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Violence and relations of power in Andean-based Peruvian narrative since 1980

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Violence and relations of power in Andean-based Peruvian narrative since 1980
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Cox, Mark R., 1959-
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vi, 250 leaves : ; 29 cm.

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Novels ( jstor )
Police ( jstor )
Sendero luminoso ( jstor )
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Violence ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1995.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 243-249).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Mark R. Cox.

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VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER
IN ANDEAN-BASED PERUVIAN NARRATIVE SINCE 1980










BY

MARK R. COX


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1995














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


I would like to express my thanks to the members of my

supervisory committee for their support: Dr. Adolfo Prieto,

Dr. Charles Perrone, Dr. Reynaldo Jimenez, and Dr. Tony

Oliver Smith.

Dr. Andres Avellaneda, the chair of the committee, was

patient in reading the many versions of the dissertation,

always had time to discuss my progress, and kept me

inspired.

I am also grateful for the guidance of Dr. Randal

Johnson, who left the University of Florida before I was

able to complete my work.

Dr. Tomas G. Escajadillo was kind enough to lend me a

personal copy of his dissertation.

Finally, I would like 'to thank my family for their

support, and, especially, to my wife, Silvia, for all of her

invaluable help and support.


L














TABLE OF CONTENTS


Dage


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . .

ABSTRACT . .


CHAPTERS


1 INTRODUCTION . .

The Indian, Indigenista Narrative, and Criticisms
The Development of Indigenista Narrative .
Contemporary Indigenismo, or Neoindigenismo. .
Obstacles Facing Contemporary Neoindigenista
Writers . .
Themes in Contemporary Indigenista Narrative .
The Choice of Works .

2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE .

Political Indigenismo .
Definitions of Indigenista Narrative .
Two Criticisms of Indigenista Narrative .
Extraliterary Factors and Indigenismo .
The Development of Indigenista Narrative .
Historical and Literary Developments since the
1950s . .

3 LITERARY AND HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS: 1960S AND
1970S . .

Manuel Scorza . .
Hildebrando Perez Huarancca .
Conclusions . .


4 VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER IN SIX
NOVELS FROM THE 1980S AND 1990S .

Felix Huamin Cabrera .
Samuel Cavero Galimindi .
Julio Ortega .
Miguel Garnett .
Luis Castro Padilla .
Mario Vargas Llosa .


. 112

. 112
. 119
. 134
. 141
. 155
. 164


iii


59

60
98
110


0









5 VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER IN SELECTED


SHORT STORIES FROM THE 1980S AND


1990S


Cecilia Granadino .
Andres Diaz Nunez .
Julian Perez .
S6crates Zuzunaga Huaita
Oscar Colchado Lucio .
Mario Guevara Paredes .
Reynaldo Santa Cruz .
Dante Castro Arrasco .
Luis Nieto Degregori .
Enrique Rosas Paravicino

6 CONCLUSIONS .


WORKS CITED . .

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .


178


. 178
. 183
. 185
. 192
. 199
. 200
. 202
. 205
. 210
. 224

237


S. 243

S. 250


.UI














Abstract of the Dissertation Presented to the Graduate
School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER
IN ANDEAN-BASED PERUVIAN NARRATIVE SINCE 1980

By

Mark R. Cox

May 1995

Chairman: Andr6s O. Avellaneda
Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures

The dissertation analyzes violence and relations of

power in Andean-based Peruvian narrative since 1980 from

literary, sociological and historical perspectives. A

constant presence in Peruvian literature since 1848,

indioenista narrative has been and continues to be an

integral part of the debate about the Indian. The

dissertation examines short stories and novels by eighteen

writers dealing with the period after 1980, the year when

Peru returned to civilian rule and the Sendero Luminoso

guerrilla movement began its armed struggle. The focus is

on the narrative interpretation of the Indian and the

guerrilla war during this period.

Chapters 1 and 2 examine critical theories and debates

about indigenista narrative and its development.

Indiaenista narrative is part of the larger debate about the


v







role of the Indian in Peru. Many critical studies of

indiaenista narrative mistakenly focus on subjective

interpretations of the authenticity of a text's description

of the indigenous world. They fail to consider that both
literary and political indiaenismo are exterior, not
interior, visions of the Indian. In addition, these critics
reveal their own political ideologies in attacking or
praising certain particular writers. It is more fruitful to
analyze indiaenista narrative as a reflection and an
influence in the exterior debate about the Indian. With
roots in the chronicles of the conquest, indiaenista
narrative has been produced continuously since 1848.
Chapter 3 studies two works that take place in the

1960s and 1970s and interprets them in light of the

revolutionary potential of the Indian. Chapters 4 and 5

examine six novels and forty-one short stories published
since 1986 by sixteen writers. The focus is on the
narrative treatment of violence and relations of power in
relation to the indigenous peoples and the guerrilla war.













vi



I














CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION


A constant presence in Peruvian narrative since 1848,

indioenista narrative is an important source for

understanding changing ideas about the Indians and their

world. In spite of criticisms of indiaenismo,

pronouncements of its death, and literary critics ignoring

it, many writers continue to write indicenista narrative of

high quality and to address important issues in contemporary

Peru. Marking a new era after twelve years of military

rule, in 1980 the country returns to civilian rule and the

Sendero Luminoso guerrilla movement begins its armed

struggle. Through the analysis of novels and short stories

by eighteen writers, the dissertation examines the state of

contemporary indigenista narrative, its major

preoccupations, and what the works say about contemporary

Peru.


The Indian, Indiqenista Narrative, and Criticisms


Indians, the "Indian problem," and indiaenismo are the

result of the conquest of the Americas. Guillermo Bonfil

Batalla asserts that the conquest grouped the autochthonous

peoples under the label of Indians, who were seen as










different and inferior. The colonizers justified their

domination as a magnanimous effort to civilize the Indians

(UtoDia v revoluci6n 19). Indiaenistas are usually mestizos

or whites who, in an environment primarily exterior to the

indigenous world, formulate differing ideas of the Indians

and their role in the country. Henri Favre defines

indiaenismo as the following:

Llamamos "indigenismo" una corriente de
pensamiento y de ideas que se organizan y
desarrollan alrededor de la imagen del indio. Se
present como una interrogaci6n de la indianidad
por parte de los no indios en funci6n de
finalidades propias de estos Gltimos. (qtd. in
Barre 29-30)

By definition indicenista narrative is an exterior

perspective of the indigenous world. Jose Carlos Mariategui

argues that critics commit a great injustice if they attack

indiaenista narrative for not describing the indigenous

world from within. It is a literature written by mestizos.

Hence, it is indiaenista, not indiaena (306). Antonio

Cornejo Polar contends that Mariategui's comments are

crucial in doing away with the idea of indicenista narrative

as an interior expression of the Andean world and

establishing the base for a more coherent interpretation of

it ("El indigenismo y las literaturas heterogeneas" 17).

Unfortunately, many critics have not heeded Mariategui's

clarification that indigenismo is an exterior perspective

and continue to judge works based on their own subjective

conceptions of the indigenous world.










Efrain Kristal argues that judging indiaenista

narrative on the basis of subjective opinions of the

authentic description of the indigenous world is not

productive. Critics choose writers who describe their own

conception of the Indian and manipulate the genre to show

how other works lead up to a more complete vision of the

Indian (The Andes 8). What occurs is a nearly endless

succession of competing interpretations of the most correct

representation of the indigenous world. Kristal argues that

many critical works are "fictional and misleading," because

they choose a writer based on a "particular political (or

anthropological) position," with the result of "taking it

out of the context within which it is relevant, namely a

political or an anthropological discussion" (8). Instead of

contesting the authenticity of the description of the

Indian, he proposes that a more fruitful approach is to

analyze the relationship of indiaenista narrative with the

political debate about the Indian (xiii). Therefore,

understood as an exterior perspective, indigenista narrative

reflects and influences debates about the Indian.

Many criticisms of the formal structures of indiaenista

narrative are related to the process of the relegation of

indiaenista and regional narrative to a subordinate position

in relation to the boom. During the struggle, many

associated with the boom contended that indiaenista

narrative was defective and impure (Cornejo Polar,










Literature v sociedad 67-68). Pierre Bourdieu argues that

one of the struggles in the field of cultural production is

to gain the power to define what a writer is and to exclude

others from the dominant definition ("The Field of Cultural

Production" 323). He further argues that the meaning of a

work changes with each change in the field (313). Within

these bounds, much of the criticism of indiqenista narrative

since the 1960s can be understood as the struggle to

supplant the dominance of regional narrative within the

field of cultural production or as a consequence of regional

narrative's loss of a dominant position.

However, those affiliated with the boom, armed with

European and North American theories of the novel, did not

consider the unique requirements of indiaenista narrative.

Mariategui points out that much of Peruvian literature can

not be studied with methodologies appropriate for other

national literatures formed without a conquest (210). Many

critics of indiaenista narrative fail to consider that it

must remain faithful to its indigenous referent and to

western formal structures. Antonio Cornejo Polar says that

the result is heterogeneous literature, where

se trata de literaturas en las que uno o mas de
sus elements constitutivos correspondent a un
sistema socio-cultural que no es el que preside la
composici6n de los otros elements puestos en
acci6n en un process concrete de producci6n
literaria. (Literatura v sociedad 60)










Due to this, it is defective or is a creative response to

the demands of describing the indigenous world with western

formal structures.


The Development of Indigenista Narrative


Indicenista narrative is part of a constant

preoccupation with the role of the Indian. Much more than a

literary school, it has roots in the chronicles of the

conquest and has been a constant in Peruvian literature

(Cornejo Polar, Literatura v sociedad 36-37). The

chronicles of the conquest treat many themes that become

prominent in indigenista narrative. Since Narciso

Arestegui's El Padre Horin (1848), the production of

indicenista narrative has been a continuous process in Peru.

It is influenced by and influences the political debate

about the Indians and their conception.

The chronicles of the conquest are the first written

works to address the role of the Indian in Peru.

Particularly germane to the study of the roots of

indigenista narrative are the chronicles of the Inca

Garcilaso de la Vega, Titu Kusi Yupanqui, and Felipe Guamin

Poma de Ayala. Each criticizes various aspects of the

conquest, principally the brutal subjugation and destruction

of the native populations. The works fall under Antonio

Cornejo Polar's definition of heterogeneous literature,

because, like indigenista narrative, they reflect European










and indigenous influences and describe the indigenous world

for a non indigenous audience. They contrast an idyllic

past with the chaos of the present to criticize the abuses

of the conquest. The concept of the trinity of the abusers

of the Indian is not a creation of Manuel Gonzalez Prada,

but rather Felipe Guamin Poma (Guaman Poma, La nueva cr6nica

13). While the chronicles are not indiqenista narrative,

they do contain many of the formal and thematic elements

later found in indiaenista narrative.'

Indigenista narrative in the nineteenth century centers

on the Indian as an agricultural worker or as a key in the

industrialization of Peru. According to Efrain Kristal,

three of the dominant factions in Peru in the nineteenth

century are liberals, civilistas, and the industrial elite.

Each group has members who write narrative reflecting its

political ideology and, in turn, influence the political

debate about the Indian. The liberals, primarily the rural

oligarchy, want to do away with some abuses of the Indians

to have more productive agricultural workers. Narciso

Arestegui's El padre Horin (1848) is an expression of

liberal thought. Both the civilistas and the industrial

elite want to industrialize Peru, although through different


1 For a comparison of Felipe Guamin Poma de Ayala and
Jose Maria Arguedas, see Roger Zapata, Guaman Poma.
indiaenismo v est6tica de la dependencia en la cultural
peruana, Minneapolis, MN: Institute for the Study of
Ideologies and Literatures, 1989.










means. The key is that the Indian is central to

industrialization. Writers such as Ladislao Grana, Juana

Manuela Gorriti, Juan Vicente Camacho, and Ricardo Palma

have works that reflect civilista thought. Manuel Gonzilez

Prada, after the War of the Pacific (1879-83) and before his

conversion to anarchism, is the main spokesperson for the

industrial elite. Clorinda Matto de Turner's trilogy of

novels, including Ayes sin nido (1889), reflects the

ideology of the industrial elite (Kristal, The Andes 37-

154).

In the first part of the twentieth century, especially

from the 1920s to the 1940s, indigenista narrative is the

dominant literary form in Peru. Ciro Alegria and Jose Maria

Arguedas are two of the principal indiaenista writers of

that era. Efrain Kristal argues that Alegria's works during

this period reflect the influence of the ideology of the

APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana), primarily

in the valuing of the indigenous community ("Del

indigenismo" 67-68). In "No soy un aculturado..." (1968)

Jose Maria Arguedas credits the influence of Mariategui,

Lenin, and socialism for giving direction to his work (El

zorro de arriba v el zorro de abaio 14).


Contemporary Indigenismo, or Neoindiaenismo


In the 1950s and 1960s indiaenista narrative cedes its

dominant position in the cultural field to an urban










narrative heavily influenced by the boom. Antonio Cornejo

Polar and Luis Fernando Vidal argue that since the 1950s

there are two general currents in Peruvian narrative. The

first, represented by Jose Maria Arguedas, focuses on the

disintegration of the old oligarchicc) social order, and the

redefinition of the dominated sectors in the sierra. The

second current, represented by Mario Vargas Llosa, deals

with the construction of a new order (Nuevo cuento peruano

15-18). Efrain Kristal notes that one of the principal

historical reasons for the change in focus in Peruvian

literature is the massive migration from the Andes to the

cities. The migration is the result of the bankruptcy of

the traditional agricultural economy based in the

latifundios, which has been one of the major subjects

treated in indigenista narrative ("Del indigenismo" 57).

With the eclipse of the landed oligarchy, a new dominant

group, composed of three groups, gains power. Kristal says

that some works of three of Peru's more well-known writers

are associated with the dominant group. Julio Ramon Ribeyro

describes the vision of the oligarchy in decline, Mario

Vargas Llosa (in his first novels) the new middle classes,

and Alfredo Bryce Echenique a new dominant sector allied

with international commerce that benefits from exports,

imports, and, at times, industrialization (69). Kristal

concludes that, as a presence in urban narrative and in

indiqenismo, the Indian continues to have a major impact on










Peruvian narrative and is the key to understanding the

recent transformations in Peru (69-74).

One of the most rigorous critics of indiqenista

narrative, Tomas G. Escajadillo says that neoindiaenismo

begins in the 1950s and continues to the present.

Essentially, neoindigenista writers use more contemporary

narrative techniques and the narrative focus becomes broader

due to social, political, and economic changes in the sierra

("La narrative indigenista" 19-32). Early neoindigenista

writers include Eleodoro Vargas Vicuia, Carlos Eduardo

Zavaleta, and Jose Maria Arguedas's later works, such as Los

rios Drofundos (1958) and "La agonia de Rasu-Niti" (1962)

(272). In La narrative indigenista he analyzes

neoindiaenista writers published after 1971.2


Obstacles Facing Contemporary Neoindiaenista Writers


In spite of efforts to establish a strong domestic

publishing industry in the late 1950s and early 1960s,

writers with the most national and international success

have published outside of the country. Manuel Scorza's

efforts to promote the publishing industry and to expand the

literary audience in Peru and other Spanish-speaking

countries in the late 1950s and early 1960s was a stunning,

but ephemeral success. According to Antonio Cornejo Polar,

2 He also mentions these groups in "Tres narradores neo-
indigenistas," and "Los ileaitimos en la literature neo-
indigenista."


s~








10

the international response to Mario Vargas Llosa's La ciudad

v los Derros (1964) had two results. The first was to

largely end efforts to develop national literature through a

domestic editorial system. The second was to show the

effectiveness of the international route that Vargas Llosa

followed ("Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'" 551-52). Cornejo

Polar and Vidal say that, after Vargas Llosa and Scorza, the

only other writer to be completely successful in following

the international route is Alfredo Bryce Echenique. They

also point out that in 1982 three books of short stories

were published in Peru. In the same year almost two

thousand people participated in the short story contest

sponsored by the newsweekly, Caretas. Of the seventeen

finalists, only two or three had published in the genre

before. As judges for literary contests, they note that the

number of published works does not reflect the quantity of

indiaenista narrative written. In addition to the weak

publishing industry, writers face a small reading public and

a developing economy (Nuevo cuento peruano 11-13).

According to Carlos Calder6n Fajardo, there are two

distinct groups of young writers divided along class lines.

He argues that one group, inspired by the models of Mario

Vargas Llosa, Julio Ramon Ribeyro, and Alfredo Bryce

Echenique, tends to avoid writing about the realities of

contemporary Peru. The other group, many of popular

extraction, writes about themes such as subversion,










violence, the shanty towns, Andean influences in the city,

and other social themes. He contends that both groups are

almost mutually exclusive and even have their own different

critical communities ("El 'boom' subterrineo de la narrative

peruana" 105-6).

The Peruvian and international critical communities

ignore most neoindiaenista writers after Arguedas. Even a

writer of the stature of Manuel Scorza has had to face being

shunned by many in the critical community. Tomas G.

Escajadillo criticizes the Peruvian critical community's

almost complete silence about Scorza's works ("Scorza antes

de la 6ltima batalla"). Friedhelm Schmidt points out that

most of the items in his bibliography of Scorza are minor

references, reviews and interviews. He contends that this

is evidence of the international critical community's lack

of a systematic preoccupation about Scorza's works

("Bibliografia de y sobre Manuel Scorza" 273). Critical

reflection about other indiqenista writers publishing since

1980 is sparse at best. Tomas G. Escajadillo's articles and

recent book are a pleasant exception. While there are

newspaper and journal articles, they have a limited

circulation within Peru.


Themes in Contemporary Indigenista Narrative


While the traditional trinity of exploiters of the

Indian (landowners, priests, and government authorities)








12
still appears in the narrative, the landowner and the system

of pamonalismo are less of a focus. The criticism falls

more on society and the system as a whole than the

traditional socioeconomic system based on landowners.3

This reflects the effects of the agrarian reforms of the

1960s (although incomplete) and the decline of the landed

oligarchy. In the works analyzed landowners and priests are

less prominent, while the government and society are usually

indifferent or hostile to the needs of the camDesino.

Land and agriculture continue to be the predominant

economic themes. In many texts there are direct and veiled

criticisms of landowners that amassed vast tracts of land

and the incomplete agrarian reforms of the 1960s. The

legacy of these two factors results in many camDesinos being

left with poor and inadequate land. Government programs

designed to help the campesino are largely ineffective and,

at times, are counter to their needs. A consequence of the

weak agricultural economy is the continued migration to

urban areas in the sierra and the coast.

Three kinds of teachers in the narrative reflect

changes in society. Tomas G. Escajadillo mentions two types

of characters. The first is teachers who aid the

established order. The second is teachers associated with

the SUTEP, the principal teachers' union (Arroyo 96). The


3 For example, see Tomas G. Escajadillo, "Hildebrando
P&rez Huarancca," and Jose M. Iztueta, "En torno a Los
ileaitimos."








13
teachers affiliated with the SUTEP work to help communities

progress, but they and the communities are often victims of

a system that fears changes in the status quo and threats to

its power. Teachers who join the guerrillas make up the

third category.

The guerrilla war becomes a prominent theme in works

published in 1986 and after. While the military and police

appear in previous indigenista narrative, usually repressing

land seizures by campesinos, the task of confronting the

guerrilla movement is a theme unique to the present.4 Most

works condemn the violence by the repressive forces and the

guerrillas, but others are positive toward one group or the

other. Other actors that appear in some works are the

paramilitary rondas campesinas.


The Choice of Works

The dissertation is purposely incomplete for many

reasons. It is nearly impossible to include every

indioenista work and every short story or novel that

discusses the guerrilla war. Except for the third chapter,

the emphasis is on works published since 1980 that deal with

contemporary violence and relations of power in the Peruvian

sierra. Due to this, many excellent writers and works that

primarily focus on the revalorization of the Indian are


4 While there are narrative works about the guerrillas in
1965, Sendero Luminoso has had much more of an impact on the
country.








14
excluded. Works that treat the guerrilla war outside of the

sierra region are also excluded. The goal of the

dissertation is to help fill in a gap of critical studies of

contemporary narrative fiction visions of the sierra since

the beginning of the Sendero Luminoso's armed struggle in

1980.

The focus of the dissertation is on the relationship of

the texts with the larger context of social, political, and

economic developments in Peru since 1980. Chapter 2

examines theoretical questions about indigenista narrative

and summarizes its development. Chapter 3 analyzes two

works from 1979 and 1980, both related to revolution. The

fourth and fifth chapters analyze novels and short stories,

respectively, about the period after 1980.













CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Indians, the "Indian problem," and indigenismo are the

result of the conquest of the Americas. According to

Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, the term Indian refers to the

autochthonous colonized sector of society and to a colonial

relationship. He argues that a colonial situation requires

a global definition of the colonized peoples as different

and inferior. In this way the colonizers justify their

privileged position and rationalize the conquest as a

magnanimous effort to civilize the colonized peoples (19).

The subjugation of the Peruvian Indians has been a difficult

task. Unlike the relatively quick conquest in Mexico, in

Peru it took the Spanish almost forty years to defeat the

Neolnca empire. Since the conquest, there have been many

uprisings. With the beginning of the armed struggle of

Sendero Luminoso in 1980, campesinos become the principal

participants as victims, guerrillas, or members of the

repressive forces.

The role of the Indian is a question that has been a

major component of Peruvian political and literary discourse

since the conquest. Most of the discussions are classified

as indiaenismo, which generally has two sides: the








16
revalorization of the indigenous peoples and social protest.

The focus of this dissertation and this chapter is on the

social protest tradition of indigenismo. This chapter

focuses on definitions and overviews of political

indiaenismo and indigenista narrative fiction, extraliterary

factors and the narrative, and a summary of the development

of indigenista narrative and related historical developments

since the conquest.


Political Indigenismo


While political indiqenismo attempts to help the

Indians, it is not an entirely altruistic endeavor. Henri

Favre defines indigenismo as the following:

Llamamos "indigenismo" una corriente de
pensamiento y de ideas que se organizan y
desarrollan alrededor de la imagen del indio. Se
present como una interrogacion de la indianidad
por parte de los no indios en funci6n de
finalidades propias de estos Gltimos. (qtd. in
Barre 29-30)

The key is that Indians have little to do with indiaenista

theories or their implementation. They are merely the

beneficiaries (or victims) of policies created by others on

their behalf. This is not to say that indigenistas are

insincere or do not want to help the Indians, but the

results of their ideologies and policies are often of most

benefit to the indiaenistas.

Marie-Chantal Barre argues that the principal goal of

government indigenista policies is to integrate the Indian









into the dominant society, which results in the

disintegration of the communal system. Since the conquest

the government expects the indigenous populations to

assimilate into an alien, all-encompassing system that

includes a new system of production, a new religion, and a

new culture. Marxists support their integration into the

modern capitalist sector of society, because they believe

that the proletarianization of the Indians is a necessary

step toward socialism. In the process of incorporating the

indigenous populations into the dominant society, the

communal system begins to disintegrate. Although laws

recognize the right of existence of indigenous communities,

individualistic agrarian reforms favor the development of

individual property and the expansion of capitalism. While

integrationist policies have positive benefits, they also

lead to the disintegration of communities (85-91). In

conclusion, the conquest drastically altered the indigenous

world and left a legacy of policies designed by non Indians

to incorporate them into alien structures. Indioenista

policies have the contradictory effects of aiding the

indigenous peoples and also destroying or greatly

transforming their traditional way of life.


Definitions of Indicenista Narrative

While there are many definitions of indicenista

narrative, critics have traditionally divided indiaenista


i










narrative into two periods. In La novela indianista en

Hispanoam6rica (1934), Concha Mel6ndez argues that narrative

about the Indian should be called indianista. One form is

romantic and the other is the social vindication of the

Indian (Rosemburg 54). In spite of her divisions, the

critical community usually makes a distinction between

indianismo and indiaenismo. For example, Luis Alberto

Sanchez states that indianismo emphasizes exotic and

emotional aspects of the Indian, and indiaenismo focuses on

social demands based on economic and agrarian problems

(Echevarria 289-90). The only change is a different name,

but the distinctions remain the same.

Tomas G. Escajadillo, one of the more rigorous critics

of indiaenista narrative, proposes three categories:

indianismo, orthodox indigenismo, and neoindiqenismo ("La

narrative indigenista" 271-72). He argues that there are

two focuses of the indigenous theme in indianismo. The

modernist version includes Abraham Valdelomar's Los hilos

del sol (1921) and Ventura Garcia Calder6n's short stories

that have Andean themes. Romantic-realist-idealist

indianismo consists of works like Narciso Arestegui's El

Padre Horan (1848) and Clorinda Matto de Turner's Ayes sin

nido (1889). He considers Matto de Turner's novel a

precursor or antecedent of indicenismo (6).

Escajadillo argues that orthodox indiqenismo begins

with Enrique L6pez Alb6jar's Cuentos andinos (1920) and









culminates, but does not end, with Ciro Alegria's El mundo

es ancho v ajeno (1941) and Jos6 Maria Arguedas's Yawar

fiesta (1941) (272). His three conditions for this period

are: 1) the vindication of the Indian, 2) the creation of

flesh and blood characters, overcoming the limitations of

the romantic idealization of Indians, and 3) sufficient

proximity in relation to the Indian and the indigenous world

(271).

Escajadillo says that neoindiaenismo begins in the

1950s and continues to the present. Early neoindicenista

writers include Eleodoro Vargas Vicuna, Carlos Eduardo

Zavaleta, and Jos6 Maria Arguedas's later works, such as Los

rios profundos (1958) and "La agonia de Rasu-Niti" (1962)

(272). In an interview with Carlos Arroyo, he says that in

a forthcoming book (La narrative indiaenista) he analyzes

neoindiaenista writers published after 1971. He classifies

them in three groups according to their age. In the first

group are Manuel Scorza, Carlos Eduardo Zavaleta, Edgardo

Rivera Martinez, and Marcos Yauri Montero. The second group

consists of Felix Huamin Cabrera, Victor Zavala Catano,

Oscar Colchado Lucio, and Hildebrando Perez Huarancca. He

includes some twenty younger writers in an appendix, but in

the interview he only mentions Julian P6rez (95-96).

Principal characteristics of neoindicenismo are: 1) the use

of magical realism or lo real maravilloso, 2) the

intensification of lyricism, 3) the use of newer, more


..










innovative narrative techniques, and 4) the broadening of

the area represented in the narrative in consonance with the

development of the indigenous problematic ("La narrative

indigenista" 19-32).

Escajadillo contends that indiuenismo is more than a

simple literary movement. He cites Jose Carlos Mariategui's

argument that indiqenismo arose as an effort to solve the

"Indian problem." According to some, there has been no

solution, and some aspects of the problems facing the

indigenous peoples have worsened ("Tres narradores neo-

indigenistas" 7). Escajadillo argues that the number of

contemporary young neoindiaenista writers is evidence that

indiaenismo is not dead: "Todo esto demuestra que la

modernidad compete una de las mas grandes estupideces cuando

decreta la muerte del indigenismo y que la realidad

desmiente lo que algun dia dijeron Carlos Fuentes, Mario

Vargas Llosa o Jose Donoso" (qtd. in Arroyo 96).

Antonio Cornejo Polar emphasizes the importance of

perceiving indigenismo as a long, historical and literary

process. He argues that romantic indiqenismo is a better

term than indianismo, because it is one period of a long

tradition:

Esta manera de entenderlo tiene la ventaja, entire
otras, de evitar una periodizaci6n absolutizada,
con etapas que en verdad es impossible distinguir
con rigor; al reves, permit percibir el curso del
indigenismo como una amplia y casi ininterrumpida
secuencia, cuyo origen esta en las cr6nicas como
se ha visto, que se plasma diferencialmente de
acuerdo a las variantes que la historic general de








21

la literature peruana puede detectar con relative
facilidad. En otras palabras: el indigenismo
romantico es simplemente una etapa de un largo y
accidentado process que recorre, y en cierto modo
vertebra, el curso de la literature peruana. De
esta manera la oposici6n entire indianismo e
indigenismo pierde importancia, sin desaparecer
del todo por supuesto, para permitir una
comprensi6n mas cabal de la profundidad hist6rica
del indigenismo. (Literatura v sociedad 36-37)

Whether a writer is influenced by the literary

techniques of romanticism, realism, magical realism or some

other ism, each generation has seen the need to write about

the indigenous world. Following Antonio Cornejo Polar's

argument, the dissertation focuses more on the indiaenista

tradition than trying to promote any specific critic's

definition of a period of indigenista narrative.


Two Criticisms of Indiaenista Narrative


One criticism concerns the formal structures of

indilenista narrative, much of it coming from those allied

with the boom. This criticism can be understood within the

larger context of the struggle between individuals, groups,

and institutions identified with the boom and those

associated with regional and indigenista narrative. Pierre

Bourdieu argues that part of the struggle within the field

of cultural production is which group gains the power to

define what a writer is ("The Field of Cultural Production"

323). Due to this, "The meaning of a work (artistic,

literary, philosophical, etc.) changes automatically with

each change in the field within which it is situated for the










spectator or reader" (313). Within these bounds, much of

the criticism of indiaenista narrative since the 1960s can

be understood as the struggle to supplant the dominance of

regional narrative within the field of cultural production

or as a consequence of regional narrative's loss of a

dominant position. Antonio Cornejo Polar notes that the

insurgent group "puso especial enfasis en demostrar que la

novela anterior, incluyendo la novela indigenista a veces en

primera linea, era una 'novela primitive' o una 'novela

impura'" (Literatura v sociedad 67). An example of this is

Mario Vargas Llosa's polemical statement in 1964: "El

fracaso del indigenismo fue double: como instrument de

reivindicaci6n del indio, por su racism al reves y su

criterio hist6rico estrecho, y como movimiento literario por

su mediocridad estetica" ("Jose Maria Arguedas y el indio"

142). Cornejo Polar says in many of the criticisms "lo que

se buscaba era frecuentemente no mas que enfatizar la

originalidad adinica de los nuevos narradores

hispanoamericanos" (Literatura v sociedad 68). He adds that

in many of the criticisms there is an awareness of

indigenous elements in indigenista narrative, but that the

critical interpretation is mistaken (68).

In analyzing the formal structures of indiaenista

narrative, it is crucial to consider the influence of the

indigenous world. Jos6 Carlos Mariitegui argues that much

of Peruvian literature can not be studied with methodologies










valid for other national literatures formed without a

conquest (210). The indigenous influences force changes in

the structure if the writer is to be faithful to the

referent. Antonio Cornejo Polar says that the result is

heterogeneous literature, where

se trata de literaturas en las que uno o mas de
sus elements constitutivos correspondent a un
sistema socio-cultural que no es el que preside la
composici6n de los otros elements puestos en
acci6n en un process concrete de producci6n
literaria. (Literatura v sociedad 60)

The delicate balancing act of indiqenista writers forces

them to make compromises regarding the theories of the

formal structures of the novel and the referent. The result

can be considered to be an aesthetic failure or a creative

response to the problem of representing the indigenous world

with alien literary forms.

Another criticism of indioenista narrative is that

there is a lack of an interior vision of the indigenous

world. In many cases the critic considers Jose Maria

Arguedas to be the paradigm for what indiaenista narrative

should be. In 1964, Mario Vargas Llosa maintained that most

indiaenista writers can not speak about the Indian with

authenticity ("Jos6 Maria Arguedas y el indio" 141).1


1 Almost three decades later, Vargas Llosa is the subject
of similar criticism. Ricardo Gonzalez Vigil writes: "Por
primera vez, en una novela de Vargas Llosa, various dialogos no
suenan como si hubieran sido pronunciados por series vivos.
En convergencia con este desajuste, Lituma en los Andes
no penetra cabalmente en la mentalidad andina" ("Los Andes
desde afuera" 14).









However, for him, Jose Maria Arguedas's knowledge of the

Indian is much more profound, because "los conoce desde

adentro y es l6gico, pues, culturamente hablando, ha sido un

indio" (142). Catherine Saintoul says that "Todos los

textos [indigenistas]... llevan impresa de algun modo esta

mirada exterior y deformante, exceptuando s6lo a Jose Maria

Arguedas" (51). Edgardo J. Pantigoso also speaks of the

exterior perspective that distorts the indigenous world

(62), and he goes so far as to say "Arguedas creci6 indio"

(64). Even such an important literary critic of indiaenismo

as Tomis G. Escajadillo uses the same basic criteria of

analysis. Two of the three conditions for orthodox

indiaenismo are flesh and blood characters and sufficient

proximity in relation to the Indian and his world ("La

narrative indigenista" 271). These conditions are extremely

subjective and subject to the particular preferences of the

critic and the era. Many critics have used, and continue to

use, this criteria as the basis for including or excluding a

particular work or writer in indigenista narrative.

Efrain Kristal takes issue with classifying this

literature by the veracity of the portrayal of the Indian.

In The Andes Viewed from the City: Literary and Political

Discourse on the Indian in Peru: 1848-1930, he attacks "the

fallacy-ridden assumption" that indiaenista narrative should

be interpreted by the precision of the description of the

indigenous world (XI). According to Kristal, this leads to










critics choosing writers who describe their own conception

of the Indian. Based on the writer chosen, critics

manipulate the genre to show how lesser works lead up to a

more complete vision of the Indian (8). What occurs is a

nearly endless succession of competing interpretations of

the most correct representation of the indigenous world.

For example, he cites an 1890 work on Clorinda Matto de

Turner by Emilio Guti6rrez de Quintanilla. Gutierrez argues

that Aves sin nido is the first realist narrative about the

Indian, and compares it with an earlier work by another

writer, which he considers a failed attempt to describe the

Indian (7-8). Later interpretations of Matto de Turner's

novel are highly critical of her depiction of the indigenous

world. Kristal argues that many critical works are

"fictional and misleading," because they choose a writer

based on a "particular political (or anthropological)

position," with the result of "taking it out of the context

within which it is relevant, namely a political or an

anthropological discussion" (8). Instead of contesting the

authenticity of the description of the Indian, Kristal

proposes that a more fruitful approach is to analyze the

relationship of indigenista narrative with the political

debate about the Indian (xiii).

While Kristal has a convincing argument, his claim that

Jose Carlos Mariategui was one of the first to interpret

indiaenista narrative based on the accuracy of the portrayal


__










of the Indian is incorrect. The key to Kristal's argument

is that Mariategui makes a distinction between indiaena and

indiaenista writers and argues that the former will come

closer to expressing the realities of the indigenous world

than the mestizo writers who make up the latter group (3-4).

To bolster his argument he cites this portion of a paragraph

from Mariategui:

La literature indigenista no puede darnos una
version rigurosamente verista del indio. Tiene
que idealizarlo y estilizarlo. Tampoco puede
darnos su propia inima. Es todavia una literature
de mestizos. Por eso se llama indigenista y no
indigena. Una literature indigena, si debe venir,
vendri a su tiempo. Cuando los propios indios
esten en grado de producirla. (Mariategui 306)

However, Kristal does not quote the first sentence of the

paragraph, which warns against what he accuses Mariategui of

doing:

Y la mayor injusticia en que podria incurrir un
critic seria cualquier apresurada condena de la
literature indigenista por su falta de
autoctonismo integral o la presencia, mas o menos
acusada en sus obras, de elements de artificio en
la interpretaci6n y en la expresi6n. (Mariategui
306)

Cornejo Polar interprets the same paragraph

differently. He believes that Mariitegui's assertion about

indiaena literature is debatable, because the production of

indigenous literature has continued in a parallel course

with literature in Spanish ("El indigenismo y las

literaturas heterog6neas" 17). However, he argues that his

definition of indigenista literature is crucial because

"significa la cancelaci6n de la utopia indigenista, como










presunta expresi6n interior del mundo andino, y establece

las bases para fundar una nueva y mas coherente

interpretaci6n del indigenismo" (17).

In conclusion, these two criticisms are based on

impractical expectations of indirenista narrative. The

groups associated with the boom were struggling to achieve a

dominant position within the cultural field and indirenista

and regionalist writers stood in their way. It is natural

that they would find indiaenista narrative to be defective

in relation to their own texts. Even neoindiaenista writers

influenced by the narrative techniques of the boom, like

Jose Maria Arguedas and Manuel Scorza, have suffered in the

aftermath of relegating indigenista narrative to a

subordinate position in the cultural field.2 It is also

erroneous to expect indigenista narrative to conform to

theories of the novel developed within a European and North

American context. Mariategui and Cornejo Polar accurately

point out that the production of indigenista narrative

occurs in a different environment. To expect it to conform

to alien literary forms and to ignore its referent is both

unrealistic and naive. In the 1920s Mariategui clearly

stated that indiaenista narrative is, by definition,

2 For example, Arguedas reacts to his polemics with some
boom writers in El zorro de arriba v el zorro de abalo. For
observations on the reception of Scorza, see Tomis G.
Escajadillo's "Scorza antes de la Gltima batalla," Revista de
critica literaria latinoamericana 7-8 (1978): 183-91, and
"Scorza y el neoindigenismo. Nuevos planteamientos,"
Literaturas andinas 5-6 (1991): 5-22.


j_










exterior. Furthermore, Kristal convincingly argues that

conceptions of the Indian are inherently subjective and

influenced by the political and literary debate about the

Indian. Instead of each generation of critics denigrating

previous narrative visions of the Indian, it is far more

fruitful to analyze indiqenista narrative within the context

of the political debate on the Indian and other

extraliterary factors.


Extraliterarv Factors and Indiaenismo


While extraliterary factors influence all literature,

indioenismo is one of the clearer examples of this. In

fact, many indiaenista writers have suffered political

persecution for their political activities and/or writing.

In 1895 Clorinda Matto de Turner fled into exile in

Argentina and the Catholic Church excommunicated her. Ciro

Alegria and Jos6 Maria Arguedas spent time in jail in the

1930s, and Alegria and Manuel Scorza were exiled, the former

in the 1930s and the latter in the 1950s.

One useful theoretical tool in analyzing this

literature is Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field of

cultural production, which encompasses the examination of

the social conditions of the production, distribution, and

consumption of cultural goods. There are three levels of

analysis. The first is the works, and the individual and

class backgrounds of writers, their trajectories, and their








29
positions within the field. The second is the structure of

the field, which includes writers and those involved in

legitimizing and consecrating narrative works, such as

publishers, critics, and the public. The third level is the

analysis of the literary field within the context of

relations of power in the nation (Johnson, The Field of

Cultural Production 25).

One of the emphases in Pierre Bourdieu's theory is the

struggle for a dominant position in the field of cultural

production. For him, "the field of cultural production is

the site of struggle in which what is at stake is the power

to impose the dominant definition of the writer and

therefore to delimit the population of those entitled to

take part in the struggle to define the writer" ("The Field

of Cultural Production" 323). This struggle has historical

winners and losers, but there are always competitors waiting

to substitute their own definitions for the dominant one.

These competitors include many individuals and groups such

as writers, publishers, literary critics, and the public.

With every change in the field, a work's meaning can also

change (313-17). In a larger context, this conflict relates

to struggles within the country.

The struggle in the field of cultural production
over the imposition of the legitimate mode of
cultural production is inseparable from the
struggle within the dominant class (with the
opposition between "artists" and "bourgeois") to
impose the dominant principle of domination (i.e.,
ultimately, the definition of human
accomplishment). (322)


-.










Within the specific context of Peruvian indigenista

narrative, it has been a major participant in describing and

defining the indigenous populations of Peru and offering

solutions to the "Indian problem."

One of the clearest examples of the relationship

between the political debate on the Indian and the cultural

field is the writings of Jos6 Carlos Mariategui. He places

indiaenista literature within the context of a greater

political, social, and economic struggle. In Siete ensavos

de interDretaci6n de la realidad peruana (1928), he writes,

"El problema indigena, tan present en la political, la

economic y la sociologia, no puede estar ausente de la

literature y del arte" (300). For him, indiaenista

literature plays an important role in the indiaenista

movement, and in the initial stages of a socialist

revolution with the Indian as the base. He compares

indiaenista literature with the prerevolutionary Russian

literature about the peasant in Czarist times, or mulikismo.

In describing and condemning the feudal conditions of the

Russian peasant, he argues that mulikismo played an

important role in the initial stages of the Russian

revolution (299-300). He believes that indiaenista

literature will play a similar role in Peru:

Los "indigenistas" autenticos--que no deben ser
confundidos con los que explotan temas indigenas
por mero "exotismo"--colaboran, conscientemente o
no, en una obra political y econ6mica de
reivindicaci6n-- no de restauraci6n ni de
resurrecci6n. (304)


.1








31
Mariategui set the foundation for understanding indiaenista

literature as much more than a simple literary movement.

Understood as much more than a simple literary school

or movement, indigenista narrative both reflects prevailing

political and anthropological debates about the Indian and

helps to create different conceptions. The dissertation

will attempt to integrate the analysis of the indiaenista

texts in the following chapters within the broader Peruvian

social, economic, political, and cultural context. The

focus is on the relations of power in the Andean region and

the consequent violence as perceived by the various writers

studied.


The Development of Indigenista Narrative


The Chronicles


Many of the conflicts in contemporary Peru have their

origins in the conquest, which essentially divided Peruvian

society into two often antagonistic groups. The chronicles

reflect the conflicting visions of the conquest. Some

justify the conquest, others are critical, and some reject

its legitimacy. Critics such as Antonio Cornejo Polar argue

that the chronicles also can be understood as the roots of

indiaenista narrative: "En muchos de estos textos esta

present el sistema que madurara much mas adelante, sobre

todo en la gran novel indigenista" (Literatura v sociedad

33).










The mestizo chronicles of the colonial period are

similar in form and content to indigenista narrative.

According to Martin Lienhard, there are three types of

chronicles. European chronicles, such as those of Hernin

Cortes and Pedro Pizarro, have little influence from

indigenous thought. The Popol Vuh and other indigenous

chronicles come from oral traditions and have little or no

influence from the transcriber. The mestizo chronicle does

not refer to the writers' origins. Rather, Lienhard defines

it by the narrative's heterogeneous nature. For example,

mestizo chronicles can view history from a diachronic,

synchronic, or cyclical perspective (105-6). Once armed

resistance fails, resistance through writing begins. The

Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Titu Kusi Yupanqui, and Felipe

Guaman Poma de Ayala criticize the conquest and the abuses

committed as a result of it.

The son of a Spanish conquistador and an Inca princess,

the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega was one of the first mestizos

in Peru. In his Comentarios reales (1609 and 1617) there is

a certain nostalgia toward the Inca Empire, and a strong, if

subtle, criticism of the conquest. His description of the

Inca empire is of a near-utopian society destroyed by the

conquest. By describing the advances made by the Inca

society, he criticizes the conquest and debunks the idea

that the Indians are savages who need to be civilized.








33

Titu Kusi Yupanqui, the penultimate Inca, dictated his

Relaci6n de la conquista del Peru (1570) shortly before his

execution. According to Rolena Adorno, his principal goals

are to prove his claim as the rightful heir to the Inca

empire, and to argue that the Incas are Christians and

allies of the crown (From Oral to Written Expression 13).

He contrasts the peaceful overtures of the Incas with the

European strategies of deceit, betrayal and violence, which

violate their own moral code as well as that of the Indians.

In this way he attempts to prove his loyalty to the crown

while justifying armed resistance (Chang-Rodriguez 20).

The strongest criticism is in Felipe Guaman Poma de

Ayala's Nueva cr6nica v buen gobierno (1580-1615). His

basic thesis is the following. There is no conquest because

the Incas donate the Tawantinsuyo to the King of Spain and

no further need for evangelization, because they are now

Christians. The corrupt colonial government should be

changed for an Inca-based state, governed by the Indians

under the King's jurisdiction. In conclusion, he is against

colonial government and for a native government, anti-Inca,

but pro-Andean, and anti-clerical but pro-Catholic (Adorno,

Guamin Poma 5).

The condemnation of the conquest in Guaman Poma's

chronicle is similar to many of the criticisms found in

indiaenista narrative. Emphasizing the greed of the

conquest, he uses fifty-two related words in only four pages










(Guamin Poma 10-13). He uses the same strategy as many

indigenista writers in contrasting a nearly perfect society

in the past with a critical view of the present. For

example, in one instance he speaks directly to the reader

and lists many vices that he has never seen among Indians

(275). He then gives examples of the vices of the

Spaniards: "todo lo malo lo tennis y lo ensenfis a los

pobres indios; como entire ustedes se roban, lo hac6is much

mas a los indios pobres, diciendo que habeis de restituir lo

robado; pero no se ve que se hace dicha restituci6n" (275-

76). Another connection with the indiaenista tradition is

Guaman Poma's naming the trinity of exploiters of the

Indian. He writes that while the conquistadors were bad,

"AGn peores que estos, son sus descendientes, los espaioles

de esta epoca, como: los corregidores, Frailes y

encomenderos quienes son tan codiciosos que se venden por el

oro y plata y van directamente al infierno" (13). According

to Escajadillo, in indigenista narrative the triangle

consists of the large landowner, the priest, and civil,

political, and military authority ("La narrative

indigenista" 100).

These three works contain many elements later found in

indiaenista narrative. They reflect the influence of the

European and indigenous worlds, and, as is the case with

indiaenista narrative, describe the indigenous world for a

non indigenous audience. They contrast an idyllic past with


__










a tumultuous present, and use the latter as a springboard

for criticizing the conquest. The Inca Garcilaso is the

most subtle in his criticism. Titu Kusi uses the present to

justify his violent resistance to the representatives of the

crown and Guaman Poma negates the legitimacy of the

conquest. The trinity of exploiters of the indigenous

peoples is not the creation of Manuel Gonzalez Prada, but

rather dates back at least to Guaman Poma. While the

chronicles are not indiqenista narrative, they contain many

of the formal and thematic elements later found in

indiaenista narrative.


Nineteenth Century Indigenismo


Peruvian indicenista narrative began in the 1840s. In

The Andes Viewed from the City: Literary and Political

Discourse on the Indian in Peru: 1848-1930, Efrain Kristal

analyzes the relationship between economic and political

changes in Peru and changing literary expressions about the

Indian. According to him, three of the dominant factions of

Peruvian society in the nineteenth century were liberals,

civilistas, and industrialists.

In general, the liberals reflected the ideology of the

rural oligarchy. They wanted to make minimal changes in the

status quo, such as ending abuses of the tribute system. In

doing away with the worst abuses, the hope was to have a

more productive agrarian worker (The Andes 37-42). According










to Kristal, Narciso Arestegui's El Padre Horin (1848)

reflects this liberal ideology. In the novel there are

criticisms of the tribute system, abuses committed by a

priest, and barriers to commerce. The depiction of the

Indian is as an unjustly abused inferior being who would be

content with poverty and hard work (44-52). A paternalistic

government would protect the Indians and, in turn, use them

to further commerce (54).

In the 1840s the exporting sector gained economic power

through the export of guano and founded the civilista party

in 1871. They criticized the inefficiency of large farms

and landowners who did not invest their wealth in more

productive endeavors. The civilista strategy was to improve

the infrastructure, develop unexploited regions and

products, increase immigration, and invest the profits in

the industrial development of the country (57-69). Kristal

says that civilista thought related to the Indian includes

opposition to the tribute system, unlawful conscription,

uncompensated labor, abduction, and abuses committed by

priests and other authorities. They favor education as well

as the moral and material development of the Indians (90-

91).

An important journal in the civilista movement was La

Revista de Lima. It published political and sociological

essays, and literature, including the following works (69).

Ladislao Grana's S6 bueno v seras feliz (1861) contrasts a








37

hardworking Indian with an abusive governor. The Indian is

jailed, conscripted into the army, and loses all of his

possessions. In spite of his problems, he is industrious,

surmounts his problems, and becomes a successful property

owner. The governor has a shady past, tries to rape the

Indian's wife, and gets richer through unproductive

activities. He is ungrateful when the Indian saves his life

and he and his family nurse him back to health (72-85). In

"Si haces mal no esperes bien" (1861), Juana Manuela Gorriti

attacks those who rape Indian women or kidnap their children

to be servants in Lima. She is especially critical of

soldiers, priests, large landowners, and governors. The

romantic theme deals with two young people who fall in love

only to find out that they have the same father, a soldier.

The father had raped an Indian woman, and the child is the

half-sister and wife of the young man. She dies and he

becomes a monk (86-89). "No era ella" (1862), by Juan

Vicente Camacho, describes a man who accuses a woman,

abducted to be a servant in Lima, of a small theft and

tortures her to death, only to find out that one of his

children is responsible (89-90).

The industrial elite, the third group, arose after the

trauma of losing the War of the Pacific (1879-83) to Chile,

and its principal spokesperson was Manuel Gonzalez Prada.

While the export oligarchy (civilistas) wanted to invest

national capital from export profits in industrialization,


Q








38
the industrial elite wanted to go further and include loans

and international investment to augment national capital.

They proposed the immediate integration of the Indians

through massive education, democracy and private property

(95). According to Kristal,

Gonzalez Prada never argued for the protection of
Indian community property, nor for the
preservation of Indian culture, nor for any kind
of self-determination for the Indians that was not
understood directly within the context of an
emerging capitalist Peru. (120)3

Influenced heavily by Gonzalez Prada, Clorinda Matto de

Turner wrote a trilogy of novels, Aves sin nido (1889),

Indole (1891), and Herencia (1895), and argued that the

condition of the Indians was due to social reasons, not race

(Kristal, The Andes 135). The primary solution in Ayes sin

nido is to educate the Indians and abusive whites. Models

of civilization are Lima and Europe, especially England.

The most positive characters are Europeans, those who live

in cities, and entrepreneurs associated with mining (146-

54).

Both Antonio Cornejo Polar (Literatura v sociedad 40-

41) and Tomas G. Escajadillo ("La narrative indigenista" 77-

78) criticize the novel for not including the problem of

land and exploitative large landowners. Escajadillo


3 However, it should be noted that there are three
periods in Gonzalez Prada's development. Originally a
civilista, he became a spokesperson for the industrial elite,
and then embraced anarchist thought. In the latter period he
argued that the Indians should take up arms to defend
themselves (Kristal, "Del indigenismo" 63).










suggests that this omission is due in part to the

limitations of Manuel Gonzalez Prada's thought. For

example, in the "Discurso en el Politeama" (1888) Gonzalez

Prada says that judges, governors and priests make up the

trinidad embrutecedora, and does not mention landowners ("La

narrative indigenista" 77-78). Cornejo Polar argues that

while there is no explicit criticism of the landowners, it

does denounce the system that sustains them. By utilizing

labor and impeding the creation of a wider market, the

landowners obstruct efforts to modernize the economy. In

this sense, the novel foreshadows the coming rupture between

large landowners and the modernizing bourgeoisie (Literatura

v sociedad 42-43).


Early Twentieth Century Indigenismo


In the first decades of the twentieth century the

growth of the mestizo middle classes dramatically changed

the face of Peru. The number of students in public schools

quadrupled from 1906 to 1928. The number of newspapers and

journals grew from 167 in 1918 to 473 in 1928, and literary

and artistic newspapers and journals grew from 18 in 1918 to

88 in 1928 (Flores Galindo, "Los intelectuales y el problema

national" 142-43). In the 1920s both the APRA (Alianza

Popular Revolucionaria Americana) and Communist parties were

founded. According to Julio Cotler, the latter's rigid

adherence to the Communist International in the 1930s










allowed the APRA to become the principal party of the

popular and middle classes until the 1950s (Clases. estados

v naci6n 232-33). In the 1920s and 1930s the indiaenistas

eclipsed the dominance that criollismo and hisoanismo had

exercised within the cultural field (Cornejo Polar, La

formaci6n 117). Within a larger context, the indiaenista

movement was part of an anti-oligarchy movement (Cornejo

Polar, Literatura v sociedad 12-13).

During this period there were many competing forms of

indiaenismo. Alberto Flores Galindo argues that there were

at least four versions. Some intellectual members of the

oligarchy, such as Victor Andr6s BelaGnde, saw education as

a solution. Two other types are the indioenismo of the

government of Augusto B. Leguia (1919-30) and the

indiaenismo of denunciation with sentimental overtones, as

organized by Pedro Zulen and Dora Mayer in the Asociaci6n

Pro-Indigena. The fourth category includes groups that did

not see Indians as inferior, and looked to specific

solutions to overcoming their exploitation. Flores Galindo

adds that there were different hybrids of these forms and,

at times, different versions coexisted within the same

groups ("Los intelectuales y el problema national" 149-50).

To illustrate the contradictions and complexities one

encounters in analyzing the indiaenismo of that period,

Antonio Cornejo Polar points out that in order to open up an

internal market, some sectors of the bourgeoisie advocated










agrarian reform, one of the principal demands of many

indiaenistas. At the same time, these sectors were among

the worst exploiters of the urban proletariat (Literatura v

sociedad 19-20).

Angel Rama argues that indicenismo after World War I

reflects the demands of the lower sectors of the emerging

white and mestizo middle class. He claims that the

literature reveals a mestizo cosmovision rather than an

indigenous one (147-49). With their ascendancy truncated by

the rigid and archaic structure of Peruvian society at the

time, in attacking the structure they were "amparandose del

indigenismo pero expresando en realidad al mesticismo. Un

mesticismo que sin embargo no se atreve a revelar su nombre

verdadero" (149). Thus, indiqenistas continued to pursue

their own interests under the guise of helping the Indians,

just as previous indigenistas did.


Modernist Indigenista Narrative


The most representative writer of modernist indiqenismo

is Ventura Garcia Calder6n (1886-1959). The son of a former

president, he was born and died in France, and spent close

to fifty years there. One indication of his international

reputation at the time is that prior to World War II he came

close to winning the Nobel Prize for Literature. In Peru he

has not had the same level of acclaim. For example, Mario

Vargas Llosa says that he had probably never seen an Indian










in his life ("Jose Maria Arguedas y el indio" 139). While

Tomas G. Escajadillo acknowledges that Garcia Calder6n was

an important innovator of the Peruvian short story ("La

narrative indigenista" 96), he considers his depiction of

the Indian to be "inexacta, pueril, ex6tica y

sensacionalista," reflecting the vision of his social class,

which exploits the Indian (99). Efrain Kristal says that

the civilista ideology, which dominated Peru's political and

cultural life until the 1920s, influenced Garcia Calder6n.

Articles in journals such as La Sierra, La Revista

Universitaria, and Jos6 Carlos Mariategui's Amauta that

dispute Garcia Calder6n's views are proof that he was an

important part of the debate about the Indian (The Andes

194).

In his indiaenista narrative the Indian is primarily an

inferior being with an admirable past. Kristal says that

the perception that the Indians are impenetrable leads to

the idea that they are hiding something and can not be

trusted. In addition, there are conflicting feelings of

attraction and repulsion. Kristal explains this as an

influence from the colonial period. There was an attraction

to Indian women for sexual pleasures and a repulsion because

the Indians were common laborers. In the narrative it is

acceptable to sexually exploit women and to use physical

punishment up to a certain point. The white man can be a

positive influence by civilizing the Indian (The Andes 200-










9). Tomas G. Escajadillo points out that Garcia Calder6n

does coincide to a certain extent with other indiaenistas in

his anticlericalism. Although there is strong criticism of

priests, Escajadillo argues that it does not fall within his

definition of indigenista narrative because the priests act

as individuals, not as part of a system that exploits the

Indian ("La narrative indigenista" 101-2).


Orthodox Indiaenista Narrative


Roughly speaking, indiaenista narrative was the

dominant literary form in Peru from the 1920s through the

1940s. Escajadillo describes it as a period of orthodox, or

traditional, indigenismo ("La narrative indigenista" 272).

Three principal indigenista writers during this period are

Enrique L6pez Albujar, Ciro Alegria, and Jose Maria

Arguedas.

Escajadillo argues that Enrique L6pez Albujar is the

first indiaenista writer and that the first time flesh and

blood Indians appear in Peruvian narrative is in his Cuentos

andinos (1920). In the short stories many Indians are

rebellious and are frequently very cruel. Another type of

Indian appears more humble and submissive, but deep down

there is an attitude of rebelliousness. L6pez Albujar

condemns the indigenous perspective of the world and argues

for their incorporation into the western and Christian

world. In this, he differs from later indicenistas, such as










Ciro Alegria and Jose Maria Arguedas, who defer more to

indigenous beliefs (119-39). Seventeen years later, L6pez

Albujar published Nuevos cuentos andinos (1937). The short

stories contain a more critical vision of the social

structure in the sierra, as well as being more anticlerical,

and anti-mjsti (160).

Leftist ideologies influenced Ciro Alegria (1909-67)

and Jose Maria Arguedas (1911-69) during their writing

careers. Alegria .was a militant in the APRA, and was jailed

various times in the early 1930s. Exiled in 1934, he did

not return to Peru until 1960. Efrain Kristal argues that

one example of the influence of APRA thought in Alegria's

works is the valuing of the indigenous community, seen in

the contrast between the large landowners in El mundo es

ancho v aieno. The first works with an indigenous community

and the second seeks to destroy it ("Del indigenismo" 67-

68).4 Like Alegria, Arguedas was also imprisoned in the

1930s. In 1965 he remarked that, in addition to his

experience of living with Indians, the influence of the

journal Amauta and the social doctrines of that era were an

essential part in his being able to produce literature

(Primer encuentro de narradores peruanos 235-36). In "No

soy un aculturado..." (1968), Arguedas declared that in

reading Mariategui and Lenin he encountered order in the


4 Alegria wrote his major works before he returned to
Peru from exile and joined Acci6n Popular.










world and "fue la ideologia socialist y el estar cerca de

los movimientos socialists lo que dio direcci6n y

permanencia, un claro destino a la energia que senti

desencadenarse durante la juventud" (El zorro de arriba 14).

Both Tomis G. Escajadillo and Antonio Cornejo Polar

speak of the changes in Arguedas's literary production.

Cornejo Polar argues that there is a progression that begins

with describing conflicts between Indians and whites to

contrasting the Andes with the coastal region to the

relationship of a dominated country with the dominating

country (La novela peruana 144). In terms of literary

categories, Escajadillo says that he progressed from

orthodox indiaenismo to neoindiuenismo and beyond ("La

narrative indigenista" 239).

In the Primer Encuentro de Narradores Peruanos in 1965,

the third debate centered on the Peruvian novel and quickly

became a debate on indiaenista narrative. Antonio Cornejo

Polar argued that El Padre Horin (1848) initiated

indigenista narrative in Peru and that indigenismo should be

considered a constant in Peruvian literature (Primer

encuentro 234-35). Arguedas mentioned his debt to previous

indiaenista writers: "Sin L6pez Alb6jar y aun sin Ventura

Garcia Calder6n, ni Ciro, ni yo, ni todos los que estamos

aqui, seriamos lo que somos" (243). Ciro Alegria contended

that there are many forms of indigenismo. In speculating on

its future, he said that perhaps the ismo of indigenismo was


__










leading them to speak of it in a temporal sense, because

isms come and go. He went on to divide indiaenismo into two

basic categories. The first is more combative in

vindicating the rights of the Indians, and he postulated

that this version could disappear if the social situation

were to change. The second is the intellectual valorization

or revalorization of the Indian (250). He concluded by

saying "El indigenismo es una afirmaci6n del future y una

fuerza en si, inextinguible, como afirmaci6n de la parte

indigena de la Naci6n" (253).

From the chronicles to the culmination of orthodox

indioenismo, writers have described an indigenous world

assaulted on all sides. These works are informed by various

political ideologies that affect writers' descriptions of

the Indians and possible solutions to the "Indian problem."

The literary currents of the period influence the techniques

used. With the beginning of neoindiaenismo in the 1950s,

writers take advantage of increasingly sophisticated

knowledge of the indigenous world and reinvigorate the genre

with more contemporary literary techniques.


Historical and Literary Developments since the 1950s


Actors


Since the 1950s Peru has seen numerous changes. While

the landed oligarchy was in decline, newer sectors of

society began pushing for more inclusive policies for the










popular classes. Despite diverse economic policies

implemented by different governments, the economy has seen a

relative decline in the last few decades.

Two key actors in Peruvian society began to withdraw

their support of the landed oligarchy in the 1950s. The

church had traditionally been an ally of the landed

oligarchy. In the 1950s some elements, concerned with the

problems of poverty, began to oppose the landed oligarchy.

An additional expression of this were the Christian parties

that arose during the 1950s. As was the case with the

church, the institutional preoccupations of the armed forces

roughly coincided with the oligarchy's interests, but in the

1950s and 1960s this began to change. In the name of

national defense, the army would attempt to play a greater

role in expanding the state and developing the country. In

the 1960s the idea of nationalism was added to the goal of

development. In analyzing the campesino movements in the

1950s, it became clear that the archaic system in the sierra

was the root cause and that these movements could develop

into guerrilla movements. During the 1950s and 1960s

segments of the church and the army unified their objectives

and began to see the oligarchy and imperialism as enemies

(Cotler, Clases. estados v naci6n 314-26).

In 1956 new sectors of the popular and middle classes

made their entry into the political scene with reformist

parties such as the Movimiento Social-Progresista, the


I








48

Partido Dem6crata-Cristiano, and the Partido Acci6n Popular,

the latter winning 36.7% of the vote (Cotler 301). Acci6n

Popular's Fernando Belainde Terry was president 1963-68 and

1980-85. His party criticizes indioenista positions for

aggravating problems and leading to division. The primary

policy of Acci6n Popular regarding the indigenous peoples is

to move toward mestizaie:

S61o el mestizaje puede superar el desgarramiento,
s6lo la fusion de las razas, de los pensamientos,
de los sentimientos. S61o un mestizaje, plena
expresi6n de aculturaci6n autentica, puede
contribuir a forjar una cultural unitaria y
creadora. (Zegarra Pinedo 26)

The other principal party since 1956 is the APRA.

Having spent most of its existence as an illegal party, in

1956 the APRA began making deals in order to achieve its

goal of gaining control of the government through the

electoral process. Prior to the 1956 presidential

elections, Manuel Prado offered the APRA a deal, called la

convivencia. In exchange for support in the elections, the

party would be legalized and become a political ally of his

government (Cotler 295). In the 1962 elections the APRA won

a plurality, but did not receive the necessary third of the

vote, throwing the election to the congress. Before they

could elect a president, there was a military coup (350-51).

Cotler says that during the Prado and BelaGnde regimes one

of the APRA's roles was to be a mediator and intermediary

between the dominant and popular classes. Through its

control of the Confederaci6n de Trabaladores del Peru (CTP)










it was able to control and, if needed, hold back popular

demands (339). One result was that the APRA lost members,

especially younger ones, to more radical movements.

During the first Bela6nde government (1963-68), the

alliance between the APRA and the Uni6n Nacional Odriista

(UNO) signified the effective parliamentary control over the

executive branch. The result was that the alliance

protected bourgeois and landowner interests, and thwarted

agrarian reform and union activities outside the control of

the APRA-controlled CTP (Cotler 355-59). In addition to

stymieing Belaunde's legislative programs, the APRA-UNO

alliance forced his hand in other ways:

Es asi como frente al bloqueo apro-odriista,
Belaunde se encontr6 reprimiendo al movimiento
campesino y los ejes del movimiento laboral que
perseguian su autonomia del control aprista. Asi,
el gobierno reprimia a sus bases populares de
apoyo, gracias a la acci6n de sus enemigos. (360)

The four governments between 1968 and 1990 also had

difficulties implementing their policies. Manuel Castillo

Ochoa argues in La escena astillada (1992) that the four

governments "no lograron establecer pactos implicitos,

alianzas entire actors que pudieran dar perdubilidad a la

acumulaci6n y al desarrollo que pretendian" (86). He says

that the Velasco Alvarado military government (1968-75)

experienced an economic crisis in part due to the

disintegration of its alliance. In the mid 1970s the

working classes left the pact and increased their demands.

In addition, the entrepreneurial industrial sector had










opposed certain policies since the beginning of the

government (43). After the August 1975 military coup, the

Morales Bermudez government (1975-80) began to neutralize

the Velasco Alvarado strategy and to implement monetarist

policies. The economic policies favored the exporting

sectors as well as the modern financial and industrial

fractions (44-48). The second Belaunde government (1980-85)

undertook a contradictory policy. The economic team

followed neoliberal monetarist policies while the party

championed populist and redistributive policies (61-65).

The Garcia government (1985-90) changed the economic focus

more toward the internal market and hoped, in strengthening

that sector, to expand the exporting sector. As with

previous governments, Garcia was unable to construct an

alliance to enable him to fully implement his economic plan

(68-79).

Since the 1950s various new and traditional actors

begin to represent new sectors of the popular and middle

classes, but an inability to achieve a workable alliance

among actors has hindered the governments. Due to this,

governments have been less effective in implementing their

policies. In addition, successive governments follow

different policies and spend considerable time and effort

dismantling the policies of the previous government. This

has had a direct effect on the camDesino segment of society.










Agrarian Reform


Many argue that the agrarian reforms since the 1960s

have been too limited. Wilfredo Kapsoli argues that the

agrarian reforms in 1962 and 1964 accomplished little: "Las

mencionadas leyes lejos de solucionar el problema de la

tierra y del campesino, lo agravaron. Destinadas a

beneficiary y proteger a las classes dominantes del pais, en

la practice no pudieron ser implementadas" (Los movimientos

campesinos 105).

The Velasco Alvarado military government (1968-75) also

initiated agrarian reforms. When Velasco Alvarado announced

the agrarian reform law in 1969, he said that one goal was

to do away with the latifundio and minifundio systems and to

replace them with small and medium properties. He wanted to

develop a modern agrarian sector and, from this base, to

create a greater internal market that would help the process

of industrialization (Velasco Alvarado 11-14). In the

announcement he suggested substituting the word campesino

for Indian:

la Ley de Reforma Agraria ha dado su respaldo a
esa gran masa de campesinos que forman las
comunidades indigenas que, a partir de hoy--
abandonando un calificativo de resabios racistas y
de prejuicio inaceptable-- se llamarin Comunidades
Campesinas. (16)

According to Marie-Chantal Barre, the military government's

policies achieved little. If his indiaenista policy was

progressive for the indigenous populations in the Amazon,










"no dio importancia a los problems de la sierra,

limitindose a negar la presencia india en los Andes, por el

hecho mismo de asimilarla a la clase campesina" (57).

Wilfredo Kapsoli argued in 1985 that when there has

been agrarian reform the result is counter to the interests

of the campesino community. Some 3,000,000 people, 50% of

the rural population, live in some 3000 officially

recognized communities. Of this population, only 122,000

families have received land. Although the struggle for land

still continues, it is now primarily in coastal and urban

areas. In the mountains the presence of Sendero Luminoso,

the armed forces, and rondas campesinas preclude similar

measures (Los movimientos campesinos 130-31).

In one of the few publications by Sendero Luminoso,

they argue that Andean agriculture continues in a semifeudal

state. They contend that the agrarian reforms between 1963

and 1979 failed. Their reasoning is that the agrarian

reforms affected less than one third of the campesino

population ("Desarrollar la guerra popular sirviendo a la

revoluci6n mundial" 70-71).


The Revolutionary Left


In the early 1960s the first groups of the

revolutionary left were founded. Some were defectors from

the APRA. According to Julio Cotler, others, influenced by

the Cuban Revolution, broke with the Communist Party and








53
rapidly supplanted the APRA's influence in the universities

(336). In the late 1950s and early 1960s the Trotskyist

Hugo Blanco had some success in organizing campesinos in the

La Convenci6n region of Cuzco until his arrest on May 29,

1963 (Gott 314-29). In 1965 there were brief guerrilla

movements by the Movimiento de Izcuierda Revolucionaria

(MIR) and the Ei6rcito de Liberaci6n Nacional (ELN), neither

lasting more than six months. One result was that the

military realized that something had to be done to solve the

problems confronting the Indian. If nothing were done, the

probabilities of a successful guerrilla movement would

increase (Cotler 362-64). After the 1968 military coup,

some elements of the revolutionary left joined the Velasco

Alvarado government. The Movimiento Revolucionario TGDac

Amaru (MRTA), the major guerrilla competitor to Sendero

Luminoso, announced its existence on July 28, 1984. In June

1992 the government arrested, Victor Polay, the leader of

the MRTA, in Lima and the MRTA appears to be in disarray and

on the verge of complete collapse.

Claiming to be the legitimate heirs of the Communist

party founded by Jose Carlos Mariategui, Sendero Luminoso is

one of the groups spawned from the fragmentation of the

Peruvian Communist Party split in 1964. The pro-Soviet wing

called itself the PCP Unidad, and the pro-Chinese group

called itself the PCP Bandera Roqa (Degregori 166).

Degregori points out the uniqueness of this split: "En este


A








54
ultimo grupo [pro-Chinese] se queda poco mis de la mitad de

la militancia y practicamente todo el trabajo campesino.

Peru es uno de los pocos pauses de America Latina donde

sucede algo semejante" (166).

Sendero Luminoso began its armed struggle in 1980. On

May 17, 1980 they burned the ballot boxes in Chuschi,

Ayacucho. The first declared state of emergency occurred in

Ayacucho in October 1981, when the government deployed 1400

sinchis, a special unit of the Civil Guard (McCormick 16).

By 1982 Sendero Luminoso was experiencing problems due to

the arrest of several of its top leaders. On March 2, 1982

they attacked the Ayacucho prison where they were held and

freed 78 prisoners convicted of terrorism and 169 others

held for common crimes (Gorriti 254-60). In the first years

of the insurgency, there were many misconceptions about

Sendero Luminoso: "Before Sendero stepped up its urban

operations, the movement was viewed widely as an Indian

problem, which is to say it was not viewed widely as a

problem at all" (McCormick 25). Estimates vary, but by 1994

the conflict has caused around 26,000 deaths and 25 billion

dollars in losses. On September 12, 1992 the government

captured Abimael Guzman, the leader of Sendero Luminoso, in

Lima. By September 1993 Guzmin had written two letters to

President Alberto Fujimori asking to negotiate peace. How

his capture and his peace overtures will affect the movement

is uncertain at this time. While some members have turned


1








55
themselves into the government, other groups vow to continue

the armed struggle.

To a certain extent Sendero Luminoso falls within the

indigenista tradition. Nelson Manrique points out that

while it is silent about the ethnic factor, it is a

significant element in its growth. It started in Ayacucho,

Apurimac, and Huancavelica, a region where the majority of

the population only speaks Quechua ("La decada de la

violencia" 163). Regarding the composition, "los cuadros

senderistas son mayoritariamente j6venes provincianos,

mestizos, dominantemente ligados a process de

descampesinizaci6n reciente" (163-64). He argues that if

the ethnic question does not arise in the theoretical

discourse of Sendero Luminoso, in practice it is crucial

(164). Due to this, it can be argued that Sendero Luminoso

falls within the indiqenista tradition. As is the case with

other indigenista movements, mestizos and whites try to use

the Indian for their own agenda. Whether or not one

considers Sendero Luminoso to be an indiaenista movement, it

has had an enormous impact on the indigenous populations of

the Peruvian sierra since 1980.


Narrative


In the 1950s indiqenista narrative began to lose its

dominant position in the cultural field. Efrain Kristal

argues that one of the principal historical reasons for this








56
is the massive migration from the Andes to the cities. The

migration was the result of the bankruptcy of the

traditional agricultural economy based in the latifundios,

which had been one of the major subjects treated in

indiaenista narrative ("Del indigenismo" 57). With the

eclipse of the landed oligarchy, a new dominant group gained

power. Kristal says that it is made up of three groups: 1)

the oligarchy in decadence that fell with the rise of

industrialists and exporters, 2) a new middle class that

benefits from the cheap labor of the recently arrived

campesinos, and 3) a new dominant sector allied with

international commerce that benefits from exports, imports,

and, at times, industrialization (69). Kristal argues that

portions of the works of three of Peru's more well-known

writers are associated with these three groups. Julio Ram6n

Ribeyro describes the vision of the oligarchy in decline,

Mario Vargas Llosa (in his first novels) the new middle

classes, and Alfredo Bryce Echenique the third sector.

Kristal concludes that as a presence in urban narrative and

in indiuenismo the Indian continues to have a major impact

on Peruvian narrative and is the key to understanding the

recent transformations of Peru (69-74).

The subordinate position of indioenista narrative and

writers in the cultural field also reflects differences in

the socioeconomic classes of writers and their ability to

publish. According to Carlos Calder6n Fajardo, class








57
divisions divide young writers in Peru. He argues that one

group, inspired by the models of Mario Vargas Llosa, Julio

Ram6n Ribeyro, and Alfredo Bryce Echenique, tends to avoid

writing about the realities of contemporary Peru. The other

group, many of popular extraction, writes about themes such

as subversion, violence, the shanty towns, Andean influences

in the city, and other social themes (105-6).

Se trata de universos socialmente constituidos,
con sus propios mundos sociales, mitos y
ambientes, models y paradigmas, publicaciones y
hasta con el propio aparato critic de respaldo.
El diilogo interclasista entire narradores parece
haber terminado. (105)

Another factor confronting writers is the abysmal gap

between those who write and those who can publish. Antonio

Cornejo Polar and Luis Fernando Vidal cite the example of

almost two thousand people entering the short story

competition sponsored by the magazine Caretas in 1982. In

the same year only three collections of short stories were

published. They add that in various literary competitions

indiaenista and neoindigenista narrative is being written,

but not published (Nuevo cuento peruano 12-13).

An integral part of the debate about the Indian,

indiaenista narrative is much more than a literary movement

or school. With roots in the chronicles of the conquest,

since the mid 1800s it has constantly defined and redefined

conceptions of the Indian. These definitions both reflect

and influence the political and anthropological debate about








58
the Indian. In addition, they reflect different visions of

the sierra and the nation.

Various factors affect the selection of the works

analyzed in the following chapters. The novel or short

story must take place in the sierra and works dealing

primarily with the revalorization of the indigenous cultures

are not be included. With the exception of the third

chapter, the work must deal with relations of power or

violence since 1980.














CHAPTER 3
LITERARY AND HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS: 1960S AND 1970S


In order to better understand the context of Peru after

1980, this chapter will analyze two narrative works that

take place in the 1960s and 1970s. During this period there

was much social ferment. The country witnessed massive

campesino uprisings, the fragmentation of the Peruvian

Communist party, abortive guerrilla movements, a military

coup that led the country to the left, and another military

coup that moved the country back toward the right.

In the 1970s Manuel Scorza wrote five novels about

massive campesino uprisings in the central Andes. In the

last novel of the series, La tumba del relampqao (1979),

Scorza is highly critical of the socioeconomic structure,

leftist political parties and organizations, and the

guerrilla movements of 1965-66. He argues that because of

the proletarianization of the campesinos it would be

possible to have a successful socialist revolution with the

campesinos at the vanguard. La tumba del relampaqo will be

analyzed as to Scorza's description of the previous subjects

as well as reading the novel as the search for a new

revolutionary praxis.










Hildebrando Perez Huarancca, one of five principal

ideologues of Sendero Luminoso, published Los ileaitimos in

1980. The short stories deal with the Ayacucho region in

the 1960s and 1970s. Three principal aspects will be

examined: the description of the campesino poor in Ayacucho,

their thwarted attempts to challenge the system that

oppresses them, and Perez Huarancca's narrative vision of

the future of the campesino poor.


Manuel Scorza


Life and Critical Reception


Manual Scorza played many roles in his life, including

being a political exile, renowned poet, publisher, political

activist, and novelist. He was born in Lima in 1928, but

lived in the mountainous department of Huancavelica from

ages six to eleven. From 1949-55 he was exiled, spending

most of his time in Mexico ("Yo viajo del mito" 48). In

1954 he left the APRA, publishing an open letter with the

title of "Good-bye, Mister Haya" (Aldaz 19).

In the 1950s and early 1960s he was active as a poet, a

promoter of the publishing industry, and as a political

activist. In Mexico and Peru he won prizes for his poetry

("Yo viajo del mito" 48). As a poet, he was within the area

of "social poetry," and was a major participant in polemics

with "pure poets." Beginning in 1958 he attempted to

promote the publishing industry and to expand the literary


*^










audience in Peru and other Spanish-speaking countries with

Festivales del Libro and Populibros. Although the boom in

sales was extraordinary, it was a fleeting success.

According to Antonio Cornejo Polar, the international

response to Mario Vargas Llosa's La ciudad v los Derros

(1964) had two results. The first was to largely end the

efforts to develop a national literature through a national

editorial system. The second was to show the effectiveness

of the international route that Vargas Llosa had followed

("Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'" 551-52).1 With the campesino

agitation in the central sierra, Scorza joined the

Movimiento Comunal del Peru in 1960 and became its Political

Secretary in 1961. Among other activities, he published

manifestos denouncing abuses of the campesinos in the

department of Pasco, and traveled to Cuzco to meet with the

Trotskyist Hugo Blanco to inquire about possible alliances.

After the repression of the campesino movement in Pasco,

Scorza traveled throughout the central sierra, and gathered

information about the movement.

In 1967 he went into voluntary exile, settled in Paris

in 1968 and began working on the five novels of the "Silent

War." In 1970 he published the first novel, Redoble por

Rancas, to international acclaim. In 1971 the military

government of Velasco Alvarado freed Hector Chac6n, the


1 Scorza also followed the international route,
publishing his novels outside of Peru.










actual person upon whom Scorza based the protagonist in

Redoble, from prison ("Yo viajo del mito" 48-49). The other

novels in the series are: Garabombo. el invisible (1972), E1

iinete insomne (1977), Cantar de AaaDito Robles (1977), and

La tumba del relamoaao (1979). In 1983 he published La

danza inm6vil.2 On November 27, 1983 he died in a plane

crash.

Although Scorza is related to a certain extent to the

boom of Spanish American narrative, he also remains distant

from it. While there is undoubtedly influence of the

Spanish American "new narrative" in his work, he chooses the

indicenista tradition, which is previous to the boom and is

a target of many writers affiliated with the boom (Cornejo

Polar, "Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'" 552-53). Escajadillo

points out that Scorza never was a part of the mutual self-

promotion of many boom writers. He also says that Scorza's

interpretation of important historic events differs greatly

from that of the boom, which he characterizes as fleeing

from historical interpretation "para dedicarse o al juego

fantasioso mas puro, o la presentaci6n de hechos cotidianos

banales y no-significativos, o una mezcla de estos y otros

components analogos" ("Scorza antes de la Gltima batalla"

184).




2 For more information on Scorza's published works and
translations of his novels, see Schmidt and Escorza.


_1_









Due to various factors, Scorza's works have not

received a rigorous critical treatment. In 1991 and 1993

Friedhelm Schmidt published two bibliographies of works by

Scorza and articles about him and his work. In the 1991

article he comments that even though there are over 300

articles, most are interviews, reviews, or small references

(273). In a 1984 posthumous homage to Scorza in the Revista

de critical literaria latinoamericana, Antonio Cornejo Polar

and Nelson Osorio comment that while Scorza has had great

international success in terms of translations and

criticism, in Peru he has been virtually ignored. They

state that, while the journal had published one article, a

note, and two reviews, Scorza's work needs more rigorous

critical study ("Homenaje a Manuel Scorza"). In a 1978

article, Tomas G. Escajadillo criticizes the Peruvian

intellectual community's attitude toward Manuel Scorza's

works:

el juicio critic en torno a la novelistica de
Scorza ha estado oscurecido o deformado por las
"simpatias" y (sobre todo) las "antipatias" que
suscita la persona del narrador. Me parece que es
necesario decir las cosas muy claramente: en el
Peru, en muchos sectors culturales y
especificamente literarios, existe un prejuicio en
contra de Manuel Scorza. Y esta antipatia ha
estado present en la critical literaria, sea en
forma de evaluaciones negatives de la narrative de
este autor, sea en la forma mas habitual de un
silencio en torno a su obra. ("Scorza antes de la
Gltima batalla" 184)

Escajadillo contends that Scorza dominated Peruvian

narrative in the 1970s and is one of the most important





j










Peruvian writers of the twentieth century ("Scorza y el

neoindigenismo" 9).


Historical Backoround


Scorza's novels deal with the campesino uprisings in

the central sierra in the late 1950s and early 1960s.

During this period hundreds of thousands of campesinos

seized land and challenged the authority of the Peruvian

government. Howard Handelman estimates that 40 of the 53

indigenous communities in the Pasco department participated

in the land seizures, with a similar number in Junin, and

over 140 in Cuzco. He believes that the total number of

invasions was between 350 and 400, with over 300,000 people

participating in one of the largest campesino movements in

Latin American history (121).

Two underlying reasons for the land invasions were a

lack of land and a recession that ravaged the mining

industry. While the indigenous communities made up 75% of

the rural population in the sierra, they owned only 10-15%

of the land (Handelman 26-30). In 1960 seventeen families

and corporations owned 93% of all agricultural and pasture

land in the department of Pasco (65-66). Coupled with less

land was the vast influence that the Cerro de Pasco

Corporation, a multinational corporation based in the United

States and primarily concerned with mining, had in the

departments of Pasco and Junin. The corporation controlled










all the phases of mining from extraction to sales, most of

production of electricity in central Peru, and its other

economic interests in the area had a pervasive influence on

the populace and the local economy (Kruijt 55-58). An

additional pressure that Scorza cites in an interview with

Hector Tiz6n was an economic crisis in the mining sector

that began in 1959. It left thousands of campesinos without

work and forced them to return to their communities (60).

Caught between insufficient land and high unemployment, land

seizures increased dramatically.

The initial response of the Manuel Prado government was

to use local police to evict comuneros from invaded lands.

Due to the scope of the invasions and a lack of manpower, by

the end of 1960 many communities still maintained control of

seized lands. The failure of this policy led to a military

intervention, called "Operation Eviction" (oDeraci6n

desaloiado). Throughout 1961 there were evictions,

sometimes violent, followed by land being seized again. In

March of 1962 some 3500 camDesinos, armed only with sticks,

stones, and farm tools, fought with the police. As a result

of this massacre, miners and railroad workers in Cerro de

Pasco called a solidarity strike, constructed barricades,

and nearly controlled the city. The military retook the

city, declared martial law, and banned meetings of over four

people. These actions temporarily ended land invasions in

Pasco and Junin (Handelman 77-78).










La tumba del relampago


In the five novels, collectively called the "Silent

War," Manuel Scorza describes various aspects of these

campesino uprisings. In an interview with Modesta Suirez,

Scorza states that the novels describe the progression from

an indigenous mythical mentality to a revolutionary

mentality found in La tumba del relampDao (92). In an

interview with Ernesto Gonzalez Bermejo, Scorza says that,

in part, he decided to write the novels because the Andean

campesino movements fascinated him. Furthermore, he did not

agree with the guerrilla schema of the 1960s (qtd. in Morana

75). As is the case of the other novels in the series, La

tumba del relamDaao describes abuses committed against

camDesinos, their organization and resistance against these

abuses, and their subsequent violent repression. However,

the emphasis is more on mestizo and white leaders' efforts

to help create a successful movement.

Many characters are based on actual participants in the

movement. The protagonist, Genaro Ledesma, is based on the

real-life Ledesma, who has been deeply involved in fighting

for campesinos and miners from the central sierra. He was

briefly mayor of Cerro de Pasco, and has been both a

congressman and a senator. In the novel Ledesma is the link

between campesino and leftist leaders. He attempts to forge

a union between the two groups, but the end result is

marginal participation by the left and violent suppression










of the camResinos. Other real-life people who appear as

characters include Jorge del Prado, Saturnino Paredes, Elias

Tacunan, and Manuel Scorza. Jorge del Prado has been the

leader of the Communist party for decades. Saturnino

Paredes led the Maoist faction of the Communist party after

the 1964 Sino-Soviet split. Elias Tacunan was a principal

figure in organizing campesinos and in creating the

Movimiento Comunal del Per6. In an interview, the real-life

Genaro Ledesma says that around 90% of the novel is based on

the actual facts and some 10% is fiction (qtd. in Suarez in

Forgues, La estrateaia mitica 167).

Although much of the novel is based on actual events,

it is still a work of fiction. Roland Forgues notes that

Scorza saw his works within the genre of realism. Forgues

points out that many critics have examined the relationship

of historical reality and fiction in Scorza's works, but

have often come to contradictory and opposite conclusions.

He argues that a literary work, being a work of art, changes

the reality that is its referent (12). However, "no

significa, ni much menos, que por eso deje de ser un

testimonio fidedigno y valido sobre esa misma realidad" (La

estrateaia mitica 12). The purpose of this discussion of La

tumba del relimpao is not to separate fact from fiction,

but rather to analyze Scorza's overall narrative vision in

the novel regarding the possibilities of future

revolutionary movements with the campesino as an integral








68

part.3 Unless otherwise mentioned, it should be understood

that when the analysis refers to characters based on actual

people, they are considered fictional characters.

In an interview in 1980, Scorza contended that the

campesino uprisings in the late 1950s and early 1960s were

vastly different from the numerous indigenous rebellions

that have taken place since the conquest. The key was the

proletarianization of the campesino class due to their

experiences in the mines. These experiences gave them an

idea of class consciousness and led them to fight for their

rights. In addition, he argued that leaders from the cities

had lost their influence: "Ahora la gran lucha campesina en

el Peru no se da como consecuencia de la pr6dica de la

ciudad; despierta como consecuencia de una toma de

conciencia de la clase campesina, en la cual la ideologia de

la ciudad no tiene ninguna influencia" (Tiz6n 60).

Scorza believed in revolution: "Creo en la revoluci6n

latinoamericana. He estado con la revoluci6n cubana. Creo

que la lucha armada es una de las pocas vias que quedan en

territories como los nuestros" (Suirez 94). In fact,

Antonio Cornejo Polar argues that the novel is the search

for a new revolutionary praxis:


3 For additional perspectives on Scorza's novels and the
historical background, see: Modesta Suarez, "Cerro de Pasco:
Historia de una massacre: Testimonio de Genaro Ledesma," in
Roland Forgues, La estrateaia mitica de Manuel Scorza, and
Wilfredo Kapsoli, "Manuel Scorza: Redoble Dor Rancas: Historia
y ficci6n," in his Literatura e historic del Peru.










En La tumba del relimpaoo, en efecto, se
insisted una y otra vez en la necesidad de
elaborar una tactica y una estrategia
revolucionarias que acaben con las
limitaciones que, en estos 6rdenes, tiene el
pensamiento mitico; pero, con igual
insistencia, se senala la urgencia de
recompensar los recursos ideol6gicos de raiz
occidental para adecuarlos a requerimientos
especificos de las luchas andinas.
Naturalmente, la distancia entire aquella
ideologia y estos requerimientos es enorme
(un personaje advierte que "la desgracia de
nuestras luchas es que no coinciden con
nuestras ideologias; la rabia, el coraje, son
de aqui, y las ideas son de alla", La
tumba..., p. 235), pero el proyecto de
superar este abismo mediante la reelaboraci6n
national (o mejor, campesina e indigena) del
pensamiento revolucionario aparece como la
unica soluci6n. ("Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'"
556)

The following analysis will focus on three principal

aspects of Scorza's La tumba del relimpaao: the triangle of

exploiters of the campesino (economic, religious, and

government authorities); the increasing class consciousness

of the campesinos; and leftist groups and ideologies that

hindered or helped the movement. The analysis will center

on the description of the various groups and perceived

changes in political awareness that would enhance the

possibility of revolutionary success.


Landowners


As is the case with other narrative in the indiaenista

tradition, the system of land tenure in La tumba is of

critical importance for the livelihood of campesinos and a

key element in their exploitation. Several characters


i










represent large landowners, and almost all are criticized.

One example is a landowner who empties a community school

and converts it into a stable for his livestock (La tumba

204). However, a few landowners have the respect of their

serfs and peacefully resolve disputes with neighboring

communities (44).

The novel cites many causes that lead the campesinos to

seize lands of the Cerro de Pasco Corporation. Its eleven

haciendas cover 500,000 hectares, including 77.8% of the

pasture land in Junin. Its holdings are a little less than

the land that 90% of the comuneros in Peru hold (174). The

campesinos lose more land due to various expansions of its

Bomb6n dam and electrical plant, which eventually covers

40,000 hectares with water (50). Pollution from its mines

kills most of the fish in Junin lake and forces communities

like Pari to give up their livelihood as fishermen (168).

With the expansion of the lands of the Cerro de Pasco

Corporation, pollution from its mines ruining fishing, and

the world-wide mineral recession leading to firings, many

camDesinos are forced to take the drastic measure of land

seizures.

On a smaller scale, the Indian Tomas Chamorro and his

family, owners of the Jarria hacienda, are characters who

brutally exploit the campesinos. Chamorro's social and

economic ascendancy is a clear example of Manuel Gonzalez

Prada's assertion that the worst enemies of a class are





_________________________________-










often those who originate from it: "cuando un individuo se

eleva sobre el nivel de su clase social, suele convertirse

en el peor enemigo de ella" (320). Tomas Chamorro's initial

wealth comes from his discovery of a silver deposit. He

sells his interests to the Cerro de Pasco Corporation, buys

the Jarria hacienda in 1905, and begins encroaching on the

lands of the Tusi community (La tumba 180). In addition,

"sus siervos supieron que un patron indio puede ser peor que

un amo blanco" (180). Chamorro bribes judges and has his

opponents jailed at will. He only hires young boys to work

in his coal mine. By the time one character is ten years

old, three of his cousins have died in the mine (99-100).

In a taunting statement a generation earlier, Chamorro tells

the omuneros of Tusi that they will regain their land when

toads grow teeth (118). There is less bravado, however,

when the comuneros begin taking over the lands of the Jarria

hacienda. For days the Chamorro men have been in a drunken

stupor (209). Thus, Chamorro is depicted as a ruthless

exploiter of campesinos when he has the power of the

government behind him, but a cowardly drunk when faced with

the revenge and the power of the camDesinos.

The description of the system of land tenure in the

novel is extremely critical, with most landowners, corporate

and individual, ruthlessly exploiting their workers and

neighboring comuneros. Tomis Chamorro rises above his own

class and becomes one of its worst exploiters. The Cerro de


;rl










Pasco Corporation goes beyond simple land tenure to

negatively affect the campesinos of Pasco and Junin in many

aspects of their economic lives. However, the landowners

should not be understood as the sole abusers of the

campesinos. The novel cites Jose Carlos Mariategui's

argument that gamonalismo encompasses much more. Included

in the system are those who, in one way or another, help to

support the system, including Indians who exploit other

Indians (129).


Religion


As was discussed in Chapter 2, the Catholic Church has

a history of close ties to gamonalismo. Two characters that

represent this history are the Sacristan Saturnino and

Father Morales. At the community level, the former is one

of the more traditional conservative members of his

community: "Era uno de los mas reacios a la idea de la

recuperaci6n y en general a las iniciativas de los j6venes.

Avaro y fanatico, desde la muerte de su mujer practicaba una

santurroneria enfermiza" (90). Father Morales is the brutal

administrator of a Cuzco seminary's hacienda and cruelly

exploits the workers: "El padre Morales los explotaba sin

misericordia: actuaba como hacendado, vestia como hacendado,

ordenaba como hacendado, implacable como hacendado" (150).

The greatest emphasis is on the compatibility between

Christianity and socialism. The character Crisanto









Gutierrez learns to read after he is forty years old. In

speaking of his reading and intellectual development, he

cites book after book that influence him to believe in

socialism (110-11).4 For him, Christianity and socialism

are completely compatible: "las bienaventuranzas de Jesus

que no son otra cosa que manifiestos del socialismo" (111).

Through the character of the Seminarista, Christianity fuses

with revolutionary socialism. He leaves the seminary after

witnessing and denouncing abuses against its hacienda

workers (150-51). On two different occasions he says that

he not only reads the Bible, but also reads Marx (164) and

Mao (166). There is no incompatibility between Christian

faith and socialism: "El Seminarista habia oido,

verdaderamente, la voz de Jesucristo: 'Amaos los unos a los

otros'" (150). On another occasion it is even more

explicit. He decides to live with the poor and share their

oppression, as did Christ and Lenin (152). The Seminarista

describes himself as having evolved to being "un hombre con

'una convicci6n y una fe'" (164). While La tumba del

relimpDao denounces the traditional church's complicity with

helping to preserve gamonalismo, it highlights the fusion of


4 He cites the following writers and books: Ciro
Alegria's Los perros hambrientos, C6sar Vallejo's Los heraldos
nearos and Poemas humans, works by Dostoiewski and Balzac,
Charles Dickens's Los ninos abandonados, Jos6 Maria Arguedas's
Los rios Drofundos, the Quixote, and Manuel Scorza's El cantar
de Aaapito Robles. Other writers cited are Kropotkin, Rosa
Luxemburgo, Luis E. Valcarcel and Jose Carlos Mari&tegui (110-
11).




-









Christianity with socialism, especially revolutionary

socialism of the type practiced actively by the Seminarista.


Judicial System


The novel criticizes the judicial system as another

element that usually exploits the Indian. "Entre los

grandes hacendados y el Poder Judicial existe un

intermediario temible: el abogado" (La tumba 63). Lawsuits

last for generations. For example, the paperwork is one and

a half meters high in the lawsuit between the Tusi community

and Tomas Chamorro. By the time of its resolution, the

community owes so much in legal fees that the lawyer ends up

with the disputed land (63). Another lawyer makes a small

fortune swindling people, principally through being the sole

beneficiary of wills (24-26). In order to get out of jail,

a campesino leader has to bribe the judge (101). The major

exception to this description of the judicial system is the

character Genaro Ledesma, who is a devoted advocate for the

campesinos, and inverts the judicial process in their favor.

The Civil Code states that while land ownership is in

dispute, it considers the party possessing it to be the

owner. In seizing their lost lands, the comuneros are

considered the legal owners until the large landowners prove

the contrary (83-84). Just as the Seminarista inverts the

traditional role associated with the church, Ledesma inverts

the law to serve the camDesinos.





.______________________________










Military and Police


Scorza presents a diverse group of police and military

officers. Some take great zeal in the violent repression of

the campesinos, while others are reluctant or even refuse to

participate. Racism, corruption and machismo all play a

part in abuses and massacres of campesinos. Others

reluctantly follow orders or actively disobey them.

Two principal criticisms of the police and military are

of racism and corruption. The most striking example of

racism occurs when prisoners notify the Republican Guard

that another prisoner is suffering an asthma attack. A

guard responds, "&Te atreves a molestarme por un indio?

iOjala se muera! iOjali murieran todos los indios del

Perul" (154). The case of Colonel Zapata, a police officer

in Huanuco, highlights the racial differences of officers

and campesinos. He is "Rechoncho, menguado, blanc6n, ojos

azules" (20). He orders a subordinate to deal harshly with

the campesinos of Huayllay, which results in a massacre

(252-53). Colonel Zapata receives bribes from the Cerro de

Pasco Corporation. Although he believes Genaro Ledesma is

innocent, he jails him to please the Corporation (22).

Appearing as a character, Scorza sharply criticizes army

Colonel Marroquin Cueto for staying at the Cerro de Pasco

Corporation's private hotel. Scorza argues that since there

is a state of siege in Pasco, and he and the army are in

charge, he should not acquire his lodging from one of the








76

principal participants of the dispute that he is supposed to

resolve (240-41).

Two Civil Guard officers in the novel are merciless in

massacring campesinos. Captain Reategui commands a

detachment that massacres Yanahuanca villagers (253).5 He

also massacres the Huayllay comuneros (256). Another police

officer, Commander Bodenaco, supervises most of the

evictions of lands in the central sierra. Wherever he

appears, there are always deaths (230). He is "el

masacrador official de la GC [Guardia Civil]. El famoso

'Comandante Desalojo' es pequeno, pelirrojo, cara pecosa,

ojos alcoholizados" (240). In a meeting he pleads to use

his own methods to end the conflict: "iAutoriceme a usar mis

medios y me comprometo a entregarle la ciudad limpia a las

seis de esta tarde!" (241).

Other police officers and soldiers are reluctant

participants in the prevailing system and, in some cases,

are sympathetic to the campesino movements. A sergeant

apologizes to Ledesma for his role in the arrest and says

that he has to follow orders (20). After the character

Scorza meets with military and police officials, an officer

approaches him and explains that they do not enjoy quelling


5 Historical accounts vary on the actual number of dead
and wounded in the massacre at Yanahuanca. Howard Handelman
believes that there were from ten to fifteen comuneros killed
and nearly fifty wounded (69). Scorza's version in Garabombo,
el invisible includes thirty dead and one hundred wounded
(252).










land seizures. He believes that people like Scorza

represent the real Peru. He explains that they have to

follow orders against their convictions. If there is

violence, he wants Scorza to know that he is with the people

(242). Genaro Ledesma is able to elude capture three times

due to warnings of a police officer (263).

Other Civil Guard characters refuse to attack comuneros

who invade hacienda lands. While Commander Laf6n, the

Seminarista's father, removes his troops, another commander

destroys the community the next day (254-55). At the height

of the land seizures, the police appear at the Pacoyin

hacienda with eviction orders, but the comunero leaders

convince the commander to not attack. The commander says

that he is tired of battling against Peruvians and is there

only because he has to obey orders. He places the blame for

the orders to shoot against innocent people on higher

ranking officers allied with the oligarchy. After the

police and comuneros share a drink, the troops leave. The

campesino leader distrusts his motives, and sentinels guard

against their return (220).

While the novel describes some ruthless members of the

repressive forces, primarily the police, others reluctantly

follow orders from above. The exploitation and killing of

campesinos are due in great part to racism, corruption, and

orders. The last two reasons highlight the military and

police role as intermediaries for the socioeconomic elite.










For example, both Colonel Zapata and Colonel Marroquin Cueto

are beholden to the Cerro de Pasco Corporation. The former

acknowledges that Ledesma is innocent, but incarcerates him

to please his benefactor. The latter's staying at its hotel

can compromise his actions in resolving the dispute. This

is not to say that some members of the repressive forces do

not enthusiastically support the elite. The brutal

massacres of campesinos are ample evidence of the support of

some sectors. No matter how autonomous they are in the

battlefield, the orders to evict the campesinos protect the

elite's interests, principally the rural oligarchy.

However, some police officers and soldiers reluctantly

follow orders, openly disobey them, or support the

campesinos. While the police and military violently

suppress the campesino uprising, the novel also points out

that there is dissent within the ranks. As will be

discussed later, the role of military or police service is

invaluable in convincing many campesino leaders of the

possibilities of radical changes in their lives.

In the description of the traditional exploiters of the

Indian, Scorza emphasizes changes in certain sectors of the

traditionally exploitative system. This lends credence to

his thesis that conditions are appropriate for a successful

revolutionary movement. While the prevailing system

continues to ruthlessly exploit the Indians, some religious,

legal, military, and police authorities oppose the system








79

they are serving. These changes in the exploitative system

could increase the probability for a successful revolution.

However, a weakness in this argument is that most of these

dissident sectors opted for reformist parties instead of

revolution after the campesino uprisings. More important to

Scorza's argument are the increased political awareness of

the campesino class and sectors of the left.


Campesinos


One of the principal theses of La tumba del relampaao

is the increasing ability of campesinos to, at least

partially, overcome previous limitations of past uprisings.

In the novel Genaro Ledesma is apprehensive about the

possibilities of success due to strengths that are also

weaknesses:

En todas parties era igual: los campesinos
defendian sus intereses o los de su comunidad
pero, raras veces, los de su clase. La tragedia
de las luchas campesinas es la lucha aislada. La
comunidad, creaci6n genial de la sociedad india,
le permiti6 atravesar cuatrocientos afos de
genocidio. Pero la comunidad protege a sus
miembros: no defiende a los otros campesinos, a su
clase. (74)

In addition to an embryonic class consciousness, the novel

maintains that another problem is the reliance on a mythical

understanding of the world. In spite of serious problems in

the uprisings, Scorza describes major strides in unifying

the campesinos and their gaining more of a revolutionary and

class consciousness.


1










One obstacle is the conflicting needs and desires of

camDesinos, which is most noticeable in contrasting colonos

and comuneros. Colonos were tied to the hacienda system and

isolated from the outside world. Within the hacienda they

would exchange free labor for small plots of land, ceding

much of the control over their lives to the landowner. By

the middle part of this century, the number of colonos is

estimated to have been less than 20% of sierra campesinos.

Comuneros were much more independent. They lived in self-

governing communities where all properties were communally

owned, while individuals were able to use their plots of

land as they saw fit. They were more integrated into modern

society and elected a personero to represent the community

in the outside world (Handelman 26-29). While colonos

wanted to establish unions to fight for increased salaries

and reductions in, or the elimination of, free labor owed to

the landowner, the comuneros wanted to reclaim lands

appropriated by haciendas (Cotler and Portocarrero,

Organizaciones campesinas 20). At times these aspirations

would clash. Handelman cites a conflict over a Junin

hacienda. Tenants bought land from their former landowner,

but two neighboring communities argued that the sale was

invalid because they had the legal title. Upon entering the

hacienda with a court order supporting their claim, two

comuneros were killed. Basic conflicts like this hindered

the unification of colonos and comuneros (96-99).


I










When the comuneros in the novel begin the land

seizures, they encounter both opposition and support from

the colonos. Fearing betrayal, the comuneros remove the

colonos from their villages and take their place. They

justify this because of the relative backwardness of the

colonos: "Los siervos son gente podrida en la esclavitud y

se colocan, a veces, del lado de sus patrons. No podemos

confiar en ellos. El unico modo de estar seguros es

reemplazarlos por tusinos" (179). However, the eviction

will be temporary and the colonos will be provided with

housing and land (179). Many colonos do not appear to

understand or be enthusiastic when they are told that they

are free and will own their own land (185). This lack of

comprehension is underscored when the colonos are unable to

join the comuneros in singing the national anthem because

they do not know it (196). In spite of their relative lack

of development, several colonos do join with the comuneros.

One of the principal arguments in La tumba del

relimpaoo is that the heightened political awareness of the

comuneros, achieved primarily through contacts outside of

the community structure, made the possibility of a

successful revolutionary movement more likely. According to

Howard Handelman, Pasco's population was among the most

socioeconomically advanced in the sierra in the early 1960s.

While 60% of the population primarily spoke Quechua, 90%

could also speak Spanish. This is in stark contrast to the










departments of Apurimac and Ayacucho, where only 30-35%

spoke Spanish. The literacy rate in Pasco was 52%, compared

to 23% in Apurimac and 27% in Ayacucho. Most of Pasco's

residents also had greater contact with the urban sector

than southern campesinos (64-65). The Junin population was

similar to that of Pasco. Quechua was the primary language

of about half of the adults, but over 90% spoke Spanish. At

61%, the adult literacy rate was the highest of any sierra

department (87-88). In an interview published in 1980,

Scorza argues that by 1960 the campesino class had become

proletarianized. He also notes that the campesinos formed

the nucleus of the FOCEP, (Frente de Campesinos v Obreros

del Peru). Founded by the real-life Genaro Ledesma, it

received 15% of the vote in the 1978 Constituent Assembly

elections (Tiz6n 60-61). He adds that the FOCEP "es el

primer movimiento del Peru que viene del fondo andino, de la

marginalizaci6n, e influye nacionalmente" (61). Although

these statements are true, he neglects to mention the

influence of votes for the Trotskyist Hugo Blanco. Without

an alliance with Blanco, the FOCEP received fewer votes in

1980.6 However, Ledesma was and is an important figure on

6 The FOCEP joined with the Trotskyists for the
Constituent Assembly elections (Rojas Samanez 152). The FOCEP
received the third-highest vote total for a party, behind the
APRA and the Popular Christian Party (PPC). However, the
Trotskyist Hugo Blanco received some 66% of the votes cast for
the FOCEP, while Ledesma received 76,377 votes, or around 18%
of the total FOCEP vote. In the 1980 presidential elections
Hugo Blanco ran with the Partido Revolucionario de los
Trabaiadores (PRT). Three parties from the left placed in








83
the Peruvian political stage. Even though the FOCEP has not

been a major force in elections, this does not necessarily

take away from Scorza's assertion that there has been a

process of proletarianization, however limited, of the

camDesino.

The paths toward a heightened political consciousness

of camDesinos in the novel are varied, but most involve some

sort of learning experience outside the community. Crisanto

Gutierrez learns to read after he is forty years old, and he

argues that the poor will find clarity in books (111). Jail

is a type of university for rebels: "Pero en Pasco, como en

todo el Peru, la circel es la universidad donde los rebeldes

conocen otros rebeldes. Alli aprenden, dolorosamente, la

lucidez" (136). Through his service in the Civil Guard,

Saturnino Inocente says he has learned more about Peru and

how the system works (65). Herm6genes Farruso's experiences

in the military barracks in Lima teach him about his rights:

"Farruso habia regresado con palabras nuevas: 'la tierra

debe ser de quienes la trabajan'" (118-19). While living in

the town of Mosca, Visitaci6n Maximiliano witnesses its

successful land seizure. That experience and his military

experience thrust him into a prominent role in organizing

the invasion of the Paria hacienda (167-69).



fourth through sixth place. Blanco was in fourth, the United
Left (IU) in fifth, and Ledesma in sixth, with 60,853 votes
(Rojas Samanez 210-27).








84

Conclusions drawn from these learning experiences lead

many campesino leaders to decide that their only recourse is

to resort to violence. After being a servant in Lima for a

congressman during the Odria era, Vidal Salas, Yarusyacan's

Dersonero, is very critical of the corrupt Peruvian system

(57).

Asi me di cuenta que el Peru es propiedad de un
punado de hijos de puta que nos mantienen a todos
con la cabeza en la mierda, mientras ellos se
banquetean a todos y se cagan de risa de los que
trabajamos. iYo no creo en politicos ni en
discursos ni en reclamos! jEsas cosas son para
los cojudos! (58)

He tells Genaro Ledesma that the comuneros no longer need a

lawyer. Rather, they need a leader who will use legal

maneuvers to buy them time to prepare to fight and will help

lead them in the battle for their land. Above all, they

need arms (57). Drawing on his military experience,

Policarpo Cabello founds the Communal Army and becomes its

leader. He views power as a series of chains to be broken:

El poder es una cadena, doctor. La policia esta
encadenada con el Subprefecto; el Subprefecto esta
encadenado con el Prefecto; el Prefecto esta
encadenado con el Presidente de la Republica.
Esta cadena s6lo se quebrari cuando un campesino
instale su trono en el Palacio de Gobierno. (131)

Months before the invasions, Exaltaci6n Travesano, the new

personero of Yanahuanca, tells Genaro Ledesma that he and

the other personeros of Pasco have decided to rise up again

and are ready to shed blood. (77). He also wants to raise

the consciousness of others: "El gobierno cree que

masacrandonos nos asusta. Ignora que nosotros quisieramos










otra matanza para acabar definitivamente con la ceguera de

los que creen que en el Peru se puede alcanzar justicia por

las buenas" (77). Owing in part to the influence of

experiences outside the community, the campesino leaders

conclude that they have to resort to violence to regain

their land.

In planning and implementing the land invasions,

camDesino leaders must overcome limitations of previous

uprisings such as long-standing conflicts between

communities and a mythical conception of the world. It is

young comuneros, who have lived in cities or worked in the

mines, who convince two communities to put aside past

differences and conflicts and to unite in the land seizures

(89). Dissuading their compatriots from believing in myths

is also extremely important. Shortly before attacking the

main house of the Jarria hacienda, one of the comuneros

remembers Tomis Chamorro's taunting prediction that toads

will grow teeth before they get their land back. Before

continuing, he wants to examine them. Hermogenes Farruso

tells him that it is not important. What does matter is

that they are attacking. Colonos are shaking off their

bonds of slavery to join the struggle. They need anger, not

superstitions (208). The most important moment in the novel

regarding myths is when Remigio Villena finds Dona Anada's

tower and burns it to the ground. Dona Anada weaves ponchos

that describe the future. After having spent many hours










studying the ponchos and attempting to decipher the future,

Villena destroys the tower and the ponchos. He believes

that it is more important for the campesinos to create their

own future rather than to rely on the weavings of a blind

woman:

INuestra empresa s6lo depend de nuestro coraje!
iNadie decidiri mas por nosotros! tExistimosl
iSomos hombres, no sombras tejidas por una sombra!
iMi cuerpo y mi sombra me seguiran adonde los
lleve mi valor o mi cobardia! iNos calienta un
verdadero sol! ;Nos enfria una nieve verdadera!
IEstamos vivos! (202)

Scorza describes many campesinos as having overcome

many of the limitations of previous uprisings. While the

repressive forces quell the uprising, there are many

examples of campesinos achieving a heightened political

consciousness. Colonos and comuneros find common ground and

work together. Longstanding enmities between communities

are ameliorated for the goal of regaining lost land. The

leadership and most decisions occur within campesino

governmental structures. This indicates a high level of

autonomy and also the ability to organize a movement.

Leaders are usually those who have had some contact outside

the community. As is the case of some sectors of the

traditional exploiters of the campesino coming to oppose the

system, many campesinos and their leaders conclude that

violence is the only way to change their fate.


~










Criticism of Leftist Parties and Organizations


In La tumba del relimpaao there is severe criticism of

political parties, especially those traditionally associated

with the left. In one section Ledesma succinctly comments

on their lack of support: "Desgraciadamente los politicos

brillan por su ausencia" (164). The APRA offers no support

and Marxist groups and parties are locked into a strict

interpretation of orthodox Marxism, and do not consider, as

did Mariategui, the role of the campesinos.

The APRA was a very strong party in Pasco. Prior to

1980, the two times that the party participated in

presidential elections not nullified by a military coup, the

percentage of the APRA vote in Pasco was 76.63% in 1931 and

52.66% in 1963. In 1931 the vote was the largest percentage

for the APRA in any department, while in 1963 it was the

fourth largest total (North 175). When the government

appointed Genaro Ledesma mayor of Cerro de Pasco, he was

officially an aprista (Handelman 137). He later left the

party, founded the FOCEP in 1963 and was elected to

represent Pasco in Congress while in jail. In 1954 Scorza

left the APRA, publishing an open letter with the title of

"Good-bye, Mister Haya" (Aldaz 19).

While the APRA has political hegemony in Pasco, the

novel attacks it for not helping the campesinos. Some party

members support the seizures and state that they are more

loyal to their region than to their party (57 and 237). The










narrator comments that the party never supports land

seizures: "el Partido Aprista nunca habia aprobado las

recuperaciones de tierras de los campesinos. En una

oportunidad La Tribuna, diario official del APRA, se

pronunci6 a favor de los grandes propietarios: los comuneros

nunca lo olvidaron" (57).

The Communist party offers only minimal support to the

campesino uprisings, and argues that the working class must

be in the vanguard and that campesino movements lack a

revolutionary consciousness. The real-life Jorge del Prado

has been the Secretary General of the Peruvian Communist

party for decades. The novel severely criticizes the

character based on him for adhering to a strict

interpretation of orthodox Marxist theories. The following

fictional version of a possible conversation between Genaro

Ledesma and Jorge del Prado illustrates Scorza's depiction

of their ideological stances regarding the revolutionary

vanguard:

--Toda possible acci6n tendria que supeditarse
a la conducci6n de la clase obrera.
--En Cerro de Pasco la clase obrera no esta a
la cabeza de la lucha, sino el campesinado.
--Para que nosotros consideremos cualquier
posibilidad de apoyo, se necesitaria que el sector
campesino se subordinara a la clase obrera. La
directive de cada comunidad debe aceptar el
control de una comisi6n obrera.
--Eso es extremadamente dificil, camarada.
Los campesinos de Pasco obedecen Gnicamente a los
campesinos de Pasco. Nosotros respetamos su
jerarquia traditional. Por eso nos escuchan. En
este caso, creo, la teoria debe nacer de la
practice. Hay que modificar la teoria. En la
Sierra Central el campesinado no solicita la








89
primacia en la lucha: la tiene. ;Y la paga, cada
ano, con centenares de muertos!
--Es verdad. Pero no negari usted que la
clase campesina, que ha dado tantos ejemplos de
heroismo, carece de una verdadera conciencia
revolucionaria para llegar hasta el final. La
vanguardia de la revoluci6n es el proletariado.
"&Que hago aqui", se pregunt6 Ledesma. El
camarada Del Prado repetia, casi parecia que leia,
un manual de marxismo, la teoria y tactica de los
bolcheviques preparindose a asaltar el Palacio de
Invierno. (234)

Saturnino Paredes is another high-ranking member of the

Communist party who appears as a character in the novel. In

real life he was the secretary of the Confederaci6n

Campesina and later led the Maoist faction of the Communist

party after the Sino-Soviet split. In the novel Paredes's

interpretation is the same as that of the fictional version

of Jorge del Prado:

la revoluci6n es la consecuencia del encuentro
entire las condiciones objetivas y las condiciones
subjetivas. El motor de la historic es la lucha
de classes. La vanguardia de la revoluci6n es la
clase obrera. La clase campesina nunca sobrepasa
el reformismo. El resto es aventurerismo. (150)

The Seminarista criticizes Saturnino Paredes for not dealing

with the realities of Peru and the revolutionary potential

of the campesinos, and merely parroting Lenin's speeches

from February of 1917 (150). In addition, he condemns

Paredes for sectarian activities. He orders the Seminarista

to distribute leaflets accusing Hugo Blanco, a Trotskyist,

of being a provocateur (153). The Seminarista's reaction is

one of incredulity: "El organizador del mas poderoso

movimiento campesino del Cusco, Cprovocador?" (153).










The criticism of the Trotskyists also lies in their

failure to adapt their ideology to meet the realities of

Peru. When Ledesma reads an article in a Trotskyist

newspaper about Pasco campesinos, he concurs with their view

on the importance of campesino agitation. However, he

realizes that the article is essentially a proclamation by

Trotsky in St. Petersburg in 1917: "El unico aporte era que

en lugar de mujikss' escribian 'comuneros'" (127).

The novel depicts the MIR (Movimiento de Izauierda

Revolucionaria) as opportunistic, sectarian, and desiring to

control any movement it aids. The MIR's abortive attempt at

guerrilla warfare lasted for about six months in 1965 and

1966. In one episode Ricardo goes to a prison to speak with

Luis, one of the principal leaders of the MIR in the novel.

Ricardo tells him that there are 100,000 campesinos ready to

fight, but they lack cadres and arms (250). Luis's answer

is telling in uttering the word "control" three times: "No

controlamos ni podemos controlar el movimiento campesino de

Pasco. El control lo tiene Genaro Ledesma, que se apoya en

cualquiera que lo auxilie" (250). Like the character

Saturnino Paredes, Luis argues that the objective conditions

do not coincide with the subjective conditions. He says

that it must run its course, because they can not control

it. It is better to wait a year, when the government will

offer an amnesty for the elections (251). His obvious








91

desire to be the leader is striking: "Yo saldre para ponerme

al frente. Entonces sera el moment" (251).

In conclusion, the novel is a scathing indictment of

the political parties of the left for their misconceptions

of the Peruvian historical realities, their adherence to

orthodox forms of Marxism, and their lack of support of the

uprisings. Their ideological justifications come from 1917

Russia, speeches by Lenin and Trotsky, and Marxist manuals.

Both Saturnino Paredes and Luis argue that the objective

conditions do not coincide with the subjective conditions.

The latter cynically adds that the conditions will be right

when he can lead the movement. Even promises of

propagandistic support fall short. The lack of support of

the leftist parties and organizations helps doom the

uprising.

The Nucleus of a New Revolutionary Left

In the novel non camDesino leaders associated with the

uprising represent a hodgepodge of groups and ideologies.

In an unfortunate choice of words, Ledesma compares himself

to Columbus and his willingness to accept help from anyone:

"Yo, como Col6n, me embarco con los que me siguen" (243).


7 Roland Forgues argues that this statement, among
others, is indicative of Scorza's and, by extension, Ledesma's
distance from an indigenous ideological framework. He also
adds that the choice of Columbus is ironic in that he was the
one who initiated the process of the subjugation of the
campesino (140).




I










In the department of Huanuco, Maoists and Trotskyists aid

the uprisings (243). The Bible, Marx, and Mao (164-66) are

ideological influences for the Seminarista, while Elias

Tacunan, one of leaders of the Movimiento Comunal del Peru,

speaks of the Cuban Revolution and Havana Radio (166). Also

playing a significant role in the novel are the Movimiento

Comunal del Peru, Ledesma, and Scorza.

Elias Tacunin, a group of university professors and

former aDristas found the Movimiento Comunal del Peri, which

considers itself at the vanguard (La tumba 153). They blame

the deceit of the political parties for the state of moral

and material misery in Peru (192). They argue that instead

of comuneros invading lands, they are the victims of

invasions by the large landowners (174). They advocate

nationalizing lands owned by foreign companies and returning

them to the communities (191-92). The Movement also urges

workers and students to join the comuneros and campesinos in

the vanguard (176).

As Jose Carlos Mariategui adapted European Marxist

theories to correspond to the particularities of Peru, in

the novel Genaro Ledesma attempts to go beyond parroting

orthodox Marxism, and bases many of his ideas on

Mariategui's thought. Ledesma argues that the campesinos,

not the proletariat, are the revolutionary vanguard in Peru:

El proletariado es la vanguardia de la revoluci6n.
Olvida tus manuales, Seminarista. Aqui todo es
diferente. Aqui la vanguardia es el campesinado.
Nuestras teorias revolucionarias fueron pensadas








93
siempre en otros continents. Vivimos a cr6dito,
explotando el trabajo de los intelectuales
europeos. LY que pasa? Lo que en Europa es
blanco, aqui es negro. (226)

He argues that the revolutionary theories come from the

process of the struggle: "La lucha modifica las ideas, los

esquemas, las teorias aprendidas en la ciudad" (243). In

his fictional interview with Jorge del Prado, the Secretary

General of the Communist party, Ledesma insists that the

conditions are favorable for the beginning of the armed

struggle: "No creo que en el Per6 se hayan presentado, nunca

antes, condiciones tan favorables para una lucha armada"

(234). He believes that with the example of the Cuban

Revolution and wars of liberation in the Third World, there

are new options available. The key is to unify the

indigenous communities (78).

Although there are some minor differences between

Ledesma and Scorza, on the whole, they concur. Roland

Forgues argues that they are representatives of theory and

praxis in conflict: "me parece que Scorza y Ledesma

representan en el relato dos figures que encarnan la reunion

de las dos caras constitutivas de todo process

revolucionario: la teoria y la praxis" (La estrateaia mitica

126). While Ledesma, Scorza and the Seminarista discuss

their plans, either the Seminarista or Scorza argues that

the campesinos need political direction to go beyond a few

initial victories (238). Ledesma rejects this suggestion

and places more faith in the abilities of the campesinos:








94
LHasta cuando tendremos la pretension de ensenarle
lo que no sabemos a los sobrevivientes de una
cultural que ha atravesado cuatrocientos anos de
genocidio? Para sobrevivir en esas condiciones se
requeria genio.... Este pueblo sabe. iNo
necesita consejos! Nuestro unico papel es
canalizar su violencia. (238)

On another occasion Ledesma and Scorza debate whether they

should recommend that the campesinos dynamite abandoned

mines beneath the camp of some troops. Scorza advocates

doing it. He argues that he is not only thinking of a

revolution, but also of the rebirth of a people paralyzed

for more than 400 years. In spite of the odds, he urges

Ledesma to believe in the masses (256-57). Ledesma replies

that he believes in the masses, but they lack the components

for a successful revolution. The main result would be

bloodshed: "En este moment, s6lo conseguiriamos acrecentar

la mortandad. Los partidos que debian apoyarnos, nos han

abandonado. iNo tenemos cuadros, no tenemos armas, no

tenemos medios, no tenemos nada!" (257). Ledesma's

overriding goal is to survive to take power later: "No se

trata de matar ni de morir. Se trata de vivir para tomar el

poder" (257).

The overriding theme of the new revolutionary left is

their belief in the campesino, not the proletariate, as the

revolutionary vanguard. Supporters of the uprising come

from diverse ideological backgrounds and represent fragments

of the major movements of the Peruvian left. However, they

are severely hindered by the lack of support of the




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VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER
IN ANDEAN-BASED PERUVIAN NARRATIVE SINCE 1980
BY
MARK R. COX
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1995

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my thanks to the members of my
supervisory committee for their support: Dr. Adolfo Prieto,
Dr. Charles Perrone, Dr. Reynaldo Jiménez, and Dr. Tony
Oliver Smith.
Dr. Andrés Avellaneda, the chair of the committee, was
patient in reading the many versions of the dissertation,
always had time to discuss my progress, and kept me
inspired.
I am also grateful for the guidance of Dr. Randal
Johnson, who left the University of Florida before I was
able to complete my work.
Dr. Tomás G. Escajadillo was kind enough to lend me a
personal copy of his dissertation.
Finally, I would like to thank my family for their
support, and, especially, to my wife, Silvia, for all of her
invaluable help and support.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii
ABSTRACT V
CHAPTERS
1 INTRODUCTION 1
The Indian, Indigenista Narrative, and Criticisms 1
The Development of Indigenista Narrative .... 5
Contemporary Indigenismo, or Neoindigenismo ... 7
Obstacles Facing Contemporary Neoindigenista
Writers 9
Themes in Contemporary Indigenista Narrative . . 11
The Choice of Works 13
2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE 15
Political Indigenismo 16
Definitions of Indigenista Narrative 17
Two Criticisms of Indigenista Narrative 21
Extraliterary Factors and Indigenismo 28
The Development of Indigenista Narrative .... 31
Historical and Literary Developments since the
1950s 46
3 LITERARY AND HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS: 1960S AND
1970S 59
Manuel Scorza 60
Hildebrando Perez Huarancca 98
Conclusions 110
4 VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER IN SIX
NOVELS FROM THE 1980S AND 1990S 112
Felix Huarnan Cabrera 112
Samuel Cavero Galimindi 119
Julio Ortega 134
Miguel Garnett 141
Luis Castro Padilla 155
Mario Vargas Llosa 164
iii

5 VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER IN SELECTED
SHORT STORIES FROM THE 1980S AND 1990S . . 178
Cecilia Granadino 178
Andrés Díaz Núñez 183
Julián Pérez 185
Sócrates Zuzunaga Huaita 192
Oscar Colchado Lucio 199
Mario Guevara Paredes 200
Reynaldo Santa Cruz 202
Dante Castro Arrasco 205
Luis Nieto Degregori 210
Enrique Rosas Paravicino 224
6 CONCLUSIONS 237
WORKS CITED 243
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 250
iv

Abstract of the Dissertation Presented to the Graduate
School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER
IN ANDEAN-BASED PERUVIAN NARRATIVE SINCE 1980
By
Mark R. Cox
May 1995
Chairman: Andres O. Avellaneda
Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures
The dissertation analyzes violence and relations of
power in Andean-based Peruvian narrative since 1980 from
literary, sociological and historical perspectives. A
constant presence in Peruvian literature since 1848,
indigenista narrative has been and continues to be an
integral part of the debate about the Indian. The
dissertation examines short stories and novels by eighteen
writers dealing with the period after 1980, the year when
Peru returned to civilian rule and the Sendero Luminoso
guerrilla movement began its armed struggle. The focus is
on the narrative interpretation of the Indian and the
guerrilla war during this period.
Chapters 1 and 2 examine critical theories and debates
about indigenista narrative and its development.
Indigenista narrative is part of the larger debate about the
v

role of the Indian in Peru. Many critical studies of
indigenista narrative mistakenly focus on subjective
interpretations of the authenticity of a text's description
of the indigenous world. They fail to consider that both
literary and political indigenismo are exterior, not
interior, visions of the Indian. In addition, these critics
reveal their own political ideologies in attacking or
praising certain particular writers. It is more fruitful to
analyze indigenista narrative as a reflection and an
influence in the exterior debate about the Indian. With
roots in the chronicles of the conquest, indigenista
narrative has been produced continuously since 1848.
Chapter 3 studies two works that take place in the
1960s and 1970s and interprets them in light of the
revolutionary potential of the Indian. Chapters 4 and 5
examine six novels and forty-one short stories published
since 1986 by sixteen writers. The focus is on the
narrative treatment of violence and relations of power in
relation to the indigenous peoples and the guerrilla war.
vi

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
A constant presence in Peruvian narrative since 1848,
indigenista narrative is an important source for
understanding changing ideas about the Indians and their
world. In spite of criticisms of indigenismo,
pronouncements of its death, and literary critics ignoring
it, many writers continue to write indigenista narrative of
high quality and to address important issues in contemporary
Peru. Marking a new era after twelve years of military
rule, in 1980 the country returns to civilian rule and the
Sendero Luminoso guerrilla movement begins its armed
struggle. Through the analysis of novels and short stories
by eighteen writers, the dissertation examines the state of
contemporary indigenista narrative, its major
preoccupations, and what the works say about contemporary
Peru.
The Indian. Indigenista Narrative, and Criticisms
Indians, the "Indian problem," and indigenismo are the
result of the conquest of the Americas. Guillermo Bonfil
Batalla asserts that the conquest grouped the autochthonous
peoples under the label of Indians, who were seen as
1

2
different and inferior. The colonizers justified their
domination as a magnanimous effort to civilize the Indians
(Utopía v revolución 19). Indigenistas are usually mestizos
or whites who, in an environment primarily exterior to the
indigenous world, formulate differing ideas of the Indians
and their role in the country. Henri Favre defines
indigenismo as the following:
Llamamos "indigenismo" una corriente de
pensamiento y de ideas que se organizan y
desarrollan alrededor de la imagen del indio. Se
presenta como una interrogación de la indianidad
por parte de los no indios en función de
finalidades propias de estos últimos, (qtd. in
Barre 29-30)
By definition indigenista narrative is an exterior
perspective of the indigenous world. José Carlos Mariátegui
argues that critics commit a great injustice if they attack
indigenista narrative for not describing the indigenous
world from within. It is a literature written by mestizos.
Hence, it is indigenista. not indígena (306). Antonio
Cornejo Polar contends that Mariátegui1s comments are
crucial in doing away with the idea of indigenista narrative
as an interior expression of the Andean world and
establishing the base for a more coherent interpretation of
it ("El indigenismo y las literaturas heterogéneas" 17).
Unfortunately, many critics have not heeded Mariátegui's
clarification that indigenismo is an exterior perspective
and continue to judge works based on their own subjective
conceptions of the indigenous world.

3
Efraín Kristal argues that judging indigenista
narrative on the basis of subjective opinions of the
authentic description of the indigenous world is not
productive. Critics choose writers who describe their own
conception of the Indian and manipulate the genre to show
how other works lead up to a more complete vision of the
Indian (The Andes 8). What occurs is a nearly endless
succession of competing interpretations of the most correct
representation of the indigenous world. Kristal argues that
many critical works are "fictional and misleading," because
they choose a writer based on a "particular political (or
anthropological) position," with the result of "taking it
out of the context within which it is relevant, namely a
political or an anthropological discussion" (8). Instead of
contesting the authenticity of the description of the
Indian, he proposes that a more fruitful approach is to
analyze the relationship of indigenista narrative with the
political debate about the Indian (xiii). Therefore,
understood as an exterior perspective, indigenista narrative
reflects and influences debates about the Indian.
Many criticisms of the formal structures of indigenista
narrative are related to the process of the relegation of
indigenista and regional narrative to a subordinate position
in relation to the boom. During the struggle, many
associated with the boom contended that indigenista
narrative was defective and impure (Cornejo Polar,

4
Literatura v sociedad 67-68). Pierre Bourdieu argues that
one of the struggles in the field of cultural production is
to gain the power to define what a writer is and to exclude
others from the dominant definition ("The Field of Cultural
Production" 323). He further argues that the meaning of a
work changes with each change in the field (313). Within
these bounds, much of the criticism of indigenista narrative
since the 1960s can be understood as the struggle to
supplant the dominance of regional narrative within the
field of cultural production or as a consequence of regional
narrative's loss of a dominant position.
However, those affiliated with the boom, armed with
European and North American theories of the novel, did not
consider the unique requirements of indigenista narrative.
Mariátegui points out that much of Peruvian literature can
not be studied with methodologies appropriate for other
national literatures formed without a conquest (210). Many
critics of indigenista narrative fail to consider that it
must remain faithful to its indigenous referent and to
western formal structures. Antonio Cornejo Polar says that
the result is heterogeneous literature, where
se trata de literaturas en las que uno o más de
sus elementos constitutivos corresponden a un
sistema socio-cultural que no es el que preside la
composición de los otros elementos puestos en
acción en un proceso concreto de producción
literaria. (Literatura v sociedad 60)

5
Due to this, it is defective or is a creative response to
the demands of describing the indigenous world with western
formal structures.
The Development of Indigenista Narrative
Indigenista narrative is part of a constant
preoccupation with the role of the Indian. Much more than a
literary school, it has roots in the chronicles of the
conquest and has been a constant in Peruvian literature
(Cornejo Polar, Literatura v sociedad 36-37). The
chronicles of the conquest treat many themes that become
prominent in indigenista narrative. Since Narciso
Aréstegui's El Padre Horan (1848), the production of
indigenista narrative has been a continuous process in Peru.
It is influenced by and influences the political debate
about the Indians and their conception.
The chronicles of the conquest are the first written
works to address the role of the Indian in Peru.
Particularly germane to the study of the roots of
indigenista narrative are the chronicles of the Inca
Garcilaso de la Vega, Titu Kusi Yupanqui, and Felipe Guarnan
Poma de Ayala. Each criticizes various aspects of the
conquest, principally the brutal subjugation and destruction
of the native populations. The works fall under Antonio
Cornejo Polar's definition of heterogeneous literature,
because, like indigenista narrative, they reflect European

6
and indigenous influences and describe the indigenous world
for a non indigenous audience. They contrast an idyllic
past with the chaos of the present to criticize the abuses
of the conquest. The concept of the trinity of the abusers
of the Indian is not a creation of Manuel González Prada,
but rather Felipe Guarnan Poma (Guarnan Poma, La nueva crónica
13). While the chronicles are not indigenista narrative,
they do contain many of the formal and thematic elements
later found in indigenista narrative.1
Indigenista narrative in the nineteenth century centers
on the Indian as an agricultural worker or as a key in the
industrialization of Peru. According to Efrain Kristal,
three of the dominant factions in Peru in the nineteenth
century are liberals, civilistas, and the industrial elite.
Each group has members who write narrative reflecting its
political ideology and, in turn, influence the political
debate about the Indian. The liberals, primarily the rural
oligarchy, want to do away with some abuses of the Indians
to have more productive agricultural workers. Narciso
Aréstegui's El padre Horán (1848) is an expression of
liberal thought. Both the civilistas and the industrial
elite want to industrialize Peru, although through different
1 For a comparison of Felipe Guarnan Poma de Ayala and
José María Arguedas, see Roger Zapata, Guarnan Poma,
indigenismo v estética de la dependencia en la cultura
peruana. Minneapolis, MN: Institute for the Study of
Ideologies and Literatures, 1989.

7
means. The key is that the Indian is central to
industrialization. Writers such as Ladislao Grana, Juana
Manuela Gorriti, Juan Vicente Camacho, and Ricardo Palma
have works that reflect civilista thought. Manuel Gonzalez
Prada, after the War of the Pacific (1879-83) and before his
conversion to anarchism, is the main spokesperson for the
industrial elite. Clorinda Matto de Turner's trilogy of
novels, including Aves sin nido (1889), reflects the
ideology of the industrial elite (Kristal, The Andes 37-
154).
In the first part of the twentieth century, especially
from the 1920s to the 1940s, indigenista narrative is the
dominant literary form in Peru. Ciro Alegría and José María
Arguedas are two of the principal indigenista writers of
that era. Efrain Kristal argues that Alegría's works during
this period reflect the influence of the ideology of the
APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana), primarily
in the valuing of the indigenous community ("Del
indigenismo" 67-68). In "No soy un aculturado..." (1968)
José María Arguedas credits the influence of Mariátegui,
Lenin, and socialism for giving direction to his work (El
zorro de arriba v el zorro de abano 14).
Contemporary Indigenismo, or Neoindioenismo
In the 1950s and 1960s indigenista narrative cedes its
dominant position in the cultural field to an urban

8
narrative heavily influenced by the boom. Antonio Cornejo
Polar and Luis Fernando Vidal argue that since the 1950s
there are two general currents in Peruvian narrative. The
first, represented by José María Arguedas, focusses on the
disintegration of the old (oligarchic) social order, and the
redefinition of the dominated sectors in the sierra. The
second current, represented by Mario Vargas Llosa, deals
with the construction of a new order (Nuevo cuento peruano
15-18). Efrain Kristal notes that one of the principal
historical reasons for the change in focus in Peruvian
literature is the massive migration from the Andes to the
cities. The migration is the result of the bankruptcy of
the traditional agricultural economy based in the
latifundios. which has been one of the major subjects
treated in indigenista narrative ("Del indigenismo" 57).
With the eclipse of the landed oligarchy, a new dominant
group, composed of three groups, gains power. Kristal says
that some works of three of Peru's more well-known writers
are associated with the dominant group. Julio Ramón Ribeyro
describes the vision of the oligarchy in decline, Mario
Vargas Llosa (in his first novels) the new middle classes,
and Alfredo Bryce Echenique a new dominant sector allied
with international commerce that benefits from exports,
imports, and, at times, industrialization (69). Kristal
concludes that, as a presence in urban narrative and in
indigenismo, the Indian continues to have a major impact on

9
Peruvian narrative and is the key to understanding the
recent transformations in Peru (69-74).
One of the most rigorous critics of indigenista
narrative, Tomás G. Escajadillo says that neoindiaenismo
begins in the 1950s and continues to the present.
Essentially, neoindiqenista writers use more contemporary
narrative techniques and the narrative focus becomes broader
due to social, political, and economic changes in the sierra
("La narrativa indigenista" 19-32). Early neoindiqenista
writers include Eleodoro Vargas Vicuña, Carlos Eduardo
Zavaleta, and Jose Maria Arguedas's later works, such as Los
ríos profundos (1958) and "La agonía de Rasu-Ñiti" (1962)
(272). In La narrativa indigenista he analyzes
neoindiqenista writers published after 1971.2
Obstacles Facing Contemporary Neoindiqenista Writers
In spite of efforts to establish a strong domestic
publishing industry in the late 1950s and early 1960s,
writers with the most national and international success
have published outside of the country. Manuel Scorza's
efforts to promote the publishing industry and to expand the
literary audience in Peru and other Spanish-speaking
countries in the late 1950s and early 1960s was a stunning,
but ephemeral success. According to Antonio Cornejo Polar,
2 He also mentions these groups in "Tres narradores neo-
indigenistas, " and "Los ilegítimos en la literatura neo-
indigenista. "

10
the international response to Mario Vargas Llosa's La ciudad
v los perros (1964) had two results. The first was to
largely end efforts to develop national literature through a
domestic editorial system. The second was to show the
effectiveness of the international route that Vargas Llosa
followed ("Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'" 551-52). Cornejo
Polar and Vidal say that, after Vargas Llosa and Scorza, the
only other writer to be completely successful in following
the international route is Alfredo Bryce Echenique. They
also point out that in 1982 three books of short stories
were published in Peru. In the same year almost two
thousand people participated in the short story contest
sponsored by the newsweekly, Caretas. Of the seventeen
finalists, only two or three had published in the genre
before. As judges for literary contests, they note that the
number of published works does not reflect the quantity of
indigenista narrative written. In addition to the weak
publishing industry, writers face a small reading public and
a developing economy (Nuevo cuento peruano 11-13).
According to Carlos Calderón Fajardo, there are two
distinct groups of young writers divided along class lines.
He argues that one group, inspired by the models of Mario
Vargas Llosa, Julio Ramón Ribeyro, and Alfredo Bryce
Echenique, tends to avoid writing about the realities of
contemporary Peru. The other group, many of popular
extraction, writes about themes such as subversion,

violence, the shanty towns, Andean influences in the city,
and other social themes. He contends that both groups are
almost mutually exclusive and even have their own different
critical communities ("El 'boom' subterráneo de la narrativa
peruana" 105-6).
The Peruvian and international critical communities
ignore most neoindicenista writers after Arguedas. Even a
writer of the stature of Manuel Scorza has had to face being
shunned by many in the critical community. Tomás G.
Escajadillo criticizes the Peruvian critical community's
almost complete silence about Scorza's works ("Scorza antes
de la ultima batalla"). Friedhelm Schmidt points out that
most of the items in his bibliography of Scorza are minor
references, reviews and interviews. He contends that this
is evidence of the international critical community's lack
of a systematic preoccupation about Scorza's works
("Bibliografía de y sobre Manuel Scorza" 273). Critical
reflection about other indigenista writers publishing since
1980 is sparse at best. Tomás G. Escajadillo's articles and
recent book are a pleasant exception. While there are
newspaper and journal articles, they have a limited
circulation within Peru.
Themes in Contemporary Indigenista Narrative
While the traditional trinity of exploiters of the
Indian (landowners, priests, and government authorities)

12
still appears in the narrative, the landowner and the system
of gamonalismo are less of a focus. The criticism falls
more on society and the system as a whole than the
traditional socioeconomic system based on landowners.3
This reflects the effects of the agrarian reforms of the
1960s (although incomplete) and the decline of the landed
oligarchy. In the works analyzed landowners and priests are
less prominent, while the government and society are usually
indifferent or hostile to the needs of the campesino.
Land and agriculture continue to be the predominant
economic themes. In many texts there are direct and veiled
criticisms of landowners that amassed vast tracts of land
and the incomplete agrarian reforms of the 1960s. The
legacy of these two factors results in many campesinos being
left with poor and inadequate land. Government programs
designed to help the campesino are largely ineffective and,
at times, are counter to their needs. A consequence of the
weak agricultural economy is the continued migration to
urban areas in the sierra and the coast.
Three kinds of teachers in the narrative reflect
changes in society. Tomás G. Escajadillo mentions two types
of characters. The first is teachers who aid the
established order. The second is teachers associated with
the SUTEP, the principal teachers' union (Arroyo 96). The
3 For example, see Tomás G. Escajadillo, "Hildebrando
Perez Huarancca," and José M. Iztueta, "En torno a Los
ilegítimos."

13
teachers affiliated with the SUTEP work to help communities
progress, but they and the communities are often victims of
a system that fears changes in the status quo and threats to
its power. Teachers who join the guerrillas make up the
third category.
The guerrilla war becomes a prominent theme in works
published in 1986 and after. While the military and police
appear in previous indigenista narrative, usually repressing
land seizures by campesinos. the task of confronting the
guerrilla movement is a theme unique to the present.4 Most
works condemn the violence by the repressive forces and the
guerrillas, but others are positive toward one group or the
other. Other actors that appear in some works are the
paramilitary rondas campesinas.
The Choice of Works
The dissertation is purposely incomplete for many
reasons. It is nearly impossible to include every
indigenista work and every short story or novel that
discusses the guerrilla war. Except for the third chapter,
the emphasis is on works published since 1980 that deal with
contemporary violence and relations of power in the Peruvian
sierra. Due to this, many excellent writers and works that
primarily focus on the revalorization of the Indian are
4 While there are narrative works about the guerrillas in
1965, Sendero Luminoso has had much more of an impact on the
country.

14
excluded. Works that treat the guerrilla war outside of the
sierra region are also excluded. The goal of the
dissertation is to help fill in a gap of critical studies of
contemporary narrative fiction visions of the sierra since
the beginning of the Sendero Luminoso's armed struggle in
1980.
The focus of the dissertation is on the relationship of
the texts with the larger context of social, political, and
economic developments in Peru since 1980. Chapter 2
examines theoretical questions about indigenista narrative
and summarizes its development. Chapter 3 analyzes two
works from 1979 and 1980, both related to revolution. The
fourth and fifth chapters analyze novels and short stories,
respectively, about the period after 1980.

CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Indians, the "Indian problem," and indigenismo are the
result of the conquest of the Americas. According to
Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, the term Indian refers to the
autochthonous colonized sector of society and to a colonial
relationship. He argues that a colonial situation requires
a global definition of the colonized peoples as different
and inferior. In this way the colonizers justify their
privileged position and rationalize the conquest as a
magnanimous effort to civilize the colonized peoples (19).
The subjugation of the Peruvian Indians has been a difficult
task. Unlike the relatively quick conquest in Mexico, in
Peru it took the Spanish almost forty years to defeat the
Neolnca empire. Since the conquest, there have been many
uprisings. With the beginning of the armed struggle of
Sendero Luminoso in 1980, campesinos become the principal
participants as victims, guerrillas, or members of the
repressive forces.
The role of the Indian is a question that has been a
major component of Peruvian political and literary discourse
since the conquest. Most of the discussions are classified
as indigenismo, which generally has two sides: the
15

16
revalorization of the indigenous peoples and social protest.
The focus of this dissertation and this chapter is on the
social protest tradition of indigenismo. This chapter
focusses on definitions and overviews of political
indigenismo and indigenista narrative fiction, extraliterary
factors and the narrative, and a summary of the development
of indigenista narrative and related historical developments
since the conquest.
Political Indigenismo
While political indigenismo attempts to help the
Indians, it is not an entirely altruistic endeavor. Henri
Favre defines indigenismo as the following:
Llamamos "indigenismo" una corriente de
pensamiento y de ideas que se organizan y
desarrollan alrededor de la imagen del indio. Se
presenta como una interrogación de la indianidad
por parte de los no indios en función de
finalidades propias de estos últimos, (qtd. in
Barre 29-30)
The key is that Indians have little to do with indigenista
theories or their implementation. They are merely the
beneficiaries (or victims) of policies created by others on
their behalf. This is not to say that indigenistas are
insincere or do not want to help the Indians, but the
results of their ideologies and policies are often of most
benefit to the indigenistas.
Marie-Chantal Barre argues that the principal goal of
government indigenista policies is to integrate the Indian

17
into the dominant society, which results in the
disintegration of the communal system. Since the conquest
the government expects the indigenous populations to
assimilate into an alien, all-encompassing system that
includes a new system of production, a new religion, and a
new culture. Marxists support their integration into the
modern capitalist sector of society, because they believe
that the proletarianization of the Indians is a necessary
step toward socialism. In the process of incorporating the
indigenous populations into the dominant society, the
communal system begins to disintegrate. Although laws
recognize the right of existence of indigenous communities,
individualistic agrarian reforms favor the development of
individual property and the expansion of capitalism. While
integrationist policies have positive benefits, they also
lead to the disintegration of communities (85-91). In
conclusion, the conquest drastically altered the indigenous
world and left a legacy of policies designed by non Indians
to incorporate them into alien structures. Indigenista
policies have the contradictory effects of aiding the
indigenous peoples and also destroying or greatly
transforming their traditional way of life.
Definitions of Indigenista Narrative
While there are many definitions of indigenista
narrative, critics have traditionally divided indigenista

18
narrative into two periods. In La novela indianista en
Hispanoamérica (1934), Concha Melendez argues that narrative
about the Indian should be called indianista. One form is
romantic and the other is the social vindication of the
Indian (Rosemburg 54). In spite of her divisions, the
critical community usually makes a distinction between
indianismo and indigenismo. For example, Luis Alberto
Sanchez states that indianismo emphasizes exotic and
emotional aspects of the Indian, and indigenismo focusses on
social demands based on economic and agrarian problems
(Echevarria 289-90). The only change is a different name,
but the distinctions remain the same.
Tomás G. Escajadillo, one of the more rigorous critics
of indigenista narrative, proposes three categories:
indianismo, orthodox indigenismo, and neoindioenismo ("La
narrativa indigenista" 271-72). He argues that there are
two focusses of the indigenous theme in indianismo. The
modernist version includes Abraham Valdelomar's Los hilos
del sol (1921) and Ventura Garcia Calderon's short stories
that have Andean themes. Romantic-realist-idealist
indianismo consists of works like Narciso Aréstegui's El
Padre Horán (1848) and Clorinda Matto de Turner's Aves sin
nido (1889). He considers Matto de Turner's novel a
precursor or antecedent of indigenismo (6).
Escajadillo argues that orthodox indigenismo begins
with Enrique López Albújar's Cuentos andinos (1920) and

19
culminates, but does not end, with Ciro Alegría's El mundo
es ancho v ajeno (1941) and José María Arguedas's Yawar
fiesta (1941) (272). His three conditions for this period
are: 1) the vindication of the Indian, 2) the creation of
flesh and blood characters, overcoming the limitations of
the romantic idealization of Indians, and 3) sufficient
proximity in relation to the Indian and the indigenous world
(271).
Escajadillo says that neoindiqenismo begins in the
1950s and continues to the present. Early neoindiqenista
writers include Eleodoro Vargas Vicuña, Carlos Eduardo
Zavaleta, and José María Arguedas's later works, such as Los
ríos profundos (1958) and "La agonía de Rasu-Ñiti" (1962)
(272). In an interview with Carlos Arroyo, he says that in
a forthcoming book (La narrativa indigenista) he analyzes
neoindiqenista writers published after 1971. He classifies
them in three groups according to their age. In the first
group are Manuel Scorza, Carlos Eduardo Zavaleta, Edgardo
Rivera Martinez, and Marcos Yauri Montero. The second group
consists of Félix Huamán Cabrera, Victor Zavala Cataño,
Oscar Colchado Lucio, and Hildebrando Pérez Huarancca. He
includes some twenty younger writers in an appendix, but in
the interview he only mentions Julian Pérez (95-96).
Principal characteristics of neoindiqenismo are: 1) the use
of magical realism or lo real maravilloso. 2) the
intensification of lyricism, 3) the use of newer, more

20
innovative narrative techniques, and 4) the broadening of
the area represented in the narrative in consonance with the
development of the indigenous problematic ("La narrativa
indigenista" 19-32).
Escajadillo contends that indigenismo is more than a
simple literary movement. He cites José Carlos Mariátegui's
argument that indigenismo arose as an effort to solve the
"Indian problem." According to some, there has been no
solution, and some aspects of the problems facing the
indigenous peoples have worsened ("Tres narradores neo-
indigenistas" 7). Escajadillo argues that the number of
contemporary young neoindioenista writers is evidence that
indigenismo is not dead: "Todo esto demuestra que la
modernidad comete una de las más grandes estupideces cuando
decreta la muerte del indigenismo y que la realidad
desmiente lo que algún día dijeron Carlos Fuentes, Mario
Vargas Llosa o José Donoso" (qtd. in Arroyo 96).
Antonio Cornejo Polar emphasizes the importance of
perceiving indigenismo as a long, historical and literary
process. He argues that romantic indigenismo is a better
term than indianismo, because it is one period of a long
tradition:
Esta manera de entenderlo tiene la ventaja, entre
otras, de evitar una periodización absolutizada,
con etapas que en verdad es imposible distinguir
con rigor; al revés, permite percibir el curso del
indigenismo como una amplia y casi ininterrumpida
secuencia, cuyo origen está en las crónicas como
se ha visto, que se plasma diferencialmente de
acuerdo a las variantes que la historia general de

21
la literatura peruana puede detectar con relativa
facilidad. En otras palabras: el indigenismo
romántico es simplemente una etapa de un largo y
accidentado proceso que recorre, y en cierto modo
vertebra, el curso de la literatura peruana. De
esta manera la oposición entre indianismo e
indigenismo pierde importancia, sin desaparecer
del todo por supuesto, para permitir una
comprensión más cabal de la profundidad histórica
del indigenismo. (Literatura v sociedad 36-37)
Whether a writer is influenced by the literary
techniques of romanticism, realism, magical realism or some
other ism, each generation has seen the need to write about
the indigenous world. Following Antonio Cornejo Polar's
argument, the dissertation focusses more on the indigenista
tradition than trying to promote any specific critic's
definition of a period of indigenista narrative.
Two Criticisms of Indigenista Narrative
One criticism concerns the formal structures of
indigenista narrative, much of it coming from those allied
with the boom. This criticism can be understood within the
larger context of the struggle between individuals, groups,
and institutions identified with the boom and those
associated with regional and indigenista narrative. Pierre
Bourdieu argues that part of the struggle within the field
of cultural production is which group gains the power to
define what a writer is ("The Field of Cultural Production"
323). Due to this, "The meaning of a work (artistic,
literary, philosophical, etc.) changes automatically with
each change in the field within which it is situated for the

22
spectator or reader" (313). Within these bounds, much of
the criticism of indigenista narrative since the 1960s can
be understood as the struggle to supplant the dominance of
regional narrative within the field of cultural production
or as a consequence of regional narrative's loss of a
dominant position. Antonio Cornejo Polar notes that the
insurgent group "puso especial énfasis en demostrar que la
novela anterior, incluyendo la novela indigenista a veces en
primera línea, era una 'novela primitiva' o una 'novela
impura'" (Literatura v sociedad 67). An example of this is
Mario Vargas Llosa's polemical statement in 1964: "El
fracaso del indigenismo fue doble: como instrumento de
reivindicación del indio, por su racismo al revés y su
criterio histórico estrecho, y como movimiento literario por
su mediocridad estética" ("José María Arguedas y el indio"
142). Cornejo Polar says in many of the criticisms "lo que
se buscaba era frecuentemente no más que enfatizar la
originalidad adánica de los nuevos narradores
hispanoamericanos" (Literatura v sociedad 68). He adds that
in many of the criticisms there is an awareness of
indigenous elements in indigenista narrative, but that the
critical interpretation is mistaken (68).
In analyzing the formal structures of indigenista
narrative, it is crucial to consider the influence of the
indigenous world. José Carlos Mariátegui argues that much
of Peruvian literature can not be studied with methodologies

23
valid for other national literatures formed without a
conquest (210). The indigenous influences force changes in
the structure if the writer is to be faithful to the
referent. Antonio Cornejo Polar says that the result is
heterogeneous literature, where
se trata de literaturas en las que uno o más de
sus elementos constitutivos corresponden a un
sistema socio-cultural que no es el que preside la
composición de los otros elementos puestos en
acción en un proceso concreto de producción
literaria. (Literatura v sociedad 60)
The delicate balancing act of indigenista writers forces
them to make compromises regarding the theories of the
formal structures of the novel and the referent. The result
can be considered to be an aesthetic failure or a creative
response to the problem of representing the indigenous world
with alien literary forms.
Another criticism of indigenista narrative is that
there is a lack of an interior vision of the indigenous
world. In many cases the critic considers José María
Arguedas to be the paradigm for what indigenista narrative
should be. In 1964, Mario Vargas Llosa maintained that most
indigenista writers can not speak about the Indian with
authenticity ("José María Arguedas y el indio" 141J.1
1 Almost three decades later, Vargas Llosa is the subject
of similar criticism. Ricardo Gonzalez Vigil writes: "Por
primera vez, en una novela de Vargas Llosa, varios diálogos no
suenan como si hubieran sido pronunciados por seres vivos.
En convergencia con este desajuste, Lituma en los Andes
no penetra cabalmente en la mentalidad andina" ("Los Andes
desde afuera" 14).

24
However, for him, José María Arguedas's knowledge of the
Indian is much more profound, because "los conoce desde
adentro y es lógico, pues, culturamente hablando, ha sido un
indio" (142). Catherine Saintoul says that "Todos los
textos [indigenistas]... llevan impresa de algún modo esta
mirada exterior y deformante, exceptuando sólo a José María
Arguedas" (51). Edgardo J. Pantigoso also speaks of the
exterior perspective that distorts the indigenous world
(62), and he goes so far as to say "Arguedas creció indio"
(64). Even such an important literary critic of indigenismo
as Tomás G. Escajadillo uses the same basic criteria of
analysis. Two of the three conditions for orthodox
indigenismo are flesh and blood characters and sufficient
proximity in relation to the Indian and his world ("La
narrativa indigenista" 271). These conditions are extremely
subjective and subject to the particular preferences of the
critic and the era. Many critics have used, and continue to
use, this criteria as the basis for including or excluding a
particular work or writer in indigenista narrative.
Efrain Kristal takes issue with classifying this
literature by the veracity of the portrayal of the Indian.
In The Andes Viewed from the Citv: Literary and Political
Discourse on the Indian in Peru: 1848-1930. he attacks "the
fallacy-ridden assumption" that indigenista narrative should
be interpreted by the precision of the description of the
indigenous world (XI). According to Kristal, this leads to

25
critics choosing writers who describe their own conception
of the Indian. Based on the writer chosen, critics
manipulate the genre to show how lesser works lead up to a
more complete vision of the Indian (8). What occurs is a
nearly endless succession of competing interpretations of
the most correct representation of the indigenous world.
For example, he cites an 1890 work on Clorinda Matto de
Turner by Emilio Gutierrez de Quintanilla. Gutierrez argues
that Aves sin nido is the first realist narrative about the
Indian, and compares it with an earlier work by another
writer, which he considers a failed attempt to describe the
Indian (7-8). Later interpretations of Matto de Turner's
novel are highly critical of her depiction of the indigenous
world. Kristal argues that many critical works are
"fictional and misleading," because they choose a writer
based on a "particular political (or anthropological)
position," with the result of "taking it out of the context
within which it is relevant, namely a political or an
anthropological discussion" (8). Instead of contesting the
authenticity of the description of the Indian, Kristal
proposes that a more fruitful approach is to analyze the
relationship of indigenista narrative with the political
debate about the Indian (xiii).
While Kristal has a convincing argument, his claim that
José Carlos Mariátegui was one of the first to interpret
indigenista narrative based on the accuracy of the portrayal

26
of the Indian is incorrect. The key to Kristal's argument
is that Mariátegui makes a distinction between indígena and
indigenista writers and argues that the former will come
closer to expressing the realities of the indigenous world
than the mestizo writers who make up the latter group (3-4).
To bolster his argument he cites this portion of a paragraph
from Mariátegui:
La literatura indigenista no puede darnos una
versión rigurosamente verista del indio. Tiene
gue idealizarlo y estilizarlo. Tampoco puede
darnos su propia ánima. Es todavía una literatura
de mestizos. Por eso se llama indigenista y no
indígena. Una literatura indígena, si debe venir,
vendrá a su tiempo. Cuando los propios indios
estén en grado de producirla. (Mariátegui 306)
However, Kristal does not quote the first sentence of the
paragraph, which warns against what he accuses Mariátegui of
doing:
Y la mayor injusticia en gue podría incurrir un
crítico sería cualguier apresurada condena de la
literatura indigenista por su falta de
autoctonismo integral o la presencia, más o menos
acusada en sus obras, de elementos de artificio en
la interpretación y en la expresión. (Mariátegui
306)
Cornejo Polar interprets the same paragraph
differently. He believes that Mariátegui's assertion about
indígena literature is debatable, because the production of
indigenous literature has continued in a parallel course
with literature in Spanish ("El indigenismo y las
literaturas heterogéneas" 17). However, he argues that his
definition of indigenista literature is crucial because
"significa la cancelación de la utopía indigenista, como

27
presunta expresión interior del mundo andino, y establece
las bases para fundar una nueva y más coherente
interpretación del indigenismo" (17).
In conclusion, these two criticisms are based on
impractical expectations of indigenista narrative. The
groups associated with the boom were struggling to achieve a
dominant position within the cultural field and indigenista
and regionalist writers stood in their way. It is natural
that they would find indigenista narrative to be defective
in relation to their own texts. Even neoindigenista writers
influenced by the narrative techniques of the boom, like
José María Arguedas and Manuel Scorza, have suffered in the
aftermath of relegating indigenista narrative to a
subordinate position in the cultural field.2 It is also
erroneous to expect indigenista narrative to conform to
theories of the novel developed within a European and North
American context. Mariátegui and Cornejo Polar accurately
point out that the production of indigenista narrative
occurs in a different environment. To expect it to conform
to alien literary forms and to ignore its referent is both
unrealistic and naive. In the 1920s Mariátegui clearly
stated that indigenista narrative is, by definition,
2 For example, Arguedas reacts to his polemics with some
boom writers in El zorro de arriba v el zorro de abaio. For
observations on the reception of Scorza, see Tomás G.
Escajadillo's "Scorza antes de la ultima batalla," Revista de
crítica literaria latinoamericana 7-8 (1978): 183-91, and
"Scorza y el neoindigenismo. Nuevos planteamientos,"
Literaturas andinas 5-6 (1991): 5-22.

28
exterior. Furthermore, Kristal convincingly argues that
conceptions of the Indian are inherently subjective and
influenced by the political and literary debate about the
Indian. Instead of each generation of critics denigrating
previous narrative visions of the Indian, it is far more
fruitful to analyze indigenista narrative within the context
of the political debate on the Indian and other
extraliterary factors.
Extraliterarv Factors and Indigenismo
While extraliterary factors influence all literature,
indigenismo is one of the clearer examples of this. In
fact, many indigenista writers have suffered political
persecution for their political activities and/or writing.
In 1895 Clorinda Matto de Turner fled into exile in
Argentina and the Catholic Church excommunicated her. Ciro
Alegría and José María Arguedas spent time in jail in the
1930s, and Alegría and Manuel Scorza were exiled, the former
in the 1930s and the latter in the 1950s.
One useful theoretical tool in analyzing this
literature is Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field of
cultural production, which encompasses the examination of
the social conditions of the production, distribution, and
consumption of cultural goods. There are three levels of
analysis. The first is the works, and the individual and
class backgrounds of writers, their trajectories, and their

29
positions within the field. The second is the structure of
the field, which includes writers and those involved in
legitimizing and consecrating narrative works, such as
publishers, critics, and the public. The third level is the
analysis of the literary field within the context of
relations of power in the nation (Johnson, The Field of
Cultural Production 25).
One of the emphases in Pierre Bourdieu's theory is the
struggle for a dominant position in the field of cultural
production. For him, "the field of cultural production is
the site of struggle in which what is at stake is the power
to impose the dominant definition of the writer and
therefore to delimit the population of those entitled to
take part in the struggle to define the writer" ("The Field
of Cultural Production" 323). This struggle has historical
winners and losers, but there are always competitors waiting
to substitute their own definitions for the dominant one.
These competitors include many individuals and groups such
as writers, publishers, literary critics, and the public.
With every change in the field, a work's meaning can also
change (313-17). In a larger context, this conflict relates
to struggles within the country.
The struggle in the field of cultural production
over the imposition of the legitimate mode of
cultural production is inseparable from the
struggle within the dominant class (with the
opposition between "artists" and "bourgeois") to
impose the dominant principle of domination (i.e.,
ultimately, the definition of human
accomplishment). (322)

30
Within the specific context of Peruvian indigenista
narrative, it has been a major participant in describing and
defining the indigenous populations of Peru and offering
solutions to the "Indian problem."
One of the clearest examples of the relationship
between the political debate on the Indian and the cultural
field is the writings of José Carlos Mariátegui. He places
indigenista literature within the context of a greater
political, social, and economic struggle. In Siete ensayos
de interpretación de la realidad peruana (1928), he writes,
"El problema indígena, tan presente en la política, la
economía y la sociología, no puede estar ausente de la
literatura y del arte" (300). For him, indigenista
literature plays an important role in the indigenista
movement, and in the initial stages of a socialist
revolution with the Indian as the base. He compares
indigenista literature with the prerevolutionary Russian
literature about the peasant in Czarist times, or muiikismo.
In describing and condemning the feudal conditions of the
Russian peasant, he argues that muiikismo played an
important role in the initial stages of the Russian
revolution (299-300). He believes that indigenista
literature will play a similar role in Peru:
Los "indigenistas" auténticos—que no deben ser
confundidos con los que explotan temas indígenas
por mero "exotismo"—colaboran, conscientemente o
no, en una obra política y económica de
reivindicación— no de restauración ni de
resurrección. (304)

31
Mariátegui set the foundation for understanding indigenista
literature as much more than a simple literary movement.
Understood as much more than a simple literary school
or movement, indigenista narrative both reflects prevailing
political and anthropological debates about the Indian and
helps to create different conceptions. The dissertation
will attempt to integrate the analysis of the indigenista
texts in the following chapters within the broader Peruvian
social, economic, political, and cultural context. The
focus is on the relations of power in the Andean region and
the consequent violence as perceived by the various writers
studied.
The Development of Indigenista Narrative
The Chronicles
Many of the conflicts in contemporary Peru have their
origins in the conquest, which essentially divided Peruvian
society into two often antagonistic groups. The chronicles
reflect the conflicting visions of the conquest. Some
justify the conquest, others are critical, and some reject
its legitimacy. Critics such as Antonio Cornejo Polar argue
that the chronicles also can be understood as the roots of
indigenista narrative: "En muchos de estos textos está
presente el sistema que madurará mucho más adelante, sobre
todo en la gran novela indigenista" (Literatura v sociedad
33).

32
The mestizo chronicles of the colonial period are
similar in form and content to indigenista narrative.
According to Martin Lienhard, there are three types of
chronicles. European chronicles, such as those of Hernán
Cortes and Pedro Pizarro, have little influence from
indigenous thought. The PopoI Vuh and other indigenous
chronicles come from oral traditions and have little or no
influence from the transcriber. The mestizo chronicle does
not refer to the writers' origins. Rather, Lienhard defines
it by the narrative's heterogeneous nature. For example,
mestizo chronicles can view history from a diachronic,
synchronic, or cyclical perspective (105-6). Once armed
resistance fails, resistance through writing begins. The
Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Titu Kusi Yupanqui, and Felipe
Guarnan Poma de Ayala criticize the conquest and the abuses
committed as a result of it.
The son of a Spanish conquistador and an Inca princess,
the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega was one of the first mestizos
in Peru. In his Comentarios reales (1609 and 1617) there is
a certain nostalgia toward the Inca Empire, and a strong, if
subtle, criticism of the conquest. His description of the
Inca empire is of a near-utopian society destroyed by the
conquest. By describing the advances made by the Inca
society, he criticizes the conquest and debunks the idea
that the Indians are savages who need to be civilized.

33
Titu Kusi Yupanqui, the penultimate Inca, dictated his
Relación de la conquista del Perú (1570) shortly before his
execution. According to Rolena Adorno, his principal goals
are to prove his claim as the rightful heir to the Inca
empire, and to argue that the Incas are Christians and
allies of the crown (From Oral to Written Expression 13).
He contrasts the peaceful overtures of the Incas with the
European strategies of deceit, betrayal and violence, which
violate their own moral code as well as that of the Indians.
In this way he attempts to prove his loyalty to the crown
while justifying armed resistance (Chang-Rodriguez 20).
The strongest criticism is in Felipe Guarnan Poma de
Ayala's Nueva crónica v buen gobierno (1580-1615). His
basic thesis is the following. There is no conquest because
the Incas donate the Tawantinsuyo to the King of Spain and
no further need for evangelization, because they are now
Christians. The corrupt colonial government should be
changed for an Inca-based state, governed by the Indians
under the King's jurisdiction. In conclusion, he is against
colonial government and for a native government, anti-Inca,
but pro-Andean, and anti-clerical but pro-Catholic (Adorno,
Guarnan Poma 5).
The condemnation of the conquest in Guarnan Poma's
chronicle is similar to many of the criticisms found in
indigenista narrative. Emphasizing the greed of the
conquest, he uses fifty-two related words in only four pages

34
(Guarnan Poma 10-13). He uses the same strategy as many
indigenista writers in contrasting a nearly perfect society
in the past with a critical view of the present. For
example, in one instance he speaks directly to the reader
and lists many vices that he has never seen among Indians
(275). He then gives examples of the vices of the
Spaniards: "todo lo malo lo tenéis y lo enseñáis a los
pobres indios; como entre ustedes se roban, lo hacéis mucho
más a los indios pobres, diciendo que habéis de restituir lo
robado; pero no se ve que se hace dicha restitución" (275—
76). Another connection with the indigenista tradition is
Guamán Poma's naming the trinity of exploiters of the
Indian. He writes that while the conquistadors were bad,
"Aun peores que éstos, son sus descendientes, los españoles
de esta época, como: los corregidores, Frailes y
encomenderos quienes son tan codiciosos que se venden por el
oro y plata y van directamente al infierno" (13). According
to Escajadillo, in indigenista narrative the triangle
consists of the large landowner, the priest, and civil,
political, and military authority ("La narrativa
indigenista" 100).
These three works contain many elements later found in
indigenista narrative. They reflect the influence of the
European and indigenous worlds, and, as is the case with
indigenista narrative, describe the indigenous world for a
non indigenous audience. They contrast an idyllic past with

35
a tumultuous present, and use the latter as a springboard
for criticizing the conquest. The Inca Garcilaso is the
most subtle in his criticism. Titu Kusi uses the present to
justify his violent resistance to the representatives of the
crown and Guamán Poma negates the legitimacy of the
conquest. The trinity of exploiters of the indigenous
peoples is not the creation of Manuel González Prada, but
rather dates back at least to Guamán Poma. While the
chronicles are not indigenista narrative, they contain many
of the formal and thematic elements later found in
indigenista narrative.
Nineteenth Century Indigenismo
Peruvian indigenista narrative began in the 1840s. In
The Andes Viewed from the City: Literary and Political
Discourse on the Indian in Peru: 1848-1930. Efrain Kristal
analyzes the relationship between economic and political
changes in Peru and changing literary expressions about the
Indian. According to him, three of the dominant factions of
Peruvian society in the nineteenth century were liberals,
civilistas. and industrialists.
In general, the liberals reflected the ideology of the
rural oligarchy. They wanted to make minimal changes in the
status quo, such as ending abuses of the tribute system. In
doing away with the worst abuses, the hope was to have a
more productive agrarian worker (The Andes 37-42). According

36
to Kristal, Narciso Aréstegui's El Padre Horán (1848)
reflects this liberal ideology. In the novel there are
criticisms of the tribute system, abuses committed by a
priest, and barriers to commerce. The depiction of the
Indian is as an unjustly abused inferior being who would be
content with poverty and hard work (44-52). A paternalistic
government would protect the Indians and, in turn, use them
to further commerce (54).
In the 1840s the exporting sector gained economic power
through the export of guano and founded the civilista party
in 1871. They criticized the inefficiency of large farms
and landowners who did not invest their wealth in more
productive endeavors. The civilista strategy was to improve
the infrastructure, develop unexploited regions and
products, increase immigration, and invest the profits in
the industrial development of the country (57-69). Kristal
says that civilista thought related to the Indian includes
opposition to the tribute system, unlawful conscription,
uncompensated labor, abduction, and abuses committed by
priests and other authorities. They favor education as well
as the moral and material development of the Indians (90-
91 ).
An important journal in the civilista movement was La
Revista de Lima. It published political and sociological
essays, and literature, including the following works (69).
Ladislao Grana's Sé bueno v serás feliz (1861) contrasts a

37
hardworking Indian with an abusive governor. The Indian is
jailed, conscripted into the army, and loses all of his
possessions. In spite of his problems, he is industrious,
surmounts his problems, and becomes a successful property
owner. The governor has a shady past, tries to rape the
Indian's wife, and gets richer through unproductive
activities. He is ungrateful when the Indian saves his life
and he and his family nurse him back to health (72-85). In
"Si haces mal no esperes bien" (1861), Juana Manuela Gorriti
attacks those who rape Indian women or kidnap their children
to be servants in Lima. She is especially critical of
soldiers, priests, large landowners, and governors. The
romantic theme deals with two young people who fall in love
only to find out that they have the same father, a soldier.
The father had raped an Indian woman, and the child is the
half-sister and wife of the young man. She dies and he
becomes a monk (86-89). "No era ella" (1862), by Juan
Vicente Camacho, describes a man who accuses a woman,
abducted to be a servant in Lima, of a small theft and
tortures her to death, only to find out that one of his
children is responsible (89-90).
The industrial elite, the third group, arose after the
trauma of losing the War of the Pacific (1879-83) to Chile,
and its principal spokesperson was Manuel Gonzalez Prada.
While the export oligarchy (civilistas) wanted to invest
national capital from export profits in industrialization,

38
the industrial elite wanted to go further and include loans
and international investment to augment national capital.
They proposed the immediate integration of the Indians
through massive education, democracy and private property
(95). According to Kristal,
Gonzalez Prada never argued for the protection of
Indian community property, nor for the
preservation of Indian culture, nor for any kind
of self-determination for the Indians that was not
understood directly within the context of an
emerging capitalist Peru. (120)3
Influenced heavily by González Prada, Clorinda Matto de
Turner wrote a trilogy of novels, Aves sin nido (1889),
Indole (1891), and Herencia (1895), and argued that the
condition of the Indians was due to social reasons, not race
(Kristal, The Andes 135). The primary solution in Aves sin
nido is to educate the Indians and abusive whites. Models
of civilization are Lima and Europe, especially England.
The most positive characters are Europeans, those who live
in cities, and entrepreneurs associated with mining (146-
54).
Both Antonio Cornejo Polar (Literatura v sociedad 40-
41) and Tomás G. Escajadillo ("La narrativa indigenista" 77-
78) criticize the novel for not including the problem of
land and exploitative large landowners. Escajadillo
3 However, it should be noted that there are three
periods in González Prada's development. Originally a
civilista, he became a spokesperson for the industrial elite,
and then embraced anarchist thought. In the latter period he
argued that the Indians should take up arms to defend
themselves (Kristal, "Del indigenismo" 63).

39
suggests that this omission is due in part to the
limitations of Manuel Gonzalez Prada's thought. For
example, in the "Discurso en el Politeama" (1888) González
Prada says that judges, governors and priests make up the
trinidad embrutecedora. and does not mention landowners ("La
narrativa indigenista" 77-78). Cornejo Polar argues that
while there is no explicit criticism of the landowners, it
does denounce the system that sustains them. By utilizing
labor and impeding the creation of a wider market, the
landowners obstruct efforts to modernize the economy. In
this sense, the novel foreshadows the coming rupture between
large landowners and the modernizing bourgeoisie (Literatura
v sociedad 42-43).
Early Twentieth Century Indigenismo
In the first decades of the twentieth century the
growth of the mestizo middle classes dramatically changed
the face of Peru. The number of students in public schools
quadrupled from 1906 to 1928. The number of newspapers and
journals grew from 167 in 1918 to 473 in 1928, and literary
and artistic newspapers and journals grew from 18 in 1918 to
88 in 1928 (Flores Galindo, "Los intelectuales y el problema
nacional" 142-43). In the 1920s both the APRA (Alianza
Popular Revolucionaria Americana) and Communist parties were
founded. According to Julio Cotier, the latter's rigid
adherence to the Communist International in the 1930s

40
allowed the APRA to become the principal party of the
popular and middle classes until the 1950s (Clases, estados
v nación 232-33). In the 1920s and 1930s the indigenistas
eclipsed the dominance that criollismo and hispanismo had
exercised within the cultural field (Cornejo Polar, La
formación 117). Within a larger context, the indigenista
movement was part of an anti-oligarchy movement (Cornejo
Polar, Literatura v sociedad 12-13).
During this period there were many competing forms of
indigenismo. Alberto Flores Galindo argues that there were
at least four versions. Some intellectual members of the
oligarchy, such as Victor Andres Belaúnde, saw education as
a solution. Two other types are the indigenismo of the
government of Augusto B. Leguia (1919-30) and the
indigenismo of denunciation with sentimental overtones, as
organized by Pedro Zulen and Dora Mayer in the Asociación
Pro-Indígena. The fourth category includes groups that did
not see Indians as inferior, and looked to specific
solutions to overcoming their exploitation. Flores Galindo
adds that there were different hybrids of these forms and,
at times, different versions coexisted within the same
groups ("Los intelectuales y el problema nacional" 149-50).
To illustrate the contradictions and complexities one
encounters in analyzing the indigenismo of that period,
Antonio Cornejo Polar points out that in order to open up an
internal market, some sectors of the bourgeoisie advocated

41
agrarian reform, one of the principal demands of many
indigenistas. At the same time, these sectors were among
the worst exploiters of the urban proletariat (Literatura v
sociedad 19-20).
Angel Rama argues that indigenismo after World War I
reflects the demands of the lower sectors of the emerging
white and mestizo middle class. He claims that the
literature reveals a mestizo cosmovision rather than an
indigenous one (147-49). With their ascendancy truncated by
the rigid and archaic structure of Peruvian society at the
time, in attacking the structure they were "amparándose del
indigenismo pero expresando en realidad al mesticismo. Un
mesticismo que sin embargo no se atreve a revelar su nombre
verdadero" (149). Thus, indigenistas continued to pursue
their own interests under the guise of helping the Indians,
just as previous indigenistas did.
Modernist Indigenista Narrative
The most representative writer of modernist indigenismo
is Ventura García Calderón (1886-1959). The son of a former
president, he was born and died in France, and spent close
to fifty years there. One indication of his international
reputation at the time is that prior to World War II he came
close to winning the Nobel Prize for Literature. In Peru he
has not had the same level of acclaim. For example, Mario
Vargas Llosa says that he had probably never seen an Indian

42
in his life ("José María Arguedas y el indio" 139). While
Tomás G. Escajadillo acknowledges that García Calderón was
an important innovator of the Peruvian short story ("La
narrativa indigenista" 96), he considers his depiction of
the Indian to be "inexacta, pueril, exótica y
sensacionalista," reflecting the vision of his social class,
which exploits the Indian (99). Efrain Kristal says that
the civilista ideology, which dominated Peru's political and
cultural life until the 1920s, influenced García Calderón.
Articles in journals such as La Sierra. La Revista
Universitaria, and José Carlos Mariátegui's Amauta that
dispute Garcia Calderon's views are proof that he was an
important part of the debate about the Indian (The Andes
194).
In his indigenista narrative the Indian is primarily an
inferior being with an admirable past. Kristal says that
the perception that the Indians are impenetrable leads to
the idea that they are hiding something and can not be
trusted. In addition, there are conflicting feelings of
attraction and repulsion. Kristal explains this as an
influence from the colonial period. There was an attraction
to Indian women for sexual pleasures and a repulsion because
the Indians were common laborers. In the narrative it is
acceptable to sexually exploit women and to use physical
punishment up to a certain point. The white man can be a
positive influence by civilizing the Indian (The Andes 200-

43
9). Tomás G. Escajadillo points out that García Calderón
does coincide to a certain extent with other indigenistas in
his anticlericalism. Although there is strong criticism of
priests, Escajadillo argues that it does not fall within his
definition of indigenista narrative because the priests act
as individuals, not as part of a system that exploits the
Indian ("La narrativa indigenista" 101-2).
Orthodox Indigenista Narrative
Roughly speaking, indigenista narrative was the
dominant literary form in Peru from the 1920s through the
1940s. Escajadillo describes it as a period of orthodox, or
traditional, indigenismo ("La narrativa indigenista" 272).
Three principal indigenista writers during this period are
Enrique López Albújar, Ciro Alegría, and José María
Arguedas.
Escajadillo argues that Enrique López Albújar is the
first indigenista writer and that the first time flesh and
blood Indians appear in Peruvian narrative is in his Cuentos
andinos (1920). In the short stories many Indians are
rebellious and are frequently very cruel. Another type of
Indian appears more humble and submissive, but deep down
there is an attitude of rebelliousness. López Albújar
condemns the indigenous perspective of the world and argues
for their incorporation into the western and Christian
world. In this, he differs from later indigenistas. such as

44
Ciro Alegría and José María Arguedas, who defer more to
indigenous beliefs (119-39). Seventeen years later, López
Albújar published Nuevos cuentos andinos (1937). The short
stories contain a more critical vision of the social
structure in the sierra, as well as being more anticlerical,
and anti-misti (160).
Leftist ideologies influenced Ciro Alegría (1909-67)
and José María Arguedas (1911-69) during their writing
careers. Alegría was a militant in the APRA, and was jailed
various times in the early 1930s. Exiled in 1934, he did
not return to Peru until 1960. Efrain Kristal argues that
one example of the influence of APRA thought in Alegría's
works is the valuing of the indigenous community, seen in
the contrast between the large landowners in El mundo es
ancho y ajeno. The first works with an indigenous community
and the second seeks to destroy it ("Del indigenismo" 67-
68).4 Like Alegría, Arguedas was also imprisoned in the
1930s. In 1965 he remarked that, in addition to his
experience of living with Indians, the influence of the
journal Amauta and the social doctrines of that era were an
essential part in his being able to produce literature
(Primer encuentro de narradores peruanos 235-36). In "No
soy un aculturado..." (1968), Arguedas declared that in
reading Mariátegui and Lenin he encountered order in the
4 Alegría wrote his major works before he returned to
Peru from exile and joined Acción Popular.

45
world and "fue la ideología socialista y el estar cerca de
los movimientos socialistas lo que dio dirección y
permanencia, un claro destino a la energía que sentí
desencadenarse durante la juventud" (El zorro de arriba 14).
Both Tomás G. Escajadillo and Antonio Cornejo Polar
speak of the changes in Arguedas1s literary production.
Cornejo Polar argues that there is a progression that begins
with describing conflicts between Indians and whites to
contrasting the Andes with the coastal region to the
relationship of a dominated country with the dominating
country (La novela peruana 144). In terms of literary
categories, Escajadillo says that he progressed from
orthodox indigenismo to neoindiqenismo and beyond ("La
narrativa indigenista" 239).
In the Primer Encuentro de Narradores Peruanos in 1965,
the third debate centered on the Peruvian novel and quickly
became a debate on indigenista narrative. Antonio Cornejo
Polar argued that El Padre Horan (1848) initiated
indigenista narrative in Peru and that indigenismo should be
considered a constant in Peruvian literature (Primer
encuentro 234-35). Arguedas mentioned his debt to previous
indigenista writers: "Sin López Albújar y aun sin Ventura
García Calderón, ni Ciro, ni yo, ni todos los que estamos
aquí, seríamos lo que somos" (243). Ciro Alegría contended
that there are many forms of indigenismo. In speculating on
its future, he said that perhaps the ismo of indigenismo was

46
leading them to speak of it in a temporal sense, because
isms come and go. He went on to divide indigenismo into two
basic categories. The first is more combative in
vindicating the rights of the Indians, and he postulated
that this version could disappear if the social situation
were to change. The second is the intellectual valorization
or revalorization of the Indian (250). He concluded by
saying "El indigenismo es una afirmación del futuro y una
fuerza en sí, inextinguible, como afirmación de la parte
indígena de la Nación" (253).
From the chronicles to the culmination of orthodox
indigenismo, writers have described an indigenous world
assaulted on all sides. These works are informed by various
political ideologies that affect writers' descriptions of
the Indians and possible solutions to the "Indian problem."
The literary currents of the period influence the techniques
used. With the beginning of neoindigenismo in the 1950s,
writers take advantage of increasingly sophisticated
knowledge of the indigenous world and reinvigorate the genre
with more contemporary literary techniques.
Historical and Literary Developments since the 1950s
Actors
Since the 1950s Peru has seen numerous changes. While
the landed oligarchy was in decline, newer sectors of
society began pushing for more inclusive policies for the

47
popular classes. Despite diverse economic policies
implemented by different governments, the economy has seen a
relative decline in the last few decades.
Two key actors in Peruvian society began to withdraw
their support of the landed oligarchy in the 1950s. The
church had traditionally been an ally of the landed
oligarchy. In the 1950s some elements, concerned with the
problems of poverty, began to oppose the landed oligarchy.
An additional expression of this were the Christian parties
that arose during the 1950s. As was the case with the
church, the institutional preoccupations of the armed forces
roughly coincided with the oligarchy's interests, but in the
1950s and 1960s this began to change. In the name of
national defense, the army would attempt to play a greater
role in expanding the state and developing the country. In
the 1960s the idea of nationalism was added to the goal of
development. In analyzing the campesino movements in the
1950s, it became clear that the archaic system in the sierra
was the root cause and that these movements could develop
into guerrilla movements. During the 1950s and 1960s
segments of the church and the army unified their objectives
and began to see the oligarchy and imperialism as enemies
(Cotier, Clases, estados v nación 314-26).
In 1956 new sectors of the popular and middle classes
made their entry into the political scene with reformist
parties such as the Movimiento Social-Proaresista. the

48
Partido Demócrata-Cristiano, and the Partido Acción Popular,
the latter winning 36.7% of the vote (Cotier 301). Acción
Popular1s Fernando Belaúnde Terry was president 1963-68 and
1980-85. His party criticizes indigenista positions for
aggravating problems and leading to division. The primary
policy of Acción Popular regarding the indigenous peoples is
to move toward mestizaje:
Sólo el mestizaje puede superar el desgarramiento,
sólo la fusión de las razas, de los pensamientos,
de los sentimientos. Sólo un mestizaje, plena
expresión de aculturación auténtica, puede
contribuir a forjar una cultura unitaria y
creadora. (Zegarra Pinedo 26)
The other principal party since 1956 is the APRA.
Having spent most of its existence as an illegal party, in
1956 the APRA began making deals in order to achieve its
goal of gaining control of the government through the
electoral process. Prior to the 1956 presidential
elections, Manuel Prado offered the APRA a deal, called la
convivencia. In exchange for support in the elections, the
party would be legalized and become a political ally of his
government (Cotier 295). In the 1962 elections the APRA won
a plurality, but did not receive the necessary third of the
vote, throwing the election to the congress. Before they
could elect a president, there was a military coup (350-51).
Cotier says that during the Prado and Belaúnde regimes one
of the APRA's roles was to be a mediator and intermediary
between the dominant and popular classes. Through its
control of the Confederación de Trabajadores del Perú (CTP)

49
it was able to control and, if needed, hold back popular
demands (339). One result was that the APRA lost members,
especially younger ones, to more radical movements.
During the first Belaúnde government (1963-68), the
alliance between the APRA and the Unión Nacional Odriísta
(UNO) signified the effective parliamentary control over the
executive branch. The result was that the alliance
protected bourgeois and landowner interests, and thwarted
agrarian reform and union activities outside the control of
the APRA-controlled CTP (Cotier 355-59). In addition to
stymieing Belaúnde1s legislative programs, the APRA-UNO
alliance forced his hand in other ways:
Es así como frente al bloqueo apro-odriísta,
Belaúnde se encontró reprimiendo al movimiento
campesino y los ejes del movimiento laboral que
perseguían su autonomía del control aprista. Así,
el gobierno reprimía a sus bases populares de
apoyo, gracias a la acción de sus enemigos. (360)
The four governments between 1968 and 1990 also had
difficulties implementing their policies. Manuel Castillo
Ochoa argues in La escena astillada (1992) that the four
governments "no lograron establecer pactos implícitos,
alianzas entre actores que pudieran dar perdubilidad a la
acumulación y al desarrollo que pretendían" (86). He says
that the Velasco Alvarado military government (1968-75)
experienced an economic crisis in part due to the
disintegration of its alliance. In the mid 1970s the
working classes left the pact and increased their demands.
In addition, the entrepreneurial industrial sector had

50
opposed certain policies since the beginning of the
government (43). After the August 1975 military coup, the
Morales Bermudez government (1975-80) began to neutralize
the Velasco Alvarado strategy and to implement monetarist
policies. The economic policies favored the exporting
sectors as well as the modern financial and industrial
fractions (44-48). The second Belaúnde government (1980-85)
undertook a contradictory policy. The economic team
followed neoliberal monetarist policies while the party
championed populist and redistributive policies (61-65).
The Garcia government (1985-90) changed the economic focus
more toward the internal market and hoped, in strengthening
that sector, to expand the exporting sector. As with
previous governments, Garcia was unable to construct an
alliance to enable him to fully implement his economic plan
(68-79).
Since the 1950s various new and traditional actors
begin to represent new sectors of the popular and middle
classes, but an inability to achieve a workable alliance
among actors has hindered the governments. Due to this,
governments have been less effective in implementing their
policies. In addition, successive governments follow
different policies and spend considerable time and effort
dismantling the policies of the previous government. This
has had a direct effect on the campesino segment of society.

51
Agrarian Reform
Many argue that the agrarian reforms since the 1960s
have been too limited. Wilfredo Kapsoli argues that the
agrarian reforms in 1962 and 1964 accomplished little: "Las
mencionadas leyes lejos de solucionar el problema de la
tierra y del campesino, lo agravaron. Destinadas a
beneficiar y proteger a las clases dominantes del país, en
la práctica no pudieron ser implementadas" (Los movimientos
campesinos 105).
The Velasco Alvarado military government (1968-75) also
initiated agrarian reforms. When Velasco Alvarado announced
the agrarian reform law in 1969, he said that one goal was
to do away with the latifundio and minifundio systems and to
replace them with small and medium properties. He wanted to
develop a modern agrarian sector and, from this base, to
create a greater internal market that would help the process
of industrialization (Velasco Alvarado 11-14). In the
announcement he suggested substituting the word campesino
for Indian:
la Ley de Reforma Agraria ha dado su respaldo a
esa gran masa de campesinos que forman las
comunidades indígenas que, a partir de hoy—
abandonando un calificativo de resabios racistas y
de prejuicio inaceptable— se llamarán Comunidades
Campesinas. (16)
According to Marie-Chantal Barre, the military government's
policies achieved little. If his indigenista policy was
progressive for the indigenous populations in the Amazon,

52
"no dio importancia a los problemas de la sierra,
limitándose a negar la presencia india en los Andes, por el
hecho mismo de asimilarla a la clase campesina" (57).
Wilfredo Kapsoli argued in 1985 that when there has
been agrarian reform the result is counter to the interests
of the campesino community. Some 3,000,000 people, 50% of
the rural population, live in some 3000 officially
recognized communities. Of this population, only 122,000
families have received land. Although the struggle for land
still continues, it is now primarily in coastal and urban
areas. In the mountains the presence of Sendero Luminoso,
the armed forces, and rondas campesinas preclude similar
measures (Los movimientos campesinos 130-31).
In one of the few publications by Sendero Luminoso,
they argue that Andean agriculture continues in a semifeudal
state. They contend that the agrarian reforms between 1963
and 1979 failed. Their reasoning is that the agrarian
reforms affected less than one third of the campesino
population ("Desarrollar la guerra popular sirviendo a la
revolución mundial" 70-71).
The Revolutionary Left
In the early 1960s the first groups of the
revolutionary left were founded. Some were defectors from
the APRA. According to Julio Cotier, others, influenced by
the Cuban Revolution, broke with the Communist Party and

53
rapidly supplanted the APRA's influence in the universities
(336). In the late 1950s and early 1960s the Trotskyist
Hugo Blanco had some success in organizing campesinos in the
La Convención region of Cuzco until his arrest on May 29,
1963 (Gott 314-29). In 1965 there were brief guerrilla
movements by the Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria
(MIR) and the Ejercito de Liberación Nacional (ELN), neither
lasting more than six months. One result was that the
military realized that something had to be done to solve the
problems confronting the Indian. If nothing were done, the
probabilities of a successful guerrilla movement would
increase (Cotier 362-64). After the 1968 military coup,
some elements of the revolutionary left joined the Velasco
Alvarado government. The Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac
Amaru (MRTA), the major guerrilla competitor to Sendero
Luminoso, announced its existence on July 28, 1984. In June
1992 the government arrested, Victor Polay, the leader of
the MRTA, in Lima and the MRTA appears to be in disarray and
on the verge of complete collapse.
Claiming to be the legitimate heirs of the Communist
party founded by José Carlos Mariátegui, Sendero Luminoso is
one of the groups spawned from the fragmentation of the
Peruvian Communist Party split in 1964. The pro-Soviet wing
called itself the PCP Unidad, and the pro-Chinese group
called itself the PCP Bandera Roja (Degregori 166).
Degregori points out the uniqueness of this split: "En este

54
último grupo [pro-Chinese] se queda poco más de la mitad de
la militancia y prácticamente todo el trabajo campesino.
Perú es uno de los pocos países de América Latina donde
sucede algo semejante" (166).
Sendero Luminoso began its armed struggle in 1980. On
May 17, 1980 they burned the ballot boxes in Chuschi,
Ayacucho. The first declared state of emergency occurred in
Ayacucho in October 1981, when the government deployed 1400
sinchis, a special unit of the Civil Guard (McCormick 16).
By 1982 Sendero Luminoso was experiencing problems due to
the arrest of several of its top leaders. On March 2, 1982
they attacked the Ayacucho prison where they were held and
freed 78 prisoners convicted of terrorism and 169 others
held for common crimes (Gorriti 254-60). In the first years
of the insurgency, there were many misconceptions about
Sendero Luminoso: "Before Sendero stepped up its urban
operations, the movement was viewed widely as an Indian
problem, which is to say it was not viewed widely as a
problem at all" (McCormick 25). Estimates vary, but by 1994
the conflict has caused around 26,000 deaths and 25 billion
dollars in losses. On September 12, 1992 the government
captured Abimael Guzmán, the leader of Sendero Luminoso, in
Lima. By September 1993 Guzmán had written two letters to
President Alberto Fujimori asking to negotiate peace. How
his capture and his peace overtures will affect the movement
is uncertain at this time. While some members have turned

55
themselves into the government, other groups vow to continue
the armed struggle.
To a certain extent Sendero Luminoso falls within the
indigenista tradition. Nelson Manrique points out that
while it is silent about the ethnic factor, it is a
significant element in its growth. It started in Ayacucho,
Apurimac, and Huancavelica, a region where the majority of
the population only speaks Quechua ("La década de la
violencia" 163). Regarding the composition, "los cuadros
senderistas son mayoritariamente jóvenes provincianos,
mestizos, dominantemente ligados a procesos de
descampesinización reciente" (163-64). He argues that if
the ethnic question does not arise in the theoretical
discourse of Sendero Luminoso, in practice it is crucial
(164). Due to this, it can be argued that Sendero Luminoso
falls within the indigenista tradition. As is the case with
other indigenista movements, mestizos and whites try to use
the Indian for their own agenda. Whether or not one
considers Sendero Luminoso to be an indigenista movement, it
has had an enormous impact on the indigenous populations of
the Peruvian sierra since 1980.
Narrative
In the 1950s indigenista narrative began to lose its
dominant position in the cultural field. Efrain Kristal
argues that one of the principal historical reasons for this

56
is the massive migration from the Andes to the cities. The
migration was the result of the bankruptcy of the
traditional agricultural economy based in the latifundios.
which had been one of the major subjects treated in
indigenista narrative ("Del indigenismo" 57). With the
eclipse of the landed oligarchy, a new dominant group gained
power. Kristal says that it is made up of three groups: 1)
the oligarchy in decadence that fell with the rise of
industrialists and exporters, 2) a new middle class that
benefits from the cheap labor of the recently arrived
campesinos. and 3) a new dominant sector allied with
international commerce that benefits from exports, imports,
and, at times, industrialization (69). Kristal argues that
portions of the works of three of Peru's more well-known
writers are associated with these three groups. Julio Ramón
Ribeyro describes the vision of the oligarchy in decline,
Mario Vargas Llosa (in his first novels) the new middle
classes, and Alfredo Bryce Echenique the third sector.
Kristal concludes that as a presence in urban narrative and
in indigenismo the Indian continues to have a major impact
on Peruvian narrative and is the key to understanding the
recent transformations of Peru (69-74).
The subordinate position of indigenista narrative and
writers in the cultural field also reflects differences in
the socioeconomic classes of writers and their ability to
publish. According to Carlos Calderón Fajardo, class

57
divisions divide young writers in Peru. He argues that one
group, inspired by the models of Mario Vargas Llosa, Julio
Ramón Ribeyro, and Alfredo Bryce Echenique, tends to avoid
writing about the realities of contemporary Peru. The other
group, many of popular extraction, writes about themes such
as subversion, violence, the shanty towns, Andean influences
in the city, and other social themes (105-6).
Se trata de universos socialmente constituidos,
con sus propios mundos sociales, mitos y
ambientes, modelos y paradigmas, publicaciones y
hasta con el propio aparato crítico de respaldo.
El diálogo interclasista entre narradores parece
haber terminado. (105)
Another factor confronting writers is the abysmal gap
between those who write and those who can publish. Antonio
Cornejo Polar and Luis Fernando Vidal cite the example of
almost two thousand people entering the short story
competition sponsored by the magazine Caretas in 1982. In
the same year only three collections of short stories were
published. They add that in various literary competitions
indigenista and neoindigenista narrative is being written,
but not published (Nuevo cuento peruano 12-13).
An integral part of the debate about the Indian,
indigenista narrative is much more than a literary movement
or school. With roots in the chronicles of the conquest,
since the mid 1800s it has constantly defined and redefined
conceptions of the Indian. These definitions both reflect
and influence the political and anthropological debate about

58
the Indian. In addition, they reflect different visions of
the sierra and the nation.
Various factors affect the selection of the works
analyzed in the following chapters. The novel or short
story must take place in the sierra and works dealing
primarily with the revalorization of the indigenous cultures
are not be included. With the exception of the third
chapter, the work must deal with relations of power or
violence since 1980.

CHAPTER 3
LITERARY AND HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS: 1960S AND 1970S
In order to better understand the context of Peru after
1980, this chapter will analyze two narrative works that
take place in the 1960s and 1970s. During this period there
was much social ferment. The country witnessed massive
campesino uprisings, the fragmentation of the Peruvian
Communist party, abortive guerrilla movements, a military
coup that led the country to the left, and another military
coup that moved the country back toward the right.
In the 1970s Manuel Scorza wrote five novels about
massive campesino uprisings in the central Andes. In the
last novel of the series, La tumba del relámpago (1979),
Scorza is highly critical of the socioeconomic structure,
leftist political parties and organizations, and the
guerrilla movements of 1965-66. He argues that because of
the proletarianization of the campesinos it would be
possible to have a successful socialist revolution with the
campesinos at the vanguard. La tumba del relámpago will be
analyzed as to Scorza's description of the previous subjects
as well as reading the novel as the search for a new
revolutionary praxis.
59

60
Hildebrando Pérez Huarancca, one of five principal
ideologues of Sendero Luminoso, published Los ilegítimos in
1980. The short stories deal with the Ayacucho region in
the 1960s and 1970s. Three principal aspects will be
examined: the description of the campesino poor in Ayacucho,
their thwarted attempts to challenge the system that
oppresses them, and Perez Huarancca's narrative vision of
the future of the campesino poor.
Manuel Scorza
Life and Critical Reception
Manual Scorza played many roles in his life, including
being a political exile, renowned poet, publisher, political
activist, and novelist. He was born in Lima in 1928, but
lived in the mountainous department of Huancavelica from
ages six to eleven. From 1949-55 he was exiled, spending
most of his time in Mexico ("Yo viajo del mito" 48). In
1954 he left the APRA, publishing an open letter with the
title of "Good-bye, Mister Haya" (Aldaz 19).
In the 1950s and early 1960s he was active as a poet, a
promotor of the publishing industry, and as a political
activist. In Mexico and Peru he won prizes for his poetry
("Yo viajo del mito" 48). As a poet, he was within the area
of "social poetry," and was a major participant in polemics
with "pure poets." Beginning in 1958 he attempted to
promote the publishing industry and to expand the literary

61
audience in Peru and other Spanish-speaking countries with
Festivales del Libro and Populibros. Although the boom in
sales was extraordinary, it was a fleeting success.
According to Antonio Cornejo Polar, the international
response to Mario Vargas Llosa's La ciudad v los perros
(1964) had two results. The first was to largely end the
efforts to develop a national literature through a national
editorial system. The second was to show the effectiveness
of the international route that Vargas Llosa had followed
("Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'" 551-52J.1 With the campesino
agitation in the central sierra, Scorza joined the
Movimiento Comunal del Perú in 1960 and became its Political
Secretary in 1961. Among other activities, he published
manifestos denouncing abuses of the campesinos in the
department of Pasco, and traveled to Cuzco to meet with the
Trotskyist Hugo Blanco to inquire about possible alliances.
After the repression of the campesino movement in Pasco,
Scorza traveled throughout the central sierra, and gathered
information about the movement.
In 1967 he went into voluntary exile, settled in Paris
in 1968 and began working on the five novels of the "Silent
War." In 1970 he published the first novel, Redoble por
Raneas, to international acclaim. In 1971 the military
government of Velasco Alvarado freed Hector Chacón, the
Scorza also followed the international route,
publishing his novels outside of Peru.

62
actual person upon whom Scorza based the protagonist in
Redoble, from prison ("Yo viajo del mito" 48-49). The other
novels in the series are: Garabombo, el invisible (1972), El
jinete insomne (1977), Cantar de Aqapito Robles (1977), and
La tumba del relámpago (1979). In 1983 he published La
danza inmóvil.2 On November 27, 1983 he died in a plane
crash.
Although Scorza is related to a certain extent to the
boom of Spanish American narrative, he also remains distant
from it. While there is undoubtedly influence of the
Spanish American "new narrative" in his work, he chooses the
indigenista tradition, which is previous to the boom and is
a target of many writers affiliated with the boom (Cornejo
Polar, "Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'" 552-53). Escajadillo
points out that Scorza never was a part of the mutual self¬
promotion of many boom writers. He also says that Scorza's
interpretation of important historic events differs greatly
from that of the boom, which he characterizes as fleeing
from historical interpretation "para dedicarse o al juego
fantasioso más puro, o la presentación de hechos cotidianos
banales y no-significativos, o una mezcla de éstos y otros
componentes análogos" ("Scorza antes de la última batalla"
184).
p
For more information on Scorza's published works and
translations of his novels, see Schmidt and Escorza.

63
Due to various factors, Scorza's works have not
received a rigorous critical treatment. In 1991 and 1993
Friedhelm Schmidt published two bibliographies of works by
Scorza and articles about him and his work. In the 1991
article he comments that even though there are over 300
articles, most are interviews, reviews, or small references
(273). In a 1984 posthumous homage to Scorza in the Revista
de crítica literaria latinoamericana. Antonio Cornejo Polar
and Nelson Osorio comment that while Scorza has had great
international success in terms of translations and
criticism, in Peru he has been virtually ignored. They
state that, while the journal had published one article, a
note, and two reviews, Scorza's work needs more rigorous
critical study ("Homenaje a Manuel Scorza"). In a 1978
article, Tomás G. Escajadillo criticizes the Peruvian
intellectual community's attitude toward Manuel Scorza's
works:
el juicio crítico en torno a la novelística de
Scorza ha estado oscurecido o deformado por las
"simpatías" y (sobre todo) las "antipatías" que
suscita la persona del narrador. Me parece que es
necesario decir las cosas muy claramente: en el
Perú, en muchos sectores culturales y
específicamente literarios, existe un prejuicio en
contra de Manuel Scorza. Y esta antipatía ha
estado presente en la crítica literaria, sea en
forma de evaluaciones negativas de la narrativa de
este autor, sea en la forma más habitual de un
silencio en torno a su obra. ("Scorza antes de la
última batalla" 184)
Escajadillo contends that Scorza dominated Peruvian
narrative in the 1970s and is one of the most important

64
Peruvian writers of the twentieth century ("Scorza y el
neoindigenismo" 9).
Historical Background
Scorza's novels deal with the campesino uprisings in
the central sierra in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
During this period hundreds of thousands of campesinos
seized land and challenged the authority of the Peruvian
government. Howard Handelman estimates that 40 of the 53
indigenous communities in the Pasco department participated
in the land seizures, with a similar number in Junin, and
over 140 in Cuzco. He believes that the total number of
invasions was between 350 and 400, with over 300,000 people
participating in one of the largest campesino movements in
Latin American history (121).
Two underlying reasons for the land invasions were a
lack of land and a recession that ravaged the mining
industry. While the indigenous communities made up 75% of
the rural population in the sierra, they owned only 10-15%
of the land (Handelman 26-30). In 1960 seventeen families
and corporations owned 93% of all agricultural and pasture
land in the department of Pasco (65-66). Coupled with less
land was the vast influence that the Cerro de Pasco
Corporation, a multinational corporation based in the United
States and primarily concerned with mining, had in the
departments of Pasco and Junin. The corporation controlled

65
all the phases of mining from extraction to sales, most of
production of electricity in central Peru, and its other
economic interests in the area had a pervasive influence on
the populace and the local economy (Kruijt 55-58). An
additional pressure that Scorza cites in an interview with
Hector Tizón was an economic crisis in the mining sector
that began in 1959. It left thousands of campesinos without
work and forced them to return to their communities (60).
Caught between insufficient land and high unemployment, land
seizures increased dramatically.
The initial response of the Manuel Prado government was
to use local police to evict comuneros from invaded lands.
Due to the scope of the invasions and a lack of manpower, by
the end of 1960 many communities still maintained control of
seized lands. The failure of this policy led to a military
intervention, called "Operation Eviction" (operación
desalojado). Throughout 1961 there were evictions,
sometimes violent, followed by land being seized again. In
March of 1962 some 3500 campesinos. armed only with sticks,
stones, and farm tools, fought with the police. As a result
of this massacre, miners and railroad workers in Cerro de
Pasco called a solidarity strike, constructed barricades,
and nearly controlled the city. The military retook the
city, declared martial law, and banned meetings of over four
people. These actions temporarily ended land invasions in
Pasco and Junin (Handelman 77-78).

66
La tumba del relámpago
In the five novels, collectively called the "Silent
War," Manuel Scorza describes various aspects of these
campesino uprisings. In an interview with Modesta Suárez,
Scorza states that the novels describe the progression from
an indigenous mythical mentality to a revolutionary
mentality found in La tumba del relámpago (92). In an
interview with Ernesto González Bermejo, Scorza says that,
in part, he decided to write the novels because the Andean
campesino movements fascinated him. Furthermore, he did not
agree with the guerrilla schema of the 1960s (qtd. in Morana
75). As is the case of the other novels in the series, La
tumba del relámpago describes abuses committed against
campesinos. their organization and resistance against these
abuses, and their subsequent violent repression. However,
the emphasis is more on mestizo and white leaders' efforts
to help create a successful movement.
Many characters are based on actual participants in the
movement. The protagonist, Genaro Ledesma, is based on the
real-life Ledesma, who has been deeply involved in fighting
for campesinos and miners from the central sierra. He was
briefly mayor of Cerro de Pasco, and has been both a
congressman and a senator. In the novel Ledesma is the link
between campesino and leftist leaders. He attempts to forge
a union between the two groups, but the end result is
marginal participation by the left and violent suppression

67
of the campesinos. Other real-life people who appear as
characters include Jorge del Prado, Saturnino Paredes, Elias
Tacunán, and Manuel Scorza. Jorge del Prado has been the
leader of the Communist party for decades. Saturnino
Paredes led the Maoist faction of the Communist party after
the 1964 Sino-Soviet split. Elias Tacunán was a principal
figure in organizing campesinos and in creating the
Movimiento Comunal del Perú. In an interview, the real-life
Genaro Ledesma says that around 90% of the novel is based on
the actual facts and some 10% is fiction (qtd. in Suarez in
Forgues, La estrategia mítica 167).
Although much of the novel is based on actual events,
it is still a work of fiction. Roland Forgues notes that
Scorza saw his works within the genre of realism. Forgues
points out that many critics have examined the relationship
of historical reality and fiction in Scorza1s works, but
have often come to contradictory and opposite conclusions.
He argues that a literary work, being a work of art, changes
the reality that is its referent (12). However, "no
significa, ni mucho menos, que por eso deje de ser un
testimonio fidedigno y válido sobre esa misma realidad" (La
estrategia mítica 12). The purpose of this discussion of La
tumba del relámpago is not to separate fact from fiction,
but rather to analyze Scorza's overall narrative vision in
the novel regarding the possibilities of future
revolutionary movements with the campesino as an integral

68
part.3 Unless otherwise mentioned, it should be understood
that when the analysis refers to characters based on actual
people, they are considered fictional characters.
In an interview in 1980, Scorza contended that the
campesino uprisings in the late 1950s and early 1960s were
vastly different from the numerous indigenous rebellions
that have taken place since the conguest. The key was the
proletarianization of the campesino class due to their
experiences in the mines. These experiences gave them an
idea of class consciousness and led them to fight for their
rights. In addition, he argued that leaders from the cities
had lost their influence: "Ahora la gran lucha campesina en
el Perú no se da como consecuencia de la prédica de la
ciudad; despierta como consecuencia de una toma de
conciencia de la clase campesina, en la cual la ideología de
la ciudad no tiene ninguna influencia" (Tizón 60).
Scorza believed in revolution: "Creo en la revolución
latinoamericana. He estado con la revolución cubana. Creo
gue la lucha armada es una de las pocas vías que quedan en
territorios como los nuestros" (Suárez 94). In fact,
Antonio Cornejo Polar argues that the novel is the search
for a new revolutionary praxis:
3 For additional perspectives on Scorza's novels and the
historical background, see: Modesta Suarez, "Cerro de Pasco:
Historia de una masacre: Testimonio de Genaro Ledesma," in
Roland Forgues, La estrategia mítica de Manuel Scorza. and
Wilfredo Kapsoli, "Manuel Scorza: Redoble por Raneas: Historia
y ficción," in his Literatura e historia del Perú.

69
En La tumba del relámpago, en efecto, se
insiste una y otra vez en la necesidad de
elaborar una táctica y una estrategia
revolucionarias que acaben con las
limitaciones que, en estos órdenes, tiene el
pensamiento mítico; pero, con igual
insistencia, se señala la urgencia de
recompensar los recursos ideológicos de raíz
occidental para adecuarlos a requerimientos
específicos de las luchas andinas.
Naturalmente, la distancia entre aquella
ideología y estos requerimientos es enorme
(un personaje advierte que "la desgracia de
nuestras luchas es que no coinciden con
nuestras ideologías; la rabia, el coraje, son
de aquí, y las ideas son de allá", La
tumba..., p. 235), pero el proyecto de
superar este abismo mediante la reelaboración
nacional (o mejor, campesina e indígena) del
pensamiento revolucionario aparece como la
única solución. ("Sobre el 'neoindigenismo'"
556)
The following analysis will focus on three principal
aspects of Scorza's La tumba del relámpago: the triangle of
exploiters of the campesino (economic, religious, and
government authorities); the increasing class consciousness
of the campesinos: and leftist groups and ideologies that
hindered or helped the movement. The analysis will center
on the description of the various groups and perceived
changes in political awareness that would enhance the
possibility of revolutionary success.
Landowners
As is the case with other narrative in the indigenista
tradition, the system of land tenure in La tumba is of
critical importance for the livelihood of campesinos and a
key element in their exploitation. Several characters

70
represent large landowners, and almost all are criticized.
One example is a landowner who empties a community school
and converts it into a stable for his livestock (La tumba
204). However, a few landowners have the respect of their
serfs and peacefully resolve disputes with neighboring
communities (44).
The novel cites many causes that lead the campesinos to
seize lands of the Cerro de Pasco Corporation. Its eleven
haciendas cover 500,000 hectares, including 77.8% of the
pasture land in Junin. Its holdings are a little less than
the land that 90% of the comuneros in Peru hold (174). The
campesinos lose more land due to various expansions of its
Bombón dam and electrical plant, which eventually covers
40,000 hectares with water (50). Pollution from its mines
kills most of the fish in Junin lake and forces communities
like Pari to give up their livelihood as fishermen (168).
With the expansion of the lands of the Cerro de Pasco
Corporation, pollution from its mines ruining fishing, and
the world-wide mineral recession leading to firings, many
campesinos are forced to take the drastic measure of land
seizures.
On a smaller scale, the Indian Tomás Chamorro and his
family, owners of the Jarria hacienda, are characters who
brutally exploit the campesinos. Chamorro's social and
economic ascendancy is a clear example of Manuel González
Prada's assertion that the worst enemies of a class are

71
often those who originate from it: "cuando un individuo se
eleva sobre el nivel de su clase social, suele convertirse
en el peor enemigo de ella" (320). Tomás Chamorro's initial
wealth comes from his discovery of a silver deposit. He
sells his interests to the Cerro de Pasco Corporation, buys
the Jarria hacienda in 1905, and begins encroaching on the
lands of the Tusi community (La tumba 180). In addition,
"sus siervos supieron que un patrón indio puede ser peor que
un amo blanco" (180). Chamorro bribes judges and has his
opponents jailed at will. He only hires young boys to work
in his coal mine. By the time one character is ten years
old, three of his cousins have died in the mine (99-100).
In a taunting statement a generation earlier, Chamorro tells
the comuneros of Tusi that they will regain their land when
toads grow teeth (118). There is less bravado, however,
when the comuneros begin taking over the lands of the Jarria
hacienda. For days the Chamorro men have been in a drunken
stupor (209). Thus, Chamorro is depicted as a ruthless
exploiter of campesinos when he has the power of the
government behind him, but a cowardly drunk when faced with
the revenge and the power of the campesinos.
The description of the system of land tenure in the
novel is extremely critical, with most landowners, corporate
and individual, ruthlessly exploiting their workers and
neighboring comuneros. Tomás Chamorro rises above his own
class and becomes one of its worst exploiters. The Cerro de

72
Pasco Corporation goes beyond simple land tenure to
negatively affect the campesinos of Pasco and Junin in many
aspects of their economic lives. However, the landowners
should not be understood as the sole abusers of the
campesinos. The novel cites José Carlos Mariátegui's
argument that gamonalismo encompasses much more. Included
in the system are those who, in one way or another, help to
support the system, including Indians who exploit other
Indians (129).
Religion
As was discussed in Chapter 2, the Catholic Church has
a history of close ties to gamonalismo. Two characters that
represent this history are the Sacristan Saturnino and
Father Morales. At the community level, the former is one
of the more traditional conservative members of his
community: "Era uno de los más reacios a la idea de la
recuperación y en general a las iniciativas de los jóvenes.
Avaro y fanático, desde la muerte de su mujer practicaba una
santurronería enfermiza" (90). Father Morales is the brutal
administrator of a Cuzco seminary's hacienda and cruelly
exploits the workers: "El padre Morales los explotaba sin
misericordia: actuaba como hacendado, vestía como hacendado,
ordenaba como hacendado, implacable como hacendado" (150).
The greatest emphasis is on the compatibility between
Christianity and socialism. The character Crisanto

73
Gutiérrez learns to read after he is forty years old. In
speaking of his reading and intellectual development, he
cites book after book that influence him to believe in
socialism (110-11).4 For him, Christianity and socialism
are completely compatible: "las bienaventuranzas de Jesús
que no son otra cosa que manifiestos del socialismo" (111).
Through the character of the Seminarista, Christianity fuses
with revolutionary socialism. He leaves the seminary after
witnessing and denouncing abuses against its hacienda
workers (150-51). On two different occasions he says that
he not only reads the Bible, but also reads Marx (164) and
Mao (166). There is no incompatibility between Christian
faith and socialism: "El Seminarista había oído,
verdaderamente, la voz de Jesucristo: 'Amaos los unos a los
otros1" (150). On another occasion it is even more
explicit. He decides to live with the poor and share their
oppression, as did Christ and Lenin (152). The Seminarista
describes himself as having evolved to being "un hombre con
'una convicción y una fe1" (164). While La tumba del
relámpago denounces the traditional church's complicity with
helping to preserve gamonalismo, it highlights the fusion of
4 He cites the following writers and books: Ciro
Alegría's Los perros hambrientos. César Vallejo's Los heraldos
negros and Poemas humanos. works by Dostoiewski and Balzac,
Charles Dickens's Los niños abandonados. José María Arguedas's
Los ríos profundos, the Quixote. and Manuel Scorza's El cantar
de Agapito Robles. Other writers cited are Kropotkin, Rosa
Luxemburgo, Luis E. Valcárcel and José Carlos Mariátegui (110-
ID.

74
Christianity with socialism, especially revolutionary
socialism of the type practiced actively by the Seminarista.
Judicial System
The novel criticizes the judicial system as another
element that usually exploits the Indian. "Entre los
grandes hacendados y el Poder Judicial existe un
intermediario temible: el abogado" (La tumba 63). Lawsuits
last for generations. For example, the paperwork is one and
a half meters high in the lawsuit between the Tusi community
and Tomás Chamorro. By the time of its resolution, the
community owes so much in legal fees that the lawyer ends up
with the disputed land (63). Another lawyer makes a small
fortune swindling people, principally through being the sole
beneficiary of wills (24-26). In order to get out of jail,
a campesino leader has to bribe the judge (101). The major
exception to this description of the judicial system is the
character Genaro Ledesma, who is a devoted advocate for the
campesinos. and inverts the judicial process in their favor.
The Civil Code states that while land ownership is in
dispute, it considers the party possessing it to be the
owner. In seizing their lost lands, the comuneros are
considered the legal owners until the large landowners prove
the contrary (83-84). Just as the Seminarista inverts the
traditional role associated with the church, Ledesma inverts
the law to serve the campesinos.

75
Military and Police
Scorza presents a diverse group of police and military
officers. Some take great zeal in the violent repression of
the campesinos. while others are reluctant or even refuse to
participate. Racism, corruption and machismo all play a
part in abuses and massacres of campesinos. Others
reluctantly follow orders or actively disobey them.
Two principal criticisms of the police and military are
of racism and corruption. The most striking example of
racism occurs when prisoners notify the Republican Guard
that another prisoner is suffering an asthma attack. A
guard responds, "¿Te atreves a molestarme por un indio?
¡Ojalá se muera! ¡Ojalá murieran todos los indios del
Perú!" (154). The case of Colonel Zapata, a police officer
in Huánuco, highlights the racial differences of officers
and campesinos. He is "Rechoncho, menguado, blancón, ojos
azules" (20). He orders a subordinate to deal harshly with
the campesinos of Huayllay, which results in a massacre
(252-53). Colonel Zapata receives bribes from the Cerro de
Pasco Corporation. Although he believes Genaro Ledesma is
innocent, he jails him to please the Corporation (22).
Appearing as a character, Scorza sharply criticizes army
Colonel Marroquín Cueto for staying at the Cerro de Pasco
Corporation's private hotel. Scorza argues that since there
is a state of siege in Pasco, and he and the army are in
charge, he should not acquire his lodging from one of the

76
principal participants of the dispute that he is supposed to
resolve (240-41).
Two Civil Guard officers in the novel are merciless in
massacring campesinos. Captain Reátegui commands a
detachment that massacres Yanahuanca villagers (253).5 He
also massacres the Huayllay comuneros (256). Another police
officer, Commander Bodenaco, supervises most of the
evictions of lands in the central sierra. Wherever he
appears, there are always deaths (230). He is "el
masacrador oficial de la GC [Guardia Civil]. El famoso
'Comandante Desalojo1 es pequeño, pelirrojo, cara pecosa,
ojos alcoholizados" (240). In a meeting he pleads to use
his own methods to end the conflict: "¡Autoríceme a usar mis
medios y me comprometo a entregarle la ciudad limpia a las
seis de esta tarde!" (241).
Other police officers and soldiers are reluctant
participants in the prevailing system and, in some cases,
are sympathetic to the campesino movements. A sergeant
apologizes to Ledesma for his role in the arrest and says
that he has to follow orders (20). After the character
Scorza meets with military and police officials, an officer
approaches him and explains that they do not enjoy quelling
5 Historical accounts vary on the actual number of dead
and wounded in the massacre at Yanahuanca. Howard Handelman
believes that there were from ten to fifteen comuneros killed
and nearly fifty wounded (69). Scorza's version in Garabombo,
el invisible includes thirty dead and one hundred wounded
(252).

77
land seizures. He believes that people like Scorza
represent the real Peru. He explains that they have to
follow orders against their convictions. If there is
violence, he wants Scorza to know that he is with the people
(242). Genaro Ledesma is able to elude capture three times
due to warnings of a police officer (263).
Other Civil Guard characters refuse to attack comuneros
who invade hacienda lands. While Commander Lafón, the
Seminarista's father, removes his troops, another commander
destroys the community the next day (254-55). At the height
of the land seizures, the police appear at the Pacoyán
hacienda with eviction orders, but the comunero leaders
convince the commander to not attack. The commander says
that he is tired of battling against Peruvians and is there
only because he has to obey orders. He places the blame for
the orders to shoot against innocent people on higher
ranking officers allied with the oligarchy. After the
police and comuneros share a drink, the troops leave. The
campesino leader distrusts his motives, and sentinels guard
against their return (220).
While the novel describes some ruthless members of the
repressive forces, primarily the police, others reluctantly
follow orders from above. The exploitation and killing of
campesinos are due in great part to racism, corruption, and
orders. The last two reasons highlight the military and
police role as intermediaries for the socioeconomic elite.

78
For example, both Colonel Zapata and Colonel Marroquín Cueto
are beholden to the Cerro de Pasco Corporation. The former
acknowledges that Ledesma is innocent, but incarcerates him
to please his benefactor. The latter's staying at its hotel
can compromise his actions in resolving the dispute. This
is not to say that some members of the repressive forces do
not enthusiastically support the elite. The brutal
massacres of campesinos are ample evidence of the support of
some sectors. No matter how autonomous they are in the
battlefield, the orders to evict the campesinos protect the
elite's interests, principally the rural oligarchy.
However, some police officers and soldiers reluctantly
follow orders, openly disobey them, or support the
campesinos. While the police and military violently
suppress the campesino uprising, the novel also points out
that there is dissent within the ranks. As will be
discussed later, the role of military or police service is
invaluable in convincing many campesino leaders of the
possibilities of radical changes in their lives.
In the description of the traditional exploiters of the
Indian, Scorza emphasizes changes in certain sectors of the
traditionally exploitative system. This lends credence to
his thesis that conditions are appropriate for a successful
revolutionary movement. While the prevailing system
continues to ruthlessly exploit the Indians, some religious,
legal, military, and police authorities oppose the system

79
they are serving. These changes in the exploitative system
could increase the probability for a successful revolution.
However, a weakness in this argument is that most of these
dissident sectors opted for reformist parties instead of
revolution after the campesino uprisings. More important to
Scorza's argument are the increased political awareness of
the campesino class and sectors of the left.
Campesinos
One of the principal theses of La tumba del relámpago
is the increasing ability of campesinos to, at least
partially, overcome previous limitations of past uprisings.
In the novel Genaro Ledesma is apprehensive about the
possibilities of success due to strengths that are also
weaknesses:
En todas partes era igual: los campesinos
defendían sus intereses o los de su comunidad
pero, raras veces, los de su clase. La tragedia
de las luchas campesinas es la lucha aislada. La
comunidad, creación genial de la sociedad india,
le permitió atravesar cuatrocientos años de
genocidio. Pero la comunidad protege a sus
miembros: no defiende a los otros campesinos, a su
clase. (74)
In addition to an embryonic class consciousness, the novel
maintains that another problem is the reliance on a mythical
understanding of the world. In spite of serious problems in
the uprisings, Scorza describes major strides in unifying
the campesinos and their gaining more of a revolutionary and
class consciousness.

80
One obstacle is the conflicting needs and desires of
campesinos. which is most noticeable in contrasting colonos
and comuneros. Colonos were tied to the hacienda system and
isolated from the outside world. Within the hacienda they
would exchange free labor for small plots of land, ceding
much of the control over their lives to the landowner. By
the middle part of this century, the number of colonos is
estimated to have been less than 20% of sierra campesinos.
Comuneros were much more independent. They lived in self-
governing communities where all properties were communally
owned, while individuals were able to use their plots of
land as they saw fit. They were more integrated into modern
society and elected a personero to represent the community
in the outside world (Handelman 26-29). While colonos
wanted to establish unions to fight for increased salaries
and reductions in, or the elimination of, free labor owed to
the landowner, the comuneros wanted to reclaim lands
appropriated by haciendas (Cotier and Portocarrero,
Organizaciones campesinas 20). At times these aspirations
would clash. Handelman cites a conflict over a Junin
hacienda. Tenants bought land from their former landowner,
but two neighboring communities argued that the sale was
invalid because they had the legal title. Upon entering the
hacienda with a court order supporting their claim, two
comuneros were killed. Basic conflicts like this hindered
the unification of colonos and comuneros (96-99).

81
When the comuneros in the novel begin the land
seizures, they encounter both opposition and support from
the colonos. Fearing betrayal, the comuneros remove the
colonos from their villages and take their place. They
justify this because of the relative backwardness of the
colonos: "Los siervos son gente podrida en la esclavitud y
se colocan, a veces, del lado de sus patrones. No podemos
confiar en ellos. El único modo de estar seguros es
reemplazarlos por tusinos" (179). However, the eviction
will be temporary and the colonos will be provided with
housing and land (179). Many colonos do not appear to
understand or be enthusiastic when they are told that they
are free and will own their own land (185). This lack of
comprehension is underscored when the colonos are unable to
join the comuneros in singing the national anthem because
they do not know it (196). In spite of their relative lack
of development, several colonos do join with the comuneros.
One of the principal arguments in La tumba del
relámpago is that the heightened political awareness of the
comuneros. achieved primarily through contacts outside of
the community structure, made the possibility of a
successful revolutionary movement more likely. According to
Howard Handelman, Pasco's population was among the most
socioeconomically advanced in the sierra in the early 1960s.
While 60% of the population primarily spoke Quechua, 90%
could also speak Spanish. This is in stark contrast to the

82
departments of Apurimac and Ayacucho, where only 30-35%
spoke Spanish. The literacy rate in Pasco was 52%, compared
to 23% in Apurimac and 27% in Ayacucho. Most of Pasco's
residents also had greater contact with the urban sector
than southern campesinos (64-65). The Junin population was
similar to that of Pasco. Quechua was the primary language
of about half of the adults, but over 90% spoke Spanish. At
61%, the adult literacy rate was the highest of any sierra
department (87-88). In an interview published in 1980,
Scorza argues that by 1960 the campesino class had become
proletarianized. He also notes that the campesinos formed
the nucleus of the FOCEP, (Frente de Campesinos v Obreros
del Perú). Founded by the real-life Genaro Ledesma, it
received 15% of the vote in the 1978 Constituent Assembly
elections (Tizón 60-61). He adds that the FOCEP "es el
primer movimiento del Perú que viene del fondo andino, de la
marginalización, e influye nacionalmente" (61). Although
these statements are true, he neglects to mention the
influence of votes for the Trotskyist Hugo Blanco. Without
an alliance with Blanco, the FOCEP received fewer votes in
1980.6 However, Ledesma was and is an important figure on
6 The FOCEP joined with the Trotskyists for the
Constituent Assembly elections (Rojas Samanez 152). The FOCEP
received the third highest vote total for a party, behind the
APRA and the Popular Christian Party (PPC). However, the
Trotskyist Hugo Blanco received some 66% of the votes cast for
the FOCEP, while Ledesma received 76,377 votes, or around 18%
of the total FOCEP vote. In the 1980 presidential elections
Hugo Blanco ran with the Partido Revolucionario de los
Trabajadores (PRT). Three parties from the left placed in

83
the Peruvian political stage. Even though the FOCEP has not
been a major force in elections, this does not necessarily
take away from Scorza's assertion that there has been a
process of proletarianization, however limited, of the
campesino.
The paths toward a heightened political consciousness
of campesinos in the novel are varied, but most involve some
sort of learning experience outside the community. Crisanto
Gutierrez learns to read after he is forty years old, and he
argues that the poor will find clarity in books (111). Jail
is a type of university for rebels: "Pero en Pasco, como en
todo el Perú, la cárcel es la universidad donde los rebeldes
conocen otros rebeldes. Allí aprenden, dolorosamente, la
lucidez" (136). Through his service in the Civil Guard,
Saturnino Inocente says he has learned more about Peru and
how the system works (65). Hermógenes Farruso's experiences
in the military barracks in Lima teach him about his rights:
"Farruso había regresado con palabras nuevas: 'la tierra
debe ser de quienes la trabajan1" (118-19). While living in
the town of Mosca, Visitación Maximiliano witnesses its
successful land seizure. That experience and his military
experience thrust him into a prominent role in organizing
the invasion of the Paria hacienda (167-69).
fourth through sixth place. Blanco was in fourth, the United
Left (IU) in fifth, and Ledesma in sixth, with 60,853 votes
(Rojas Samanez 210-27).

84
Conclusions drawn from these learning experiences lead
many campesino leaders to decide that their only recourse is
to resort to violence. After being a servant in Lima for a
congressman during the Odria era, Vidal Salas, Yarusyacán's
personero, is very critical of the corrupt Peruvian system
(57).
Así me di cuenta que el Perú es propiedad de un
puñado de hijos de puta que nos mantienen a todos
con la cabeza en la mierda, mientras ellos se
banquetean a todos y se cagan de risa de los que
trabajamos. ¡Yo no creo en políticos ni en
discursos ni en reclamos! ¡Esas cosas son para
los cojudos! (58)
He tells Genaro Ledesma that the comuneros no longer need a
lawyer. Rather, they need a leader who will use legal
maneuvers to buy them time to prepare to fight and will help
lead them in the battle for their land. Above all, they
need arms (57). Drawing on his military experience,
Policarpo Cabello founds the Communal Army and becomes its
leader. He views power as a series of chains to be broken:
El poder es una cadena, doctor. La policía está
encadenada con el Subprefecto; el Subprefecto está
encadenado con el Prefecto; el Prefecto está
encadenado con el Presidente de la República.
Esta cadena sólo se quebrará cuando un campesino
instale su trono en el Palacio de Gobierno. (131)
Months before the invasions, Exaltación Travesano, the new
personero of Yanahuanca, tells Genaro Ledesma that he and
the other personeros of Pasco have decided to rise up again
and are ready to shed blood. (77). He also wants to raise
the consciousness of others: "El gobierno cree que
masacrándonos nos asusta. Ignora que nosotros quisiéramos

85
otra matanza para acabar definitivamente con la ceguera de
los que creen que en el Perú se puede alcanzar justicia por
las buenas" (77). Owing in part to the influence of
experiences outside the community, the campesino leaders
conclude that they have to resort to violence to regain
their land.
In planning and implementing the land invasions,
campesino leaders must overcome limitations of previous
uprisings such as long-standing conflicts between
communities and a mythical conception of the world. It is
young comuneros. who have lived in cities or worked in the
mines, who convince two communities to put aside past
differences and conflicts and to unite in the land seizures
(89). Dissuading their compatriots from believing in myths
is also extremely important. Shortly before attacking the
main house of the Jarria hacienda, one of the comuneros
remembers Tomás Chamorro's taunting prediction that toads
will grow teeth before they get their land back. Before
continuing, he wants to examine them. Hermógenes Farruso
tells him that it is not important. What does matter is
that they are attacking. Colonos are shaking off their
bonds of slavery to join the struggle. They need anger, not
superstitions (208). The most important moment in the novel
regarding myths is when Remigio Villena finds Doña Añada's
tower and burns it to the ground. Doña Añada weaves ponchos
that describe the future. After having spent many hours

86
studying the ponchos and attempting to decipher the future,
Villena destroys the tower and the ponchos. He believes
that it is more important for the campesinos to create their
own future rather than to rely on the weavings of a blind
woman:
¡Nuestra empresa sólo depende de nuestro coraje!
¡Nadie decidirá más por nosotros! ¡Existimos!
¡Somos hombres, no sombras tejidas por una sombra!
¡Mi cuerpo y mi sombra me seguirán adonde los
lleve mi valor o mi cobardía! ¡Nos calienta un
verdadero sol! ¡Nos enfría una nieve verdadera!
¡Estamos vivos! (202)
Scorza describes many campesinos as having overcome
many of the limitations of previous uprisings. While the
repressive forces quell the uprising, there are many
examples of campesinos achieving a heightened political
consciousness. Colonos and comuneros find common ground and
work together. Longstanding enmities between communities
are ameliorated for the goal of regaining lost land. The
leadership and most decisions occur within campesino
governmental structures. This indicates a high level of
autonomy and also the ability to organize a movement.
Leaders are usually those who have had some contact outside
the community. As is the case of some sectors of the
traditional exploiters of the campesino coming to oppose the
system, many campesinos and their leaders conclude that
violence is the only way to change their fate.

87
Criticism of Leftist Parties and Organizations
In La tumba del relámpago there is severe criticism of
political parties, especially those traditionally associated
with the left. In one section Ledesma succinctly comments
on their lack of support: "Desgraciadamente los políticos
brillan por su ausencia" (164). The APRA offers no support
and Marxist groups and parties are locked into a strict
interpretation of orthodox Marxism, and do not consider, as
did Mariátegui, the role of the campesinos.
The APRA was a very strong party in Pasco. Prior to
1980, the two times that the party participated in
presidential elections not nullified by a military coup, the
percentage of the APRA vote in Pasco was 76.63% in 1931 and
52.66% in 1963. In 1931 the vote was the largest percentage
for the APRA in any department, while in 1963 it was the
fourth largest total (North 175). When the government
appointed Genaro Ledesma mayor of Cerro de Pasco, he was
officially an aprista (Handelman 137). He later left the
party, founded the FOCEP in 1963 and was elected to
represent Pasco in Congress while in jail. In 1954 Scorza
left the APRA, publishing an open letter with the title of
"Good-bye, Mister Haya" (Aldaz 19).
While the APRA has political hegemony in Pasco, the
novel attacks it for not helping the campesinos. Some party
members support the seizures and state that they are more
loyal to their region than to their party (57 and 237). The

88
narrator comments that the party never supports land
seizures: "el Partido Aprista nunca había aprobado las
recuperaciones de tierras de los campesinos. En una
oportunidad La Tribuna, diario oficial del APRA, se
pronunció a favor de los grandes propietarios: los comuneros
nunca lo olvidaron" (57).
The Communist party offers only minimal support to the
campesino uprisings, and argues that the working class must
be in the vanguard and that campesino movements lack a
revolutionary consciousness. The real-life Jorge del Prado
has been the Secretary General of the Peruvian Communist
party for decades. The novel severely criticizes the
character based on him for adhering to a strict
interpretation of orthodox Marxist theories. The following
fictional version of a possible conversation between Genaro
Ledesma and Jorge del Prado illustrates Scorza's depiction
of their ideological stances regarding the revolutionary
vanguard:
—Toda posible acción tendría que supeditarse
a la conducción de la clase obrera.
—En Cerro de Pasco la clase obrera no está a
la cabeza de la lucha, sino el campesinado.
—Para que nosotros consideremos cualquier
posibilidad de apoyo, se necesitaría que el sector
campesino se subordinara a la clase obrera. La
directiva de cada comunidad debe aceptar el
control de una comisión obrera.
—Eso es extremadamente difícil, camarada.
Los campesinos de Pasco obedecen únicamente a los
campesinos de Pasco. Nosotros respetamos su
jerarquía tradicional. Por eso nos escuchan. En
este caso, creo, la teoría debe nacer de la
práctica. Hay que modificar la teoría. En la
Sierra Central el campesinado no solicita la

89
primacía en la lucha: la tiene. ¡Y la paga, cada
año, con centenares de muertos!
—Es verdad. Pero no negará usted que la
clase campesina, que ha dado tantos ejemplos de
heroísmo, carece de una verdadera conciencia
revolucionaria para llegar hasta el final. La
vanguardia de la revolución es el proletariado.
"¿Qué hago aquí", se preguntó Ledesma. El
camarada Del Prado repetía, casi parecía que leía,
un manual de marxismo, la teoría y táctica de los
bolcheviques preparándose a asaltar el Palacio de
Invierno. (234)
Saturnino Paredes is another high-ranking member of the
Communist party who appears as a character in the novel. In
real life he was the secretary of the Confederación
Campesina and later led the Maoist faction of the Communist
party after the Sino-Soviet split. In the novel Paredes's
interpretation is the same as that of the fictional version
of Jorge del Prado:
la revolución es la consecuencia del encuentro
entre las condiciones objetivas y las condiciones
subjetivas. El motor de la historia es la lucha
de clases. La vanguardia de la revolución es la
clase obrera. La clase campesina nunca sobrepasa
el reformismo. El resto es aventurerismo. (150)
The Seminarista criticizes Saturnino Paredes for not dealing
with the realities of Peru and the revolutionary potential
of the campesinos. and merely parroting Lenin's speeches
from February of 1917 (150). In addition, he condemns
Paredes for sectarian activities. He orders the Seminarista
to distribute leaflets accusing Hugo Blanco, a Trotskyist,
of being a provocateur (153). The Seminarista's reaction is
one of incredulity: "El organizador del más poderoso
movimiento campesino del Cusco, ¿provocador?" (153).

90
The criticism of the Trotskyists also lies in their
failure to adapt their ideology to meet the realities of
Peru. When Ledesma reads an article in a Trotskyist
newspaper about Pasco campesinos. he concurs with their view
on the importance of campesino agitation. However, he
realizes that the article is essentially a proclamation by
Trotsky in St. Petersburg in 1917: "El único aporte era que
en lugar de 'mujiks' escribían 'comuneros'" (127).
The novel depicts the MIR (Movimiento de Izquierda
Revolucionaria) as opportunistic, sectarian, and desiring to
control any movement it aids. The MIR's abortive attempt at
guerrilla warfare lasted for about six months in 1965 and
1966. In one episode Ricardo goes to a prison to speak with
Luis, one of the principal leaders of the MIR in the novel.
Ricardo tells him that there are 100,000 campesinos ready to
fight, but they lack cadres and arms (250). Luis's answer
is telling in uttering the word "control" three times: "No
controlamos ni podemos controlar el movimiento campesino de
Pasco. El control lo tiene Genaro Ledesma, que se apoya en
cualquiera que lo auxilie" (250). Like the character
Saturnino Paredes, Luis argues that the objective conditions
do not coincide with the subjective conditions. He says
that it must run its course, because they can not control
it. It is better to wait a year, when the government will
offer an amnesty for the elections (251). His obvious

91
desire to be the leader is striking: "Yo saldré para ponerme
al frente. Entonces será el momento" (251).
In conclusion, the novel is a scathing indictment of
the political parties of the left for their misconceptions
of the Peruvian historical realities, their adherence to
orthodox forms of Marxism, and their lack of support of the
uprisings. Their ideological justifications come from 1917
Russia, speeches by Lenin and Trotsky, and Marxist manuals.
Both Saturnino Paredes and Luis argue that the objective
conditions do not coincide with the subjective conditions.
The latter cynically adds that the conditions will be right
when he can lead the movement. Even promises of
propagandistic support fall short. The lack of support of
the leftist parties and organizations helps doom the
uprising.
The Nucleus of a New Revolutionary Left
In the novel non campesino leaders associated with the
uprising represent a hodgepodge of groups and ideologies.
In an unfortunate choice of words, Ledesma compares himself
to Columbus and his willingness to accept help from anyone:
"Yo, como Colón, me embarco con los que me siguen" (243).7
7 Roland Forgues argues that this statement, among
others, is indicative of Scorza's and, by extension, Ledesma's
distance from an indigenous ideological framework. He also
adds that the choice of Columbus is ironic in that he was the
one who initiated the process of the subjugation of the
campesino (140).

92
In the department of Huánuco, Maoists and Trotskyists aid
the uprisings (243). The Bible, Marx, and Mao (164-66) are
ideological influences for the Seminarista, while Elias
Tacunán, one of leaders of the Movimiento Comunal del Perú,
speaks of the Cuban Revolution and Havana Radio (166). Also
playing a significant role in the novel are the Movimiento
Comunal del Perú. Ledesma, and Scorza.
Elias Tacunán, a group of university professors and
former apristas found the Movimiento Comunal del Perú, which
considers itself at the vanguard (La tumba 153). They blame
the deceit of the political parties for the state of moral
and material misery in Peru (192). They argue that instead
of comuneros invading lands, they are the victims of
invasions by the large landowners (174). They advocate
nationalizing lands owned by foreign companies and returning
them to the communities (191-92). The Movement also urges
workers and students to join the comuneros and campesinos in
the vanguard (176).
As José Carlos Mariátegui adapted European Marxist
theories to correspond to the particularities of Peru, in
the novel Genaro Ledesma attempts to go beyond parroting
orthodox Marxism, and bases many of his ideas on
Mariátegui's thought. Ledesma argues that the campesinos,
not the proletariat, are the revolutionary vanguard in Peru:
El proletariado es la vanguardia de la revolución.
Olvida tus manuales, Seminarista. Aquí todo es
diferente. Aquí la vanguardia es el campesinado.
Nuestras teorías revolucionarias fueron pensadas

93
siempre en otros continentes. Vivimos a crédito,
explotando el trabajo de los intelectuales
europeos. ¿Y qué pasa? Lo que en Europa es
blanco, aquí es negro. (226)
He argues that the revolutionary theories come from the
process of the struggle: "La lucha modifica las ideas, los
esquemas, las teorías aprendidas en la ciudad" (243). In
his fictional interview with Jorge del Prado, the Secretary
General of the Communist party, Ledesma insists that the
conditions are favorable for the beginning of the armed
struggle: "No creo que en el Perú se hayan presentado, nunca
antes, condiciones tan favorables para una lucha armada"
(234). He believes that with the example of the Cuban
Revolution and wars of liberation in the Third World, there
are new options available. The key is to unify the
indigenous communities (78).
Although there are some minor differences between
Ledesma and Scorza, on the whole, they concur. Roland
Forgues argues that they are representatives of theory and
praxis in conflict: "me parece que Scorza y Ledesma
representan en el relato dos figuras que encarnan la reunión
de las dos caras constitutivas de todo proceso
revolucionario: la teoría y la praxis" (La estrategia mítica
126). While Ledesma, Scorza and the Seminarista discuss
their plans, either the Seminarista or Scorza argues that
the campesinos need political direction to go beyond a few
initial victories (238). Ledesma rejects this suggestion
and places more faith in the abilities of the campesinos:

94
¿Hasta cuándo tendremos la pretensión de enseñarle
lo que no sabemos a los sobrevivientes de una
cultura que ha atravesado cuatrocientos años de
genocidio? Para sobrevivir en esas condiciones se
requería genio.... Este pueblo sabe. ¡No
necesita consejos! Nuestro único papel es
canalizar su violencia. (238)
On another occasion Ledesma and Scorza debate whether they
should recommend that the campesinos dynamite abandoned
mines beneath the camp of some troops. Scorza advocates
doing it. He argues that he is not only thinking of a
revolution, but also of the rebirth of a people paralyzed
for more than 400 years. In spite of the odds, he urges
Ledesma to believe in the masses (256-57). Ledesma replies
that he believes in the masses, but they lack the components
for a successful revolution. The main result would be
bloodshed: "En este momento, sólo conseguiríamos acrecentar
la mortandad. Los partidos que debían apoyarnos, nos han
abandonado. ¡No tenemos cuadros, no tenemos armas, no
tenemos medios, no tenemos nada!" (257). Ledesma's
overriding goal is to survive to take power later: "No se
trata de matar ni de morir. Se trata de vivir para tomar el
poder" (257).
The overriding theme of the new revolutionary left is
their belief in the campesino. not the proletariate, as the
revolutionary vanguard. Supporters of the uprising come
from diverse ideological backgrounds and represent fragments
of the major movements of the Peruvian left. However, they
are severely hindered by the lack of support of the

95
organized leftist parties and organizations. The key to
this conglomeration of diverse revolutionary leaders is that
they place their faith in the revolutionary potential of the
campesino and not in the proletariate. It is in this
direction that Scorza hopes that ideologues will work to
create an appropriate revolutionary strategy that will more
closely accommodate western and indigenous ideologies.
Conclusions
There are varying criticisms and interpretations of the
ideology in La tumba del relámpago. In a highly creative
interpretation, Luisa Pranzetti contends that Scorza
denounces previous theories. She says that the targets
include González Prada, indigenista literature, and
Mariátegui ("Elegía y rebelión en los cantares de Manuel
Scorza" 119). Roland Forgues attacks Scorza for the
opposite reason. He asserts that Scorza's works lack
ideological coherence and embrace too many ideas:
En ultima instancia creo que sería vana la
tentativa de deslindar el verdadero perfil
ideológico de Manuel Scorza por la pura y sencilla
razón de que, aun cuando el novelista ambiciona
reclamarse del socialismo de José Carlos
Mariátegui, lo que puede aparecer como su ideario
político no es más que un conglomerado de ideas
sacadas tanto de Mariátegui como de Haya de la
Torre o de Manuel González Prada a las que vienen
a agregarse ciertos aportes de Mao. Tal vez sea
en esa incapacidad del escritor para ceñirse a una
ideología coherente donde se deba buscar el origen
de las contradicciones y de las ambigüedades de su
crítica al orden vigente. (La estrategia mítica
141 )

96
Instead of interpreting the multiplicity of ideological
influences as a weakness, Jesús Diaz Caballero claims that
not championing one specific tendency of the Peruvian left
is a strong point. For him, the objectivity of the narrator
allows the reader to reflect on Peru's future (253).
While it is debateable that the novel needs to provide
a specific revolutionary strategy, or if, indeed, that was
Scorza's goal, the theorists mentioned by Forgues have had
and continue to have influence on the political and literary
debate about the campesino. Just to cite a few examples
discussed in Chapter 2, there was influence by Gonzalez
Prada on Clorinda Matto de Turner, Haya de la Torre on Ciro
Alegría, and Mariátegui on José María Arguedas. Maoist
influence is a fundamental element in the ideology of
Sendero Luminoso. Furthermore, Haya de la Torre never
appears by name in La tumba del relámpago. However, in his
interview with Hector Tizón, Scorza praises the origins of
the APRA as an effort to elaborate ideas based in Latin
American historical realities. While he condemns the APRA's
later collaboration with United States imperialism, he says
that the early thought of Haya de la Torre deserves
reexamination (63). Thus, the four thinkers mentioned by
Forgues all have in common an effort to develop an ideology
that does not mimic European thought and relates to a non
European context. This is one of the central points of the

97
novel. Scorza criticizes parroting European Marxist
theories that have little to do with Peruvian reality.
In La tumba del relámpago Manuel Scorza interprets the
campesino uprisings of the late 1950s and early 1960s with
an eye toward the future. A similar analysis can be found
in Hector Bejar Rivera's Peru 1965: apuntes sobre una
experiencia guerrillera. He recognizes that there was a
large gulf between many of the revolutionaries and the
campesinos. The former attempted to impose alien ideologies
on the latter and had difficulty adapting themselves to
their language, customs, and daily life (144-49). Bejar
concludes that a successful guerrilla movement in Peru must
find a way to bridge the gap between western revolutionary
theories and indigenous beliefs, customs, and aspirations:
"En resumen podemos decir que la guerrilla debe actuar y
trabajar no sólo por los objetivos lejanos de la Revolución
sino por los cercanos de los campesinos; y no sólo para los
campesinos, sino con ellos" (149). As was quoted earlier
from Antonio Cornejo Polar, the essence of the novel is the
need to overcome the limitations of mythical thought and to
develop a revolutionary theory that takes the campesinos
into account and works with their desires and needs.

98
Hildebrando Pérez Huarancca
Life and Critical Reception
Hildebrando Perez Huarancca was born in the community
of Espite, Ayacucho in 1946. He studied in Ayacucho and
Lima, and was a professor of language and literature in the
Universidad Nacional San Cristóbal de Huamanga, and the
Universidad Nacional Enrique Guzmán y Valle, also known as
La Cantuta. He belonged to the group affiliated with the
journal Narración, which published three issues in 1966,
1971, and 1974. Ricardo González Vigil says that the group
promoted popular narrative from a Marxist-Leninist
perspective, and that it was "una opción ideológica a favor
de las luchas de masas explotadas y el afán de nutrir la
ficción narrativa del modo más pleno e inmediato con la
realidad social, particularmente con su dinamismo
dialéctico" ("La narrativa peruana después de 1950" 243).
With Los Ilegítimos, his book of short stories, Pérez
Huarancca won first prize in the 1975 José María Arguedas
literary contest, organized by the Asociación Universitaria
Nisei del Peru. The book was not published until 1980
(Escajadillo, "Hildebrando Pérez Huarancca" 86). Both
critics place Pérez Huarancca within the indigenista
tradition (Escajadillo 85 and González Vigil 236).
In early 1982 the government accused Pérez Huarancca of
belonging to Sendero Luminoso and jailed him in Ayacucho.

99
On March 3, 1982 Sendero Luminoso attacked the jail and
freed him and other prisoners. Escajadillo says that there
are rumors that he is in France, but he believes that he may
have died in a battle with the repressive forces of the
state (87). On August 18, 1983 the Minister of the
Interior, Luis Percovich Roca, announced that the principal
ideologues of Sendero Luminoso were Abimael Guzmán, Luis
Kawata, Osmán Morote, Hildebrando Perez, and Antonio Diaz
Martinez (Rojas Samanez 289).
In analyzing Perez Huarancca's work, Escajadillo places
the book within the neoindiqenista tradition. Essentially,
"Pérez Huarancca=Vargas Vicuña+protesta social"
("Hildebrando Perez Huarancca" 87). The social criticism is
against a broader spectrum than that found in what
Escajadillo calls orthodox indigenismo:
es toda la estructura social la que fuerza a los
jóvenes a emigrar de sus pueblos natales. Ya no
es el gamonal el que los corre... ahora es la
sociedad en su conjunto la que produce seres
ilegítimos. El gobierno central por su absoluta
indiferencia frente a la extrema pobreza del
entorno rural, su falta de asistencia en tiempos
de sequía y hambruna; y los gobiernos y mandones
locales, los vecinos del indio que hacen el papel
de la parte más visible y ostensible de los
agentes de la explotación. (89)
Escajadillo says that Pérez Huarancca directs his criticism
against society, the social structure, and the system in its
totality (90). He cites José Maria Iztueta's similar
argument that the "explotadores son de un nuevo cuño...más
'modernos', más sofisticados, más lejanos pero no menos

100
implacables. En primer lugar, y como un continuo trasfondo,
el sistema" (90). The analysis of Los ilegítimos centers on
three themes: the criticism of the system that exploits the
campesino, their resistance to the system, and the narrative
vision of the future.
Criticism of the System
In Los ilegítimos criticism of the system is both on a
local and global level. The character Augusto Ayala attacks
the composition of authorities at the local level and argues
that their elimination is the only path toward progress:
Carajo, estos mal paridos de mierda joden a
cualquiera cuando ven que uno no está con ellos,
valiéndose de su dinero. Son cuatro cojudos que
pisotean, nombrándose autoridades entre ellos, a
todo un pueblo; y cuando alguien reclama se valen
de sus padrastros los cachacos, para mandarlo a
uno a la chirona. Aquí todo queda en casa como
dicen: ellos son las autoridades; sus hijas,
maestras; y el cura es también de la misma camada
aunque no es del lugar. En sus reuniones hasta
hablan de progreso. Carajo, cuando sólo a estos
mismos fulanos se les elimine desde la raíz de sus
puterías llegará el progreso a este lugar y no por
obra de estos mismos cojudos. (47)
Ayala describes a system that completely dominates the
village. The rich control the local government, their
daughters are in charge of educating the populace, and the
priest is allied with them. If there is resistance to the
system, the repressive forces suppress it. On his deathbed
after the police have tortured him, Pascual Gutiérrez speaks
of the oppression in international terms:

101
No gasten en los muertos lo poco que les queda
para mantener el juicio. Pleitamos contra una
tropa de gamonales, Miguel. Nunca se olviden de
eso. Cuando acá los barramos, se levantarán los
adinerados del mundo entero para defenderlos.
Entonces necesitamos mucha paciencia y bastante
dinero, Miguel. (66)
This idea that overthrowing the system will require much
time appears in various short stories.
The atmosphere of many of the short stories is of a
bleak world where the poverty is overwhelming and the poor
struggle for a scanty existence. The government, at best,
is indifferent to their plight. While a drought ruins two
harvests, the government answers pleas for help with silence
and the people only have enough food to eat once a day (57).
The economic elite is quick to take advantage of the
drought. Within a year they build five bakeries: "Los
señores principales, dedicados antes a negocios grandes o a
ocupar cargos públicos, se convirtieron en panificadores.
Descubrieron una nueva mina: nuestro hambre" (56). The
poverty and degradation reach an extreme in "Cuando eso
dicen." It also underlines the dignity of the campesinos.
A man offers to buy a boy and his mother briefly considers
it. Although they are hungry at times, they insist on
working and refuse to ask for charity: "pedir limosna
también no nos gusta aunque no tenemos qué comer. Dice ella
que eso hacen los ociosos o los ancianos que ya no pueden
trabajar" (53).

102
The scarcity of cultivatable land is in sharp contrast
with the past, when the land belongs to everyone and private
ownership is restricted to animals and the plot of land
where houses are. This situation changes drastically when
outsiders arrive in the region and, little by little, end up
being the owners of most of the land (62-63). The result is
that the campesinos become outsiders in the land that has
belonged to them for generations (61).
Due to the lack of good land, most of the young abandon
the villages, leaving behind only the old and very young.
One character explains that everyone in the village is over
sixty years old. The young are in the cities looking for
jobs. One result of the migration is that when the young
return to the village, they describe different realities in
other areas and inspire everyone to continue struggling
(18). It also creates more rancor because of their
exploitation: "los disgustos hacia los principales renacen,
se multiplican" (18). When those that leave can no longer
find jobs elsewhere, they return to cultivate a small piece
of land and to eke out a living. Then, their children
leave, as have their parents and grandparents. An example
of the stagnant, oppressive atmosphere is when, forced to
flee because of a drought, young villagers return after four
years and find no changes (58).
In theory, land reforms are an improvement, but the
reality is that even occupying lands assigned to them during

103
the land redistribution leads to problems. Pascual
Gutierrez is especially incensed at the authorities'
suggestion that they can buy or rent their own land: "Caray,
arrendar o comprar nuestra propia tierra. ¡Nosotros! A
ellos a quienes nos habían quitado todo, valiéndose de
nuestra ignorancia" (63). For some, the only viable options
are to remain in their villages and to live like serfs, or
to occupy the land assigned to them during the land reform
(63). One group of villagers opts for the second option.
Tired of being exploited, their goal is to live a tranquil
life away from the usurpers of their lands (60). During the
land distribution the authorities reserve the best acreage
for themselves. The land that the group settles does not
have water for irrigation, probably the principal reason
that it is available. After much work, they construct
enough wells for the area to flourish (64-65). It is after
making the land productive that they begin to have problems
with the authorities and villagers are killed.
"Pascual Gutierrez ha muerto" describes a high level of
skepticism toward religion and the trappings of the church.
When the priest goes to the new village to ask them to build
a chapel, Pascual Gutierrez replies that they do not need it
nor priests. Pressured to build a chapel, they construct it
five kilometers from the village. Their justification to
the priest for the distance from the town is that they are
very poor and will be unable to honor their saint

104
sufficiently. Passersby abound on the road and the saint
will be better off (60-61).
Different standards according to one's socioeconomic
status is another criticism, specifically regarding women
who give birth out of wedlock. In "Somos de Chukara" the
priest excommunicates a poor woman for having an
illegitimate child. He blames the almost daily hail storms
that afflict the town on women like her (20-21). In "La
leva" the daughter of a principal figure in the town
receives much different treatment. While she is in school,
the teacher does not punish her for infractions because of
her father's position. After having a child out of wedlock,
unlike the other woman, she is much more accepted in the
society and becomes a teacher, as other daughters of
important figures have in the past (42-43).
The description is of an area of oppressive poverty
where the campesinos struggle to survive, but the system
thwarts their best efforts. There is no government aid to
weather the effects of the drought. Land reform leaves the
campesinos with the worst land. When they manage to make it
productive, the authorities attempt to intimidate them into
leaving the land. When that fails, they torture and kill
campesino leaders. There are two levels of justice. One is
for the poor and the other for the rich. Those who remain
are the old and the very young.

105
Resistance to the System
Those who defy the system suffer harshly at its hands.
In "La leva" a school boy caught with an important public
official's daughter is conscripted into the army the next
day (43). "Ya nos iremos, Señor" tells the story of how the
government ruins Augusto Ayala's life through a false
accusation and his subseguent jailing. Prior to his
incarceration, Ayala leads a happy life. In spite of his
insistence on his innocence, he spends five years in jail
for allegedly partially castrating the idiot Lorenzo
Fernandez (46-47). When someone cuts off Fernandez's other
testicle, the lieutenant governor tells his relatives,
"Carajo, eso de la primera vez fue porque lo dejaron con uno
solo. Ahora que ya lo completaron debes tener por bien,
puesto que caminará sin ladearse" (48). The narrator
denounces the abuses of the government against Ayala as a
pure farce of justice: "el cuento de Lorenzo Fernandez sólo
ha sido un puro decir de parte de los principales de pueblo
para mandarlo a la sombra" (47). Jail drastically changes
him and he begins to drink and to beat his wife and children
(47). Although he continues to denounce the authorities, no
one pays him any heed: "Pero allí, nadie le hacía caso;
tampoco le decían nada. Ya no tenían qué perder con dejarlo
hablar a su gusto. ¡Ya lo habían jodido al hombre!" (48).
The last indignities surround his death. His family can not
move his body for four days because the judge will not give

106
the order. The principal reason behind the delay is to earn
more money (46-48). Five days after dying, the judge
finally allows his family to remove the body. The final
indignity is the judge's order that an autopsy be performed:
"lo descuartizaron como si fuera un carnero, ya apestando y
con algunas hormigas blancas en los orificios principales
del cuerpo, al pie del cedro del centro de la plaza" (48).
Others who defy the authorities end up losing their
lives. Marcelino Medina refuses to cede his land to the
authorities for the construction of a jail. The authorities
say that his suspicious death is due to a stomach ache and
refuse to give any further explanations. Medina's eldest
son returns to kill his younger brother so that the
authorities can finally gain control of the land.
Government forces kill Florentino Ramos and others as they
participate in a protest march (28-33). In "Pascual
Gutierrez ha muerto" four members of the community die after
the police torture them in jail (59-67).
The police brutally attack and torture defenseless
people. In "Día de mucho trajín" more than a thousand
secondary students protest a decree by the Velasco Alvarado
government that restricts access to free education. The
students assume that by putting women students at the front
of the group the police (sinchis) will be more reluctant to
use force. Although the students have no weapons, the

107
police use teargas and open fire (73-74). The description
of police torture is the following:
Te ocultarán de tus familiares. Querrán amansarte
inculcándote buenos modales, y cuando ya no pueden
arrancarte lo que desean de ti, te golpearán
secretamente en las partes más vitales de tu
indefenso cuerpo. Esos burdéganos aún tendrán la
suficiente inteligencia para darse cuenta de tu
superioridad moral y del desprecio que por ellos
sientes. (70)
In "Pascual Gutiérrez ha muerto" the police brutally beat
four campesinos. each receiving fifty lashes. All four die
after the police release them from jail (59-67).
At times, the stories equate the treatment of
campesinos with that of animals. In "Mientras dormía se
contaban" the government shoots the protestors like dogs:
"acallaron a hombres y mujeres y niños balaceándolos sin más
por qué como a perros del mal" (33). In "Ya nos iremos,
Señor," the destruction and dehumanization of Augusto Ayala
due to his unjust imprisonment is represented in his death
by condors circling his body. When the narrator tells his
mother about the condors, she replies, "sólo bajaban de los
cerros altos al sentir la muerte de algún animal del gusto
de ellos" (46). Later, in the autopsy, the authorities
treat his body like an animal: "lo descuartizaron como si
fuera un carnero, ya apestando y con algunas hormigas
blancas en los orificios principales del cuerpo, al pie del
cedro del centro de la plaza" (48).
Those that defy the authorities and the system pay a
high price. Sometimes it is physical removal, such as

108
conscription or jail. Others are tortured, treated like
animals, and killed.
The Future
Perez Huarancca paints an optimistic picture of the
future of the campesino. Although the government kills
Marcelino Medina, he leaves a heritage of rage in the people
of the village (28). Children will take up their parents'
struggle. In "Mientras dormía se contaban" the grandmother
argues that Ignacio will continue in his father's footsteps:
"los hijos responden por sus padres en tiempos como
éste...el padre fue muerto pero Ignacio lleva la sangre de
Florentino Ramos...él responderá Josefa" (33).
The poor must confide in each other and struggle
against their oppressors, whom they can never trust. In "La
tierra que dejamos está muy abajo" Alejandro is a veteran of
many forced trips from the village for economic reasons. He
counsels his friend that the poor need to unite to survive
against their oppressors:
Siempre hay que vivir en grupos. Juntarse con los
paisanos que trabajan en las minas o las fábricas
enseña bastante. No importa de dónde sean. Ellos
son pobres como nosotros pero están bien enterados
de las cosas que suceden y saben de cómo hacerse
respetar. No te confíes, muchacho. Es igual con
los mandones en cualquier parte. Siempre están
buscando cómo agarrarlo desprevenido al pobre.
Sin embargo, tiemblan viéndote en grupo. Por eso
hay que estar unidos, como paridos por una sola
madre. (38)

109
Pascual Gutierrez also says that the campesinos should not
believe in anyone except the poor. He argues that the
authorities will never be friends of the poor and are simple
lackeys for the government and out for themselves (66).
In confronting their oppressors, the poor have to
realize that they are participating in a long process where
a single life has less importance than the welfare of the
people's struggle as a whole: "La vida, larga o corta, no es
de uno solamente; y perderla tampoco es para lamentarse, si
se tiene conciencia de su razón" (70). If one person dies,
there are others who will continue the struggle. Throughout
history there has never been the complete extermination of a
people (70). The struggle will ultimately be successful:
Por algo eres del sector de los seres templados en
el dolor y en la miseria. Por tanto estás
obligado a resistir hasta el final. Piensa sobre
todo en eso. Lo que ahora ocurre contigo sólo es
un simple tropiezo. El camino por recorrer es
largo para los pobres. Y cuando se triunfe,
Rudecindo Contreras, todo esto tal vez sea una
pequeña historia que parezca cuento, anidando en
las sombras del recuerdo. (73)
Pérez Huarancca's short stories describe an
overwhelmingly pessimistic view of the campesinos in
Ayacucho. Everywhere they turn, the system controls their
lives and exploits them. However, the oppression does not
end their resistance. Others take the place of those who
die in fighting the system. The only avenue for escaping
their poverty is for the poor to unite and do away with the
system.

110
Conclusions
La tumba del relámpago and Los ilegítimos describe
exploitation that occurs in the 1960s and 1970s, and
foreshadow the revolutionary violence that would confront
the Peruvian nation beginning in 1980. The two works
describe a system that cruelly exploits the campesino and
thwarts the possibility for peaceful change. In La tumba
del relámpago the campesinos face inadequate land and
unemployment in the mining sector. In Los ilegítimos the
principal problem is a lack of land. While Perez Huarancca
characterizes the system as a united front against the
campesino. Scorza argues that there are some cracks in the
system. The Seminarista, Genaro Ledesma, and the nucleus of
the new revolutionary left fight for the campesino. The
key, however, lies in the campesinos themselves. Scorza
argues that they are proletarianized and are gaining more of
a revolutionary consciousness. Perez Huarancca describes
the campesino in terms of resistance to the system, which
indicates a similar level of consciousness. Both create
campesino characters that are combative. Scorza argues that
there are two basic requirements to have a successful
revolution. One is to overcome an indigenous mythical world
view. The second is to develop a revolutionary theory that
considers campesino needs and desires and relates to the
specific Peruvian historical reality. Perez Huarancca
asserts that the campesino must overthrow the system in a

long-term struggle. Both works are highly critical of the
exploitation of the campesino and advocate revolution as the
only way to overcome the system that exploits the campesino.
While Scorza provides an outline of the search for a
new revolutionary praxis, in real life Perez Huarancca was
one of the principal ideologues of the revolutionary theory
developed by Sendero Luminoso. The next two chapters
examine the narrative visions of writers concerning violence
in Peru since 1980. Although not every writer broaches the
guerrilla war, all are critical of the exploitation of the
campesino. Most of those that write about the guerrilla war
are equally critical of the violence committed by the
guerrillas and the repressive forces.

CHAPTER 4
VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER IN SIX
NOVELS FROM THE 1980S AND 1990S
The writers and texts studied in the fourth and fifth
chapters represent a wide variety of opinions on
contemporary Peru. The fourth chapter examines six novels
by six different writers and the fifth chapter analyzes
forty-one short stories by ten different writers. The order
of novels in the fourth chapter follows a rough
chronological line, although not every novel specifies when
the action occurs. The order in the fifth follows a general
line of more of an emphasis on violence and relations of
power related to campesinos to more of a preoccupation with
the guerrilla war.
Félix Huamán Cabrera
Félix Huamán Cabrera, a university professor, was born
in Pariamarca, Canta, Lima in 1943. He has published over
ten narrative works since 1970 and some works of poetry. In
Candela quema luceros (1989) the military massacres a
village. The reasons behind the massacre are a classic
example of the misunderstandings between the indigenous and
western world that have plagued Peru since the conquest.
The analysis of Candela quema luceros focusses on the
112

113
valuing of the community structure, class differences in
obtaining an education, and the misunderstanding between the
community and government officials that leads to police and
military violence.
The Community
The novel describes communal structures and customs
that have served the campesinos well for centuries. As is
common in indigenista texts, there is a contrast of a near
utopian past with the disastrous results of the arrival of
whites:
Dicen que antes de que lleguen los blancos éramos
felices. Todos trabajábamos para todos, como en
la faena, cantando. Y cuando los blancos se
hicieron ricos, fue peor nuestra desgracia. Se
llevaban todo lo que teníamos y nos dejaban
enfermedad y muerte. (106)
Everyone works for the good of the community, taking care of
an orphan (105) and helping each other: "en fin, uno para
todos, todos para uno. Así era Yawarhuaita" (24). When the
newly elected community president argues that for the
community to progress they need a highway, water, a
reservoir, and a school, the community quickly builds the
highway and a school (52-53). While the communal structures
work well, they have problems with the government and
whites. The community president warns the community that
they should never believe the government and that its
justice is actually injustice (176).

114
The novel contrasts the favorable description of the
indigenous communal system with the threat of whites and the
government. There is an idyllic past before the conquest,
and in the present the system functions efficiently if
others leave them alone. The community president identifies
needs and the community addresses them. As will be
discussed more below, the conflict with the government
results in their annihilation.
Education
There is a different level of education for the
socioeconomic elite than for the poor and middle class.
Since education is one path for upward mobility, denying
education to the poor or giving them an inadequate education
is one way of continuing to exploit the poor. The elite see
teachers who educate the poor about their rights as a threat
to their power.
A Catholic girls school is elitist and corrupt. It
requires its students to be from good families, to be
Catholic, and to have the money to pay the tuition. They do
not allow children of teachers to attend the school because
they can not afford the tuition. While the entrance
requirements are demanding, a donation can result in waived
requirements (140-42).
The public school teacher, Julio, is a positive
influence in the community, but his activities draw the

115
suspicions of the government authorities. He attacks the
Catholic school's elitism and argues against excluding the
poor from Peruvian society: "el Perú tiene que ser de todos
los pobres, por eso vamos a luchar, a trabajar y a estudiar"
(142). The judge wants the police to force the youngest
community members to describe what Julio teaches them,
because he believes that teachers from outside the region
are causing the communities to be recalcitrant (167).
However, rather than being a troublemaker, he works to help
the campesino. When the military begins to massacre the
villagers, he pleads with the soldiers to have pity, because
there are only mothers, children and old people there (177—
78). When Cirilo, the lone survivor of the massacre, finds
his body, he is protectively embracing one of his students
(139).
The novel describes access to education as a form of
power. The key to admission in the Catholic school is
money, not merit. They admit students with inferior
credentials if they have money. In contrast, Julio
emphasizes the work ethic and says that they have to
struggle, work and study. The elite see an educated
community that demands their rights as a danger to their
power.

116
Government Violence
The central conflict in the novel is a misunderstanding
between the campesinos and provincial government authorities
that leads to a massacre of the village. The community
believes that a young girl lives in a mountain cave and
provides them with rain (38-46). When a vindictive
campesino from a neighboring village blows up the cave, they
demand justice. The government arrests him and he admits to
killing her after the police torture him (115-132). The
community president believes that her death will result in
death, drought, and hunger for the poor. When the
provincial authorities realize that she is not a real
person, they believe the comuneros are making fun of them
and free the prisoner. The comuneros arrest him, community
leaders go to the city to protest and the city authorities
arrest them. Various communities go to the city en masse
and free their leaders. The military massacres everyone in
the village except an old man, who dies later, and a young
man, Cirilo, who flees to the mountains (156-79).
The police are furious, full of hate, and fierce when
they torture the campesino prisoners. The police, faces
covered, beat, whip, kick, and douse a campesino with cold
water to get him to talk. Four other badly beaten
campesinos are also in the jail. The fifth, taken out the
previous night, never returns and is presumed dead (132).

117
The military massacres the villagers to serve as an
example to other villages to not defy the authorities. The
soldiers arrive in the village at midnight and find only
women, children and old people. They burn their houses and
kill everyone (176-78). The narrator says that the orders
are explicit and guotes a soldier: "¡merecen un buen castigo
para que sirva de ejemplo!" (177). Another soldier
justifies the massacre as having to follow orders and
defending the nation:
¡Ordenes son órdenes y las órdenes se cumplen!
¡Después de este trabajo habrá harta cerveza,
harto trago! ¿Mas de lo que nos han dado?
¡Claro! ¡Agarren a las chibolas, rómpanles el
pito! Y luego bala y más bala. Ese es el oficio.
¡Defendemos a la nación peruana! (178)
The lone survivor, Cirilo, witnesses part of the
massacre, and later removes the dead from the mass grave and
buries them in a more appropriate place. He overhears some
soldiers talking about the massacre and they reiterate that
the purpose of the massacre is to be an example to other
communities. If they do not heed the message, they will
receive the same treatment. The soldiers also describe the
rape of a woman who pleads with them to not harm her
children (18). After the last soldier rapes her, he kills
her children like animals in front of her: "les tiró bala
como ratas!" (18). They also rape another woman and cut her
throat (178). The description of the dead is horrifyingly
explicit, emphasizing the brutality of the mutilation and
killing. When Cirilo enters a house, he smells burned meat

118
and sees a child's disfigured body (18). In the mass grave
he finds a campesino that is black all over from blows
received and has bullet wounds in the chest and temple (33).
The soldiers cut out the community president's tongue and
poke out his eyes (28).
However, not all the soldiers are willing participants
or like what they are doing. Some have to drink to
continue: "¡Pásenles a todo el mundo el trago; que fumen de
la buena para que no estén con miedo estos huevones, porque
de repente lloran al saber lo que están haciendo!" (179).
Cirilo finds the body of a soldier, Albino, who is from the
village. He is a victim of different rules for the rich and
the poor. A rich man bribes the army to take Albino,
thirteen years old, in place of his son. After killing a
fleeing child and seeing the child's body, Albino realizes
what he has done and shoots himself in the heart. Cirilo
takes his body outside the village, because he says that he
no longer belongs with the community (82-84).
Conclusions
Huamán Cabrera's novel is extremely critical of a
government and a society that escalate a cultural
misunderstanding into the extermination of a village. He
contrasts an idyllic past with the abuses of the present.
In many cases the government, the representative of the
socioeconomic elite, is either hostile to or indifferent to

119
the needs of the campesinos. The community has to build a
highway and a school. Access to education is limited and
serves to perpetuate the existing order. When teachers like
Julio educate the campesinos about their rights, the
government views them as agitators and tries to suppress
them. As is the case with access to education, the rich
follow one set of rules and the poor another regarding
military service. The cultural misunderstanding is, in a
sense, analogous to the case of the Spanish conquistadors
and the Inca Atahualpa. In both cases the lack of
comprehension leads to the massacre of indigenous peoples
and the creation or maintenance of western power. The
brutality of the repressive forces reveals significant
levels of racism toward the campesinos. The orders for the
police do not require them to torture and kill prisoners and
the military orders do not specify mutilating villagers and
raping women. Huamán Cabrera's novel is a scathing
indictment of the socioeconomic elite's subjugation and
brutal repression of the campesino class, which begins with
the murder of Atahualpa.
Samuel Cavero Galimindi
Samuel Cavero Galimindi was born in Ayacucho July 22,
1962. He has studied literature and linguistics at the
Catholic University in Lima and is an officer and a
journalist in the Peruvian Air Force. His second novel, El

120
rincón para los muertos (1987), is one of the first
narrative fiction works to address the phenomenon of the
Sendero Luminoso insurgency. According to Julio Roldan, as
of 1990 it was one of only two novels to deal with Abimael
Guzman Reynoso, the founder and leader of Sendero Luminoso
(111).1
The novel takes place in Ayacucho, the birthplace of
Sendero Luminoso, and roughly covers the period from the
1960s to the early 1980s. It describes the decline of the
system of land tenure, the politization of the campesino,
and the rise of Sendero Luminoso. The protagonist is
Gonzalo Pomareda, a character based on the real-life Abimael
Guzman, whose nom de guerre is Comrade Gonzalo. Rejecting
his role as heir to a large hacienda, Gonzalo Pomareda
chooses to prepare for the armed struggle. The action takes
place on two levels. The first is the changes that affect
the Ayacucho area. The second deals with the antagonisms
between the changes brought about by Gonzalo Pomareda's
actions, and his mother and stepfather's efforts to
forestall the agrarian reform of the Velasco Alvarado
government (1968-75) and the armed struggle of Sendero
Luminoso. There are three stages in the development of the
novel: Ayacucho before the agrarian reforms, after the
agrarian reforms, and after the beginning of the armed
1 The other novel that Roldan cites is A la caza de
Abimael, by the Frenchman Gerard de Villiers (111).

121
struggle. In the first stage Gonzalo Pomareda's parents are
the owners of a large hacienda that employs many campesinos.
With the advent of agrarian reforms, campesinos begin to
demand their rights and fewer work at the hacienda. Gonzalo
Pomareda does extensive organizing work in the countryside
and in the university, where he is a professor. He
frequently clashes with his parents and they eventually
disinherit him. Although the hacienda manages to survive
the agrarian reform period, Gonzalo Pomareda participates in
an action to dislodge his parents and to kill his
stepfather.
Considering Cavero's military background, it is
surprising that, through the character of Gonzalo Pomareda,
the novel reinforces many myths surrounding the figure of
Abimael Guzman. Julio Roldan argues that Cavero proposes to
undo the myths surrounding Guzman and does the opposite:
esta novela gira en torno a la vida de Gonzalo
Pomareda, quien vendría a representar al
"Presidente Gonzalo". El autor se propone
desmistificar al Dr. Guzmán Reynoso; y termina
haciendo lo contrario, con el agravante de que
esta novela ha sido difundida al interior de las
Fuerzas Armadas, especialmente en la FAP. (111)
The analysis of El rincón para los muertos will focus on the
following aspects: 1) criticisms of the overall system that
continues to exploit the campesino after the agrarian
reforms of the Velasco Alvarado government, 2) descriptions
and criticisms of the guerrillas, and 3) the description and

122
the mythification of Gonzalo Pomareda, based on Abimael
Guzman.
Criticisms of the System
The novel is highly critical of the exploitation of the
campesino and ineffective agrarian reforms. The landowning
class cruelly exploits the campesinos before the 1969
Velasco Alvarado agrarian reform. While the reform does
achieve some changes, the novel declares it a failure.
Religion is largely ineffective and abandons them when they
most need it. The government does not aid campesinos with
basic needs and they are very skeptical of anything it does.
By the time of the beginning of the armed struggle,
campesinos do not have more land to cultivate, and feel
abandoned by the government and religion. There is a power
vacuum due to the incomplete eradication of the landowning
class.
There is a slow but inexorable decline of the
landowning class due to the agrarian reform and the ensuing
emergence of Sendero Luminoso. Before the reform,
landowners crave more land, more livestock, and more peons
(108) and they successfully thwart much of the
redistribution of land (243). However, the agrarian reform
radically changes their lives. Many businesses close or
change owners, families move to Lima, and those that remain
are poorer (245). One family that flees to Lima continues

123
to exploit campesinos and to make a living from their labor.
The daughter remains in Ayacucho, contracts campesino women
to be servants in Lima and entices them with promises of
social position, money, and education (175). She reflects
the racism of many of her class: "les hacemos un favor al
disimular su salvajismo, su ignorancia, mujeres inclutas,
desgraciadas" (175). In spite of the changes, the narrator
considers the reform a failure: "La Reforma Agraria había
fracasado, el descontento popular se volvió incontrolable,
sangriento" (277).
Gonzalo Pomareda's mother, Dolores, and his stepfather,
Honorato, are individual examples of racist landowners who
exploit the campesinos. She is white and he is mestizo
(107). Honorato believes that campesinos should be humble
(66) and views them as his property: "Gonzalo, cuándo
aprenderás que en el Perú nosotros siempre mandamos. Estos
hombres son leales, sus vidas y sus derechos nos pertenecen"
(32). He explains to a new foreman that he is now better
than a peon, not as good as him: "Recuerda también que eres
indio, pero mejor que peón. Los peones te obedecerán y
respetarán, como debes hacerlo tú con tu señor" (70).
Dolores complains about campesinos stinking (106). She
forces Jacinta Pichillacta, Gonzalo Pomareda's principal
comrade, to leave the house and to wait in the patio because
she is an Indian (137). They will not allow him to marry
Jacinta because she is an Indian (185) and disinherit him

124
because they consider their living together a stain on the
family honor (149). Dolores urges him to look for a white
woman from his own class (189). Honorato sleeps with
village women before he allows them to live with their
husbands (18) and attacks Jacinta Pichillacta during her
visit to the hacienda (134). The campesinos who work in the
hacienda (31) and in a nearby village hate him (331).
Honorato and Dolores resist, but the agrarian reform
and the onslaught of the armed struggle destroy them and
their hacienda. Formerly submissive campesinos abandon the
hacienda (139-40). When the government orders him to
abandon the hacienda (243), he buys ammunition and swears
that they will only leave when they are dead (249-50). They
foil the agrarian reform's attempt to distribute their land
to the campesinos. but they do not survive the armed
struggle. The guerrillas, including Gonzalo Pomareda,
attack the hacienda (329-30) and kill Honorato (346).
The agrarian reform and Gonzalo's political work
markedly change the campesinos. but they remain very
suspicious of the government. Before the reforms the
hacienda peons are submissive and resigned to their fate
(22-23). With the advent of the agrarian reform, they
demand fair treatment. They begin to refuse to work, demand
pay for their work, complain about mistreatment by hacienda
foremen, and leave for the mountains or coastal cities.
There are also violent confrontations between campesinos and

125
landowners that sometimes result in property damage and the
loss of life (125). Despite changes produced by the
agrarian reform, the campesinos remain highly suspicious of
the government due to the large gulf between its rhetoric
and action. They question the effectiveness of the agrarian
reform when they do not have enough money to combat a plague
of locusts and see no sign of government aid for basic needs
(250). Pacaycasa opposes the construction of a highway
through their village because they have no faith in the
government: "se sentían desengañados con el gobierno y su
Reforma Agraria que de poco les había servido para aliviar
su pobreza, su atraso, su marginación. Estaban cansados de
esperar las obras publicas prometidas" (303).
The comuneros of Pacaycasa reject Father Salvador and
the statue of the Virgin Santa Candelaria because they
believe both are allies of landowners. Father Salvador
counsels the comuneros to have patience and describes a
future with bountiful harvests and government aid (51-52).
Donated by Honorato, some say the Virgin never appears in
the Bible and that its purpose is to distract them from
their real problems (44). The comuneros quit going to the
temple. They accuse the priest of living with white gods
and only helping landowners, and believe that the Virgin no
longer performs miracles and God is punishing them by
abandoning them (50-52).

126
After Father Salvador dies, Father Armando Capote whips
the villagers into a frenzy by declaring that the apocalypse
is near (258-60). His influence is such that he convinces
them to change the names of babies to ones from the Bible
(269). He exhorts them to not join the subversives, and
argues that the kingdom of God will be founded on virtue and
love, not fear and politics (269). He continues to warn
them about Satan's fury (307), but disappears when Sendero
Luminoso enters the village (339-41). They never hear from
him again.
In conclusion, the novel is highly critical of the
system in Ayacucho before and after the agrarian reform.
Landowners abuse campesinos before and after the agrarian
reform. Disillusioned campesinos see a huge gulf between
the government's words and actions. They view one priest as
an ally of the landowners and the other abandons them at the
first sign of the guerrillas. They begin to question their
beliefs because the government deceives them and the priest
disappears. It is in this vacuum that the guerrillas begin
their armed struggle.
Sendero Luminoso
Once the armed struggle begins, an atmosphere of fear
and uncertainty permeates the novel. The campesinos become
much more reserved. They speak only when necessary and
rarely mention soldiers or guerrillas, because no one knows

127
where another's allegiances may lie (334), and the
guerrillas punish betrayal by killing relatives (318). The
narrator describes the armed struggle as a reign of death:
"La muerte estaba reinando, había encontrado su rincón en
Ayacucho, en Pacaycasa, y en otros pueblos del país" (332).
In addition, many characters do not understand the
guerrillas' brutality or their motivations.
In various actions the guerrillas rob merchants and
kill the mayor of Pacaycasa. Isidoro, a merchant in
Pacaycasa, complains that the repressive forces and the
guerrillas expect him to give them free goods:
Todos los que pasan quieren que esta bodega los
surta gratis. Unos: ¡Por el orden y la
democracia, viejo avaro y cojudo! Y otros, más
insolentes todavía, porque pintaron las paredes y
nos amenazaron: ¡Por la guerra de guerrillas,
mierda!, me dijeron. (334)
Gonzalo vows that they will kill Isidoro because he insults
him by calling him "'hijo de las tinieblas'" (346).
Clorofidio Pomata, also a merchant from Pacaycasa, complains
about guerrillas who steal money, beer, and liquor from his
bar. The leader of the group puts a rifle to his throat,
laughs, and makes him swallow the barrel. They plunder and
dynamite the mayor's house. Clorofidio Pomata and Isidoro
do not understand why they kill the mayor, because he
defends the village from landowners, works for the village's
prosperity and is a good and popular man (337-39). Gonzalo
justifies the killing of the mayor because he refuses to
receive them, give them food, and collaborate (345).

128
Gonzalo Pomareda participates in the attack on his
parents' hacienda. He shouts for them to abandon the
hacienda: "-Los campesinos del ande han sufrido mucho,
largúense de la casa-hacienda, gamonales-, sentenció
colérico el camarada Gonzalo. Estaba armado, como algunos
de sus hombres. Todos ellos parecían dispuestos a todo"
(329). They behead their dogs, throw the bleeding bodies on
the patio, toss dynamite and shout for them to give up (329—
32). Afterward, while the main house at the hacienda is
still burning, Gonzalo imagines the scene: "Gonzalo se
imaginó a su madre abrazando el cadáver de su esposo,
desgarrándose de dolor, maldiciéndolo una vez más" (346).
In the novel the guerrillas's actions create a climate
of terror and death. Campesinos fear for their lives and
become reticent. Certain seemingly needless actions, such
as beheading dogs and laughing while forcing a rifle barrel
down a merchant's throat, serve to terrorize the population.
With the death of the mayor, they emphasize their message to
collaborate or die. The vow to murder Isidoro exposes a
petty side of Gonzalo Pomareda. They will kill him as
revenge for a personal insult, not as part of a grand
revolutionary strategy. The murder of his stepfather
approaches patricide. Gonzalo Pomareda's brutality is
further underscored when he emotionlessly imagines his
mother insulting him and embracing her dead husband.

129
Gonzalo Pomareda
In real life various myths have surfaced that describe
Abimael Guzman as a god-like character. While his image has
changed drastically since his capture, this analysis
concerns a work written while Guzman was still at large. In
"Gonzalo:" el mito Julio Roldan analyzes many of the rumors
and myths spread by the press and the public about Abimael
Guzman. Since the mid 1980s there have been at least twenty
press reports of Guzman's capture, a similar number about
his being badly wounded, and the front pages of newspapers
have announced his death no less than fifty times. Press
reports also announce that the repressive forces have
arrived where Guzman had just been. There are rumors in the
jungle regions that, surrounded with no possible escape, he
suddenly transformed himself into a bird or a snake and
escaped. In the southern mountains a similar version is
that he changed into a rock. Other rumors are that he has
doubles, while in the department of La Libertad some believe
that he is a ghost. Others believe that he may be the
realization of the myth of Inkarri (112-13). The novel
helps perpetuate these myths about Gonzalo Pomareda, the
character based on Guzman.
Gonzalo Pomareda is very intelligent, disciplined and
committed to the revolutionary cause. He has an
extraordinary memory (159) and is very meticulous (208).
Before returning to Ayacucho, he prepares himself for

130
leading the revolution. He travels and studies in Cuba and
European socialist countries, makes contacts with various
guerrilla groups and learns languages, including Quechua
(86-87).2 The narrator calls him "un ser convencido de sus
ideales, identificado con su pueblo" (100). Honors (118 and
203), glory (173), and fame do not interest him (321). His
goal is to provoke the reaction of the exploiting classes
(321) and he is ready to die for the cause (118).
There are many references to Gonzalo Pomareda, by
himself and by others, as a prophet or god-like being. He
considers himself a prophet (161), a savior surrounded by
his disciples (159), and possibly approaching perfection
(158). The narrator also describes him as a god-like figure
when the guerrillas attack his parents' hacienda: "como un
Dios terrenal en una y en todas partes....De nada valdrían
los anatemas del hacendado porque esa voz, la de ese
comunista, parecía de trueno, que digo, de perro rabioso"
(331). He believes he will change the course of history:
Mientras escribía se daba el gusto de rememorar y
hasta burlarse, de las grandes revoluciones que
habían hecho historia conmoviendo a millones de
humanos. La suya cambiaría por completo el curso
de la historia. ¿Cuántas? Diez, veinte, no
importa cuántas por ahora. Para ese entonces
2 The groups mentioned are the following: the Spanish
Frente Revolucionario Antifascista v Patriótica (FRAP), the
Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) in Peru, Colombia, and
Bolivia, the Movimiento de la Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR)
in Peru, Venezuela, and Chile, leftist parties and
sympathizers in Peru, and the Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF) in
West Germany (86-87).

131
Ayacucho sería lo que no fue nunca: la meca del
gran Profeta. (209)
He covets a status as a god-like figure:
al fin de cuentas sería un colosal líder que,
cuando el tiempo también hablara por él, fuera un
guía espiritual venerado, analizado, envidiado y
buscado por propios y extraños, un personaje
histórico, pronto a volverse mítico por influjo de
la gente; casi un Dios. (86)
There are also descriptions of him as demonic. The
narrator says that Jacinta Pichillacta, Gonzalo's confidant,
is his ideal woman (154) and that the two are identical
except for being of opposite sexes (204). She is described
as a demon: "¡Esa es un demonio!, tiene a Lucifer metido
dentro de la falda" (206). Gonzalo admires her because she
can smile while killing someone (205). A villager believes
that when Father Capote preaches about Satan, he is talking
about Gonzalo:
Pues, pensándolo bien la peste a que tanto hizo
referencia en sus mensajes serían los subversivos,
hijos del mal, guiados por Satanás, por el Satanás
camarada Gonzalo. Y, recordando las palabras
proféticas del religioso, estaban condenados,
porque éstas ya eran horas aciagas, cercanas al
fin del mundo, porque el Satán estaba con ellos,
cerca, en la ciudad de Ayacucho y fuera de ella,
en cada uno de sus pueblos devotos, como un Dios
todopoderoso, en todas partes. (340)
Rumors aid in the creation of the mythical status of
Gonzalo Pomareda. He is a great orator, has an uncanny
ability to persuade, and leads a strictly disciplined life.
Some say he is badly wounded or dead. Others say he has a
genius for surviving and has as many lives as a cat. He has
been seen, is in hiding in Ayacucho, or is en route to

132
another part of the country. He has been captured. He is
another country. After plastic surgery, he is in another
country living the life of a playboy with the money
collected for the guerrilla war. He is a master of
disguise. Depending on the need, he can appear as an army
officer, priest, police sergeant, or indigent woman. The
armed forces, police, national intelligence service, CIA and
Interpol are feverishly looking for him (333-37).
In reflecting press reports and popular rumors about
Abimael Guzman in the description of Gonzalo Pomareda, the
novel reinforces Gonzalo (Guzmán) as a mythical personality
beyond the reach of mere mortals. The novel ends with
Gonzalo Pomareda eluding the repressive forces again (350-
51), and asks two questions: "Dónde andará Gonzalo?...
¿Usted, lo sabe?" (351).
Conclusions
Un rincón para los muertos harshly criticizes the
system that exploits the campesino, the government's failed
agrarian reform, and the violence of Sendero Luminoso. The
landowning class views and treats the campesino as inferior
to them. The agrarian reform partially achieves the aim of
debilitating the landowning class, but some landowners
thwart the redistribution of land. In addition, the
government does not follow through with programs to help the
campesinos, who lose faith in the government and religion.

133
They view the Santa Candelaria and Father Salvador as allies
of the landowners, and Father Capote abandons them. In the
power vacuum left by the decline of the landowning class,
Sendero Luminoso begins its armed struggle. Various
characters can not comprehend the reasons behind the
brutality of the guerrillas. The novel describes and
condemns landowner abuses that lead to the failed agrarian
reform. Its failure and the rising expectations of the
campesinos lead to more tension, which plays into the
guerrillas' hands.
Although the novel is very critical of the character of
Gonzalo Pomareda, based on the actual Abimael Guzman, it
perpetuates his mythical status and the aura of
invincibility that surrounds him. He is brilliant,
disciplined, and committed to the revolutionary cause. He
and others consider him almost as a supernatural being and
the rumors surrounding his escapes enhance his aura of
invincibility. The end of the novel reinforces these ideas
of Gonzalo as beyond the reach of the repressive forces and
adds to the myth surrounding the guerrillas. If their
leader is invincible, then they, too, may be invincible. It
is debatable whether Julio Roldan's thesis is correct that
Cavero proposes to destroy the myth surrounding Guzman. If
that is his purpose, the novel is a failure. If, however,
his purpose is to describe the historical realities of the
time, he reflects many of the myths that surround the figure

134
of Abimael Guzman and Sendero Luminoso. Whatever his
intentions, Cavero helps to perpetuate the myths surrounding
Abimael Guzman and Sendero Luminoso.
Julio Ortega
Julio Ortega, a professor of literature at Brown
University, in the United States, was born in Casma, Ancash
in 1942. He is well-known for his literary criticism,
poetry, plays, and narrative fiction. He has published over
thirty books of literary criticism and literature as well as
numerous articles. His short novel, Adiós Avacucho (1986),
is extremely critical of the second Belaúnde government
(1980-85). A campesino activist, brutally murdered by the
police, recounts his journey to Lima to recover his arm,
leg, and other body parts that the police steal. During the
trip there is scathing criticism, tinged with black humor,
of many aspects of Peruvian society. The analysis of the
novel centers on abuses of campesinos. violence by the
repressive forces and the guerrillas, and the government as
responsible for the violence.
Abuses of Campesinos
The narrator, Alfonso Canepa, is thirty-eight years old
and becomes a campesino leader by chance. He and the other
men of his community complain about a neighboring landowner
who monopolizes the water from the river. The police decide

135
that Alfonso is the leader and jail him incommunicado for a
month. While in jail, he realizes that his condemned life
is predestined. He decides to oppose the landowner when he
gets out of jail, even though they will arrest him again
(29). After the police kill him, he thinks he is dumb for
being idealistic enough to believe in and follow legal
avenues (11).
Both Alfonso and a young boy who helps a truck driver
illustrate abuses of campesinos. While walking in downtown
Lima, someone sees Alfonso hobbling and jokes that the
Brazilian circus must be in town, and a woman's racist reply
is, "La raza indígena no da para más" (53). After he starts
acting crazy, people finally treat him like a human being
(59). While the truck driver and a student are deciding
what to do with the narrator, the helper tries to interrupt
to tell them that a military patrol is approaching (25-26).
Both shout: "¡Tu te callas, cholo de mierda!" (25). The
driver hits him in the nose and Alfonso remarks: "Este es un
peruano perfecto, me dije, sangra con entusiasmo" (26). He
comments on the irony of the importance placed on birth and
death, while life itself is full of abuses: "Nos paren como
un milagro histórico y nos entierran como una tragedia
mundial; entretanto, inexplicablemente, nos apalean sin
tregua" (26).
The corrupt judicial system also exploits the
campesinos. When Alfonso arrives in Ayacucho, many people

136
are showing each other photos of their disappeared
relatives. If they find a missing relative in a clandestine
grave, the process is long and ripe with corruption. They
need tinterillos for help with the legal proceedings for
burial, scribes to type the documents, and coimeros to
facilitate the processing. A coimero offers to get Alfonso
a death certificate, or, if he prefers, a certificate of
good health or a passport (37-38). For Alfonso, "Este
coimero expansivo era un verdadero hombre de estado" (38).
In a biting criticism of opportunities in contemporary
Peru, Alfonso asks the truck driver's helper about his
plans. He has not finished primary school, and has no
interest in becoming a drug trafficker or a guerrilla. He
is a victim of the guerrillas and the police. The
guerrillas charge his brother with being an informer and
kill him, and the sinchis say his sister is a prostitute and
kill her (22-23). Alfonso tells him if he does not choose
one of those options, he has little future in Peru: "Pero si
no estudias para antropólogo, si no te metes en la coca, si
no te vas con Sendero, te queda poco futuro en el Perú"
(24).
The novel describes the life of a campesino as full of
abuses, with the exception of birth and death. Both Alfonso
and the truck driver's helper are the target of racist
remarks that reflect the disdainful treatment of campesinos.
For example, a Lima woman believes that the indigenous

137
peoples are only good for circus freak shows. When
campesinos protest a landowner's monopolizing water, the
police arrest Alfonso. His belief in the legal system leads
him to present himself to the police, who promptly torture
and murder him. The families of the disappeared know
nothing about the whereabouts of their relatives. When they
do find their bodies, they have to pay bribes to various
people associated with the corrupt judicial system. Alfonso
cynically remarks that if a person does not work with the
corrupt government, drug traffickers, or guerrillas, there
is no future for a Peruvian campesino.
The Repressive Forces and the Guerrillas
Both the police and the military are brutal. The
police torture and kill the narrator. They falsely accuse
him of being a guerrilla and cut off parts of his fingers.
In the outskirts of town, they push him out of a moving
jeep. He tries to hide, but the police throw two grenades
at him and toss him in a grave (9). The military is equally
ruthless. When the truck driver, his helper, a student, and
Alfonso are passing through a village, suddenly there is an
explosion, red flags appear on rooftops, and soldiers appear
everywhere. In their zeal to find prisoners, they take the
innocent student away. In a conversation between Alfonso
and a military leader, the latter expresses a brutal and
bloodthirsty attitude associated with soldiers. He says

138
they learn to drink blood during their training, patriotic
soldiers kill communists, and that their first duty is to
eat a guerrilla's heart (30-31). When Alfonso sees a marine
patrol with guerrilla prisoners, he asks how the killing is
going and the marine leader answers that it is going well
(27-28).
The novel is critical of Sendero Luminoso, but judges
the guerrillas less harshly than the repressive forces. The
guerrillas kill a local government official (29-30) and rob
the cargo from a truck (35-36). Alfonso criticizes them and
their ideology: "Lo único luminoso que tienes es el culo"
(35). After the guerrilla leader, comrade Diana, recognizes
him, she says he deserves his fate of neither being alive or
dead because he is a reformist. In the revolutionary
struggle there is no room for halfway measures. She asks
him to join them, and he declines (35-36). When he sees a
marine patrol with ten guerrilla prisoners on their way to
be killed, he describes them as normal human beings: "No
eran los iluminados del único camino, ni los héroes de la
revolución mundial. Eran tan de carne y hueso como
cualquiera, sólo que un poco más, porque sabían que los iban
a matar" (27).
In the contrasting description of the guerrillas and
the repressive forces, the latter suffers more in the novel.
The police and soldiers are always perpetrators of violence,
while the guerrillas are both perpetrators and victims.

139
While the narrator and the novel in no way applaud Sendero
Luminoso1s ideology or actions, both are harsher in their
criticism of the repressive forces, who are representatives
of the government.
The Government and Blame for the Violence
The novel describes the government as indifferent and
responsible for the violence associated with the guerrilla
war. When Alfonso arrives in Lima, he hears that President
Belaúnde will give a speech on the need for Christian
charity in the main plaza. He reaches Belaúnde and gives
him a letter explaining his desire to have his remains
returned to him. As soon as he reaches him, bodyguards
wrestle him away and one robs his boot. Belaúnde throws the
unopened letter on the ground (61-63). The indifference of
the Belaúnde government is especially ironic since the
speech is on Christian charity. The letter argues that the
Belaúnde government is to blame for the violence associated
with the guerrilla war: "Sus antropólogos e intelectuales
han determinado que la violencia se origina en Sendero
Luminoso. No, señor, la violencia se origina en el sistema,
y en el Estado que Ud. representa" (32).
Alfonso argues that while the Belaúnde government is to
blame for the current violence, it is following a pattern
that dates to the conquest. He contends that Father
Valverde deceives the Inca Atahualpa with his discourse. He

140
tells him that he is speaking in the name of God, promises
him salvation, and says the Bible is the word of God.
Atahualpa puts the Bible to his ear, hears no words, and
throws it to the ground. Alfonso argues that Atahualpa's
desecration of the Bible is the prearranged signal for the
Spanish to attack. Alfonso insists that the discourse of
the Uchuracay commission is similar to that of Father
Valverde. They know the campesinos are guilty of killing
eight journalists, but they provide an excuse for the
massacre that exculpates the police and the government from
responsibility. Alfonso says that the argument is that the
campesinos are in a state of cultural confusion, and have
their own customs and ways of administering justice. They
contend that the police do not instigate them in the
massacre, rather, the campesinos confuse the journalists
with guerrillas (19-20). Alfonso concludes that both Father
Valverde and the Uchuracay commission use duplicitous
discourse that reenforces the power of the state: "¿no ves
que a nombre de la autoridad se promete la justicia cuando
se está reafirmando el poder estatal?" (20). He also claims
that one can write Peruvian history by describing the
massacres of the government in power:
La verdadera historia nacional sería este cuento
de las variaciones en la matanza en los mataderos
de turno. Cada estilo de matar señalaría una
época, cada muerto ilustre (Atahualpa, Tupac
Amaru, José Olaya, Alfonso Ugarte, Atusparia, y
tantos otros), pero también cada muerto anónimo,
da cuenta de su cuerpo condenado y torturado, y en
estos tiempos de guerra sucia, desaparecido

141
después de despedazado. Este cementerio nacional
es un velar sin término, un luto del alma, como
creo que dice el vals, un panteón con aeropuerto.
(15-16)
Conclusions
The novel is a scathing indictment of the Peruvian
government and society. Campesinos suffer the racism and
abuses of fellow Peruvians, and the corrupt government is
indifferent to their plight. It unleashes the fury of its
repressive forces to counter the threat of Sendero Luminoso,
and, in the process, tramples on the rights and lives of
innocent people, primarily campesinos. The exploitation and
repression by the government are a continuation of the
conquest. The only revenge that Alfonso can render is to
replace the bones in Francisco Pizarro's tomb with his own
(64-65). In this action he, a descendant of five hundred
years of exploitation precipitated by Pizarro's conquest,
inverts a part of history. People who come to see the
instigator of the Peruvian conquest will see one of his
victims.
Miguel Garnett
Miguel Garnett, a Catholic priest and professor at a
Cajamarca seminary, was born in London in 1935. He arrived
in Peru in 1967 and became a naturalized citizen in 1974.
In the prologue to his novel Catequil (1990), he makes
explicit his desire that the novel be a part of the current

142
political debate: "Entonces, si Catequil ayuda en la
reflección y la autocrítica para mejorarnos, me sentiré
contento y creo habrá servido en algo a mi patria adoptiva"
(8).
The novel criticizes the social order and violence by
the repressive forces and the guerrillas, and proposes that
the solution is the teachings of the New Testament. After
the guerrillas attack the city during Holy Week, the army
takes control from the corrupt local government and declares
a state of emergency. One of the army's first actions is to
cover up the police torture and murder of two campesinos and
a guerrilla. The priest criticizes the civil government,
the repressive forces and the guerrillas. The military and
police hatch an inept plot to discredit the priest as a
guerrilla, but the plan is a complete failure. A guerrilla
tries to assassinate a police lieutenant, but he misses and
kills an innocent young man. With the shock of his death,
there is a rebirth of Christian faith in the city. The
interpretation of the novel focusses on criticisms of the
government, violence by the repressive forces and the
guerrillas, and the message of Christian love as the
prescription for ending the violence.
Criticisms of the Government
The corrupt civil government officials work primarily
to maintain the existing relations of power, but changing

143
conditions challenge their power. They assign teaching
positions on the basis of the needs of the APRA and local
officials. Instead of renewing a teacher's contract, they
award it to the unqualified daughter of a major contributor
to the APRA (17-19). The principal lawyer, also the acting
judge, is a drunk and a womanizer (209-10) and works to
maintain the status quo. When a poor campesino woman asks
him to locate her disappeared son, he takes her money and
does nothing. He often drinks with the police lieutenant,
who pays, and he does not want to upset him on behalf of an
Indian (32-34). During the process of presiding over the
autopsy of two campesinos murdered by the police, the army
confiscates the bodies and he does not protest. He tells
the priest that the military is in power, civilians can do
nothing, and it is not worth complicating his life over
campesinos (121-27). The narrator describes the mayor as
doing a basically good job within limited conditions:
"Dentro de los límites de su estrecho trasfondo de la vida
provinciana, resultaba ser un alcalde tan bueno como se
podía esperar" (36). After the army takes control of the
city, he believes he is a nobody and feels humiliated and
bitter (104).
These officials perceive a threat to their power from
the actions of the priest and the rondas campesinas.3 The
3 There are two types of rondas campesinas. Campesinos
in Cajamarca formed the first in 1976 to combat thieves. The
second is a creation of the armed forces for campesino defense

144
mayor says the priest has radical ideas (93). The
supervisor of education believes that he has dangerous
ideas, too much power over young people (70), and blames him
for the existence of the rondas (92). He perceives a clear
threat in the rondas and complains that they believe that
they are as good as whites (92). Members of the rondas oust
teachers and close schools, because they say the teachers
are ignorant and lazy. In his racist commentary, he equates
the rondas with the guerrillas: "Al paso que vamos, todos
los postulantes para las escuelas en el campo tendrán que
presentarse ante un tribunal de indios mugrientos. ¡No
puede ser! Para mí los ronderos son igualitos a los
terrucos" (92). The mayor sees the rondas campesinas as a
threat to the established political and judicial
authorities. He laments that the president of a ronda
campesina is more important in the countryside than local
village officials. He complains that Indians bypass
judicial authorities, because the rondas campesinas
administer justice quicker, cheaper, and better (92).
against Sendero Luminoso. The first type is relatively
autonomous and primarily in the north, while the second is
under the control of the armed forces and primarily in the
south (Starn 78-80). The novel takes place in Cajamarca,
where the majority of rondas are. For more information, see
Orin Starn, "Por las serranías del norte: Noche de ronda,"
Quehacer 69 (1993): 76-92.

145
The Repressive Forces and the Guerrillas
Lieutenant Vargas, a sinchi. is corrupt, detests the
priest, and justifies the dirty war. He accepts bribes from
a drug trafficker (142) and participates in an army plot to
discredit the priest because, according to the colonel,
Vargas is brave, has no scruples, and hates the priest
(132). While serving in Ayacucho, a human rights commission
accuses him of wrongdoing. The police clear him, but block
his promotion (145). He argues that innocent people suffer
and die in a war (114), and that since Sendero Luminoso does
not respect human rights, it is necessary to have the same
attitude to defeat them (53). He also wants revenge for the
death of three of his policemen at the hands of the
guerrillas (143). He contends that the repressive forces
are intermediaries for those who do not want to dirty their
hands (52). Vargas believes in the Cisneros doctrine:
los campesinos son la materia prima de los
terroristas y el agua en que los peces subversivos
nadan. Entonces, hay que eliminar la materia
prima, aunque sea un bebé de apenas dos semanas, y
secar el agua. Hagan eso y los terrucos tienen
que desaparecer forzosamente. (52)
He believes that if a village or a family aids or protects
the guerrillas, they are the enemy and should be treated
without pity (114).
Police violence includes the torture and killing of
prisoners and an assault on a village. They torture and
kill two campesinos, falsely accused of being guerrillas,

146
and a guerrilla. They submerge the campesinos in cold water
full of detergent and excrement, hang them, beat them, burn
them with cigarettes, and kick them in the testicles (20).
After the torture, both have broken teeth and ribs, and one
can not stop vomiting (84). They use electric shock for an
hour on the guerrilla until she faints (65-66) and kill all
three later (79). The assault on a village is a reprisal
for a guerrilla attack against a cooperative (40). A
character complains that the police pillage their houses,
rob their animals and steal their money (33). Two policemen
rape a fifteen year old girl and set fire to her house (39).
The army works with the police in hiding evidence of
the torture and murder of the two campesinos and the
guerrilla, and plots to frame the priest as a guerrilla.
During the autopsy of the two campesinos, the army
confiscates the bodies and takes them to their headquarters.
They mutilate the bodies beyond recognition and change the
autopsy report (124-31). The colonel decides to have
lieutenant Vargas discredit the priest and erode his base of
support (131-32). Vargas knows that Hunfri Becerra, who is
now a guerrilla, always stays at the church when he is in
the city. He plans to spread rumors that the priest is a
guerrilla, to arrest Hunfri in the church and to plant
documents related to the guerrillas (185). It is a complete
disaster. These two actions illustrate the novel's

147
criticism of the army for hiding evidence of human rights
abuses and interfering in local affairs.
The novel describes the guerrillas as ruthless in their
actions. After the police torture a guerrilla and gain no
information, lieutenant Vargas admires her ability to resist
in a sobering statement about the possibility of guerrilla
success: "¡Dios mío, con una columna de chicas como ésta,
haría frente a todo el puto ejército!" (67). They exact
revenge for her murder. As drug traffickers and two
policemen are disposing of her body and those of the two
campesinos. the guerrillas ambush them and cut the
policemen's throats (154-55). In a cooperative they kill
functionaries, engineers, and a policeman. The latter dies
when he steps on a bomb while trying to lower the flag
raised by the guerrillas (40). In the city an attack
against the police headquarters fails, but they blow up an
electrical tower, burn the municipal depository, and kill
its guard (45-46). They kill Gilberto Llacta, a lieutenant
governor who disregards their order to renounce his post.
While his wife and two children watch, they fire against his
temple. A guerrilla tells his widow that he is a thief, an
enemy of the people and a government lackey. He steals
money from the village and constructs a house in the city
with money intended for a medical clinic (25-26).
In conclusion, both the civil government and the
repressive forces work against the Indians. Civil officials

148
award teaching positions according to their own needs and
those of the APRA, not those of the Indians. The education
supervisor and the lawyer think they are inferior. The
police torture and murder two campesinos and the army helps
hide the evidence. The police rob and rape villagers.
Their leader, lieutenant Vargas, believes that the dirty
war, whose principal target are campesinos. is the only way
to combat the guerrillas effectively.
The civil officials view the priest and the rondas
campesinas as threats to their power and the police and army
try to help them maintain it. The civil officials believe
that the rondas are usurping their power and see the priest
as their primary supporter. In addition, the priest is a
vocal critic of the government and repressive forces. In
plotting to discredit him, the army and police believe they
will achieve many goals. Reducing the priest's influence
will hamper the rondas, they will be rid of a critic, and
the civil officials' position will be strengthened. While
the government exploits the Indian and attempts to maintain
its power, the destruction and death caused by the
guerrillas exacerbates the situation. It is within this
context that the novel proposes the solution of Christian
love.

149
The Prescription of Christian Love
The principal thesis is that only Christian love as
expressed in the New Testament can change society. The
priest attacks government corruption, the police, the
military, and the guerrillas, and argues that the only way
to overcome the violence is to embrace the teachings of
Jesus. In addition to the priest, three characters serve as
examples of Christian love: the triumph of love,
forgiveness, and a Christ-like sacrifice that results in a
rebirth of faith and optimism.
Father Alfonso Calderón is an exemplary character who
does not succumb to temptations. The priest for ten years,
he is thirty-three years old (the same age as Jesus when he
was crucified), has traces of indigenous blood and is from
the province. His character is above reproach and he does
not surrender to the temptations of women and liquor. In
the city there is resentment and jealousy of his extensive
work to establish Christian communities in the countryside
(36-39).
Father Alfonso criticizes the government and the
guerrillas, and argues that there should be a dialogue to
resolve the violence. In a city meeting he argues that
government corruption and exploitation of campesinos create
a favorable atmosphere for the existence of the guerrillas.
Campesinos feel exploited in the city streets, stores and
public offices. The police abuse nearby villagers and

150
disappear two. The judicial system and the local government
are corrupt. He believes that if it were not for these
conditions, the guerrillas would have to no reason to exist
(59-62). He condemns the destruction caused by the
guerrillas and believes that they are not doing anything to
solve problems (56). He argues that one of the main
impediments to resolving the violence is a lack of sincere
dialogue:
No hay diálogo sincero y abierto entre los
diferentes grupos en el país. Todos buscamos
llevar agua a nuestro propio molino. Yo no creo
en los políticos, en los militares o en los
terrucos. Ustedes no creen en la Iglesia. Los
políticos no creen entre sí. Los terrucos no
creen en nadie. Y así vamos. (235)
His prescription for overcoming these problems and
forming a new society is to follow the teachings of the
Bible, especially the New Testament. For genuine societal
change, the people must transform themselves. If they take
the Bible seriously, they will be able to create a just
society (56-57). In a sermon he contrasts Christ's
sacrifice with sacrifices that the guerrillas and many
politicians force on others: "Vino a ofrecerse para el
servicio de todos los hombres, a sacrificarse por ellos y no
con el propósito de sacrificar a otros en favor de sus
ideales y caprichos, como hacen los subversivos y muchos
políticos" (94).
One example of the potential of Christian love is the
case of a young woman. While searching for a friend who is

151
a guerrilla, she falls in love with lieutenant Vargas, who
is responsible for her friend's death. She tells the priest
that she originally seduces him to help her friend, and now
she loves and hates him. The priest tells her that her
friend and the lieutenant are trapped in a vision of hatred,
and thinks that God wants her to be an example of love:
Los dos hablan de exterminar a las ratas del otro
bando; pero hace falta una visión donde no haya
ratas, ni tampoco la necesidad de exterminadores.
Quizá Dios esté llamándole para ser un ejemplo de
amor. (194)
At the end of the novel, she perceives a change in him
(256). The last the reader sees of the two is when they
walk off together, with Christian love transforming the
brutal policeman.
Leonor Verástegui, the second example, is a devout
woman who grows in her faith throughout the novel and
forgives the murder of her son. The wife of the bank
administrator, she reflects the opinions of many of her
class when she admits that the guerrilla war only becomes a
concern to her when it affects her directly. It takes the
death of a friend's son to make her more aware. Before the
death she is happy when she hears about the death of a
senderista. does not worry about the deaths of campesinos.
and justifies the deaths of the police and military as job
hazards (30-31). While participating in a church
procession, instead of reading a Biblical passage, she
strongly criticizes the corruption and inefficiency of past

152
governments and the present APRA government. In this speech
she argues for the poor as well as her class. She attacks
past governments for working solely for their own benefit
and condemning the hardworking poor to inescapable poverty.
Due to the poor handling of the economy, thousands of
mothers can no longer buy bread for their children (222).
At the end of the novel, after a guerrilla mistakenly kills
her son, she practices the forgiveness preached by the
priest. She insists that the guerrilla's godmother place
her floral offering on her son's casket and tells her that
the guerrilla and her son have reconciled in death (257).
At the beginning of the novel, she is a devout woman not
particularly aware or concerned with the plight and
suffering of the poor. As the novel develops, she gains a
more Christian consciousness toward the poor and forgives
the murder of her son.
The third example of Christian love is the sacrifice of
a Christ-like figure, Manuel Verástegui, who is Leonor's
son. Like Christ, he heals. A medical student, he saves a
soldier's life after an accident (103). He struggles with
his faith, because he can not accept the idea of a God that
allows so much violence and hate to exist in the province
(129), and wants to make his life have value and
significance: "Yo quiero hacer algo, algo para frenar la
destrucción, ¡un gesto de amor!" (232). He achieves this
when a guerrilla tries to murder the police lieutenant and

153
accidentally kills Manuel. Like Christ, Manuel dies on Good
Friday and is buried on Easter. The penitents who carry the
representation of Christ's body to the main plaza, take
Manuel's body to his house (241-245). Like Christ, Manuel
dies for others.
The priest reinforces the idea of Manuel's sacrifice
and urges the congregation to use his tragic death as an
inspiration to follow the Christian doctrine of love. He
wants them to understand Manuel's death as a reflection of
the evil in the province and to work so that Christ's
teachings become reality:
Estoy convencido que la fuerza que impulsó la bala
contra Manuel no fue simplemente el apretón del
gatillo por el dedo de otro joven yanacanchino,
sino todas las injusticias y todos los pecados que
hemos cometido, y los de nuestros antepasados, han
tenido su parte que jugar. Esto es la presencia
del mal entre nosotros. Ahora nos toca hacer más
palpable la presencia del bien. Que el Cristo
resucitado se haga vida, amor, justicia entre
nosotros, y que nuestro monumento a Manuel no sea
uno de piedra muerta, sino de nuestras vidas que
deben ser las piedras vivas del gran templo de
Dios. Reemplacemos las estructuras del pecado
original con las de la gracia de Dios. (259)
Like Christ, Manuel dies for the people's sins, and his
death results in a rebirth of optimism and faith in the
city.
In the references about Catequil, an indigenous god of
lightening, there is an implicit rejection of indigenous
religious beliefs. In the beginning of the novel there is a
mention of successive periods of religious domination:
"Parecía que Catequil, el antiguo dios del rayo, por fin se

154
había levantado en rebelión contra el Sol incaico y la
Trinidad cristiana que sucesivamente lo habían reemplazado"
(14). The last sentence of the novel describes the priest's
belief in his victory over the god: "El padre Alfonso
respiró hondamente el aire andino y sabía que en su propia
persona había vencido a Catequil" (259). Consequently,
Catequil represents precolumbian religion and the present
violence confronting Peru. In addition to quelling the
violence, the priest fulfills one of the goals of the
conquest, which is to suppress indigenous religions and to
spread Christianity.
While he symbolically overcomes a pagan, violent
religion, the characters who are examples of Christianity
are not indigenous, but rather from the middle and upper
class. Leonor and Manuel Verástegui belong to one of the
most prominent families in the city. The young woman has
the funds to travel from Trujillo to Yanacancha and pay for
her food and lodging. It takes the death of the son of a
prominent family to shock the middle and upper classes into
following the Bible, but there is no mention of a similar
transformation among the campesinos.
Conclusions
Miguel Garnett's novel attacks Peruvian society and
argues that the solution for overcoming the corruption and
violence is to follow the teachings of the New Testament.

155
Government officials are primarily interested in cronyism
and maintaining their power. The police, with the implicit
support of the socioeconomic elite, torture and kill
innocent and guilty campesinos in a dirty war. The army
covers up human rights abuses and tries to manipulate local
affairs in the plot against the priest. The guerrillas
follow a brutal schema that will not solve any problems.
Within this atmosphere of corruption and violence, the novel
argues that only Christian love will triumph. A major
defect in the novel is that it only describes the catharsis
in relation to the urban middle and upper classes and
ignores the Indians. In conclusion, the novel criticizes
corruption and violence in Peruvian society and argues that
only Christianity can overcome these problems.
Luis Castro Padilla
Luis Castro Padilla was born in Chincha, lea in 1923.
Other than his ten years as a bullfighter, there is no
further information about his professional career. In
Saturnino Ouispe (La guerrilla en el Perú) (1990) the
overriding theme is the need for Peruvians to work together
to overcome their problems and to progress. Unlike most of
the other works, it is especially favorable toward the
military and the APRA. Saturnino Quispe is a poor campesino
who, through hard work and help from the government and
military, progresses from being a poor farmer to become a

156
merchant and mayor. Army lieutenant Rincón is Saturnino's
mentor and helps him in his development. The analysis of
the novel centers on the narrative vision of various
national governments, the army and Sendero Luminoso, and the
supposedly replicable model of Saturnino Quispe for other
campesinos.
Governments
The novel attacks previous governments for not
initiating programs to help the campesinos and lays much of
the blame for the region's poverty directly on the
government. The narrator argues that with government aid
and technical assistance the region would be very
productive, but previous governments completely ignore the
region. The narrator blames this on a lack of nationalism
and brotherhood (16).
Lieutenant Fernando Rincón views the military
government of Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-75) and the
civilian government of the APRA (1985-90) as progressive for
the campesinos and for the country. He argues that the
Velasco Alvarado government tries to correct many problems,
and attacks the opposition for obstructing efforts to change
the structures: "Estructuras obsoletas, que solamente eran
buenas para sus intereses económicos. Siempre ha sido una
oposición mal enfocada, ganas de molestar, y nada más" (56).
He tells Saturnino that the country believes that the new

157
president from the APRA will lead the country toward
progress. When Saturnino comments that the APRA has done
nothing to help the area, Rincón says that it will take time
(30-31). He contends that the government is doing
everything that it can to alleviate the poverty in the zones
afflicted by the guerrillas and will bring progress to the
southern departments (40). One of Rincon's overriding
themes is that the country is rich and that progress will
occur if they unite and fight for the benefit of the country
instead of killing (56).
The Army and Sendero Luminoso
The novel describes the army as an educator and a
protector, and lieutenant Rincón as a healer. It teaches
Saturnino to read and write (17), and to love and defend the
country and flag (29). Early in the novel, the army's
arrival prevents the guerrillas from killing more villagers
(27). After an army patrol arrives in a village, they feel
secure: "Se sentían protegidos con la llegada del ejército a
esos lugares, que también fue atacado por los senderistas
ocasionando luto y dolor entre sus habitantes" (61). The
town of Sacracancha also feels protected by the army's
presence (52). Lieutenant Rincón, a medical doctor, tells
Saturnino that his role in the army is to heal the wounded,
not to kill (33). In a battle with the guerrillas, he helps

158
the wounded, whether they are soldiers or guerrillas (46).
He dies as he runs to aid a wounded corporal (89).
In contrast, Sendero Luminoso abuses and murders
innocent campesinos. They attack Sacracancha and kill the
mayor and other government officials in the main plaza (21).
When their leader asks Saturnino his name, he calls the
leader "paisano" (22). The guerrilla leader insults
Saturnino and the others with racist slurs and threatens
them with death if they do not collaborate:
No me digas paisano, cholo "sopaipa guagua", dime
camarada ¡ya!, ¿lo oyeron ustedes también? exclamó
colérico el que hacía de jefe, y que no se les
olvide, cholos piojosos, ya saben lo que les
espera, lo que le pasó al alcalde y sus ayudantes,
por no unirse a nuestro grupo. De ahora en
adelante pasarán todos ustedes, carajo, a ser
camaradas. (22)
They machine gun those that do not join them and set
buildings on fire (23). An army patrol encounters six dead
comuneros near a village with placards attached to their
bodies, most saying that they are examples of what happens
to traitors (44). The narrator criticizes the guerrillas
for killing campesinos who are not aware of the reasons for
the guerrilla war:
Así, un pueblo más había sido atacado por los que
creían que matando a gente, que en el fondo no
sabían el por qué de tanto desorden y atropello.
Lo único que sabían es que eran pobres que lo
habían sido siempre, es por eso que no se unían al
grupo de rebeldes. (44)

159
A little while later, the patrol finds subversive propaganda
and pillaged food from the attacked village in a guerrilla
camp (45).
Saturnino is very critical of Sendero Luminoso. He
refuses to believe that are his brothers (17) and calls them
"malos paisanos" (28). He condemns their alleged ties to
drug trafficking and their exchanging coca for arms to kill
their campesino brothers (51). He can not fathom why the
guerrillas are fighting and thinks that they should wait for
the near future when a benevolent government will improve
their lives:
Cómo era posible que sus hermanos cholos se
mataran unos a otros...Era cierto que vivían
extremadamente pobres, pero algún día vendrían los
señores de la capital, y harían de la región un
pueblo grande y próspero, todo consistía en que se
lo propusieran con un poco de buena voluntad y
nacionalismo. (17)
Instead of campesino efforts bringing about progress,
Saturnino believes government benevolence will be the
catalyst. He criticizes the bloodshed of the guerrilla war
and argues that the guerrillas should be fighting for their
country instead of killing their brothers (85).
Saturnino as a Campesino Model
The novel describes the relatively quick rise of
Saturnino Quispe from a poor campesino to a small merchant
and mayor as replicable. Throughout the novel there is no
mention of communal structures and the emphasis is on

160
individual, not collective, effort, coupled with government
help. His rise from poverty, intellectual development and
acculturation, and selflessness are models for other
campesinos.
In the first half of the novel there is an emphasis on
the poverty of Saturnino Quispe. His land is very poor due
to a lack of irrigation and fertilizer. Although he only
has two hectares, his family manages to survive (11-12). In
order to emphasize his poverty, the text uses choza instead
of house: "su choza, ya que no se le podía llamar casa"
(12), "Mi casa, respondió Saturnino, yo no tengo casa,
Fernando, vivo en una choza" (28), and "más que choza,
parecía de la época de la edad de piedra" (48). With the
emphasis on his extreme poverty, his economic success is all
the more extraordinary.
He rises from a poor smallholder to a petit bourgeois
merchant. Nowhere in the novel is there a mention of his
association with a communal agricultural system. Other than
the occasional help of a neighbor who dies early in the
novel, he and his family raise and harvest the crops, and
Saturnino carries them to town on his back (11-20). He
searches for better seeds to advance economically (21), is
optimistic about the future and believes that the people in
the region are progressing bit by bit (37). However, it is
not through agriculture that he makes major economic
strides. Rather, the government buys his land. That

161
economic windfall, coupled with his pay as an army guide,
enables him to buy a small house in the city and to open a
small shop. He pledges to practice a more benevolent form
of capitalism than many merchants: "así podré comprar las
cosechas a mis paisanos, y pagarles un precio mejor del que
a mí me pagaron por mis cosechas" (87). While Saturnino is
an extremely hardworking individual, his success is not
directly related to his own efforts. Government programs
designed to fight the guerrilla insurgency give him the
luxury to abandon agriculture and to become a middleman
between producers and consumers.
Along with economic progress, Saturnino develops his
intellectual capabilities and becomes more acculturated into
the part of Peru influenced by western ideas. As is the
case of his economic success, the government plays a pivotal
role in his intellectual development and begins the process
of his assimilation into the western nation-state. The army
teaches him to read and write (17) and to love and defend
his country and flag (29). Through his individual effort,
he continues reading and thinking, and comments to
lieutenant Rincón that he is progressing: "Como ves, me
estoy culturizando" (82). This becoming more cultured is
understood as assimilation in western-influenced Peru, not
within the indigenous portion.
He is an exemplary, selfless character, interested only
in helping others. He agrees to be a guide for army patrols

162
looking for guerrillas under the stipulation that he will
not kill anyone (33). His motivations for being a guide are
selfless: "Su único fin, como ya lo había pensado, era que
todo terminara, que ya no hubiera más muertes, ni bandidaje
que lo único que hacía era ocasionar más atraso y pobreza en
la región, para su tierra y para sus paisanos" (53). Before
being an army guide, he is a relative unknown in
Sacracancha, but he becomes a more important person for the
townspeople, who are grateful that he and the army protect
them against the guerrillas (52-53). His esteem in the town
is such that they elect him mayor by the end of the novel.
Once again, his goals as mayor are selfless: "había
prometido solemnemente seguir con el progreso que ahora se
vislumbraba" (90).
Saturnino is an example of the potential of the
indigenous peoples. Lieutenant Rincón views him as a model:
"Cuántos miles o quizá millones de Saturninos Quispes,
habrán (sic) en estas zonas de los Andes o en otras partes
de nuestra América de habla hispana" (85). Near the end of
the novel, the narrator reiterates the point, saying that
the indigenous peoples:
habían permanecido olvidadas por la incuria de
quienes antes gobernaron al país, un país donde
sus antepasados habían forjado una cultura que muy
pocos países habían tenido, una raza que no se
extinguiría fácilmente, cuando hay gente buena,
patriota y honrada, para beneficio y beneplácito
de las futuras generaciones orgullosas de su
abolengo. (89-90)

163
Conclusions
Castro Padilla's novel argues that the government is
addressing previous wrongs and that campesinos like
Saturnino Quispe can help themselves and the country
progress, but Sendero Luminoso is the principal obstacle.
They abuse and kill innocent campesinos who do not
comprehend or want their war. While previous governments
ignore the region, the APRA government is continuing with
the progress initiated during the Velasco Alvarado
government. In contrast to the description of the army in
most of the other texts analyzed in the dissertation, it is
a protector and healer. Saturnino is an example of the
potential of the combination of the individual initiative of
campesinos and correct government programs. There can be
similar results on a much grander scale. However, the novel
completely ignores the collective traditions usually
associated with campesinos in the sierra. Unlike most
indigenous characters in the texts analyzed in this
dissertation, Saturnino is not part of a community, is only
exploited by the guerrillas and his assimilation into
western-society is almost effortless. Whether other
campesinos from the southern region of Peru can replicate
his model is debateable.

164
Mario Vargas Llosa
Born in Arequipa in 1936, Mario Vargas Llosa is Peru's
most famous living writer. In his latest novel, Lituma en
los Andes (1993), two policemen are in an isolated camp for
highway construction workers in the Andes. During the day
Lituma, a corporal, and his subordinate, Tomás Carreño, try
to unravel the mystery surrounding the disappearance of
three men from the camp. At night Tomás tells Lituma about
his lost love, who returns to him at the end of the novel.
The atmosphere is tense and the two policemen wait for the
guerrillas to come kill them. While there is abundant
description of abuses committed by the guerrillas and, to a
lesser extent, the police, the novel centers on the
disappearance of the three men. A couple convinces the
workers to sacrifice them to placate the spirits in the
mountains. Unlike the other novels and short stories
analyzed in the dissertation, Vargas Llosa's novel is
extremely critical of the sierra and its inhabitants. In
fact, a reader could conclude that the violence associated
with the guerrilla war is only the tip of the iceberg in a
region characterized by uncivilized, superstitious and
barbarous people. The analysis will examine the violence of
the guerrillas and the police before turning to the
narrative description of the sierra inhabitants and the
human sacrifices.

165
The Guerrilla War
The novel describes Sendero Luminoso as illogical and
brutal. In spite of receiving protection money, the
guerrillas attack and loot a mine twice, killing one man and
injuring another (147-49). During a popular trial they
incite a village to accuse each other of crimes and to
murder various fellow villagers (77-80). In two episodes
the guerrillas kill people not directly involved in the
violence. The first is a French couple and the second is a
naturalized Peruvian environmentalist. When they stop a bus
in Andahuaylas, the French couple believes they are safe
because they are foreign tourists. They do not pay
attention to the tourists' pleas and kill them and a
Peruvian with rocks (17-25). Another example of their
brutality is a massacre of vicuñas protected in a reserve,
where they dynamite two babies at the side of their dead
mother. They explain to the reserve's guard that they do
not enjoy killing the animals, but they are following
orders. The rationale is that imperialists create the
reserve for their own benefit and give Peruvians the role of
raising vicuñas (52-57).
Hortensia d'Harcourt, a famous environmentalist,
believes that her work is not political and that she runs
little risk from the guerrillas. Born in a Baltic country,
she has spent some forty years in Peru (119). In addition
to books, articles and conferences, she writes a column for

166
the newspaper, El Comercio. She and a government engineer
are developing a project funded by foundations and foreign
countries to reforest the sierra around Huancavelica. In
spite of going into an area that the guerrillas call
liberated territory, she refuses a military escort (107-11).
Indignant, she argues that her work is non political:
No somos políticos ni tenemos nada que ver con la
política, comandante. Nuestra preocupación es la
naturaleza, el medio ambiente, los animales, las
plantas. No servimos a este gobierno, sino al
Perú.^ A todos los peruanos. A los militares y
también a esas cabezas locas. (111)
In fact, the novel repeatedly emphasizes her argument of not
being political. She argues that she will be safe three
times and that her work is not political no less than seven
times, a frequency of almost once every page and a half
(106-121 ).
When the guerrillas arrive, they question them, and
kill four of the five in the group. They do not listen to
their explanations that they are not their enemies. A
guerrilla tells her that she is completely unaware of being
an instrument of imperialism and the bourgeois state, and is
a typical case of intellectuals that betray their country.
He criticizes her for having the gall to believe that she is
a good Samaritan and says that she is working for the
dominant classes, not the environment. When officials
accompany her and newspapers publicize her trips, the
government wins a battle. The newspapers do not mention
that the area is liberated territory and the photos show

167
everything as peaceful. They free the driver and kill two
technicians, the engineer, and her (117-22).
While there is no mention of military abuse, the police
torture innocent people and disappear prisoners. When they
investigate the guerrilla massacre of vicuñas. they find
Pedro Tinoco, who does not talk to them. They begin to burn
him with matches and lighters, beginning with his feet and
can smell the flesh burn. They quit when a policeman
recognizes him and says that he is mentally retarded and
mute and is not a guerrilla. The police feel badly, try to
cure him, and take up a collection for him (69-70). When an
informer wants money in exchange for information, Lituma
says that he has no money. He states that if he calls his
superiors and asks for money, they will tell him to torture
the informer until he talks by cutting off one testicle at a
time (99-100). When the police investigate the massacre in
Andamarca, they steal everything of value and disappear nine
villagers associated with Sendero Luminoso (83-85).
However, the prominence of Lituma and Tomás Carreño in the
novel softens the criticism. The workers in the camp like
them. A character tells Lituma that he is a good person and
that few policemen are (100).
While the novel's criticism of the police is tempered,
it describes Sendero Luminoso as brutal and illogical. The
police loot and disappear nine villagers in Andamarca. They
are remorseful for torturing Pedro Tinoco and Lituma does

168
not torture or threaten the informer. He and Tomás Carreño
never abuse the peons. While the police are both brutal and
compassionate, the guerrillas are very cruel. Characters
see no logic in their murdering the French tourists and the
environmentalist and her entourage. The novel emphasizes
the environmentalist's argument that she is working for the
benefit of everyone, but the ecoterrorists do not listen.
They work against the two environmental projects in the
novel, the reforestation and the vicuna reserve.
The Sierra Population and Human Sacrifices
In the novel the sierra population is distant. One of
the French tourists believes that the Indians are
impenetrable. In Lima, he can converse in spite of his poor
Spanish, but in the mountains no one will speak to him and
communication is impossible (19-20). This distance is not
just reserved for foreigners. Pedro Tinoco is from the
sierra, but not from the community where he lives. They
treat him well, but they never completely accept him: "Los
comuneros lo trataban con respeto y distancia, conscientes
de gue, por más que compartiera sus trabajos y sus fiestas,
no era uno de ellos" (49).
During the guerrilla popular trial in Andamarca, the
easily susceptible villagers work themselves into a frenzy,
compete in a contest of victimization, and cruelly murder

169
many of their fellow villagers.4 Instead of the
guerrillas, it is the villagers who kill those found guilty
with their hands and rocks. After murdering those on the
guerrillas' list, they urge the villagers to name others
guilty of abuses. Whipped into a frenzy, they accuse, judge
and punish around twenty people (77-80). The narrator
suggests that the villagers are not accusing guilty people:
"¿Cuántas acusaciones eran ciertas, cuántas inventos
dictados por la envidia y el rencor, producto de la
efervescencia en la que todos se sentían empujados a
competir, revelando las crueldades e injusticias de que
habían sido víctimas?" (80). Easily swayed, they compete in
a contest of victimization and exact revenge for petty
jealousies. The rotting bodies remain unburied in the
plaza, covered with flies and buzzards. Only when an
authority (the police) arrives and orders them to bury the
dead, do they act. When they ask why the cadavers are still
there, the villagers do not know what to answer (81-83).
The narrator explains it as superstition: "paralizados por
un supersticioso temor a atraer de nuevo a la milicia o
desatar otra catástrofe" (83). In this section the narrator
4 In Quechua Andamarca means pueblo cobrizo. Anta means
copper or coppery and marka means pueblo or an elevated part.
Pueblo can refer to a village or its inhabitants. Places that
begin with anda or anta are common in Peru. It is unclear if
Vargas Llosa intentionally chose this name to distinguish the
color of the skin of the village's inhabitants or if it is
only a coincidence. However, it is another example of the
novel's distinguishing the sierra inhabitants from supposedly
more civilized peoples.

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not only describes the campesinos as brutal murders, but
also intervenes to interpret them as superstitious and full
of envy and rancor.
Lituma is from the coast and thinks that the people of
the sierra are inferior and brutal. The sounds of a woman
speaking Quechua are "música bárbara" (11). He insinuates
that they are not intelligent when he describes the
inexpressive faces and eyes of the peons in the camp of
Naceos: "las caras inexpresivas, los ojitos glaciales" (12).
He has difficulty differentiating among the peons because
they all come from the same mold (66) and old people look
like dwarfs or children (99). There is even a comparison of
them to animals. After a landslide ends the highway
construction, there is "miedo animal" in their eyes (225).
He thinks that the sierra is hellish because of its
inhabitants: "La sierra es infernal, Tomasito. No me
extraña, con tanto serrucho" (71). He often uses the
insulting term, serruchos. He understands the violence as
solely between the people of the sierra and having nothing
to do with the coast: "¿Qué hacía en medio de la puna, entre
serruchos hoscos y desconfiados que se mataban por la
política y, para colmo, desaparecían? ¿Por qué no estaba en
su tierra?" (13-14).
For him, the people of the sierra are uncivilized,
superstitious and barbaric. The sierra is an uncivilized
place with primitive people who have beliefs that no one in

171
a civilized place has (104). He assumes that Indians who
live in the mountains like their ancestors are barbaric, but
he does not understand why the peons are similar, because
they have various non indigenous influences (204-5). All
Andean people are superstitious: "todos los serruchos son
unos supersticiosos que creen en diablos, pishtacos y mukis"
(145).5 When he realizes that the peons are responsible
for the human sacrifice of the three disappeared men, he
reacts with various racist epithets: "¡Serranos de mierda!
¡Supersticiosos, idólatras, indios de mierda, hijos de la
grandísima puta!" (203). He comments that the human
sacrifices are cruel, but he also adds that there are many
other barbarities that occur there: "eso que les pasó es lo
más estúpido y lo más perverso de todas las cosas estúpidas
y perversas que pasan aquí" (261). He thinks that the
people in the sierra are so backward that civilized people
can not understand what is occurring: "Es como si ese par de
salvajes estuvieran teniendo razón y los civilizados no.
Saber leer y escribir, usar saco y corbata, haber ido al
colegio y vivido en la ciudad, ya no sirve. Sólo los brujos
entienden lo que pasa" (188-89). In addition to Lituma's
5 The novel describes pishtacos as people from outside
the region, often foreigners, who prey on solitary travelers
and remove their fat (67). It also mentions sacaoios (185-
89). For more information, see Alberto Flores Galindo,
"Demonios y degolladores: el discurso de los colonizados,"
Márgenes 5-6, (1989) 121-33, and Pishtacos: de verdugos a
sacaoios. Ed. Juan Ansión, Lima: Tarea, 1989.

172
belief that the sierra is barbarous, he considers the coast
a bastion of civilization.
Conversations with a humanities professor and engineers
in a nearby mine reinforce Lituma's conceptions of the
Indians and mestizos in the sierra as superstitious and
cruel. The professor has impressive credentials. From
Denmark, after thirty years of study of the Peruvian sierra,
he is the author of many books and articles. He also speaks
perfect Spanish, two dialects of Quechua and some Aymara
(173-75). In this way the novel uses the fallacy of
authority to convince Lituma, and possibly the reader, of
the barbarity of the ancient Peruvian peoples in the sierra,
and, by extension, those in the present. The professor
tells Lituma that anus are gods or spirits in the mountains
that decide life and death. An engineer summarizes what the
professor has told him before about the human sacrifices of
the huancas and the chancas. They sacrificed men, women and
children to keep the anus content before altering the course
of a river, opening a road or constructing a temple or fort.
The professor does not dispute the version, but he contends
that all ancient civilizations are cruel and intolerant
according to modern perspectives. He believes that they
were a religious people and the sacrifices were their way of
assuring their survival and showing respect to the spirits.
He says that it is a myth that the Incas were tolerant
conquerors and adopted the gods of the conquered. He states

173
that, as is the case with all empires, the Incas were brutal
with those that did not submissively capitulate and that
they practically removed the huancas and chancas from
history. They destroyed their cities and scattered them
throughout the empire, and nothing remains of their beliefs,
customs or language. He adds that modern historians have
little sympathy for them because they helped the Spanish
against the Incas, with the result of the Spanish being more
severe with them than the Incas were (173-80). In relating
the ancient violence to the present, an engineer wonders if
the contemporary violence is "una resurreción de toda esa
violencia expozada" (178).
In conclusion, the narrator and characters in the novel
help sustain the thesis that the sierra inhabitants are
impenetrable, inferior, uncivilized, superstitious and
barbarous. In contrast with the people of Lima, understood
as civilization, the campesinos refuse to talk to the French
tourists. Comuneros do not accept Pedro Tinoco even though
he is from the sierra. The villagers of Andamarca are
petty, jealous, and easily swayed. They brutally murder
fellow villagers and are so superstitious that they do not
bury the bodies. For Lituma, Quechua is a barbarous
sounding language, and he associates them with a lack of
intelligence, children, and animals. The influence of
western civilization does little to civilize them and only
witches can understand what occurs in the sierra.

174
The structure of the novel makes the conversation in
the mine a key element in the thesis that the people in the
sierra are uncivilized. There are two parts and an epilogue
in the novel. The description of the French tourists, Pedro
Tinoco's lack of acceptance in the community, the Andamarca
massacre and most of Lituma's thoughts occur in the first
part. These and other episodes establish the idea of the
Indians and their descendants as uncivilized and brutal.
The second part begins with a professor with impressive
credentials arguing that ancient peoples of Peru were cruel
and intolerant. He adds that no civilization from that era
can withstand judgments based on modern ideologies. The
second part also deals with Lituma's continuing efforts to
unravel the mystery of the disappearance of the three men.
In the epilogue a camp worker confirms Lituma's theory that
the camp peons sacrifice the three men. In this way, the
conversation in the mine adds intellectual weight to the
idea of barbarous ancient Peruvian civilizations. The human
sacrifices are confirmation that the primitive nature of the
Indians and their descendants continues.
Dionisio and Adriana, described as witches, are the
owners of the only bar in Naceos. Both are filthy. He is
fat, has greasy hair and always wears the same blue sweater
(66). When she is talking to Lituma, she raises her dirty
dress and blows her nose in it (42). Before the guerrilla
war, Dionisio travels throughout the central sierra with a

175
troupe of musicians, dancers, and women. There are all
sorts of rumors that he is a demon, angel or god (241-44),
and his nickname in Quechua is "comedor de carne cruda"
(191). After hearing of her taking part in killing a
pishtaco. he believes that they are destined for each other
and asks her to marry him. In order to communicate with his
dead mother, a cemetery guard forces him to agree to return
to have sex with him before consummating his marriage. When
they return and find out that he is dead, Dionisio has
intercourse with his corpse. They continue touring until
the troupe disintegrates due to the guerrilla war (142-48).
In their bar in Naceos, Adriana reads the future with cards,
palms, and coca leaves (38).
She tells the peons that in the past Naceos is a happy
and prosperous place because the villagers sacrifice humans
to the spirits in the mountains. The women sacrifice a man,
elected the year before, who is considered a hero. The
village maintains an equilibrium and does not suffer like
the present residents of Naceos. She explains the present
afflictions as the result of angry spirits and warns them
that worse things will happen if there is no human sacrifice
(269-75).
At the end of the novel, a peon tells Lituma what
happens to the three disappeared men. Dionisio and Adriana
convince them that sacrificing the three is the only way to
keep their jobs and to avoid other maladies. The peon says

176
they kill the men, have a form of communion and eat part of
the bodies (308-311).
Conclusions
The novel describes Sendero Luminoso as illogical and
barbaric. They view everything in black and white, do not
listen to rational arguments, and cruelly murder various
victims. While the deaths of Peruvians are tragic, the
novel uses the French tourists, the environmentalist, and
the vicuñas to emphasize the thesis of Sendero Luminoso's
depravity. Perhaps Vargas Llosa determines that the couple
is from France, a country often associated with
civilization, to contrast them with the barbarity of the
guerrillas. This idea continues with the case of the
environmentalist. While she believes that her work will
benefit all Peruvians and repeatedly argues that she is
impartial, she dies at the hands of the guerrillas. The
most innocent victims are the vicuñas.
The novel is unique in comparison with the other texts
studied because of its thesis that the guerrillas are just
one element in an uncivilized region with superstitious and
violent people. Lituma, other characters and the narrator
describe and criticize the Indians and their descendants as
primitive, superstitious, violent and cruel. The mute,
mentally retarded Pedro Tinoco survives the guerrilla
massacre of the vicuñas and police torture, but he does not

177
survive the human sacrifice by people from the sierra. The
first part of the novel describes various negative aspects
of the sierra population and postulates that they also
commit human sacrifices. The conversation in the mine adds
intellectual weight to the thesis and the epilogue confirms
that the camp peons sacrifice three men. The first
paragraph of the novel describes an Indian woman without
teeth, who spits when she speaks Quechua. In the first page
Liturna does not understand her, and by extension the
indigenous world. He thinks that Quechua, the primary
language of the indigenous population, sounds like barbarous
music. Throughout the novel Lituma struggles to understand
the mystery behind the disappearance of the three men. In
the last three pages a camp worker confirms his hypothesis
that they sacrifice the three. Earlier in the novel Lituma
can not understand how the workers, with influences from
outside the indigenous world, can be so barbaric. It is
plausible that after reading the novel a reader would
conclude that the Peruvian sierra is such a primitive place
that the Sendero Luminoso guerrilla war is just a small
aspect of a region characterized by violence and a lack of
civilization.

CHAPTER 5
VIOLENCE AND RELATIONS OF POWER IN SELECTED
SHORT STORIES FROM THE 1980S AND 1990S
Chapter 4 analyzes forty-one short stories by ten
writers. The order follows a general line of more of an
emphasis on violence and relations of power related to
campesinos to more of a preoccupation with the guerrilla
war.
Cecilia Granadino
The four short stories in Cecilia Granadino's Con harta
vergüenza (1990) depict the government variously as
ineffective, indifferent and hostile to the campesino while
their collective structures are positive. Usually,
hardworking campesinos confront obstacles thrown in their
way by the government.
In "¡Señor ministro lo mató!" campesinos working on an
irrigation canal quickly realize that the government is
exploiting them and that the project will not benefit them.
The completion date changes due to the imminent arrival of a
government minister and they have to work thirteen hours a
day for the same pay. They realize that the beneficiaries
will be the large landowners, not the community. On his way
178

179
to a community meeting, a fatigued campesino loses control
of his bicycle and dies (43-52).
"Dos zorros bajan por hatunwayq'o" criticizes an
ineffective government program that offers loans for buying
seeds and technical support. A young childless couple,
forced to eat their seeds due to hunger, applies for a loan.
Unfamiliar with the hybrid seed potatoes, they try to
exchange them, but have to accept everything in the package.
Without technical support to teach them about the
cultivation of the potatoes, they plant them and hope for
success. During the growing season they suffer a freeze,
hail, and little rain (11-16). The husband complains that
the alien potato is not suitable for the region: "Esa papa
no sabe quechua, no conoce nuestras penas, rapidito se ha
muerto sin pelear" (17). Losing their crops and without the
money to pay for the loan, they abandon their property and
begin a life of banditry (18-19).
"Disculpa compadre, la indiscreción" also highlights
conflicts, based primarily in competing ideologies, between
government programs and the needs and desires of campesinos.
A white government engineer and Bonifacio, a campesino, have
various disagreements that highlight problems between
communities and the government.
The first conflict is private versus communal property.
The engineer contends that individual landowners work harder
than campesinos in a community, because in the latter no one

180
is an owner. He cites Bonifacio as an example of the
success of individual effort. He replies that his parcel of
land is a windfall, a gift from his wife's godmother. His
success is not due to his individual effort or because he
feels like a landowner, but rather his learning about
irrigation from Italians on the coast. For Bonifacio, the
community comes first. For example, he is teaching his
fellow comuneros how to irrigate. The young men of the
area, all of whom are educated, are organizing and are in
the process of recovering stolen communal lands (33-35).
Rather than individual efforts, Bonifacio argues that
collective efforts are how he and others will progress.
He also rejects the engineer's idea that failures of
government programs and agrarian reforms are the fault of
the campesino. The white engineer complains that Indians
are drunks, lazy, ignorant, mentally retarded, and hurt the
economy (36). Bonifacio counters that agrarian reform is
meaningless without technical assistance:
Sabrá disculpar mi ignorancia, pero mire: la cosa
no es así. A ver, si yo le doy un avión y no le
enseño a manejarlo, no le doy gasolina, ni le
presto plata para sus tornillos y sus cosas del
avión, y después de un tiempo le digo: "Mira ¡qué
bruto!... te he dado un avión y no has hecho
nada..." ¿le gustaría? Así fue, pues, la
reforma. (36)
He adds that communities have to overcome many obstacles.
They are forced to higher lands that are not good, banks do
not lend them money, and they have no control over the price
of crops. He also believes that the government does not

181
want them to learn to read, because the community has to
build its own school (36-37).
Upon hearing his rebuttal, the engineer implies that
Bonifacio may be a communist. He explains that the
communists will take his land and make him work for the
State (37). He responds that it does not matter, because he
is already exploited: "'Si es para el bien de todos, ¿por
qué no, señor? No me asusta. ¿Qué hago yo mismito sino
trabajar para que coman otros y mal pagado?1, yo también
chillando. 'Patrón sólo ha cambiado su cara, mismo jodidos
estamos'" (37). After the engineer insults him again,
Bonifacio says that the Indians are going to change
everything and that they may follow the example of Fidel
Castro (38).
"Con harta vergüenza" insists on the need for
communities to work together and to remain united. A
community advances through the efforts of a campesino, who
is always thinking about ways to improve their lives. For
example, he spends five years building terraces to farm and
finds ants that will eat worms in the fields. Seeing the
results, others follow his example. His biggest project is
to unite the community to get a fairer price for their
crops. He urges everyone to join a nationwide strike that
will prevent food from getting to the cities. After two
days of religious festivities, no one heeds his call to
obstruct the highway. Alone, he blocks it and fights off

182
truck drivers until they shoot and kill him. It is only
then that the other campesinos learn the lesson that they
need to work together to survive. They continue his work
and keep the highway blocked (23-29).
These four short stories argue that the campesino must
unite within communal structures to overcome the many
obstacles facing them and to progress. In every short story
the community is attacked, directly or indirectly, and kept
in an inferior situation. They lose much of their good
land, banks are reluctant to give them loans and they have
no control over the price of crops. The government exploits
cheap campesino labor to help the rich, not the communities.
Government programs and agrarian reforms often have the
negative effect of worsening the situation of the
campesinos. The short stories describe these government
programs as ineffective halfway measures that can force them
into debt. The engineer in "Disculpa compadre, la
indiscreción" reflects western ideas of the preeminence of
individual property. As Marie-Chantal Barre argued in the
first chapter, most government programs favor individual
property over communal property, in the process debilitating
communal structures. The prescriptions in the short stories
are two. The first is a strong valorization of the
community. It is within this context that Cecilia Granadino
argues that the campesinos can flourish. The second is the

183
threat of revolution if the government does nothing to
alleviate the exploitation of the campesino.
Andres Diaz Núñez
Andrés Díaz Núñez, a professor of literature at the
Universidad Nacional Pedro Ruiz Gallo de Lambayeque, was
born in Cajamarca in 1943. In addition to poetry, he has
published at least three narrative works since 1979,
including the eleven short stories from Paredes de viento
(1988). In one a hospital refuses to admit a poor woman and
the other deals with an abusive landowner.
In "Flor herida," a hospital denies a family medical
help because they have no money and no insurance. After
difficulty giving birth at home and getting a bad infection,
a woman's family takes her to the hospital. A hospital
official asks the husband if she is covered and he replies
that she is covered by blankets. Thinking it is a joke, the
official calls him a brutish Indian, and asks if she is
covered by Social Security. Since they have no insurance
and no money, the official makes them leave. A teacher and
a midwife help her, but maggots appear in the wound. The
husband complains that hospitals, doctors and pharmacies are
useless when the poor can not use them. He says that he is
going to the pharmacy to get medicine forcibly, and never
returns. She finally recovers when a neighbor's son cures
her (9-15).

184
In the macabre "Duende desnudo," there is violent
suppression of a land seizure and a landowner's denial that
a young campesino girl is human. After working many years
for free on his hacienda, the peons want the landowner to
give them land for houses and crops. He refuses, they seize
the land, and many peons die in the ensuing battle with the
police. One woman lies down beside her dead husband,
pretends she is dead, and throws rocks at the police
commander when he approaches. Mortally wounded, she flees
and survives one day (20-22).
The remainder of the short story emphasizes the extreme
inhumanity of the landowner. The dead woman's daughter
tries to breast feed, oblivious that, instead of milk, she
is eating maggots. She makes friends with animals and finds
enough food to survive until a worker from the hacienda
finds her. He takes her to see the landowner, who believes
that she is a naked ghost. Although his wife and others
argue that she is human, he insists on tying her a tree and
forces everyone to pray that God does not let other ghosts
come. After they finally convince him that she is human, he
allows her to have some food. She does not eat all of it,
and mountains of ants come to eat the food. The ants go to
the house, eat out his eyes and tongue and carry him off
(20-26).
In both short stories Diaz Núñez condemns different
standards for the rich and abuses of the poor. The rich

185
have access to medical care and the police violently support
a landowner's property in spite of years of exploiting his
workers. While the woman recovers from her infection, her
family disintegrates, probably leaving them even poorer.
While animals befriend the young girl, the superstitious
landowner, in a metaphor of his treatment of campesinos.
denies her humanity. While humans can not retaliate, nature
does.
Julián Perez
Julián Pérez, the younger brother of the Sendero
Luminoso ideologue Hildebrando Perez Huarancca, was born in
Ayacucho in 1954. First published in 1984, the 1990 edition
of Transeúntes adds three new short stories to the nine in
the 1984 edition. The eight studied describe a system that
abuses the campesino. In a few the victims are passive, but
most choose to resist. This resistance ranges from fleeing,
directly confronting a landowner, joining the Communist
party or fighting with Sendero Luminoso.
"El tiempo y el viento" argues that migration to the
cities improves nothing, because the exploitation is even
worse than in the countryside. A boy's mother sends him to
the city because she can not provide for two small children.
She tells him that he will avoid the poverty and abuses of
the village: "ya no serás pisoteado como yo ni por las
carencias ni por los mentados de este pueblo" (23). She

186
believes that he will find a good job and will return with
money and better Spanish. While he holds various jobs in
lea, marries and has children, instead of his mother's
fantasy about the city, he only sees poverty, misery, and
injustices for the poor (23-24). He views cities as
hellish: "todo lo que sabes del infierno que son las
ciudades" (24).
In "¿Teteraré, señorita?" there is a form of poetic
justice for a racist teacher in a village. She believes
that her students are "burros cimarrones" and twists their
ears or hits them on the buttocks when they make mistakes
(39). Once the school year ends, she wants to leave the
village immediately: "esa población de imbeciles e
ignorantes que olían a coca y a polvo" (40). One of her
students accompanies her on the two-day journey to Huamanga,
where she, a virgin, will marry. When they camp, she is
afraid of wild animals and the student trying to rape her.
Thirsty, he decides to get water (40-41). He needs the
kettle (teterita) and asks, "¿Teteraré, señorita?
¿Señorita, teteraré?" (42). She does not understand him,
and he repeats the question many times. When she tells him
to come over, he expects her to give him the teterita.
Afraid of the animals, she grabs him by the hand, pulls him
into her bed, and they have sex. Still thirsty the next
morning, he repeatedly asks her if she wants water
(teteraré) (42-43). She does not understand, calls him a

187
godless Indian, twists his ear and tells him: "Habla en
Castellano, en cristiano, chuto, indio perro, habla sin
quechua, motoso" (43). Cowered, he explains that he is
asking if she wants water. She finally realizes that
teteraré refers to teterita, not having sex with her (te
tiraré) (43).
Two other short stories criticize powerful landowners.
In "En el trabajo," the narrator, probably slightly mentally
retarded, describes don Teófilo's abuses. He kicks the
narrator, hits his wife and forces her to have sex. He
cripples one of his workers and is responsible for the death
of another man's mule. While the narrator does not resist
the landowner, he is certain there will be justice in the
future. He says that he is an evil man and will go to Hell
when he dies (44-46). In "Nuevamente en el pueblo" a man
returns from military service and enlists the help of his
godfather to force an engaged woman to marry him. Her
father accepts the proposal because he has debts with the
influential landowner: "El ronca fuerte en estas quebradas y
el viejo Jacinto tiene sus cuentitas con él, por eso ya no
hay más'" (15). She and her boyfriend flee to a coastal
city to escape the wedding and the landowner's power (16—
18).
"La batalla que perdió el viejo" also criticizes a
landowner's vast power, but an old man vows to be his
nemesis until he dies. In a town meeting the old man tells

188
the landowner that they will always oppose each other: "Con
sus tenencias y su dinero usted, engañando y acostumbrado a
pisotearnos y nosotros no estamos para tragarnos sus
aspavientos" (11). The landowner uses the police to silence
the old man. On his way to a town meeting about a proposed
highway, the police kick and arrest him. Rather than being
angry with them, he feels compassion for them because they
do not realize that they are serving the landowner: "Pueden
hacer lo gue guieren, pobres inocentes sois, canallas gue
patean sin saber a quién sirven" (12). He knows that the
landowner will pass out aguardiente and coca to the
villagers before the meeting (11). Public employees will
argue for the project and will say that the landowner is
nothing short of a saint: "don Juan es hijo de Dios, tiene
razón en todo lo que hace y lo que dice" (12). The village
approves the highway project and the police free the old
man. As he predicts, free campesino labor builds the
highway, but, conveniently, the government budget runs out
as it reaches the landowner's mines and never extends to the
town. The old man loses one battle in a war, but he vows to
continue opposing the landowner (12-13).
"Transeúntes" describes a man's political evolution and
his imprisonment for his political activities. He joins the
APRA while in the army and the police arrest him after the
APRA takes over the city of Ayacucho in 1936 (34-35). The
police kill his two dogs before they arrest him. His wife

189
protests their treatment of him and says that he is not a
common criminal (33-35). A police officer hits her in the
face, kicks her in the buttocks and tells her: "¡Cállate,
cojuda, mujer de aprista asqueroso!" (33). When she tries
to find her husband, officials deny any knowledge of him
(33). He becomes disillusioned with the APRA and argues
that they lack a doctrine: "Los apristas son cosa seria. Se
asustan rápido cuando la gente del pueblo empieza a
emprender grandes acciones. Y todo lo joden con sus famosas
contraórdenes. Y eso es prueba, según mi parecer, de que
carecen de una doctrina" (35). During his six years in
jail, he becomes a communist. Two months after he gets out
of prison, he dies (35).
In "Camino largo" Justina, a student, joins the
guerrillas. She is from a poor family, is the only one who
remains in school, and becomes passionate when she refers to
the poor. When she is in jail for being a guerrilla, her
parents try to free her, but they have no money to pay
bribes. In less than a month she escapes when there is a
guerrilla attack on the Ayacucho prison.1 The repressive
forces appear in Justina's village and she flees to the
mountains. Her parents die because of worrying about her.
The next time her brothers see her, she is dead (58-62).
1 This probably is the attack on the Ayacucho prison in
1982 that freed many guerrillas.

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"Los alzados" emphasizes the process of a man who
suffers abuses, becomes politically aware, and joins the
guerrillas. In indigenista texts there is often a contrast
between an idyllic past and a turbulent present, but Perez
inverts this scheme. Instead of describing the utopian past
of the campesinos. he contrasts the past where landowners
have carte blanche with Sendero Luminoso's armed struggle in
the present:
Los días eran tranquilos en el pueblo. Esos días
de felicidad de los ricos que para los pobres
nunca hubo. Muchos años antes que aparecieran los
hombres armados que fueron "veneno" para los
principales. Aquellos lejanos días en que los
mandones imponían sus caprichos en los cabildos
públicos, amenazando, gritando o valiéndose de los
gendarmes. Hombre, animal o piedra que se oponía
a su querer, encendía la cólera del mentado y al
encontrarse de cara con él, quienes se atrevieron
a enfrentarse, salían reventados todos para toda
la vida. (52)
Salustio Mallki is a good man who will not stand for
abuses of others. After a heated argument with don Juan de
Dios Melgar, the most powerful man in town, he humiliates
Salustio and labels him a renegade. Villagers warn him that
the landowner will seek revenge and he waits. One night he
and his wife believe there is someone watching them and
Salustio throws a rock and kills him. They flee to lea,
where he finds work in the coastal haciendas and his wife
and son die from malaria. When he returns alone to the
village, the landowner and priest have taken over his land
and house for the church. He also finds out that instead of
killing a man, it is a puma (524-56).

191
On the coast and after his return to his village,
Salustio gains a greater political consciousness and joins
the guerrillas. In the coast, "supo allí lo gue eran las
penas, también de la debilidad y de la fuerza del pobre y de
los mandones" (55). After learning that the church now
possesses his house and land, he realizes that what has
happened to him is the result of unegual relations of power:
pero comprendió —ya tenía claridad en la razón—,
gue todo eso no había sido sólo por cosas del
destino sino por la existencia de poderosos, de
hombres sin alma ni corazón que al fin de cuentas,
eran unos cuantos dentro de los confines de la
tierra. (56)
When the guerrillas come to the village and kill Juan de
Dios Melgar, Salustio gets an old rifle and joins them. He
is now full of hope about the future, where principals will
no longer have power (56-57).
In conclusion, these short stories criticize the system
that exploits the campesino and describe various ways that
they resist. Abject poverty forces a boy to migrate to the
city, but the exploitation of the poor is similar to that in
rural areas. The racist teacher believes the campesinos are
inferior and treats them like animals. Landowners control
almost every aspect of the lives of campesinos. However,
most of the characters resist. One believes that God will
condemn a landowner, a couple flees their village, and the
old man vows to oppose the landowner until he dies. Another
first believes in the APRA and then joins the Communist
party. In the last two short stories, the protagonists

192
believe that the only way to change the system is through
Sendero Luminoso's armed struggle. While describing the
exploitation of the campesino, these short stories focus on
their resistance.
Sócrates Zuzunaqa Huaita
A literature professor, Sócrates Zuzunaga Huaita was
born in Pauza, Ayacucho in 1954. His only published book is
Con llorar no se gana nada (1988). In most short stories
the strong social criticism centers on sexual violence both
within the campesino class and between classes. Another
deals with a military massacre.
Three stories examine the results of rape and
infidelity within the campesino class. The innocent suffer
the worst consequences, which is often death, and the social
order is unable or unwilling to maintain order. When it
does punish, innocent people are the victims and the
perpetrators go free.
Two short stories deal with rape within the campesino
class. "Por la que una es capaz" criticizes the societal
ostracism of a rape victim. Leaving her best friend's
birthday party with her boyfriend, a group of young boys
beat them and rape her. When she gets pregnant, her
boyfriend abandons her, the neighborhood shuns her, and her
parents kick her out of the house. A friend from high
school, a prostitute, allows her to stay in her house. Only

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fourteen years old and with a baby, she begins to drink and
to be promiscuous. One night some customers get into a
fight and kill her son (40-42). "Una tarde de ayer" also
centers around a rape. Some children see a man having sex
with a cow and start calling him Vaca Tisti, or one who has
sexual intercourse with cows. Some time later Panchuko
Taype notifies the town about the rape of a nine year old
girl. He blames Vaca Tisti, leads the townspeople to
confront him, and strangles him. The girl tells the
narrator that after Panchuko Taype rapes her, he threatens
her if she does not blame Vaca Tisti (20-22).
In both short stories society is unable to render
effective justice. It disowns a rape victim, she is forced
into prostitution, and her innocent baby dies as a
consequence of her abandonment. As is often the case, they
treat her as though the rape were her fault. Her rapists,
on the other hand, remain unpunished. In the second story
society does perform a form of justice, but it is mob
justice that punishes an innocent person. As in the
previous story, there are two victims: the young girl and
Vaca Tisti. In addition to suffering the trauma of the
rape, she knows that her attacker is free and may return at
any time and that she has condemned an innocent man to his
death. In both short stories society fails to maintain
order.

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"Sombra de uno nomás es la duda" examines the results
of infidelity. A young man is the sole support of his
mother and three younger siblings. One day he surprises his
girlfriend, with whom he lives, in bed with his younger
brother. There is a brief fight and the younger brother
shouts that she belongs to him. The older brother begins to
laugh hysterically and the other two leave. When the police
arrive to arrest him for killing them, he does not try to
explain that they have committed suicide, because it appears
as though he is guilty. The story ends with his telling the
police official that he is not crying for his girlfriend,
but rather for his family, who will be without financial
support (16-18). Once again, society errs in administering
justice.
"Este espino gue nos jode" criticizes the lack of
compassion of the rich. El Tovar is a crazy mulatto. His
condition is due to incest and he freguently finds himself
in embarrassing predicaments. While the rich flee from him,
the poor do not. When he is found naked, the rich go to
satisfy their curiosity about the size of his penis and the
poor go out of compassion (32-34).
Five short stories use the results of sexual relations
between socioeconomic classes as a way of criticizing the
social order dominated by the economic and social elite.
The elite treats women as sexual playthings and discards
them when they become a problem. It remains largely

195
unaccountable for its actions, while the least powerful
segment of the poor, women, suffer at their hands.
Two short stories describe the destruction resulting
from the sexual escapades of landowners. In "¡Dios nos
libre Vicenta!" a landowner, a widower for a year, gets his
cook pregnant. He has her married to an Indian, and she
cries throughout the wedding. The landowner raises their
son as his own and he only learns about his real mother
after she and his father die (12-14). "Quien no crea en el
asunto que se tome la molestia de pulsarle los huevos"
recounts a brother's obsession with getting revenge for his
sister's rape. They believe it is a rich man, because,
although it is dark, the man has no callouses. The
principal suspect is the landowner's son. The brother's
obsession with protecting his family's honor is such that he
becomes like another person. Some time later someone finds
the dead body of the landowner's son in the road, disfigured
by the beating that he receives (48-50).
Two other stories deal with the repercussions of
servants impregnated by their employers. "Trenzas de noche"
describes a fourteen year old boy's first sexual experience.
A young girl comes to town to study and works in the boy's
house. One night she gets into bed with him, the father
finds out, and he ousts her from the house. The boy sees
her at a fair later and she has a son. He asks her if it is
his and she tells him she is not sure, because it could be

196
his or his father's. She rejects his offer of money and
walks off (36-37). In "Con llorar no se gana nada," on
Christmas Eve a sacristan goes to tell don Ambrosio that his
illegitimate son is dead. After getting his servant
pregnant, he fires her, in spite of her good work. She
aimlessly wanders the streets and a woman finds her in a
corral when she is about to give birth. Many want to kill
the baby because they think it is a sign of misfortune that
will afflict the community. The priest intervenes and
argues that the baby may also be a gift from God. Everyone
is surprised because she is an Indian and the baby boy is
white with blond hair and blue eyes. In spite of her mental
problems, she is a good mother. The sacristan suggests that
don Ambrosio should go to mass and to see his former servant
and his dead son and adds that crying will not help (8-10).
In "Como guien sabe que los chanchos no vuelan" an
altar boy is on his deathbed and confesses to the priest.
He wants to clear his conscience and admits to having sex
with a deranged woman. He tells the priest that he should
clear his conscience too, because he has a child by a
married woman (24-26).
In these short stories, Zuzunaga Huaita is extremely
critical of sexual violence and the social order in the
Andes. In two of the three stories where servants become
pregnant by their employers, they fire them. In "¡Dios nos
libre Vicenta!" the servant's fate is arguably worse than

197
being fired. After the landowner forces her to marry
another man, she remains as her own son's servant while he
is unaware that she is his mother. Once pregnant, the elite
tries to distance itself and deny the very problem it
creates. In the three short stories where a woman is raped
there is no official government action to apprehend the
rapist. If there is justice, it is extrajudicial. Of the
four children resulting from sexual relations with employers
or rape, two die, and one has a very young, uneducated
mother. Only the child raised as the landowner's own son
has a potentially bright future. In emphasizing violence
related to sex, Zuzunaga Huaita criticizes both the economic
and social elite as well as the social order. Unequal
relations of power are illustrated in the rape and
pregnancies of lower class women. Within the same class
women also suffer a subordinate position in relation to men.
Zuzunaga Huaita's only short story about the guerrilla
war is "Ayataki," which examines the suffering and
fratricide caused by the war, in this case by the military.
The narrator, an old man, relates how the army massacres
many young men of the village. Arriving at midnight, the
soldiers kick the old man and ask him where the teacher is.
When they find him hiding in the garden, they hit him and
call him a terrorist (78). The teacher is "un buen hombre,
bien plantao, que no se dejaba pisar el poncho con nadie, ni
con los platudos, ni con el Taita Cura, ni con el

198
gobernador" (79). The narrator describes the soldiers as
"los satanases con sus uniformes de soldao" (78). In the
main plaza the soldiers fire over the prostrate bodies of
young men and shout that they are terrorists and communists.
They gather the most educated young men in one group and
tell them run or die. As soon as they begin running, they
begin to kill them. The leader of the military patrol
arrives in the village after the massacre, starts turning
over the bodies and spits on them. He falls to the ground
sobbing when he recognizes his brother, the village's
teacher (79-80).
In this emotional story Zuzunaga criticizes military
violence related to the guerrilla war, exploiters of the
campesino, and illustrates the fratricidal aspect of the
war. The abusive soldiers kill the educated young men
without trying to ascertain whether or not they have any
association with the guerrillas. The military leader
reflects the hatred of the soldiers by kicking and spitting
on the bodies, and his attitude makes the surprise ending
even more effective. Only upon seeing his dead brother does
he realize the human toll of the war. The teacher is not a
guerrilla, but rather is a good man, who confronts the
traditional trinity of exploiters of the Indian: the rich,
priests, and government authorities. The teacher is the one
actor working to educate the village and to challenge those
that exploit the campesino. His effort to construct is

199
undone by the actions of the military, but the military
leader pays a big personal price for his hatred.
Oscar Colchado Lucio
Oscar Colchado Lucio, a literature teacher, was born in
Huallanca, Ancash in 1947. He has published over eight
narrative works and received many literary prizes. He won
first prize in the Concurso Latinoamericano de Cuento,
organized by the Consejo de Integración Cultural
Latinoamericana for Hacia el Janaa Pacha (1988).
In "Hacia el Janag Pacha," the narrator, a young boy,
recounts how he and his family die in the increasing spiral
of violence precipitated by the rise of Sendero Luminoso.
The guerrillas force the boy's uncle to join them against
his will. The boy's grandfather is dying of grief over his
son's disappearance, and the boy's mother goes to ask the
guerrillas to let her brother return to the family. Instead
of letting him leave, they force her into their ranks. As a
result of losing his two children to Sendero Luminoso, the
grandfather dies (79). When the boy hears about the death
of his mother and uncle, he goes to see the bodies and runs
into a guerrilla column. They tell him that they are going
to retaliate and he joins them (80). He dies in a battle
with ronderos (76).
The story describes the ronderos as the expression of
the popular will of the campesinos. In contrast, the

200
guerrillas gain their recruits by force. Only the boy joins
the guerrillas of his own volition, and this is because he
wants revenge for the deaths of his mother and uncle. The
entire community joins the ronderos in the battle with the
guerrillas (77).
The short story attempts to describe the horror of the
violence surrounding the guerrilla war. Step by step, the
level of violence increases. The grandfather dies as a
result of losing his two children to the guerrillas. The
military bombs a guerrilla column from a helicopter and
leaves only "huesos calcinados" (75). In turn, the
guerrillas consider the ronderos traitors, vow retaliation
and declare that they will feel the "autoridad de la
revolución" (77). After the ronderos force the guerrillas
to retreat, the narrator sees the ronderos kicking his dead
body (76). With the increasing number of deaths, hate
increases and each group wants reprisals against their
enemies.
Mario Guevara Paredes
Born in Cuzco in 1956, Mario Guevara Paredes published
El desaparecido in 1988. "Solo una niña" focusses on abuses
committed by the military in the name of looking for
guerrillas. The criticism is even more extreme because the
target of the abuse is an innocent little girl.

201
The girl is one of many campesino passengers in a truck
that leaves the city of Huamanga after the curfew. Poor,
she has braided hair, wears a discolored dress, and her feet
poke out of worn out shoes. She is on her way to school
(57-59). As the truck passes abandoned villages, the
narrator criticizes the military's cruel and indiscriminate
use of power: "quedaron desolados, por la furia ciega e
indiscriminada de la represión militar, que había ingresado
como una peste casa por casa, arrastrando la muerte a su
paso" (59). Following this broader condemnation of the
military, the text focuses on an individual case. At a
military roadblock, ten soldiers wearing ski masks surround
the truck, order the passengers to get out, and check their
documents. The girl's name is Marcusa Mamani Quispe.
Seeing a Fortunato Mamani Quispe in his list of guerrillas,
a soldier approaches her and asks her where her brother,
Fortunato, is. Not knowing anyone by that name, she remains
silent. He gets angry and asks her again where he is.
Scared, she manages to say that she does not know him (59-
62). He calls her an "india de mierda" (62), and hits her
in the face with such force that she falls to her knees and
her nose begins to bleed. The indignant passengers watch in
fear as the soldiers point their machine guns at them. The
soldier kicks the girl, who is on her knees and is sobbing.
A woman, who has a daughter about the same age as the girl,
shouts at him to leave her alone. He runs over to her,

202
slaps her in the face and accuses her of being a relative of
the girl. After he says they can leave, the truck driver
timidly tells him that he can not leave without the little
girl, and the soldier threatens to shoot him. The truck is
not very far away when the passengers hear gunfire from
machine guns (62-64). In choosing an innocent young girl as
the victim, Mario Guevara's criticism of the military as
cruel, indiscriminate murders is more effective.
Reynaldo Santa Cruz
A literature teacher, Reynaldo Santa Cruz was born in
Callao in 1963 and his first publication of short stories is
La muerte de dios v otras muertes (1990). In "El hijo del
Uchcu" the narrator, a young boy, details how guerrillas and
soldiers abuse campesinos. who only want to remain neutral
and to live their lives. He describes his childhood as
idyllic before guerrillas kill his mother and soldiers
murder his father. He is part of the spiraling level of
violence, because he wants revenge against the guerrillas
and the military.
The campesinos call Gonzalo (Abimael Guzman) the son of
Uchcu. Uchcu was a man from another region who hated whites
and killed for the joy of seeing blood. He disobeyed his
leader, don Pedro Pablo Atusparia, who wanted peace, and
insulted God. This is why the campesinos call Gonzalo the
son of Uchcu. The boy believes that Gonzalo kills without

203
pity and is half crazy. However, he says that the military
is the same, because both kill his parents for not wanting
to be involved (19).
When the guerrillas appear in the village, they ask for
volunteers and food. They tell them that the popular army
is there to liberate them from abusive landowners and that
the day of liberation is near. Although the villagers
barely have enough food for themselves, they give the
guerrillas most of their harvest out of fear. They resist
by remaining silent when the guerrillas shout their slogans
to the armed struggle. When they want boys to join them, no
one volunteers and the narrator's mother hides him. Angry,
they force the boys to join them and find the hidden
narrator. When his parents' pleas fail, his mother kills
the guerrilla holding the boy with a rock. The boy escapes,
they kill his mother, and the villagers start throwing rocks
at the guerrillas, who flee. After losing his wife and
harvest, the narrator's father begins drinking and cries at
night (20-23). The narrator is extremely critical of the
guerrillas, who first claim to be friends and then become
vicious when the campesinos do not obey them:
Siempre pues, la gente del Gonzalo hijo de uchcu
diciendo que no queremos ser libres, que somos
brutos, que debemos irnos pal monte, y traidores y
soplones, siempre traidores y soplones, y ...
¡pam!, primero somos sus hermanos, después perros
malditos y ... ¡pam pam! hablándonos en quechua
que no hay dios, que el diablo son los gringos
nada más y nosotros que no, que taita dios sí
existe y ¡pam pam pam! y ya nadies queda pues,
nadies. (22)

204
In two visits to the village, the military abuses the
women. The first time five soldiers rape a woman, laugh and
leave. After the rape, she goes half mad, becomes pregnant
and has a boy. Her brother joins the guerrillas. The
second time, after having to give the guerrillas their
harvest, the only thing the soldiers can steal is the
village's chicha. Drunk, they force the women to dance with
them. At first, the villagers are afraid because of their
weapons and memories of the death of the narrator's mother.
After seeing the nearly unclothed women and remembering the
rape, they start throwing rocks at the soldiers, who kill
the boy's father and six villagers. The military leader
threatens to massacre the entire village if they contradict
the official story that they kill seven terrorists (22-25).
For the narrator, the guerrillas and the military are
essentially the same, and he wants revenge. He and his
father suffer after the guerrillas kill his mother and steal
their harvest. The soldiers rape a woman and kill seven
campesinos. including the boy's father. The narrator
concludes that the guerrillas and the military are murderers
and their principal victims are campesinos caught in the
middle: "Todos matan, los dos matan duro, da lo mismo, pero
los que siempre mueren somos nosotros, los sembradores de
trigo, los que cuidamos chacritas y tenemos animales a las
justas pa' comer" (22). He wants revenge and believes that
it is possible that the son produced from the rape will

205
avenge his mother, and that his father is growing, like the
myth of Inkarri, to one day kill soldiers and guerrillas.
At the end of the short story the narrator has an automatic
rifle hidden beneath his poncho and wants to go to the river
to kill guerrillas and soldiers (23-25).
Dante Castro Arrasco
Dante Castro Arrasco was born in Callao in 1959, has a
law degree from the Catholic University, has studied
literature at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos
and teaches. In his second collection of short stories,
Parte de combate (1991), three of the six short stories deal
with the guerrilla war. "Angel de la isla" describes the
Frontón prison massacre in 1986. Since it takes place in
Lima, it is not included. The other two examine personal
factors that lead soldiers and guerrillas to make a bloody
war even bloodier.
In "Parte de combate" a soldier criticizes an army
lieutenant who is brutally savage in his treatment of his
subordinates and in battles with guerrillas. While none of
his men likes him, lieutenant Soria is especially cruel with
recruits from the sierra. Believing they could be
infiltrators and traitors, he gives them the dirtiest jobs
and treats them so harshly that most transfer or desert.
The narrator, one of Soria's subordinates, states that they
never take prisoners and that he has taught them how to

206
kill. Each patrol is an orgy of blood that compromises all
the soldiers (41-46).
The principal reason for Soria's cruelty is that
intelligence officials force him to kill a young boy to save
his life and career. He takes in a young boy, orphaned as a
result of the dirty war, to be a servant and quickly grows
fond of him. Intelligence officials accuse the boy of being
an infiltrator and retrieving orders and details of troop
deployments from Soria's garbage. They denounce Soria as a
traitor because many men have died due to his negligence.
He insists that he is innocent and the officials reply that
the only way to prove it is to kill the boy. They argue
that it is a war, the boy is the enemy, and he should have
no compassion for him. He has to kill the boy with a
commando knife. After weeks of working like an automaton
and almost becoming an alcoholic, Soria asks for a transfer
to Luricocha, because he wants action and to kill for
killing's sake without feeling (43-46).
Soria loses his legs and testicles in a battle with
comrade Dionisio, whom the narrator describes as being
exceptionally brave. Found alone, Dionisio fights against
the patrol and they nearly destroy the house with gunshots.
When they think he is out of bullets, Soria wants to fight
him alone, as if it were a personal duel. He wounds Soria
and the soldiers open fire again. The narrator says that he
admires Dionisio, because he decides to die like a man. He

207
comes out of the house firing and clutching something
against his chest. After he dies, Soria approaches him to
spit on the body, but when he kicks him, a grenade explodes.
He loses his legs and testicles and is now in a hospital in
Ayacucho (46-48). The narrator believes that Soria is
paying for the suffering he has caused: "pregúntale qué se
siente estar así. Si lo ves llorar es porque seguramente
recuerda a tanta gente que hizo sufrir" (48).
Demetrio, the narrator of "Ñakay Pacha (El tiempo del
dolor)," is a campesino guerrilla who describes and comments
on various actions. The analysis of the short story centers
on the violence of the guerrillas and the repressive forces,
individual motivations of guerrillas, and the reactions of
communities to the evolution of the war.
The first guerrilla action is a brutal reprisal against
the village of Santiago, who rob animals and burn harvests
of other villages that do not have rondas campesinas.
Demetrio describes Marcial, the guerrilla leader, as an
"ángel convertido en demonio," because he is personally
killing villagers who surrender, even if they are not with
the ronda (15). The destruction of the village is almost
complete. It is in flames, women and children are crying,
and the guerrillas take their livestock (16).
The acute level of violence is due in part to Marcial's
personal vendetta against the village. Years before the
guerrilla war he and his companion, Rosa, go to Santiago to

208
teach the Indians. They arrive during a celebration of the
fiesta of San Isidro Labrador, where everyone eats, dances
and drinks heartedly. Some twenty drunk Indians rape Rosa,
and, when they realize what they have done, they kick them
out of the community. She later dies in a battle with the
sinchis in Huanta (17-18).
Although the violence of the attack against Santiago
bothers him, Demetrio continues with the guerrillas. He
would like to forget some incidents that occur during the
attack on the village. He recalls Alejo Velasco begging for
his life, but he kills him after he remembers his abuses.
He regrets seeing Marcial killing so many villagers,
especially those who give up and have nothing to do with the
ronda. He still dreams of seeing the faces of the dead
returning everything that they have robbed. However, he
perseveres and Sendero Luminoso changes him from base status
to a party member (13-20).
Support for the guerrillas in the communities
diminishes, primarily because of concerns about reprisals by
the repressive forces. After the attack on Santiago,
previously friendly communities refuse to give them food,
because they are afraid that the soldiers will kill them
later. Those who applaud them before now slam the door in
their faces. In one village they give the guerrillas
provisions out of pity and beg them to leave (18-20).

209
Three other actions by the guerrillas are to kill a
drug trafficker, attack a Civil Guard post, and to hold a
popular trial in a village. The guerrilla who kills the
drug trafficker cuts off his ears and, to see him suffer,
stabs him several times in the chest with a knife. The
action against the Civil Guard post is easy because the
police flee and leave behind arms and four machine guns.
The third action is a popular trial. Among the victims is a
member of the intelligence service, whom Demetrio kills with
a machete (18-21).
The police (sinchis) and marines pursue the column. Of
the two groups, they prefer to fight the sinchis. The
guerrilla leaders say that they are drunks, drug addicts,
and can not stand the altitude. The marines, on the other
hand, frighten them. When the marines take a guerrilla
prisoner, they find explosives and blow him up. Demetrio
says that the marines are stronger than other soldiers and
are well armed. With their escape route cut off, they
decide to confront the sinchis. In the ensuing battle those
that die, including Demetrio, watch the battle unfold. When
they capture Marcial and his companion, Adelaida, they rape
her, by rank and seniority while others hold Marcial and
force him to watch. As is the custom, the last one to rape
her, kills her. Then they kill Marcial with a knife (19-
25).

210
These two short stories describe debauchery by the
repressive forces and the guerrillas. Lieutenant Soria's
patrols take no prisoners and every outing is an orgy of
blood. The marines blow up a guerrilla and the sinchis rape
a woman and kill guerrillas. The guerrillas raze a village,
and brutally kill a drug trafficker with the knife and an
intelligence official with a machete.
Lieutenant Soria and Marcial are the keys to
understanding the level of violence. Subordinates narrate
each short story and criticize their superiors, making the
criticism more effective. After Soria has to kill his
orphan servant, he changes and treats his subordinates from
the sierra harshly and each patrol is a bloodbath. In
retaliating for the Indians' rape of Rosa, the narrator
describes Marcial's transformation from an angel to a demon.
Like Soria, he takes no prisoners in Santiago. Both have a
violent end. Soria loses his legs and testicles and has to
live with his memories. Before dying, Marcial has to watch
his companion, Adelaida, repeatedly raped. The short
stories leave unresolved whether the violence abates with
the removal of Soria and Marcial or whether it continues.
Luis Nieto Deareaori
Luis Nieto Degregori was born in Cuzco in 1955. He
studied at the Patricio Lumumba University in Moscow and was
a professor at the Universidad Nacional de San Cristóbal de

Huamanga in the early 1980s. He has published four
collections of short stories, all of which are included in
Con los oios para siempre abiertos (1990). Six of the seven
short stories describe aspects of the guerrilla war.2
Three examine changes in the city of Ayacucho due to the
guerrilla war. The fourth describes ideological disputes
between two lovers, one a guerrilla and the other a
socialist. The fifth is an extensive short story that
revolves around a character's two weeks with the guerrillas
and her subsequent rejection of Sendero Luminoso.
"Semana santa" examines changes in Ayacucho through the
eyes of Diana, who returns during Holy Week. While it
focusses on her memories of her past in the city, there are
some examples of the differences since the intensification
of the guerrilla war. While there are many sinchis in the
airport, there is less of a police and military presence in
the city. Diana's friend, Blanca, explains that the city
has a larger population, because the campesinos who move to
the pueblos jóvenes looking for more security outnumber the
rich who flee. While there is no curfew, most people do not
venture out in the streets after nine or ten o'clock (19-
23). Blanca says that one effect of the terror of the war
is that the legend of the pishtaco returns: "Es tal el grado
2 More than likely based on Hildebrando Perez Huarancca,
"Vísperas" questions whether his increasing consecration in
the critical community is due to his talent as a writer or
because of his involvement in Sendero Luminoso. Due to the
limits of the dissertation, "vísperas" will not be analyzed.

212
de terror que ha renacido la imagen del degollador que les
extrae a sus víctimas la grasa del cuerpo. La gente dice
que el gobierno los ha enviado a matar a los ayacuchanos,
sobre todo a los jóvenes" (31).
In "Harta cerveza y harta bala" the arrival of the
sinchis achieves little more than to gain the contempt of
the citizens of Ayacucho. The narrator of the story, a
university professor, attacks the sinchis for being more
preoccupied with a good time than fighting the guerrillas:
Habían llegado a Ayacucho, supuestamente, para
controlar la subversión, pero, en realidad, se
dedicaban, desde su capitán hasta el último
subalterno, a pasarlo bien, con el agravante de
que se comportaban con la población de la ciudad
como fuerza de ocupación: nunca pedían, cogían lo
que les daba la gana y amenazaban o metían bala al
que se atrevía a protestar. Con tales maneras no
les costó mucho esfuerzo granjearse el odio de
todos los ayacuchanos. (56)
While they enjoy themselves, the war continues. A guerrilla
attack on a police post briefly interrupts the party
atmosphere. The authorities declare a curfew and the
sinchis arrest many innocent people who are later released.
After this brief period of work, the sinchis return to their
parties. The people in the city become so accustomed to the
curfew and other restrictions that they almost forget about
the war until the guerrillas assault the jail.3 The
sinchis1 unhappy superiors transfer the entire contingent
(54-62).
3 This undoubtedly refers to the 1982 guerrilla assault
on the Ayacucho prison where many guerrillas were freed.

213
The narrator is both critical and supportive of a
sinchi named Henry. Henry's credo is "harta cerveza y harta
bala" (55). The narrator's curt commentary is that the
sinchis only use their bullets to intimidate bar and
discotheque owners and young men (55). While Henry has a
wife and children (37), he and Esther, a university student,
lead a frenetic social life. He amuses himself by
intimidating a university student who denies any part in a
guerrilla assault. He places his machine gun barrel in the
student's mouth, forces his head back, and repeatedly
threatens to kill him if he does not confess. He signals to
another sinchi, who approaches and fires his machine gun in
the air. The student urinates out of fear when he hears the
shots. After laughing heartedly, Henry justifies the action
because in a war one has to interrogate immediately so the
enemy does not have time to prepare psychologically. The
narrator reflects the views of many about the guerrilla war,
because he does not care what methods the sinchis use as
long as they fulfill their duties (55-58). However, there
is no mention of the student's guilt.
In "Como cuando estábamos vivos" the narrator returns
to Ayacucho to find that his friends are preparing to leave.
They flee because of the police and military, not the
guerrillas. They kill innocent people, such as shooting a
pregnant woman in the stomach to kill her baby before it is
born. The city is full of them and every day more of them

214
come. During the day there is some semblance of normalcy,
but at night the residents remain in their houses. The
narrator spends weeks spying on the police and military to
find out why they are there. One day a sheet of paper falls
from one and he reads it (151-52). The secret is that
everyone in the city is dead, because the paper says,
"Ayacucho -rincón de los muertos" (152).4 He concludes
that the repressive forces are in Ayacucho to assure that
they resign themselves to their deaths (152). However, he
does not understand why they continue to abuse them if they
are already dead: "¿por qué, si ya estamos muertos, los
uniformados nos golpean y a veces hasta nos vuelven a
matar?" (152).
These short stories describe changes in the city of
Ayacucho brought about by the guerrilla war and focus on
criticisms of the police and military presence. The
guerrilla war forces campesinos to flee the countryside to
the relative security of the pueblos jóvenes, the residents
desert the streets at night whether or not there is a
curfew, and guerrilla attacks continue. In "Harta cerveza y
harta bala," the sinchis prefer parties and intimidating
innocent citizens to battling the guerrillas. The narrator
reflects the opinions of many in not caring if the dirty war
is the method used to combat the guerrillas, but he
4 Ayacucho means the corner of the dead. The title of
Samuel Cavero's novel is similar.

215
complains when they abuse citizens in the city. In "Como
cuando estábamos vivos," the narrator views the repressive
forces as the enemy, there to assure that the citizenry
remain dead. All three short stories describe the primary
change as the police and military occupying the city and
abusing its residents.
In "Con los ojos para siempre abiertos" two lovers,
both teachers, have almost constant ideological arguments
because she joins the guerrillas and he opposes them. She
argues that in a war people kill and die, and he replies
that it is not a war, but rather an unjustified orgy of
blood. He argues that the rich maintain their privileges or
escape to Miami, while the guerrillas grow fat by recruiting
humble campesinos. students and teachers (153-54). He does
not reject socialism, but does reject the actions of the
guerrillas: "no hay nada más irracional, nada que nos aleje
más de la justicia y el socialismo que emprender la larga
marcha con las manos enlodadas en sangre" (155). She tells
him that he has no place at her side unless he joins the
party. He informs the authorities about an impending
guerrilla action, because he is tired of her being in a
bloody and absurd cause. He believes she finally realizes
how important life is when a bullet destroys her head, but
he can not be at peace with himself for being responsible
for her death (154-55).

216
"La joven que subió al cielo" is an extensive short
story of sixty pages that revolves around Daniela, in love
with a guerrilla, who spends two weeks with the guerrillas
in their armed campaign. She vacillates about joining the
guerrillas and finally rejects their extremism as an
aberration of socialism. Pedro, the guerrilla, gives
everything for the guerrilla cause, including his life. The
analysis of "La joven que subió al cielo" describes
Daniela's experiences and focusses on her and the text's
criticisms of Sendero Luminoso.
Daniela and Pedro are idealistic. As a child, her
family talks about revolution, injustice and the poor, and
Gonzalo (Abimael Guzman) is a frequent guest at their house.
At that time her father and Gonzalo agree politically, but
they later go on divergent ideological paths. Daniela wants
to be a doctor for the poor. Her mother, a nurse,
collaborates with the guerrillas from time to time. When
Pedro gets out of jail, her mother invites him to stay at
her house. He is proud of his lower class background, not
being white, spending his childhood in a Lima shanty town,
and having a father who is a factory worker. He classifies
Daniela, who is white, as petit bourgeois (87-95).
Although they are involved with other people, Daniela
and Pedro fall in love and he asks her to have a baby with
him for the revolution. She vacillates, tells him that she
will have it, and immediately regrets her decision. When he

217
receives orders to go to Lima, he asks her to join the
struggle, but she avoids making any commitment. After he
leaves, she throws herself into other activities and goes to
lea to study medicine. She forgets about him until she
calls home one day and learns that he is preparing to go to
the countryside to begin armed actions. When the semester
is over, she returns home and makes contact with the
guerrillas. They allow her to go see Pedro although she
makes it clear that she does not want to join the party (94-
107).
While the guerrillas participate in various actions,
the text describes three in more detail. In a popular trial
they tell the lieutenant governor that he is going to bark
because he is a dog of Belaúnde. They take him and an
informer to a river and kill them (113-15). The second
action occurs in the town where Daniela's aunt and uncle
live. They burn and dynamite the abandoned police post,
give out products from stores, and confiscate arms and other
goods from the lieutenant governor's home (125). The third
action is dynamiting a television transmission tower, which
occurs a week after Daniela returns home. Pedro is wounded
and Daniela goes to Lima to care for him (138-42).
One of the guerrilla characters, Noemi, is based on or
inspired by the real-life Edith Lagos.5 Daniela and Noemi
5 Edith Lagos was one of the first martyrs for Sendero
Luminoso. According to Gustavo Gorriti, she was captured on
Christmas Eve of 1980 in Ayacucho. She was allegedly

218
know each other because Noemi hides at her house after she
escapes from prison. She changes her hair, goes to the
airport full of sinchis. and flees to Lima (111).
Republican Guards kill her companion, Carlos, in the
hospital as revenge for the attack on the prison. The
narrator emphasizes that she, in contrast to popular belief,
does not hold a high position in the party. In Lima they
assign her to be Jose's companion and the two go to the
Ayacucho countryside (117). Learning this changes Daniela's
impression of Noemi and almost justifies (for Daniela) her
brutality:
Recién comprendía, justificaba casi, la dureza, la
violencia, la rabia con que ésta trataba a los
enemigos de clase (ella era la más agresiva cuando
sacaron al soplón a empellones de su casa para
llevarlo a la plaza) y que antes le parecían tan
chocantes en una mujer. (117)
This also makes her realize why Noemi hugs José frequently
and is usually close to him. She believes it is a form of
refuge, and the reaction of a sensitive woman with a wounded
responsible for the city of Ayacucho (132-33). By early 1982
Sendero Luminoso was debilitated by the capture of leaders
such as Hildebrando Pérez Huarancca, Edith Lagos and others
(254). On March 2, 1982 the guerrillas attacked the prison
and within half an hour they had gained control of Ayacucho.
They released 78 prisoners charged with terrorism and 169
others accused of common crimes (257-260). On September 3 she
and a man were killed by the Republican Guard in a highway in
Andahuaylas (360). She was nineteen years old. Being the
daughter of a rich merchant, she was an example of sacrifice
and commitment, because, due to her father, she had other
options. There are estimates of some 30,000 people at her
funeral (362).
According to Americas Watch, the Comando Rodrigo Franco
blew up her grave in 1988 (53).

219
heart (117). Toward the end of the short story, Noemi dies.
The television news reports that she is a high-ranking
senderista leader and that she dies in a battle. Daniela
later finds out that the press reports are wrong. The text
states that what actually happens is that Noemi decides to
teach José to drive. Only armed with revolvers, they
intercept a truck, not realizing that there are policemen in
the back. They mortally wound Noemi and José falls to the
ground and shouts to nonexistent comrades to repel the
attack. Believing him, the police flee. José drags her to
a nearby house and goes for help, but the police return with
reinforcements and capture the already moribund Noemi (141—
42).
Nieto Degregori's intentions in contradicting official
and popular accounts of Edith Lagos's participation in
Sendero Luminoso and her death is unclear. The narrator
openly disputes the idea that she held a high position
within the party, contradicting journalistic reports like
that of Gustavo Gorriti, who worked for Caretas news
magazine. Characters also dispute television reports about
her death. It is possible that Nieto Degregori is
attempting to correct what he believes are erroneous reports
about Edith Lagos or it could just be a technique to give
his short story seem more authentic. His questioning of
official and popular reports has at least two effects on
readers. One is to convince readers that the fictional text

220
they are reading is based on an intimate knowledge of the
details of the life of Edith Lagos, which adds an air of
authenticity to the text as a whole. The second is to make
readers guestion accounts about Edith Lagos. It is a
logical extrapolation for readers to guestion the veracity
of other reports of the guerrilla war.
One criticism of the guerrillas is their sexual
practices. Maria is a young campesina guerrilla four or
five months pregnant. While they are preparing a meal,
Daniela asks her who the father is. Maria replies that she
does not know: "No sé, mamita, ¡varios me han forzado!"
(116). Daniela thinks it is sinchis, but Maria says the
guerrillas are responsible. Maria also tells her that once
Pedro tells her that Daniela's breasts are white and small
(116). The text says that these sexual customs "constituían
algo así como la política demográfica del partido" (117).
This revelation is surprising for many reasons. First,
in all the other texts analyzed there is never any mention
of guerrillas raping women. It is always the police and the
military. The key word in Maria's description is forzado,
which does not imply consent. That they force one of their
own to have sex, contrasts with the description of Sendero
Luminoso as largely puritanical in articles by the press and
social scientists. A second factor is that Maria is a
campesina. While the text does not go into much detail
about the sexual practices of the guerrillas, the only

221
mention of forced sex is against a campesina. There is no
allusion to the relationship between Jose, the leader, and
Noemi as anything but monogamous, and no one ever threaten
Daniela. Maria's forced pregnancy is due to either her race
or her position within the hierarchy. Either way, this is a
strong indictment of the efforts of Sendero Luminoso to
create a classless society.
Another example of the rigid senderista hierarchy is
the order of serving food. Daniela rebels and serves a
campesino first. Very offended, he curses and shouts in
Quechua that she should serve the leaders first. No one
defends her and she serves José first. Her lack of
discipline results in an admonition by the political and
military leaders (119).
This moment marks her first rebellion against the
guerrillas and they begin to compromise her so she that will
remain with them. In the confrontation with the leaders
over her serving the campesino first, she does not mention
that she is tired of being a peon in a revolutionary
strategy that does not convince her. She complains about
having to work in the kitchen and asks for a more important
role. José tells her that she is the one who has chosen her
role in the support group, not them. She remembers that the
first day, after her cold reception by Pedro, she takes
refuge in the kitchen (119-20).

222
They ask Daniela to go to her uncle' s house in a nearby
village and to make a detailed map of the strategic points.
She draws the map and reunites with the guerrillas to attack
the same village. After quickly changing into her peasant
clothing, they arrive in the village and she rushes to give
the map to a leader. Confused at first, he puts it into his
pocket without looking at it. She concludes that they want
to compromise her by being seen while making the map. In
the plaza her aunt approaches her, points to the truck, and
whispers to her that her shoes are at the rear of the truck
so everyone can see them. She remembers having placed her
clothing further back in the truck. The villagers also
notice her white legs. After they leave the village, two
guerrillas tell her that they think the villagers have
recognized her. Daniela pretends that it does not bother
her, but she is preoccupied and feels betrayed (120-26).
After the action in the village and meeting a contact
in Ayacucho, Daniela tries to leave the guerrillas. While
still in the city of Ayacucho, she tells her contact that
she is not going back. He tells her that his orders are for
her to accompany him, and, in addition, she knows about the
next action. During her meeting with the political and
military leaders, they tell her that she has been recognized
and that it is safer to remain with the guerrillas. She
replies she can serve the cause better by being a doctor and
that her principal reason for being there is to be with

223
Pedro a few days. They say they can not let her leave
because she knows about the next actions (132-35). As she
persists, the leaders begin to be less friendly and to
threaten her: "abandonaron ellos las buenas maneras para
seguidamente, mediante veladas amenazas, intentar retenerla
por la fuerza" (135-36). She finally convinces them to let
her go (136).
In a subtle, but effective way, the guerrillas try to
compromise Daniela so that she remains with them. First,
they send her to her uncle's village for the unnecessary
task of making the map. She hides her clothing back in the
truck, but someone assures that the villagers can see it.
All of these actions happen immediately after she shows
signs of discontent.
The bloodshed of the guerrilla war horrifies Daniela.
Most of the people that she meets during her two weeks with
the guerrillas die. One afternoon sinchis arrive in a
community by helicopter and, without differentiating between
senderistas and campesinos. shoot everyone who can not
escape. Pedro eludes them, but they later ambush him and
others and blow them up with grenades. Those who do not
perish in the war die in other actions. Prisoners who work
between the city and the countryside are massacred in the
Lurigancho and El Frontón prisons. Along with the
hemorrhaging of Sendero Luminoso, there are many victims of
the party's justice. Every day the toll increases (145-46).

224
From the very beginning of her experience with the
guerrilla column, Daniela has doubts about Sendero
Luminoso1s ideology and eventually rejects the party, but
not socialism. After the first armed action, she admires
their convictions, but does not have the same level of
fervor as they do. She also does not agree with many of
their actions and their justifying them in the name of the
revolution (116). By the end of the short story she
completely rejects the party:
el socialismo es la obra de la voluntad
mancomunada de un pueblo, que pone en la tarea lo
más hermoso que tiene— su amor por la vida, su
impulso vital que le obliga a volverle la espalda
a la muerte— junto con todas las luces que la
humanidad ha conquistado hasta el día de hoy. Eso
es el socialismo y no, como lo pregona el
pensamiento Gonzalo, una caricatura elevada a
dogma y esculpida a hachazos, en carne viva, sobre
una montaña de huesos humanos. (146)
While Daniela loses faith in the ideals of the party,
marries and has children, she does not remain a housewife.
When her youngest son turns two, she returns to school to
become a doctor (138-47).
Enrique Rosas Paravicino
Enrique Rosas Paravicino was born in Ocongate, Cuzco,
in 1948 and is a professor and chair of the Communications
Department at the Universidad Nacional San Antonio Abad del
Cuzco. Five of the ten short stories in Al filo del ravo
(1988), his first published narrative work, deal with the
guerrilla war. Themes include the racism of the

225
socioeconomic elite, corruption of a priest, unjust
detainment of people, and violence related to the guerrilla
war.
"El rencor sobre todo" describes the racism of a
commission of rich men who refuse to construct a monument to
Tupac Amaru in the main plaza in Cuzco. From distinguished
families, four are lawyers, including one who is also a
university professor, and one is a priest. While they are
waiting for the mayor, they discuss a university professor
and the university. The professor, the cholo Lares, is the
principal force behind the effort to construct the monument,
and many are angry at him, as is clear by their using cholo
to describe him. He teaches the history of colonial Peru
and a lawyer remarks that the best thing that Lares can do
for the country and history is to return to his village and
cultivate potatoes. One says that a problem with the
university is that there are too many cholos and Indians who
study there. The men's children and other relatives study
abroad. Finally, a representative of the mayor arrives and
says that the monument will not be built in the main plaza
and they all celebrate. The newspaper article the next day
says that the principal argument for not constructing the
monument in the main plaza is that, due to its historical
importance, the plaza is a monument. A commission member
suggests another part of the city, where there is more land
for monuments. He proposes the construction of a crypt, not

226
only for Tupac Amaru, but for all the precursors of
independence (39-43). In this way, he lessens the
importance of Tupac Amaru and the Indians.
In "Asunto de fe" a priest absconds with money from a
church. During three days of religious festivities he
charges triple the normal amount for baptisms and weddings.
Upon hearing complaints, at first he ignores them (35). He
finally silences them when he says: "'Esta plata no es para
mí —les enfrentó—. Es para la iglesia del Señor. ¿Van a
mezquinarle a El unos cuantos soles?'" (35). Various
miracles occur, such as a man cured of an illness and a
tourist who starts speaking fluent Quechua. For each
miracle the priest only accepts gold or dollars, and rejects
traveler's checks and personal checks. After the religious
festival, he rents a truck and flees. He only stops when he
has an accident and ends up in the hospital. When his
parishioners visit him, he remarks that the religious image
is miraculous because it has punished him (35-36).
With a background of bombings related to celebrations
of Abimael Guzman's birthday, "Feliz cumpleaños" criticizes
unjust jailings by the police and the violence of the
guerrillas. Four teachers, one the union leader and the
others regional leaders, are on one side of a jail cell and
common criminals on the other. No one knows their
whereabouts. A new prisoner is a student detained for
passing out flyers from the teacher's union. An undercover

227
police officer accuses him of being a terrorist and says
that he is not from the area. Although another person
corroborates that he is a student and has been in the town
for years, the police take him away and interrogate him for
hours. The student says the flyer is not subversive. It
talks about hunger because of the regime, indiscriminate
police violence, solidarity with teachers, kidnappings,
bread subsidies, and asks for Economy Minister to resign
(85-89).
Less than an hour after they hear two explosions, the
police arrive with six new prisoners. They are students,
unemployed, and street vendors in their twenties, and a few
have signs of being beaten. One of them tells them that
four men chasing another man detain him while he waits for
the bus. Another says that he is dumb, because he leaves
his room to see the damage out of curiosity (89-92).
A police officer, major Pinzón, threatens the prisoners
and calls them prisoners of war:
Aquí deshuevamos al hombre más macho y plantado.
Aquí ustedes son como prisioneros de guerra... de
esa guerra de mierda que ha desatado vuestra
ideología. ¿Y saben qué se hace con el prisionero
de guerra? Se hace cualquier cosa: se le arranca
los ojos, se le destripa a cuchillo, se le castra
sin anestesia, se le arranca las uñas o se le
amputa los dedos. Y al final se le ejecuta sin
juicio ni papeleo. ¡Qué cojudez caramba! Ustedes
son el enemigo interno. Peor que Chile o Ecuador.
Volar torres o edificios es también atentar contra
la soberanía nacional. Hacer huelgas o agitación
es parte de las consignas que provienen del
extranjero. ¡Se jodieron ahora!... Esta noche van
a cantar los gallos. Les vamos a aplicar picana
eléctrica en los cristales. (93-94)

228
He also tells them that no one will come to defend them.
When the prisoners return to their cell, they do not know if
it is a bluff or not (94).
Around 11:30 there are more explosions, one occurring
in the patio of the police headquarters, and the prisoners
hear a battle between the police and guerrillas. Another
blast creates a hole in the cell that opens to the street.
The other prisoners flee, but the four teachers and the
student remain. Half an hour later, the police return with
thirty suspects. When the police take the teachers and the
student, some injured, to see major Pinzón, they see two
dead police officers. Surprised that they have not escaped,
major Pinzón releases them on their own recognizance (95-
98).
As they leave the jail, there is still a blackout and
the student realizes that the reason for so many bombs is
that next day, November 26, is Abimael Guzman's birthday
(99-100).6 He interprets the birthday celebrations as "Una
serenata. Pero una serenata de sangre, con bombas y balas.
Es la forma de apagar velas que tiene el ideólogo de
Sendero. El pone su natalicio y la policía... los muertos"
(100). Scared, they take a taxi. The story ends by saying
that the same thing is happening in five other cities, where
6 According to Roldan, his birthday is December 3 (83).
Simón Munaro says it is December 4 (92).

229
towers, banks, and police stations are in pieces as part of
the celebration (100-101).
In "Gallo de ánimas" soldiers kill seven teachers,
allegedly for being guerrillas, but the actions of the
teachers contradict the accusation. Loved by the community,
they work to help it progress by helping construct a
building, a library, and a medical clinic. They also
complain to the district attorney about sinchis killing
livestock and bothering women. In the early afternoon the
narrator sees soldiers walking by and shortly afterward they
hear gunshots. The villagers arrive to see the still warm
bodies of the teachers, gunned down in cold blood in front
of their students. The captain is trembling with hatred and
says the teachers are terrorists. The soldiers later
machine gun the mourners at the wake for the teachers (79—
82).
These two short stories criticize abuses of teachers by
the police and military. The teachers have nothing to do
with Sendero Luminoso. In fact, the student in "Feliz
cumpleaños" condemns their macabre birthday celebrations.
However, the guerrilla war allows the police and military to
stifle legal and peaceful dissent under the guise of
combating the guerrillas. In "Feliz cumpleaños" the
teachers and student follow legal avenues of dissent, but
the major groups them with the guerrillas. In "Gallo de
ánimas" the teachers help the community progress and stand

230
up for their rights against abusive policemen. Soldiers
kill them extrajudiciously in front of their students and
murder those at the wake. These two short stories criticize
the repressive forces for using the guerrilla war as a
pretext to stifle legitimate dissent and to jail and kill
innocent people.
In "Al filo del rayo" a young boy describes a popular
trial. The guerrillas' entrance into the village is
dramatic. They hear blasts of dynamite, one destroying the
colonial bridge, and they appear before they can hide.
Comrade Flor is the only one without a ski mask. At the
first sign of trouble, all eight Civil Guards abandon their
post. The guerrillas take supplies from the post and raise
their flag in the plaza (106-7).
They quickly take control of the town, stop villagers
from pillaging stores, and begin the popular trial. Comrade
Flor charges the mayor with corruption, and the governor
with working with the police and military, and for his
involvement in a massacre and the arrest of students. She
pronounces them guilty and they shoot them at the priest's
house (107-15).
A third prisoner, a policeman with the Civil Guard,
collaborates with the guerrillas and they free him. He begs
for his life and tells them where the hidden cache of arms
are. While there are animated discussions about whether
they should kill him, he gets on his knees before comrade

231
Flor and begs her to save his life. He shows her a
photograph of his wife and two young daughters. She asks
him if she is from Quillabamba and if her name is Chela. He
answers yes to both questions and asks her if she knows her.
She says that she knows her more or less. After more
discussions, they decide to punish him before freeing him
(111-17). Converting the punishment into a metaphor of the
revolution, a guerrilla with scissors says: "Así como estas
tijeras cortan el pelo del mal hombre, así la revolución
cortará la mala yerba del pueblo. Así también pronto
cortaremos de raíz la pobreza, la explotación, la
ignorancia" (117). After cutting his hair, they escort him
to the edge of the town (118).
The story describes comrade Flor as being a somewhat
compassionate person. She is young and resembles the
narrator's cousin's teacher (107). She calls the narrator
over, caresses his head, asks his name, and gives him a
caramel. While he is there, another guerrilla asks her
about her defense of the policeman. She replies that he is
her brother-in-law and she can not vote for killing her only
sister's husband (119-20).
Comrade Flor justifies the revolution to the crowd
assembled in the plaza. She brings greetings from the
Peruvian Communist Party and says that they are there to
tell them who they are, what they want, why they fight, and

232
to judge abusive people who exploit them in the name of the
regime and empire (110).
Como ustedes, nosotros también somos gente del
pueblo; somos campesinos, estudiantes, empleados y
obreros. Luchamos por una patria mejor en la que
todos tengan derecho al pan, al trabajo, a la
educación y a la prosperidad. Luchamos porque
nuestros niños tengan un destino garantizado,
luchamos porque los jóvenes tengan una oportunidad
de realización. En fin luchamos porque los
campesinos, estos yanaconas explotados, tengan
posibilidad de redención social... Hemos
abandonado nuestras casas, nuestras familias y
nuestros trabajos para incorporarnos a la lucha
armada. Y como nosotros hay miles de peruanos
combatiendo en el país, tanto en la costa, sierra
y selva. (112)
Once the popular trial is over, four loudspeakers fill the
plaza with sound, they announce that they are going to play
the best of Andean music and everyone begins to dance (IIS-
19).
The narrator condemns the guerrillas and the hypocrisy
of many of the villagers. He says that before there is an
abusive large landowner, but the government takes over his
hacienda and there is no need for the guerrillas (109). He
is also angry and disappointed with government officials who
are dancing happily. He feels like calling them by name,
but that would put his family in jeopardy, because his
father works for the government (121).
"Historia de una cabeza con precio" recounts the
supposedly true story of how comrade Riobaldo joins the
guerrillas. As a child, the guerrillas hang his father.
The boy insults the guerrillas, but they do not pay much

233
attention to him. When he mocks two guerrillas, one makes a
gesture as if she is going to give him a Smith 38. He is
about to insult her when greed takes over. She will give
him the pistol if he goes with her to Pocohuanca, where they
are going to capture a man. After that he can return (63-
64). He thinks about his options in the village: "Miró al
pueblo ya sin gente. Quedaban pocas familias; más viejos
que jóvenes. Otros chicos más crecidos se afanaban para la
cabalgata. Alguien metía un cajón de muerto a la plaza.
Quiso llorar, pero se reprimió" (64). He decides to
accompany the guerrillas and she gives him the unloaded
pistol, promising to load it later. The next morning he
participates in the capture of the man. Afterward, he
becomes a legend for the number of authorities that he kills
(64).
The contradictions in these two short stories reflect
the complexity of the guerrilla war. In "Al filo del rayo"
the young boy believes that there is no exploitation after
the government confiscates a landowner's hacienda. The
guerrillas argue that they are fighting to end the
exploitation of the campesino and to create a better future.
In both short stories the guerrillas have no compunction
killing the mayor, governor and comrade Riobaldo's father.
Instead of wanting revenge, comrade Riobaldo becomes famous
for the number of people he kills for Sendero Luminoso.
However, there is a certain degree of compassion among the

234
guerrillas. Comrade Flor is kind to the boy, caressing his
head and giving him a caramel. Family ties motivate her to
argue for saving her brother-in-law's life. Even the female
guerrilla in the second short story shows some compassion,
albeit in a peculiar context. After they kill comrade
Riobaldo's father, she offers him a form of family to
replace the one they destroy. In the first short story the
guerrillas follow their murder of government officials with
a party, and government workers that survive happily dance
with the guerrillas, supposedly their enemies. In these two
short stories Rosas Paravicino shows the complexity of the
guerrilla war and describes the guerrillas as both brutal
and compassionate.
"Camino de la suerte" has two different story lines.
One deals with dead people talking about their experiences
with the guerrilla war and the second with two men who care
for the daughter of a dead guerrilla. Both describe a
process of healing and overcoming the hatred caused by the
guerrilla war.
In the first story three dead people, a guerrilla, an
innocent woman, and a Republican Guard, talk in a grave. It
has been three years since Emiliano Florián, a guerrilla,
dies in the assault on the prison in Ayacucho in 1982.
Before the attack, he leaves his daughter, who is just
learning to walk, with a friend, Ceferina. When Emiliano
sees Ceferina in the grave, she tells him that the parents

235
of a friend are raising his daughter near Cuzco. Not a
guerrilla, Ceferina dies in the crossfire of a battle
between guerrillas and repressive forces. The last burial
of the day is captain Illánez, a Republican Guard and the
head of interrogations. Emiliano tells him that when the
captain tortures him it is horrible, but it does not matter
(69-74). He is very conciliatory: "Estamos en un lugar
donde el rencor y la venganza no tienen ningún sentido de
ejercitarse" (74-75). The captain, machine gunned while
eating lunch in a restaurant, continues hating: "En cambio
yo sigo odiando a los terrucos y a toda esa lacra social que
jode al progreso del país" (75). Emiliano tells him that he
hates because he is recently dead and that it takes time to
forgive. Ceferina tells him that he is responsible for
disappearing her father the previous year, but he does not
remember because there have been so many (75).
The second deals with a young girl, Emiliano Florián's
daughter, orphaned due to the guerrilla war. Ediberto
Tapia, from near Cuzco, and Samuel Florián, a doctor from
Lima and Emiliano's brother, are participating in a
religious pilgrimage. After three years searching for his
niece, the doctor finds her in the house of a farmer,
Ediberto Tapia. The two men swear before God that they will
be like brothers and will care for Emiliano's daughter (67-
71 ).

236
Both story lines represent a microcosm of the guerrilla
war and forgiveness and unification that overcome its hatred
and brutality. The three dead people represent the three
components of the guerrilla war: the guerrillas, the
repressive forces, and innocent victims of the two. The
captain represents the hatred of both parties of the
guerrilla war and Emiliano forgiveness after the passage of
time. Instead of being abandoned, two men will care for
Emiliano's orphan daughter. Overcoming previous antagonisms
between the coast and the sierra, the two swear brotherhood
before God.

CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSIONS
A consequence of the conquest, the preoccupation about
the role of the Indian in Peru leads to the creation of
various forms of indigenismos. Each form is, by definition,
exterior to the indigenous world. Mestizos and whites
create different conceptions about the Indian, and, based
on that particular image, posit different theories for the
advancement of the Indians. At the same time, indigenistas
also promote their own political agendas. Indigenista
narrative has been an integral part of the indigenista
debate since the publication of Narciso Aréstegui's El Padre
Horan in 1848.
The criticism of indigenista narrative's lack of an
interior vision of the indigenous world is based on a faulty
premise. Indigenismo, both in its political and literary
manifestations, is an exterior perspective. In addition,
judging works on the basis of the highly subjective criteria
of which works are more authentic in their description of
the indigenous world leads to circular arguments, reflecting
constantly changing conceptions of the Indian.
Understanding indigenista narrative as part of the
237

238
(exterior) debate about the Indian leads to a more
productive means of analysis.
Criticisms of the formal structures of indigenista
narrative are intimately tied to the struggle for a dominant
position within the cultural field between the boom and
regionalism. Arguments proposed by those associated with
the boom, such as it being a new narrative or a qualitative
leap are premised on the inferiority of the previous
dominant form of literature, which is regionalism and
indigenismo. Based on narrative theories conceived in
Europe and North America, those associated with the boom
trumpet the ahistorical triumph of modernity in Latin
American literature. The principal weakness in the argument
is that indigenista narrative does not conform to their
definition of what literature is and, ipso facto, is
inferior. They do not consider the referent's role in
influencing the production of indigenista narrative.
Adapting western formal structures to the referent is a
strength rather than a weakness and part of its richness.
With roots in the chronicles of the conquest,
indigenista narrative has been a constant factor in Peruvian
literature since 1848 and is much more than a simple
literary school. It reflects and influences the debates
about the Indian. It also is an important source for
gaining a deeper understanding of conceptions of the Indian
in various periods in Peru's history.

239
Manuel Scorza's La tumba del relámpago and Hildebrando
Pérez Huarancca's Los ilegítimos can be interpreted as two
views on the revolutionary potential of the campesino.
Scorza's novel is an analysis of the changing conditions
that can lead to a successful revolutionary movement. He
bases his premise on the idea that the proletarianization of
campesinos has led to their gaining a revolutionary
consciousness. If leftist political parties and
organizations adapt revolutionary theories to the specific
needs and desires of the campesinos. he believes that there
is more probability of a successful revolutionary movement.
While Pérez Huarancca's short stories are not an explicit
call for revolution, the description of the lives of the
campesinos and their willingness to resist the system and to
overthrow it are, in part, a prelude to the rise of Sendero
Luminoso's armed struggle. Since Pérez Huarancca was a
principal ideologue of Sendero Luminoso, his fictional
representation could, to a certain extent, reflect Sendero
Luminoso's conception of the revolutionary potential of the
campesino.
The narrative works studied that have been published
since 1986 reflect the diversity of opinions about the
contemporary indigenous peoples. The texts describe the
decline of the agricultural economy and the effects of the
guerrilla war. The primary exploiters of the Indian are now
the government and society as a whole instead of abusive

240
landowners in the center of the system of gamonalismo found
in orthodox indigenista narrative. The primary victims of
the violence associated with the guerrilla war are
campesinos.
While landowners are not prominent in the texts, when
they appear they exercise enormous power over the lives of
the campesinos. They control local government officials,
influence the police to arrest or massacre their enemies,
and are allies with many priests. Many landowners view the
campesino as inferior and even as property. They rape
campesinas and impregnate their servants with near impunity.
They also thwart agrarian reforms to a great extent, but,
ironically, Sendero Luminoso partially ends their hegemony.
With the notable exception of Garnett's novel, priests
and religious figures do not appear frequently. Allies of
landowners and the government, they help maintain the status
quo and sexually exploit women. Most notable, however, is
the nearly complete absence of priests and religious
figures, good or bad.
Most texts describe governments as unresponsive to the
needs of the campesino, corrupt, and beholden to those with
money and power. Agrarian reforms and programs designed to
help the campesino are inadequate. Many programs are for
the express benefit of landowners and the rich, while the
government exploits cheap campesino labor. Although it can
be a catalyst for change, it usually works to maintain the

241
status quo and its power. When normal avenues of preserving
its power fail, the government calls in the police or
military to repress campesinos who threaten their power.
Government officials also become primary victims of
guerrilla popular trials.
There are three types of teachers. The teacher that
supports the established order and abuses campesinos appears
infrequently. Teachers associated with the SUTEP (teachers'
union) are the most common. They work to educate and
organize communities. Usually supported by the communities,
their actions often result in the government accusing them
and the communities of being guerrillas or sympathizers. At
times the repressive forces murder teachers and those in the
community seen as threats. A third type is the teacher that
opts for joining the guerrillas.
Campesinos are both victims and active actors on their
own behalf. While they commit some abuses against fellow
campesinos. such as sexual violence and human sacrifices,
the vast majority of the texts describe them as victims. A
partial list of their exploiters includes landowners,
religious figures, judicial officials, governments,
teachers, other campesinos. the repressive forces and the
guerrillas. The problem of land continues, but it is not
the overwhelming theme. The principal problems that they
face are an exploitative system and the violence of the
guerrilla war. Many campesinos actively resist their

242
exploiters through the vehicle of the community. Resistance
is normally on an individual or communal level, but a few
choose to join the guerrillas.
Most of the description of the police, the military,
and the guerrillas is about their destruction. The killing
affects every segment of society. The repressive forces
tend to torture and rape more than the guerrillas. The
repressive forces are often depicted as doing the dirty work
for society in defeating the guerrillas. Implicit in this
arms-length support is that any means are appropriate if the
results are effective. Many texts describe the guerrillas
as brutal extremists, whose leader is surrounded by myths.
Various texts describe the guerrillas in terms of being
almost super humans who will very difficult to defeat. The
violence continues on all sides in an upward spiral as
characters seek revenge for previous attacks.
Indigenista narrative continues to be an important part
of Peruvian literature and to address consequential issues
in contemporary Peru. Using innovative narrative techniques
and tackling current problems, indigenista writers continue
in indigenismo's tradition of constantly adapting to the
times. The future of indigenista narrative seems bright
considering the talented young writers who choose to
continue the tradition.

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Zegarra Pinedo, Aureo. Acción Popular: teoría v praxis.
N.p.: n.p., 1985.
Zuzunaga Huaita, Sócrates. Con llorar no se gana nada.
Lima: SAGSA, 1988.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Mark R. Cox was born in Kingsport, Tennessee, on
October 14, 1959. He attended Tennessee Technological
University. In 1981 he graduated with the B.A. in political
science and Spanish and in 1984 he received the M.A. in
Spanish, both degrees from the University of Tennessee,
Knoxville. He has studied, traveled and done research in
Mexico, Guatemala, and Peru. His doctoral studies were
completed at the University of Florida in 1995. He is
presently an Assistant Professor of Spanish at Jacksonville
University in Jacksonville, Florida.
250

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Andres 0. Avellaneda, Chair
Professor of Romance Languages
and Literatures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Adolfo P. Prieto
Graduate Research Professor of
Romance Languages and
Literatures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Charles A. Perrone
Associate Professor of Romance
Languages and Literatures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
a
Reynaldo L. Jimenez
Associate Professor of Romance
Languages and Literatures

I certify that I have read this study and that in my
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures in
the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate
School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
May 1995
Dean, Graduate School

LD
1780
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