes, beliefs,
expectations, preferences, and values. While this type of knowledge
may not always be obvious in everyday behavior, transmission of this
information is crucial for cultural continuity (Hansen, 1979). When
groups of people with different cultural knowledge enter the community,
a cultural conflict will exist until the differences are accommodated
or resolved. Hansen (1979) reminds us that ". . the transmission of
cultural knowledge is subject to both conservative forces and to
tendencies toward continual redefinition" (p. 6). Hansen believes that
all social interaction, including cultural transmission, requires inter
personal corranunication and is subject to individual interpretation. Each
individual interpretation is based on that individual's background of
cultural knowledge and personal experience. This interpretative process
affects the understanding of shared meanings and precludes total agree
ment of bodies of knowledge by all participants involved in the inter
action. These individual differences in interpretation provide ". .a
crucial mechanism for the gradual modification of shared understanding
in the course of social life, as people reinterpret their experiences
in light of changing circumstances" (Hansen, 1979, p. 2). Individual
interpretations also are the vehicle for cultural conflict and stereo
typing, or cross-cultural understanding.
Herskovits (1964) distinguishes between two facets of the process
of acculturation by viewing "socialization" as the method of integrating
the individual into the social group and "enculturation" as the means


15
by which the individual obtains competence in the customs and knowledge
of the social group. Hansen (1979) believes these distinctions imply
gradations in learning comprehension and commitment to the social group.
The building of stereotypes
A recent trend in education is the teaching of the culture of the
linguistically different children as an instructional element of the
bilingual curriculum. This type of cultural instruction is quite
different from either Hansen's or Herskovits1 conceptualizations of
acculturation. Students are more often taught about the manifestations
of culture, the cultural artifacts such as clothing, food, and music,
rather than being assisted to understand the culturally oriented ex
pectations they hold which may be in conflict because they differ with
those of the host society. Instruction in some of the ethnic manifesta
tions of culture can be motivating and interesting to the students, but
emphasis on the overt aspects of culture tends to obscure the more subtle
differences which may be at the very foundation of the learning dif
ficulty (Guthrie & Hall, 1981).
Harrington (1978) finds that as a society becomes more pluralistic
or culturally diverse, people tend to simplify their world by making
groups and mentally lumping people together. Thus stereotyping begins.
One of the major difficulties which ethnographers face in presenting
information about other cultures is the formation of new stereotypes
which may add to or replace the old ones. In discussing cultural dif
ferences, Harrington observes three different levels of understanding:
how all people are unique, how all people are the same, and how some
people are similar to or different from others. "In thinking of


16
children, whatever culture a child is from, he or she is human, able to
learn, able to think, and able to feel, and cultural differences are
small compared to these similarities" (Harrington, 1978, p. 2). In
thinking of culture in terms of educational planning, Harrington
believes that knowing something about a particular culture "... does
not excuse educators from their obligation to know the child as an
individual, unique from other individuals, and to respond to the child's
own special needs with a personally designed plan of instruction" (1978,
p. 2).
The removal of barriers
Members of the dominant culture tend to think of culture as being
observed only in other groups of people and to believe there is only
one unifying culture per group. Mehan (1981) stresses the need to
analyze language and culture in the classroom from the viewpoint of the
participants. This analysis may require several perspectivesthat of
the dominant culture and that of participants who are not members of the
dominant group. The researcher must therefore be fluent in the language
or languages spoken in the cultures to be studied.
The anthropological researcher from the U.S. involved in educational
research in the U.S. must devote a great deal more thought to research
design and the presentation of the results than has been done when
anthropologists went on a frontier expedition to study an unknown cul
ture (Burns, 1976). The researcher raised in the culture where the re
search takes place has cultural expectations which can obscure the
cultural significance of an event as it is viewed by the participants.
It is necessary to make the familiar strange rather than making the
strange familiar, as occurs in studies of unknown cultures.


17
Overreliance on educational tests permits researchers and edu
cators to know students only psychometrically. Test performance does
not reveal a full view of students' skills and abilities. No one
measure is an adequate assessment of competence. The importance of a
greater awareness of the cultural norms within and outside the specific
community being studied can not be overrated. It is necessary to use
the school community as a wider context in which to focus attention
because there is greater potential for understanding behavior by com
paring that behavior or event with cultural events of the broader
community (Gilmore & Smith, 1982).
The purpose of ethnography in educational research, according to
Wilson (1977), is to allow the researcher to investigate events as they
occur in the everyday setting and to thus generalize the research
findings to the larger world where similar events and participants exist
Wilson (1977) believes, however, the presence of the researcher in
fluences the participants and may cause them to have a ". . sus
piciousness of the intent of the researcher, a sense of the behavior
that is either appropriate or expected, a special interpersonal re
lationship with the experimenter, and a desire to be evaluated
positively" (p. 49). The researcher must be aware of these influences
and consider them in interpreting data gathered through interaction
with participants. Additionally, the researcher must interpret feelings
thoughts, and actions as the participants involved would, as well as
from a perspective of an outsider by seeking a variety of sources of
information upon which to establish internal and external reliability
and validity (Le Compte & Goetz, 1982).


18
Sociolinguistics in Education and Second Language Acquisition
The study of the relationship of language to society is defined as
sociolinguistics (Hudson, 1980). Although the study of dialects and
relationship of culture to word meaning have customarily been a part
of the field of linguistics since the 1960s, sociolinguistics has
received widespread interest because of its potential for understanding
of the nature of language and society (Hudson, 1980).
Process and motivation
Ervin-Tripp (1978) observes that the process of second language
acquisition is like learning the first, and dispels the myth that
younger children are better second language learners than teenagers or
adults. In natural language settings, second language learners tend
to pass through the same stages as first language learners. Rate and
stage will not be the same if students come to the second language task
with prior knowledge, or if they receive instruction. Second language
learner strategies, according to Ervin-Tripp, are "quite like those
mother-tongue learners employed in both interpretation and translation
tasks" (p. 205).
In observing students' second language acquisition strategies in
a naturalistic setting, Fillmore (1976) finds the students able to use
their new language in meaningful social settings prior to exhibiting
evidence of the understanding of the grammatical rules governing such
speech. Creative speech is expressed only after students acquire an
understanding of the structure governing their utterances. Fillmore
finds that the social elements of language acquisition are intricately


19
interwoven with the cognitive elements. Learner success . depended
not on cognitive skills alone, but also on having the social skills
that enabled him to participate in the situations in which the new
language was used" (Fillmore, 1976, p. vii).
Krashen's (1978) focus is on adult second language acquisition
and what he calls theory of the Monitor Model. His model posits that
conscious language learning is available only as a monitor which cor
rects speech production, sometimes before and sometimes after output.
The Monitor is not always functioning in speech production because
often there is not enough time to think and consciously apply gram
matical rules. Frequently,the speaker may be more engrossed in the
message than the form. Conscious awareness of grammar is one of the
major distinctions between adult and child second language learning.
Psychological changes that occur with the onset of puberty may also
heighten feelings of vulnerability during adolescence. The combination
of increased ability for abstract thought and a sense of reluctance to
reveal one's self may cause overuse of the Monitor, and result in re
luctance to speak in the new language. Krashen's findings on adult-
child language learning differences are supported by the work of Snow
and Hoefnagel-Hohle (1978) who find older learners have an advantage
over younger students in acquiring rule-governed aspects of second
language syntax and morphology.
In reviewing research relating second language acquisition to
aptitude, Krashen (1978) finds that integrative motivation, the desire
to become part of the culture of the language, and self-confidence
work together to facilitate the production of naturalistic speech. The


20
second language learner who is motivated to become a part of the
society of the target language is more apt to listen carefully and
utilize the language he or she hears in the environment for future
linguistic interaction with native speakers. According to Krashen
(1978), motivational variables play a large part in how the learner
makes use of informal language contexts. The integrative motive is
weakest where there are political feelings of ill will toward speakers
of the target language, or there are perceived expressions of contempt
from native speakers of the language toward those who are learning it.
In developing the Acculturation Model, Schumann (1978) presents
a taxonomy of nine factors which influence second language acquisition.
The strongest influence in learning a language is the desire for social
integration. Comparing second language acquisition for children,
adolescents, and adults, Schumann finds that the participant who
remains the most psychologically and socially distant from mainstream
culture in the English-speaking environment acquires the least amount
of English. A corollary of Schumann's hypothesis is that acculturation
is the major causal variable in second language acquisition; all other
variables are minor intervening ones. In typical educational institu
tions where very few variables such as use of text, teacher, or treatment,
can be controlled, the variables are so weak that they exert very little
effect on total second language learning. The desire for motivational
integration, to be associated with the native speakers, or the wish to
avoid contact with people of the target language,provides the impetus
for inhibiting or facilitating language learning. This force interacts
with the cognitive processes and strategies which the learner employs
in utilizing language input.


21
Sajavaara (1978) adds to the Monitor and Acculturation Models by
concluding that "Acquisition will take place if language is used for
meaningful communication, the socioaffective filter is lowered, and
there is enough input in context which is communicatively meaningful
for the learner" (p. 67). The focus must be on the message instead of
the form.
In second language research of students learning a marked
language, one considered to have less social value (Fishman, 1976),
Edelsky and Hudelson (1980) find that the political position of the
second language is a more important influence than the amount of daily
or weekly exposure or the length of time spent in study. Even though
the markedness of a language is a sociopolitical factor which originates
1 outside the school, it is a powerful force which must be recognized
before it can be dealt with effectively. The political factor can
account for policy development and implementation, curriculum organi
zation, classroom structure, and the allocation and utilization of
staff and resources within the instructional program (Burns, 1981-82;
Shuy, 1981).
In his synthesis of research on bilingual education, Troike (1981)
finds that the use of two languages, the home language as well as
English, fosters greater cognitive gains as well as greater acquisition
of English skills than English-only instruction. Breaking down cultural
barriers which often exist between the home and the school and providing
an educational environment which accepts the child and shows respect
for his or her culture and language are the important factors which
increase language proficiency and academic achievement. Cummins' (1981)
work agrees with that of Troike. Cummins states,


22
. . although both sociocultural and educational
factors contribute directly to the development of
communicative proficiency in minority students, a
large majority of academic and communicative
deficits . are developed in these students as
a result of failure by educators to respond
appropriately to sociocultural and communicative
characteristics which children bring to school.
(P. 41)
Measuring language proficiency
Canale (in press) reviews some of the recent frameworks for
language proficiency and finds that there is general agreement
regarding general "underlying abilities, knowledge systems, and
skills," but "there is less agreement on the content and boundaries
of this underlying competence, and hence, on what language proficiency
tests do and should measure" (p. 2). While Cummins (1981) accepts the
terms "communicative proficiency" and "linguistic proficiency" as
synonyms, Canale finds that linguistic proficiency is comprised
generally of language universals that are only part of what he terms
individual proficiency. Communicative and autonomous proficiencies
are a result of socialization processes, as well as individual differences
in personal development, learning style, personality, and motivation.
Differential criteria in language evaluation are exemplified in
the research of Damico, Oiler, and Storey (1981) who utilize both
pragmatic and surface-oriented criteria to identify bilingual in
dividuals displaying language disorders. Results indicate that
pragmatic criteria were more effective than surface-oriented criteria
in distinguishing language disorders from lack of language proficiency.
The research of Rodriguez-Brown and Elias-Olivares (1981) cor
relates language use at school, at home, and in natural language


23
situations with language attitudes of the community-at-large. They
believe that presently available language proficiency tests are too
narrow in scope and based on what psychologists, linguists, and
educators perceive about what children should do rather than what
children actually can do.
The assessment of language dominance is reviewed by Burt and
Dulay (1978) who stress the importance of distinguishing between
naturalistic and linguistically manipulative tasks. Measurements on
each of these tasks will result in different sets of linguistic in
formation. Pedraza and Pousada (1980) find that their ethnographic
techniques for determining language dominance revealed different
information than standardized language tests or self-report measurers.
They conclude that students labeled as alingual by measures used at
school were quite fluent in one or two languages in their home environ
ment. They emphasize that for bilinguals, labels indicating language
proficiency and dominance may be unstable descriptors that change over
time and within different social environments.
Rodriguez-Brown (1979) finds that educational treatment, instruction
in first and/or second language, is more important than language pro
ficiency. Language treatment during the instructional year plays a
significant role in reading achievement gains students evidence at the
end of the year. In this study, Spanish-speaking primary students who
entered school with different levels of English and Spanish proficiency
were given different educational treatments in reading instruction. The
students with moderate knowledge of English were provided instruction
in English and Spanish, while students who were still Spanish dominant,


24
but who were judged to be the most advanced in English,received reading
instruction in English only. Students who had little English ability
and who were also less fluent than the rest in Spanish received in
struction in Spanish only. By the end of the school year, third-grade
students who received reading instruction in both languages were
achieving at the same level as those who received instruction in
English only, even though they began the school year at a significantly
lower level of English achievement.
The relationship of language and intelligence/academic achievement
The body of research on the theoretical perspective of the re
lationship of language acquisition and cognitive development is reviewed
by Rice (1980), who places the research findings on a continuum. At
one extreme she finds language and cognition independent of each other,
in the mid area there is agreement that language development is inter
dependent on cognitive development, and at the opposite end that
cognition is dependent on language development. She concludes that each
theory seems to explain some phenomena of language acquisition, but that
no one theory accounts for all the complexities of children's language
performance or the relationship of language and intelligence.
Language, according to Hal 1iday (1578),performs four basic functions.
It interprets the entirety of human experience, expresses logical re
lationships, identifies speakers and societal roles, and relates what
is being said to the context of the speech event. In reviewing the work
of Bernstein, Halliday finds that the process of becoming educated re
quires that meaning must develop along certain lines of cultural content,


25
especially in relationship to the child's exploration of the environ
ment and the child's part in it, . certain ways of organizing
experience through language and participating and interacting with
people and things are necessary to success in school" (Halliday,
1978, p. 26).
Oiler (1979) believes that the acquisition of language proficiency
is more fundamental to the acquisition and storage of knowledge than
most linguists, psychologists, and educators realize. He hypothesizes
that what is measured by achievement tests is also measured by tests
of language proficiency.
While Cummins agrees with Oiler's premise of the underlying
relationship between language and achievement, Cummins divides
language proficiency into two educational constructs: language
which one uses to relate to others in everyday life, Basic Interpersonal
Communication Skills (BICS), and language which requires an understanding
of deeper meaning, Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP).
Cummins' studies (1980, 1981) indicate that students master BICS in
about 2 years after immersion in a new language environment, but that
5 to 7 years is required for mastery of CALP. Age of arrival
and length of residence are important factors in achieving language
proficiency at either the BICS or CALP level. While some tests of
language proficiency may test the global language proficiency, as Oiler
suggests, Cummins (1980) finds that most language proficiency tests used
in determining the entry and exit criteria for bilingual programs are
based on BICS rather than CALP. When students have been exited from
bilingual programs because they have achieved linguistic proficiency


26
but are unable to learn in the regular classroom setting, they are
frequently diagnosed as being mentally, rather than linguistically,
deficient.
Oiler (1980) believes that the state of the art in linguistic
proficiency testing has not progressed sufficiently to determine
definitely "whether deep language ability and intelligence are really
distinct" (p. 134). He further states that, "existing literature on
testing suggests that any ordinary test of language proficiency is
strongly correlated with general intelligence" (p. 134), and that it
is doubtful whether a language proficiency test of BIOS could be
constructed that would not involve some form of CALP. Cummins' (1980)
states that individual differences account for some aspects of the way
the BICS and CALP aspects are acquired, but that individual differences
in CALP are strongly related to academic achievement, while individual
differences in BICS are not.
Cummins (1981) finds that current theories of communicative
competence have not taken into consideration such critical issues as
developmental perspective, contexts of language use, and the relation
ship between the skills achieved in the first language and the
acquisition of second language skills.
The relationship of first language proficiency to second language
acquisition
Of major importance in second language acquisition theory is
Cummins' (1980) hypothesis of Common Underlying Proficiency, CUP, as
opposed to Separate Underlying Proficiency, SUP. Cummins believes
that the "... 'common sense' assumptions of the SUP model get expressed


27
at a policy level" (p. 50). Cummins points out a pattern of results
in hundreds of evaluations of bilingual programs as evidence of the
common underlying proficiency of language acquisition. He further
points to his correlational study (1979) of first and second languages
as evidence in support of the CUP theory in terms of academic skill.
BICS are not so easily transferred across languages. Age of entrance
into the second language learning environment also affects speed and
amount of transfer, with older children mastering second language
morphology and syntax skills, the skills taught at school, more quickly
than younger children. Younger children have an advantage in phonology,
essentially a BICS area of language proficiency. Of importance here is
the fact that students had mastered the second language sufficiently
to score equally, or nearly equally as well, on both first and second
language tests. Cummins (1979) points out the need for empirical
investigation of the relationship of first language proficiency and
second language acquisition.
Cummins et al. (in press) conclude after researching dissimilar
populations of Japanese and Vietnamese students that first language
". . cognitive/academic proficiency accounted for a highly significant
proportion of variance in L2 (second language) cognitive/academic pro
ficiency, as predicted by the interdependence hypothesis" (p. 32).
Older Japanese students continued to develop first language cognitive/
academic skills to a greater degree than younger Japanese children in
the study. According to the researchers (Cummins et al., in press),
their recent work has been exploratory but has allowed them to conceptu
alize the interdependence theory (of the relationship of first language


28
proficiency and second language proficiency) on a broader framework
than had previously been theorized. Cummins et al. (in press) view the
interactional style which bilinguals display as interdependent, but
mediated by what they term as "personality attributes" of the in
dividual. What was not considered in this research was the mediating
affect of culture or cultural expectations for language acquisition.
Cummins et al. (in press) find that first language proficiency is
related to second language acquisition in a variety of ways. Of
interest here is the finding that what children bring to the language
learning situation is more important than their actual experiences
in learning the language. Interactional style, relating information
and responding to questions, is interdependent across languages. First
language cognitive/academic maturity (Cummins' CALP) greatly influences
the speed with which cognitive/academic skills are acquired in the
second.
Summary of Important Findings in Ethnography and Sociolinguistics in
Second Language Acquisition
Bilingual education in the U.S. during the past 2 decades is the
result of the Civil Rights movement and other supporting actions by
minorities seeking equal educational opportunities. These groups have
not been as successful as the majority group in the U.S., in part,
because of differences in language and culture.
Culture has come to be identified with two separate concepts:
shared ways of knowing or behaving that are acceptable by the cultural
group (Goodenough, 1964; Hansen, 1979; Herskovits, 1964) and the identifi
cation of cultural artifacts as symbols of culture (Guthrie & Hall, 1981)


29
The educational ethnographer's task is to sort through the highly
visible elements of cultural differences found in the school setting
and interpret the subtle, but highly significant way that participants
view events so those interested in the research can understand (Geertz,
1973; Wolcott, 1980).
The second part of this section reviewed research on socio
linguistics and second language acquisition. Under natural learning
conditions the process of learning a second language is much like
learning the first. However, adults and teenagers learn the school -
instructed elements of language much faster than younger children
(Ervin-Tripp, 1978). Adults are more conscious of grammar (Krashen,
1978). The social setting is an important motivating factor (Fillmore,
1976) in second language learning. Adults who feel psychologically
or socially distant from the speakers of the target language learn the
language much more slowly, if at all (Schumann, 1978). The political
position of the language in relationship to the learners is very im
portant (Edelsky & Hudelson, 1980). Troike (1981) and Cummins (1981)
emphasize the need to break down social and cultural barriers to
facilitate second language learning.
Canale (in press) presents a framework for defining communicative
proficiency. Damico et al. (1981) believe pragmatic and surface-
oriented criteria are important. Burt and Dulay (1978) emphasize the
need for distinguishing between naturalistic and linguistically manipu
lative tasks. Rodriguez-Brown (1979) finds that educational treatments
greatly influence educational achievements on measures of reading.


30
In reviewing the relationship of language to intelligence as
measured by academic achievement, Rice (198C) finds that research
supports a broad range of theoretical positions from no relationship
between the two to the position that language and intelligence measures
are the same. Cummins (1980) differentiates between the linguistic
skills needed for interpersonal communication and those needed for
academic achievement.
Of most importance is Cummins' (1980) interdependence theory based
on the theoretical model of common underlying proficiency as opposed to
separate underlying proficiency. He believes that much educational
policy is a result of the mistaken belief that different languages are
organized in the brain in separate repositories, but that as counter
intuitive as it may at first appear, language is a common construct
with separate manifestations by individual language. Cummins et al.
(in press) find that the cognitive/academic aspects of language are
highly transferable across languages. The transfer of language skills
across languages is mediated by individual variables that Cummins et al.
(in press) label personality attributes. This most recent work of
Cummins and his research partners has been theoretically generative.
Much more empirical research is needed in order to formulate theory
based on grounded data.
Immigrants in the United States
Insights gained from research on immigrant adaptation and
assimilation to life in the U.S. have many theoretical as well as
practical implications. Studying the process of adaptation and
acculturation of immigrants in general can be insightful in understanding


31
the experiences of the recent Cuban immigrants in the U.S. The process
of acculturation is affected by and affects the rate which immigrants
learn English. A closer look at this process provides important back
ground information necessary for understanding the research population.
Sassen-Koob (1979) believes that investigating a particular
immigrant group is a necessary step in the more general task of
understanding assimilation and acculturation. "It is then possible
to move from the particular back to the analytical as a means of
formulating general propositions rooted in the actual historical
experience of the immigrant groups" (p. 314). The reverse process can
also be utilized to understand specific groups, by understanding the
patterns by which larger masses have established themselves in this
land of immigrants.
Accommodation, Adaptation, and Assimilation
Richmond (1973) provides an extensive review of the literature
on immigrant adaptation in which she examines definitions of accom
modation and acculturation. Accommodation occurs when the immigrant
changes behavior simply to avoid or reduce the likelihood of conflict.
Acculturation results in a change in behavior over a period of time
as two different cultures come in contact. Changes occur based on
newly acquired knowledge and understanding. Acculturation is often,
but not always, the first step in the process of assimilation. The
amount of acculturation which a person or a group experiences is
frequently, but not always, in direct relationship to the length of
time in residence in the host country and the extent of interaction


32
with members of the core culture within the host society. Adaptation
is an intermediate step between the use of accommodating behavior to
avoid problems and the initial stages of assimilation.
The terms acculturation and assimilation are sometimes used to
mean the same or nearly the same process. According to Gordon (1964),
"assimilation" means total, even physical blending, while "acculturation"
means behavioral, social change. Both terms indicate a process whereby
people of different ethnic groups acquire memories, sentiments, and
attitudes in common with others of the core culture of the host country.
By beginning to share the same experiences and history as a part of
their residential experience in the U.S., immigrant groups are in
corporated into the common cultural life of this country. Gordon's
model of assimilation has seven variables or areas of incorporation.
The first variable--culture--is the most obvious. Cultural assimilation
is synonymous with what others have called acculturation. Yet ac
culturation can occur without assimilation. Within the ethnic group
there develops a network of organizations and informal social relations
which permits and encourages members to remain within the confines of
the ethnic group for all their primary relationships and some of their
secondary ones. Language as an entity provides a great unifying or
separating force which encourages maintenance of ethnic group ties.
Rogg and Cooney (1930) point out this strong pull for ethnic identifi
cation within the Cuban community they studied. Maintenance of group
ethnic identity is useful in lessening the difficulties of culture
shock, and for making the adjustment required to live in a different
cultural environment. It is also viewed as a source of political power
for those who find themselves disenfranchized. Safa (1982) points out


33
that Cubans have maintained strong ethnic ties in order to wield
political power.
Other important variables within Gordon's assimilation model are
structural and behavioral assimilation. He distinguishes between the
two by indicating that behavioral assimilation occurs when the ethnic
group or individual takes on the behavioral characteristics and norms
of the host or core culture. Structural assimilation occurs when there
is socioeconomic equality between the migrants and members of the
majority culture. When structural and behavioral assimilation occur,
all other variables of assimilation follow (Gordon, 1964).
One of Gordon's major contributions to the theoretical construct
of assimilation is his work with social class as opposed to ethnic class
associations. Stratification based on ethnicity is intersected by
stratification based on social class and results in a group which he
terms "ethclass." Theoretically, ethnic groups could contain
the whole spectrum of socioeconomic classes. In reality, there is only
a partial distribution of socioeconomic subgroups in each specific
ethnic group. Gordon asserts at midcentury that social class similari
ties are more important than ethnic group differences. Social partici
pation in primary groups is confined to social class segments of one's
own ethnic group. With a person of the same social class, but different
ethnic group, one shares behavioral similarities but not a sense of
peoplehood. With those of the same ethnic group but of a different
social class, one shares a sense of peoplehood but not behavioral
similarities (Gordon, 1964).


34
According to Richmond, the immigrant reference group is usually
the group with whom the newly arrived immigrant shares common per
spectives and defines situations in common. The normative reference
group is the original socializing source, the group with whom the
individual or newly arrived group aspires to associate or emulate.
This normative group provides the newcomer with new categories of
self-identification and meaningful role models. The comparative
reference group is that group which influences the individual or sub
group in the process of self or group evaluation and which conveys
attitudes of relative status or deprivation. The reference groups are
important in providing orientation to the newly arrived and to further
their efforts in adapting to the host culture.
The Role of Culture in Assimilation
Gordon (1964) views culture as the social heritage of a particular
group or of people in general. It is the ways of acting and the ways
of doing things which are passed down from one generation to the next
by formal and informal methods of teaching and doing. Culture can also
be considered as prescribed ways of behaving, norms of conduct, values,
skills and behavioral patterns, a social heritage or way of life of a
particular society.
Ethnic group identification
Sowell (1978) finds that certain ethnic groups have within their
group consciousness or culture, specific characteristics which enable
them to adapt more easily to some specific life styles, seme types of


35
work, or some living environments and to have difficulty adjusting to
others. In testing children, he found that children from higher
socioeconomic levels within the same ethnic group simply repeat the
same patterns of behavior, only on a more sophisticated level than
patterns produced by children from lower economic levels within the
same group. With added instruction, test familiarity, and familiarity
with the testing environment, patterns change to become more like those
of the general population. This added instruction could be considered
a form of acculturation.
Ethnic groups are often found exhibiting various degrees of
acculturation, as might be visualized by concentric rings radiating
from urban center areas to suburbia. Various segments of the same
group may engage in mutual recrimination over the different degrees
to which they exhibit acculturation tendencies. For example, some
Mexican-Americans today express resentment toward those among them
who seem to be becoming Anglo, while disdaining new arrivals from
Mexico (Sowell, 1981). There is a greater pervasiveness of diversity,
or division of ethnicity, within an ethnic group than may be apparent
to the uninitiated. Black Caribbeans and black Africans do not readily
identify with blacks in the U.S. Italians in the U.S. frequently
maintain mutual associations with other Italians from the same region
of Italy and are often intolerant of Italians from other parts of
Italy (Sowell, 1981).
Sassen-Koob's work (1979) with informal and formal ethnic group
associations among Colombians and Dominicans in New York reveals that
these associations are made predominantly along class or socioeconomic
lines. The Dominicans' associations are made up of working class


36
people whose purpose for associating is primarily recreational, while
the Colombian associations are primarily made up of the middle class
whose purpose for associating is instrumental in achieving political
and economic objectives. The disparity between the culture of the
home country and that of the current residence is also an important
factor in encouraging the formation of associations. These associations
provide individual members with collective ways of drawing on their
previous experiences to confront new life situations. The transition
from a recreational association to an instrumental association gives
the push toward forging new links with the host society and results in
the pulling away of working class members who do not appear to be
interested in this type of association or who do not view it as
beneficial.
In tracing Dominican family networks within the Dominican Republic
and New York, Garrison and Weiss (1979) determine that the "decisions
to migrate and responses to the difficulties of urban life are frequently
made with both the needs and resources of the kin in mind" (pp. 264-265).
The definitions of kin are not the same for the U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Service and the Dominicans. The Dominicans consider
themselves to have extended, cooperating family structures. While
loyalty to consanguineous relations is considered important, cross-
generational cooperation and interdependence outside of consanguineous
lines are also used to define family structure for the Dominicans.
Wilson and Portes (1980) document the development of Cuban
immigrant enclaves whose work organization functions differently from
that of immigrants who follow the classic pattern of assimilation or


37
those who enter already developed secondary labor markets. The
immigrant enclaves may hasten one aspect of the assimilation process
while retarding another. Over the past century, views and value
judgments regarding assimilation have changed. Gordon (1964) finds
that during the 1800s there was a strong political push for immigrants
to take on the perspectives of the dominant culture: white, Anglo-
Saxon, Protestant. That movement gave way to the Melting Pot theory
which was strong from the 1920s to the 1950s and still persists today
(see Arndorfer, 1982). According to that theory, the .S. is made up
of a number of immigrant groups who have all contributed cultural
characteristics which make the U.S. culture a blend of many different
groups. The net effect of the two theories is that the immigrants must
change to become like the host culture, the second one being a somewhat
modified version of the first in that the host culture is also in the
process of changing to become slightly more like that of the immigrants.
Many scholars and ethnic leaders have called for the acceptance of
cultural pluralism (Dinnerstein, Nichols, & Reimers, 1976; Gordon,
1964; Safa, 1982). Binder (1979) writes that the U.S. is no mythic,
multicultural melting pot and does itself no good in expecting or
forcing total assimilation. Kessler-Harris and Yans-McLaughlin (1978)
find that in the third generation, the immigrant group begins to seek
to regain ethnic identity lost by their parents and grandparents in
the process of assimilation.
Conflict Perspective
Portes (1969) was one of the first to point out the fallacy of
assuming that immigrants necessarily want to become acculturated to


38
life in the U.S. He suggests the need for reconsidering the belief
that immigrants or foreign minorities are strongly motivated to
. integrate as much and as fast as possible to the dominant
cultural patterns" (p. 505).
In reviewing previous research on immigrants in the U.S.,
Portes, Parker, and Cobas (1980) find that up to recent times
immigrant studies have reflected a sociological perspective of
adaptation to the host culture. This body of research has developed
into what is termed the "theory of assimilation." Whether the
immigrants eventually adapt to the host culture is not questioned.
Most works document the length of time and the psychological transition
through which immigrants must pass to acculturate to majority status.
This transition is commonly viewed as a patterned sequence that moved
from cultural dissimilarity to eventual acceptance. Bach (1978)
labels these studies collectively as "the assimilation perspective"
because they focus on the process of consensus building among dissimilar
populations. The assimilation perspective is built on several as
sumptions: that as immigrants become better educated, their behavior
becomes more reflective of the host culture, and they are able to
obtain higher status and more profitable employment. Thus, education
is a status building element in the acculturation process. The lack
of education can be seen to have the reverse effect. Since public
education is free and available to everyone, lack of assimilation
indicates slothful ness, ignorance, and even an unpatriotic attitude
toward the host culture and language. Essential within the assimilation


39
perspective is the belief that increased contact with the mainstream
culture and greater social and economic mobility will lead to a les
sening of discrimination toward immigrants and a more favorable assess
ment of U.S. society. Portes et al. (I960) suggest that the assimilation
perspective also incorporates the notion of bountiful economic opportu
nities and reward in accord with individual effortmyths that promote
social control.
The conflict perspective finds that immigrants have not necessarily
come to the U.S. in search for a better life, . their movement was
often deliberately induced to fulfill labor needs in an expanding economy"
(Portas et al., 1980, p. 203). Many imnigrants have difficulty moving
from the peripheral labor force into the mainstream and thus their ex
pectations may be in conflict with reality. More education, familiarity
with the language, and mainstream culture do not necessarily enable or
encourage the immigrant to become more integrated into mainstream society.
Increased education and ability to speak the language sometimes provide
immigrants with negative experiences and confirm the realities of discrimi
nation, according to Portes et al. (1980). The difficulties of discrimi
nation arise from several causes: the majority of recent immigrants come
from Third World countries instead of Northern European countries as did
previous cohorts of immigrants who were able to assimilate more readily
than recent immigrants. The plentifulness of jobs requiring effort but
little technical skill has changed; the labor market is demanding more
skilled workers for all but the most menial tasks. Studying Cuban ac
culturation, Portes et al. (1980) conclude that as immigrants become
familiar with the host language and endorse its cultural values, they
become more skeptical regarding their place within the economic and
social order. The socialization process does not lead to integration


40
and consensus building, but sometimes to an awareness of the need for
ethnic solidarity for mutual protection from a hostile culture (for
similar studies see Baskauskas, 1981, for Lithuanians and Haines,
Rutherford, & Parker, 1981, for Vietnamese).
Portes, McLeod, and Parker (1978) conclude from their work with
immigrant Cubans and Mexicans that contrary to popular stereotypes,
immigrant aspirations, "... are neither flights of fantasy nor the
product of purely subjective ambition" (p. 260). Aspirations are
based on past experiences and achievements, and the understanding of
the skills which the immigrants have and perceive as needed by the
host culture.
Some ethnic groups have not found it necessary to acculturate or
learn English to be successful in the U.S. Only when a group lacks
skills or entrepreneurship and depends on the dominant culture for
employment, is learning the language and culture of the dominant society
important (Sowell, 1981). Portes1 (1980) findings substantiate Sowell's
opinion regarding acculturation and English acquisition by showing that
the entrepreneurship of the Cubans has allowed for considerable economic
mobility within the first generation, even among those with limited
English fluency. Both Portes and Sowell point out that the phenomena
of entrepreneurship has also occurred within geographic regions populated
by high concentrations of other ethnic groups such as the Japanese, Jews,
and Germans.
Emotional Adjustment
Baskauskas (1981) finds that few studies have attempted to ex
plore the complex emotional state of the immigrant during the process


41
of acculturation. This researcher believes the expression of grief
to be an integral part of the-process of adjustment to the host culture.
To adapt, the immigrant has to overcome the impulse to try to restore
the past. A major blocking factor in adjustment is the failure to fully
realize the departure is final. The inability to surrender the past
conjures up feelings of unreality and sometimes marked irritability and
apathy. Returning to the home country after a long absence can also be
traumatic. The memories which have been harbored for so long are ex
changed for the realization that the immigrants who left are not like
those who stayed behind, nor quite like a member of the host society
either.
Cohon (1981) finds two stages to adjustment to the new host cul
ture. First, there is a feeling of euphoria at being free of previous
problems. Slowly, the immigrant realizes the differences in culture
and becomes aware of the loss of the past. The past is then idealized.
As this awareness continues, the immigrant may experience paranoia,
hypochondria, anxiety, and depression. The immigrant frequently ex
periences impairment of interpersonal skills and contradictory tendencies
to withdraw and to relate to people. During this period there is a
reorientation of values influenced by the internalization of the
original value system--a function of individual age.
Little attention has been given to the process of adaptation and
assimilation as it is experienced by women and children, although women
are typically viewed as adapting most slowly, and children most quickly,
to new language and culture patterns. In studying Portuguese female
immigrants, Smith (1980) finds they personify "marginal man," the person


42
not integrated into society, more than the male counterparts of the
same cohort. The female is more dependent on maintaining ties with the
ethnic social group in order to obtain information and emotional and
material support. This dependence makes it more difficult to establish
and maintain ties in the new culture. What appears to be female re
luctance to integrate, learn the new language, and new behavior patterns,
is in reality the mechanism of female immigrant survival system. The
female must tread a thin line not to appear too integrated and uncaring
about former relationships while slowly developing new associations. Too
much or too little commitment can leave the female with no social support
system, according to Smith (1980).
The reception of the host society and the establishment of an
immigrant enclave can be a very important part of adjustment for young
people. Host children's receptive behavior can provide a buffer from
isolation for the new, young newcomers. Rejection can cause further
chaos. Group identity, or the lack of it, can make a difference between
certainty and confusion for the child, as it does for the adult, and can
influence the language learning process (Huyck & Fields, 1981).
Summary on Immigrants in the United States
This section has reviewed research on accommodation, adaptation,
and assimilation, and differentiates between behavior which distinguishes
accommodation as a process of avoiding problems, and assimilation as a
process of taking on the cultural patterns of the host country. Ad
aptation is an intermediary stage between the two (Gordon, 1964;
Richmond, 1973). Culture plays a critical role in assimilation,


43
while most research has been based on the assumption that immigrants
sought to become integrated into the majority culture. Bach (1978)
and Portes et al. (1980) present the conflict perspective theory. They
cite as examples groups such as the Cubans who prefer to remain as
ethnic enclaves to avoid discrimination and increase social and political
status. Emotional adjustment and host reception are very important
factors in the adaptational/assimilation process. Little work has been
done on the differences which women and children experience in this
process. Women have been viewed as typically the last to acculturate.
Little research exists on the causes of this tardiness. Smith's (1980)
work provides some provocative ideas regarding the females' need to
maintain traditional support networks for survival in the new culture.
The Metamorphosis from Cubans to Cuban-Americans
In surveying the available literature on Cubans in the U.S.,
Casal and Hernandez find in 1975 that ". .a sizeable bibliography
on Cuban exiles has accumulated over the last 15 years. What is
surprising is that most of it remains--because of limited acces-
sibility--almost 'underground'" (p. 25). Eliminating popular books
and articles, they found 163 nonduplicated entries, of which 1% were
scholarly books of wide distribution, 25% were articles appearing in
academic journals or government publications, and 19% were master's
or doctoral theses. Over half of their bibliography was limited
edition reports and special articles. Llanes' bibliography (1982),
one of the most extensive to be published recently, listed 152 entries,
20% from esoteric, not widely distributed sources. While it is beyond
the scope of this research to locate all articles and books on Cubans


44
in the U.S. that might be available in 1983, it appears that the
quantity has increased, but not greatly, since the Casal and Hernandez'
(1975) survey.
Demography
The U.S. Department of Commerce (1981) estimates there are 14.6
million persons of Spanish origin in the U.S. Ehrlichman (1982) believes
the total to be more than 15 million. All reports on population
statistics conclude that Hispanics are now the most rapidly growing
ethnic group, and that by the turn of the century their population in
this country is expected to double.
In terms of primary language background, the number of non-English-
speaking persons is expected to increase from the 28 million counted in
1976 to about 40 million by the year 2000. The Spanish-speaking portion
of this massive group of persons is expected to increase in actual num
bers and percentage of the group from 10.6 million or 38% in 1976, to
18.2 million or 46% in 2000, according to Oxford, Pol, Lopez, Stupp,
Gendell, and Peng (1981). These authors point out the implications for
educational planning are great in terms of meeting the needs of the
non-English- and limited English-speaking students.
Florida has the fourth largest Hispanic population in the U.S.
(Fratoe, 1981) and the numbers continue to grow, not only from continued
migration from South and Central America and the Caribbean, but from
the internal migration of Cubans who return to Florida as a place of
resettlement after initial location in other sections of the country.
Only three states have a lower percentage of native born residents than


45
Florida with its 31% native born. Eleven percent of Florida residents
are foreign born, an amount that has doubled twice in the past two
decades. This 11% count is conservative in that it does not count the
number of children born in the U.S. to foreign-born, recently arrived
immigrants. The foreign-born population is concentrated in three major
metropolitan areas of the stateMiami, Ft. Lauderdale, and Tampawhere
more than 75% live. The Hispanic population in Florida has increased
from 1.6% of the total population in 1960 to 8.8% in 1980. When the
1980 Cuban immigrants are included, it is estimated that Hispanics will
account for more than 10% of Florida's population. About 55% of the
Hispanics are Cubans who were, therefore, about 5% of Florida's total
population in 1980 (McCoy & Gonzalez, 1982). Much of the data from the
1980 census are still in the process of being released and do not re
flect the Cubans who arrived in 1980.
Diaz (1980) finds that Cuban immigrants in the U.S. have two
characteristics not shared with most other U.S. ethnic groups: their
immigration was motivated by a different set of factors and mostabout
80%of the present population was foreign born, or still first genera
tion ethnics, facing all the problems traditionally faced by those
adjusting to U.S. culture. Compared with the Hispanic group as a whole,
the Cubans are older, with a smaller proportion of young people (U.S.
Department of Corrcnerce, 1981). There are two causes for this difference:
Cubans have a lower fertility rate than other Hispanic groups and a large
group of older Cubans immigrated during the late 1960s and early 1970s.
The Cuban group is most like the U.S. population as a whole in a variety
of measures such as age and income. The median Cuban family income
$17,500most closely resembles that of families not of Spanish origin,


46
and is $2,000 more than the next Spanish-speaking group (U.S. Department
of Commerce, 1981). According to the Heritage Foundation (1980), Cubans
and South and Central Americans have more successfully entered the
economic mainstream within the U.S. than have other Spanish-speaking
groups. They have obtained a greater percentage of well-paid managerial
professional positions within a number of different industries and labor
segments of the work force than have other Spanish-speaking groups.
Stages of Emigration
During the past 24 years, the leadership within the U.S. government
has changed seven times, while that in Cuba has remained the same.
Starting with Castro's takeover in January 1959, there have been six
different stages of Cuban immigration--three peaks and three lulls.
These different stages reflect, in some ways, according to Clark (1982),
the political and economic events occurring within Cuba.
The massive migration which began shortly before Castro's takeover
belies the fact that the Revolution had the support of all levels of the
population (Bender, 1973; Portes, 1969). The Early Departure Stage
January 1959 to October 1962was the time that most of the wealthy
and educated Cubans left the island, although not all who left at that
time were wealthy or well educated. Those who had pre-established ties
with the U.S. were the first to find the Revolution not to their liking
and left.
The second stagethe Post Missile Crisis Lull, from October 22,
1962 to September 28, 1965occurred when direct transportation between
the two countries was cancelled as a result of the Cuban Missile Crisis.


47
Immigration again commenced during the Family Reunion period
September 28, 1965 to April 6, 1973--when Castro announced that exiles
could pick up their relatives at the port of Camarioca. This flotilla
immigration continued through November of 1965 when the boat trips were
halted by the U.S. government. In mid-December of that year the Freedom
Flights air lift began. Although it has been said that the Cubans were
allowed to emigrate for humanitarian reasons, according to Clark (1977),
Cubans were allowed to leave as a means of motivating them to work.
Only those who had spent considerable time cutting cane, often from
3 to 5 years, received permission to leave. The second cohort included
a much larger number of blue collar workers, as well as the elderly,
infirm, and handicapped, than did the previous wave.
The cessation of the Freedom Flights marked the beginning of the
second wane and the fourth stage in immigration. Anyone wanting to
enter the U.S. had to do so by way of a third country. This second
lull continued until the Freedom Flotilla began from Marie! Harbor in
1980. We are now in the sixth stage and third lull in Cuban immigra
tion. Clark (1977) points out that since the Revolution there have
always been people trying to leave Cuba for the U.S. and that about
16,000 have tried to leave by illegal means such as small boats and
rafts.
Reasons for Immigration
Clark, Lasagna, and Reque (1981) point out that as the Cuban
Revolution continued, the dissatisfaction which the people felt when
their ideals were not met also increased. This dissatisfaction


48
encouraged great numbers of blue collar workers to emigrate until
now the population in the U.S. is representative of the population on
the island in terms of socio-economic and racial distribution.
Regarding the motivations prompting the migration, Clark (1977)
states there are two: political and economic. The two are so closely
intertwined that it is difficult to distinguish between them. If the
government requires extensive "voluntary" labor to retain one's present
job, is it politics or economics that motivates a person to leave not
only the job but the country? A statement made by a man who left in
1964 sums up the feelings of many: "There came a time in my life when
nothing else mattered but freedom. It is so valuable, so precious, one
really has to lose it to understand its value and its true meaning."
Although it may appear to be paradoxical since Cuba calls itself
"El primer territorio libre en las Americas" (The first free country in
the Americas), the desire for freedom seems to be the predominant
motivation for emigration from Cuba to the U.S. There are several
interpretations of this motivation. For example, in studying the Early
Departure families, Gibboney (1967) finds the parents' concern for their
children's education and future the reason most given for leaving.
Freedom appears to be defined by this group as the ability to make one's
own choices or the ability for self-determination. In reviewing the
causes for migration, Casal and Hernandez (1975) conclude that prag
matic factors are more important than ideological ones. They believe
that over time, as the composition of the migratory population changed,
so too, did the motivation for leaving. However, the 1977 work of
Portes, Clark, and Bach indicates 97% of the immigrants came to the


49
U.S. because of their desire for freedom. Here the definition appears
to be similar to that of 1967. Also important for this group was the
ability to act without restriction. For these Cubans, long-term
considerations were more important than short-term factors such as the
scarcity of consumer goods.
Moreno Fraginals (1982) sees the scarcity of consumer goods as a
debilitating factor for the Cuban Revolution and as the major force in
motivating the lower economic sector to emigrate. After the Revolution,
the poor had high expectations in terms of their ability to obtain
consumer goods. Those who had these goods prior to the Revolution have
found it easier to do without, while those who have never had them are
impatient.
Indicators of Integration Within U.S. Social and Economic Systems
The socioeconomic structure of the Cuban immigration has changed a
great deal over the 24 years of immigration. As has been indicated,
the first to leave were the wealthy, the professionals, the well
educated, and those familiar with the U.S.'s social and economic
systems. They were the leaders in organizing the economic base which
the Cuban-Americans have established in the U.S. (Campbell, 1976;
Fagen, Brody, & O'Leary, 1968). Yet not all of these well-educated
people have been able to utilize their skills to the fullest. Many
have experienced extensive downward occupational mobility in the U.S.
(Moncarz, 1973; Rogg, 1974). Over time, there has not been massive
upward occupational mobility, indicating there is an under-utilization
of Cuban skills and resources in the U.S. (Moncarz, 1978; Rogg &


50
Cooney, 1980). Portes (1969) points out the fallacy of assuming
immigrants necessarily want to become integrated into mainstream culture
and society. In his initial studies of Cubans, he finds the Early
Departure Stage immigrants did not suffer from the problems of hostility
and rejection which other immigrant groups have faced. Yet, many did
not integrate rapidly. Failure to integrate is strongly connected to
idealization of previous ways of life and the expectation of returning
"home" to Cuba. It is also the result of limited access to economic and
social mobility. Portes (1969) reports that those professionals who
were able to establish themselves with employment similar to the level
they held in Cuba were also the Cubans who were most readily assimilated
into U.S. society.
When the first groups of Cubans came to the U.S. after the
Revolution, they lived out of their suitcases because they were certain
they would be going back soon. As the days turned into weeks, the weeks
into months, and the months into years, slowly,these Cubans realized
they were not returning right away. They began to purchase homes and
establish themselves within the Miami community. It took them a long
time to realize that they needed to become established there(Martinez,
1982g).
Wilson and Portes (1980) analyze the factors which are relevant in
the emergence of Cuban immigrants into the U.S. labor market and find
that, in addition to merging with the mainstream labor force or providing
labor for a secondary labor force operating in the margins of the main
stream, the Cuban-Americans have established enclaves of separate
socioeconomic power. They have been able to develop these enclaves


51
through the interplay of several factors: investment capital and
managerial skills, sustained immigration which renews and expands the
labor force, and a demand for products and services from a language and
culture population similar to their own, but different from that of the
host culture. The barriers which prevent immigrants from moving into
the mainstream economy promote ethnic affinities within the enclave and
work to cement ties of solidarity.
Diaz' (1981) work contrasts with that of Portes and Wilson (1980).
He finds that the Cubans in south Florida are integrating into the
mainstream culture and labor force with remarkable speed. He suggests
that a variety of measures be used to observe the patterns of social
integration. His research indicates that the majority of Cubans in
the work force do not work for Cuban employers, and suggests that
"whatever entrepreneurship Miami Cubans have shown, it is in keeping
with prescribed goals and values of the host society and thus a positive
sign of social integration" (p. 7). While he does not deny there exists
a "ghetto economy" which acts as a deterrent for learning English or
integrating into the host culture, he cites naturalization indices as
a counterindicator of social integration. During the decade of the
1960s, the number of Cubans who became U.S. citizens increased ninefold
and the numbers have continued to remain high for the decade of the
1970s. Although Cubans have accepted U.S. holiday celebrations, they
have kept their own customs, many of which are dying out on the island.
Even though Spanish is spoken at home and reinforced through the media,
more than 30% of the Cuban children attend public school where they will
learn English. Diaz (1980) considers school enrollment an additional
indicator of the desire which Cuban-Americans display for social


52
integration. Diaz (1981) agrees with Rogg and Cooney (1980) that the
residents in the host country play an important role in the integration
of immigrants. If the local residents are themselves supportive, then
integration will be more rapid. If the residents are hostile and, for
example, move away when Cubans move into a neighborhood, then the
process of social integration is retarded.
Gallagher (1974) reviews statistics on crime in Dade County,
Florida, and finds that Cuban-Americans were very underrepresented in
all counts except reckless driving. He does, however, observe an
increase in crime within the Cuban-American community over the decade
of the 1960s. Gonzalez and McCoy's (1980) findings were similar; they
attribute increases in crime to drug trafficking and overcrowded living
conditions. Arguelles (1981) finds that Dade County is the center of
right-wing terrorism and a vast drug trafficking network masked by an
idealistic facade that gives the appearance that Cubans are well
established in the community. Alexander (1970) and the Heritage
Foundation (1980) conclude that in spite of the fact that Cuban-
Americans are resented and unwanted by some elements in Miami, they
have nevertheless established a good reputation as being law abiding,
ambitious, and strongly family oriented.
Transcending Ties with the Past
It is interesting to observe that some of the same behaviors which
Smith (1968) documents as occurring within the Cuban-American group
which arrived in the 1960s have also been documented by Rogg and
Cooney (1980) as occurring in the 1970s. Smith finds in his work with


53
the Early Departure immigrants that these newly arrived immigrants
manifested a strong desire to retain the culture of the island they
left,because they anticipated returning again within a short time, as
soon as the government had changed. "Girls and boys are strictly
chaperoned, social events are structured by close observance of
etiquette, and constant reference is made to 'the way things are done
at home'" (p. 123), meaning Cuba. When this group began arriving in
Tampa, they were at first greeted with hearty welcomes. Within a short
time, they were considered "different." Resentment spread as the
already established Cuban-Americans were portrayed as provincials by
the new arrivals, and the new arrivals were looked on as always talking
about the way things used to be in Cuba. Even today, Cuban-Americans
refer to themselves as "la gente de los tubos" (the people of the
tubes), a play on words using the word "tubo" which sounds like "tuvo"
meaning "he or she used to have." The new arrivals,who have since
become Cuban-Americans themselves,were seen as people who talked about
how good everything used to be and how much they used to have in Cuba.
Cultural patterns
Cuban-Americans are still concerned about their children's welfare,
as Gibboney (1967) and Smith (1968) indicate. Rogg and Cooney (1980)
find that Cuban-American parents believe U.S. children have too much
freedom. Rogg's 1974 study finds 84% of parents in her metropolitan
research area believe chaperoning girls on dates to be very important;
in studying the same population 10 years later, Rogg and Cooney (1980)
conclude that although 15% less Cuban-Americans believe chaperoning is


54
important, nevertheless, the majority of the community continue to
believe strongly in the custom.
Cuban-Americans are still striving for economic success and social
acceptance and are fearful of anything that may impede their progress.
"Each new wave of Cubans arriving in the U.S. has been traditionally
accused of being composed of persons who accepted communism as a way
of life. This is a cross which all new refugees have had to bear. ."
(Gonzalez & McCoy, 1980, p. 6). Although each wave of immigrants has
had to adjust to the opinions which already established Cuban-Americans
have held about it, the Cuban-American community has been instrumental
in enabling the newly arrived to adapt to life in the U.S. Rogg and
Cooney (1980) believe that the warmth and hospitality of the community
base into which the immigrants enter is also a powerful influence in
lessening the trauma of cultural adjustment. They find living in a
Spanish-speaking, Cuban-American culture within the U.S. does not
appear to inhibit the trend toward assimilation either on the cultural
or English language acquisition dimensions.
Patterns of Emotional Adjustment
In his book on Cuban-American survival in the U.S., Hanes (1982)
sums up the feelings of many Cuban-Americans with the quotation by a
fictitious character, representative of many of the Cuban-Americans he
interviewed:
When you lose a limb to an operation, let's say,
the body adjusts to the loss gradually, but
certainly. The mind may never adjust. So it
is with the refugee. The refugee is a "national
amputee." He can work and function, procreate and


55
swear allegiance to a new flag, but his mind may
never adjust to the loss of the other life. To
what it might have been. To what it can never be.
(p. 109)
Gallagher (1974) sees the exile as living in a schizophrenic state
within two worlds. To understand the exile's situation, one must
understand the social milieu of immigration.
Sandoval's study (1979) on the use of Santeria, a syncretic system
of African and Catholic rituals and beliefs, as a mental health care
system, and Wetli and Martinez' (1981) work with Santeria and forensic
science, indicate that the reliance on Santeria has not only survived
immigration but has increased as an aid in the acculturation process.
Sandoval suggests that those in the mental health care field who work
with Cuban immigrants and Cuban-Americans should be familiar with
Santeria as an auxiliary mental health support system and should work
collaboratively with it to provide more effective care for these
patients. She finds no conflict between Santeria, which works with
the soul, and traditional mental health care which works with the mind.
Mothers and sons
This sense of loss and process of adjustment has received a great
deal of attention by those professionals working in the field of mental
health within the Dade County area. In studying the acculturation
process of Cuban-American adolescent males and the mothers of adoles
cents, Szapocznik, Scopetta, and Tillman (1977) conclude that there are
great intergenerational differences in behavioral acculturation within
the Cuban immigrant families with adolescents because the adolescents,
especially males, acculturate more rapidly than the older family members.


56
It is curious that the longer Cuban immigrant mothers in this study
lived in the U.S., the more help-seeking and less self-reliant they
became. Those mothers who appear to be less acculturated tend to
exhibit more neurotic personalities, and those with more neurotic
personalities are less acculturated. This neurotic adaptation con
flicts even more with the behavior of the adolescent sons, who are
also in the process of adjustment and who take on more uninhibited,
active, even acting-out behavioral patterns. Szapocznik (1979) finds
that frequently as the family problems progress, the members polarize
so that the older members embrace a more extreme Hispanic style and
the younger members a more exaggerated North American one.
Female Cuban-Americans
Richmond (1973) finds that in order to achieve economic goals
Cuban-American housewives have had to enter the labor force. This
adjustment from housewife to working mother has been a very stress-
producing one for most Cuban immigrant females. Gonzalez and Page
(1979) believe prescription drug use is an adaptive strategy to
alleviate tension produced by the cumulative clash between the female's
socioeconomic status in Cuba and in the U.S. A tradition of self-
medication through curative herbs and patent medicines has combined
with the addition of prescription tranquilizers to produce within the
Cuban immigrant community a drug use system outside the formal patterns
of U.S. drug acquisition.


57
Teenage Cuban-Americans
In studying teenage acculturation and drug use, Page (1980) finds
that Cuban immigrant youth are confused by the ambivalent feelings ex
pressed by many North Americans regarding the use of hard drugs and
the warnings of Cuban parents that drugs are a terrible vice. Rejection
of parental heritage is stress-producing for the youth because they
have difficulty reproducing the behaviors they seek to emulate, often
finding these behaviors hollow and unfulfilling.
Educational Achievement
A summary report finds that after several years of instruction in
Spanish and English, Spanish-origin, predominately Cuban, students
participating in bilingual programs were achieving at or above national
and local norms on nationally standardized tests (Dade County Public
Schools, 1981).
The 1961 study by Rinn indicates that non-Cuban teachers are unaware
of Cuban culture. This lack of cultural understanding fosters prejudice
and inhibits acculturation among the students. Gomula's work reveals
that the teachers she observed in 1973 were unaware of the distinct
behavior patterns which Cubans and Anglos exhibited. She enumerates
16 significant behavioral differences in Cuban-American and Anglo
elementary school children and recommends that teacher training include
methods and materials for identifying and understanding the nonverbal
as well as the linguistic communication of these two different cultural
groups.


58
In looking at youngsters within the school setting, Szapocznik,
Kurtines, and Fernandez (1980) find that exhibiting a bicultural
perspective rather than remaining monocultura! enables children to
achieve a more effective adjustment to the environment in which they
live. When second generation Cuban-American youth overacculturate
and give up their Hispanic roots, it is not uncommon for them to become
hostile to all authority figures. They may generalize this aggression
to the school setting where they may become highly disruptive dis
cipline problems. Underacculturated adolescents may display the
opposite behavior, isolating themselves from contact with the "foreign
environment"--the U.S. culture. These children appear withdrawn,
depressed, and often neurotic in their behavior. The researchers
suggest learning sessions would be beneficial for these students. In
the sessions students would explore the ethnic values of the Hispanic
and North American cultures. They would discuss differences in
communication styles and cultural differences and similarities.
English Language Acquisition and Retention of Spanish
Different levels of government assistance have influenced the
Cuban assimilation within the labor market and political structure.
Hernandez (1974) and Rogg and Cooney (1980) believe that the large
segments of the Cuban population experiencing downward occupational
mobility and unemployment could be helped by more extensive English-
training programs, greater access to apprentice-training programs,
and increased financial aid for higher education.


59
Language appears to be related to the socioeconomic status of
Cubans according to Diaz (1980). Those with greater knowledge of
English have less unemployment and are more likely to have obtained
U.S. citizenship. Lyshkov (1981) sees grandparents living in or near
the home of the core family as the principal agents in maintaining
Spanish as either the primary or secondary language of the home.
Sole (1980) points out the correlation between economic and social
mobility and language shift. For the Cuban-Americans in south Florida
the relationship of language maintenance and socioeconomic status is
not linear but curvilinear. Children whose parents are in either of
the highest or the lowest groups maintain Spanish more often than
children whose parents are in the middle income group. The retention
of Spanish is not surprising for those children who come from the lower
socioeconomic levels, because their parents' position within the labor
force requires little competence in English. At the highest occupational
levels in south Florida, Latins, who are most frequently Cuban-American,
serve their own linguistic community and other Latin American groups.
For this reason Cuban-Americans in the higher socioeconomic levels re
tain their linguistic and cultural ties. Within the Cuban-American
community in south Florida, the white collar workers in the middle of
the socioeconomic spectrum are the ones who have the most contact with
the dominant society. It is within this middle group that Sole finds
the most language shift toward English.
Summary of the Metamorphosis of Cubans to Cuban-Americans
A variety of demographic data indicate that the Hispanic population
within the U.S. is growing rapidly and that the Cuban-American part of


60
that minority is becoming an increasingly important subgroup, especially
in the state of Florida. Cuban migration to the U.S. has experienced
six stages, three lulls and three peaks since it began just prior to
the Cuban Revolution of 1959 (Clark, 1982).
The Cuban immigrant experience in the U.S. has been unique in
several ways. The first to leave Cuba were the wealthy and well-
educated. At first many of this group were reluctant to establish
roots because they expected to go back to Cuba as soon as the govern
ment changed. When the anticipated change failed to materialize, these
Cubans established business relations in the U.S. which enabled them to
integrate into the economic and social systems of this country more
rapidly than other Hispanic groups. Not all Cubans have made the
successful transition to Cuban-Americans, however. They have ex
perienced underemployment and unemployment. Some have preferred to
remain in ethnic enclaves (Portes, 1969; Portes et al., 1980) rather
than enter mainstream competition. These enclaves are seen as aiding
the immigrants in adapting to U.S. culture (Rogg & Cooney, 1980) by
providing a place of transition between the two cultures.
There are still problems with acculturation. The older females are
seen as the slowest in accepting the cultural patterns of the U.S.,
while young males are seen as the group that acculturates the most
rapidly (Szapocznik, 1979). These differences have brought about in
evitable generational conflict. Acquisition of English skills has been
difficult for some adults. It is related to the downward occupational
mobility experienced by Cuban-Americans (Diaz, 1981). The Dade County
School System (1981) reports Cuban-American students are achieving at


61
or above local and national norms. Spanish retention is related to
socioeconomic status also, with the highest and lowest status groups
retaining Spanish most frequently (Sole, 1980).
Life in Cuba
The evolution of the Cuban sociopolitical and educational systems
over the past 24 years since the Cuban Revolution has caused Cuba to
become a very different place from that which the first emigrants left
at the inception of the Revolution. In order to understand the 1980
Cuban immigration and the students on whom this study focuses, it is
necessary to understand the factors which caused the exodus and some
of the elements of the environment in which the students lived before
entering the U.S.
Difficulties in Data Collection
It is to be expected that the majority of the Cubans who have
chosen to live in exile rather than in their homeland would be
negatively biased regarding the Revolution and the current government
of Cuba. This research is based on the writings of both the Cubans
living in exile, as well as those still living in Cuba, because reports
from both groups reveal information on events which have influenced
the students who participated in the research.
Montaner (1981) points out that while the objectivity of the
Cuban exile is frequently questioned, "the first voices which should
be taken into account for an analysis of any historical event are


62
those of the main actors. Ana priori rejection of the player's
opinions solely because he forms an integral part of the drama is
dangerous" (p. 1).
Although Mesa-Lago's 1969 work points out the unreliability of
the statistics on Cuba since the Revolution, his 1979 work indicates
a willingness, even a desire, on the part of the Revolutionary
statisticians to improve their data collection and dissemination
capabilities.
Travel barriers are a problem both in obtaining permission to
enter the island, and in having access to a research population.
Travel on the island is very limited and extended interaction between
a foreign researcher and a typical group of Cubans is unusual. Most
foreigners are taken to showcase locations and interview only those
who will respond according to government expectations (Mesa-Lago,
1969). Many other authors (Butterworth, 1980; Comin, 1979; Nicholson,
1974) concur on these last points. Mesa-Lago (1969) also states that
the government's screening of visitors is a biasing factor for those
searching for the truth. He finds that almost all publications either
present a very limited amount of information or are strongly biased
against or in favor of the revolution. The work of Black et al. (1976)
also confirms this bias. The 1980 Cuban immigrants interviewed as
part of this research confirm that anyone visiting the island during
the past 20 years could not possibly know what life is like there.
Butterworth (1980) states that the research he was conducting with
Lewis was confiscated and destroyed even though the government had
given permission for the work. Statistics from an underdeveloped


63
communist country are often more of a tool for propaganda in the
international ideological struggle than a reflection of reality,
according to Mesa-Lago (1969). The problem of living within the
shadows of a hostile superpower has exacerbated this problem for
the current Cuban government (Fuerst, 1981).
Any review of relevant literature on Cuba, or any collection of
interview data must be undertaken and accepted with consideration for
the above constraints.
Cultural Change
In reviewing the changes in political ideology in Cuba, Montaner
(1981) finds that since the Revolution, "there has been a veritable
bombardment of eastern European and Oriental culture" (p. 129),
completely foreign to the natural temperament and character of the
Cuban people. Two factors, he writes, have caused this deviation
from the previous Latin American traditions which Cuba has held:
a wish to imitate the Soviet bloc and a desire to erase from Cuban
memory all traces of their previous sociocultural surroundings (p. 130).
Montaner's observations can be confirmed, in part, by listening
to Cuban radio. The interactions of the communist bloc countries are
lauded and Russian language instruction is provided via the air waves.
Most Cuban publications include the date of publication and a time
marker such as: 1974, "Year of the XV Anniversary"; 1976, "Year of
the XX Anniversary of Granma"; or 1977, "Year of the Institutionali
zation.


64
Negative image of United States
Montaner continues, "When the U.S. is mentioned, it is done only
to talk about its gangsters or its crimes in Vietnam" (1981, p. 130).
In all the speeches and pronouncements by Castro, Guevara, and other
officials this research reviewed, there was a continuous thread of
denunciation of the U.S. in general, and specifically, Yankee im
perialism and the blockade. For example, in a 47-page speech which
Castro made at the Second Congress of the Federation of Cuban Women
(1974), six pages were devoted to the problems caused by the U.S.
blockade.
In reviewing Cuban childrens literature and reading texts available
in the U.S., the constant stream of negativism toward the U.S. is highly
visible. In one book designed for very young children, the U.S. is
represented by an eagle dropping bombs on the heads of the Cuban people.
Another, written for older children, glorifies the "war" of the Playa
Giron (Bay of Pigs) and describes in detail the shooting down of U.S.
planes. Wald and Bacon (1981) find that while politics do not intrude
in the nonpolitical literature books they reviewed, "there is a social
point of view in the very air that writers breathe and they cannot
help transmitting it" (p. 255). They also find that historical books
are definitely political. All books are used to express a spirit of
cooperation and to inform children about many cultures and races.
Wald and Bacon believe that it is regretful that because of the U.S.
blockade, Cuban children are deprived of many good English language
books. The negative effects of the U.S. blockade of Cuba is a con
stantly recurring theme in most publications sympathetic to the
Revolution.


65
Changes in the Educational System
Bowles (1971) believes that the problems which the Cuban Revolution
has experienced have been due in large part to the legacy which the
Revolution has had to overcome. He lists four main goals for changing
the system: to expand the nation's productive capacities which had
stagnated for 50 years under capitalism; to eliminate dependence on
U.S. and establish interdependence with socialist countries; to
eliminate classism, sexism, and racism; to place labor in a higher
consciousness of creativity and social consciousness, removed from
the objectives of competition and personal reward. All four goals
have at the very center a need to completely revolutionize the
educational system.
Integration of education into total system
Bowles (1971) guotes Guevara as saying, "To build communism, a new
man must be created simultaneously with the material base ....
Society as a whole must become a huge school" (p. 472), and Castro as
saying, "Revolution and education are the same thing" (p. 472).
According to Bowles, the learning process must be organized and con
trolled as a group effort, a collective action to achieve a common
goal.
All phases of education have the "fundamental function of implanting
in students the knowledge, skills, allegiances, and value orientations"
(Valdes, 1972, p. 447) that result in building the "new person,"


66
usually referred to in the masculine, "the new man." Lavan (1967)
reviews Guevara's statement that the Revolution needs cadres of new
people who are loyal to the government, capable of making the correct
dialectical decisions, and of upholding the moral character for which
the Revolution stands. "To build communism, you must build new men as
well as a new economic base" (Lavan quoting Guevara, 1967, p. 126).
To do this, "Society as a whole must be converted into a gigantic
school" (Lavan, 1967, p. 127). Lavan continues quoting Guevara,
They (the masses) follow their vanguard, consisting
of the party, the advanced workers, the advanced
men who walk in unity with the masses and in close
communion with them. The reward is the new society
in which men will have attained new features: the
society of the communist man. (1967, p. 123)
Most of Castro's speeches contain the same ideas about the new man
who is, ". . fully committed to equality, brotherhood, and solidarity,
devoid of selfishness and with no need for material incentives, a
human being ready to sacrifice and constantly filled with heroism,
abnegation, and enthusiasm" (Valdes, 1972, p. 447).
Black et al. (1976) report that the government has accepted the
responsibility of providing all Cubans with work at a decent salary,
free schooling, and medical care so the people can be free of the
tyranny of daily care and dedicate themselves to enhancing the
collective prosperity.
Conflicting opinions on educational integration
Montaner (1981) sees this drive toward collectivism from another
perspective. He finds that although the government tries to educate
everyone through the sixth grade level, and offers secondary school


67
to most, advanced education is available only for those who are
"integrated." The term "integrated" takes on a different connotation
from the meaning usually prescribed to it by North American educators.
To be "integrated" is to become closely affiliated with the governing
group, to become integrated within the organization of the Revolution.
For a more complete understanding, carefully consider Guevara's
statement as quoted by Levan on page 128, cited on the previous page
of this work. Montaner (1981) states that it is no secret,
the high ideological class is the only one which
has access to a university education. No matter
how brilliant he may be, a "Nonintegrated" young
person who does not belong to some revolutionary
organization or who is a Protestant or a
Catholicwill not have the opportunity to
cultivate his talents, (p. 176)
Clark (1977) writes,
Various screening mechanisms operate in such a
way that the opportunities for securing a college
education for one who is not "integrated" into
the revolution are practically nil. For him or
her, in this category, it will most likely result
in a menial job, regardless of talent, (p. 12)
Clark (1979) continues, "The refinement of control attempts to en
compass even the most intimate thought. The student knows that his
political attitude is being observed in class and in extracurricular
activities" (p. 30). Clark's accounts of the lengthy, detailed
investigations of potential university students' background coincide
with those of recent immigrants who tell of student investigations
at the conclusion of sixth grade. Not only are the teachers and
principal questioned, but block leaders of the groups called the
"Committee for the Defense of the Revolution," CDR, who are required
to supply a great deal of information about the student who aspires


68
to continue his education. The students tell of having their records
"stained" if they do not attend afterschool meetings and summer camps.
Clark (1979) concludes that the reality of political discrimination
destroys the myth that all Cubans have equal education opportunities.
The initial changes which the Revolution made in transforming
the educational system were to implement a system of collective rather
than individual study and to minimize individual competition and place
it within the framework of collective spirit. The educational system
has been extended to include every phase of material production, not
only the school system as we know it in the U.S.
The Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) is responsible
for the formation of a socialist perspective within the citizenry.
Through the efforts of the CDR, everyone realizes the importance of
the Revolution (Delgado, 1977). One of the major responsibilities of
the CDR is the moral upbringing and proper patriotic instruction of
the children living in the sector. CDR membership includes almost
everyone. CDR members stand 4-hour watches of their sector day and
night. They catch thieves, report truants, and generally keep records
of everything that happens in their geographic region (Black et al.,
1976).
Educational achievements
Evidence from other socialist countries shows that the economic
returns for increased schooling are great. Mathematics and technical
science have been stressed at all levels of education so that economic
production can be increased as rapidly as possible (Bowles, 1971).
Until recent times the largest share of the educational budget has


69
been allocated to primary education. This emphasis on primary
literacy and computational skills for the entire nation has slowed
the advancement of higher education, but it is believed to be the only
equitable way to provide education for all the people and to achieve
social equality absent during previous forms of government (Bowles,
1971; Canfux, 1981; Prieto, 1981).
One of the most remarkable achievements of the Cuban Revolution
is the National Literacy Campaign of 1961 in which almost everyone in
the country learned to read and write, at least functionally (Kozol,
1978; Prieto, 1981). One of the educational programs that followed
the National Literacy Campaign is the Battle for the Sixth Grade
(Canfux, 1981). Both programs have been highly publicized as remark
able achievements in an underdeveloped country. The two main prongs
of the Battle for Sixth Grade are the effort to keep the literate
graduates of the Literacy Campaign continuing in the educational
process and to provide for workers educational improvement through
on-the-job as well as television instruction. According to Butterworth
(1980), the adult education program is not as well attended as it
might be because adults are required to work long hours and put in
additional volunteer work time. He concedes that adults may also
invent convenient excuses to avoid comforming to the new system.
The exodus of many skilled workers and professional educators
caused a strain on the government's ability to supply teachers and
texts (Read, 1972). The principle that "those who know more teach
those who know less" (Canfux, 1981, p. 230) was employed to overcome
this problem. Nevertheless, the shortage of teachers has been a


70
serious problem for improving the quality of education (Paulston, 1980).
According to Valdes (1972), discipline has been difficult to maintain
in many instances because many of the elementary and secondary teachers
are very young and inexperienced and quite often do not receive any
cooperation from the students. This viewpoint was expressed by many
early immigrants, but for the most part, the 1980 entrants believe
that the educational system was one of the greatest achievements of
the Revolution. Even teachers who had returned to visit Cuba agree
that the educational system has greatly improved and is now quite
admirable.
Of the Cuban schools, Moreno Franginals (1982) says,
We do have some very good schools. The problem is
the overall average is not as good as we would like.
We have some outstanding schools in Havana and Santa
Clara and other places, but that's not important.
What is important is that the overall average is
still very low.
The Revolution has incorporated much from the Russian educational
system, of which Bronfenbrenner (1970) writes,
Since each child's status depends in part on the
standing of the collective of which he is a member,
it is to each pupil's enlightened self-interest to
watch over his neighbor, encourage the other's good
performance and behavior, and help him when he is
in difficulty. In this system the children's
collective becomes the agent of adult society and
the major source of reward and punishment, (pp. 49-
50)
Punishment is often in the form of group sanctions and group
criticism. The worst punishment is ostracism from the group. The
individual is taught to act upon the judgments of the group and to
consider group interests above all else.


71
Vocational education
The lack of learning aids has been resolved, in part, by having
local communities prepare educational materials. In several instances,
factories and schools have been merged together so that secondary
students can combine work and study, thereby increasing production and
the learning of technical skills. This merger also defrays the cost
of education by providing a source of inexpensive labor. Combining
vocational training with factory or agriculture work is a labor
intensive production model which other underdeveloped countries should
consider, according to Eklund (1977). Cogan (1978) also believes
schools in the country are a solution for providing education in under
developed countries because most countries are faced with increased
immigration to the cities to receive the benefits of education and
medical attention which are more frequently offered in the urban
environment. Taking the urban students to the country for their
schooling can slow and even reverse this migratory process by
systematically directing attention to the rural areas generally over
looked by youth. The rural environment provides youth with meaningful
activity and study and encourages greater socialization of the youth
within the socialist system (Cogan, 1978; Eklund, 1977).
While the first six grades are compulsory, a secondary education
is viewed as a moral obligation but not a requirement. Throughout
their school careers, students regularly attend class % hours and work
in the fields or factories another 4 beginning in the fourth grade.
Students are integrated into the educational system through the process
of giving each student responsibility for some specific task such as
maintenance of the building, collection and preparation of materials,


72
care of younger children, or cultivation of the school garden or fruit
grove. Even younger primary school students usually have some type
of chores or responsibilities to perform during or after school hours
(Paulston, 1980).
Juvenile delinquency
Salas (1979) has done an extensive review of youth in Cuba and
the problem of juvenile delinquency there, and finds that data are very
scarce. However, according to his reports, in 1969, more than half the
youth in the 15- to 17-year-old bracket were neither working or attending
school. Special vocational schools for the difficult children were
established. Children also receive training in proper use of leisure
time through mass youth organizations, Pioneers and Union of Young
Communists. Follow-up data on juvenile problems were not available.
One of the major explanations for the presence of juvenile de
linquency is that capitalism has had a great influence on the culture
of the Cuban people; capitalistic traditions are hard to eradicate.
Educational emphasis has been on love, an emotional quality which is
viewed as being almost completely missing in capitalist societies. Chil
dren are also taught positive attitudes toward work and social responsi
bility. They are encouraged to forget about the profit motive and see
work as a pleasurable activity which provides motivation of its own. The
Cuban Revolution has changed children's attitudes toward their parents
so that now many children see themselves as role models for their
parents. They are encouraged to instruct their parents in new ap
propriate social behavior. This change in role responsibility has


73
caused some youth to feel superior to their parents and fostered a
gulf between the generations. Because of the strong emphasis on work
and social responsibility, many children have lost the spirit of
youth, Salas (1979) believes.
Cumulative student profiles include academic data, biological,
social and economic data, personality traits, and political evaluations.
Ideological and political assessments are made by student organizations,
the school council, and other mass organizations. This information is
transferred to the work dossier on which data is continually accumulated
during adulthood, according to Salas.
Use of unpaid labor as an educational tool
Mesa-Lago (1972) writes that in Cuba unpaid labor has been con
sidered not only a means of economic development but "as an educational
tool in the construction of the so-called communist society" (p. 384).
He distinguishes five types of unpaid labor: work performed by employed
men and women after regular work hours; unemployed women's work; labor
performed by students as part of their education; social rehabilitation
work performed by people who have not been able to conform to the
Revolutionary system; and military service, compulsory for all males.
Most unpaid labor is called "voluntary," although there are many social,
political, and economic pressures placed on the workers to volunteer.
While some of these pressures are not unlike those expressed in some
ways in the U.S., they differ in the degree of overtness with which
they are expressed (Montaner, 1981).


74
Mesa-Lago calculates that by 1967 unpaid labor represented
between 8 to 12% of the regular labor force. Recent immigrants talk
about being required to volunteer a large number of hours of free
labor to be eligible for raffles in which they have a chance to be
chosen to purchase an appliance such as a refrigerator or sewing
machine. Mesa-Lago (1972) concludes that although the use of unpaid
labor may have educational and sociological benefits, it may also have
a negative effect on production in several ways. Greatest of these
is the fact that it reduces work incentive and increases production
costs. Trends show an increase in the formal organization of unpaid
labor, along the lines of military organization, to maximize the
advantages of unpaid labor.
Changes in Female Roles
Prior to the Revolution, Cuban women were expected to exemplify
the traditional Hispanic virtues of "chastity, subservience, and
domesticity" (Black et al., 1976, p. 114). The new Cuban women are
expected to be the opposite: "... active in the work force and in
politics; expressive and open about their feelings, whether political
or personal; and aggressive in their defense of the Revolution"
(Black et al., 1976, p. 115). In addition to strong participation in
the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, they have formed a
separate organization--the Federation of Cuban Womenthat has been
very important in raising women's consciousness, integrating them into
the work force and the political system, and achieving for them equal
rights with men. This organization has also been important in civil


75
defense and for improving the health conditions and environmental con
trol of the family. In his speech to the Second Congress of the
Federation (1974), Castro said, "The Revolution has in Cuban women
today a true army, an impressive political force" (p. 50).
Garcia (1980) believes that in spite of the Revolution's desire
to form a new role for women and to elevate them to a position of equal
importance with men, cultural expectations for women's behavior have not
changed much since prerevolutionary times. Women are still expected to
be virginal, reserved, and domestic.
Changes in Religious Practices
Statistics on religious practices are difficult to verify because
much religious activity has become clandestine (Clark, 1975). However,
information on religion is important because many of the students and
other adults spoke of deep religious convictions or church membership,
especially in Protestant faiths such as Jehovah's Witnesses. While
Christians are no longer persecuted, there are a variety of social
pressures to dissuade the practice of any religion (Clark, 1975).
Clark (1979) writes that parents who send their children to Catholic
catechism classes receive visits from the children's teachers telling
them that such practices will impede the child's progress within the
educational system. Religious affiliation is also a cause for dis
missal from a position. Many political and volunteer work meetings
are planned for Sunday, so there is little time to attend church.
Some elements of the Catholic and Protestant faiths have worked toward
conciliation between the church and state. This activity is not
greatly supported; the communists view the practice of religion as a


76
subversive activity and Christians view communism as anathema (Black
et al., 1976). Montaner (1981) finds that "any form of religious
militancy is a subtle form of counterrevolution, the Protestant
militancy, or that of Jehovah's Witnesses, are the most dangerous"
(p. 78). While much of the strong Catholicism has faded away through
governmental patience, the evangelical movement has strengthened and
poses a thorny problem for totalitarianism, according to Montaner.
Problems of Rationing
In 1962, rationing of almost all products including food, clothing,
and household items began. Rationing was installed to provide more
equitable distribution of available goods and to allow more products
to be exported, thus improving the economic stability of the country.
One of the advantages of attending school or work is the provision of
meals at little or no cost. Black et al. (1976) find that while
rationing still exists, the availability of food has improved.
Currently, infant mortality rate is 23 per 1,000 persons. Only eight
of the 29 Caribbean countries and territories reported had lower rates.
The U.S. reported 14 per 1,000 (Lowenthal, 1982).
Clark's (1979) findings conflict with Black et al. (1976). He
states that the caloric intake of the Cuban diet today is less than
that of a slave living in Cuba during colonial times. A comparison
of Clark's rationing statistics for the years 1969, 1971, and 1974,
with reports given by 1980 immigrants, indicates that Cubans are
consuming one pound less rice per month and five ounces less coffee
per month in 1980 than in 1971 or 1974. They did have four ounces


77
more of beans and two more cans of condensed milk. Eggs have been
taken off rationing and bread is limited to one pound daily, according
to the 1980 informants. Fresh fruits and vegetables remain scarce and
available only sporadically. The 1980 informants state that although
food is supposed to be allocated every 10 days, supplies are limited
and often arrive at 15-day intervals.
Gordon (1982) reports similar findings in his study of 1980 of
Cuban immigrants. He finds that 25% of the children suffered first
degree malnutrition. Fifteen percent of the adults and 12% of the
children suffered from anemia. Black et al. (1976) state that prior
to the Revolution, it is believed that about 35% of the children
suffered from malnutrition.
By the mid-1970s, much of the military costume worn at the inception
of the Revolution was replaced by more conventional dress--short-sleeved
shirts or blouses with trousers or skirts. Primary and secondary school
students wear uniforms indicating their level of study and location of
their school (Black et al., 1976). Clothing choices reflect not so
much personal preferences as availability. The recent immigrants report
that rationing permits men one shirt, pair of trousers, and shoes for
work and one set for dress per year. Women are allowed 4 meters of
cloth, one blouse, one skirt, and one pair of dress pants and shoes per
year. All items are to be purchased according to the ration book and
purchases can be made only when merchandise is available. According to
immigrants, allocated merchandise frequently is not available except
on the black market for very high prices. Because of the rationing
program, it is not unusual to stand in line several hours only to find


78
that whatever was available has been sold out just as one's turn comes
up. Clark (1979) concludes that contrary to what has been published
by many U.S. writers, Cubans are not living better than they were
20 years ago. While Clark's evaluation may be subjective, the fact
remains that all segments of Cuban society have emigrated when given
the opportunity.
Summary of Life in Cuba
Data on life in Cuba have been difficult to collect because of a
lack of reliable statistics and the difficulty of maintaining objec
tivity (Black et a!., 1976; Mesa-Lago, 1969; Montaner, 1981). The
cultural change which has occurred as a result of the Cuban Revolution
has affected the immigrants who arrived in 1980.
The U.S. has been blamed for many of the negative events that have
occurred in Cuba. The U.S. blockade is considered responsible for the
lack of books and for the scarcity of many items. Education is seen as
fundamental to the Revolution with instructional emphasis on math and
technology. The desired goal of the educational system is the formation
of a new person who is selfless and willing to strive for the good of
the collective group (Levan, 1972; Valdes, 1972). All phases of the
government system reflect educational goals. Not only are the parents
and the schools held responsible for the children, the local government
agency which exists in every sector of every community, the CDR, is
charged with the moral and patriotic upbringing of children. The CDR
monitors and reports on the students' integration within the political
system. Only those who are closely affiliated with revolutionary ideology
progress beyond the lower levels of the educational system (Clark, 1977).


79
While Castro (1974) believes women's role in society has changed
as a result of the Revolution, Garcia (1980) sees the cultural expecta
tions for women's behavior as having changed little since the Revolution.
One of the greatest problems which Cubans face is the scarcity of
material goods. Rationing began in 1962 to alleviate the problems
caused by scarcity. Rationing has resulted in more equitable distri
bution of some basic necessities and has succeeded in decreasing the
infant mortality. Nevertheless, shortages of food and other basic needs
are a source of great frustration for the island inhabitants.
The 1980 Immigrants
The seeds of the 1980 Cuban immigration were sown in the late
1970s and perhaps earlier. Some of those seeds are still in fertile
ground and continue to grow in 1983.
Historical Background
Most press accounts of this migration begin with the storming of
the Peruvian Embassy in Havana in April 1980, by a group of Cubans
asking for asylum. However, the deepening economic and political
problems within Cuba, as well as the return of over 100,000 Cuban-
Americans bearing gifts and stories about the marvelous life in the
.S., are important causative factors in the 1980 immigration (Azicri,
1981-82; Gonzalez & McCoy, 1980). By allowing the Cuban-Americans to
return to Cuba for family visits, the Cuban government expected to gain
additional tourist money to bolster the economy, to demonstrate to the
exiles the institutionalization of the Revolution, and to improve Cuba's


80
human rights image in other countries (Boswell, 1982). When the
Cuban-Americans returned to Cuba, they wiped away, at least temporarily,
the anti-American and anti-exile image which the Revolution had created
over the past 20 years of its existence. Many Cubans had family members
in the .S., but because of military service and other government obli
gations, had put aside thoughts of leaving Cuba. With the return of
so many Cuban-Americans, it was impossible for the Cubans to keep
thoughts of leaving Cuba at rest.
Approximately 1% of the Cuban population left in 1980. Figures
from a wide range of official and semi-official sources vary from
124,789 to 125,262 (see McCoy & Gonzalez, 1982, for an example).
Testimony before the U.S. Senate (Committee on the Judiciary, U.S.
Senate, 96 Congress, 1980) indicates that unemployment was high and a
large number of Cubans had asked for permission to leave the country
by April 1930. Clark et al. (1981) believe that by January 1980, 1.5
million people, about 15% of the population, had requested permission
to leave Cuba.
The North American Reception
Ironically, 1 month prior to the 1980 Cuban immigration, the U.S.
Congress enacted legislation dismantling the machinery utilized to
accommodate the previous cohorts of Cuban refugees. Previous refugee
policy was replaced with the 1980 Refugee Act, a bill which sought to
address unresolved immigration problems but which gave the 1980 Cubans
an undefined political status because they did not fit the descriptions
of immigrants or refugees according to this new piece of legislation
(Department of Health and Rehabilitative Services, 1982).


81
On October 1, 1980, Congress passed the Refugee Education
Assistance Act of 1980 to help defray the costs of refugees which have
been incurred by the state and local governments (Department of Health
and Rehabilitative Services, 1982). The political debate over the
appropriation and use of these funds continues as of this writing.
Not only did these Cuban immigrants not receive the warm welcome
experienced by the golden exiles of the Early Departure stage, or
even the consideration given those of the Family Reunion stage, they
were rebuffed in a variety of different ways.
The media
Press coverage of this immigration has been notoriously biased
against the immigrants. Lieberman (1982) finds that the newspapers
". . exaggerate the health and criminal threats posed by the
immigrants and, therefore, inflame the prejudicial attitudes of native
Miamians" (p. 10). Kelly, Diederich, and McWhirter (1981) and Chaze
and Lyons (1982) document the rise in crime in Florida over the past
decade and attribute it to the recent Cuban influx. It is interesting
to note the graphics and information provided by these articles show
the crime rate in south Florida was steadily increasing during the
1970s. The Cubans who are supposed to have accounted for most of the
increase did not arrive until the point at which the final measurement
was taken. Other news articles attribute the decline in tourism in
south Florida, in part, to the fear of the criminal element, seen as
largely being the 1980 Cubans (see Gy lien haal, 1981, and Silva, 1981,
for a review of national press coverage). Silva (1982a) finds that


82
some refugees are so tired of being referred to as the troublemakers,
they have formed groups to patrol the streets and assist the police
in crime fighting. Another response to the problems is the formation
of Miami Citizens Against Crime, a civic group whose voice was
influential in the formation of Vice President Bush's Task Force on
South Florida Crime (Stein, 1982).
The government
Upon entering the U.S., the immigrants were given the status of
"entrant" rather than "refugee," thus removing the possibility of
federal refugee assistance made available to the two previous Cuban
cohorts (Cuban/Haitian Entrant Program Operating Manual, 1981). On
November 4, 1980, voters decided that Dade County would no longer
function bilingually, and voted to cease the expenditure of county
funds to utilize any language other than English. The anti-bilingual
controversy is considered a grass roots movement against the Cubaniza-
tion of the Miami area. This movement has some support in other parts
of Florida. Anti-bi1ingual legislation continues to be debated in the
Florida Legislature (Melby, 1982; Watts, 1982).
In spite of the fact that Florida has been a recipient of a large
share of the legal and illegal immigration, it received less than half
of the federal funds made available to the states for immigrant assis
tance during the period of 1980-81. The bulk of the financial responsi
bility has shifted from the federal government resources to the state
and counties receiving the impact of the Cuban migration. The resulting
financial drain on local and state resources has presented the local
citizenry with another strong reason not to want to accept the new
Cubans.


83
Martinez (1982a) calls the children of Mariel political pawns and
believes that Florida's Governor Graham is building on political senti
ment to improve his personal career by saying that all 1980 Cuban
entrants must prove their claim to political asylum or be returned to
Cuba. Florida's allocation of federal welfare funds for immigrants was
for 18 months, while other states receiving large numbers of immigrants
were funded for 36 months (Department of Health and Rehabilitative
Services, 1982). Herald Wire Service (1982) quotes Graham as indicating
that he will provide the 1980 immigrants with a humanitarian gesture by
helping them move to any of the 10 states that still provide welfare
benefits. This move is seen by some segments of the Miami community as
a means of relocating some of the refugees in other states, thus al
leviating the burden placed on Florida. A Federal Court Order was
required before aliens, including the 1980 Cubans, were considered
eligible for Dade County welfare benefits. The exact legal status of
these entrants and the determination of their rights is still in limbo
(Boswell, 1982).
To replace the administrative machinery developed and refined during
the two previous Cuban immigrations and destroyed by the 1980 Immi
gration Act, the Cuban/Haitian Task Force was formed under the auspices
of the Federal Emergency Management Agency. This task force incorporated
the participation of many volunteer agencies to assist in immigrant
resettlement (Bowen, 1980). Many publications document the bungling
which occurred as a result of this processing system (Bach, 1980; U.S.
Refugee Programs, 1980). Nichols (1982) believes the federal government


84
does not yet know the actual number of Cuban criminals who entered in
1980. Government statistics range between 2,000 and 24,000 persons,
with private estimates as high as 50,000 (Nichols, 1982). Rivero (1982),
a member of the Cuban/Haitian Task Force, finds substantial evidence
that only 18 of 1,600 Cubans incarcerated in the Atlanta federal
penitentiary were hardened criminals. Government handling of the issue
of what to do with the criminal element that came in 1980 confounded
the problem. Rivero (1982) believes government behavior was a direct
response to the strong reactions of the U.S. public toward the 1980
immigrants.
Reception by the Cuban-Americans
An obvious reaction to the notoriety of the 1980 immigrants has
been the behavior of some of the previous Cuban immigrants, now con
sidered Cuban-Americans, who seek to avoid what they consider con
tamination associated with a negative image of Cubans (see Gonzalez &
McCoy, 1980, for coverage of problems in south Florida; Rose, 1982,
for Atlanta; Wadler, 1981, for New York-New Jersey).
This reaction can be observed in a variety of different ways. One
evident linguistic marker which Cuban-Americans have adopted to put
historical distance between themselves and the new arrivals and to
establish legitimacy to their residence in the U.S. is the use of time
references which show the period in which the immigrant arrived. It
is common to hear Cuban-Americans say, "In all the 12 years I've lived
on this street . ."or "Since 1970, when I came here, I have . ."
Portes, Clark, and Lopez (1981-82) stress the importance the receiving
community plays in assisting the new immigrants in the acculturation


85
process. These researchers predict that if the already established
Cuban-American community rejects the new arrivals, the new Cubans will
have a far more difficult time in adjusting. Of the previous cohorts
of Cubans, Portes et al. (1981-82) write,
While similar in many background characteristics
such as occupation, education, urban residence,
etc., it is not likely that the relatively mild
adaptation experienced by these exiles will be
reproduced among those coming recently through
the Marie! boat!ift. The rapidity and size of
this flow have taxed not only federal and state
resources but also those of the Cuban community
itself, (p. 23)
The researchers are optimistic that the new inflow "... can be
absorbed by the enclave economy rather than shifted to the low-wage
open labor market" (Portes et al., 1981-82, p. 23); the latter being
seen as presenting a more difficult economic situation for immigrants
and one in which most of the other migrating Latin Americans find
themselves.
Domino Park has become the symbol of the Cubanization of the
southwest section of Miami known as Little Havana. It is a symbol of
the old Cuban style of graceful living, a place where old men gathered
to play dominos and share friendships established long ago on a now
distant island, a place where people can pass by and enjoy a vivid,
picturesque, typically Cuban scene. Before 1980, the park and the
business district where it is located were considered safe, low-crime
areas. Cubans from many different areas of south Florida referred to
the park with pride, and considered it a reflection of the improvement
that they have made to a conmunity which was in a state of economic
deterioration before their arrival. Now there are iron bars on the


86
store windows in the area around the park. Special police patrol on
foot, horseback, and by car to keep order. Currently, there is a
controversy about whether to close the park, fence it in, or limit its
use to registered, card-carrying citizens. But the controversy is
bigger than the park. It is a controversy between the already
established Cuban-American merchants and businessmen and angry, young
1980 Cubans who arrived with high expectations and found little to
accommodate beliefs that the U.S. was a land of plenty. The polari
zation of the community cannot be resolved with regulations and
identification cards (Dunlop, 1982; Martinez, 1982c). This hostile
community reaction is not so different from that experienced by
various waves of European immigrants who settled in the Northeast
at the beginning of the century (Gonzalez & McCoy, 1980).
Balmaseda (1981) quotes Mariel entrant Martinez as saying, "Many
refugees refuse to say they arrived by Mariel. They are wrong that
way. They are perpetuating the bad image of the Marielito. If the
good ones admit they are Marieli tos, maybe the stigma will go away"
(p. 6g).
The 1980 Cubans seem to have received more than their share of
controversy, as exemplified by the confrontation between movie pro
ducers and elements of the Cuban-American community over the remaking
of an old A1 Capone movie, "Scarface," now a story about a 1980 refugee-
turned dope smuggler and gangster. Not confined to the local scene,
the conflict expanded past the Greater Miami Chamber of Commerce to
the office of the Governor. In spite of attempts to smooth over
differences, articles opposing the movie continued to appear in a


Full Text
166
only or generally in Spanish. These responses were in accord with the
childrens' responses. When speaking to relatives, 64% indicated they
used only Spanish. When relatives spoke to them, 72% indicated they
used only Spanish. Eighty-one percent selected generally or only
Spanish for speaking to relatives; 83% selected generally or only
Spanish for relatives speaking to them. The percentage drops to 72 for
Spanish use when speaking to neighbors. Three people responded that
the answer was not applicable, perhaps indicating that they did not
speak to neighbors. Answers were widely and evenly distributed for
language use while shopping in the neighborhood.
Talking to a supervisor showed a language shift to English, with
55% using generally or only English. Twenty-eight percent said English
was the only or generally used language with co-workers. Housewives
indicated these questions were not applicable for them. Interestingly,
26% stated the question of language at church was not applicable. The
language preference for watching TV was widely distributed, with the
median selection being half English and half Spanish. Newspaper reading
also received a wide distribution with only Spanish receiving 33% and
not applicable receiving 25%; English only and half English/half Spanish
were chosen by 33% each. Five people indicated this question was not
applicable. Spanish only was the language preference for reading books
for 56% of the respondents; 15% chose not applicable.
In responding to the question of whether Spanish should be taught
at school, 68% indicated in the affirmative. Ninety-three percent of
those who answered said it should be part of the curriculum. However,
only 15 people responded to this question. The majority, 61% of 39


Page
APPENDICES
A INTERVIEWEES AND INFORMANTS 260
B STUDENTS' LETTER OF PERMISSION 262
C PARENTS' LETTER OF PERMISSION 264
D ENCUESTA PARA ESTUDIANTES (STUDENT SURVEY) 266
E ENCUESTA PARA LOS PADRES (PARENT SURVEY) 272
F ORAL PROFICIENCY RATING SCALE 280
G ORAL PROFICIENCY RATING SCALE GUIDELINES 281
H ENTREVISTA DE ALUMNOS (STUDENT INTERVIEW) 284
I ENTREVISTA DE PADRES (PARENT INTERVIEW) 286
BIBLIOGRAPHY 287
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 310
'i x


48
encouraged great numbers of blue collar workers to emigrate until
now the population in the U.S. is representative of the population on
the island in terms of socio-economic and racial distribution.
Regarding the motivations prompting the migration, Clark (1977)
states there are two: political and economic. The two are so closely
intertwined that it is difficult to distinguish between them. If the
government requires extensive "voluntary" labor to retain one's present
job, is it politics or economics that motivates a person to leave not
only the job but the country? A statement made by a man who left in
1964 sums up the feelings of many: "There came a time in my life when
nothing else mattered but freedom. It is so valuable, so precious, one
really has to lose it to understand its value and its true meaning."
Although it may appear to be paradoxical since Cuba calls itself
"El primer territorio libre en las Americas" (The first free country in
the Americas), the desire for freedom seems to be the predominant
motivation for emigration from Cuba to the U.S. There are several
interpretations of this motivation. For example, in studying the Early
Departure families, Gibboney (1967) finds the parents' concern for their
children's education and future the reason most given for leaving.
Freedom appears to be defined by this group as the ability to make one's
own choices or the ability for self-determination. In reviewing the
causes for migration, Casal and Hernandez (1975) conclude that prag
matic factors are more important than ideological ones. They believe
that over time, as the composition of the migratory population changed,
so too, did the motivation for leaving. However, the 1977 work of
Portes, Clark, and Bach indicates 97% of the immigrants came to the


44
in the U.S. that might be available in 1983, it appears that the
quantity has increased, but not greatly, since the Casal and Hernandez'
(1975) survey.
Demography
The U.S. Department of Commerce (1981) estimates there are 14.6
million persons of Spanish origin in the U.S. Ehrlichman (1982) believes
the total to be more than 15 million. All reports on population
statistics conclude that Hispanics are now the most rapidly growing
ethnic group, and that by the turn of the century their population in
this country is expected to double.
In terms of primary language background, the number of non-English-
speaking persons is expected to increase from the 28 million counted in
1976 to about 40 million by the year 2000. The Spanish-speaking portion
of this massive group of persons is expected to increase in actual num
bers and percentage of the group from 10.6 million or 38% in 1976, to
18.2 million or 46% in 2000, according to Oxford, Pol, Lopez, Stupp,
Gendell, and Peng (1981). These authors point out the implications for
educational planning are great in terms of meeting the needs of the
non-English- and limited English-speaking students.
Florida has the fourth largest Hispanic population in the U.S.
(Fratoe, 1981) and the numbers continue to grow, not only from continued
migration from South and Central America and the Caribbean, but from
the internal migration of Cubans who return to Florida as a place of
resettlement after initial location in other sections of the country.
Only three states have a lower percentage of native born residents than


129
Table 4-6
Correlations of Rank on Total English Scores and Rank on
Total Spanish Scores by Sex and Component
Total
r
English
a
Total
r
Spanish
a
n
Females
Oral Spanish
.236
.288
.449
.035
22
Oral English
.545
.008
.139
.535
22
Written Spanish
.294
.183
.997
.0001
22
Written English
.997
.0001
.295
.181
22
Males
Oral Spanish
.587
.008
.465
.044
19
Oral English
.579
.009
.205
.398
19
Written Spanish
.552
.014
.998
.0001
19
Written English
.999
.0001
.583
.008
19
Total Group
Total Spanish
.432
.004
41


5
1968). As Cuban immigration continued, the Cuban population in the
U.S. began to take on characteristics more closely resembling the
island population in terms of race, economic and social levels (Clark,
1975).
The most recent and massive immigration, termed by the press as
the "Freedom Flotilla" or the "Mariel Boatlift" because most immigrants
left from the northern port of Marie!, began in April 1980 and
officially terminated in September of the same year. Although some
reports are conflicting, until recently most of the information about
these people has been negative, categorizing them as Castro himself
labeled them, "the scum of Cuban society, 'gusanos,' or worms." With
the exception of the work of Rivero (1981), little is known about the
special needs, problems, or abilities of the Cuban children who entered
the Florida public school system in 1980. These children who have been
raised in a socialist society have attitudes and habits which differ
from those who came in previous migrations. Because of the lack of
research, little is known about the way these students are adapting
to the new social and educational environment.
This study was designed to collect data on a specific population
of 1980 Cuban immigrant junior high school students, their parents,
and other significant family and community members. It investigates
students' Spanish proficiency and their progress in learning English.
Data have been collected through participant observation, linguistic
measurements, surveys, and interviews. Correlations have been performed
which indicate some of the factors which facilitate or inhibit second
language acquisition for these students.
Because of the sensitive nature of the data collected, no references
are made to the specific location of the community, school, or students


155
Table 4-14
Results of Student Survey
Frequency
Percent
1.
With whom did you live while you were
going to school in Cuba?
parents
38
92.6
boarding school
2
4.8
other
1
2.4
2.
How many years did you attend school in
Cuba?
5 or less
1
2.4
6
17
41.4
7 or more
23
56.0
3.
Did you study English in Cuba?
yes
13
31.7
no
28
68.2
4.
Did you study any other language other than
English or Spanish?
yes
7
17.0
no
34
82.9
5.
How many older brothers or sisters do you
have?
0
15
36.5
1-2
23
56.0
3-4
3
7.3
5 or more
0
0.0
6.
How many younger brothers or sisters do
you have?
0
6
38.9
1-2
21
51.2
3-4
3
7.3
5 or more
1
2.4
7.
How many brothers and sisters live with
you now?
0
5
12.1
1-2
28
68.2
3-4
6
14.6
5 or more
2
4.8


APPENDIX E
ENCUESTA PARA LOS PADRES (PARENT SURVEY)
Por favor encierre con un circulo el numero que mejor vaya con su
respuesta:
1. Persona que contesta
a. padre
b. madre
c. abuelo-abuela
d. pariente--quin?
e. otro
2. Sexo
a.
mujer
b.
hombre
Cunto tiempo Vd. ha estado
en este condado?
a.
menos de 6 meses
b.
6 meses a 12 meses
c.
13 meses a 18 meses
d.
ms de un ario y medio
Cuntos aos asisti a la escuela en Cuba?
a.
ninguno

b.
escuela elemental
c.
los dos primeros aos de
secundaria
d.
escuela secundaria
e.
universidad
En
qu trabaja ahora?
a.
sin empleo
b.
ama de casa
c.
empleado en factoria o en
el campo
d.
mantenimiento, limpieza
e.
vendedor/a
f.
oficina, tienda
9-
enfermero/a
h.
ayudante de maestro
i.
profesional
j.
especifique
si es otro
272


Table 4-9
Comparison Between Groups and Seasons on the
Language Assessment Battery, Stanines
English
Spanish
Y
pa
a
n
Y
Npb
0
n
Y
pa
0
n
Y
Npb
o
n
Fall 1981
1.07
0.39
28
1.40
0.51
10
7.15
1.48
28
7.00
2.22
10
Spring 1982
2.03
1.10
38
1.88
1.16
17
6.56
1.04
38
5.81
1.32
17
English
Spanish
a
a
Between
groups
.110
.274
Between
seasons
.000
.000
Between
groups and seasons
.400
.138
Participants in individual research.
^Nonparticipants in individual research.
CO
cn


172
Table 4-15--continued
Frequency
Percent
17. Do you speak any languages other than
English or Spanish?
French
0
0.0
Italian
0
0.0
Arabic
0
0.0
Russian
0
0.0
Hebrew
0
0.0
Other
0
0.0
None
36
100.0
18. Do you read any other languages other
than English or Spanish?
French
0
0.0
Italian
0
0.0
Arabic
0
0.0
Russian
0
0.0
Hebrew
0
0.0
Other
0
0.0
None
36
100.0
19. Are you studying English now?
no
8
21.6
yes
14
37.8
not now, but I was studying it
15
43.5
not now, but I plan to in the future
10
27.0
20. If you are studying now, how are you
doing it?
classes during the day
5
13.1
night classes
15
39.4
private lessons
2
5.2
books at home
9
23.6
other
0
0.0
not motivated to study
0
0.0
motivated but have no time
7
18.4
Indicate the percent of time you use English
or Spanish in the following situations.
21. When you speak to your children at home
only Spanish
27
71.0
generally Spanish
8
21.0
half Spanish, half English
2
5.2


238
them to protest the locker relocation. While clearly not comfortable
in extended conversations in English, Anita's behavior was typical of
the students who did not hesitate to respond in English when the
occasion required it.
Alejandro, also in the high-achieving English group, could usually
be found with a group of friends. Frequently, the grouo laughed and
shared secrets. One day, when most of the students had gone to watch
a basketball game, the group who remained in the classroom laughed,
sang, and made fun among themselves. The teacher asked them why they
did not mix with the English speakers at lunch. Alejandro answered,
"Because they're very boring. They don't know how to have fun," and
kept on singing and laughing.
During the interviews, all but one of these higher achieving
students spoke of being leaders in their schools in Cuba. Two spoke
of having been designated to attend special advanced schools for
the following school year in Cuba. These students also provided more
details about their lives in Cuba and in the U.S. than did the low
English achievers. During the course of the regular school day none
of these students ever sought me out to discuss any specific interests
or concerns or provide any additional information. Although none
were unfriendly, only one was openly friendly. All appeared to be
serious, organized, and intent. Any questions they asked were on
task and to the point.


100
Additional information was collected by requesting the bilingual
and English as a Second Language (ESL) teachers to rate students'
language proficiency using a rating scale developed by the Southwest
Educational Development Laboratory, SEDL (Mace-Matluck, 1980). Guide
lines for the use of this scale were devised by combining the SEDL
design with the work of Damico et al. (1981). The two bilingual teachers
rated the students' proficiency in Spanish, while the ESL teacher rated
them in English (see Appendices F and G for Rating Scales and Guidelines
for Scoring).
Oral and written language samples were collected from the students.
The Sentence Comprehension and the Story Retelling subsections of the
Language Assessment Scale II (LAS II) were individually administered
in English and Spanish. The first story was retold orally on cassette
tape. The second story was retold in writing. Students were encouraged
to use the LAS pictures and make-up their own story, if they could not
recall the recorded story.
All individual Spanish oral and written 'language samples were
scored by native Spanish-speaking educators from Cuba, using the
guidelines for scoring the LAS II (Duncan & De Avila, 1981). All
individual English oral and written language samples were scored by
native English-speaking educators from the U.S. who used the same
procedures and guidelines described above. All language samples were
scored blind; scorers were not acquainted with the research population.
As a part of the evaluation procedures of the regular bilingual
program of the school district where this research was conducted, all
junior high school students enrolled in the program are given the


295
Fishman, J. Bilingual education: An international sociological
perspective. Rowley, MA: Newbury House Publishers, 1976.
Fishman, J. Language maintenance: Harvard encyclopedia of American
ethnic groups. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980.
Fitzgerald, F. The direction of Cuban socialism: A critique of the
Sovietization thesis. In S. Craig (Ed.), Contemporary Caribbean.
Maracas, Trinidad, and Tobago: The College Press, 1982.
Forbes, S., & Lemos, P. The history of American language policy: U.S.
immigration policy and the national interest, Appendix A.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981.
Fradd, S. Bilingualism, cognitive growth, and divergent thinking
skills. Educational Forum, 1982, 46(4), 469-474.
Fratoe, F. The education of nonmetro Hispanics (Report 31). Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1981.
Fuerst, J. Images of emigres. Commonweal, July 1981, 390-391.
Gallagher, P. The Cuban exile: A sociopolitical analysis (Doctoral
dissertation, St. Louis University, 1974). Dissertation Abstracts
International, 1974, 35(11), DCJ74-24073.
Garcia, F. The cult of virginity: Conference on the educational and
occupational needs of Hispanic women. Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Education, 1980.
Garrison, V., & Weiss, C. Dominican family networks and United States
immigration policy: A case study. International Migration Review,
1979, 1_3(2), 264-283.
Geertz, C. The interpretation of culture. New York: Basic Books, Inc.
1973.
Genesee, F. Is there an optimal age for starting second language in
struction? McGill Journal of Education, 1978, 13_(2), 145-154.
Gibboney, J. Stability and change in components of parental role
among Cuban refugees (Doctoral dissertation, Catholic University
of America, 1967). Dissertation Abstracts International, 1967,
28(7A), DCJ67-17124.
Gilmore, P., & Smith, D. Ethnography in educational research: Comments
on two issues. The Linguistic Reporter, 1982, 2£(7), 1; 3-5.
Giordano, J. Families, myths about immigrants. Attenzione, May 1981,
pp. 68; 70-71.


72
care of younger children, or cultivation of the school garden or fruit
grove. Even younger primary school students usually have some type
of chores or responsibilities to perform during or after school hours
(Paulston, 1980).
Juvenile delinquency
Salas (1979) has done an extensive review of youth in Cuba and
the problem of juvenile delinquency there, and finds that data are very
scarce. However, according to his reports, in 1969, more than half the
youth in the 15- to 17-year-old bracket were neither working or attending
school. Special vocational schools for the difficult children were
established. Children also receive training in proper use of leisure
time through mass youth organizations, Pioneers and Union of Young
Communists. Follow-up data on juvenile problems were not available.
One of the major explanations for the presence of juvenile de
linquency is that capitalism has had a great influence on the culture
of the Cuban people; capitalistic traditions are hard to eradicate.
Educational emphasis has been on love, an emotional quality which is
viewed as being almost completely missing in capitalist societies. Chil
dren are also taught positive attitudes toward work and social responsi
bility. They are encouraged to forget about the profit motive and see
work as a pleasurable activity which provides motivation of its own. The
Cuban Revolution has changed children's attitudes toward their parents
so that now many children see themselves as role models for their
parents. They are encouraged to instruct their parents in new ap
propriate social behavior. This change in role responsibility has


228
willing to take risks, while the older ones preferred to withdraw.
Anita, a younger female who participated in physical education and
spoke English as well as any of the other females, suggested a partial
answer. "After a girl celebrates her 15th birthday, she can wear
makeup and she is expected to behave as a woman. I'm not 15 yet.
When I am 15, I will behave differently." Although only a few girls
were 15, many appeared older than their age because of the clothes
and makeup they wore.
While age and the desire to look attractive may be an explanation
for the correlation between physical education and English for the
girls, the correlation between Spanish ability and physical education
for the boys is more difficult to explain. The desire to maintain an
image of masculinity and maintain Spanish language is one possible
reason. An alternative explanation is that this behavior was limited
to this specific population. Additional observation is required to
determine and generalize the relationship to other groups of Cubans,
Hispanics, or second language learners.
Individual Differences
I wondered if the nonparticipating behavior observed in the
physical education classes would be visible in other classes. I found
that it was, but to a less obvious degree. The following is an example
"For those of you who didn't bring your products today, I have a
few over here so you have no excuses for not being able to do your
videotape," a teacher explained to the class as we entered. "First,
we'll see a few tapes the class before you made. Then you'll have 5


74
Mesa-Lago calculates that by 1967 unpaid labor represented
between 8 to 12% of the regular labor force. Recent immigrants talk
about being required to volunteer a large number of hours of free
labor to be eligible for raffles in which they have a chance to be
chosen to purchase an appliance such as a refrigerator or sewing
machine. Mesa-Lago (1972) concludes that although the use of unpaid
labor may have educational and sociological benefits, it may also have
a negative effect on production in several ways. Greatest of these
is the fact that it reduces work incentive and increases production
costs. Trends show an increase in the formal organization of unpaid
labor, along the lines of military organization, to maximize the
advantages of unpaid labor.
Changes in Female Roles
Prior to the Revolution, Cuban women were expected to exemplify
the traditional Hispanic virtues of "chastity, subservience, and
domesticity" (Black et al., 1976, p. 114). The new Cuban women are
expected to be the opposite: "... active in the work force and in
politics; expressive and open about their feelings, whether political
or personal; and aggressive in their defense of the Revolution"
(Black et al., 1976, p. 115). In addition to strong participation in
the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, they have formed a
separate organization--the Federation of Cuban Womenthat has been
very important in raising women's consciousness, integrating them into
the work force and the political system, and achieving for them equal
rights with men. This organization has also been important in civil


165
were living at home now. These seven or more children may also be
members of the extended family. The responses to the question of how
many people left Cuba together were fairly evenly distributed across all
alternatives. Seven or more and five to six received more than one-
quarter of the responses each and three to four received 44%. Seventy
percent of the families had family members already in the U.S.; 30%
did not. Although 50% lived near seven or more close relatives and
friends, 26% lived near no close friends or relatives. Answers were
almost evenly distributed in terms of how many relatives or close
friends are spoken to daily. On a weekly basis, seven or more was the
response of 57%. Three people spoke to no relative or close friend
during the week. The responses were almost the same for the question
of close friends and relatives in Florida. Two people indicated they
had no friends or relatives. This series of questions was included
to determine kinship networks. It was anticipated that these networks
would be discussed more in depth during the interviews. One proposition
under consideration was that kinship/friendship networks may have an
influence on the acquisition of English.
None of the parents spoke or read any language other than English
or Spanish. More than 80% of the respondents indicated that they had
either studied English, were currently studying it, or planned to study
it in the future. The most prevalent time for studying English was at
night school, a choice of 39% of the respondents. Everyone indicated
an interest in learning English. Eighteen percent said they had no
time to study.
In terms of language use, more than 90% indicated they generally
or only used Spanish; 60% indicated that their children spoke to them


198
observed, most especially for people who do not speak English. One
mother said she cried because she wanted to go to her next-door
neighbors for a conversation, but she knew she could not. She was
also frustrated because she wanted to express gratitude to her
employer, but she did not know the words. The mother who was studying
English said she was just now beginning to be able to joke with the
other employees at her office. Since she had become more fluent in
English, she was encouraged to travel about the city more than she had
previously. Each of the parents expressed satisfaction or pleasure at
being able to talk about his or her experiences. They felt better
knowing someone in the .S. was interested in them.
In the U.S., the Cubans felt isolated. They did not yet know
the language and the customs of the people around them. They believe
North Americans appear callous and indifferent towards them. Some of
the students expressed the opinion that North Americans considered all
Latin Americans to be criminals. Many Cubans seemed alarmed at the
high crime rate in the U.S., and expressed anxiety about going out
onto the streets. One advised me to always check anything I drank
because it might contain poison. (This conversation occurred before the
Tylenol scare.) The extent to which these feelings of isolation and
fear exist was not known.
Based on the available information from the interviews, some
conclusions can be made. Life in the U.S. is very different from life
in Cuba. Many students and the four parents wanted to make career
choices and social associations based on the freedom of choice, but
they seemed to be overwhelmed by the options and uninformed about the


114
between global scores. Correlations were also performed between
teachers' ratings. Comparisons were made of the whole group by grade,
by sex, and by age.
Results of the students' and parents' surveys were tabulated.
Frequency and percentage distributions are displayed on these data.
These results provide a profile of students' and parents' expressed
beliefs about their language behavior and expected usage. Two Chi-
square analyses of these data were also performed.
The overwhelming amount of information which was gathered
through participant observation and formal and informal interviews
has been utilized to provide information in testing Hypotheses Two and
Three. Initially, some of the data have been condensed and included
into composite descriptions representative of a number of the partici
pants. These descriptions are designed to enable the reader to visualize
and understand these participants as people.


132
provides insight into the relationship of first language proficiency
to second language acquisition.
In discussing the data collected on the entire group, those who
participated in the individual testing will be referred to as "partici
pants," and those who did not as "nonparticipants." An analysis of
these data (Table 4-8) reveals that seven nonparticipants ranked at
the same level as the high Spanish and English achievers, the top third
of the research group. Four of these seven students were the females
who had volunteered to participate in the study but returned their
permission papers after the deadline. Ten of the remaining students
ranked at the same level or below the bottom third of the research
group. Some of these students did not have complete test information.
The incompleteness of their scores is a reflection of their achievement.
Class participation and written work indicate their Spanish to be more
limited than that of any of the students who participated in the study.
According to the teachers, two of the students stated they had not
attended school at all in Cuba. On several occasions, the teachers
remarked that although the quality of these students' work was still
very poor, the students were showing remarkable improvement.
Two nonparticipating students ranked in the middle of both
Spanish and English. Two were ranked in the high-achieving group in
English although they ranked in the low-achieving group in Spanish.
These two were the only ones to have such extreme differences in ranking,
as high in the language they were learning and low in their first
language. Only three other students, two male participants and one
female nonparticipant, ranked as high in English and medium in Spanish.


15
by which the individual obtains competence in the customs and knowledge
of the social group. Hansen (1979) believes these distinctions imply
gradations in learning comprehension and commitment to the social group.
The building of stereotypes
A recent trend in education is the teaching of the culture of the
linguistically different children as an instructional element of the
bilingual curriculum. This type of cultural instruction is quite
different from either Hansen's or Herskovits1 conceptualizations of
acculturation. Students are more often taught about the manifestations
of culture, the cultural artifacts such as clothing, food, and music,
rather than being assisted to understand the culturally oriented ex
pectations they hold which may be in conflict because they differ with
those of the host society. Instruction in some of the ethnic manifesta
tions of culture can be motivating and interesting to the students, but
emphasis on the overt aspects of culture tends to obscure the more subtle
differences which may be at the very foundation of the learning dif
ficulty (Guthrie & Hall, 1981).
Harrington (1978) finds that as a society becomes more pluralistic
or culturally diverse, people tend to simplify their world by making
groups and mentally lumping people together. Thus stereotyping begins.
One of the major difficulties which ethnographers face in presenting
information about other cultures is the formation of new stereotypes
which may add to or replace the old ones. In discussing cultural dif
ferences, Harrington observes three different levels of understanding:
how all people are unique, how all people are the same, and how some
people are similar to or different from others. "In thinking of


APPENDIX G
ORAL PROFICIENCY RATING SCALE GUIDELINES
Pronunciation
If mispronunciation should occur, please note the words on
rating sheet.
1. Often unintelligible with excessive mispronunciation,
making comprehension extremely difficult.
2. Intelligible, but with frequent mispronunciations which
may, at times, interfere with communication. Extremely
high amount of hesitations, repetitions, and unusual
pauses.
3. Always intelligible, but reflects occasional mispronunciations
which are usually systematic, with a number of hesitations,
repetitions, and unusual pauses.
4. Essentially like that of an average speaker of the
same age, except for some residue or overtones that suggest
nonstandardness or some mispronunciation when compared with
other students within the same community. There may be a
few repetitions, unusual pauses, or hesitations.
5. For all practical purposes, like that of an average
speaker within the same community; pronunciation may reflect
characteristic features of the dialect of the region. Pro
nunciation is clear, easily understood by another native
speaker.
Grammar
If errors occur, please note them on rating sheet.
1. Makes excessive number of errors in grammar, except in stock
phrases; extremely limited in range and variety of syntactic
structures.
2. Makes frequent errors in grammar, which may interfere with
normal communication; rather limited in range and variety
of syntactic structures; frequently resorts to rephrasing
in midcourse.
281


8
area. Formal and informal interviews of 1980 Cubans and Cuban-
Americans were conducted in the Little Havana district of Miami,
Hialeah, and in other parts of Florida. A total of 141 formal and
informal interviews were conducted for this research. A list of
interviewees, by occupation, is available in Appendix A. All inter
views are anonymous to protect the confidentiality of the informants.
Definitions
1. Cuban-Cuba nsCubans who were born in Cuba, continue to
retain residence there, and who may visit the U.S., but have not sought
to become permanent inhabitants, are, for the purpose of this research,
identified as Cuban-Cubans.
2. CubansCubans who have recently migrated to the U.S. and
still retain a sense of identification with their homeland which sets
them apart from Cubans who have been in the U.S. for longer periods of
time are in essence still Cubans. They have not experienced the accul
turation process which moves them toward ties with the host country.
Although many people who were born in Cuba have become naturalized
U.S. citizens and still refer to themselves as "Cubans," for purposes
of this study, the word Cubans is used to mean people who migrated to
the U.S. in the 1980 cohort.
3. Cuban-AmericansThe term "Cuban-Americans" is primarily an
Anglo-American word used by people speaking English. It is seldom
used by immigrants from Cuba in the U.S. who usually refer to themselves
as either "Cubans" or "Americans." However, for purposes of this
research, Cubans who have experienced, at least in part, the accultura
tion process which links them with the customs and culture of the U.S.


123
Measures of listening
Table 4-3 shows correlations of listening scores with total scores
in both languages using the LAB and the LAS measures. The sentence
comprehension subsection of the LAS was judged to be a similar measure
of listening when compared with the listening subsection of the LAB.
Listening skill appears to be correlated with language achievement
across languages. The fall LAB listening score in Spanish is signifi
cantly correlated with total English score although the fall listening
score in English shows only a tendency toward significance. Both the
spring LAB listening scores in English and Spanish are highly correlated
with English total score. The English score shows a remarkable change.
Both the English and Spanish scores are significantly correlated with
total Spanish score.
Discussion of listening scores
The students' knowledge of English and their skill in listening
may have increased over the time period between the administration of
the LAS in February and LAB in April. It may also possibly be that
since there are not parallel forms of the LAB and the same form was
administered in the fall and spring, the students' October LAB experi
ence provided them with sufficient prior knowledge to improve the
spring test scores. The LAB listening scores are significantly cor
related consistently in both the fall and spring with rank on total
Spanish scores. An alternative and more probable explanation is that
as students' English skills increase, as measured by their increased
skill in listening comprehension, the relationship between listening


138
the data were collected. Figure 4-1 shows the change in total English
scores between October and May. Figure 4-2 shows the change in Spanish
for the same period.
Writing subsection
In the writing subsection of the LAB, the participants showed a
gain of 4.08, while the nonparticipants gained 3.0 in English between
fall and spring test administrations. In Spanish, the participants'
scores increased by .8, while the nonparticipants1 scores decreased by
.31. Comparisons between groups and seasons indicate a statistically
significant difference between groups and seasons in English but not in
Spanish. Figure 4-3 shows the change in writing scores in English
between October and May. Figure 4-4 shows the change in Spanish for
the same period.
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis and Research Questions One
In spite of the care that was taken in designing and conducting
the research, there are several flaws in the process. Two different
groups of language sample raters were used to rate the students'
language samples. The purpose for using two groups was to have raters
who were very familiar with the languages. These two groups of raters
were chosen because of their experience in working with bilingual
children. Cuban-American teachers rated the Spanish; U.S. teachers
rated the English. Each group received scoring training in scoring the
language samples according to the instructions provided by the test
producers (De Avila & Duncan, 1981). Nevertheless, it is highly


91
Unzueta's research (1981) finds that at least 42% of the 1980
population she studied had felt discrimination as a result of their
refugee status. The greatest amount of discrimination came from the
Cuban-Americans. The Cubans also report being more afraid of being
victimized in the community in which they are currently living than
in the resettlement camps where they first lived. This report con
firms what many Cubans have said; to many, the local neighborhoods
present a more hostile environment than that of the camp life. Some
seem to be traumatized by what they see as a large U.S. criminal
element. It should be noted, however, that more than 50% report no
discrimination and 80% report being accepted by their countrymen,
the Cuban-Americans.
One of the factors helping to integrate the new Cubans into the
Miami community is the festive spirit of traditional Latin American
holidays and the special festivities designed to bring the Anglo, Black,
and Latin communities together. Martinez (1982b) and Balmaseda (1982)
point out the importance of these celebrations. Martinez sees them
as indicative of a new spirit of cooperation building within the
various ethnic groups in Miami.
The research of Bach, Bach, and Triplet (1981-82) provides in
formation on characteristics of the 1980 entrants. Most were from
the mainstream of the Cuban economy. When employment background is
combined with age, sex, race, and residence, a profile emerges that
places most of the entrants in the center of Cuban society. Fernandez1
(1981-82) work concurs with the above research. He adds that in spite
of their location within the center of the Cuban society, "... many


52
integration. Diaz (1981) agrees with Rogg and Cooney (1980) that the
residents in the host country play an important role in the integration
of immigrants. If the local residents are themselves supportive, then
integration will be more rapid. If the residents are hostile and, for
example, move away when Cubans move into a neighborhood, then the
process of social integration is retarded.
Gallagher (1974) reviews statistics on crime in Dade County,
Florida, and finds that Cuban-Americans were very underrepresented in
all counts except reckless driving. He does, however, observe an
increase in crime within the Cuban-American community over the decade
of the 1960s. Gonzalez and McCoy's (1980) findings were similar; they
attribute increases in crime to drug trafficking and overcrowded living
conditions. Arguelles (1981) finds that Dade County is the center of
right-wing terrorism and a vast drug trafficking network masked by an
idealistic facade that gives the appearance that Cubans are well
established in the community. Alexander (1970) and the Heritage
Foundation (1980) conclude that in spite of the fact that Cuban-
Americans are resented and unwanted by some elements in Miami, they
have nevertheless established a good reputation as being law abiding,
ambitious, and strongly family oriented.
Transcending Ties with the Past
It is interesting to observe that some of the same behaviors which
Smith (1968) documents as occurring within the Cuban-American group
which arrived in the 1960s have also been documented by Rogg and
Cooney (1980) as occurring in the 1970s. Smith finds in his work with


290
Butterworth, D. The people of Buena Ventura. Chicago: University of
Illinois Press, 1980.
Campbell, A. The Cuban success story: Factors contributing to it.
Unpublished manuscript, University of Florida, 1976.
Canale, M. A communicative approach to language proficiency assessment
in a minority setting. Paper presented at Language Proficiency
Assessment Symposium, March 1981.
Canale, M. On some theoretical frameworks for language proficiency.
In C. Rivera & C. Simich (Eds.), Language proficiency assessment.
Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics, in press.
Canale, M., & Swain, M. Theoretical bases of communicative approaches
to second language teaching and testing. Applied Linguistics,
1980, 1(1), 1-47.
Canfux, J. A brief description of the battle for the sixth grade.
Journal of Reading, 1981, 21(3), 226-333.
Carnoy, M., & Werthein, J. Cuba: Cambio econmico y reforma educativa
(1955-1978). Mexico: Editorial Nueva Imagen, 1978.
Carrasco, R. Expanded awareness of student performance: A case study
in applied ethnographic monitoring in a bilingual classroom.
Socio!inguistic Working Paper, 1979, Paper #60.
Carrison, M. Bilingual no! Principal, 1983, 62(3), 9; 41-44.
Casal, L., & Hernandez, A. Cubans in the U.S.: A survey of the
literature. Cuban Studies, 1975, 5_(2), 25-51.
Castro, F. The revolution has Cuban women today an impressive political
force. Havana, Cuba: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1974.
Cazden, C. Language in education: Variation in the teacher-talk
register. In J. Alatis & G. Tucker (Eds.), Language in public
life. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1979.
Cazden, C., Carrasco, R., & Maldonado-Guzman, A. The contribution of
ethnographic research to bicultural-bilingual education. In J.
Alatis (Ed.), Current issues in bilingual education. Washington,
D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1980.
Chamot, A. New European research in language acquisition and bilingual
education. NCBE Forum, May 1982, 2-3.
Chaze, W., & Lyons, D. Crime casts cloud over nation's playground.
U.S. News and World Report, February 1982, pp. 53-54.


247
ignoring it, some local citizens have reacted with anger to the
emergence of Spanish as an important language in the community.
Some members of the established community have welcomed the new
comers and are enthusiastic about the revitalization. It appears
that the students' and parents' awareness of the English-speaking
community has been restricted by their limited knowledge of English.
While students and parents have some notions about what is happening,
this information has been influenced by prior experiences in Cuba.
It has also been filtered through their interactions with the Cuban-
American community in which they reside, as well as the larger Cuban-
American population of south Florida. The effect of political senti
ments of the community on language acquisition requires additional
study.
The school reflects the change occurring in the community. The
Hispanic population has increased to over 20%, yet, Spanish as a
language is discouraged except in "Spanish class." Elsewhere the
emphasis is on English. In spite of the need which newly arrived
students and parents have for orientation and guidance, no guidance
services are provided in Spanish. A bilingual clerk is available
for translations, but in accordance with school policy all conversation
is in English except in emergency situations.
Administrators and school staff state that the Cuban students'
behavior has changed over the period of time they have been attending
the school. It now conforms much more to the expectations of the
school authorities. There are, nevertheless, behavioral differences
between the Cuban and the non-Cuban students that still exist. The


116
Hypothesis One utilizes mathematical analysis of test data on
students' acquisition of two languages to determine if there is a
statistically significant relationship between the two languages.
Hypothesis Two looks at the contextual influence of the environment
in which the students live and learn to observe some of the factors
influencing language acquisition. Hypothesis Three looks at students'
own behavior as a factor influencing their learning.
A comprehensive description of the community, the school, the
students, their parents, and the school teachers and staff is provided
as evidence in support of the propositions tested. In writing the
descriptions, care has been taken to disguise many of the locations,
events, and people presented. Participants may recognize themselves
within the scenes, yet,they will realize that details have been changed
to increase anonymity while insuring accuracy. Naturally, names of
participants have been changed.
The presentation of the data is organized to relate the findings
as they pertain to the hypotheses and research questions.
Hypothesis and Research Questions One
Using standardized written and oral measurements, students judged
to be more proficient in Spanish will be found to make significantly
more progress in learning English than students who are determined to be
less proficient in Spanish. Research questions: For these students,
is there a relationship between first language ability and second
language acquisition? Does greater ability in first language facilitate
the acquisition of the second?


84
does not yet know the actual number of Cuban criminals who entered in
1980. Government statistics range between 2,000 and 24,000 persons,
with private estimates as high as 50,000 (Nichols, 1982). Rivero (1982),
a member of the Cuban/Haitian Task Force, finds substantial evidence
that only 18 of 1,600 Cubans incarcerated in the Atlanta federal
penitentiary were hardened criminals. Government handling of the issue
of what to do with the criminal element that came in 1980 confounded
the problem. Rivero (1982) believes government behavior was a direct
response to the strong reactions of the U.S. public toward the 1980
immigrants.
Reception by the Cuban-Americans
An obvious reaction to the notoriety of the 1980 immigrants has
been the behavior of some of the previous Cuban immigrants, now con
sidered Cuban-Americans, who seek to avoid what they consider con
tamination associated with a negative image of Cubans (see Gonzalez &
McCoy, 1980, for coverage of problems in south Florida; Rose, 1982,
for Atlanta; Wadler, 1981, for New York-New Jersey).
This reaction can be observed in a variety of different ways. One
evident linguistic marker which Cuban-Americans have adopted to put
historical distance between themselves and the new arrivals and to
establish legitimacy to their residence in the U.S. is the use of time
references which show the period in which the immigrant arrived. It
is common to hear Cuban-Americans say, "In all the 12 years I've lived
on this street . ."or "Since 1970, when I came here, I have . ."
Portes, Clark, and Lopez (1981-82) stress the importance the receiving
community plays in assisting the new immigrants in the acculturation


147
presented is information on the students and their parents, the
results of the students' and parents' surveys, and student and parent
interviews.
Students and Parents
Before I was introduced to the students, I wondered if I would
be able to distinguish the Cubans from the other students in the
bilingual classes. Working with the 1970 Cuban refugees I noticed
that when many of the children arrived at school the first day they
seemed pale and small for their age. I wondered if this might be the
case for these students. I thought that perhaps the trauma they had
suffered might have marked them in some identifiable way. But no, they
were like all the other bilingual students in their classes. They
blended in with the rest of the student body of the school. They
appeared well-fed, many on the plump side of healthy. Most were at
tractive. The majority were well-groomed and clean. Hair color ran
the spectrum from very blond to red to black. Skin coloration ran from
very fair to black, fair complexion predominated. Most students wore
fashionable clothing. Many students wore gold jewelry, chains, earrings,
rings, and bracelets.
The teachers told me that when the students first arrived some
were thin and pale as I had encountered in the 1970 group. In the
years that most had been in the U.S. they had changed a great deal,
according to the teachers.


68
to continue his education. The students tell of having their records
"stained" if they do not attend afterschool meetings and summer camps.
Clark (1979) concludes that the reality of political discrimination
destroys the myth that all Cubans have equal education opportunities.
The initial changes which the Revolution made in transforming
the educational system were to implement a system of collective rather
than individual study and to minimize individual competition and place
it within the framework of collective spirit. The educational system
has been extended to include every phase of material production, not
only the school system as we know it in the U.S.
The Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) is responsible
for the formation of a socialist perspective within the citizenry.
Through the efforts of the CDR, everyone realizes the importance of
the Revolution (Delgado, 1977). One of the major responsibilities of
the CDR is the moral upbringing and proper patriotic instruction of
the children living in the sector. CDR membership includes almost
everyone. CDR members stand 4-hour watches of their sector day and
night. They catch thieves, report truants, and generally keep records
of everything that happens in their geographic region (Black et al.,
1976).
Educational achievements
Evidence from other socialist countries shows that the economic
returns for increased schooling are great. Mathematics and technical
science have been stressed at all levels of education so that economic
production can be increased as rapidly as possible (Bowles, 1971).
Until recent times the largest share of the educational budget has


43
while most research has been based on the assumption that immigrants
sought to become integrated into the majority culture. Bach (1978)
and Portes et al. (1980) present the conflict perspective theory. They
cite as examples groups such as the Cubans who prefer to remain as
ethnic enclaves to avoid discrimination and increase social and political
status. Emotional adjustment and host reception are very important
factors in the adaptational/assimilation process. Little work has been
done on the differences which women and children experience in this
process. Women have been viewed as typically the last to acculturate.
Little research exists on the causes of this tardiness. Smith's (1980)
work provides some provocative ideas regarding the females' need to
maintain traditional support networks for survival in the new culture.
The Metamorphosis from Cubans to Cuban-Americans
In surveying the available literature on Cubans in the U.S.,
Casal and Hernandez find in 1975 that ". .a sizeable bibliography
on Cuban exiles has accumulated over the last 15 years. What is
surprising is that most of it remains--because of limited acces-
sibility--almost 'underground'" (p. 25). Eliminating popular books
and articles, they found 163 nonduplicated entries, of which 1% were
scholarly books of wide distribution, 25% were articles appearing in
academic journals or government publications, and 19% were master's
or doctoral theses. Over half of their bibliography was limited
edition reports and special articles. Llanes' bibliography (1982),
one of the most extensive to be published recently, listed 152 entries,
20% from esoteric, not widely distributed sources. While it is beyond
the scope of this research to locate all articles and books on Cubans


178
Table 4-15continued
Frequency
Percent
48.
Does your child have school friends who
visit him/her at home?
no
10
27.0
yes, but not frequently; once a month
11
29.7
or less
yes, more than once a month but less than
8
21.6
once a week
yes, more than once a week but not daily
6
16.2
yes, daily or almost daily
2
5.4
49.
Does your child use the telephone
frequently?
no, only once or twice a week
6
15.7
more or less, between two and four times
2
5.2
a week
yes, more or less; once a day
10
26.3
yes, more than twice a day
20
52.6
50.
Does your child have chores to do?
yes
28
82.3
no
6
17.6
51.
If your child has chores to do,which is
the one he/she does most frequently?
child care
1
2.6
clean
14
36.8
cook
1
2.6
work in garden
12
31.5
other
9
23.6
nothing
1
2.6
52.
Who helps your child with homework?
brother/sister
10
25.6
parent
14
35.8
grandparent
0
0.0
uncle/aunt
3
7.6
friend
1
2.5
other
1
2.5
no one
10
25.6


197
5. What seems to be helping your child learn English? All said
the school helped. They were pleased with the bilingual and ESL
teachers. Three mentioned interacting with other children and two said
the television helped. One father said his children were forbidden to
watch television. He believed playing with the North American cousins,
his brother's children, helped his children learn English. He expressed
concern that his children were learning other things that weren't good
to know, and smiled,but did not elaborate.
Discussion of interviews
Informal interviews with the students and general conversation
with the parents provided a great deal of information that could not
have been obtained any other way. It is unfortunate that only four
parents were able to participate. A major conclusion which evolved
from the interviews is that life in Cuba had been quite similar for
most of the participants. Everyone knew what was expected. Almost
everyone participated in some political association organized by the
government. Involvement for the students came in the form of school
and afterschool activities. The term "linked together" was often used
to describe the student groups and the coordinated effort between the
school, the home, the local Defense Committee, and the parents' work
place. Although the answers which were given during the interviews
were expressed in different words, much of the same information was
repeated by many students and their parents.
The parents seemed to be still in the process of adjusting to
the community in which they resided. They mentioned visiting with
relatives in Miami on weekends. Life in the U.S. was difficult, they


106
surprised at the number of strange questions that the students asked
as they filled out the survey. Examples of some of the questions were,
"Do I count myself when I'm counting the older brothers and sisters in
my family?" Or, "Do I count the number of years I have been at this
school in the number of years I have been in school in Cuba?" The
bilingual teachers felt that the students were teasing when they raised
these questions. After students completed the survey as a group, they
were instructed in how to help their parents fill out the Parent Survey.
These instructions, I felt, were necessary because of students' behavior
when filling out the Student Survey. Students were then asked to give
the Parent Survey to their parents and to return the surveys to school.
At the same time, students were requested to ask their parents to notify
the school when the parent interviews could be held. Thirty-nine of the
41 surveys were returned. No parents notified the school about the
interviews without further prompting.
Physical education teachers were requested to rate students'
participation in physical education class on a scale of 1 to 5, 1
indicating very little participation and 5 indicating a great deal
of participation.
The ESL teacher was requested to choose three students from the
seventh grade and three from the eighth grade who were considered to
be doing well in mastering English, and three from both grades who
were not achieving in English. The names of these students were given
to the bilingual teachers to determine that they also agreed on these
students' progress in English. All three teachers agreed on the six
students who were achieving and five of six students who were not


APPENDIX I
ENTREVISTA DE PADRES (PARENT INTERVIEW)
1. Cul es su opinion sobre las escuelas en Cuba?
What is your opinion of the schools in Cuba?
2. Cules son las diferencias y semejanzas entre las escuelas en
Cuba y las de aqui?
What are the differences and similarities between schools in Cuba and
here?
3. Est(n) su(s) hijo(s) aprendiendo ingles?
Is(are) your child(ren) learning English?
4. Est usted aprendiendo ingles?
Are you learning English?
5. Que le parece que est ayudando a su(s) hijo(s) aprender ingles?
What seems to be helping your child learn English?
286


31
the experiences of the recent Cuban immigrants in the U.S. The process
of acculturation is affected by and affects the rate which immigrants
learn English. A closer look at this process provides important back
ground information necessary for understanding the research population.
Sassen-Koob (1979) believes that investigating a particular
immigrant group is a necessary step in the more general task of
understanding assimilation and acculturation. "It is then possible
to move from the particular back to the analytical as a means of
formulating general propositions rooted in the actual historical
experience of the immigrant groups" (p. 314). The reverse process can
also be utilized to understand specific groups, by understanding the
patterns by which larger masses have established themselves in this
land of immigrants.
Accommodation, Adaptation, and Assimilation
Richmond (1973) provides an extensive review of the literature
on immigrant adaptation in which she examines definitions of accom
modation and acculturation. Accommodation occurs when the immigrant
changes behavior simply to avoid or reduce the likelihood of conflict.
Acculturation results in a change in behavior over a period of time
as two different cultures come in contact. Changes occur based on
newly acquired knowledge and understanding. Acculturation is often,
but not always, the first step in the process of assimilation. The
amount of acculturation which a person or a group experiences is
frequently, but not always, in direct relationship to the length of
time in residence in the host country and the extent of interaction


67
to most, advanced education is available only for those who are
"integrated." The term "integrated" takes on a different connotation
from the meaning usually prescribed to it by North American educators.
To be "integrated" is to become closely affiliated with the governing
group, to become integrated within the organization of the Revolution.
For a more complete understanding, carefully consider Guevara's
statement as quoted by Levan on page 128, cited on the previous page
of this work. Montaner (1981) states that it is no secret,
the high ideological class is the only one which
has access to a university education. No matter
how brilliant he may be, a "Nonintegrated" young
person who does not belong to some revolutionary
organization or who is a Protestant or a
Catholicwill not have the opportunity to
cultivate his talents, (p. 176)
Clark (1977) writes,
Various screening mechanisms operate in such a
way that the opportunities for securing a college
education for one who is not "integrated" into
the revolution are practically nil. For him or
her, in this category, it will most likely result
in a menial job, regardless of talent, (p. 12)
Clark (1979) continues, "The refinement of control attempts to en
compass even the most intimate thought. The student knows that his
political attitude is being observed in class and in extracurricular
activities" (p. 30). Clark's accounts of the lengthy, detailed
investigations of potential university students' background coincide
with those of recent immigrants who tell of student investigations
at the conclusion of sixth grade. Not only are the teachers and
principal questioned, but block leaders of the groups called the
"Committee for the Defense of the Revolution," CDR, who are required
to supply a great deal of information about the student who aspires


224
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research Question Two
Based on the data collected, the hypothesis that students whose
parents, family members, relatives, and other significant community
members are reinforcing learning by their behavior will make more
progress toward acquiring English skills as measured by ethnographic
means than students whose parents, family members, relatives, and
significant community members who do not, can be accepted with
qualifications.
While it is difficult to determine exactly which behaviors within
the family and community are reinforcing and inhibiting English
acquisition, several elements have been observed, delineated, and
discussed. The most visible inhibiting behavior was indicated by the
administrator who noted that the Cuban males appeared to separate the
females from the rest of the cafeteria. There is other evidence that
the Cubans have linguistically related sex role behavior. Males in
teract in the school and English-speaking community more than females.
Females stay at home and remain inside the home more than males. They
are physically protected and sheltered more than their male counterparts.
They do not have the need to speak English that males have.
It is not known to what extent the English-speaking community's
reaction to the increased use of Spanish or the presence of the 1980
Cubans in the community has affected ethnic relations. Observable
political currents exist within the community which may affect language
acquisition. Cuban-Americans appear to be exerting a positive influence
in acculturation. The degree to which the students are affected
positively or negatively requires further study.


21
Sajavaara (1978) adds to the Monitor and Acculturation Models by
concluding that "Acquisition will take place if language is used for
meaningful communication, the socioaffective filter is lowered, and
there is enough input in context which is communicatively meaningful
for the learner" (p. 67). The focus must be on the message instead of
the form.
In second language research of students learning a marked
language, one considered to have less social value (Fishman, 1976),
Edelsky and Hudelson (1980) find that the political position of the
second language is a more important influence than the amount of daily
or weekly exposure or the length of time spent in study. Even though
the markedness of a language is a sociopolitical factor which originates
1 outside the school, it is a powerful force which must be recognized
before it can be dealt with effectively. The political factor can
account for policy development and implementation, curriculum organi
zation, classroom structure, and the allocation and utilization of
staff and resources within the instructional program (Burns, 1981-82;
Shuy, 1981).
In his synthesis of research on bilingual education, Troike (1981)
finds that the use of two languages, the home language as well as
English, fosters greater cognitive gains as well as greater acquisition
of English skills than English-only instruction. Breaking down cultural
barriers which often exist between the home and the school and providing
an educational environment which accepts the child and shows respect
for his or her culture and language are the important factors which
increase language proficiency and academic achievement. Cummins' (1981)
work agrees with that of Troike. Cummins states,


64
Negative image of United States
Montaner continues, "When the U.S. is mentioned, it is done only
to talk about its gangsters or its crimes in Vietnam" (1981, p. 130).
In all the speeches and pronouncements by Castro, Guevara, and other
officials this research reviewed, there was a continuous thread of
denunciation of the U.S. in general, and specifically, Yankee im
perialism and the blockade. For example, in a 47-page speech which
Castro made at the Second Congress of the Federation of Cuban Women
(1974), six pages were devoted to the problems caused by the U.S.
blockade.
In reviewing Cuban childrens literature and reading texts available
in the U.S., the constant stream of negativism toward the U.S. is highly
visible. In one book designed for very young children, the U.S. is
represented by an eagle dropping bombs on the heads of the Cuban people.
Another, written for older children, glorifies the "war" of the Playa
Giron (Bay of Pigs) and describes in detail the shooting down of U.S.
planes. Wald and Bacon (1981) find that while politics do not intrude
in the nonpolitical literature books they reviewed, "there is a social
point of view in the very air that writers breathe and they cannot
help transmitting it" (p. 255). They also find that historical books
are definitely political. All books are used to express a spirit of
cooperation and to inform children about many cultures and races.
Wald and Bacon believe that it is regretful that because of the U.S.
blockade, Cuban children are deprived of many good English language
books. The negative effects of the U.S. blockade of Cuba is a con
stantly recurring theme in most publications sympathetic to the
Revolution.


213
enables the teacher to dominate the attention of all
the students and to control the class. This organi
zation also permits the teacher to monitor all the
students carefully. All subjects and class periods
are scheduled nationally so that all teachers must
be doing the same thing on the same day at the
scheduled time. If someone were to walk in and find
the teacher still on the previous lesson, there would
be a serious problem. All paper, pencils, and other
materials are provided by the government, but some
times we didn't receive as much as we needed. We
had to conserve. Four children would do their lessons
on one page about this size [indicating a page in a
spiral note pad]. The children learn to take care of
all the materials. Here the children throw away a lot
of paper and other useful things. They aren't so
organized. They appear to be distracted.
The Revolutionary system is from East Germany.
It is a good system, I believe, but for the teacher
it is terrible because we get very tired. The children
are inculcated to love their school, their teachers,
and their country. In first grade, we celebrated the
children's learning to read with a special party on
December 22. The children recite poems, sing songs,
and read their own compositions.' One year I had 11
children who had not learned to read. In order not
to shame them I introduced them at the party by saying,
"We haven't learned to read yet, but we are learning.
We have all promised that in the next 3 weeks we will
know how." All the children were happy and in 3 weeks
everyone was reading. We look for a lot of ways to
motivate the children but we avoid negative motivation.
The first thing we do is organize the room in teams.
The teams study together after school. If I find a
child having problems, I talk to the other team mem
bers of that child's team so they will work with the
child. I also keep children after school for extra
help. Teachers are required to devote 2U hours a
day to this type of afterschool help. If the
problem persists, we contact the parents. Whether
the parents like it or not, they are obligated to
support the school's efforts. The school is always
sending for the parents. If they don't respond, they
are designated as "uncooperative," a title they try
to avoid. If the problem still continues, the school
will call the work center. To be labeled uncooperative
at work and in the community puts one in a very bad
position.
Although the teacher's eyes sparkled as she told about the classroom and
the students in Cuba, she almost began to cry at the close of the interview.


134
In medium and low groups, 10 were ranked the same in both English and
Spanish; in the high group, this occurred with 14. In all three groups,
those who were equally ranked in both languages outnumbered those who
are unequally ranked. Since additional data were not collected on the
nonparticipants, nothing is known about their background. It must be
emphasized that although the students were ranked by English and
Spanish ability, these are not equivalent rankings. Raw scores and
stanine scores in Spanish for the group are higher than English.
All LAB scores for October 1981 and May 1982 were available
for all limited English proficient (LEP) students enrolled in the bi
lingual program who took the tests. However, only the stanines (Table
4-9) and the writing subsections (Table 4-10) are presented here in
tabular form because they show the greatest areas of contrast.
Stanine scores
The stanine scores, which are indicative of overall language
performance on the LAB in English and Spanish, reveal that both groups
are gaining in English. The participants' scores increased by .96,
or almost one full stanine from October to May, while the nonpartici
pants gained .48, or almost one-half stanine for the same period. In
Spanish, the participants' scores decreased by .59, while the non
participants declined by .9, a .31 difference. Although the non
participants scored higher in the fall in English, the participants
surpassed them in the spring. The nonparticipants are gaining less
rapidly in English and losing more rapidly in Spanish. The difference
between the two groups was not statistically significant at the time


66
usually referred to in the masculine, "the new man." Lavan (1967)
reviews Guevara's statement that the Revolution needs cadres of new
people who are loyal to the government, capable of making the correct
dialectical decisions, and of upholding the moral character for which
the Revolution stands. "To build communism, you must build new men as
well as a new economic base" (Lavan quoting Guevara, 1967, p. 126).
To do this, "Society as a whole must be converted into a gigantic
school" (Lavan, 1967, p. 127). Lavan continues quoting Guevara,
They (the masses) follow their vanguard, consisting
of the party, the advanced workers, the advanced
men who walk in unity with the masses and in close
communion with them. The reward is the new society
in which men will have attained new features: the
society of the communist man. (1967, p. 123)
Most of Castro's speeches contain the same ideas about the new man
who is, ". . fully committed to equality, brotherhood, and solidarity,
devoid of selfishness and with no need for material incentives, a
human being ready to sacrifice and constantly filled with heroism,
abnegation, and enthusiasm" (Valdes, 1972, p. 447).
Black et al. (1976) report that the government has accepted the
responsibility of providing all Cubans with work at a decent salary,
free schooling, and medical care so the people can be free of the
tyranny of daily care and dedicate themselves to enhancing the
collective prosperity.
Conflicting opinions on educational integration
Montaner (1981) sees this drive toward collectivism from another
perspective. He finds that although the government tries to educate
everyone through the sixth grade level, and offers secondary school


81
On October 1, 1980, Congress passed the Refugee Education
Assistance Act of 1980 to help defray the costs of refugees which have
been incurred by the state and local governments (Department of Health
and Rehabilitative Services, 1982). The political debate over the
appropriation and use of these funds continues as of this writing.
Not only did these Cuban immigrants not receive the warm welcome
experienced by the golden exiles of the Early Departure stage, or
even the consideration given those of the Family Reunion stage, they
were rebuffed in a variety of different ways.
The media
Press coverage of this immigration has been notoriously biased
against the immigrants. Lieberman (1982) finds that the newspapers
". . exaggerate the health and criminal threats posed by the
immigrants and, therefore, inflame the prejudicial attitudes of native
Miamians" (p. 10). Kelly, Diederich, and McWhirter (1981) and Chaze
and Lyons (1982) document the rise in crime in Florida over the past
decade and attribute it to the recent Cuban influx. It is interesting
to note the graphics and information provided by these articles show
the crime rate in south Florida was steadily increasing during the
1970s. The Cubans who are supposed to have accounted for most of the
increase did not arrive until the point at which the final measurement
was taken. Other news articles attribute the decline in tourism in
south Florida, in part, to the fear of the criminal element, seen as
largely being the 1980 Cubans (see Gy lien haal, 1981, and Silva, 1981,
for a review of national press coverage). Silva (1982a) finds that


133
Table 4-8
Comparison of Students by Rank on Total LAB Scores
Low Group
N
English--!ow/Spanish--low
10
English--!ow/Spa nis hmediurn
9
Engl i sh1 ow/Spanishhigh
_0
Group Total
19
Medium Group
N
English--medium/Spanish--low
7
Engl i sh medium/Spanish medium
10
Englishmedium/Spani sh--high
_4
Group Total
21
High Group
N
Eng 1ish--high/Spanish--low
2
Engl i shhigh/Spanishmedium
3
Englishhigh/Spanishhigh
14
Group Total
19
Insufficient Information
4
Total
63


191
Jehovah's Witnesses was the most frequently mentioned denomination.
Baptist, Presbyterian, Methodist, and Catholic membership was also
named.
8. What are the differences between school here and school in
Cuba? Although this was somewhat discussed in question 1, it was
elaborated upon here. Five said the teachers were nicer in Cuba.
Seven said the schools in Cuba were harder, but the students learned
more. One said, "In the U.S., the lessons are half chewed. All you
have to do is swallow. In Cuba, you have to really bite and chew to
get everything out." When asked to explain what he meant, this student
said that here everything was too easy. There were dittos and workbooks.
Students had to copy almost nothing from the board or work for them
selves. In Cuba, everything had to be copied from the board and
learned. Ten said that in Cuba everyone knew each other. Life was
more fun because he had more friends in Cuba, one said. "You can't
get to know people if they don't come outside." North Americans all
stay inside their houses after school. Three said the food in the
cafeteria was better here. "Your mother does not have to work for you
to get lunch at school here," observed one student. "In Cuba, if your
mother doesn't work, you have to walk home for lunch." This statement
was very revealing about a country where food is in short supply. Six
said teachers were better in the U.S. One observed, "Even if they
scold you, it's for your own good. They really care about us here,
especially the bilingual teachers." Ten said school was better here
because students could make choices about what they wanted to study.
One student observed that schools here were much prettier. She found


56
It is curious that the longer Cuban immigrant mothers in this study
lived in the U.S., the more help-seeking and less self-reliant they
became. Those mothers who appear to be less acculturated tend to
exhibit more neurotic personalities, and those with more neurotic
personalities are less acculturated. This neurotic adaptation con
flicts even more with the behavior of the adolescent sons, who are
also in the process of adjustment and who take on more uninhibited,
active, even acting-out behavioral patterns. Szapocznik (1979) finds
that frequently as the family problems progress, the members polarize
so that the older members embrace a more extreme Hispanic style and
the younger members a more exaggerated North American one.
Female Cuban-Americans
Richmond (1973) finds that in order to achieve economic goals
Cuban-American housewives have had to enter the labor force. This
adjustment from housewife to working mother has been a very stress-
producing one for most Cuban immigrant females. Gonzalez and Page
(1979) believe prescription drug use is an adaptive strategy to
alleviate tension produced by the cumulative clash between the female's
socioeconomic status in Cuba and in the U.S. A tradition of self-
medication through curative herbs and patent medicines has combined
with the addition of prescription tranquilizers to produce within the
Cuban immigrant community a drug use system outside the formal patterns
of U.S. drug acquisition.


105
A major problem in data collection was the noise made by jet
airplanes flying overhead. The school is directly in the flight path
of the planes landing and leaving from a very busy airport. Frequently,
we had to pause during oral testing because of the noise. Students
and teachers are accustomed to this noise because it occurs in the
instructional areas throughout the school day. There was no way to
avoid this noise contamination.
The order for completing individual tasks was as follows: students
filled out the information on the cover of the LAS II in Spanish. They
then listened and responded to the LAS Sentence Comprehension subsection.
Students then listened to the prerecorded LAS II story, "Los Astronautas,"
and retold the story on a cassette tape. Next they recorded directions
for playing a game. The game they usually gave directions to was
parchisi. Some students gave directions to checkers. Next the students
listened to the prerecorded LAS II story, "El Amor del Principe y la
Princesa." After listening to this story students wrote the story as
they remembered it. All subsections of the individualized tests were
administered in exactly the same manner, using a standard format of
directions. When students had completed those four activities, they
returned to their classroom. Within the next 2 days, they repeated
the same process in English, omitting the part with the directions for
playing a game. They listened and retold the story, "Pink Chiffon,"
and listened and wrote the story, "Hotel Street," from the LAS II in
English.
When all 41 students had been individually tested in Spanish and
English, they were administered the Student Survey as a group. I was


20
second language learner who is motivated to become a part of the
society of the target language is more apt to listen carefully and
utilize the language he or she hears in the environment for future
linguistic interaction with native speakers. According to Krashen
(1978), motivational variables play a large part in how the learner
makes use of informal language contexts. The integrative motive is
weakest where there are political feelings of ill will toward speakers
of the target language, or there are perceived expressions of contempt
from native speakers of the language toward those who are learning it.
In developing the Acculturation Model, Schumann (1978) presents
a taxonomy of nine factors which influence second language acquisition.
The strongest influence in learning a language is the desire for social
integration. Comparing second language acquisition for children,
adolescents, and adults, Schumann finds that the participant who
remains the most psychologically and socially distant from mainstream
culture in the English-speaking environment acquires the least amount
of English. A corollary of Schumann's hypothesis is that acculturation
is the major causal variable in second language acquisition; all other
variables are minor intervening ones. In typical educational institu
tions where very few variables such as use of text, teacher, or treatment,
can be controlled, the variables are so weak that they exert very little
effect on total second language learning. The desire for motivational
integration, to be associated with the native speakers, or the wish to
avoid contact with people of the target language,provides the impetus
for inhibiting or facilitating language learning. This force interacts
with the cognitive processes and strategies which the learner employs
in utilizing language input.


168
as that source. Sports was the second highest choice for parents and
students.
With 35 students responding in the affirmative, 97% indicated they
had one or two people with whom they enjoyed spending time. Thirty-
seven parents responded affirmatively, with 73% indicating the same
information. Thirty-eight percent of the parents and 49% of the students
chose a friend or "other" as the person with whom students prefer to
spend time. Twenty-eight percent of the parents selected themselves
as their children's choice for the person with whom to spend time.
Twenty-two percent of the students made this selection, which was the
highest choice for parents and the second highest for students. Almost
50% of the students selected "other"; 21% of the parents made that
selection.
One parent indicated uncertainty about offspring learning English.
Considering that 100% of students answered in the affirmative to this
question and 100% of parents stated they wanted to learn, it is likely
that this "do not know" response could have been marked in error.
Inadvertently, the response "be able to go to college" was omitted from
the alternatives for learning English on the Parent Survey. Ten of the
12 respondents (31%) who chose "other" wrote that college was the most
important reason for their children to learn English. Helping the
family was the most important reason 32% of the students and 26% of the
parents gave for their children. Of this group of responses, the
greatest difference between parents and children was in the selection
of the response "obtain a better job" which was chosen by 38% of the
parents for their children and 2% of the students.


246
vocabulary into first language surface structure can enable the
second language learner to converse in a relatively short period
of time. This method of language learning is dependent on a
conscious knowledge of first language grammar.
Educators, administrators, and policy makers who are overzealous
in inhibiting students' use of linguistic knowledge in the first
language may, in fact, impede students' progress in transferring that
information to the second. Emphasis on English-only instruction may
remove an effective support which older students can utilize in
learning English.
Hypothesis Two
Students whose parents, family members, relatives, and other
significant community members are reinforcing learning by their
behavior will make more progress toward acquiring English skills as
measured by ethnographic means than students whose parents, family
members, relatives, and significant community members do not. The
research question: What is happening at home and in the community
and the school environment that is inhibiting or facilitating the
acquisition of English?
Demographic statistics of the community where the research was
conducted indicate that over the past decade there has been a great
deal of population growth. Hispanics are moving into and renovating
the commercial and residential area around the school. This change has
established some ethnically and linguistically different power structures
within this district and brought about an unacknowledged area of con
flict. While many in the established community avoid the issue by


80
human rights image in other countries (Boswell, 1982). When the
Cuban-Americans returned to Cuba, they wiped away, at least temporarily,
the anti-American and anti-exile image which the Revolution had created
over the past 20 years of its existence. Many Cubans had family members
in the .S., but because of military service and other government obli
gations, had put aside thoughts of leaving Cuba. With the return of
so many Cuban-Americans, it was impossible for the Cubans to keep
thoughts of leaving Cuba at rest.
Approximately 1% of the Cuban population left in 1980. Figures
from a wide range of official and semi-official sources vary from
124,789 to 125,262 (see McCoy & Gonzalez, 1982, for an example).
Testimony before the U.S. Senate (Committee on the Judiciary, U.S.
Senate, 96 Congress, 1980) indicates that unemployment was high and a
large number of Cubans had asked for permission to leave the country
by April 1930. Clark et al. (1981) believe that by January 1980, 1.5
million people, about 15% of the population, had requested permission
to leave Cuba.
The North American Reception
Ironically, 1 month prior to the 1980 Cuban immigration, the U.S.
Congress enacted legislation dismantling the machinery utilized to
accommodate the previous cohorts of Cuban refugees. Previous refugee
policy was replaced with the 1980 Refugee Act, a bill which sought to
address unresolved immigration problems but which gave the 1980 Cubans
an undefined political status because they did not fit the descriptions
of immigrants or refugees according to this new piece of legislation
(Department of Health and Rehabilitative Services, 1982).


7
Hypothesis Three
Students who utilize English communication opportunities will
make more progress in mastering English as measured by ethnographic
means than students who do not. Research question: Are there
measurable behavioral differences which can be observed in the school
environment that distinguish students who score higher on standardized
written and oral tests from students who score lower on the same
measures?
Del imitations
This research has been limited to the Cuban students who arrived
in the U.S. between the months of April and October 1980 and who were
enrolled in one junior high school in a county in south Florida.
Included in the formal student interviews and oral language sample
phase of the study were 41 seventh and eighth graders--!9 males and
22 females. These 41 students and 39 of their parents participated
in the survey phase. Four parents participated in the formal parent
interviews. A total of 63 Cuban students--the entire enrollment for
this junior high school--participated in the written language tests
and informal interview phase of the research.
Formal and informal interviews were conducted with 15 teachers,
6 administrators, 8 aides and other staff, 41 students and their
parents, and 15 other students at the school where the study was con
ducted. Merchants and others who work in the corranunity where the re
search was conducted were also interviewed, as were other Cubans
and Cuban-Americans from earlier immigrations who had settled in the


185
Table 4-17
Parents1 Self-rating of Language Proficiency
Correlations of Parents' Self-ratings in English and
Students' Rank on English Scores
Oral
r
Enqlish
a
Total
r
Enqlish
a
n
Speaking
.259
.121
.188
.263
37
Understanding
.178
.291
.19
.259
37
Reading
.164
.329
.126
.456
37
Writing
.152
.368
.127
.452
37
Correlations of Parents' Self-ratings in Spanish and
Students' Rank on Spanish Scores
Oral Spanish Total Spanish
r
a
r
a
n
Speaking
.369
.02
.014
.931
39
Understanding
.169
.302
.041
.802
39
Reading
.312
.052
.036
.827
39
Writing
.341
.033
-.004
.976
39


APPENDIX D
ENCUESTA PARA ESTUDIANTES (STUDENT SURVEY)
Por favor, encierre con un circulo la letra que mejor vaya con su
respuesta:
1.Para asistir al colegio, vivi Vd. con sus padres o en un
internado?
a. con padres
b. internado
c. otro
2.Cuantos aos asisti al colegio en Cuba?
a. 5o menos
b. 6
c. 7o ms
3. Estudi ingls en Cuba?
a. si
b. no
c. no s
4. Estudi otros idiomas ademas de ingls o espaol en Cuba?
a. si
b. no
c. no s
5. Cuantos hermanos o hermanas mayores tiene?
a. O
b. 1-2
c. 3-4
d. 5o ms
6. Cuantos hermanos o hermanas menores tiene?
a.
0
b.
1-2
c.
3-4
d.
5 o ms
256


26
but are unable to learn in the regular classroom setting, they are
frequently diagnosed as being mentally, rather than linguistically,
deficient.
Oiler (1980) believes that the state of the art in linguistic
proficiency testing has not progressed sufficiently to determine
definitely "whether deep language ability and intelligence are really
distinct" (p. 134). He further states that, "existing literature on
testing suggests that any ordinary test of language proficiency is
strongly correlated with general intelligence" (p. 134), and that it
is doubtful whether a language proficiency test of BIOS could be
constructed that would not involve some form of CALP. Cummins' (1980)
states that individual differences account for some aspects of the way
the BICS and CALP aspects are acquired, but that individual differences
in CALP are strongly related to academic achievement, while individual
differences in BICS are not.
Cummins (1981) finds that current theories of communicative
competence have not taken into consideration such critical issues as
developmental perspective, contexts of language use, and the relation
ship between the skills achieved in the first language and the
acquisition of second language skills.
The relationship of first language proficiency to second language
acquisition
Of major importance in second language acquisition theory is
Cummins' (1980) hypothesis of Common Underlying Proficiency, CUP, as
opposed to Separate Underlying Proficiency, SUP. Cummins believes
that the "... 'common sense' assumptions of the SUP model get expressed


78
that whatever was available has been sold out just as one's turn comes
up. Clark (1979) concludes that contrary to what has been published
by many U.S. writers, Cubans are not living better than they were
20 years ago. While Clark's evaluation may be subjective, the fact
remains that all segments of Cuban society have emigrated when given
the opportunity.
Summary of Life in Cuba
Data on life in Cuba have been difficult to collect because of a
lack of reliable statistics and the difficulty of maintaining objec
tivity (Black et a!., 1976; Mesa-Lago, 1969; Montaner, 1981). The
cultural change which has occurred as a result of the Cuban Revolution
has affected the immigrants who arrived in 1980.
The U.S. has been blamed for many of the negative events that have
occurred in Cuba. The U.S. blockade is considered responsible for the
lack of books and for the scarcity of many items. Education is seen as
fundamental to the Revolution with instructional emphasis on math and
technology. The desired goal of the educational system is the formation
of a new person who is selfless and willing to strive for the good of
the collective group (Levan, 1972; Valdes, 1972). All phases of the
government system reflect educational goals. Not only are the parents
and the schools held responsible for the children, the local government
agency which exists in every sector of every community, the CDR, is
charged with the moral and patriotic upbringing of children. The CDR
monitors and reports on the students' integration within the political
system. Only those who are closely affiliated with revolutionary ideology
progress beyond the lower levels of the educational system (Clark, 1977).


278
51.Si su hijo tiene oficios que hacer, cul es el que se hace con
ms frecuencia?
a. cuidar nios
b. limpieza
c. cocinar^
d. el jardin
e. otro
f. nada
52. Alguien ayuda a su hijo/a con su tarea?
a. hermano/a
b. padre o madre
c. abuelo/a
d. to/a
e. amigo/a
f. otro
g. nadie
53. Qu hace su hijo con ms frecuencia para recreo?
a. deportes
b. TV
c. bailar
d. visita a sus amigos
e. otro
54. Tiene su hijo/a uno o dos personas especiales para pasar el tiempo?
a. s
b. no
c. no s
55. Con quin le gusta ms a su hijo pasar tiempo?
a. hermano/a
b. padre o madre
c. abuelo/a
d. to/a
e. primo/a
f. amigo/a
g. otro
h. nadie
56. Quiere Vd. que su hijo/a aprena ingls?
a. s
b. no
c. no s
d. no me importa


79
While Castro (1974) believes women's role in society has changed
as a result of the Revolution, Garcia (1980) sees the cultural expecta
tions for women's behavior as having changed little since the Revolution.
One of the greatest problems which Cubans face is the scarcity of
material goods. Rationing began in 1962 to alleviate the problems
caused by scarcity. Rationing has resulted in more equitable distri
bution of some basic necessities and has succeeded in decreasing the
infant mortality. Nevertheless, shortages of food and other basic needs
are a source of great frustration for the island inhabitants.
The 1980 Immigrants
The seeds of the 1980 Cuban immigration were sown in the late
1970s and perhaps earlier. Some of those seeds are still in fertile
ground and continue to grow in 1983.
Historical Background
Most press accounts of this migration begin with the storming of
the Peruvian Embassy in Havana in April 1980, by a group of Cubans
asking for asylum. However, the deepening economic and political
problems within Cuba, as well as the return of over 100,000 Cuban-
Americans bearing gifts and stories about the marvelous life in the
.S., are important causative factors in the 1980 immigration (Azicri,
1981-82; Gonzalez & McCoy, 1980). By allowing the Cuban-Americans to
return to Cuba for family visits, the Cuban government expected to gain
additional tourist money to bolster the economy, to demonstrate to the
exiles the institutionalization of the Revolution, and to improve Cuba's


207
Architecturally, the school was constructed in the typical Spanish
style of the late 1920s in south Florida. Most buildings are two-story
structures with some gardens and courtyards between. The grounds and
buildings appear to have been maintained within a limited budget. The
office has been renovated; most classrooms look as they probably did
20 years earlier. According to a former teacher of the school, the
first buildings for this school plant were opened to children in 1929.
With minor exceptions, all additions were completed before World War II.
The airport noise is one of the biggest factors influencing
changes in the school and community. People who could afford to move
have left the area. As lower-priced housing became available, retired
and low-income people moved into it. Many of the teachers and staff
employed at the school have continued to live in the general vicinity.
Seme of these teachers had worked at the school a long time and were
reluctant to move. With each passing year, the noise had become more
continuous as increasing numbers of planes took off and landed. Although
some would like to move, they feel financially trapped. They continued
to live nearby and work at the school.
After regular school hours, the school site was funded as a com
munity school. It provided many educational, athletic, and cultural
events and classes, including ESL classes in the evenings. Functioning
as a junior high school, the school sponsored many afterschool activities
such as sports, choral and band groups, and a monthly newspaper. The
school in both its roles as a community school and a junior high school
was a hub of activity reaching out into the community.
The population change observed in the local community was reflected
in the population of the school as seen on Table 4-18. Once an all-white,


90
who were marginal may have internalized their dissidence and may
generalize it toward authority figures in their new environment.
In addition to adjusting to the obvious stresses of losing one's
homeland, leaving one's family behind, adapting to different customs
and language, there are more subtle problems which may be more difficult
to understand. The refugees may be relieved to live in a land of oppor
tunities where they are free of suspicions and oppression. Nevertheless,
they have difficulty adjusting to this very freedom. Their lives are
not organized and prescribed for them; there is no sense of accustomed
order. They may be depressed because they do not know where to turn or
what to do next. They may also feel guilt at having left loved ones
behind. They- find themselves indulging in the benefits of their new
economic opportunities, but unable to enjoy them because they remember
the daily difficulties which their loved ones still face.
Arenas (1982) summed up his feelings of loss in having left Cuba:
"The house was on fire!! The house was on fire!! But we got out!!
We saved ourselves, yes! But the house burned down." The loss of
one's country is pervasive because one can never return to what once
was and never again will be.
Spencer, Szapocznik, Santisteban, and Rodriguez (1981) compare
the emotional problems of the 1980 Cubans with those of a family where
the parents are in conflict and communication is poor. In this
comparison the mother and father are represented by the governments
of the two countries. These researchers believe that the "... am
biguity associated with an unclear legal status" (p. 3) has been a
source of stress for the entire Cuban immigrant population.


124
Table 4-3
Measures of Listening Proficiency
Correlations of Listening Scores
Rank on Total English Scores
and
Enqlish
Spanish
r a
r
a
Fall LAB
.287 .076
.344
.02
Spring LAB
.769 .0001
.454
.003
LAS
.155 .332
.237
.134
Correlations of Listening Scores
and
Rank on Total Spanish Scores
Enqlish
Spanish
r a
r
a
Fall LAB
.032 .843
.422
.006
Spring LAB
.433 .005
.454
.003
LAS
.271 .086
.284
.071


225
Hypothesis and Research Question Three
Students who utilize English communication opportunities will
make more progress in mastering English as measured by ethnographic
means than students who do not. Research question: Are there
measurable behavioral differences which can be observed in the school
environment that distinguish students who score higher on standardized
written and oral tests from students who score lower on the same
measures?
Language Ability and Participation in Physical Education
As I observed the students throughout the school day, I found the
Cubans frequently sitting on the sidelines watching. Their lack of
participation was most obvious in physical education. I interviewed
the coaches to learn their opinions of the students. All four coaches
were friendly and concerned. All agreed to rate student participation
in class.
One of the coaches said,
We really need some help with these Cuban kids. The
boys are all right. They are as coordinated and
capable as any other group. Some are very good,
some average, and some aren't very coordinated, just
as you'd expect any group to be. But these girls!
There are only a very few who try and they are
pretty good. But most are very uncoordinated. As
a group, they are very poor. They seldom dress out.
They don't try to participate.
A second coach adds,
If you stay here next period, you'll see even
more about what we mean. The girls sit around
and paint their fingernails, and talk in Spanish.
It doesn't matter what we say or do, they will
not participate. They just keep in their little
groups.


277
44.
Algunas personas creen que si les ensean en espaol a los nios,
ellos se van a atrasar con el ingls. Cual es su opinion?
a. Si, se van a atrasar con el ingls.
b. No van a aprender ninguna lengua bien.
c. Pueden aprender los dos lenguas al mismo tiempo.
d. Pueden aprender los dos al mismo tiempo, pero no muy bien.
e. Otro
45.Ha visitado la escuela de su hijo?
a. 1-2 veces
b. semenalmente
c. mensualmente
d. nunca
46.Indique las persona con quien Vd. ha hablado ms en la escuela.
a. director
b. profesora
c. ayudante
d. secretaria
e. otro
47.Tiene su hijo/a amigos/as en la escuela de los quienes el/el 1 a
habla en casa?
a. No
b. Si, pero no con frecuencia, menos que una vez al mes.
c. S,el/ella habla de vez en cuando, ms que una vez al mes pero
menos que una vez la semana.
d. S, habla frecuentemente, ms que una vez la semana.
48. Tiene su hijo/a amigos/as de la escuela que le hacen visitas a
casa?
a. No
b. S, pero no -con frecuencia, una vez al mes o menos.
c. S, ms que una vez al mes pero menos que una vez en la semana.
d. Si, ms que una vez a la semana pero menos que diariamente.
e. S, diariamente o casi diariamente.
49. Habla por telfono con frecuencia su hijo/a?
a. No, habla una vez por semana o menos.
b. Ms o menos, habla entre 2 y 4 veces por semana.
c. Si, habla ms o menos una vez^al da.
d. S, habla ms de 2 veces al dia.
Tiene su hijo oficios que hacer en casa?
a. si
b. no
c. no s
50.


279
57. El motivo ms importante para aprender ingls es
a. conseguir mejor empleo
b. tener ms amigos
c. ayudar a la familia
d. otro
e. no es importante


94
Rivero does not find that the 1980 Cubans are associating with the
English-speaking people in their schools or neighborhood. While only
11% reported problems with the Anglo-Americans, "This lack of trouble
is not necessarily indicative of smooth integration . relations
[between the two groups] may seem good, but, in fact, there is simply
little interaction between them" (p. 11), because the two groups do
not speak the same language.
Summary of the 1980 Immigrants
The 1980 Cuban immigration is the result of many factors. Among
these, a major cause was probably the return of many Cuban-Americans
to Cuba. The returning Cuban-Americans told about the good life in
the U.S. (Boswell, 1982). By April 1980, more than 1.5 million Cubans
had asked permission to leave Cuba (Clark et al., 1981).
The reception which the Cubans who arrived between April and
September of 1980 received was unlike that which previous groups
received. Much of the crime that occurred in south Florida was
attributed to the Cubans. Federal funds which had been available for
previous Cuban refugee groups were no longer available. Some groups
believe these Cubans were used like pawns to further political careers.
Although some of the Cuban-Americans went to Cuba in 1980 to take
out their relatives and friends, a segment of the established Cuban-
American community rejected the new Cubans. Some Cuban-Americans put
psychological distance between themselves and the new arrivals in a
variety of ways. It is predicted that adaptation will be more difficult
for these Cubans because of the community reaction against them and the


101
Language Assessment BatteryLevel III (LAB III) in English and Spanish
at the beginning and close of the school year. During the research
period, this test was given to the research population in October 1981
and May 1982. This test was administered under standardized testing
conditions and was computer scored. The scores for all students were
made available to the researcher. As an added measure of Spanish-
reading ability, all bilingual students were administered the Pruebas
de Lectura, Serie Interamericana, Nivel 3, Parte 3, Nivel de Comprensin
(Inter-American Series, Reading Test, Level 3, Part 3, Reading Compre
hension). Students were allowed to use as much time as needed to complete
this reading test which was administered during April of 1982.
School Program
The bilingual program at this school consists of several components.
Instruction in the core subjects of math, science, and social studies
is provided by bilingual teachers who use the same textbooks as those
used in the regular program of the school. Explanations and review of
subject matter are provided in English and Spanish in the core classes.
Students are tested in English. During the school day, three of the
seven class periods are spent in core curriculum. An additional period
is devoted to ESL instruction. All students in the bilingual program
are required to attend these four classes and physical education. The
remaining two periods are allocated for electives such as home economics,
art, music, vocational education, and Spanish.
Before the research was undertaken, the bilingual teachers had
cautioned me that it was quite likely students and their parents would
not want to participate in the research. The teachers believed that


competence in English and Spanish. Physical education teachers rated
them on participation.
Participant observation revealed that females who avoided inter
action in English were the lowest achievers in oral English. Males
and females who were the highest achievers in oral English preferred
to speak Spanish, but communicated freely in English.
First language ability was significantly correlated with second
language acquisition. Parents' self-rating was significantly correlated
with Spanish oral proficiency. Physical education ratings were
correlated with English achievement for females, Spanish achievement
for males.
Results of the study indicate that those who establish and implement
second language program policy should consider the relationship of first
language fluency to second language acquisition. First language in
struction can be an important component of the language program for
limited English proficient students. Schools with populations of these
students should consider the entire faculty responsible for these
students' progress. Further research should focus on the role of
culturally prescribed sex roles as determiners of language acquisition.
Additional study should also include the effect of students' previous
experience in Cuba as an influence in English acquisition.
xiii


244
intelligence as a factor in language learning will probably continue
to be a source of debate. The real issue is not which is the cause
and which the effect, but how can the school facilitate the limited
English proficient child's academic progress and mastery of English?
Fluency in the first language appears to be an advantage for those
who are learning English?
Oiler (1978) believes that the acquisition of language proficiency
is more fundamental to the acquisition and storage of knowledge than
most linguists, psychologists, and educators realize. He states that
whatever is measured in achievement tests is also measured by tests of
language proficiency. Bachman and Palmer (1982) conclude that in
cluding both general and specific factors (of communicative competence)
providesthe best explanations for language test data. Social, pragmatic,
and grammar skills are all important factors in communicative proficiency
(Bachman & Palmer, 1982).
The conceptualization of communicative proficiency as presented
by Bachman and Palmer (1982) does not consider Cummins' (1980) con
structs of Basic Interpersonal Communicative Skills (BICS) and Cognitive
Academic Language Proficiency (CALP). Social exchanges which occur
within culturally embedded environments of everyday life require
different linguistic skills from those used in culturally disembedded
language. Literacy is a type of language proficiency which relies on
culturally disembedded language.
The language measures employed in the research under discussion
appeared to load more heavily on the CALP skills than Cummins may have
envisioned. The language measures used indicate that although male and


75
defense and for improving the health conditions and environmental con
trol of the family. In his speech to the Second Congress of the
Federation (1974), Castro said, "The Revolution has in Cuban women
today a true army, an impressive political force" (p. 50).
Garcia (1980) believes that in spite of the Revolution's desire
to form a new role for women and to elevate them to a position of equal
importance with men, cultural expectations for women's behavior have not
changed much since prerevolutionary times. Women are still expected to
be virginal, reserved, and domestic.
Changes in Religious Practices
Statistics on religious practices are difficult to verify because
much religious activity has become clandestine (Clark, 1975). However,
information on religion is important because many of the students and
other adults spoke of deep religious convictions or church membership,
especially in Protestant faiths such as Jehovah's Witnesses. While
Christians are no longer persecuted, there are a variety of social
pressures to dissuade the practice of any religion (Clark, 1975).
Clark (1979) writes that parents who send their children to Catholic
catechism classes receive visits from the children's teachers telling
them that such practices will impede the child's progress within the
educational system. Religious affiliation is also a cause for dis
missal from a position. Many political and volunteer work meetings
are planned for Sunday, so there is little time to attend church.
Some elements of the Catholic and Protestant faiths have worked toward
conciliation between the church and state. This activity is not
greatly supported; the communists view the practice of religion as a


219
the Cubans. Almost all of the Cuban-Americans understand the struggle
to master English; many are themselves still struggling to dominate
the language. The following conversation between a Cuban mother and
Cuban-American teachers characterizes struggle for English. "Some
people who came here in 1980 don't try to study English," said a
mother who came by to confer with the bilingual teachers after lunch.
But I study every day. I go to class from 9:00
until 12:00, I get a little lunch, and go to work.
I am trying to learn English and capitalist
accounting. I worked in socialist accounting for
more than 20 years, but that is a completely
different system. I always go to my English
classes, because I am afraid I will miss some
thing very important. Soon, when I learn enough,
I will insist that everyone speak English around
our house. In order to survive, we must speak
English. When I think about my experiences in
leaving Cuba, I feel like a little bird that has
been set free from a cage. It's wonderful to be
free! Then suddenly that little bird realizes in
all this freedom there is danger. The danger is
a big bird attacking the little bird on the head.
That big bird is English. It is our greatest
problem!
Cubans and Cuban-Americans have more in common than some realize.
They have a large treasure of cultural similarities that unite them.
With a very few words exchanged, this same mother and the teachers to
whom she was speaking indicated that they understood something about
which I had no knowledge.
The mother asked, "Have you trimmed your trees yet?"
Seeing my puzzled expression the teacher explained, "We're talking
about a myth from Cuba. Today is the day to do all cutting. On this
day if you cut your plants and shrubs or cut your hair, everything that
you cut will be beautiful. Today is the day of the Virgin del
Candelaria." Of course, almost every Cuban-American knew that.


183
continually told how well they are doing. A form of positive rein
forcement is used consistently unless the student is doing very
poorly.
The Cuban-American teachers' statements are corroborated by an
interview with a Cuban teacher who began her teaching career a year
before the Cuban Revolution. Before coming to the U.S. in 1980, she
had completed 15 years of teaching in the revolutionary system.
We [teachers in Cuba] never punish or shame the
students when they don't know something. Instead
we encourage them to do more. We are aware of what
the students know and don't know so we can ask the
slower students questions we know they can answer.
We try never to let them know if they aren't doing
well, unless they do so poorly they have to repeat
the grade. We do keep them after school for extra
help but never in a way that will make them feel
bad.
The Cubans were confident of their ability in Spanish. They
did not appear to have questioned their fluency in Spanish or to have
compared it to that of their peers. Students' ability to express
themselves in oral and written Spanish is correlated to parents'
ratings of their own ability. While it cannot be concluded that
parents' ability has influenced or reinforced students' learning, a
relationship does appear to exist.
Student interviews
Additional data were collected from the student and parent inter
views. Some students talked a great deal, some spoke very little. Again
behavior was insightful. Responses may total more than 41 because some
students gave more than one answer (see Appendices H and I for Student
and Parent Interview Schedules in Spanish).


95
differences in cultural expectations which they bring with them from
Cuba (Martinez, 1982d; Szapocznik, 1981). Little is yet known about
how these Cuban students are achieving in school. Many students appear
to have a poor background in Spanish, they do better in math and
science. Although the group appears to be outwardly acculturating,
little is known about their progress in learning English (Rivero, 1981).
Summary
Chapter Two provides a review of the literature relevant to this
research. The review has been divided into five sections. The first
section discussed the use of ethnography as the research method to be
used and highlighted significant research in sociolinguistics and second
language acquisition. Of importance is the fact that the analysis of
the research must include interpretations by the participants as well
as the researcher. A number of the findings of second language re
search were cited. The cultural, psychological, and political environ
ment in which the language is learned is extremely important. Cummins'
work (1980) on the interdependence theory and Cummins et al. (in press)
findings that the cognitive/academic aspects of language transfer across
languages is important theoretical background for this research.
The second section reviewed research on immigration in the U.S.
Gordon's (1964) work on adaptation and assimilation is significant.
However, the conflict perspective of Bach (1978) and Portes et al.
(1980) is important because not all Cuban-Americans and Cubans are
viewed as seeking cultural or social integration as posed by Gordon.
Little work exists on the effect of culturally prescribed sex roles on


125
and total language becomes more highly correlated. The score on the
LAS sentence comprehension subsection is not significantly correlated
with either total English or total Spanish scores although there is
a tendency toward significance with the total Spanish scores.
Measures of reading
Table 4-4 provides an analysis of reading measures. The first
section of the table displays the correlations between the Inter-
American and the LAB tests in Spanish. The second and third sections
show the correlations in reading with total rank on English and Spanish
For some unexplained reason, the spring LAB reading score in Spanish is
not correlated with the Inter-American reading score in Spanish,
although it is highly correlated with the fall LAB reading score in
the same language. Although all three measures are highly correlated
with the total Spanish score, they are unrelated to total English score
Discussion of reading scores
It appears that students have not made sufficient progress in
reading to establish significant correlations in English. Reading
ability is a measure of CALP. It is a skill which requires a great
deal of time to develop in the second language (Cummins, 1980).
Reading comprehension appears to be the skill that was the least
developed and correlated in English.
Correlations of written measures by age and sex
Table 4-5 displays the correlations of Spanish and English written
language by age and sex. While measures in the two languages appear to


3
Nonaffil iation
Cubans and Cuban-Americans have very strong, persuasive feelings
about the Cuban Revolution. Much of what they say is colored by their
experiences, as well as their political perspective. While the dominant
position of the Cuban-Americans in the U.S. is one of opposition to the
Cuban Revolution, there are also pro-Revolutionary forces within the
Cuban-American and the larger U.S. population (Azicri, 1981-82). These
opposing political positions act like opposite polarizing magnets
within the Cuban-American community. Because field research brings
one into close, direct contact with the research population and other
significant people, the researcher soon becomes aware of these con
flicting political positions. In spite of the tendency to identify
with the group in which one is working, this researcher maintains a
politically neutral position and seeks only to report and interpret
the research evidence in the most comprehensible way possible. Any
political interpretations placed on this work are erroneous. The purposes
of this research are to study the relationship between first language
ability and second language learning, to explore some other factors
that influence the learning of a second language, and to share this
knowledge with other interested persons.
Historical-Demographic Overview
Cuba is by far the largest island in the Caribbean in terms of:
population with 9,865,000 inhabitants; land mass, 43,533 square miles;
and length, 745 miles (Lowenthal, 1982). It has about the same amount
of land under cultivation as Japan, but only one-tenth the population


25
especially in relationship to the child's exploration of the environ
ment and the child's part in it, . certain ways of organizing
experience through language and participating and interacting with
people and things are necessary to success in school" (Halliday,
1978, p. 26).
Oiler (1979) believes that the acquisition of language proficiency
is more fundamental to the acquisition and storage of knowledge than
most linguists, psychologists, and educators realize. He hypothesizes
that what is measured by achievement tests is also measured by tests
of language proficiency.
While Cummins agrees with Oiler's premise of the underlying
relationship between language and achievement, Cummins divides
language proficiency into two educational constructs: language
which one uses to relate to others in everyday life, Basic Interpersonal
Communication Skills (BICS), and language which requires an understanding
of deeper meaning, Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP).
Cummins' studies (1980, 1981) indicate that students master BICS in
about 2 years after immersion in a new language environment, but that
5 to 7 years is required for mastery of CALP. Age of arrival
and length of residence are important factors in achieving language
proficiency at either the BICS or CALP level. While some tests of
language proficiency may test the global language proficiency, as Oiler
suggests, Cummins (1980) finds that most language proficiency tests used
in determining the entry and exit criteria for bilingual programs are
based on BICS rather than CALP. When students have been exited from
bilingual programs because they have achieved linguistic proficiency


24
but who were judged to be the most advanced in English,received reading
instruction in English only. Students who had little English ability
and who were also less fluent than the rest in Spanish received in
struction in Spanish only. By the end of the school year, third-grade
students who received reading instruction in both languages were
achieving at the same level as those who received instruction in
English only, even though they began the school year at a significantly
lower level of English achievement.
The relationship of language and intelligence/academic achievement
The body of research on the theoretical perspective of the re
lationship of language acquisition and cognitive development is reviewed
by Rice (1980), who places the research findings on a continuum. At
one extreme she finds language and cognition independent of each other,
in the mid area there is agreement that language development is inter
dependent on cognitive development, and at the opposite end that
cognition is dependent on language development. She concludes that each
theory seems to explain some phenomena of language acquisition, but that
no one theory accounts for all the complexities of children's language
performance or the relationship of language and intelligence.
Language, according to Hal 1iday (1578),performs four basic functions.
It interprets the entirety of human experience, expresses logical re
lationships, identifies speakers and societal roles, and relates what
is being said to the context of the speech event. In reviewing the work
of Bernstein, Halliday finds that the process of becoming educated re
quires that meaning must develop along certain lines of cultural content,


71
Vocational education
The lack of learning aids has been resolved, in part, by having
local communities prepare educational materials. In several instances,
factories and schools have been merged together so that secondary
students can combine work and study, thereby increasing production and
the learning of technical skills. This merger also defrays the cost
of education by providing a source of inexpensive labor. Combining
vocational training with factory or agriculture work is a labor
intensive production model which other underdeveloped countries should
consider, according to Eklund (1977). Cogan (1978) also believes
schools in the country are a solution for providing education in under
developed countries because most countries are faced with increased
immigration to the cities to receive the benefits of education and
medical attention which are more frequently offered in the urban
environment. Taking the urban students to the country for their
schooling can slow and even reverse this migratory process by
systematically directing attention to the rural areas generally over
looked by youth. The rural environment provides youth with meaningful
activity and study and encourages greater socialization of the youth
within the socialist system (Cogan, 1978; Eklund, 1977).
While the first six grades are compulsory, a secondary education
is viewed as a moral obligation but not a requirement. Throughout
their school careers, students regularly attend class % hours and work
in the fields or factories another 4 beginning in the fourth grade.
Students are integrated into the educational system through the process
of giving each student responsibility for some specific task such as
maintenance of the building, collection and preparation of materials,


ns
Table 4-1
Language Assessment Scale (LAS) Oral and Written Measures in English
and Spanish; Correlations with Total English and Spanish Scores
Mean, Standard Deviation, and Range on LAS
Y
a
Range
n
English
Written
1.0
.39
0.0-2.0
41
Oral
1.6
.67
0.0-2.8
41
Spanish
Written
3.4
.92
2.0-5.0
41
Oral
2.6
.93
1.2-5.0
41
Mean,
Standard Deviation, and Range
on Total Scores
Y
a
Range
n
English
13.9
4.5
1.0-22.0
41
Spanish
19.6
3.4
8.0-25.3
41
Correlations of
LAS with Rank
on Total
English and Rank
on Total Spanish Scores
English
Spanish
r
a
r
a
English
Written
.28
.07
.20
.19
Oral
.27
.08
-.05
.75
Spanish
Written
.08
.61
.28
.07
Oral
.28
.07
.36
.01


APPENDIX F
ORAL PROFICIENCY RATING SCALE
English and Spanish
Student's Name Grade
Teacher Date
School Rater
District
INSTRUCTIONS: Please refer to the accompanying criteria sheet and
circle below the number corresponding to the statement which most
accurately describes the student's level of proficiency for each of
the language components indicated.
Pronunciation
Grammar
Vocabulary
Comprehension
Overall
Communicative Skill
1
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
3
3
3
3
3
4
4
4
4
4
5
5
5
5
5
Adapted from the work of B. Mace-Matluck, Southwestern Education
Development Laboratory, Austin, Texas.
280


291
Chaze, W., & Migdail, C. What Reagan faces in trying to stymie Castro.
U.S. News and World Report, March 1982, pp. 22-24.
City of Miami Planning Department. W. Flaqler-S.W. 1st reconnaissance
analysis. Miami, FL: Author, 1982.
Clark, J. The exodus from revolutionary Cuba (1959-1974): A socio
logical analysis (Doctoral dissertation, University of Florida,
1975). Dissertation Abstracts International, 1975, 36A(12),
DCJ76-12052.
Clark, J. Why? The Cuban exodus, background, evolution, and impact
in the U.S.A. Miami, FL: Union of Cubans in Exile, 1977.
Clark, J. El cubano no vive hoy "mejor que hace 20 anos." Palestra.
Miami Herald, January 16, 1979, pp. 15-16.
Clark, J. Toward a common measure of speaking proficiency. In J.
Firth (Ed.), Measuring spoken language proficiency. Washington,
D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1980.
Clark, J. Personal communication, April 1982.
Clark, J., Lasagna, J., & Reque, R. The 1980 Marie! exodus: An assess
ment and prospect. Washington, D.C.: Council for Inter-American
Security, 1981.
Clifford, R. Foreign service institute factor scores and global ratings.
In J. Firth (Ed.), Measuring spoken language proficiency.
Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1980.
Cogan, J. Cuba's school in the countryside: A model for the
developing world? Phi Delta Kappan, 1978, 60.(2), 30-32.
Cohon, J. Psychological adaptation and dysfunction among refugees.
International Migration Review, 1981, 1_5(1 ), 253-275.
Comin, A. Cuba entre el silencio y la utopia. Barcelona, Spain:
Editorial Lari a, 1979.
Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy. U.S. immigration policy
and the national interest. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1981.
Committee on the Judiciary. Caribbean refugee crisis: Cubans and
Haitians, hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S.
Senate. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980.
Cook, T., & Reichardt, C. Qualitative and quantitative methods in
evaluation research. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.,
1979.


144
not proficient in either language. Their work reveals that these same
students were proficient in both English and Spanish when observed
within the neighborhood rather than the school environment.
The focus of this research has been on students who have supposedly
gained proficiency in both oral and written expression in their first
language and who are in the process of acquiring their second language.
The test instruments chosen for this research represent, in the opinion
of this researcher, the best nationally used means of assessment
currently available. In fairness to the students, these tests are not
without flaws and do not provide conclusive information about the students'
language proficiency.
On measures of expressive language, students were rated as being
more proficient in their oral production in English and written pro
duction in Spanish. When correlations of these measures were performed,
only the oral Spanish rating was significantly correlated with Spanish
total score. There was a tendency towards significance for both the
oral and written English scores as well as the oral Spanish score to
significantly correlate with English total scores.
Ratings of English proficiency by the ESL teacher were significantly
correlated with total English scores. Ratings of Spanish proficiency
by the bilingual teachers were not significantly correlated with total
Spanish achievement, in spite of the fact that the two teachers' ratings
were significantly correlated with each other.
Measures of listening were significantly correlated with total
scores within and across languages for the spring administration of
the LAB. Increases in listening skill appear to correspond to general


157
Table 4-14continued
Frequency
Percent
14.
Do you get a lot of phone calls?
once a week or less
2
5.0
more or less, two to four a week
5
12.5
about one a day
5
12.5
two or more a day
28
70.0
15.
Do you have chores to do?
yes
31
81.5
no
7
18.4
16.
If you have chores, which do you do most
frequently?
child care
3
7.3
cleaning
14
34.1
cooking
2
4.8
yard work
11
26.8
other
6
14.6
nothing
5
12.1
17.
Does anyone help you with your chores?
brother/sister
16
39.0
father/mother
12
29.2
grandparent
1
2.4
uncle/aunt
0
0.0
friend
2
4.8
other
2
4.8
no one
13 .
31.7
18.
Does someone help you with your homework?
brother/sister
7
17.0
father/mother
17
41.4
grandparent
0
0.0
uncle/aunt
0
0.0
friend
2
4.8
other
2
4.8
no one
13
31.7
19.
Do you have one or two people with whom you
enjoy spending time?
yes
35
97.2
no
1
2.7


297
Haines, D., Rutherford, D., & Thomas, P. Family and community among
Vietnamese refuqees. International Migration Review, 1981, 15(1),
310-319.
Hall, E. The silent language. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1959.
Hall, E. The hidden dimension. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1966.
Halliday, M. Language as social semiotic. Baltimore: University Park
Press, 1978.
Hallman, C., & Fradd, S. Implications of psychological research for
assessment and instruction of the culturally different. Unpublished
manuscript, University of Florida, 1981.
Hansen, J. Sociocultural perspectives on human learning: An introduction
to educational anthropology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall,
Inc., 1979.
Harrington, C. Bilingual education, social stratification, and cultural
pluralism. Equal Opportunity Review, Summer 1978. (A 4-page
quarterly publication of ERIC)
Hart, A. Education since the revolution. New York: Fair Play for Cuba
Committee, 1963.
Hart, A., & Dorticos, 0. Message from the Minister of Education to the
people of Cuba. Havana, Cuba: P. Fernandes y Cia., 1959.
Hatch, E. Second language acquisition. Rowley, MA: Newbury House
Publishers, 1978.
Herald Wire Service. Graham may help refugees move to other states.
Miami Herald, May 9, 1981, p. 5D.
The Heritage Foundation. The Cuban refugee problem in perspective,
1959-1980. Washington, D.C.: Author, 1980.
Hernandez, A. (Ed.). The Cuban minority in the U.S.: Final report on
need identification and program evaluation. Washington, D.C.:
Cuban National Planning Council, Inc., 1974.
Herskovits, M. Cultural anthropology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964.
Hirth, D. Hispanic flavor enriches county melting pot. Sun Sentinel,
September 13, 1981, pp. IK; 5K. (a) ~
Hirth, D. Fiesta has hot Hispanic flavor. Sun Sentinel, SeDtember 21,
1981, pp. IB; 8B. (b)
Hudson, R. Socio!inguistics. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University
Press, 1980.


195
school, another gave up an English class, and the fourth met me on a
weekend. It is not known if the work schedules which the other parents
have are as demanding as those of these families. If so, then it was
with very good reason that they could not take time out for an inter
view. Following the interview schedule, the information below was
collected.
1. What is your opinion of the schools in Cuba? All four parents
agreed that the Cuban schools were good. They found the discipline
there very strict. While the parents were not pleased with the moral
or political influence of the school system, which they all viewed as
teaching against the principles of the home, the family, and God, they
agreed that the schools had improved a great deal since the Revolution
in terms of basic education and technological instruction. All com
plained that in order to advance within the system, a student had to
constantly display favor for the government and attend many meetings.
"It was hard," one mother said, when she thought of the work that
needed to be done at home, "to pretend to be interested in all the
political ideas." Two parents said that as long as they were in the
system they urged their children to integrate, to become part of the
political group. One mother said she did everything possible to work
within the system in order to win favors for her children. "Now that
I am here," she said, "I am trying equally hard to help the children
do well in this new system."
2. What are the differences and similarities between schools in
Cuba and here? All parents spoke of the coordinated effort in Cuba for
conformity, for all the schools to be alike. "Here in the U.S. everyone


205
outline of articles I planned was well received. One editor informed
me a month later that the series was not economically feasible at that
time. That same day the media announced a pending reduction of 25% of
the newspaper's personnel.
From the reception I received at several Latin American social
and civic functions, I concluded that English speakers who were in
terested in Cuban-Americans were not shut out but welcomed. Many other
observations supported this conclusion: the Cuban-American teachers'
willingness to provide me space and time for the research, the warmth
and enthusiasm with which I was greeted at a dinner commemorating Jos
Marti, the many invitations I received to attend other club and civic
meetings, the people who met with me to discuss ideas on the proposed
newspaper series.
However, the welcome was not always mutual. An exchange at a
bakery near the school illustrates the differences in language ideology.
While I was chatting in Spanish with the owner of the bakery, a customer
entered scowling, "Do you have any Cuban pastries today?"
"No, we have sold out today. I'm sorry. We'll have some more
tomorrow," replied the baker.
"Are you sure you'll have them tomorrow? Do you understand? Are
you sure you know what I'm saying?"
"Oh, yes sir. I'm very sure."
Well, I don't know. You bilinguals are all alike.
You say yes when you don't know anything that's
being said. You people make me very angry. You
don't even want to speak English. All the time,
you just speak Spanish. Well, you're here now, not
in Cuba. It's time you realized that! I wouldn't
even come here except my wife wants a loaf of Cuban
bread for the party she's having.


Page
Student interviews 183
Parent interviews 194
Discussion of interviews 197
A View of the Community System 199
Process through time 199
View of the ecological change 200
A perspective of cultural transmission 201
View of the social structure of the area 202
A look at language and ideology 204
A View of the School System 206
The ecological change 206
A description of the school teachers and staff.. 209
A view of language and ideology within the
school 210
Observations of Cultural Differences and Cultural
Transmission 211
The Cuban context 211
The North American context 215
Differences in sexual roles 216
Cultural similarities and continuity 218
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis and
Research Question Two 220
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research
Question Two 224
Hypothesis and Research Question Three 225
Language Ability and Participation in Physical
Education 225
Discussion of Correlations of Physical Education
Ratings and Language Scores 226
Individual Differences 228
Group Differences 232
The low group 233
Individuals within the low group 235
The high achievers 237
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis and
Research Question Three 239
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research
Question Three 240
FIVE CONCLUSIONS 241
Problem Statement 241
Discussion of Hypotheses and Research Questions 242
Hypothesis One 242
Hypothesis Two 246
Hypothesis Three 252
Conclusions 255
Recommendations 257
Recommendations for Additional Research 259
vi i i


128
be significantly correlated for 13-year-olds (.59), there is only a
tendency toward significance for the 12-year-olds (.46), and none for
the older students (.41 and -.7). The age variable presents a con
fusing pattern in this table, with the 18 13-year-olds showing a
significant correlation and 14 12-year-olds showing none. Sex is the
important variable here. Nine of the 14 12-year-olds are female; 11
of the 18 13-year-olds are male. For females, there is no significant
correlation (.29), but for males there is (.58). When all the students'
scores are combined, there is a very significant correlation between
the written scores in English and Spanish (.43) for the group.
Correlations of oral and written measures
Correlations of oral and written language measures with rank on
total scores are displayed on Table 4-6. Analysis of these data reveals
that for females both oral English and oral Spanish are significantly
correlated with total English (.008) and total Spanish (.04). Written
English and written Spanish are also significantly correlated with
total English (.0001) and Spanish (.0001). There is nothing surprising
about these correlations: written and oral measures of English are
components which are significantly correlated with their total. Written
and oral measures in Spanish are significantly correlated with their
total. However, for males, not only does this pattern of component
correlations hold true, but there are additional significant correlations
as well. All components, except oral English, are correlated with their
totals and with the totals of the alternate language as well. Oral and
written Spanish are significantly correlated with rank on total English


158
Table 4-14--continued
Frequency
Percent
20. Who is the person you most enjoy
spending time?
brother/sister
6
14.6
father/mother
9
21.9
grandparent
1
2.4
uncle/aunt
0
0.0
cousin
5
12.1
other
20
48.7
no one
0
0.0
21. Do you want to learn English?
yes
41
100.0
no
0
0.0
22. What is the most important reason for
learning English?
get a better job
1
2.4
have more friends
2
4.8
help my family
13
31.7
get better grades in school
13
31.7
be able to go to college
11
26.8
other
1
2.4
What languages do you use in the following
situations?
23. At home speaking to your parents
only Spanish
13
31.7
generally Spanish
18
43.9
half Spanish, half English
10
24.3
generally English
0
0.0
only English
0
0.0
not applicable
0
0.0
24. At home speaking to adults
only Spanish
16
39.0
generally Spanish
17
41.4
half Spanish, half English
7
17.0
generally English
1
2.4
only English
0
0.0
not applicable
0
0.0


18
Sociolinguistics in Education and Second Language Acquisition
The study of the relationship of language to society is defined as
sociolinguistics (Hudson, 1980). Although the study of dialects and
relationship of culture to word meaning have customarily been a part
of the field of linguistics since the 1960s, sociolinguistics has
received widespread interest because of its potential for understanding
of the nature of language and society (Hudson, 1980).
Process and motivation
Ervin-Tripp (1978) observes that the process of second language
acquisition is like learning the first, and dispels the myth that
younger children are better second language learners than teenagers or
adults. In natural language settings, second language learners tend
to pass through the same stages as first language learners. Rate and
stage will not be the same if students come to the second language task
with prior knowledge, or if they receive instruction. Second language
learner strategies, according to Ervin-Tripp, are "quite like those
mother-tongue learners employed in both interpretation and translation
tasks" (p. 205).
In observing students' second language acquisition strategies in
a naturalistic setting, Fillmore (1976) finds the students able to use
their new language in meaningful social settings prior to exhibiting
evidence of the understanding of the grammatical rules governing such
speech. Creative speech is expressed only after students acquire an
understanding of the structure governing their utterances. Fillmore
finds that the social elements of language acquisition are intricately


53
the Early Departure immigrants that these newly arrived immigrants
manifested a strong desire to retain the culture of the island they
left,because they anticipated returning again within a short time, as
soon as the government had changed. "Girls and boys are strictly
chaperoned, social events are structured by close observance of
etiquette, and constant reference is made to 'the way things are done
at home'" (p. 123), meaning Cuba. When this group began arriving in
Tampa, they were at first greeted with hearty welcomes. Within a short
time, they were considered "different." Resentment spread as the
already established Cuban-Americans were portrayed as provincials by
the new arrivals, and the new arrivals were looked on as always talking
about the way things used to be in Cuba. Even today, Cuban-Americans
refer to themselves as "la gente de los tubos" (the people of the
tubes), a play on words using the word "tubo" which sounds like "tuvo"
meaning "he or she used to have." The new arrivals,who have since
become Cuban-Americans themselves,were seen as people who talked about
how good everything used to be and how much they used to have in Cuba.
Cultural patterns
Cuban-Americans are still concerned about their children's welfare,
as Gibboney (1967) and Smith (1968) indicate. Rogg and Cooney (1980)
find that Cuban-American parents believe U.S. children have too much
freedom. Rogg's 1974 study finds 84% of parents in her metropolitan
research area believe chaperoning girls on dates to be very important;
in studying the same population 10 years later, Rogg and Cooney (1980)
conclude that although 15% less Cuban-Americans believe chaperoning is


299
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Le Compte, M., & Goetz, J. Problems of reliability and validity in
ethnographic research. Review of Educational Research, 1982,
52(1), 31-60.
Leiner, M. Two decades of educational change in Cuba. Journal of
Reading, 1981, 25(3), 202-214.
LecGrande, W. Cuban dependency: A comparison of pre-revolutionary
and post-revolutionary international economic relations. Cuban
Studies, 1979, 9(2), 1-28.
Levitan, A. Hispanics in Dade County: Their characteristics and needs.
Miami, FL: Office of the County Manager, 1980.
Lewis, 0., Lewis, R., & Rigdon, S. Neighbors. Chicago: University of
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Liberson, S. Ethnic patterns in American cities. New York: The Free
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Lieberman, L. The impact of Cuban and Haitian refugees on state
services: Focus on health services problems in cross-cultural
contexts (Report No. 81-66, 81-67). Report Star Grant Project
(DRST), September 1982.
Llanes, J. Cuban-Americans, masters of survival. Cambridge, MA: Abt
Books, 1982.
Lopez, J. The Dreschool reading readiness program. Journal of Reading,
1981, 25(3), 234-240.
Lowenthal, A. The Caribbean. The Wilson Quarterly, 1982, 6_(2), 112-145.
Lyshkov, W. Personal communication, October 1981.
Mace-Matluck, B. General characteristics of the children's language
use in three environments'! Paper presented at the National Con-
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Texas, March 1980.
Mace-Matluck, B., & Dominguez, D. Teaching reading to bilingual children
Effects of interaction of learner characteristics and type of
reading instruction on reading achievement of bilingual children.
NCBE Forum, 1981, 4(6), 3-4.
Mace-Matluck, B., Hoover, W., & Dominguez, D. Variation in language use
of Spanish-English bilingual children in three settings (classroom,
home, playground): Findings and implications. Paper presented at
Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association,
Los Angeles, April 1981.


47
Immigration again commenced during the Family Reunion period
September 28, 1965 to April 6, 1973--when Castro announced that exiles
could pick up their relatives at the port of Camarioca. This flotilla
immigration continued through November of 1965 when the boat trips were
halted by the U.S. government. In mid-December of that year the Freedom
Flights air lift began. Although it has been said that the Cubans were
allowed to emigrate for humanitarian reasons, according to Clark (1977),
Cubans were allowed to leave as a means of motivating them to work.
Only those who had spent considerable time cutting cane, often from
3 to 5 years, received permission to leave. The second cohort included
a much larger number of blue collar workers, as well as the elderly,
infirm, and handicapped, than did the previous wave.
The cessation of the Freedom Flights marked the beginning of the
second wane and the fourth stage in immigration. Anyone wanting to
enter the U.S. had to do so by way of a third country. This second
lull continued until the Freedom Flotilla began from Marie! Harbor in
1980. We are now in the sixth stage and third lull in Cuban immigra
tion. Clark (1977) points out that since the Revolution there have
always been people trying to leave Cuba for the U.S. and that about
16,000 have tried to leave by illegal means such as small boats and
rafts.
Reasons for Immigration
Clark, Lasagna, and Reque (1981) point out that as the Cuban
Revolution continued, the dissatisfaction which the people felt when
their ideals were not met also increased. This dissatisfaction


169
Table 4-15
Results of Parent Survey
Frequency
Percent
1.
Relationship of person answering
father
5
13.1
mother
32
84.2
grandparent
1
2.6
2.
Sex of respondent
fema1e
31
79.4
male
8
20.5
3.
Length of time in school district
less than 6 months
2
5.1
6 months to a year
6
15.3
13 months to 18 months
14
35.8
more than 18 months
17
43.6
4.
Length of schooling in Cuba
0
0
0.0
elementary school
7
17.9
middle school
4
10.2
high school
24
61.5
col lege
4
10.2
5.
Current employment
unemployed
2
5.1
housewife
5
12.8
factory or countryside
20
51.2
maintenance cleaning
8
20.5
selling
0
0.0
office or store
3
7.6
nurse
0
0.0
teacher's aide
0
0.0
professional
1
2.5
other
0
0.0


107
achieving in English. I then followed these students throughout their
school day to observe their classroom behavior and their interaction
with the other students, teachers, and other people in school.
Students were interviewed individually and in small groups in
the testing room. The interviews were recorded on cassette tapes.
As an introduction, students were told: they could discuss whatever
they wished; they could stop at any time; they were not required to
talk about anything they did not want to talk about; and personal in
formation would be held in confidence. They further had the right to
ask me any questions which they wished. After giving these instructions,
I informed the students I had never been to Cuba but had always wanted
to go there; they could help me know what life there was like by
telling me about their school experiences. They were encouraged to
make me actually see what everything looked like by describing it in
as much detail as possible (see Appendices H and I for Student and
Parent Interview Schedules). The schedule is an outline of the format
of questions which were asked. Questions were open-ended so the
students could provide as much or as little information as they desired.
After students had talked about Cuba, they were asked to contrast their
school life in Cuba with their school life in the U.S. A conscious
effort was made by the researcher to avoid any type of question or
remark which would indicate a value judgement about what was said.
A similar interview schedule had been developed for the parents.
However, only four parents, two males and two females including a
husband and wife, participated in the interviews. The reason why so
few parents participated in the interviews can only be speculated.


248
existence of these differences in behavior was documented. The
effect of language policy and attitude toward language on language
learning was not determined. The effect of student behavior in
influencing language use was also documented and appeared to be
significantly related to language learning.
A significant insight in the research was the pattern of
students' behavior which was observed within the school and noted
within the home and community through the use of surveys and inter
views. The behavior which was observed in the school cafeteria where
male Cubans positioned themselves between the female Cubans and the
rest of the students in the cafeteria epitomizes this pattern. As
Erickson (1981) points out, specific social activities such as the
cafeteria behavior reported here can be seen as the manifestation of
important structural patterns of culture. It is not that the cafeteria
is the most important setting for understanding differences in male/
female language acquisition, but the cafeteria setting is a context
that illuminates and makes apparent these differences and their
cultural significance. The pattern of more extensive male interaction
with the English-speaking community, as a result of participation in
activities outside the home,and limited female interaction with English
speakers as a result of staying within the social confines of the home
and home language, was exemplified in the positioning behavior of the
males and females in the cafeteria. During the lunch period, some
females' use of English BICS remained at a low level as males made
purchases and negotiated requests for them. This behavior suggests
a contradiction that must be dealt with by Cuban-Americans. On one
hand, the strategic acculturation needed for economic and social


271
45. Se debe usar el espaol en la escuela?
a. si
b. no
c. no s
46. Deberia ensenarse el espaol como materia en los programas de
la escuela?
a
a. si
b. no
c. no s
47. Algunas personas creen que si les ensean en espaol a los
estudiantes, ellos se van a atrasar con el ingls. Cual es su
opinon?
a. Si, se van a atrasar con el ingles.
b. No van a aprender ninguna lengua bien.
c. Pueden aprender las dos lenguas al mismo tiempo.
d. Pueden aprender las dos al mismo tiempo, pero no muy bien.
e. Otro


181
With the exception of reading, all the correlations of students'
ratings in English are statistically significant with the oral
language sample ratings. In total English, both speaking and under
standing correlations are statistically significant with total English.
None of the students' ratings in Spanish are statistically correlated
with oral evaluations or total rank scores.
Table 4-17 displays correlations of parents' self-ratings of
language proficiency with rank on oral language proficiency and rank
on total Spanish and English scores. No significant correlations in
English are found between parents' ratings and students' scores.
Statistically significant correlations exist between parents ratings
and students' rank on oral Spanish with speaking and writing. There
is a strong trend toward statistical significance at the .05 level of
confidence for reading. Two of the parents' self-ratings are signif
icantly correlated with students' rank on oral Spanish scores but no
significant correlations are found for rank on total scores.
Discussion of results of students' and parents' surveys
The importance of these surveys derives not only from the answers
which the students and their parents supplied, but also the behavior
which was displayed in completing the surveys. The surveys were given
after students had completed the individual oral language tests. I
had, by that time, talked informally with all the participating
students and observed them in class. The day I administered the survey
I became the teacher for a short period of time. Working as a teacher,
I realized these students were different from any other students with
whom I had ever worked. The students appeared enthusiastic about


121
Table 4-2
Teachers' Evaluations of Oral Proficiency
Correlations of Bilingual Teachers' Ratings
on Factors of Oral Proficiency
r
a
Pronunciation
.794
, .0001
Grammar
.745
.0001
Vocabulary
.673
.0001
Comprehension
.502
.001
Overall Communicative
Skill
.810
.0001
Mean Scores
Given
and
by the Bilingual
ESL Teacher
Teachers
T
Language
Bilingual Teacher 1
3.87
Spanish
Bilingual Teacher 2
4.31
Spanish
ESL Teacher
2.97
English
Correlation of Mean Bilingual Teachers' Scores of Overall
Communicative Skill and Rank on Total Spanish Scores
Y
r
a
4.2
-.091
.573
Correlation of ESL Teacher Scores of Overall Communicative
Skill and Rank on Total English Scores
Y
r
a
2.97
.383
.01


82
some refugees are so tired of being referred to as the troublemakers,
they have formed groups to patrol the streets and assist the police
in crime fighting. Another response to the problems is the formation
of Miami Citizens Against Crime, a civic group whose voice was
influential in the formation of Vice President Bush's Task Force on
South Florida Crime (Stein, 1982).
The government
Upon entering the U.S., the immigrants were given the status of
"entrant" rather than "refugee," thus removing the possibility of
federal refugee assistance made available to the two previous Cuban
cohorts (Cuban/Haitian Entrant Program Operating Manual, 1981). On
November 4, 1980, voters decided that Dade County would no longer
function bilingually, and voted to cease the expenditure of county
funds to utilize any language other than English. The anti-bilingual
controversy is considered a grass roots movement against the Cubaniza-
tion of the Miami area. This movement has some support in other parts
of Florida. Anti-bi1ingual legislation continues to be debated in the
Florida Legislature (Melby, 1982; Watts, 1982).
In spite of the fact that Florida has been a recipient of a large
share of the legal and illegal immigration, it received less than half
of the federal funds made available to the states for immigrant assis
tance during the period of 1980-81. The bulk of the financial responsi
bility has shifted from the federal government resources to the state
and counties receiving the impact of the Cuban migration. The resulting
financial drain on local and state resources has presented the local
citizenry with another strong reason not to want to accept the new
Cubans.


309
Wiemann, J., & Backlund, Current theory and research in communicative
competence. Review of Educational Research, 1980, 50(1), 185-199.
Wilson, K., & Portes, A. Immigrant enclaves: An analysis of the labor
market experiences of Cubans in Miami. American Journal of
Sociology, 1980, 86(2), 295-319.
Wilson, S. The use of ethnographic techniques in educational research.
Review of Educational Research, 1977, 47(1), 245-265.
Wolcott, H. How to look like an anthropologist without really being
one. Practicing Anthropology, 1980, 3_0 ), 6-7; 56-59.
Wolcott, H. Anthropology's "spoiler role" and "new multicultural text
books." The Generator, 1981, 12(2), 1-12.


159
Table 4-14--continued
Frequency
Percent
25.
At home speaking to younger people
only Spanish
8
19.5
generally Spanish
5
12.1
half Spanish, half English
21
51.2
generally English
6
14.6
only English
0
0.0
not applicable
1
2.4
26.
At home parents and relatives speaking
to you
only Spanish
14
34.1
generally Spanish
14
34.1
half Spanish, half English
9
21.9
generally English
2
4.8
only English
2
4.8
not applicable
0
0.0
27.
In your neighborhood speaking to neighbors
only Spanish
5
12.5
generally Spanish
7
17.5
half Spanish, half English
11
27.5
generally English
9
22.5
only English
8
22.5
not applicable
0
0.0
28.
When you shop in your neighborhood
only Spanish
0
0.0
generally Spanish
3
7.5
half Spanish, half English
8
20.0
generally English
9
22.5
only English
20
50.0
not applicable
0
0.0
29.
Speaking to your friends at school
only Spanish
4
9.7
generally Spanish
10
24.3
half Spanish, half English
24
58.5
generally English
3
7.3
only English
0
0.0
not applicable
0
0.0


222
learning. The English-speaking community appeared to be generally
unaware of the social and economic influence of the Cuban-American
population living in the area. Some English speakers appeared to be
resentful and suspicious of the Spanish speakers. A few welcomed
the Cubans and Cuban-Americans. Most Cuban-American adults living
in the research area had a positive attitude toward the 1980 Cubans.
They expressed a desire to help them adapt economically and edu
cationally. The influence of the English-speaking community on the
Cubans1 acquisition of English would depend on the people whom the
students and their parents encountered. Some students expressed fear
of the English speakers. It was not known whether this fear originated
from actual experiences or from ideas which students acquired in Cuba.
The interactions which the students and their parents had with the
English-speaking community appeared to be limited because of the lack
of English skills as Rivero (1981) described. The positive influence
of the Cuban-American community may be outweighed by some factions of
the English-speaking community as the students and their parents
acquire additional English fluency. Schumann's (1978) Acculturation
Model appears to be relevant to the language acquisition of these
Cubans. If they find that they are rejected by the community whose
language they are learning, further English acquisition may be retarded.
The school system's influence on the acquisition of English was
difficult to determine. A number of conflicting influences were
present. The most obvious influence was the behavior of the students
themselves. Girls sat more quietly in small groups while boys sat
in larger groups talking and joking loudly. Most frequently the girls
sat on the side of the tables nearest the walls; the boys sat with


13
Ethnography in Second Language Acquisition
The current movement for bilingual education is largely the
result of the struggles of linguistic minorities for equal educational
opportunity (Guthrie & Hall, 1981). The underpinnings of the movement
came with the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VII of the Elementary
and Secondary Act of 1965 established federal policy. The Bilingual
Education Acts of 1968 and 1974, the 1970 Memorandum, and the 1974
Lau v. Nichols Supreme Court decision all expanded on those first two
enactments (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Clearinghouse, 1975).
Until recently, educators, as well as most of the population,
viewed cultural and linguistic differences as limitations within the
students and as the underlying cause of minority failure in school.
While this view is slowly changing, it is still accepted by some
educators today.
For purposes of this research, culture is defined as ". . what
ever one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner
acceptable to its members . ." (Goodenough, 1964, p. 36). Culture
provides group members with a common social heritage. Although for
some anthropologists, language is not considered relevant to the under
standing of culture, for purposes of this research.it is considered an
integral element. In the words of Sapir, "... they talk like us,
they are like us" (1958, p. 16). The language and culture which recent
Cuban immigrants share with immigrants who entered the U.S. during
previous waves, unite, and at the same time, separate the two groups.


27
at a policy level" (p. 50). Cummins points out a pattern of results
in hundreds of evaluations of bilingual programs as evidence of the
common underlying proficiency of language acquisition. He further
points to his correlational study (1979) of first and second languages
as evidence in support of the CUP theory in terms of academic skill.
BICS are not so easily transferred across languages. Age of entrance
into the second language learning environment also affects speed and
amount of transfer, with older children mastering second language
morphology and syntax skills, the skills taught at school, more quickly
than younger children. Younger children have an advantage in phonology,
essentially a BICS area of language proficiency. Of importance here is
the fact that students had mastered the second language sufficiently
to score equally, or nearly equally as well, on both first and second
language tests. Cummins (1979) points out the need for empirical
investigation of the relationship of first language proficiency and
second language acquisition.
Cummins et al. (in press) conclude after researching dissimilar
populations of Japanese and Vietnamese students that first language
". . cognitive/academic proficiency accounted for a highly significant
proportion of variance in L2 (second language) cognitive/academic pro
ficiency, as predicted by the interdependence hypothesis" (p. 32).
Older Japanese students continued to develop first language cognitive/
academic skills to a greater degree than younger Japanese children in
the study. According to the researchers (Cummins et al., in press),
their recent work has been exploratory but has allowed them to conceptu
alize the interdependence theory (of the relationship of first language


234
one volunteer a word in English to me or to anyone else. In the
classroom they were usually quiet. In physical education they were
usually on the sidelines dressed in regular clothing. Even when they
occasionally dressed out, they usually did not participate. All four
girls were well-developed and very attractive. All used obvious amounts
of makeup.
When they spoke to someone who did not speak Spanish, they usually
put their hands over their mouths as if to prevent others from under
standing them. Moreno Fraginals' (1982) statement, "There is a terrible
fear of speaking English which many of us have," seemed to be true of
these girls. They frequently sat together, talked together, ate
together, and avoided all who were not from their group.
Around me, these girls were very shy for several weeks. After I
had been at the school a month, they began talking more openly. They
brought magazines and other reading material to demonstrate their
current interests. One article in a movie star type magazine perplexed
them. This article told of a condominium where everyone was required
to go nude.

While the girls appeared nonverbal and dependent on others for
English communication, an analysis of written measures indicates they
were learning more English than they expressed. On written tests,
three of the five low English achievers were found to rank in the
middle range in English achievement. Two were in the low range. In
Spanish, two ranked in the middle group, while two ranked in the high
range. For all practical purposes, the English communicative skills
of these females were limited.


This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the
Division of Curriculum and Instruction in the College of Education
and to the Graduate School, and was accepted as partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
April 1983
Dean for Graduate Studies and
Research


189
families. Four spoke of having ice cream which was better in Cuba
than in the U.S. Seven said they did not remember much about Cuba, but
if I had a specific question they would try to answer. Four talked
about the Comit de Defensa (CDR) and how people worked to help monitor
the area where they lived. Three told of reminding people not to
use so much electricity. Their job was to go out at night and check
which homes had on the lights. One spoke of not being able to go any
where without having to report to someone in the CDR. Ten mentioned
the Pioneer activities and trips to the countryside in summer. The
Pioneers is the government sponsored mass organization for young
students. From students' descriptions, the Cuban Pioneer organization
is similar to the Russian Pioneer organization (see Bronfenbrenner,
1968, 1970, for description). Homes of the formerly rich have been
converted into Pioneer palaces where children go on special occasions.
Eighteen spoke about having many friends in Cuba. They said they
always had fun with friends and relatives because everyone lived close
together. Two spoke about the pretty color of the water.
5. What did you do on Saturdays and Sundays? Some students
answered this in number 4. Twenty-six spoke about going on picnics
to the beach or to the countryside or getting together with relatives
and friends. When asked how often they went to the beach or country
side, 22 said about once a year and four did not remember. Twelve
spoke of going to or participating in rallies, parades, or special
workers' days. Some worked with parents at school or in some community
project. Ten spoke of going to movies with family or friends. One
student said he tried to get his mother to help at school or attend a


175
Table 4-15--continued
Frequency Percent
32. When you go to the movies
only Spanish
3
8.3
generally Spanish
3
8.3
half Spanish, half English
12
33.3
generally English
1
2.7
only English
12
33.3
not applicable
5
13.8
33. When you read books
only Spanish
22
56.4
generally Spanish
3
7.6
half Spanish, half English
4
10.2
generally English
2
5.1
only English
2
5.1
not applicable
6
15.3
Indicate your knowledge of the two languages
using a scale of 1 to 5.
34. Speak English
not at all
14
37.8
a little
14
37.8
O.K.
6
16.2
wel 1
2
5.4
very well
1
2.7
35. Understand English
not at all
4
10.8
a little
21
56.7
O.K.
10
27.0
wel 1
1
2.7
very well
1
2.7
36. Read English
not at all
14
37.8
a little
14
37.8
O.K.
6
16.2
well
2
5.4
very well
1
2.7


220
With the installation of a different economic and social system
in Cuba the speech, the habits, and the mannerisms of the people have
changed. Yet, there remain many elements of the language and culture
that have not yet changed. As one girl said with a far away look, "I
remember my grandmother saying to me, 'Vaya con Dios' and 'Dios te
bendiga,' but it was not until I came to the U.S. that I knew what she
meant, because in Cuba we did not talk about God."
Discussion of Findings Regarding Hypothesis and Research Question Two
The data relevant to this hypothesis have been organized in three
segments. The first section contained information collected from the
participating students and parents in the form of surveys and inter
views. The second section related information about the changes
occurring within the community as Spanish has come to occupy a prominent
position within the economic and social interests of the area around
the school. The third section contains information gained through
formal and informal interviews and participant observation within the
school.
Until they arrived in the U.S., the Cuban students' experiences
appeared to be similar to each other. School lessons were nationally
standardized. Students' descriptions of their school experiences were
similar. Neither they nor their parents had moved a great deal. Both
parents and students had attended school in Cuba at least through the
elementary level. Both parents and students exhibited behavior indica
tive of low reading comprehension skills. However, difficulties in
interpreting the printed word could also be attributed to differences


14
Education and Ethnography
Cultural knowledge is more than just a stock of information people
must know about everyday life. It consists of attitudes, beliefs,
expectations, preferences, and values. While this type of knowledge
may not always be obvious in everyday behavior, transmission of this
information is crucial for cultural continuity (Hansen, 1979). When
groups of people with different cultural knowledge enter the community,
a cultural conflict will exist until the differences are accommodated
or resolved. Hansen (1979) reminds us that ". . the transmission of
cultural knowledge is subject to both conservative forces and to
tendencies toward continual redefinition" (p. 6). Hansen believes that
all social interaction, including cultural transmission, requires inter
personal corranunication and is subject to individual interpretation. Each
individual interpretation is based on that individual's background of
cultural knowledge and personal experience. This interpretative process
affects the understanding of shared meanings and precludes total agree
ment of bodies of knowledge by all participants involved in the inter
action. These individual differences in interpretation provide ". .a
crucial mechanism for the gradual modification of shared understanding
in the course of social life, as people reinterpret their experiences
in light of changing circumstances" (Hansen, 1979, p. 2). Individual
interpretations also are the vehicle for cultural conflict and stereo
typing, or cross-cultural understanding.
Herskovits (1964) distinguishes between two facets of the process
of acculturation by viewing "socialization" as the method of integrating
the individual into the social group and "enculturation" as the means


Copyright 1983
by
Sandra Homlar Fradd


28
proficiency and second language proficiency) on a broader framework
than had previously been theorized. Cummins et al. (in press) view the
interactional style which bilinguals display as interdependent, but
mediated by what they term as "personality attributes" of the in
dividual. What was not considered in this research was the mediating
affect of culture or cultural expectations for language acquisition.
Cummins et al. (in press) find that first language proficiency is
related to second language acquisition in a variety of ways. Of
interest here is the finding that what children bring to the language
learning situation is more important than their actual experiences
in learning the language. Interactional style, relating information
and responding to questions, is interdependent across languages. First
language cognitive/academic maturity (Cummins' CALP) greatly influences
the speed with which cognitive/academic skills are acquired in the
second.
Summary of Important Findings in Ethnography and Sociolinguistics in
Second Language Acquisition
Bilingual education in the U.S. during the past 2 decades is the
result of the Civil Rights movement and other supporting actions by
minorities seeking equal educational opportunities. These groups have
not been as successful as the majority group in the U.S., in part,
because of differences in language and culture.
Culture has come to be identified with two separate concepts:
shared ways of knowing or behaving that are acceptable by the cultural
group (Goodenough, 1964; Hansen, 1979; Herskovits, 1964) and the identifi
cation of cultural artifacts as symbols of culture (Guthrie & Hall, 1981)


240
Conclusions Regarding Hypothesis and Research Question Three
Sufficient data were collected to indicate that students who
utilize English communication opportunities made more progress in
mastering English than students who did not. There were measurable
behavioral differences between students who were achieving higher
on standardized oral and written measures of English and students who
were achieving lower on these same tests. While there were definite
indications that most students participating in the research preferred
to speak Spanish, there were circumstances under which higher achieving
students used English and lower achieving students avoided using it.
Use of English appeared to reinforce the students' self-confidence and
encouraged further English utilization.



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‘LOOV


153
they helped as they were needed. About one-third said they received
no help with chores. The same number said no one helped with homework.
Mother and/or father were the main people to provide homework assistance.
Although only 35 students said they had one or two friends with whom
they most enjoyed spending time, all 41 indicated a person with whom
they most enjoyed spending time. Almost half of the students chose
their friends.
One hundred percent of the students indicated that they wanted to
learn English. Helping family, getting better grades, and going to
college were almost equally chosen as the most important reasons for
learning to speak English, according to the students.
Questions 23 through 36 were used to determine the amount of
English or Spanish students believe they used in a variety of situations.
Naturally, responses tended to group toward the Spanish end of the scale.
In speaking with parents and other adults, Spanish was the dominant
language of 80% of the students. The percentage of Spanish decreased
to 31.6 when speaking to younger people. It appeared that at least 10%
of the students had relatives who generally spoke or only spoke English.
Most students (70%) lived in neighborhoods where some English was spoken.
Shopping in their neighborhoods required English. Although 34% said
they spoke to their friends only or completely in Spanish at school,
almost 60% used half and half. Students report that they use Spanish
more during school to speak with friends than they do after school.
During school, 7% generally used English. Afterschool English use in
creased to 20%. Almost 70% used only or generally Spanish at church.
Interesting here is the fact that 20% found this question not applicable.


122
rather than student-teacher interaction. Their classes are large and
they do not have an opportunity to interact with students on a one-to-
one basis. Although Spanish is the primary language of instruction in
the bilingual classes, students respond in written English exercises.
English is the language of evaluation. It is possible that had the
bilingual teachers rated the students in English, the correlation may
have had a stronger relationship to total achievement. The reason for
the lack of correlation between the bilingual teachers' ratings and total
language score is not known. This lack of significant correlation is
not a reflection of the teachers' ability to teach or dedication to
their students, to be sure.
Composition of Language Scores
A written Spanish language score ivas achieved for each student by
collapsing the total Spanish spring LAB percentile score with the Inter-
American percentile reading score, the LAS sentence comprehension, and
written story retelling subsections percentile scores. The same pro
cedure was performed to obtain the written English language score,
with the exception of the Inter-American reading score which was not
available in English. A total language score was obtained in each
language by combining the total written language score with a weighted
oral language score. Analysis of the subtests making up the total score
reveals that some components are more significantly correlated with total
language ability than are others.


57
Teenage Cuban-Americans
In studying teenage acculturation and drug use, Page (1980) finds
that Cuban immigrant youth are confused by the ambivalent feelings ex
pressed by many North Americans regarding the use of hard drugs and
the warnings of Cuban parents that drugs are a terrible vice. Rejection
of parental heritage is stress-producing for the youth because they
have difficulty reproducing the behaviors they seek to emulate, often
finding these behaviors hollow and unfulfilling.
Educational Achievement
A summary report finds that after several years of instruction in
Spanish and English, Spanish-origin, predominately Cuban, students
participating in bilingual programs were achieving at or above national
and local norms on nationally standardized tests (Dade County Public
Schools, 1981).
The 1961 study by Rinn indicates that non-Cuban teachers are unaware
of Cuban culture. This lack of cultural understanding fosters prejudice
and inhibits acculturation among the students. Gomula's work reveals
that the teachers she observed in 1973 were unaware of the distinct
behavior patterns which Cubans and Anglos exhibited. She enumerates
16 significant behavioral differences in Cuban-American and Anglo
elementary school children and recommends that teacher training include
methods and materials for identifying and understanding the nonverbal
as well as the linguistic communication of these two different cultural
groups.


no
forms in both English and Spanish are available. Reliabilities for
English and Spanish editions are .82 and .68, respectively, for sub
tests and .90 and .84, respectively, for total scores.
Data on norming samples, as well as validity and reliability, had
been reviewed on this test prior to commencement of the research.
However, when the publisher was contacted for an update on this data,
I was informed that the company had gone out of business.
Language Assessment Battery
The Language Assessment Battery (LAB) was chosen as the language
assessment instrument to be used in evaluating the limited English
proficient students within the school district where the research was
conducted. The choice of this instrument was not mine. The coordinator
of the bilingual program admitted that she was not happy with this test
but knew of no better equivalent instrument. The coordinator's main
complaint with the LAB was that there was only one form for each of the
three levels. Tests in English and Spanish are parallel and equivalent
and neither is a translation of the other.
The LAB was developed in 1975 by the School Board for the New York
City school system in response to a consent decree between the board
and ASPIRA of New York. The court case was instigated on behalf of
Puerto Rican and ocher Hispanic children who attended New York City
public schools, but who were unable to profit from instruction which
was mainly in English. The test was developed to
. . identify those children whose English
language deficiencies prevent them from
effectively participating in the learning
process, and who can more effectively


131
Table 4-7
Comparison of Male and Female Scores in English and Spanish
Y
Males
a
Range
y
Females
0
Range
a
English
Oral
1.7
0.5
1.0- 2.8
1.4
0.8
0.0- 2.6
.25
Written
28.2
6.0
16.5-41.0
24.5
10.6
1.0-40.0
.17
Total
15.0
3.2 -
8.8-22.0
13.0
5.3
1.0-21.5
.15
Spanish
Oral
2.5
1.0
1.2- 5.0
2.8
0.8
1.8- 4.2
.24
Written
37.0
4.8
29.0-45.7
36.2
7.7
13.0-46.0
.71
Total
19.7
2.7
15.5-25.3
19.5
3.9
8.0-24.5
.83


CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS
Language is a vehicle of social interaction, and as such cannot
be understood or analyzed as an isolated entity, apart from the larger
social context in which it is used. The variety of methods for data
collection and analysis used in this study are complementary; together,
they provide a more comprehensive picture of the interaction of the
students within the systems established by the community and the
school than any single method could provide. By highlighting these
interactions, some of the forces facilitating or inhibiting the second
language acquisition of the students in this study can be observed.
Erickson (1981) believes that the most essential contribution of
ethnographic research is its use of key descriptions and functionally
descriptive terms to convey an understanding of the social context.
Ethnography uses key incidents to illustrate the more abstract principles
of social organization.
Methods of social science research have often been modeled after
methods used in physics and other hard sciences. Research designs in
the hard sciences are intended to present point values of variables,
while research designs measuring human behavior are more concerned with
predicting probable differences. Second language acquisition theory
must be based on more than mathematical probabilities; it must be
founded on the realities of human experience. Ethnographic research
utilizes a great deal of contextual information to support the
propositions tested (Pelto & Pelto, 1970).
115


203
their desire to be acknowledged for their social and economic con
tributions. "Even when we raise a great deal of money for the Heart
Fund or Cancer Society, the public isn't aware of us," confided one
leader.
The Chamber president's statement that the English press seldom
covered news of the Hispanic community was confirmed by a review of
the articles available in the library of one of the major Florida
nev/spapers. Between January 1980 and December 1981 45 articles about
the local Hispanic community appeared in the three major newspapers
serving the local area. These articles were mostly about Hispanics'
requests for money for social services or the bilingual program in
the public schools. Of the five articles about the Hispanic Chamber
of Commerce, four covered the Chambers' protest of Castro's visit to
the United Nations. One article related the efforts of Hispanic
businessmen to help the 1980 Cubans find jobs. Four editorials pub
lished during that time emphasized the importance of teaching English,
not Spanish, in the school system. One special 1980 edition carried
an historical review of the Cuban and Haitian migrations. This one
time publication was unusual in the depth in which it covered the
refugee odyssey of 1980.
Both the Chamber president and the editor of the Spanish language
biweekly discussed the assistance which the Hispanic community gave
the 1980 Cuban arrivals. The people provided clothing, food, and money
to those in need. Some assisted in finding people homes and employment.
Several Cuban-Americans who were interviewed emphasized the need
to orient the new Cubans to the U.S. way of life. The expression


92
entrants seem to be socially marginal in the sense that they generally
did not participate in collective organizations in Cuba" (p. 52). He
finds this unusual in a society "... that actively promotes mass
membership in revolutionary organizations" (p. 52). As a result of
his study, Fernandez (1981-82) finds the only organizations with more
than 10% membership of the entrants he surveyed were the labor organi
zations which require membership. Participants of the Fernandez1 study
generally expressed suspicion and fear of Cuban authorities. Many of
this group came here with unrealistic expectations of good jobs and
economic security. When their expectations are not met, Fernandez
believes many Cubans may transfer the feelings of distrust to those in
authority in the U.S. Fernandez calls for special compassion and
assistance in helping these immigrants through the transition to a new
life in this country.
Two years after the 1980 immigration, the media began reporting
that the Mariel crime wave had peaked and was now dropping (Silva,
1982b). The most positive report is by McCoy and Gonzalez (1982) who
find that the crime attributed to the Mariel refugees "... has been
somewhat overestimated, while the crime increase attributable to other,
probably illegal aliens has been considerably underestimated" (p. 34).
The final grand jury report shows that Mariel Cubans' percent of
arrests is almost twice that of the pre-Mari el Cuban group; 16% as
compared to 9%. However, both groups are lower than all other com
parison groups which include whites, blacks, and other Latins or
Caribbeans. These researchers have very positive expectations that
the new arrivals are making the adjustment and are becoming positive
contributors to south Florida society. To understand the value of


19
interwoven with the cognitive elements. Learner success . depended
not on cognitive skills alone, but also on having the social skills
that enabled him to participate in the situations in which the new
language was used" (Fillmore, 1976, p. vii).
Krashen's (1978) focus is on adult second language acquisition
and what he calls theory of the Monitor Model. His model posits that
conscious language learning is available only as a monitor which cor
rects speech production, sometimes before and sometimes after output.
The Monitor is not always functioning in speech production because
often there is not enough time to think and consciously apply gram
matical rules. Frequently,the speaker may be more engrossed in the
message than the form. Conscious awareness of grammar is one of the
major distinctions between adult and child second language learning.
Psychological changes that occur with the onset of puberty may also
heighten feelings of vulnerability during adolescence. The combination
of increased ability for abstract thought and a sense of reluctance to
reveal one's self may cause overuse of the Monitor, and result in re
luctance to speak in the new language. Krashen's findings on adult-
child language learning differences are supported by the work of Snow
and Hoefnagel-Hohle (1978) who find older learners have an advantage
over younger students in acquiring rule-governed aspects of second
language syntax and morphology.
In reviewing research relating second language acquisition to
aptitude, Krashen (1978) finds that integrative motivation, the desire
to become part of the culture of the language, and self-confidence
work together to facilitate the production of naturalistic speech. The


17
Overreliance on educational tests permits researchers and edu
cators to know students only psychometrically. Test performance does
not reveal a full view of students' skills and abilities. No one
measure is an adequate assessment of competence. The importance of a
greater awareness of the cultural norms within and outside the specific
community being studied can not be overrated. It is necessary to use
the school community as a wider context in which to focus attention
because there is greater potential for understanding behavior by com
paring that behavior or event with cultural events of the broader
community (Gilmore & Smith, 1982).
The purpose of ethnography in educational research, according to
Wilson (1977), is to allow the researcher to investigate events as they
occur in the everyday setting and to thus generalize the research
findings to the larger world where similar events and participants exist
Wilson (1977) believes, however, the presence of the researcher in
fluences the participants and may cause them to have a ". . sus
piciousness of the intent of the researcher, a sense of the behavior
that is either appropriate or expected, a special interpersonal re
lationship with the experimenter, and a desire to be evaluated
positively" (p. 49). The researcher must be aware of these influences
and consider them in interpreting data gathered through interaction
with participants. Additionally, the researcher must interpret feelings
thoughts, and actions as the participants involved would, as well as
from a perspective of an outsider by seeking a variety of sources of
information upon which to establish internal and external reliability
and validity (Le Compte & Goetz, 1982).


259
Recommendations for Additional Research
This research has raised more questions than it has resolved.
Some of the more obvious questions are suggested below.
1. Additional research should be directed toward analyzing the
components of language that transfer most easily across languages.
How can second language instruction maximize "underlying common pro
ficiency?"
2. Further study of the multicultural school as an ecological
system could reveal patterns of communication which facilitate and
inhibit English acquisition. A knowledge of these patterns would be
insightful to second language learning theory. Such knowledge would
also be helpful in planning strategies to expand the communication
networks of the limited English proficient learners, and to encourage
a need to communicate.
3. Additional research should be devoted to cultural influences
of language acquisition. Are there teenage cultural patterns or cul
tural expectations which inhibit or encourage the learning of English?
If these patterns or expectations are present, how can the school
system utilize them to encourage English language learning?
4. The question of political perceptions should be studied
further. How are peoples' perceptions of each other influenced by
the language or languages they speak?


289
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Holley, F., Leos, R., Mace-Matluck, B., Matluck, J., Natalicio,
D., Oakland, T., & Richard, L. Report of the Committee for
the Evaluation of Language Assessment Instruments: Winter
and Spring 1979 Meetings. Rosslyn, VA: National Clearinghouse
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Boswell, T. The Cuban-Americans. In J. McKee (Ed.), Ethnic minorities
in the United States. Dubuque, 10: Kendall/Hunt Publishinq Cc.,
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Bowen, R. (Ed.). A report of the Cuban-Haitian Task Force. Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1980.
Bowles, S. Cuban education and the revolutionary ideology. Harvard
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Brown, H. Principles of language, learning and teaching. Englewood
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Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 1976, 7_(3), 25-33.
Burns, A. Politics, pedagogy, and culture in bilingual classrooms:
A case study. NABE Journal, 1981-82, 6_(2-3), 35-51.
Buros, 0. (Ed.). The seventh mental measurements yearbook (Vol. 2).
Highland Park, NJ: The Gryphon Press, 1972.
Burt, M., & Dulay, H. Some guidelines for the assessment of oral
language proficiency and dominance. TES0L Quarterly, 1973,
12(2), 177-192.


46
and is $2,000 more than the next Spanish-speaking group (U.S. Department
of Commerce, 1981). According to the Heritage Foundation (1980), Cubans
and South and Central Americans have more successfully entered the
economic mainstream within the U.S. than have other Spanish-speaking
groups. They have obtained a greater percentage of well-paid managerial
professional positions within a number of different industries and labor
segments of the work force than have other Spanish-speaking groups.
Stages of Emigration
During the past 24 years, the leadership within the U.S. government
has changed seven times, while that in Cuba has remained the same.
Starting with Castro's takeover in January 1959, there have been six
different stages of Cuban immigration--three peaks and three lulls.
These different stages reflect, in some ways, according to Clark (1982),
the political and economic events occurring within Cuba.
The massive migration which began shortly before Castro's takeover
belies the fact that the Revolution had the support of all levels of the
population (Bender, 1973; Portes, 1969). The Early Departure Stage
January 1959 to October 1962was the time that most of the wealthy
and educated Cubans left the island, although not all who left at that
time were wealthy or well educated. Those who had pre-established ties
with the U.S. were the first to find the Revolution not to their liking
and left.
The second stagethe Post Missile Crisis Lull, from October 22,
1962 to September 28, 1965occurred when direct transportation between
the two countries was cancelled as a result of the Cuban Missile Crisis.


214
When I asked her for her address as we were parting, she said she was
not a political person and did not want any publicity. The thank-you
note I sent her was returned, "undeliverable."
One bilingual teacher explained her reasons for requiring certain
student behavior.
In Cuba, the children were expected to shake hands
with their teachers every day. That has been a
tradition for a very long time. Students were
expected to always welcome guests and make them
feel at home. Not shaking hands or greeting a
guest would be a serious offense which would
warrant the principal taking the student out of
the room. Now, I believe the students greet
guests in Cuba, but they are much less formal.
However, I still believe it is important that
the students show respect to guests and visitors,
so I always insist that they rise when someone
enters our classroom. Courtesy is very important
to me even though some administrators criticize
us Cubans for asking the students to stand when
visitors come in.
The teacher continued,
When they, the students, started in school upon
their arrival from Cuba, they didn't seem too
interested in any subject, in the school activities,
sports, or anything else. The greatest problem I
had with these children was their lack of foundation
in education. Due to the poor educational system
they have in Cuba now, the level of education of
these children in some subjects was second or third
grade. On the other hand, they knew a lot about
who was who in the communist world. In fact, just
the other day we were discussing the capitals of
the world in social studies. When I asked the class
where Paris was, one student said, "It's the capital
of London." However, they know all about the
communist countries. Now that we have been working
with them for 2 years, I am very happy with what we
have accomplished. Their mental attitude has
changed completely. They are alert and interested
in the school activities and are perfectly well-
integrated with the school body. They enjoy being
here and some of them like school so much that they
even want to come when they are sick. Those who
have already gone on to high school keep in touch
to show their gratitude for what we have done for
them.


69
been allocated to primary education. This emphasis on primary
literacy and computational skills for the entire nation has slowed
the advancement of higher education, but it is believed to be the only
equitable way to provide education for all the people and to achieve
social equality absent during previous forms of government (Bowles,
1971; Canfux, 1981; Prieto, 1981).
One of the most remarkable achievements of the Cuban Revolution
is the National Literacy Campaign of 1961 in which almost everyone in
the country learned to read and write, at least functionally (Kozol,
1978; Prieto, 1981). One of the educational programs that followed
the National Literacy Campaign is the Battle for the Sixth Grade
(Canfux, 1981). Both programs have been highly publicized as remark
able achievements in an underdeveloped country. The two main prongs
of the Battle for Sixth Grade are the effort to keep the literate
graduates of the Literacy Campaign continuing in the educational
process and to provide for workers educational improvement through
on-the-job as well as television instruction. According to Butterworth
(1980), the adult education program is not as well attended as it
might be because adults are required to work long hours and put in
additional volunteer work time. He concedes that adults may also
invent convenient excuses to avoid comforming to the new system.
The exodus of many skilled workers and professional educators
caused a strain on the government's ability to supply teachers and
texts (Read, 1972). The principle that "those who know more teach
those who know less" (Canfux, 1981, p. 230) was employed to overcome
this problem. Nevertheless, the shortage of teachers has been a


251
Looking at the relationship of parents' first language and students'
acquisition of the second language could provide valuable information
on the influence of the home in second language learning.
Little research exists on Cuban family-school interaction. Con
sideration should be given to studying how the relationship of the
language of the home and the language of the school affects school
learning. Cummins (1981) concludes that, "... under certain con
ditions, a switch to the use of the majority language in the home is
associated with poor academic progress in the majority language"
(p. 32). Many educators believe that parents should be encouraged to
speak the language of the school with their children. According to
this belief, use of a language other than English prevents the students
from acquiring English fluency and retards education progress. The
survey results indicate that in the homes of the research participants,
Spanish is being spoken, almost exclusively, by the parents to the
children, but that the children are beginning to switch to English
in speaking to parents and other relatives. Should research reveal
that first language reinforcement in the home is not detrimental to
second language acquisition, parents should be encouraged to continue
to speak to their children in the first language.
Of greatest importance in the analysis of the data relevant to
Hypothesis Two is the finding that Cuban males have more opportunities
to interact in the English-speaking community than do Cuban females.
These opportunities appear to be culturally related. Males serve as
family agents and interpreters. They play on sports teams and help
their fathers. Females have so far remained at home to help their


58
In looking at youngsters within the school setting, Szapocznik,
Kurtines, and Fernandez (1980) find that exhibiting a bicultural
perspective rather than remaining monocultura! enables children to
achieve a more effective adjustment to the environment in which they
live. When second generation Cuban-American youth overacculturate
and give up their Hispanic roots, it is not uncommon for them to become
hostile to all authority figures. They may generalize this aggression
to the school setting where they may become highly disruptive dis
cipline problems. Underacculturated adolescents may display the
opposite behavior, isolating themselves from contact with the "foreign
environment"--the U.S. culture. These children appear withdrawn,
depressed, and often neurotic in their behavior. The researchers
suggest learning sessions would be beneficial for these students. In
the sessions students would explore the ethnic values of the Hispanic
and North American cultures. They would discuss differences in
communication styles and cultural differences and similarities.
English Language Acquisition and Retention of Spanish
Different levels of government assistance have influenced the
Cuban assimilation within the labor market and political structure.
Hernandez (1974) and Rogg and Cooney (1980) believe that the large
segments of the Cuban population experiencing downward occupational
mobility and unemployment could be helped by more extensive English-
training programs, greater access to apprentice-training programs,
and increased financial aid for higher education.


40
and consensus building, but sometimes to an awareness of the need for
ethnic solidarity for mutual protection from a hostile culture (for
similar studies see Baskauskas, 1981, for Lithuanians and Haines,
Rutherford, & Parker, 1981, for Vietnamese).
Portes, McLeod, and Parker (1978) conclude from their work with
immigrant Cubans and Mexicans that contrary to popular stereotypes,
immigrant aspirations, "... are neither flights of fantasy nor the
product of purely subjective ambition" (p. 260). Aspirations are
based on past experiences and achievements, and the understanding of
the skills which the immigrants have and perceive as needed by the
host culture.
Some ethnic groups have not found it necessary to acculturate or
learn English to be successful in the U.S. Only when a group lacks
skills or entrepreneurship and depends on the dominant culture for
employment, is learning the language and culture of the dominant society
important (Sowell, 1981). Portes1 (1980) findings substantiate Sowell's
opinion regarding acculturation and English acquisition by showing that
the entrepreneurship of the Cubans has allowed for considerable economic
mobility within the first generation, even among those with limited
English fluency. Both Portes and Sowell point out that the phenomena
of entrepreneurship has also occurred within geographic regions populated
by high concentrations of other ethnic groups such as the Japanese, Jews,
and Germans.
Emotional Adjustment
Baskauskas (1981) finds that few studies have attempted to ex
plore the complex emotional state of the immigrant during the process


237
In English, Miguel was one of the most outspoken students of all
the participants, and Hildi was never heard to utter a word. On
written measures their positions within the low group were reversed.
One day when I persisted, Hildi was able to tell me her name and address.
The high achievers
Three males and three females were selected by the bilingual and
ESL teachers as making substantial progress in English. All but one
of these six were ranked at the top of their group in English and
Spanish. This student was ranked as medium in Spanish. He was also
the lowest of the six in English achievement. Two had a brother or a
sister achieving at the low or medium level in written measures. The
average age of these six students was 12.6. The girls wore little
makeup. All these students participated in physical education and
received a 4.0 or 5.0 rating by the physical education teachers.
In terms of shyness, the high-achievers were somewhat like the
low achievers. There were some visible differences. They usually
sought only the company of ether Cubans or Spanish speakers who were
in the bilingual class, but they also interacted more frequently with
Cuban-Americans and North Americans. They voluntarily spoke both
English and Spanish.
Anita exemplified this high English group when she used English
as a tool to achieve her purposes in circulating a petition. She and
the other students did not want the lockers presently located in the
hallway outside the bilingual classroom to be moved inside. Anita
circulated the petition to all the students in her art class and asked


156
Table 4-14--continued
Frequency
Percent
8.
How many other relatives live with you now?
0
5
12.1
1-2
19
46.3
3-4
11
26.8
5 or more
6
14.6
9.
Do your relatives and friends visit you?
yes
39
97.5
no
1
2.5
10.
What do you do most frequently after school?
sports
10
25.0
watch TV
17
42.5
dance
5
12.5
visit friends
1
2.5
study alone
2
5.0
study with friends
3
7.5
other
2
5.0
11.
How many friends do you have at school?
0
0
0.0
1-2
0
0.0
3-4
2
4.8
5-6
1
2.4
7 or more
38
92.6
12.
How many friends do you have that do not
attend this school?
0
4
10.2
1-2
3
7.6
3-4
7
17.9
5-6
5
12.8
7 or more
20
51.2
13.
Do your school friends visit you at home?
no
2
4.8
yes, but not frequently; once a month or less
yes, more than once a month but less than
12
29.2
once a week
10
24.3
yes, more than once a week but less than daily
10
24.3
yes, daily or almost daily
7
17.0


152
that they had studied English in Cuba, when questioned about their
English studies, all said their parents had taught them a few words.
Interviews with many adults reveal that English is only formally taught
to people who have specific purposes for studying it. Seventeen per
cent of the students said they had studied Russian in some afterschool
programs. Russian instruction is also available via the radio. When
atmospheric conditions permit, Russian instruction over Cuban radio
stations can be heard in the U.S., even in Gainesville, Florida. The
seven students who reported that they had studied Russian, had actually
not learned more than a few words, according to a later interview.
The answers given to question 10 conform to the information received
from the interviews. Sports and TV account for 68% of the afterschool
activity. Questions 9, 11, 12, 13, and 14 were designed to determine
if there were any social isolates. All but two students indicated they
had friends who visited them. Ninety-three percent have seven or more
friends at school. Fifty percent have friends not at the school.
However, 35% have no school friends who visit them at least once a
month. Thirty-one percent receive visits ranging from daily to more
than once a week. More than 80% receive one or more phone calls daily.
This wide range of answers may be attributed to the fact that students
are bussed to this school from a large section of the school district.
Some travel about 30 miles to school. Because they attend a different
school from the other teenagers in their neighborhood and spend a great
deal of time on the bus, these students may not have opportunities for
social interaction.
Although the majority of students (82%) said they had chores to
do, most stated they did not have any jobs to do on a daily basis and


36
people whose purpose for associating is primarily recreational, while
the Colombian associations are primarily made up of the middle class
whose purpose for associating is instrumental in achieving political
and economic objectives. The disparity between the culture of the
home country and that of the current residence is also an important
factor in encouraging the formation of associations. These associations
provide individual members with collective ways of drawing on their
previous experiences to confront new life situations. The transition
from a recreational association to an instrumental association gives
the push toward forging new links with the host society and results in
the pulling away of working class members who do not appear to be
interested in this type of association or who do not view it as
beneficial.
In tracing Dominican family networks within the Dominican Republic
and New York, Garrison and Weiss (1979) determine that the "decisions
to migrate and responses to the difficulties of urban life are frequently
made with both the needs and resources of the kin in mind" (pp. 264-265).
The definitions of kin are not the same for the U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Service and the Dominicans. The Dominicans consider
themselves to have extended, cooperating family structures. While
loyalty to consanguineous relations is considered important, cross-
generational cooperation and interdependence outside of consanguineous
lines are also used to define family structure for the Dominicans.
Wilson and Portes (1980) document the development of Cuban
immigrant enclaves whose work organization functions differently from
that of immigrants who follow the classic pattern of assimilation or


184
Table 4-16
Students' Self-rating of Language Proficiency
Correlations of Students' Self-rating in English
and Rank on English Scores
Oral
English
Total
English
r
a
r
a
n
Speaking
.51
.0008
.343
.029
40
Understanding
.318
.04
.326
.04
40
Reading
.184
.254
.282
.077
40
Writing
.329
.038
.121
.456
40
Correlations of Students' Self-
and Rank on Spanish
rating
Scores
in Spanish
Oral
Spanish
Total
Spanish
r
a
r
ct
n
Speaking
.091
.574
-.143
.377
40
Understanding
.114
.481
.028
.862
40
Reading
.092
.568
.004
.979
40
Writing
.198
.219
-.025
.874
40


151
Student surveys
Surveys were developed for the students and their parents in
order to determine what significant behaviors were occurring at home
or in the home environment that were facilitating or inhibiting the
acquisition of English. Students were administered the Student
Surveys as a group at school. They were then given instructions in
how to help parents complete the Parent Survey at home. Where
practical, the results of the two surveys are compared.
The results of the Student Survey are presented in Table 4-14.
A two-way Chi-square analyses of these data did not reveal any additional
significant information not already visible in the percentage displays.
Correlations of students' self-ratings with language scores and parents'
self-ratings with students' language scores provided some additional
significant results. Other correlations of student friendships and
self-reports of language use did not reveal any significant differences.
Results of student survey
The results of the Student Survey are self-explanatory. Much has
been written about Cuba's "schools in the country." The participants
in this research lived with their parents and went to school near their
home. None attended the much publicized "schools in the country" (Kozol,
1978; Read, 1972), because of their age at the time of emigration. All
but one student had been in school in Cuba for at least 5 years before
coming to the U.S.; the majority had been in school 7 or more years.
They were in their second year of school in the U.S.; most were in their
ninth year of school attendance. Although 32% of the students responded


204
most frequently used was "indoctrinate them to our system." Some
implied, and some emphatically stated, that the new Cubans had been
indoctrinated by a foreign system in Cuba and that now it was up to
the Cuban-Americans and the U.S. society-at-large to reindoctrinate
the Cubans to the capitalistic system.
Cuban-American reaction to the Cubans living in this community
differed from that observed farther south. Many of the Cuban-Americans
in the Miami area were openly negative toward the Cubans. One said,
"We were very excited about having the new Cubans here. But after they
were here a few weeks, we realized that we had more in common with the
people from South and Central America than with these Cubans." Another
Cuban-American referred to the 1980 Cubans by anglicizing the word
"Marie!ito" (little one from Marie!, Cuba) and pronouncing it "Merilite."
In her opinion, Castro had really tricked the U.S. by sending all those
lazy "Merilites" here to live off U.S. welfare.
For the most part, the Cuban-American community members living in
the region of the research with whom I spoke had a more optimistic
and positive attitude toward the Cubans. Most expressed a desire to
see the Cubans as individuals and to treat them with respect.
A look at language and ideology
I had interviews with two editors of the major local newspaper.
Both stated they were very interested in news of the Hispanic community,
but believed the Hispanic society was closed to the English-speaking
community. They suggested I write a series of articles highlighting
the problems and accomplishments of the Cuban-American community. An


97
goods; but has, in fact, been a source of frustration for the Cubans
(Clark, 1982).
The 1980 immigrants received a reception unlike other cohorts
of migrating Cubans. Much of the crime wave that was occurring in
south Florida at the time of their arrival was blamed on the new
Cubans. While some groups and individuals within the Cuban-American
and U.S. society welcomed the Cubans, much negative reaction was
publicized by the press. This notoriety has made it difficult for
these Cubans to adjust (Martinez, 1982d). Little is known about the
educational attainment of these Cubans. However, they appear to have
a poor background in Spanish, but achieve better in math (Rivero,
1981).


61
or above local and national norms. Spanish retention is related to
socioeconomic status also, with the highest and lowest status groups
retaining Spanish most frequently (Sole, 1980).
Life in Cuba
The evolution of the Cuban sociopolitical and educational systems
over the past 24 years since the Cuban Revolution has caused Cuba to
become a very different place from that which the first emigrants left
at the inception of the Revolution. In order to understand the 1980
Cuban immigration and the students on whom this study focuses, it is
necessary to understand the factors which caused the exodus and some
of the elements of the environment in which the students lived before
entering the U.S.
Difficulties in Data Collection
It is to be expected that the majority of the Cubans who have
chosen to live in exile rather than in their homeland would be
negatively biased regarding the Revolution and the current government
of Cuba. This research is based on the writings of both the Cubans
living in exile, as well as those still living in Cuba, because reports
from both groups reveal information on events which have influenced
the students who participated in the research.
Montaner (1981) points out that while the objectivity of the
Cuban exile is frequently questioned, "the first voices which should
be taken into account for an analysis of any historical event are


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to the following people for their encouragement
and assistance in this endeavor:
Dr. E. Paul Torrance, who gave me the seeds for this research
and encouraged them to grow.
Dr. James Cummins, who developed the theory upon which this
research is based and who was willing to share his ideas with me.
Dr. Betty Mace-Mat!uck, who provided many ideas on language
evaluation.
Dr. Clemens L. Hallman, who made this research possible.
Dr. Allan F. Burns, who opened up a new world of understanding
for me.
Dr. Arthur J. Lewis, who always took the time to ask me questions.
Dr. Patricia T. Ashton, who helped me find those awkward phrases.
Dr. Catherine V. Morsink, for whom all people are special.
Dianne Downing, who always provided editorial assistance and never
failed to "type it just once more."
TV


70
serious problem for improving the quality of education (Paulston, 1980).
According to Valdes (1972), discipline has been difficult to maintain
in many instances because many of the elementary and secondary teachers
are very young and inexperienced and quite often do not receive any
cooperation from the students. This viewpoint was expressed by many
early immigrants, but for the most part, the 1980 entrants believe
that the educational system was one of the greatest achievements of
the Revolution. Even teachers who had returned to visit Cuba agree
that the educational system has greatly improved and is now quite
admirable.
Of the Cuban schools, Moreno Franginals (1982) says,
We do have some very good schools. The problem is
the overall average is not as good as we would like.
We have some outstanding schools in Havana and Santa
Clara and other places, but that's not important.
What is important is that the overall average is
still very low.
The Revolution has incorporated much from the Russian educational
system, of which Bronfenbrenner (1970) writes,
Since each child's status depends in part on the
standing of the collective of which he is a member,
it is to each pupil's enlightened self-interest to
watch over his neighbor, encourage the other's good
performance and behavior, and help him when he is
in difficulty. In this system the children's
collective becomes the agent of adult society and
the major source of reward and punishment, (pp. 49-
50)
Punishment is often in the form of group sanctions and group
criticism. The worst punishment is ostracism from the group. The
individual is taught to act upon the judgments of the group and to
consider group interests above all else.


233
Although the students were selected by the ESL teacher, the names had
to be approved by the bilingual teachers who also interacted with the
students in English. Through this process, one name was eliminated
because the bilingual teachers felt the student was progressing
satisfactorily.
The low group
Of the five students who were agreed upon by all three teachers
as making the least progress in English, one was male and four other
females. Two had a brother or sister achieving at the same level or
lower on written measures. The average age of the low-achieving group
was 13.3. On the physical education ratings, the male received a 3.0
while the females all received 1.0.
Arturo, the only male in this group, often sought me out to
practice a new sentence or bit of slang. He was always friendly and
frequently asked to be taken out of class so we could "talk some more."
While his English was indeed limited, he appeared to be willing to take
risks in English. He used what English he knew. A boy of slight build
who appeared young for his age, in class Arturo was restless. He rocked
back and forth on his chair, strummed his fingers on the desk, and
closed books with a bang. He was not aggressive or openly rude. He
appeared self-reliant and eager for attention. Frequently, he also
appeared not to be aware of what was going on around him. On written
measures he ranked at the bottom of the group in both English and
Spanish.
The four female low English achievers presented a very different
picture from Arturo. All were extremely shy in English. I never heard


215
During the period I was in the classroom, I observed seven
different groups of former students return to visit the teacher.
Three parents also came to converse with the teachers at separate
times while I was there.
The North American context
Differences in cultural behavior patterns were observed in the
cafeteria. "You see," said an administrator, "over there is the
catsup and mustard table," pointing to a long cafeteria table with
several containers. "No one," indicating the Cubans, "is allowed to
sit over there anymore because someone has been spitting in the con
tainers. But that is nothing compared to last year. When the first
group arrived in 1980, I had to spend about 3 weeks teaching five or
six boys how to use eating utensils."
"Do you think they didn't know how to use them, or were they
pulling your leg?" I asked.
That's what I was getting to. I believe it was a
little of both. They used to say, "I don't under
stand," as an excuse. They'd say that or "This is
the way I do it." When they finally learned a
little English, our relationship improved because
we could talk. They admitted, at least some of
them did, that what they had been doing was a lot
of horse play. They had heard America was freer,
and they came expecting to have a lot of fun doing
anything they wanted to. One thing puzzles me
though. I've traveled in the Soviet Union and
other socialist countries, and I've observed their
school systems. Somehow, when these children came,
they seemed to behave very differently from what I
had expected from children raised in the socialistic
environment. They ran in the hallways, they threw
papers, and they talked loud all the time.
The head custodian, himself a Cuban, confirmed these statements,
and added, "These children have changed a lot. The teachers and the


180
Students' and parents1 self-rating of language
Analyses of students' and parents' self-ratings of language
proficiency provided some interesting data. Almost all students (97%)
rated themselves as understanding Spanish; 12% rated themselves as
understanding very well in English. Forty-three percent rated them
selves as understanding English well. Eighty-five percent said they
speak Spanish well. No one made that choice in English. Fifty-one
percent said they spoke English O.K. Ninety-two percent rated them
selves as reading very well in Spanish compared with 5% in English.
Eighty-five percent claimed they wrote Spanish very well; 17% made
this claim in English. The rating for writing ability had the widest
distribution of responses in both English and Spanish.
Parents' self-ratings indicated less ability in English than did
students' self-ratings. Parents' ratings of their ability in Spanish
was much higher than in English. Parents' self-ratings in both
languages were more conservative than the students' self-ratings.
Parents' self-ratings had no correlations with students' rank on
English. However, parents' rating of Spanish did have a high correlation
with students' rating on oral Spanish scores. All parents' self-
ratings, except understanding, were statistically significantly cor
related with students' oral ratings.
Correlations of students' and parents' self-ratings
Table 4-16 shows the correlations of the students' self-ratings
of their language ability in English and Spanish with rank on oral
language proficiency and rank on total English and Spanish scores.


CHAPTER ONE
RATIONALE FOR STUDY
Problem Statement
One of the critical questions which recent researchers in second
language acquisition have begun to address is the relationship between
first language ability and second language acquisition. Considering
the diversity of opinion which exists concerning the best method for
enabling students who speak another language to become fluent in English,
the importance of this question is apparent. There are educators, ad
ministrators, and politicians who believe all-day instruction in English
is the only method which will enable children to achieve mastery of
English. Other educators and professionals believe the same goal can
be achieved more effectively by building on students' first language
fluency. Because little research has been done on the relationship
between first language fluency and second language acquisition, most
educational decisions are based on opinion rather than knowledge of
research (Carrison, 1933; Troike, 1983).
The learning of a second language can also be influenced by other
factors in addition to first language fluency. In order to fully
understand the relationship between first language ability and second
language acquisition, other influencing factors must be analyzed and
documented. The purpose of this research is to study the relationship
between first language ability ana second language learning and to
1


249
standing in the U.S. includes fluency in English. On the other hand,
traditional attitudes of protection and concern for women can, as in
this case, make such acculturation difficult.
A second important point in the analysis of the positioning
pattern of the males in the cafeteria is the fact that most con
sistently turned their backs to the rest of the student body.
Although most were linguistically competent enough to carry on con
versations in English, they turned away from the English speakers and
relied almost exclusively on interaction with their fellow Cubans.
The occasional exceptions which occurred included U.S. blacks and
Haitians who sometimes joined the Cuban group. The statement by one
of the males that "people in the U.S. are boring and don't know how
to have fun" was echoed in conversations with Cuban students as well
as Cuban-Americans.
Both the behavior of the males and the females suggests a lack
of social identification and the absence of a desire for integration
with the English-speaking group. Schumann's (1978) Acculturation Model
does not appear to be functioning here. Krashen's (1978) work is
relevant to the observed pattern of behavior, in that, the lack of
integrative motivation may be the result of perceived feelings of
ill will eminating from or toward the English speakers. The social
aspect of language learning as presented in Chapter One and reviewed
in Chapter Two is an important force which must be considered. Perhaps
the adolescent years are not the best for acquiring a second language.
Although students are at their optimum learning capacity in terms of
acquiring and using the rule-governed aspects of language which are


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv
LIST OF TABLES x
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTER
ONE RATIONALE FOR STUDY I
Problem Statement .... 1
Introduction 2
Nonaffiliation : 3
Historical-Demographic Overview 3
Hypotheses and Research Questions 6
Hypothesis One 6
Hypothesis Two 6
Hypothesis Three 7
Delimitations
Definitions 8
Justification 9
TWO REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 12
Introduction 12
Ethnography in Second Language Acquisition 13
Education and Ethnography 14
The building of stereotypes 15
The removal of barriers 16
Sociolinguistics in Education and Second
Language Acquisition 18
Process and motivation 13
Measuring language proficiency 22
The relationship of language and intelli-
gence/academic achievement 24
The relationship of first language
proficiency to second language
acquisition 26
Summary of Important Findings in Ethnography
and Sociolinguistics in Second Language
Acquisition 28
v


108
Forty-one students returned letters of permission with parents'
signature indicating that parents would participate in an interview.
It may be that they did not understand the letter even though it was
written in Spanish and approved by the students' teachers as being
correctly written. It is possible that the parents were too busy
with their work schedules. One girl said her mother did not want to
talk about Cuba because it made her sad. One of the parents said she
knew why the other parents were reluctant to participate. "They don't
want you to hear them speak Spanish. They know their Spanish is bad
and they are ashamed of it," she said. Two other students brought
notes from home expressing regrets that the parents could not come for
the interviews. Both notes stated that because of a heavy work schedule
parents were unable to find the time to meet with me. Three more
students told me their parents had asked them to tell me they could
not come to school. On the last day I was at school, two students
invited me to their homes. Unfortunately, I could not go at that time.
Parents were asked to contrast the school systems in the U.S. and
in Cuba in as far as they were familiar with them and to discuss any
observations which they might have regarding the family's adjustment to
their new life in the U.S. and the way their children were learning
English.
Both mothers who participated said they were happy to be able to
talk about their experiences and were pleased that someone in the U.S.
wanted to know about Cuba. Two interviews were conducted in the testing
room at school, and two were conducted at the parents' homes.


LANGUAGE ACQUISITION OF 1980 CUBAN IMMIGRANT
JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS
By
SANDRA HOMLAR FRADD
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1983


77
more of beans and two more cans of condensed milk. Eggs have been
taken off rationing and bread is limited to one pound daily, according
to the 1980 informants. Fresh fruits and vegetables remain scarce and
available only sporadically. The 1980 informants state that although
food is supposed to be allocated every 10 days, supplies are limited
and often arrive at 15-day intervals.
Gordon (1982) reports similar findings in his study of 1980 of
Cuban immigrants. He finds that 25% of the children suffered first
degree malnutrition. Fifteen percent of the adults and 12% of the
children suffered from anemia. Black et al. (1976) state that prior
to the Revolution, it is believed that about 35% of the children
suffered from malnutrition.
By the mid-1970s, much of the military costume worn at the inception
of the Revolution was replaced by more conventional dress--short-sleeved
shirts or blouses with trousers or skirts. Primary and secondary school
students wear uniforms indicating their level of study and location of
their school (Black et al., 1976). Clothing choices reflect not so
much personal preferences as availability. The recent immigrants report
that rationing permits men one shirt, pair of trousers, and shoes for
work and one set for dress per year. Women are allowed 4 meters of
cloth, one blouse, one skirt, and one pair of dress pants and shoes per
year. All items are to be purchased according to the ration book and
purchases can be made only when merchandise is available. According to
immigrants, allocated merchandise frequently is not available except
on the black market for very high prices. Because of the rationing
program, it is not unusual to stand in line several hours only to find


9
are termed Cuban-Americans. They represent the group of Cuban im
migrants who arrived in the .S. prior to the 1980 "Freedom Flotilla"
or "Marie! Boat!ift."
Justification
The second language research by Rodriguez-Brown (1979), who
looked at primary Mexican students in Chicago, along with the work
of Cummins (1981), Cummins, Swain, Nakajima, Handscombe, and Green
(1981), and Cummins, Swain, Nakajima, Handscombe, Green, and Tran
(in press), who looked at the relationship of first and second languages
across ages, indicates that first language proficiency is related to
second language acquisition. Cummins et al. (in press) point out that
the theoretical assumption of "common underlying proficiency" is a
construct which "... appears counterintuitive to many policy makers
and educators" (p. 2). Cummins et al. (in press) state that research
in behavioral and language use patterns across languages is an innova
tion in second language study that requires a great deal of further
investigation.
The controversy regarding the use of primary language instruction
to enhance second language learning has continued for the past decade,
yet most second language research has been focused on elementary school
students and adults learning a second language (Hatch, 1978). Hatch
documents that between 1913 and 1976, 75 second language acquisition
studies of children 12 years or younger were conducted. During the
same time period, 30 studies of adults and 11 studies of teenagers also
occurred. Both Genesee (1978) and Snow and Hoefnagel-Hohle (1978) agree
that adolescents learn the rule-governed parts of language--those aspects


38
life in the U.S. He suggests the need for reconsidering the belief
that immigrants or foreign minorities are strongly motivated to
. integrate as much and as fast as possible to the dominant
cultural patterns" (p. 505).
In reviewing previous research on immigrants in the U.S.,
Portes, Parker, and Cobas (1980) find that up to recent times
immigrant studies have reflected a sociological perspective of
adaptation to the host culture. This body of research has developed
into what is termed the "theory of assimilation." Whether the
immigrants eventually adapt to the host culture is not questioned.
Most works document the length of time and the psychological transition
through which immigrants must pass to acculturate to majority status.
This transition is commonly viewed as a patterned sequence that moved
from cultural dissimilarity to eventual acceptance. Bach (1978)
labels these studies collectively as "the assimilation perspective"
because they focus on the process of consensus building among dissimilar
populations. The assimilation perspective is built on several as
sumptions: that as immigrants become better educated, their behavior
becomes more reflective of the host culture, and they are able to
obtain higher status and more profitable employment. Thus, education
is a status building element in the acculturation process. The lack
of education can be seen to have the reverse effect. Since public
education is free and available to everyone, lack of assimilation
indicates slothful ness, ignorance, and even an unpatriotic attitude
toward the host culture and language. Essential within the assimilation


306
Smith, M. The Spanish-speaking population of Florida. In J. Helm
(Ed.), Spanish-speaking people in the United States. Seattle,
WA: University of Washington Press for American Ethnological
Society, 1968.
Smith, M. The Portuguese female immigrant: The "marginal man."
International Migration Review, 1980, 14(1), 77-92.
Snow, C., & Hoefnagel-Hohle, M. Age differences in second language
acquisition. In E. Hatch (Ed.), Second language acquisition.
Rowley, MA: Newbury House Publishers, 1978.
Sobel, L. Castro's Cuba in the 70's. New York: Facts on File, 1978.
Sole, C. Language usage patterns among a young generation of Cuban-
Americans. In E.L. Blansitt & R.V. Teschner (Eds.), A festschrift
for Jacob Ornstein. Rowley, MA: Newbury House Publishers, 1980.
Sowell, T. Race and IQ reconsidered. In T. Sowell (Ed.), American
ethnic groups. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute, 1978.
Sowell, T. Ethnic America. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1981.
Speck, M. The Cuban exodus, 1959-1980. Unpublished manuscript, Latin
American Studies Center, Stanford, California, September 1981.
Spencer, F., Szapocznik, K., Santisteban, D., & Rodriguez, A. Cuban
crisis 1980: Mental health care issues. Presentation at South
eastern Psychological Association Convention, Atlanta, Georgia,
March 27, 1981.
Spradley, J. Participant observation. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1980.
Stein, G. Miami group wants stiffer crime penalties. Miami Herald,
April 6, 1982, p. 3B.
Strange picture of U.S. that the Kremlin concocts. U.S. News and World
Report, 1983, pp. 31-32.
Szapocznik, J. The Cuban exile in the United States: Adjustment and
maladjustment. Presented at Simposia la Comunidad Hispana en los
Estados Unidos, Mexico City, May 1979.
Szapocznik, J. Hispanic blueprint for the 80's. Paper presented at
Third National Hispanic Conference on Health and Human Services,
Washington, D.C., September 19, 1980.
Szapocznik, J. Transcultural processes in mental health: Concepts
relevant to Cuban refugees. Presented at Human Services Training
Center Symposium, Miami, Florida, March 1981.


263
13.Tiene Vd. amigos o amigas del colegio quienes le hacen visitas
en casa?
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
Nq
S.
Si,
pero no con frequencia, una vez al mes o menos,
ms que una vez al mes pero menos que vez en la semana.
Si, ms que una vez a la semana pero menos que diariamente.
Si, diariamente o casi diariamente.
14.Recibe Vd. muchas llamadas por telefono?
a.
b.
c.
d.
No, una vez por semana o menos.
Ms o^menos, 2 a 4 veces a la semana,
Si, ms omnenos una vez al di a.
Si, 2 o ms llamadas al da.
15.Tiene oficios que hacer en casa?
a. si
b. no
c. no se
16. Si tiene oficios que hacer, cuales son? Indique el que Vd. hace
17.
18.
con
ms frequencia.
a.
cuidar nios
b.
1 impieza
c.
cocinar^
d.
el jardin
e.
otro
f.
nada
Alquien le ayuda con
sus oficios?
a.
hermano o hermana
b.
padre o madre
c.
abuelo o abuela
d.
tio o ta
e.
amigo o amiga
f.
otro
g.
nadi e
Alguien le ayuda con
su tarea?
a.
hermano o hermana
b.
padre o madre
c.
atjuelo g abuela
d.
tio o ti a
e.
amigo o amiga
f.
otro
g.
nadie


200
who lived in the county (U.S. Census Bureau 1980, Advanced Count,
1982). Housing units within this county increased during this same
period from 141 ,363 to 294,090an increase of 108%. It is clear
that the decade of the 1970s was a time of rap-id growth in this
region.
Statistics for the city where the research was conducted indicate
that over the decade growth was only 9%. The school was located at
the southern edge of the city limits. Growth of the adjoining in
corporated area was 593.6% during the period. Eight incorporated
areas around the city have increased by more than 100%. The range of
increase for this group was from 120% to 620.6%. While the city did
not show a great deal of growth, the surrounding area has been growing
rapidly, pulling the more vital elements of the economic community
away from the previously established business area.
During the decade of the 1970s, the area around the school has
been in a state of transition. Within the past 5 years a major shopping
center and some of the smaller stores have closed. Many of the re
maining businesses appear run down and in need of fresh paint. There
were some signs of some revitalization.
View of the ecological change
Names on some of the freshly painted signs reflect the new language
which was being heard with more frequency in the area. The revitalization
occurred as Cubans and other Latins moved into the region.
"La Barata," a Cuban grocery store, was once known as "U Tote M."
"La Bodega," another small grocery store, and "Las Flores Panaderia,"


167
responses, believe that students can learn two languages at the same
time without ill effect.
Almost all parents (79%) had visited the school once or twice;
five respondents visited weekly or monthly. Eighty-six percent spoke
most frequently with the teacher.
In terms of friendships, the majority of parents (82%) see their
children as having friends with whom they speak more than once a week.
However, few (22%) had school friends who visited the children at home
more than once a week. More than half (53%) used the telephone more
than twice a day. However, 16% used the telephone no more than once or
twice a week, and 27% did not have visits from school friends. Two
students did not talk to school friends at home frequently, less than
once a month, according to parents. The purpose of this group of
questions was to determine if there was a group of students who were
isolated from their peers and did not use either Spanish or English to
communicate. A small group did appear to be somewhat isolated, and were
not achieving well in English or Spanish. There was not significant
statistical correlation between language and behavior patterns for the
group, because these more isolated children were not the only students
who were not achieving in English.
The majority of the females engaged in cleaning chores, the
majority of the males in yard work. Brothers, sisters, and parents
helped with homework. Twenty-six percent stated that no one helped
with the homework.
Television was the source of entertainment of 66% of the students
according to parents. It was selected as such by 43% of the students


39
perspective is the belief that increased contact with the mainstream
culture and greater social and economic mobility will lead to a les
sening of discrimination toward immigrants and a more favorable assess
ment of U.S. society. Portes et al. (I960) suggest that the assimilation
perspective also incorporates the notion of bountiful economic opportu
nities and reward in accord with individual effortmyths that promote
social control.
The conflict perspective finds that immigrants have not necessarily
come to the U.S. in search for a better life, . their movement was
often deliberately induced to fulfill labor needs in an expanding economy"
(Portas et al., 1980, p. 203). Many imnigrants have difficulty moving
from the peripheral labor force into the mainstream and thus their ex
pectations may be in conflict with reality. More education, familiarity
with the language, and mainstream culture do not necessarily enable or
encourage the immigrant to become more integrated into mainstream society.
Increased education and ability to speak the language sometimes provide
immigrants with negative experiences and confirm the realities of discrimi
nation, according to Portes et al. (1980). The difficulties of discrimi
nation arise from several causes: the majority of recent immigrants come
from Third World countries instead of Northern European countries as did
previous cohorts of immigrants who were able to assimilate more readily
than recent immigrants. The plentifulness of jobs requiring effort but
little technical skill has changed; the labor market is demanding more
skilled workers for all but the most menial tasks. Studying Cuban ac
culturation, Portes et al. (1980) conclude that as immigrants become
familiar with the host language and endorse its cultural values, they
become more skeptical regarding their place within the economic and
social order. The socialization process does not lead to integration


14
Table 4-11
Provinces Where Students Last Attended School
Province Number of Students
Havana
19
Matanzas
4
Las Villas
13
Camagey
2
Oriente
2
Pinar del Rio
0
Unknown
1
Table 4-T2
Provinces
Where Parents Were Born
Province
Number of Parents
Havana
13
Matanzas
6
Las Villas
10
Camagey
3
Oriente
2
Pinar del Rio
0


263
Entiendo que no recibir ningn dinero por participar en esta
investigacin.
Firma completa Fecha
Firma del testigo
Fecha Firma del testigo Fecha
Firma de la investigadora
Fecha


163
Table 4-14--continued
Frequency
Percent
46.
Should Spanish be taught at school as
a subject?
yes
20
48.7
no
16
39.0
I don't know
5
12.1
47.
Some people believe that if Spanish is
taught, the students will not learn
English as quickly as they should.
What is your opinion?
Yes, they will fall behind in English.
14
34.1
They will not learn either language well.
2
4.8
They can learn both at the same time.
18
43.9
They can learn both at the same time, but
7
17.0
not wel1.
Other
0
0.0


ills


256
statistically significant for males and for the group. There was
only a trend toward significance for females. There was no statistical
difference between males and females on Spanish proficiency. While
there was no significant statistical difference between males and
females in English, there was a trend toward significance in the
differences present.
The second hypothesis which posited that parents, family members,
and other significant people influenced second language learning was
accepted. Political influences and attitudes toward language which
were observed in the community and the school environment were docu
mented. Correlations between parents' self-ratings and students' rank
on oral scores was statistically significant. Students' self-ratings
and rank on English scores were also significantly related. Ethno
graphic measures indicate that some female students avoided oral
English communication. Cultural expectations for males provide
opportunities for them to acquire and use English which were not
available for females. More research is required to determine the
extent which cultural expectations and sexual roles influence English
learning.
The third hypothesis posited that students who utilized English
communication opportunities would make significantly more progress in
learning English was accepted. Participant observations revealed that
some students accepted opportunities to speak in English and some
students avoided them. The avoidance behavior appeared to be related
to cultural expectations for sexual roles. The avoidance behavior was
most clearly observable during physical education class. Female
participation in physical education was statistically correlated with


199
alternatives. Most students and the parents believed that Cuban
schools were good. They were pleased with the bilingual and ESL
programs at the school. They believed the schools in the U.S. were
good, but felt isolated and unfamiliar with the total school system.
Differentiation of sexual roles was visible in the responses.
Males appeared to interact more frequently with the English-speaking
community. Parents depended more on the boys to interpret and act
as their agents. Boys participated in team and individual athletic
activities outside the home more frequently than did girls. Females
tended to stay at home or visit in the homes of friends but not venture
into the English-speaking community as much as the males. Girls
performed household activities that confined their interaction to the
Hispanic community.
The following section looks at the community and the school
environment as an influence in English acquisition.
A View of the Community System
This section will review changes which have occurred in the environ
ment around the school which have affected the social structure and
culture of the area.
Process through time
In 1970, the population of the county where this study was con
ducted was 348,993 persons; by 1980, it was 573,125, a change of 64.2%
(U.S. Census Bureau 1980, Advanced Count, 1982). The Cubans and Haitians
who arrived during 1980 were not reflected in the count. Also under
represented in this census were about 10,000 Mexicans and other Latins


252
mothers. They have not taken extracurricular positions in clubs or
scholastic organizations as is common among earlier Cuban-American
female students in south Florida.
Fathman (1975) finds that the need to know the language is an
important factor in learning it. The culturally related expectations
appear to be influencing female behavior in two ways. First, their
behavior is limited to a more passive role inside the home. As
listener rather than actor, females have less opportunities for in
teraction and less need to learn English. Second, traditionally
established culturally determined behavior patterns can be maintained
if females are limited in their interaction in English. Smith (1980)
observed the cultural influence of sex role behavior on Portuguese
females and its effect on their acquisition of English. Her observa
tions appear relevant to this learning environment. The behavior
observed in the cafeteria may be an extension of the cultural ex
pectations learned at home. While males were not scoring statistically
higher than females at the time of testing, there was a trend toward
significance. More research is required to determine if these cul
turally relevant sexual role differences eventually result in
significant differences in levels of achievement in English. The
school staff should be alerted to this possibility and develop methods
for encouraging females to use English more without engendering funda
mental conflicts of cultural values.
Hypothesis Three
Students who utilize English communication opportunities will make
more progress in mastering English as measured by ethnographic means


226
"When they do dress out, they hide in the back of the dressing
room and watch over each other until all of the group has changed,"
adds one of the female coaches. "They act as if they were different
from the other girls, but I don't know why."
One administrator was quick to observe that many of the Cuban
girls wore a great deal more makeup than was customary of U.S. girls
of the same age. This administrator also pointed out that those girls
who did less well in physical education were also those who wore more
makeup.
Correlations were performed between rating in physical education
and rank on total English and Spanish scores and are displayed on
Table 4-19. Results indicate that there was a significant correlation
between the 12-year-olds' participation in physical education class
and rank on English achievement. The statistical significance cor
relations decreased with age; results of the older students showed a
nonsignificant negative correlation on the same measures. Analyzing
the data by sex revealed a significant positive relationship for the
females who did well in physical education and rank on English achieve
ment. A significant positive correlation for Spanish and physical
education was found for the males.
Discussion of Correlations of Physical Education Ratings and Language
Scores
This statistical analysis confirms what participant observation
revealed: those females who were unwilling to take risks in expressing
themselves in English were also the ones who did not participate in
physical education. It is possible that the younger students were more


Paos
-18 Enrollment 203
4-19 Correlations of Rank on Total Englisn Scores and
Rank on Total Soam'sn Scores and Ratings by
Physical Education Teachers 227
XI


211
Conversely, one teacher was observed speaking Spanish to the
students in the cafeteria as they went through the free and reduced
lunch line. He said that he had picked up some of the words from the
students and tried to use them,because he liked helping the students
and wanted them to feel at home.
The February issue of the school newspaper had several articles
written by the students on the importance of making new friends and
making strangers feel welcome. However, this concept of welcoming new
people did not appear to exist across language barriers, for the students.
Observations of Cultural Differences and Cultural Transmission
As the review of the literature in Chapter Two indicated, culture
and language are inseparable. The view of the Cuban cultural context
serves to make the familiar school setting strange and to emphasize
differences. The North American context highlights other differences.
The Cuban context
The bilingual teachers were both Cuban-American. They expressed
surprise at the language of the students. According to the teachers,
many students had unusual accents and the vocabulary they used was
different. Students frequently used vulgarisms but appeared not to
realize they had said something offensive. The students and their
parents were, at times, difficult to understand and very different from
any other group of Cubans the teachers had ever seen.
The teachers' observations were supported by Moreno Fraginals (1982),
a Cuban writer and professor who was visiting the U.S. from Cuba. His


29
The educational ethnographer's task is to sort through the highly
visible elements of cultural differences found in the school setting
and interpret the subtle, but highly significant way that participants
view events so those interested in the research can understand (Geertz,
1973; Wolcott, 1980).
The second part of this section reviewed research on socio
linguistics and second language acquisition. Under natural learning
conditions the process of learning a second language is much like
learning the first. However, adults and teenagers learn the school -
instructed elements of language much faster than younger children
(Ervin-Tripp, 1978). Adults are more conscious of grammar (Krashen,
1978). The social setting is an important motivating factor (Fillmore,
1976) in second language learning. Adults who feel psychologically
or socially distant from the speakers of the target language learn the
language much more slowly, if at all (Schumann, 1978). The political
position of the language in relationship to the learners is very im
portant (Edelsky & Hudelson, 1980). Troike (1981) and Cummins (1981)
emphasize the need to break down social and cultural barriers to
facilitate second language learning.
Canale (in press) presents a framework for defining communicative
proficiency. Damico et al. (1981) believe pragmatic and surface-
oriented criteria are important. Burt and Dulay (1978) emphasize the
need for distinguishing between naturalistic and linguistically manipu
lative tasks. Rodriguez-Brown (1979) finds that educational treatments
greatly influence educational achievements on measures of reading.


117
Quantitative Measures of Expressive Language
The Language Assessment Scale II (LAS II) was used to collect
written and oral language samples of the Cuban participants. Table
4-1 displays the ratings of these samples.
On oral samples in Engl