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Value orientations of leaders and students in Popayan, Colombia

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Value orientations of leaders and students in Popayan, Colombia
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Hollingsworth, J. Selwyn, 1939-
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English
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xiv, 237 l. : ;

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Subjects / Keywords:
Bibs ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Economic development ( jstor )
Fathers ( jstor )
Schools ( jstor )
Social change ( jstor )
Social evolution ( jstor )
Social theories ( jstor )
Students ( jstor )
Universities ( jstor )
Cambio social
Social conditions -- Colombia ( lcsh )
Social values ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 236-237.
General Note:
Vita.
General Note:
Photocopy of typescript. Ann Arbor, Mich., University Microfilms, 1973. 20 cm.
Statement of Responsibility:
by J. Selwyn Hollingsworth.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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AAM1382 ( NOTIS )
01197315 ( OCLC )

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VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF LEADERS AND STUDENTS

IN POPAYAN, COLOMBIA













By
J. SELWYN HOLLINGSWORTH












A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY















UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


1970




































Dedicated

to

Mama and Daddy














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


The undertaking of a research project usually involves the

advice, the cooperation, and sometimes the consolation of numerous

people. The present one is no exception. This section is included

by the author in an attempt to make public record of his lasting

gratitude to certain people who have assisted him, both in the research

project itself and in the writing of this dissertation.

Dr. Irving L. Webber has directed the research since its

inception and has guided the writing of this report. He has been a

demanding and exacting taskmaster, but all in all one could not ask

for a more pleasant working relationship than that which we had in

this project. Perhaps the greatest of his achievements has been in

helping the author to find a significant reward in writing. His

instruction in scientific precision also has been an invaluable

experience. To Dr. and Mrs. Webber, who have been friends, counselors,

and sources of inspiration, the author expresses profound gratitude.

The other members of the committee, Dr. Joseph S. Vandiver,

Dr. John V. D. Saunders, Dr. E. Wilbur Bock, and Dr. Raymond E. Crist,

have spent long hours with the candidate both in and out of class.

Their teachings and advice were sought out and readily given.

Dr. T. Lynn Smith, former chairman of the committee, has spent many


iii









hours teaching the author about the peoples and institutions of

Latin America, and he continues to be an inspiration.

The Rockefeller Foundation provided a grant to the University

of Florida to be used for teaching and research purposes in Call,

Colombia. The grant was administered by the Center of Latin American

Studies at the University of Florida. Dr. William E. Carter,

Captain R. J. Toner, and Mrs. Vivian Nolen were directly involved in

administering the funds which were so necessary for the completion of

the investigation. Grateful appreciation is expressed to them and

to the Rockefeller Foundation.

The other, as yet unnamed, collaborators in this investigation

were Alfredo Ocampo Z. and David W. Coombs. They were compatible,

efficient, and competent co-workers, and working with them in the

organization and completion of the research project was rewarding.

Eric A. Wagner devoted time in coding the responses, and his efforts

are also valued.

A deep and lasting debt of gratitude is expressed to the

920 respondents who made the research project possible.

Florence R. Kluckhohn and Harry A. Scarr offered theoretical

and statistical advice which was invaluable. The work of Jennie Boring,

Kim Cornelius, Mac Cline, Camile Johnson, and Jean Holzer in obtaining

IBM printouts of the statistical analysis was time-consuming and

boring to them at times, but it was so very necessary to the completion

of the project.

Dr. Edward C. McDonagh has offered much useful advice and

a great deal of encouragement. He also made possible a teaching load

iv







which required only one preparation per semester during the writing

of the dissertation. Without his understanding and assistance, the

work would have been much slower and more difficult.

James Agudelo S. has provided the author with many insights

into Colombian life, much help with Spanish translations, and much

encouragement. Gilberto Aristizabal spent a good many hours assisting

with the preliminary stages of the investigation and also helped

administer the questionnaire to students in Cali.

Seior Gerardo Hurtado, Secretary of the Popayan Chamber of

Commerce, provided much of the information which was used in setting

up the sampling frame. Seior Jorge Valencia, Secretary of the

Palmira Chamber of Commerce, provided similar assistance for the

pretest which was conducted in Palmira.

Secretarial assistance in the preparation of the dissertation

has been extremely necessary, most cooperative, and very efficient.

Sefioritas Ana Cristina Zamorano and Susana Caicedo typed seemingly

endless lists of information for the samples, and they typed the

several versions of the instruments. Miss Naomi L. Christian has

spent many hours--hours which could have been spent much more

pleasantly--in typing preliminary drafts of the manuscript. Mrs. Sue

Freeman assisted in this manner as well. Mrs. Loretta McNutt typed

the final copy, and her advice has been most useful.

The author expresses his appreciation to a number of persons

who are not named in this acknowledgment because they were not directly

associated with the research project; however, indirectly their

cooperation and service greatly helped him complete the dissertation.

v








Finally, much gratitude goes to Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Hollingsworth,

parents of the author, for their indulgence and understanding in many

matters which often were beyond their comprehension. Their teachings,

and their backing up of a son who was often far away from home, are

sincerely and deeply appreciated.













TABLE OF CONTENTS


DEDICATION. . ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . ..... iii

LIST OF TABLES. '.. xi

ABSTRACT. ..... . xii

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION. .. . ... 1

Nature, Scope, and Limitations of the
Investigation .. .. 3
Questions for Study .. 5
Organization of the Dissertation. .... 6

2 SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT 8

Theories of Social Change .. 10
The Concept of Social Progress. .. 10
Evolutionism ....... .. .. 11
Neo-Evolutionism .. .... .... 13
Socialistic Concepts of Change ......... 17
Anarchism .... ........ 18
Marxism . 18
Fabian socialism .. 19
Cyclical Change .. 20
Particularistic Theories. 26
Diffusionism .. 26
Geographic determinism. ......... ..... 27
Biological determinism. .. 27
Sociological Theories of Social Change. ... 29
Assimilation ..... ..... ..... 29
Social ecology. .. 30
Social lag and technology 30
Cultural acceleration .. ......... 33
Elites as a factor in social change .. 34
Other theories of social change ....... 35
Development and Modernization ......... 36









CHAPTER


The Development of Underdeveloped Countries .
Social Change and Development in Colombia .
Social Change in Colombia .
Regional Studies of Social Change
in Colombia . .
Community Studies of Social Change .
Elements of Social Change .

3 VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS .


Values and Social Change. .
Kluckhohn's Theory of Variations
in Value Orientations .
Variations in Value Orientations
and Social Change .
The Value Orientations Instrument .


4 THE STUDY COMMUNITY: POPAYAN, COLOMBIA .

History . .

5 DESIGN OF THE INVESTIGATION .


Sample Design .
The Sample of Leaders .
Sampling Plan for Leaders .
Drawing Sample Units of Leaders .
The Sample of Students .
Selecting the Schools .
Field Procedures .
Pretesting the Instrument .
Interviewing the Leaders .
Interviewing the Students .
Processing the Data .
Coding the Responses .
Machine Processing .
Descriptive and Explanatory Material.
The Method of Analysis .


6 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS .

Socioeconomic Status (SES) of the
Leaders' Sample ... ... ..
Occupational Status of Leaders' Fathers .. ...
Educational Attainment of Leaders
and Their Fathers.. .
Residential History of Leaders in Popayn .


viii


73

76

84
87

89

92

104

104
105
106
107
109
111
112
112
114
116
117
117
118
118
119

122


124
124

126
127





r












Characteristics of the Students .
SES of the Students' Sample .
Occupations of the Students' Fathers.. .. ..
Educational Attainment of Students' Fathers .
Other Student Characteristics .

7 VALUE ORIENTATIONS IN POPAYAN .


Value Profiles of the Respondents
Testing of the Hypotheses ..


Hypotheses Related to
Hypothesis one. .
Hypothesis two. .
Hypothesis three .
Hypothesis four .
Hypothesis five .
Hypotheses Related to
Hypothesis six. .
Hypothesis seven. .
Hypothesis eight..
Hypothesis nine .
Hypothesis ten. .
Hypothesis eleven .
Hypothesis twelve .
Hypothesis thirteen
Hypothesis fourteen
Hypothesis fifteen.


Leaders .






Students.

. .
. .

. .


127
128
129
130
131

132

133
136
136
136
138
138
138
139
140
141
141
141
142
143
144
144
145
146
147

148

148
155
155
156


8 VALUE ORIENTATIONS AND DEVELOPMENT .

A Glance at the Most-Developed City .
Testing of the Hypotheses .
Hypothesis Sixteen .
Hypothesis Seventeen .

9 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .


. 161


162

164
166


The Problem of Cross-Cultural Comparisons
Relative Importance of Different Value
Orientations .
Values vs. Value Orientations .


I ENGLISH-LANGUAGE VERSION OF THE VALUE ORIENTATIONS
INSTRUMENT . .


CHAPTER


APPENDIX


169


rr
~r







APPENDIX


II SPANISH-LANGUAGE VERSION OF THE VALUE ORIENTATIONS
INSTRUMENT......................

III ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF RESPONSE SHEETS FOR
RESPONDENTS' BIOGRAPHICAL DATA .. .

IV TABLES RELATING TO HYPOTHESES .

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................... .

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ......................


181


194

198

217

236














LIST OF TABLES


Table

1 Value Profiles of Popayin Leaders, Students,
and Students' Parents, by Orientational
Areas, 1967 ................... ... 133

2 A Comparison of Findings in the Present Study
with Others Using the Kluckhohn Theory of
Variations in Value Orientations. .. 159













Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF LEADERS AND STUDENTS
IN POPAYAN, COLOMBIA

By

J. Selwyn Hollingsworth

December, 1970

Chairman: Irving L. Webber
Major Department: Sociology


The findings reported in this dissertation were taken from a

larger study of value orientations in three Colombian cities at

different stages of social and economic development. A major

hypothesis which has guided the investigation was that a city's rate

and stage of social and economic development are affected by the value

orientations of the people who make the major decisions in that city.

Much speculation has arisen concerning the causes of develop-

ment. Many, if not most, of the explanations of the phenomenon have

dealt primarily with economic factors. However, traditional economic

theory thusfar has been unable to explain satisfactorily why some

societies have developed at very unequal rates although they began at

approximately equal positions.

The suggestion of various theorists that values play a

significant role in the development process has provided a major

basis for the work herein presented. Thus, the investigation was

xii








designed to include an analysis of the value orientations (based on

Florence Kluckhohn's theory) of top leaders. Additionally, the

value orientations of students and of their parents were solicited.

Although the larger study took into account the value

orientations of leaders and students in three Colombian cities, the

present work is limited mainly to a report of the findings in

Popayan, the least-developed of the three cities. Comparisons were

made with the results from Medellin, the most-developed of the three,

in order to gain some insight into the nature of the relationship

between value orientations and stage of development.

The sample of leaders was taken from seven sectors of

leadership--commercial, industrial, banking, government, quasi-

governmental entities, the Church, and the university--which detailed

observation and information from knowledgeable informants suggested

had the most influence on municipal decision-making. Interviews were

conducted with 59 Popayan leaders, who were selected from the sampling

frame by a random method. Biographical data which were used as

independent variables in the testing of hypotheses were obtained from

each respondent, as well as his responses to the 22 items on

Kluckhohn's variations in value orientations instrument ("urban"

version).

Using the same instrument, data were likewise collected from

154 male high school seniors in Popayan in four questionnaire sessions.

Their perceptions of the possible responses of each of their parents

were also obtained. Students were included in the investigation

because this permitted an analysis of value orientations of more

xiii








socioeconomic strata than in the case of the leaders. Consequently,

the questionnaire was used to elicit responses from students in both

public and private schools at opposite extremes of socioeconomic

status.

The hypotheses were formulated in terms of modernity, using

the assumed dominant value orientations of middle-class people in the

United States as a "modern" model. The data were analyzed by means

of t-tests, which were calculated by computer.

The data analysis revealed few statistically significant

findings which would support the major hypothesis. A majority of

the results, however, were in the directions which were suggested by

the hypotheses. Yet there was a quantity of findings which were not

in the predicted directions.

A major conclusion of the dissertation is that there may be

other values, not included in Kluckhohn's instrument, which are more

relevant to development. It may be that there is no common set of

values which are conducive to development in all societies. If

certain values are more beneficial to development than others, this

points up the need for more research in order to isolate and identify

them and the role each plays in the development process.


xiv















CHAPTER 1


INTRODUCTION


The world in which we live is in a constant state of change.

This phenomenon is not a new one but has been occurring down through

the centuries. However, to our knowledge, the rapid rate at which our

world, its people, and their basic social institutions are presently

changing has never before been equalled on a sustained basis. Phenom-

ena of such magnitude do not go unnoticed by man, who is at once the

creator and the heir of such changes.

One of the many changes with tremendous impetus is the develop-

ment of certain societies that have long been regarded as traditional

into societies which could be called "modern." As a result, a general

preoccupation with the process of development has presently reached

an unprecedented level of consequence. Reasons for the growing concern

over countries which are clearly underdeveloped, and over other

countries which are in various stages along the development continuum,

are many and varied. Many countries now in the early stages of


IThis investigation was made possible through a Rockefeller
Foundation grant to the Center for Latin American Studies at the
University of Florida, as part of an agreement between the Universidad
del Valle, in Cali, Colombia, and the University of Florida, for a
joint project in sociology, history, and political science.








development are manifesting an increased interest in knowing the whys

and wherefores of the process in all its social, economic, political,

educational and other aspects. Countries with greater degrees of

economic development are interested in an increased pace of

development.

To say that there are many factors which are involved in the

emergence of a society with largely traditional overtones into one

which could be called modern would be trite. However, there are those

who agree with the present writer that the human component should not

be overlooked. More specifically, human motivations and basic

systems of values must not, and cannot, be omitted from consideration

in this complex problem.

Latin America, being one of the large land areas of the world

and an area of an ever-increasing rate of growth of human resources,

has constituted a growing concern for scientists whose subject matter

is human behavior, as well as for those whose interests lie in other

fields of scientific endeavor. The region has been regarded as being

generally underdeveloped. It should be noted that the several

countries which comprise Latin America are at different rungs on the

ladder of development. The progress of nations such as Argentina,

Chile, and Mexico is well known. However, other countries are not

making such notable transitions, and some of those which are in rapid

development have received scant attention. For instance, "Although

the economic growth of Colombia during the past 40 years has gone

largely unnoticed by the world at large, one could count on one's

fingers, possibly the fingers of one hand, the countries of the







world whose rate of increase in per capital income during this period

has been greater" (Hagen, 1962:353).

Yet as one looks around at the different regions of Colombia,

he can readily see that the rapid rate of development mentioned by

Hagen has not been uniform in all parts of the country. A visit to

such underdeveloped parts of the country as Nariio, Tolima, and the

Pacific Coast, among others, makes them stand out vividly in contrast

with the more developed cities of Bogota, Cali, and Medellin.

Certainly, there are numerous factors which are useful in explaining

why these changes have been differential. The present writer again

would stress the human factor in eliciting social change, and, more

specifically, development.

Among the paramount factors which influence human behavior are

the basic values of the people involved. The possibility that there

exist basic values which are conducive to, or restrictive of, social

change should not be overlooked. This is the basic orientation of

the work presented here.


Nature, Scope, and Limitations
of the Investigation

The study is based on Florence R. Kluckhohn's conceptualiza-

tion of variations in value orientations (see Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck,

1961). It follows the naturalistic approach to the study of values,

which holds that values are accessible to the same methods of inquiry

and criteria of validity which are applicable to all forms of

empirical knowledge.

Kluckhohn has elaborated an instrument designed to reveal a

person's basic value orientations. The instrument has been tested in







various studies and in several very different cultures. Its proper

application and analysis are said to reveal intracultural and cross-

cultural variations in value orientations.

In the process of social change, it is necessary to have some

people who lead the way. Earlier studies have pointed out the power

of community leaders in effecting change. Therefore, Kluckhohn's

instrument was administered to leaders in two Colombian cities at

opposite extremes on the development continuum in order to study

some of the relationships between value orientations and development.

It was also completed by students in order to afford comparisons of

the value orientations of people in the different socioeconomic

classes.

Various social and economic indices were utilized in the

selection of the study sites. The cities of Popayan and Medellin

were selected as representing the least-developed and most-

developed departmental (state) capitals, respectively, excluding

Bogota, the national capital.2 The sample of leaders was taken from

various sectors of the cities' leadership groups, because it is

recognized that people in different sections are influential in the

community power structure. The students were defined as high school

seniors in both public and private schools at vastly different levels

of socioeconomic status.

It should be pointed out that the results of this study may

not be generalized to Latin America, nor even necessarily to Colombia


21n this paper, Popayan will receive major emphasis and data
from Medellfn will be used for comparative purposes only.








as a whole. The investigation is limited to Kluckhohn's concept of

variations in value orientations among selected leaders and students

from the cities of Popayan and Medellin.

A major purpose of the study was to discover relationships

between value orientations and the stage of development of each of

the cities involved. Other objectives of the investigation may be

classified as threefold in nature: descriptive, comparative, and

analytical. In regards to the first objective, value profiles in

each group were delineated. Secondly, the value profiles and value

orientations of each group were compared with those of the other

groups, as well as with those which have been discovered in similar

groups in other cultures. Lastly, the analytic aspect included the

testing of the hypotheses and the application of analytical models

to the results.


Questions for Study

In addition to seeking a relationship between value orienta-

tions and level of development for a given place, several individual

biographical factors were considered as being of possible influence

on an individual's value orientations.

Since it has been amply demonstrated that a person's social

characteristics have an influence on what he is, does, and believes,

questions were asked which would permit cross-classifications of

the person's value orientations with factors such as his age, sex,

occupation, education, and marital status. In the case of the

students, the father's occupational and educational levels were







obtained. Similarly, the name of the barrio (neighborhood) in which

the interviewee lived was ascertained. Thus, the occupation,

education, and socioeconomic status (SES) of the barrio permit

classification of a respondent's SES.

Furthermore, a person's environment'-during the various periods

of his socialization was regarded as important in shaping his

value orientations. It was considered useful to know whether a

person came from a rural or an urban background. The age at which

a person lived in a certain place was deemed of consequence to the

formation of basic values.

In addition, for the leaders, whether they had had university

studies in a foreign country was thought to have a possible influence

on their basic system of values. Thus, questions which could obtain

these and other data were included on the face sheet of the instrument.


Organization of the Dissertation

The development of the report which follows begins with a

consideration of social change and development, since this particular

topic is one of the bases of the investigation. Chapter 3, then,

will deal with the other basis--value orientations. A review of

the study community, Popayan, comes next in sequence, followed by a

report of the design of the study.

Next in order comes an exposition of the results of the study

in Chapters 6, 7, and 8. Chapter 6 deals with characteristics of

the samples and is a description of the people who were interviewed.

Chapter 7 specifies the value profiles found in each sector of





7

each study group and includes internal comparisons of these value

profiles. Perhaps more importantly, it provides a comparison of

value orientations controlled by various biographical factors of the

individual respondents and tests hypotheses related to value orienta-

tions in Popayan. Chapter 8 treats the major hypotheses dealing with

development and compares the findings in Medellin and Popayan, as

well as those of other investigations which have used the Kluckhohn

instrument. Chapter 9 summarizes the findings, explores some of

their implications, and states some conclusions.














CHAPTER 2


SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT


Throughout most of human history, stability has been the most

usual and preferred condition. This phenomenon exists in part

because the old established ways of doing things require much less

effort and anxiety than do new ones, the outcome of which may be

uncertain. Therefore, there is a tendency to hold on to tried and

proven methods. That this is true is seen in the fact that only

within the past 300 years has change become somewhat sanctioned

(LaPiere, 1965:1-2). Ecclesiastes 1:9 remarks that "There is no new

thing under the sun," and Machiavelli noted that, "There is nothing

more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more

uncertain in its success, than to take the lead in the introduction

of a new order of things" (Machiavelli, 1950:21). Another writer

points out the fact that, "Paradoxically, as change has accelerated

in the real world of experience the scientific disciplines dealing

with man's actions and products have tended to emphasize orderly

interdependence and static continuity" (Moore, 1967:3).

The emphasis on stability has carried over from the outside

world into the discipline of sociology. True, sociologists are

interested in how and why change occurs, but most of their time

and efforts in teaching and in research have been concentrated on the

8








social structure and its parts. Nevertheless, some social scientists

are devoting more of their attention to the phenomenon of social

change, and this chapter will take a brief look at the theories of

these men.

Change is a prevalent feature of life in the modern

United States, and is occurring in all societies of the world, although

at greatly differing rates. Furthermore, it is readily evident that

the rate itself is increasing at a fairly rapid pace. In some places,

however, change on a small scale may be desired only in order to

promote stability on a larger scale (Moore, 1967:3). In fact, both

Plato and Marx were of the persuasion that modifications in the social

order were desirable only as they contributed to the attainment of its

continuity (LaPiere, 1965:1).

There has been, and still is, a wide range of viewpoints

concerning the desirability, inevitability, causes and processes of

social change. Recently, much has been written concerning social

change, development, and modernization. Yet at the same time it is

fashionable to say that there is no theory of social change. True,

there is no general, all-encompassing theory which adequately explains

the phenomenon. However, there do exist numerous theories which take

into account some of the specific characteristics of social units

(Inkeles, 1964:88-91).

Before we turn to a discussion of some of those theories, let

us first identify the concept, social change. There are various

definitions, ranging from the very simplistic to more complicated

ones (see Nordskog, 1960:1; Fairchild, 1962:277; and Berelson and

Steiner, 1964:588).





10

For the purpose of this work, social change may be thought of

as those alterations in values, sentiments, social organization,

and/or social processes of a human group that lead to perceptible

variations in the nature and quality of social interaction.


Theories of Social Change

Because of the large number of theories concerning change, this

section will be limited to a discussion of selected theories which

are thought to be representative of the field. The classification

system used herein is based on a synthesis of three others (see

LaPiere, 1965:1-39; Ryan, 1969:21-50; and Himes, 1968:426-433). It

is-taken mainly from the former, with modifications coming from the

other two books and from the present writer.


The Concept of Social Progress

Whatever the conditions of the times, most of the social

thought of the Middle Ages was a justification of things as they were.

Jean Bodin broke this tradition when he offered a cyclical interpreta-

tion of history during the sixteenth century as he wrote of the

decline of Rome. Machiavelli, on the other hand, was interested in

preserving the power of princes. Finally, John Locke came out in

favor of change through revolution as a manner of righting the wrongs

of political tyranny. Marx, after him, held similar ideas toward

revolution. During the latter part of the eighteenth century, the

idea that change in and of itself was to be desired took form.

Condorcet and Saint-Simon both believed that men could improve them-

selves and their lives through their own individual efforts and

through rational thinking and planning.








LaPiere regards the idea of social progress as a major

ideological innovation. It rejected the traditional idea that the

world was inherently bad and probably led eventually to many of

the changes which have produced our modern-day ways of thinking and

doing things (LaPiere, 1965:2-4).


Evolutionism

Evolutionism is closely related to social progress, but

features an added dimension, since it attempts to define the course

of social development. One of the most notable thinkers in this area

was Auguste Comte, who added his law of the three stages, a conspicuous

example of the linear conception of social and historical change of the

past century, to progressive thinking.

Briefly, Comte believed that each individual and each society

passes through three stages of mental development. In the first stage,

which Comte calls the Theological, man is terribly curious about his

environment and about other people and his relation to them. Since

the cultural base is so small, then man supposes that all phenomena are

caused by supernatural beings. The Metaphysical stage follows as a

modification of the Theological. Abstractions are looked upon as

being the directing forces of nature. When man learns to stop looking

for ultimate causes and begins to use his and others' observations and

experiences and to accept the interrelations and associate the facts,

then he enters what Comte refers to as the Scientific, or positive,

stage (Comte, 1896:1-2, as cited in Vine, 1959:28-29; Cf. Sorokin,

1928:728).






12


Comte regarded progress as an inevitable working of human law.

In his concepts of a new positivist world, he thought that man could

hasten progress through the application of sociology by social

engineers. His conception of progress was, for the most part,

intellectual and moral, but it also had its material aspects (Vine,

1959:36-38).

Herbert Spencer felt that change was inevitable, that it was

a part of a universal design which was beyond the control of man. He

thought that all societies go through a series of stages which are

definite and unchangeable. His Law of the Multiplication of Effects

held that everything changes, and in the process becomes more complex.

There is a very close relationship between cause and effect, to wit:

in a series of causes, the effect of a given cause then becomes a

cause of something else.

Spencer classified the factors involved in social change as

primary and secondary. By primary factors he meant the characteristics

(physical, emotional, and intellectual) of the individuals in the

society and the physical, political, social, religious, and other

conditions under which the society exists. Spencer took into account

the various environmental conditions and realized that the early

stages of social evolution are much more dependent upon local conditions

than the later ones (Spencer, 1899:39, as cited in Vine, 1959:55-56).

He formulated five secondary factors of human change:

(1) Progressive modification of environment by societies.

(2) Size of society. The density of population increases
in direct proportion to the specialization of labor in
the society.









(3) Reciprocal influence of society and the individual.
The influence of the whole on its parts, and of the
parts on the whole.

(4) The accumulation of superorganic products, such as
material objects, language, knowledge, myths, and
the like.

(5) The struggle between the society and neighboring
societies (Spencer, 1899:10-15, as quoted in Vine,
1959:56).

According to Spencer, all these factors combine in different manners to

bring about the process of social evolution.

For Spencer the terms progress and evolution were synonymous.

He viewed evolution as being natural, automatic, and inherently

progressive. According to him, the cause of social progress was the

modification of man's moral nature as he adapts more and more to

social relations (Spencer, 1899:13-15).

Anthropologists such as Morgan, Maine, and Westermarck proposed

theories which incorporated the ideas of stages of Comte and Spencer.

Gumplowicz and Kidd built on Darwin's survival of the fittest theory,

holding that that which would survive would be the most efficient

system, or part of the system (LaPiere, 1965:6).


Neo-Evolutionism

Lester F. Ward, influenced by Comte's positivism, and greatly

concerned with the idea of social telesis, divided pure sociology into

genesis and telesis. Genesis is the natural, unconscious, evolutionary

development of man. Telesis, his key concept, is the conscious,

evolutionary development of man, progress intelligently planned and

directed. For him, the central theme of sociology was human

achievement.








To Ward, social telesis was the more important of the two

factors in social change. He agreed with Spencer's idea of evolution

and expanded upon it through his conceptions of sympodial development

and creative synthesis. However, Ward did not agree with Spencer's

belief that evolution was natural and automatic and that reform had

no value unless it interfered with the evolutionary process. He felt

that man, because of his superior mental powers, is able to improve

society, and using scientific knowledge as a tool, should do so. He

was careful to point out that social telesis followed the laws of

nature, as did natural evolution. Telesis implies merely a conscious

hastening of evolution and is artificial only as it is planned and

deliberate. Education was to be the primary agency of social change.

Ward believed that man's efforts are expended in an effort to

attain happiness and that education (universal, public, compulsory)

was the beginning to an approach to happiness. He viewed the path

toward happiness as consisting of six steps--education, knowledge,

dynamic opinion, dynamic action, progress, and happiness--each one

depending on its immediate predecessor (Vine, 1959:18. Cf. Lichten-

berger, 1923:385-90).

In The Division of Labor in Society, Emile Durkheim agreed with

Spencer's notion that an increase in the division of labor was an

important factor in the development of a primitive society into a

civilized one.

In primitive societies, where the division of labor has not

developed, individuals are relatively similar. They are bound







together by a "mechanical" type of solidarity in which they blindly

obey public opinion and tradition. In civilized societies, on the

other hand, there is a well-developed division of labor. Here,

Individuals are bound together by an organic solidarity because they

need each other's goods and services. Because of this growing

emphasis on specialization, individuals tend to be more differentiated

from each other, and thus more individualistic. As an individual,

each person must contribute his specialization to the betterment of

his society.

Durkheim, in searching for the causes of social evolution,

disagreed with Spencer's idea that civilization was created by

happiness or by the desire for happiness. He felt that material

wealth and civilization had not really contributed to man's happiness.

On the contrary, he found that primitive societies appeared to be

happier than richer ones. He encountered lower rates of suicides

and neuroses in primitive societies than in contemporary ones.

Durkheim concluded that increased social density, caused by population

growth and technology, was the primary cause of an increasing division

of labor (Vine, 1959:130-133; 141-142).

Max Weber felt that social change was based on the conflict

among three general principles: traditionalism, rationality, and

charisma. The tension which results from the conflict between

traditionalism and rationalism is responsible for much of the evolu-

tion of social structures. Frequently, both of these principles have

appeared to conflict with the charismatic principle. The single most

important and most general element would have to be rationalization.









The phenomenon of bureaucratization in politics is an example

of a secular rationalization. The trend toward bureaucratization is

balanced by the concept of charisma, which Weber sees as a truly

revolutionary force in history. Thus, change occurs as a result of

the counterbalancing of rationalizing and charismatic forces

(Martindale, 1960:393).

Weber's major contribution to the field of social change in

Western civilization, however, lies in his analysis of the development

of capitalism. It was the obverse of Marx's contention that all

social systems and institutions, including religion, are determined

by the economic system. From his analysis of the development of

modern industrial capitalism and Protestantism and his study of their

interrelationships, he concluded that the rise of capitalism was a

by-product of Protestantism. Materialism had no place in traditional

Catholic attitudes toward making a living which were prevalent in the

Middle Ages. With the advent and rise of Protestantism, though, it

was considered acceptable and eventually meritorious to make a just

profit in business transactions. With industrial capitalism, the idea

of an obligation to make an unlimited amount of money developed. This,

together with other related ideas, was Weber's "spirit of capitalism."

His hypothesis was that modern capitalism could not have developed

without the Protestant ethic (see Vine, 1959:223-226).

William Graham Sumner considered progress to be an act of

faith. Thus, scientific knowledge and proof were not applicable in

the study of progress. He agreed strongly with Spencer's theory of

social evolution, but used it to a limited extent only in his theories.







His most important contributions to sociology include

his concepts of folkways and mores, and it is here that he intro-

duces thoughts concerning social change. Sometimes he speaks

of the spontaneous evolution of folkways and mores. At other

times, he observes that people merely stumble upon certain modes

of behavior through trial and error. If a specific manner of

comportment "works," that is, performs a social function, then it

becomes a part of the folkways. If not, it simply ceases to exist,

and alternatives are found. If the folkway in turn persists and

becomes important to group welfare, it becomes a mos. Folkways

and mores, while generally resistant to change, sometimes are

modified by accident or the irrationality of people. He did not

believe that people can criticize fairly their own mores, nor

change them by any predetermined action (Sumner, 1907:97-98, as

cited in Vine, 1959:103).


Socialistic Concepts of Changel

Much of Western social thought was dominated by evolutionism

during the nineteenth and part of the twentieth century. Often, it

was combined with the concept of progress through a deliberately

and rationally planned reform program. Reforms advocated here in

the United States were generally of a particularistic nature, but

the European thinkers advocated broader, more sweeping changes of a

systematic character.


lMost of this section is developed from LaPiere (1965:9-15).









Anarchism

The feeling that government stands in the way of social

progress began with Saint-Simon, was expanded by Rousseau, and was

shared to a limited extent by Adam Smith. Government resists change

because it represents the elite, who reason that it is in their best

interests for things to remain as they are. Revolution is not the

answer, for it is government itself which must be eliminated, thus

permitting man's true nature, altruism, to manifest itself. Thus, in

anarchy it is reasoned that there will be a peaceful, harmonious

spirit of cooperation for the common good. Although some violence

might be necessary, it should be used only as a means of abolishing

the government and thus ultimately attaining a utopian society.

Many people during this period considered government to be a

necessary evil, including the authors of the United States Constitu-

tion. Karl Marx felt that government was essential only in the

transitional period between the revolutionary destruction of capitalism

and the establishment of a communal system.


Marxism

Karl Marx had evolutionary, as well as revolutionary, ideas.

He, like Comte, saw society as moving through various stages of

development. Movement through these phases was inevitable and was

caused by "historical imperatives." Capitalism, the nineteenth-

century phase, had brought great advances in the production of

material goods but had resulted in the exploitation of the workers

by the capitalists, who could do so because they held the reins of







government. Eventually, the workers would develop a class conscious-

ness and would revolt, then creating a government of, by, and

for the people. Next, they would institute a communistic economic

system. There would be government control during this transitional

period, but once people learned to live together, then the need

for government would disappear and life would become stable.

Marx saw change as a means of creating a utopian stability.

Thus, he was basically an evolutionist, but differed from others

who held this viewpoint only in the particular stages through which

he felt society was moving.


Fabian socialism

Marxism did not really have the predictive power which

most people attribute to it. It was the Fabian socialists who

came closest in this.respect.2 The name comes from the Roman

general Quintus Fabius Marximus, and George Bernard Shaw and

other British intellectuals of the day were major proponents of

the theory.

The Fabian socialists were at odds with some aspects of

the capitalist system, yet were in violent opposition to Marx's

suggestion of revolution. They thought that the transition to

socialism would come about gradually on its own. They merely

looked at some of the changes which were then occurring in highly

industrialized societies and projected them into the future.


2For a summary of the arguments in support of this statement,
the reader is referred to LaPiere (1965:12-13).








Cyclical Change

Historical data were often referred to in order to support

the idea of the constancy and trend toward perfection inherent in

the theory of social evolution. However, authors often carefully

selected historical antecedents in order to support their ideas.

When human culture is surveyed, there appears to be a

progressive refinement, especially of items of material culture,

over the centuries. There are many instances in which development

can be traced step by step through the years. A close look at this

type of analysis leads one to the concept of evolutionary progress.

Leslie White (1959) has attempted to revive evolutionary theory in

this manner (Cf. Child, 1950; Steward, 1955; and Sahlins and Service,

1960).

However, such is not the case when one looks at the life of

specific peoples. Many of these peoples and their ways of life

have come and gone. Many civilizations seem to have developed,

progressed, and vanished, and especially is this the case in the

Mediterranean area. The rise and decline of societies is a more or

less "natural" way of perceiving change over the years. Proponents

of this view differ from the evolutionists in that they view change

as cyclical and therefore not always tending toward perfection.

Giovanni Battista Vico was one of the earliest to adopt this

line of thinking. Edward Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

existed for almost two centuries as the major theoretical framework

used by historians. Much of H. G. Wells' Outline of History followed

the same pattern (this paragraph adapted from LaPiere, 1965:15-19).







Oswald Spengler felt that the West, which had been so advanced

and had developed industry, was on the downswing of the cycle. Next

would come the era of the Asians. In his system of cyclical change,

Spengler viewed culture as an organism whose development is more a

matter of destiny than of causation. Cultures pass through the same

stages of growth and decline as do individuals. These stages are

childhood, youth,maturity, and old age. At times, Spengler substitutes

an image of the four seasons--spring, summer, autumn, and winter--for

that of the four life periods.

He also conceives of both a prelude to the life cycle of a
culture and an epilogue. Thus before the awakening, or
the beginning of springtime, people live in a precultural
stage; in fact, most people never emerge from this stage.
Once the culture is launched, however, the four stages
follow in order. The last of these stages, winter, imper-
ceptibly becomes a dying "civilization. ." Civilization
is thus the epilogue of every culture: death following
life, rigidity succeeding intellectual creativeness
(Timasheff, 1957:278. Cf. Spengler, 1939).

Stoddard came to more or less the same conclusion. However,

the cyclical frame of reference does not lead inevitably to this con-

clusion. Sorokin and Toynbee have likewise used the cyclical approach

but have concluded that Western civilization may survive instead of

eventually perishing (LaPiere, 1965:19).

In Sorokin's manner of thinking, social change is the most all-

embracing of the significant processes of society. He considers change

as a characteristic of sociocultural phenomena. Most of his work was

centered in the field of social change.

His first work in English, The Sociology of Revolution (1925),

concerned violent change. In typical revolutions the main course of

internal events follows a cycle of license, reaction, repression, and









eventually a new equilibrium. He believed that no revolution finally

concluded with a fundamental alteration of the state of affairs. He

also dealt with social change in another early work, Social Mobility

(1927). Sorokin's major work, however, according to Timasheff

(1957:235) is Social and Cultural Dynamics (1937-41), in which he

analyzed the patterns and trends of social change over the last

2500 years. In order to study change, he divided cultures into three

types: ideational, idealistic, and sensate. He maintained that the

pattern of change was a fluctuation between ideational and sensate

cultures. The general trend of social change was that of a straight-

line advance up to a certain limit. When it almost reached this

limit, it then reversed the linear trend. (In some cases, this was

caused by cultural stagnation.) The reversed development advanced

toward still another limit, and then was once more reversed.

He showed that this pattern had characterized the whole

history of Western culture since the time of ancient Greece.

Greek culture is described as ideational from the eighth
century until the end of the sixth century B.C.; for the
succeeding century and a half, including the Golden Age of
Athens, it was idealistic. From the later part of the
fourth century B.C. to the fourth century A.D., during
which the Roman Empire emerged and flourished, culture
was sensate. The subsequent two centuries of mixed culture
were followed by a long period of ideational culture. From
the end of the twelfth century to the early fourteenth,
culture was idealistic; this is the age of Gothic cathedrals,
of Dante, and of St. Thomas Aquinas (Timasheff, 1957:282-283).

Culture has become more and more sensate since the end of the

fourteenth century, and may have reached its climax, since there is

some evidence, according to Timasheff (1957:283), that culture may be

changing toward the ideational pole. The conclusion of Sorokin's








analysis was that there had been neither progress nor a linear or

cyclical trend in history. The fluctuation had been within the

three supersystems of integration discussed above.

Sorokin did not believe that changes in cultural mentalities

could be interpreted by certain external factors, except as

secondary factors. The significant factor in change was immanent

self-regulation and direction. Immanent change was the realization

of the built-in potentials of the system (Vine, 1959:278-285).

Arnold Toynbee's theory of social change is based on a study

of 26 civilizations. He attempts to depict uniformities in the

manner in which civilizations grow and decline and to explain the

principles of this pattern. His theory, like that of Spengler, has

four parts--birth, growth, breakdown, and disintegration. At a

certain time and place, there emerges a civilization. Under given

conditions, it grows, if it is not stopped or it is not abortive.

Ultimately this growth causes a breakdown which is in turn followed

by the decline of the civilization.

One of the major theses of Toynbee is that the processes of

origin and growth are dominated by the challenge-response pattern.

A civilization may emerge and grow if the challenge is not too severe

and if there is an elite which finds the adequate response to the

challenge.

Certain definite characteristics are displayed by growing

civilizations. They each contain a creative minority which is

followed by the majority of the people. The process of growth

includes a progressive integration and self-determination of the








civilization, plus its differentiation from others as it acquires a

unique style (Timasheff, 1957:279-282).

During the final stage of the civilizational cycle, four
types of personalities emerge: the archaic, looking
for salvation in the return to the past (the "savior
with the time machine"); the futurist who appears as the
"savior with the sword"; the indifferent stoic; and the
religious savior. At this stage, the only way of salva-
tion is by means of transfiguration, on the basis of
religion (Timasheff, 1957:281).

F. Stuart Chapin was influenced to a degree by Tarde, Giddings,

and Ross in his notions concerning social change. He viewed cultural

change as "selectively accumulative in time, and cyclical or

oscillatory in nature" (Martindale, 1960:333). He divides the cycles

into those of material culture and nonmaterial culture.

He formulated several types of cycles:

Those of first order relate to material culture and may be
minor, small, and limited in time, like a business cycle
or cycle of dependency in a city; or they may be major,
like the rise and fall of the slave system of Rome, the
manorial system of England, feudalism in France or
capitalism in modern Europe. Cycles of second order relate
to non-material culture and also may be of minor degree
(like the rise of religious sects, or the growth of a type
of governmental structure) or of major degree (illustrated
by ancestor worship, the patriarchal family, or monarchical
government. Cycles of third order refer to larger cultural
compositions such as national culture or civilization, and
vary from minor things like the rise and fall of dynasties
or classes to major types like the rise of Hellenic,
Mycenaean, or Hindu culture (Martindale, 1960:333).

Chapin proposed four basic hypotheses to account for these

cycles:

Every cultural form has its own law of change; the law of
each cultural form is cyclical and probably periodic; it
is possible to express the law of its life cycle quantita-
tively; and when cycles or periods of a number of cultural
forms are synchronous, there is produced a period of
maturity of the cultural nation or group in which the traits
are located (Martindale, 1960:334).







In every cyclical change, Chapin concluded, there is a period

of equilibrium. Thus there may be present social regulators--devices

which directly implement the equilibrium. On the material culture

level, the social regulators include the stock exchanges, the

Federal Reserve System, etc. On the level of nonmaterial culture are

such social control elements as custom, beliefs, public opinion,

education, and law.

There is a three-phased basic group reaction pattern under-

lying this phenomenon of cyclical change. In the first phase, the

group reacts by an attempt to enforce its mores. However, they soon

feel out of step and shift to the second phase of the pattern, where

they try different alternatives. The third phase ensues with the group

putting into play its trial-and-error efforts (from phase two) into a

stable plan (Chapin, 1928:222).

Alfred L. Kroeber studied the process of change in some more-

developed cultures. His findings do not support a general theory of

cultural change. He states that a given culture may flourish several

times. In studying the growth of different aspects of a culture, he

found no strict correlation among them. Nevertheless, Kroeber does

maintain that periods of a high level of cultural creativity may be

established in which bilateral development of several factors occurs

simultaneously. He tends to be nonparticularistic in his reasons for

the growth or decline of a culture, with the possible exception of the

self-exhaustive tendency of movements (Timasheff, 1957:284-285).

There. are a great many cyclical theories which are too

numerous to mention here. Sorokin has an excellent resume of those








up through the first quarter of this century (Sorokin, 1928:728-741.

Cf. LaPiere, 1965:21-22).


Particularistic Theories

In this section, both deterministic and particularistic

theories are dealt with. These theories are said to be deterministic

in that they assume a direct cause-effect relationship in historic

sequences, and particularistic because they delineate one single

variable or set of interrelated variables as being causal. Most

of the theories herein discussed have been elaborated in this

century and are much narrower in scope than those which have been

discussed previously. The great weakness in these theories is

that they attribute change to a single cause, and it has been

found repeatedly that, in human relationships, seldom is there

a single causal factor.


Diffusionism

G. Elliot Smith, an Egyptologist, elaborated the idea of

culturally dominant centers and their role in bringing about change.

Even before, it had been noted that at certain times in history,

there have been certain societies which have taken the lead in

innovations, discoveries, inventions and the like, in both material

and nonmaterial culture. Smith indicated that the inventions

of the Egyptians were diffused to and adopted by a goodly number

of other societies. While this theory probably has some validity,

there presently exists no way of validating it (LaPiere, 1965:

23-24).








Geographic determinism3

There has long been a folk belief that a people's character

is determined by the climate of the region in which they live. It

is thought that people who live in the northern part of the Northern

Hemisphere (opposite in the Southern Hemisphere) are more reserved,

harder workers, extremely provident, restrained, stern, etc., while

those in the southern portion are easygoing, somewhat lazy, cheerful,

talkative, and open. This dichotomization is readily evident to

people in the United States but also exists in a goodly number of

other, even smaller, countries.

Jean Bodin was among the first to make this differentiation.

Ellsworth Huntington used the geographic factor in an attempt to

explain why societies change. Since the growth of a society rests upon

the energies available and the mental efficiency of the people

involved, then changes in climate (or mass migrations) are the

causal factor in the progress, or lack of it, of a given civilization.

Huntington maintained that, as the climate changed, so did the center

of civilization (Ryan, 1969:22-24. See LaPiere, 1965:24-25;

Huntington, 1924; and Huntington, 1945).


Biological determinism

The folk belief that races have markedly different inherent

capacities, both mental and physical, has existed over a long period

of time and in a variety of forms. Count J. A. de Gobineau was the

first known to put a racial interpretation on history. Reasoning

that the French Aristocracy was in a position of power because of


3This section is developed largely from LaPiere (1965:24-26).








racial superiority to "lower" Frenchmen, he also believed that the

French civilization was deteriorating and would soon be replaced by

the more vigorous Germans. Basically, deGobineau felt that all

world civilizations which achieved prominence did so because of a

particular race with a special, inborn capacity for building

civilizations.

His theory came almost a century before the conquest of

France by Germany under the direction of Adolph Hitler, who sincerely

believed in the superiority of one race and who tried to put his

thoughts into action.

Proponents of this theory hold to the belief that an

increased reproduction of those with the superior race and a

decreasing number of the inferior group is necessary in order for

their society to progress.

Another variety of biologically deterministic theory argues

that some men are born with superior mental powers. These geniuses,

through their inventions and innovations, are able to bring about

social change.

A still different type of biological determinism discusses

changes in fecundity in an attempt to explain the rise and fall of

civilizations. Corrado Gini theorized that the major cause in the

evolution of civilizations is a change in the fecundity of the people.

Other variants of biological determinism have been formulated, but

most of them are so absurd that they are not discussed here (Ryan,

1969:24-27; and LaPiere, 1965:26-28).








Sociological Theories
of Social Change

As has been pointed out previously, some of the founding

fathers of sociology, notably Comte, Spencer, and Ward, were interested

in how it is that social development comes about. In order to answer

this question they turned to social evolution, both to trace its

development and to attempt to predict the future. However, they came

up, not with scientific hypotheses, but with some rather grandiose

social philosophies.

As the discipline of sociology developed, it became more

scientific. Nevertheless, American sociologists have expended most

of their efforts in other directions, and consequently, theories of

social change have not received an equal share of their attention and

efforts. Yet some more or less scientifically-oriented sociologists

have formulated some hypotheses concerning the phenomenon.


Assimilation

The United States has often been termed "the melting-pot of

the world" because of the large number of immigrants who have come

here and have been absorbed. A number of sociologists have been

interested in their assimilation--the process by which they adopt

U.S. ideas, habits, customs, and the like.

W. I. Thomas was perhaps one of the most outstanding

sociologists to become interested in the assimilation of immigrants.

For him, "the central problem in the general life process is one of

adjustment" (Thomas, 1937:1). This adjustment, as spelled out in

The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918-20), involves a








process of disorganization, which is increased by rapid industrializa-

tion and urbanization and conflicting definitions of the situation.

As a consequence, there is a forced reorganization by the group and

by individuals before assimilation may occur (see LaPiere, 1965:29-30).


Social ecology

The Chicago School of sociology dominated American sociology

during the 1920's. One of the areas in which the Chicago sociologists

ventured into social change was that of social ecology (see Park and

Burgess, 1921). They applied the biological concepts of competition,

conflict, and invasion to the investigation of changes in spatial

relationships in urban populations in an effort to ascertain urban

growth and the change that ensues.

This great oversimplification of such a complex phenomenon

has precluded its acceptance by current sociologists. However, many

of the findings in respect to human ecology have been found to be true

and have led to other discoveries (LaPiere, 1965:30-31).


Social lag and technology

William F. Ogburn advanced his theory of social lag in 1922 in

an effort to provide a theory of social change comparable to some of

the laws of the natural sciences. His idea is credited with having

replaced the term social evolution with social change. He also

formulated the concept of cultural lag, which has been used

extensively in recent years. Although it has been widely criticized,

the term remains a favorite of sociologists.

Within a culture there is correlation and interdependence of

parts, so that a rapid change in one part of culture may require









readjustments through other changes in the various correlated parts

of culture. The thesis of cultural lag is that the various parts of

a culture change at different rates (see Ogburn, 1950:200-207; 210-213.

Cf. Ogburn, 1957).

Specifically, Ogburn maintains that it is changes in the

material culture that occur first and thus require changes in the

nonmaterial culture. He pointed out that social changes have their

origin in the invention of a new way of doing something. It is the

material technology where inventions most frequently occur and where

improvements are most readily apparent. However, as these new develop-

ments occur in the technological field, a strain develops between

the two aspects. This strain can be eased by a change in the social

organization, which comes about slowly, if at all. Meanwhile, the lack

of equilibrium which exists is called social lag (LaPiere, 1965:31).

Edward A. Ross was profoundly interested in social change.

Because of this deep interest, he personally witnessed the Russian

Revolution, the Boxer Rebellion, and the 1917 Mexican revolution. He

wrote a number of books on social reform in the United States and

strongly advocated population planning through controlled immigration

and birth control. Implicit in his writing was a belief in progress

and the assumption that sociologists should strive toward that end.

As processes of social change, he listed decadence, transforma-

tion, reconstruction, and revolution. He defined transformation as

unconscious, unplanned change, and reconstruction as being both

conscious and planned. He noted that changes in population numbers

and characteristics, inventions, culture contacts, and the accumulation







of wealth are the causes of transformations and have been the causes

of great social changes within our society.

He listed the primary factors of contemporary social change,

most of which were either advances in technology or were dependent

thereon, the exceptions being education and the widespread adoption

of the scientific method. It is interesting to note that he considered

the machine to be the most important contemporary factor. The

secondary factors of present-day social change are derived from the

primary factors mainly and, to a lesser degree, from other, antecedent

secondary factors (Ross, 1940:395. See also Vine, 1959:184-186).

In his Social Psychology (1908), he discussed the change from a

tradition- and custom-oriented society to one in which fashion becomes

important. In a democratic society, the appeal of the new causes a

shift of interest from custom to new kinds of apparel, ideas, material

inventions, etc. "The wide sweep of development in fashion seems to

overshadow the role of the stable elements in society. Instability

supplants a portion of the stability represented by custom and

convention" (Bogardus, 1960:527).

Among factors causing social change Ross listed discussion,4

the advent of the machine, economic and social deprivation, democracy,

education, the falling birth rate in developed countries, imagination,

etc.


4First mentioned by Bagehot. See Bagehot, 1873:Chapter 5. See
also Lasker, 1949:part III. Lasker defined discussion as a "social
dynamic" and analyzed the discussion procedure thusly: (1) concern
with a situation, (2) clarification of issues, (3) defining elements of
conflict, (4) presentation of larger values and additional facts, and
(5) dynamic agreement. This is his basis for rational social change
(Bogardus, 1960:528).







Through Spencer's influence, Thorstein Veblen developed a

theory of social change along evolutionary lines. He noted four

stages in the development of human society: (1) a peaceful savage

economy; (2) a predatory barbarian economy; (3) the handicraft

economy of the premodern period; and (4) machine technology.

However, for him, the major force in social change is

technology. Change occurs first within the technology of a society

and then the new technology is adopted by the other social institu-

tions. Thus social change is a slow process. He considered it to be

self-generated by the instinct of workmanship with possible aid from

the instinct of idle curiosity. He probably would have subscribed to

Ogburn's theory of social lag (Vine, 1959:199-201; 207-210).


Cultural acceleration

Gabriel Tarde made the observation that, other things being

equal, the larger the cultural base of a society, then the more likely

it is that two or more elements will be brought together in the form

of an invention, which is the most important process in effecting

social change.

The importance of the invention rests on its social acceptance

through imitation. He noted that there are two ways in which social

progress is accomplished. There are two possible solutions when two

waves of contradictory imitations meet. One imitation may become

suppressed and the other substituted for it. Another possibility

is a combination of the two to form a new invention. Both results

could lead to social progress (Vine, 1959:117-18).







Hornell Hart, expanding on Tarde's idea of inventions, noted

that the more inventions there are, the greater is the likelihood

that still more inventions will occur. Thus there should be a

general tendency of geometrical multiplication of inventions. How-

ever, he is aware that setbacks in cultural change do occur, and he

interprets them as survivals of poorly integrated elements in the

whole culture (Hart, 1945:350). His general conclusion is that

social change is linear, accelerative, and that it tends toward

increasing efficiency.


Elites as a factor in social change

Vilfredo Pareto noted that there are some people in any

society who have different capabilities for economics, governing,

etc. Therefore, in any given society there are always upper and

lower classes. Among the upper class, he denoted governing and

nongoverning elites. Political leaders, sometimes the aristocracy,

and sometimes business leaders comprise the former, depending on the

nature of the society, while the latter consists of industrial

leaders, sometimes scientists, artists, and professionals.

His theory of the circulation of elites is a cyclical

conception of change in economics and politics. The upper class,

if it is to remain in power, must consist predominantly of speculators

(chance-takers; people with intelligence, character, skill, and

capacity), while the lower classes should be the conservative masses.

He noted that a society was continually both in a state of

change and, at the same time, in a state of equilibrium. That is








to say, whenever there is a change in society, there must be a

balancing force to return it to an equilibrium. During every few

generations, there is a turnover in the governing elite. When it

first comes into power, the governing elite consists mainly of

speculators, but they are unable to replace themselves. Thus if

they wish to remain in power, they must recruit some speculators

from the lower classes. If this is done, the upper class can remain

in power indefinitely. Otherwise, it must resort to force, Never-

theless, Pareto maintains that without some circulation of the elite,

the speculators of the lower class, unable to rise in the two-class

system, will grow in numbers and eventually take control (Vine,

1959:261-264).

Wendell Bell attempts to understand some of the changes in

the social composition of elites during a country's transition from

colonial status to political independence. His thesis is "that

social change can be understood as a long-term trend toward an

increase in the scale of society, that is, an increase in the range

of relations, an increase in the scope of social interaction and

dependency" (Bell, 1965:157). He found that, over the years, the

circulation of elites in Jamaica, where he carried out his fieldwork,

has increased as elites have become less exclusive.


Other theories of social change

There are a number of other theories which are not taken up in

this work. Some of these include the conflict theories of Coser and

Dahrendorf; functional theories of Loomis and Bertrand; catastrophic







theories of Park, Bucher, Gumplowicz, and Oppenheimer; socio-

psychological theories of Becker, Barnett, Merton, and Hagen; and

Smelser's social causation theory.5


Development and Modernization

In this section the writer attempts to review selected theories

of development and modernization, both of which may be considered as

social change. It is realized that there are many theories not

represented, but a full review is beyond the scope of this.paper.

Development and modernization are terms which tend to be used

more or less interchangeably. Modernization has been defined as:

the change process by means of which a traditional non-
Western system acquires characteristics usually associated
with more developed and less traditional societies. These
characteristics include "a comparatively high degree of
urbanization, widespread literacy, comparatively high per
capital income, extensive geographical and social mobility,
a relatively high degree of commercialization and industriali-
zation of the economy, an extensive and penetrative network
of mass communication media, and, in general, .widespread
participation and involvement by members of the society in
modern social and economic processes" (Blanksten, 1965:225-226;
quoted section from Almond and Coleman, 1960:532).

Development, as used in this report, refers to both social and

.economic development. However, since some may read "socioeconomic"

and think "economic," it will be used without the modifier.

Karl Marx asserted that the economic factor is the fundamental

determinant of the structure and development of society (economic

determinism). He postulates three phases which are always a part

of social change in a scheme which was originated by George Hegel


5For a short discussion of each, see Ryan, (1969:31-50).
Berelson and Steiner have an excellent resume of findings concerning
the conditions, results, and characteristics of leaders in social
change.








(see Wallace, 1931; Hegel, 1929; Hegel, 1956) but applied to matter

by Marx. According to this theory, everything passes by a kind of

dialectical necessity through three stages: affirmation or thesis,

negation or antithesis, and reconciliation of opposites or synthesis.

As a society reaches the synthesis level, the process continues. Marx

believed that every economic system begins by being the best which is

possible at that time. Once a system has become socially entrenched,

it becomes an obstacle to the use of new technology. Likewise, it

obstructs the usage of new markets and new supplies of raw material.

The only way to overcome the new order, which is now confirmed, is

through social revolution, which in turn creates a new order of

production which is a combination of the old and the new.

Every society has two basic classes, one representing the old

and often obsolescent system of production, the other which is in the

process of coming into existence. The struggle between these two

classes results in the evolution of society from one stage to another.

The new order wins, but within it are the forces which will in turn

eventually destroy it. This is the dialectical process again

(Timasheff, 1957:47).

Economic analysts in recent years have been attracted by the

failure of economic growth to begin in some low-income societies and

have formulated a number of theories concerning the barriers that have

prevented growth. The initial approach was to assume that all barriers

were economic ones. The economists reason that almost everyone is

striving for higher income and that, therefore, they should seek

improved means of production. Information about better means is





38

fairly generally and readily available, so production techniques should

be rapidly improving. But they are not. Thus, reason Hagen and other

economists (Hagen, 1962:36-52), there must be some other formidable

barriers which prevent them from doing so.

Some of the barriers frequently noted by economists are listed

below:

1. The vicious circle of low income and inadequate saving

(see Singer, 1949; Nurske, 1953:5; Kindleburger, 1958:8; and

Lewis, 1955:236).

2. The demonstration effect. In some low-income societies,

some members of the upper class have sufficient incomes to save if

they wished to do so. However, theysee the consumption levels of'

the West and are psychologically unable to save because they feel that

they must imitate the Westerners (see Nurske, 1953:Chap. 3; and

Kindleberger, 1958:82-83).

3. The vicious circle of inadequate markets, or inadequate

demand to justify investment in improved methods (see Kindleberger,

1958:Chap. 6).

4. The lump of capital argument, that economic growth can

occur only when there is sufficient social overhead capital available.

Economic growth cannot occur in more low-income countries because they

do not have extra capital available to invest in the development of

projects which are expensive, but which, nevertheless, serve as a

base for the establishment of other industries (see Singer, 1949:6;

and Rosenstein-Roldan, 1961).6


6Note: this listing and reference to works cited may be
found in Hagen (1962:37-47).







Some people have argued that high rates of population growth

have swamped the technological progress which might have raised the

level of income in underdeveloped nations. Hagen disputes this theory

and points out that, of the low-income countries outside Latin America,

two which give the most marked signs of beginning economic growth

are very densely populated. They are China and India (Hagen, 1959).

However, it should be noted that economists usually acknowledge

the influence of noneconomic factors on growth:

In my view the greatly accelerated economic development of
the last 200 years--the rise of modern capitalism--can only
be explained in terms of changing human attitudes to risk-
taking and profit-making. The emergence of the
"business enterprise" characteristic of modern capitalism was
thus the cause rather than the result of changes in the
modes of production; and it was the product of social forces
that cannot in turn be accounted for by economic and technical
factors (Kaldor, 1960:236, as quoted in Hagen, 1962:37).

The ensuing statement follows a declaration that capital

formation is at the heart of the problem of economic development:

We shall do well to keep in mind, however, that this is by
no means the whole story. Economic development has much
to do with human endowments, social attitudes, political
conditions--and historical accidents. Capital is necessary
but not a sufficient condition of progress (Nurske, 1953:1;
as quoted in Hagen, 1962:37).

It should be noted, according to Hagen, that virtually without

exception, economists make such acknowledgments in passing, then go on

to present economic theories of growth as though they were the full

and sufficient explanations.

In the change from a traditional society to a modern one,

W. W. Rostow has pointed out that there are five stages: the

traditional society, developing the preconditions for take-off, the







take-off, the drive to maturity, and high mass-consumption (Hagen,

1962:514-22. Cf. Rostow, 1960).

Schumpeter felt that the economy did not grow on its own

impetus, but that it was pushed forward in sudden leaps by the

activities of key men who wanted to promote new goods and methods of

production, or to exploit a new source of materials or a new market.

The motivation was not merely the profit incentive, but also

included a joy which these entrepreneurs achieve through creation

and through competition. Thus Schumpeter's entrepreneur was not

entirely a rational, profit-oriented individual (see Schumpeter,

1934).

Economic theorists seem to feel that sources of change in the

economic sphere lie outside the system itself. They have noted that

important technical inventions have occurred more rapidly in some

periods and have spread more rapidly to some countries than to others.

Max Weber, in his discussion of the Protestant ethic and the rise of

capitalism, "laid the groundwork for efforts to understand the social

and psychological origins of such key economic forces as rapid techno-

logical advances, specialization of labor, population growth, and

energetic entrepreneurship" (McClelland, 1961:11). The modern

economist has become even more insistent in his belief that the

ultimate forces of economic development lie outside the economic

domain (see Meier and Baldwin, 1957:83). Thus, Hagen and the author

of the just-cited work do not appear to be in agreement regarding the

economists' viewpoint in this matter. However, their basic positions

are that the economist realizes that other factors play a role in








development. Since they are economists, it is only natural to look

for economic causes first, and failing to find a significant cause-

effect relationship, some turn to other causes.

As a first step toward recognizing the sociological and

psychological factors that set in force the economic factors which

produce development, Rostow lists six basic "human motives" or

"human propensities" which economic analysis has suggested are

important for development. They are:

1. to develop fundamental science
2. to apply science to economic ends
3. to accept innovations
4. to seek material advance
5. to consume
6. to have children (Rostow, 1952:14-15).

Lewis discusses distinctly psychological variables which he

feels influence economic growth. He mentions the "desire for goods,"

which is decreased by asceticism and by values which place little

emphasis on economic activity. He also discusses the importance of

nonrational psychological variables, such as attitudes toward work

and the spirit of adventure (Lewis, 1955; cited in McClelland, 1961:

16).

Sociologists have dealt much more explicitly with the non-

economic variables of development than have economists, and for a

much longer period of time. Max Weber receives credit for having

started this very important contribution in his The Protestant Ethic

and the Rise of Capitalism. In addition, he made other significant

contributions to the analysis of the social structure of modern

industrial and bureaucratic society. These ideas have been elaborated








and expanded largely by Parsons and his students. They have

concentrated largely on the important structural differences between

modern industrialized societies and traditional societies (see

Parsons, 1951; Parsons, 1958; and Parsons and Smelser, 1956).

Parsons characterizes developed countries by the prevalence

of achievement norms, universalism, and specificity; and under-

developed countries by ascriptive norms, particularism, and diffuseness.

However, McClelland points out that sociological thinking to date has

not attempted to bridge the gap between the idealized pattern

variables as analytical tools and as social norms present in the minds

of men. He attempts this, to a limited degree, in his book,

The Achieving Society, already cited. Florence Kluckhohn (1950; and

Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961) has likewise taken some steps in this

direction.

In contrasting developed and underdeveloped countries,

sociologists have often led one to believe that it is the social

characteristics of the more developed countries which have caused

them to grow more rapidly. Hoselitz (1954:19-42; as cited in

McClelland, 1961:17) says that ethnocentricity leads us to believe

that other countries must develop in the same manner as we ourselves

developed. Earlier sociologists made the same mistake. William

Graham Sumner argued boldly that it was specifically the character-

istics of the contemporary Protestant ideal which produced economic

growth. Hofstadter says he "assumed that the industrious, temperate,

and frugal man of the Protestant ideal was the equivalent of the

'strong' or the 'fittest' in the struggle for existence" (Hofstadter,

1955:51).








The first fact in life is the struggle for existence; the
greatest forward step in this struggle is the production
of capital, which increases the fruitfulness of labor and
provides the necessary means of an advance in civiliza-
tion. Primitive man, who long ago withdrew from the
competitive struggle and ceased to accumulate capital
goods, must pay with a backward and unenlightened way of
life Physical inheritance is a vital part of the
Darwinian theory; the social equivalent of physical
inheritance is the instruction of the children in the
necessary economic virtues (Hofstadter, 1955:58, quote
from Sumner, no reference given).

These and many other sociologists followed the theme of what

is and what ought to be. Modern sociologists have not been so apt

to commit the error, although it is sometimes difficult to avoid. Some

have suggested that the separation of ownership and control in the

American society was a structural change that provided an impetus for

further economic development. This occurred more in the United States

than in France, and the United States developed more rapidly than

France. This could be an accidental, rather than an essential factor

in economic growth (Parsons and Smelser, 1956:252ff.). Hoselitz

says that "we may better begin by developing theoretical models for

different types of societies in different types of transition or

movements from 'traditional' to more 'modern' forms of economic

organization" (Hoselitz, 1955). In other words, more description is

necessary.

Everett E. Hagen, in his book, On the Theory of Social Change,

weaves an intricate, eclectic web using social, economic, and anthro-

pological theories, in which he attempts to point toward a theory of

social change. His basic interest was "Why have the people of some

societies entered upon technological progress sooner or more

effectively than others?" (Hagen, 1962:ix). He decided that








differences in human behavior were perhaps more important than

economic factors in determining which country would develop faster.

He came to this conclusion only after he noted that some countries

had ideal economic conditions for development, yet did not appear to

be progressing. He says:

In the countries in which the transition to economic
growth has occurred it has been concomitant with far-
reaching change in political organization, social structure,
and attitudes toward life. The relationship is so striking
that to assume that one of these aspects of basic social
change is unrelated to the others is to strain the doctrine
of coincidence beyond all warrant (Hagen, 1962:26).

Hagen states that the relationships between personality and

social structure are such as to make it clear that social change will

not occur without change in personalities. He consequently contrasts

the creative personality and the authoritarian personality. Economic

development demands an individual with a creative personality, which

comes about as a result of small changes in child-rearing by

authoritarian parents, and which may require several generations to

be brought out.

It is the nature of a traditional society to have a stable

structure and functioning. Therefore, any change which is brought

about must have its origin in powerful disruptive sources.

According to Hagen, the basic cause of changed needs, values,

and cognitions is the perception on the part of the members of a

social group that their purposes and values in life are not respected

by groups in the society whom they respect and whose esteem they value

(see Hagen, 1957; and 1958). This phenomenon he calls "withdrawal of

status respect." It comes about through four types of events: change







in the power structure, derogation of institutionalized activity

without change in the power structure, contradiction among status

symbols, and nonacceptance of expected status on migration to a new

society.

It is suggested that withdrawal of status is a powerful

disruptive factor in the dissolving of social ties. Groups whose

members feel that the classes above them no longer have a decent

regard for their purpose in life will lose their contentment with

the traditional society. They will, in Merton's terms, retreat

(Merton, 1957), and in their children and grandchildren will be bred

personality changes that contain the seeds of social change, through

a change to a creative personality.

However, if the social change that occurs is to be a transition

to economic growth, then it is necessary that values conducive to

technological innovation and other activities pertinent to economic

growth appear in the personality. Thus arises an individual from a

family of retreatists with a higher degree of creativity and,

specifically, higher need for achievement and need for autonomy.

His values and life purposes are rejected by the elite. Therefore,

if he can renounce certain elite values, and at the same time accept

others which offer him a greater possibility of achieving a higher

status than his father's, he may find it possible, or even essential,

to break loose.

Thus he may be able to find a group which does not threaten

him, whose values are respected by the group which disparages him,

and whose role in life is not closed to him. If he can adopt their








values and some aspects of their ways of life, then he has a promising

solution to the problem of withdrawal of status respect. If some of

their values which he adopts are conducive to social change, then he

may become an innovator.

McClelland has hypothesized that a particular psychological

factor, the need for achievement, is responsible for economic growth

and decline. He believes that the forces of economic development lie

largely in man himself--in his fundamental motives and in the way he

organizes his relationships to his fellow man (McClelland, 1961:3).

Re interprets Weber's argument for the connection between Protestantism

and the rise of capitalism in terms of a revolution in the family,

which leads to more sons with strong achievement drives. His view-

point is supported in part by a study by Winterbottom (1953:468-472).

There have been a number of "stage theories" of development.

One of them is the theory of demographic transition. The following is

a type of theory based on that of demographic transition. The first

stage is that of social lethargy. It is characterized by exceedingly

low levels of aspirations and achievements of improved styles of life.

Proponents of this view argue that the low degree of aspiration and

achievement results from an extremely low level of economic development

and, therefore, levels of consumption which barely satisfy subsistence

requirements. Lethargy is a result of the lack of both physical and

social energy.

The second stage, that of aspirations explosion, witnesses a

slight economic development which increases minimally the opportunity

for achievement while maximally stimulating aspirations. The slight








economic development which has occurred in turn stimulates all kinds

of desires. However, the great bulk of these new aspirations cannot

be satisfied because they are disproportionate to the.available oppor-

tunities. The frustration of aspirations often leads to political

instability and violence.

In the last stage, the stage of balance, achievements are

brought into some balance with aspirations, if and when the society

is able to progress to more economic development and satisfy

aspirations. This final stage is characterized by high levels of

both aspiration and achievement, and results in a new form of

political and social stability (Feldman, 1965).


The Development of Underdeveloped Countries

Social and economic development is the aim of practically all

the nations in the world today. However, the development process is

a slow one for many countries--so slow that it can hardly be perceived.

Others are developing only slightly faster, while a few are surging

forward rapidly. This move toward economic development is a part of a

worldwide struggle to escape from poverty, misery, neglect, and the

anonymity which have heretofore been life for a vast majority of the

world's inhabitants.

But economic development is not merely a struggle against

poverty. It is primarily a process through which the social,

political, and economic institutions are being reshaped for the great

majority of mankind (Heilbroner, 1963:9-10).

Heilbroner points out some of the problems to be encountered

on the road to development. (1) He notes first, as have others, that








economic development is not primarily an economic but a political

and social process. Development requires social change as well as

changes in the economic system. (2) The political and social changes

required for economic development are likely to be revolutionary in

nature. The class structure of the nation must necessarily be

changed, sometimes radically. Thus there is a revolutionary potential

in development--revolutionary in the sense that it involves a drastic

redistribution of power and wealth and of their appurtenances.

(3) Economic development is likely to lead to discontent and dis-

organization as people are not able to achieve what they expected to,

especially in the lower and middle classes. The upper classes may be

dissatisfied because of changes in the social and power structures

which divest them of former privileges which they must relinquish

as such changes occur. (4) Success in the quest for development is

not inevitable, and, in fact, only some nations may attain a significant

measure thereof. (5) The price of economic development is apt to be

political and economic authoritarianism (Heilbroner, 1963:16-21). It

should be noted that the economic handicap, although not the ultimate

cause of underdevelopment, is a great one to the world's underdeveloped

countries.

Changes in a system are often accompanied by great social

tensions. Agricultural reform in a country where landownership has

long been the foundation of social status represents a profound change

of the economic and power bases. In fact, at times land reform has

.come about only through violent revolution, as in Bolivia and

Guatemala. Land reform is not the only source of friction. The rise








of trade unions and their demands for higher wages likewise create

problems in many countries. Although people in the lower classes may

experience slight increases in their incomes, their relative

position is often damaged. These and other sources of social

friction mean that development is not always welcome.

How about development in Latin America? Population explosion

alarmists point out that economic growth in Latin America must be

at very high rates if it is to outstrip population growth. They say

that a country must save and invest 3 percent of the national income

for each 1 percent population growth per year merely to maintain a

stable income per inhabitant. Furthermore, if their population is

growing by 2 percent per year and they wish to achieve an annual

income growth of 1 percent per year per inhabitant, they must save

and invest at least 9 percent of the national annual income. The

figure jumps to 15 percent savings and investment with a yearly

population growth of 3 percent, which is still slightly less than

the yearly population increase in most of Latin America (Jones, 1962).

To be sure, all of the countries to the south of the

United States are undergoing changes in their social, economic, and

political systems. These changes, some of them desired by some

people and some of them not desired, are creating bewilderment and

confusion. Anomie is often a result of some of these basic changes

and a cause of still other changes. While changes cannot even be

measured in many places, the sweep of basic change cannot be mistaken.

Gillin points out at least four ways in which change is

affecting the lives of Latin Americans. (1) The relations between







primitive tribal groups and the rest of the nation (which is often

urbanizing fairly rapidly) are changing. (2) Indians are changing

their styles of life over to the more sophisticated ways of the

whites. This generally means an upward movement at least in an

economic sense, and often in a social sense'as well. (3) Urbaniza-

tion and industrialization are both occurring rapidly in Latin America.

Although agriculture is still Latin America's chief industry, large

towns and some small places with urban characteristics are growing

rapidly in size, and, in the meantime, they are building more and

more factories. (4) As a result of the aforementioned changes,

changes also are occurring in the attitudes of both governments and

peoples toward the United States (Gillin, 1961).

The traditional class system in Latin America has consisted

of only two classes--a land-owning aristocracy and a lower class

composed mainly of peasants and domestic servants. Lyman Bryson

(1961:7) points out in the introduction to Social Change in Latin

America Today that a middle class (a "middle mass," to use Gillin's

phraseology) has not been needed in most of the poor countries. A

middle class, according to him, is produced by a demand for more

economic and technological activity and is required for the further

progress of the class.

Gillin notes that the members of the emerging middle class

in Latin America are developing effective leadership and power. They

are using modern means of communication and are receptive to the

ideas which are presented therein. However, they face these new

ideas equipped with their own peculiar tradition of values.







Latin American feudalism, with the emotional dependence of the

peones on their patrons and strong personal bonds among persons of

rigidly marked class differences, is a pattern which is deeply

ingrained and will be difficult to change.

Likewise other basic values are deeply seated and slow to

change. Regardless of shifts in urban living, Gillin denotes nine

basic values which will likely be carried over by people as they

ascend from the lower classes into middle-class life. They are:

personal dignity, strength of family ties, social hierarchy,

materialism, transcendentalism, fatalism, a strong sense of propriety

or decency in mode of life, and a scorn for manual labor. Neverthe-

less, dramatic changes in the areas of demography and population,

social structure and economic life, religion, political life, and

international relations are taking place. These turbulent changes are

reshaping some of the older patterns of values and new ones are

emerging (Gillin, 1961).

An example of social change in values which has occurred

through modernization can be drawn from Peru. There is hardly a

place in this traditional society which has not been touched to some

degree by the technological revolution. Political power is shifting

from the landed aristocracy to the commercial hacendado and the

new entrepreneurial class. Industrialization has brought about the

demand for a more mobile changing society.

More and better roads are opening new markets to the Indians

of Peru's sierras, and this likewise means they are more mobile.

Greatly increased geographical mobility leads many of the younger







Indians to move to the coast to better employment opportunities and

higher levels of living. Many of them recast themselves as mestizos,

thus enjoying a subsequent higher social status.

It has been found that when Indians in the sierras can break

the chains which bind them to the latifundid.and live in greater

independence and freedom, then changes in attitudes, values, and

behavior occur more rapidly. The Vicos experiment vividly points out

change of this type. These changes occurred in Vicos, an hacienda

which was known for its conservatism and hostility to the outside

world. In fact, before the Vicos experiment began in 1952, this

hacienda had undergone little change since its establishment over

400 years before. The community has now been completely transformed

through a program of planned social change (Holmberg, 1961).

The Chaco War was a catalyst for rapid social change in

Bolivia, where the Indians had long been serfs in a feudalistic

system. However, when they were drafted as soldiers, they fought

alongside people from a world largely unknown to them, travelled,

and used new technology. The equilibrium was thus disturbed, but

it remained for the revolution of 1952 to destroy the foundations

of the traditional society.

Bolivia is still an extremely underdeveloped country, but many

changes in its social structure have been brought about since

the 1952 revolution. The Bolivian Indians were socially immobile

and uneducated, and they were held back by religious values and

by secular nonstriving values which tended to maintain the status

quo. They were barely able to maintain themselves even at a very





53

poverty-stricken level. Persons interested in changing the traditional

system had been met with almost insurmountable cultural fatalism,

dependency, and conservatism which prevented planning for future

improvement. However, the 1952 revolution has brought about some

changes in the Indians' way of life. The Indian campesinos have

become a decisive force on the national scene as they slowly free

themselves from the traditional feudalistic, caste-like, system.

It should be noted that the process of social change in

Bolivia has been very gradual, and not a sharp transition. There is

a trend toward the secularization of customs and attitudes. Further-

more, there is evidence of a decline of fatalism among the

campesinos, and a spread of the concept of equality of opportunities.

They are reshaping the value system in such a manner that it is

beginning to point away from the older social system and is being

based more on personal achievement (Patch, 1961).

In Brazil, crisis appears to be the order of the day.

Inflation is rampant, and crises afflict almost every facet of

Brazilian life--transportation, food supply, water, electricity, and

schools. These crises emphasize the shifting alignment of social

classes and the appearance of new social and economic groups as

factors in the process of transformation occurring in Latin America's

largest country. It is somewhere in the process of becoming a modern,

industrial, urban-centered, capitalistic society--markedly different

from the former essentially agrarian, rural, semifeudal, and

patriarchal society.

Some of the specific changes pointed out by Wagley (1961:189-

208) are: (1) Population growth and new cities--a result of the







"push-pull" factor. (2) Internal migration and immigration from

abroad--since 1900, Brazil has received over four million immi-

grants from abroad. (3) Development of modern means of communication.

(4) Industrialization and agricultural technology. (5) Increasing

purchasing power--despite the rising inflation. (6) A major

revolution in education--at all levels, although more than half

the population was illiterate in 1950. (7) The developing political

situation.

In the south of Brazil especially, traditional values are

being left behind, the traditional class system is being changed

as the middle class grows, and social organization is rapidly being

modified. However, a new set of values and a new set of social

institutions have not yet appeared to replace those of traditional

Brazil (Wagley, 1961).

Genuine social revolutions.are rare in Latin America. Leaders

of most uprisings, when they come into power, do not effect real

structural changes. However, the Bolivian example mentioned above

qualifies as a real revolution, as does the Guatemalan revolution of

1944. The then newly elected president of Guatemala, Juan Jose Arevalo,

embarked on a vigorous program of social, economic, and political

reforms.

Today in Guatemala change is occurring at an ever-accelerating

rate. While most theorists assume that changes take place first in

.technology, followed by those in the social, economic and political

spheres, the reverse is true in Guatemala. Change first appeared in

the political sector and afterwards in the other sectors.








Guatemala has traditionally had two major social classes--

the Indians and the Ladinos, the latter having several social

classes, one of which is the emergent middle class. In Guatemala,

there is a process called Ladino-ization through which Indians

gain new statuses by adopting the dress, language, food, and the

like of the Ladinos.

Two aspects of change stand out in the Guatemalan situation.

One is a change-over of the nation from a more or less discontinuous

set of regional cultures to an evolving nationalistic culture.

The second is that this change is being initiated in the political

and social realms rather than through changes in production and

technology. Another important factor is the role played by the

new middle class in propelling the changes.

The Indian culture is being undermined by political and

religious demands on the social organization, technical and

economic demands in agriculture and handicrafts, and public health

and resettlement demands on the individual. The traditional

Ladinos are likewise facing adjustments through the introduction

of new crops and fertilizers, a new religious ferment, new defini-

tions of illness and cure, and new political organizations (Adams,

1961a).

Since about 1940, rapid social change has been occurring in

Mexico, our neighbor immediately to the south, according to

Oscar Lewis (1961). Industrialization and increased production

began in earnest, and the government encouraged foreign investment.

Rapid rates of population increase and urbanization have also







occurred over the same period of time. The rapid rate of natural

population increase has been offset.to a degree by a tremendous

emigration, while urbanization is more a result of population

pressures on natural resources than the positive aspects of urban

life. Nevertheless, increasing industrialization does provide

better employment opportunities, better educational facilities,

greater conveniences, and a generally higher standard of living.

Influence of the northern neighbor, the United States,

is being felt in Mexico's rural, as well as urban, areas. This is

caused by our proximity, our industrial reputation, improved means

of communication and transportation, and the growth of a Mexican

middle class modeled after ours. Mexican society is becoming

increasingly "Gringo-ized" in many respects.

Industry has improved to a considerable degree since 1940,

but the advances in agriculture are even more impressive. Agri-

culture has managed to hold its own in a rapidly expanding economy

and has outstripped Mexico's population growth. It has gone a long

way toward changing over from a predominantly subsistence agriculture

to a market economy through expansion into land not formerly utilized,

increased use of irrigation in more areas, more use of better

fertilizers and improved varieties of seed, increased mechanization,

and larger holdings on which improved methods of cultivation are

being used.

The social structure has evidenced some changes, too. In

fact, the growth of the middle class has been the most important

aspect of the steady modification of the Mexican class structure

(Lewis, 1961).








Thus, it can be seen that social change and development are

interrelated and that they are occurring in varying degrees in some

of the Latin American countries. Prospects for the future are

difficult to assess, but on the basis of past and present happenings

we might anticipate a future brighter than the past.


Social Change and Development in Colombia

Social change and development likewise have occurred in

Colombia. The present writer knows of no general, overall study of

the development which is occurring. Nevertheless, an attempt will be

made to report on a majority of writings on Colombia which concern

social change and development.


Social Change in Colombia

Modern industry in Colombia began early in this century. In

1901, the Manuelita sugar refinery began operation near the town of

Palmira, in the department of El Valle (Hagen, 1962:354; see Eder,

1959). In 1906 the Compaiia Colombiana de Tejidos (Coltejer) opened

a modern textile factory in Medellfn which has since become one of

the largest manufacturing concerns in Latin America. Industrializa-

tion has occurred fairly rapidly since this relatively late

beginning, although one certainly would not be greatly overwhelmed

by its rate. Nevertheless, Hagen (1962) notes that few countries

of the world have experienced higher rates of increase in per capital

income than has Colombia in the past 40 years. Especially significant

is the fact that the rise of industry came about despite the obstacle

of extremely mountainous terrain, taking place most notably in three

areas separated by great mountain barriers.








Smith (1967) points out that social change is the order

of the day in Colombia, but that only a very small part of the

transformation under way is actually planned and directed. In

fact, most of it is quite haphazard. The Colombian social system

has been, and still is, based upon large estates, but rapid urbaniza-

tion is gradually changing this pattern. Many of the large landowners

are now changing over to large-scale mechanized extensive farming.

Additionally, the emergence of a middle class is, according to

Smith, a very recent alteration in the country's social structure

(Smith, 1967:373-375).

One possible source of change and development at the national

level is pressure groups. Their roles have been varied, as have their

successes. One notable success was a campaign which led to the ousting

of the dictator Rojas Pinilla. Pressure groups could be influential in

future social and economic developments as well (see Sanclemente

Molina, 1965; and Los Grupos de Presi6n en Colombia, 1964).

Education has been a traditional means of achieving the upward

social mobility and the changes in the class structure which Smith

has pointed out are coming about in Colombia. However, it was noted

in a recent study that the educational system in Colombia is more

oriented toward maintaining than altering the status quo of the

present class system (Rodriguez, 1967).

The tourist trade--the "industry without smokestacks," or

the "landscape industry,"--is now emerging in Colombia. Certain

areas are utilizing internal as well as external tourism in order to

stimulate the local economy. Indeed, many countries have built








their economic prosperity in large part on the tourist trade. The

United States furnishes more than one third of the temporary

visitors to Colombia, while the remainder of Latin America furnishes

slightly more than this number. It is even suggested by some that

the economy might be bolstered through augmenting the tourist

industry (Andrade Martinez, 1967).

Colombia has received much adverse publicity from the

Violencia (violence), robberies and murders which have been occurring

in recent years in certain parts of the country. Sociologists

have noticed the phenomenon and have attempted to analyze it and

the resultant social change. As of 1962, it was estimated that

about 200,000 people had been killed in the Violencia and that

property damage amounted to millions of dollars. Basic changes in

values and institutions have been experienced and have not yet run

their full course. Of course, the Violencia must be recognized

generally as an impediment to development (see Fals Borda, 1962a and

1967; Torres Restrepo, 1963; Williamson, 1969; Daniel, n.d.;

Gaitan Mahecha, 1966; Guzman, et al., 1962; and Caplow, 1963).


Regional Studies of Social
Change in Colombia

A few studies of social change deal with some of the regions

of Colombia. The following is an attempt to summarize the most

important. Antonio and Jeanne Posada report on an attempt to effect

planned socioeconomic change in their book CVC: Un Reto al

Subdesarrollo y al Tradicionalismo (1966). While the book is not

precisely a study of change, it is a report of planned change on








a more or less regional basis. They report that the Corporacion

Auton6ma Regional del Cauca (CVC) is an entity of decentralized and

autonomous administration which was created in 1954 in the departments

of Cauca and El Valle. Designed to promote an integrated development

of the region's resources, the program has three major parts:

(1) supplying electric power to the entire region, which has

accelerated notably the growth of industrialization; (2) land

recuperation--projects such as flood control, irrigation, and

drainage of swamps and other low-lying areas; and (3) raising of

the level of living among the rural peasant population through the

diffusion of proven modern methods of production. The CVC's programs

have produced changes in the political power structure, as well as

in the economic. Furthermore, it has effected changes in the social

structure, inasmuch as it has reduced the almost monopolistic control

of the latifundistas and industrialists. Small farmers and small

industries have been aided, and evaluators of the program say that it

has stimulated more cooperative attitudes among the people (Posada

and Posada, 1966).

Economic growth in Colombia, according to Hagen, did not

begin for the reasons conventionally advanced by economists. It did

not begin because of foreign investments, contacts with foreign

goods and technology, and/or the development of social overhead

capital. Rather, it occurred in spite of many economic barriers.

Hagen credits the enterprise of the Antioquenos (people from

the Department of Antioquia) with having begun economic growth in

Colombia. Their predominance in administrative positions in the






61

nation's most important industrial enterprises is impressive. Their

original advantage was not an economic one--in fact, other regions

of the country which grew at much slower rates enjoyed greater

economic advantages. Hagen attributes the economic prowess of the

Antioqueios in part to their creative personalities. Entrepreneurs

in Medellfn (capital of Antioquia) were found to be of the

Schumpeterian type. Twenty of them were administered the Thematic

Apperception Test (TAT), in which they projected their own attitudes

in interpreting various pictures. Their responses typically

embodied:

(a) a perception of a problem to be solved, (b) awareness
that to be solved a problem must be worked at (absence of
any fantasy of magic success), (c) confidence in their own
ability to solve it (though sometimes tension and anxiety
are also present), (d) a tendency to take the viewpoint of
each individual in turn and analyze the situation as he
might see it before suggesting an outcome, rather than to
adopt a formula identification with any one type of
character--with the old versus the young, the young versus
the old, and so on (Hagen, 1962:368).

They manifested high need for achievement and need for order. In

addition they quickly sensed the realities of a situation and saw

the world as manageable with good judgment and hard work.

The test was given to a similar sample of entrepreneurs in

Popayan, reported to be a very traditionalistic city. They gave

responses which were intellectually more complex.

They associated a picture with something in literature or
the arts, philosophized about the ways of youth, were led
into speculation about the course of history--but tended to
see no problems in the situations pictured. Or, if they saw
problems, they had formula solutions for them ("the old know
best; he should listen to his father"), or visualized success
without any suggestion that it would entail effort and pain.








Frequently they gave the impression of running away from the
possibility that they might be facing a problem, as though
it made them uneasy; they veered away to some peripheral
aspect of the picture. They found it easy to turn to
fantasy or reverie not closely connected with reality. They
showed low need autonomy, achievement, and order; saw the
world as not manageable, one's position as given (Hagen, 1962:369).

Other reasons that Hagen pointed out for the Antioquenos'

being more innovative with respect to economic growth were: ethnic

differences--a higher proportion of Basque names than in other regions

of Colombia; mining experiences--mines sometimes failed so they formed

companies of several families to reduce the risks; developments in

trading--while in other regions the people invested their earnings

in land, the Antioqueios, lacking this opportunity, invested in

industry; and social tensions--withdrawal of status respect from the

Antioquenos. No doubt, a combination of these factors explains the

predominance of the Antioquenos in economic entrepreneurship (see

Hagen, 1962:367-383).

In a study by Father Gustavo Jimenez Cadena (1967a; see also

Jimenez Cadena, 1965 and 1967b) in the departments of Cundinamarca

and Boyaca, it was found that the parish priest is a key figure in

effecting social change in rural areas. However, it was earlier

stated that the Catholic church in Colombia was one of the world's most

conservative (Haddox, 1965). It actually was said to brake educa-

tional programs and the diffusion of agricultural technology. Others

have underlined the importance of the rural parish priest as being a

principal decisive factor in the success or failure in social action

programs (Torres and Corredor, 1961:54). Researchers from the

University of Wisconsin's Land Tenure Center found him important as








a legitimizer in social change programs. Unless the priest backs it,

a project may be considered contrary to community values (Adams and

Havens, n.d.:7). Elsewhere, it was found that besides being a

legitimizer, the priest was sometimes an active change agent

(Havens, 1966:114-116).


Community Studies of Social Change

Parra (1967) notes that studies on a community level may be

advantageous in attaining better understanding of the process of

social change in Colombia (see also Smith, 1959:14). Lipman, in his

study of entrepreneurs in Bogota, says that the innovators who break

with traditionalism in order to condition social change are the

economic entrepreneurs. He also calls the entrepreneur the central

figure in modern economic development and even in the economy

(Lipman, 1966). Another writer mentions that the process of change

from a traditional society to an industrial society in Columbia is

causing greater social mobility in Bogota. This phenomenon is occur-

ring because the industrialization process is breaking down social

class barriers, thus permitting more upward social mobility. This

process has occurred because personnel in the liberal professions,

and especially those in managerial and administrative jobs, are

having to be recruited from classes lower than those from which

people occupying these positions normally come (Ord6fez, 1967).

Fals Borda, in his well-known study of Saucio, found that

a new dam which was being built nearby was a cause of social change

in the small town. Many people who worked on the dam had the








privilege of using the company doctor, which finally resulted in a

gradual dis-use of folk-cultural remedies by many of the people.

Thus they were healthier and more able to work, and their level of

living rose. The dam construction caused them to be more progres-

sive in their outlook, partly because their work yielded ready

cash. Some people remodeled small taverns and a few houses to

accommodate employees of the construction project who came from

other areas. Meanwhile, their agricultural enterprise, once the

staff of life of the Saucites, suffered neglect because of the time

and energies they expended in working on the dam. The workers

became more familiar with new and advanced social legislation, and

many moved to urban areas when the dam was finished. Those Saucites

who did remain in the community were more prosperous than before

(Fals Borda,1962a and 1955).

Havens studied directed social change in the Antioquian

community of Tamesis. In this community he found conditions

sufficient, if not essential, to realize development: (1) Because

of the manner in which the colonization of lands proceeded in this

zone, latifundismo was never prevalent. (2) Since the region was

colonized as a frontier agricultural zone, those who wanted to enter

it were different from those who stayed behind. The acceptance of

risks and of being geographically mobile was converted into a

desirable norm of conduct for its residents, aiding them to improve

their own positions. (3) Although property values are high, the

economic structure provides alternative opportunities for those

individuals who wish to seek new ways of earning a living.








(4) Sources of information and credit are available for agricultural

production and have been used by the people of the community. (5) The

authority structure as embodied in the church and the family has

reinforced incentives toward change. (6) Voluntary associations

have always been a part of the social structure and, at least to a

certain degree, these associations have been effective in obtaining

instrumental objectives. (7) Those who participate in voluntary

associations have confidence in the government and in their fellow

citizens (Havens, 1966:175-176).

These conditions exist in other regions of Colombia, and

those are the places where social change has occurred. Thus, they

are sufficient, although not necessarily essential, for producing

social change, says Havens (1966).

In another study which included Tamesis and the community of

Contadero, a rural community in the department of Narino, it was

found that people living in the former were more favorable to social

change. Their scores on the Attitudes toward Social Change Scale

were significantly related to: general knowledge, contributions to

community programs, adoption of hygiene items, frequency of radio

listening, frequency of newspaper reading, and inversely with degree

of anomie (Whittenbarger, 1966).

Rionegro, also in Antioquia, typically has been a traditional,

rustic community. However, it is now experiencing the shock of a

relatively rapid industrialization. A by-product of the industrializa-

tion of Rionegro, as in many other parts of the world, has been a

certain degree of anomie. Direct causes of the phenomenon in







Rionegro include underemployment and unemployment and the lack of

adaptation to a new kind of work in-a factory. Furthermore, the

little community has witnessed a changeover from a primary to a

secondary group, complete with secondary controls. Social statuses

have changed as social distances have been altered. Anomie has like-

wise resulted because of loyalty to traditional values (V6lez Arango

and Pelaez Taborda, 1967).

Candelaria is a rural community located near Call in the

department of El Valle. Many changes have followed the establishment

.there of anexperimental health center by the medical school of the

Universidad del Valle in Cali. Mortality rates, especially infant

mortality rates, have plummeted. The general state of health of the

.people has improved since the health center was constructed. Healthier

people mean happier people, people who can spend more days working to

increase their level of living. Aspirations of the Candelarians have

risen, and the tempo of life of the community has been changed through

the influence of the outside entity.

Parra studied the community in 1962 and 1963. He found that

social change in Candelaria follows these general lines: (1) toward

structural differentiation and functional specialization; (2) toward

greater integration of the community with the larger social system;

and (3) toward a growing adaptation to the general environment

(Parra Sandoval, 1966:124).

Guatavita was a very traditional rural community of some

6,500 people dedicated to farming. In 1961, precipitous social change

was initiated with the building of a dam which would require the







flooding of Guatavita, forcing the entire community to be moved by a

specified deadline. Naturally, the people were opposed to the dam's

construction, since they were inconvenienced, while others benefited

from the dam. Most of them had been born there, and naturally were

.not eager to see their home covered by a large lake, even in the name

of progress.

The construction company had made excellent plans for the

dam, but not so for the people who would be forced to leave their

homes and farms. A new town was built for them, but their

traditional beliefs and sentiments have made it difficult for them

to adapt to new ways of life, and many have consequently moved into

Bogota and other, smaller urban centers (see Betancur, et al., 1965;

and "Guatavita," 1963).

Some of the effects of the Colombian Violencia have already

been mentioned. Its effects on a given community are indicated in a

case study of the community of Libano, in the department of Tolima,

which was hit hard by the disorders. At the time of the study,

approximately 51 percent of the population of the county seat of

Lfbano were rural residents who had been forced to move from their

original homes, because of the Violencia. Economic and social mal-

adjustment have resulted, interpersonal relations which had existed

for many years have been broken, and faith has been shattered. In

short, social disorganization and the resultant anomie have occurred

(Pineda Giraldo, 1963).

Several studies of innovation and adoption of farm

practices have been carried out in Colombia. In Sauclo, it was








found that the basic pattern of diffusion and adoption of new farm

practices was substantially the same as in the United States

(Deutschmann and Fals Borda, 1962). An investigation in some rural

communities in the departments of Cundinamarca, Boyaca, Antioquia,

and Caldas was conducted in order to determine the effects of the

press, the radio, and fliers as communications media in a diffusion

program. The same amounts of material were to be used in each

community. However, in some communities, local expressions and

specific accents were to be used, while in others the language was

to be rather impersonal. After the beginning of the study, in some

communities some local leaders became interested in the campaign

and used loud speakers to begin their own supportive campaigns. This

method was more effective than any of the planned ones, and was more

effective still when coupled with other methods (Garcia, et al.,

1967). In a study of factors affecting the communication process

in the vereda of Jamundi, in the municipio of Girardota, Antioquia,

it was recommended that change agents should bring about an awareness

of the mass media as an information source. The prime source of

information for these people was found to be friends and neighbors

(McNamara, et al., n.d. See Adams and Havens, n.d.; and Willems,

1963).

The communities of Pueblo Viejo, San Rafael and Cuatro Esquinas,

in Cundinamarca, and Nazate and La Canada, in Narino, have been the

subjects of many studies. The studies relate opinion leadership to

such factors as: functional literacy, size of landholdings, farm

ownership, farm and home innovativeness, social status, achievement







motivation, mass media exposure, radio listening, newspaper reading,

empathy, knowledgeability of public issues, cosmopolitanism, age,

attitude toward credit, opinionatedness, and fatalism (see Rogers and

van Es, 1964; Stickley, 1964; Rogers and Neill, 1964; Bonilla de Ramos,

1964; van Es, 1964; Portocarrero, 1966; Bonilla de Ramos, 1966; Ramos,

1966; Rogers, 1965-66; Rogers and Herzog, 1966; and Rogers, 1964).


Elements of Social Change

Various theories of social change and development have been

reviewed in this chapter. It has been noted that different writers

have stressed different aspects of the processes involved in the

changeover of a nation from a traditional to a modern society.

Yet no basic agreement has been reached. How does social

change actually begin in a country like Colombia? Hagen attributed

importance to different types of personality systems among people

living in Medellfn and in Popayan; other writers have stressed other

factors. Nevertheless there seems to be a more or less general

consensus among social scientists and economists as well that the

people's basic values and attitudes are important factors in

determining their behavior in the various spheres of their lives.

Chapter 3 of this dissertation focuses on values and


their importance in social change.














CHAPTER 3


VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS


For more than a century and a half, scholars in the social

sciences and humanities have emphasized the role of values as criteria

in making choices between and among alternative courses of action.

The study of values has occupied the time, energies, and thinking of

many people during this time. Sociologists in particular have gen-

erally accorded a fairly significant role to values in their attempts

to understand and predict human behavior, especially since the 1920's.

At the beginning of this chapter, we should note that it is not the

purpose here to review the tremendous amount of literature related to

values,1 but merely to provide a few indications as to the nature of

the phenomenon.

Since W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki (1918-20) published

in 1918 the first systematic treatment of the notion of values in the

United States, countless numbers of pages concerning the concept have

been written. These two early theorists saw values as consisting of


lAn excellent bibliography on values is Albert and Kluckhohn's
(1959). Included in the work are more than 2000 entries selected from
a group of more than 6000 possible notations. This should give the
reader some idea as to the abundance of publications related to
values.







" more or less explicit and formal rules of behavior by which

the group tends to maintain, to regulate, and to make more general

and more frequent the corresponding types of actions among its

members" (Kolb, 1957:94).

Later sociologists have used the concept of values extensively

but have modified it down through the years.2 If one reads from the

various fields of study, he finds values considered variously as

attitudes, motivations, objects, measureable
quantities, substantive areas of behavior, affect-laden
customs or traditions, and relationships such as those
between individuals, groups, objects, events. The only
general agreement is that values somehow have to do with
normative as opposed to existential propositions
(Clyde Kluckhohn, 1951:390).3

A more or less current definition of values which is presented

as representative is: "A value is a conception, explicit or implicit,

distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the

desirable which influences the selection from available modes, means,

and ends of action" (Clyde Kluckhohn, 1951:395). This definition is

presented as a combination of several frames of reference, not as

an attempt to settle the controversy over the ultimate meaning of

the concept.4


2For a discussion of the development of, and different
approaches to, values, see Albert and Kluckhohn (1959:94-131). Dukes
(1955) presents a bibliography of psychological values studies, and
groups them by measurements of values, individual differences in
values, and their development. For a treatment of the origin and
assumptions of contemporary value theory in philosophy, see Kurtz
(1952:47-69).

3Examples of the use of the term values in sociology may be
found in Adler (1956:272-279) and Case (1939:403-430).

4For a detailed description of the development of, and
problems concerned with, the value-concept, see Kolb (1957:93-111).








The great quantity of writings dealing with the concept of

values may be interpreted as a measure of the importance of the

phenomenon in explaining and predicting human behavior. Indeed,

Burgess has said that the essential data for sociological

research are values" (Burgess, 1954:16). As early as 1935,

Talcott Parsons (1935:282-316) argued, from a positivistic viewpoint,

that values do have a place in sociology. Kolb (1957:111-131)

discusses the place of the value concept in sociological theory.

Several social scientists have endeavored to isolate, identify,

and list the central or core values of people in the United States.

Among them have been Robin Williams, Jr. (1970:452-500), John F. Cuber,

et al. (1964:396), Alvin L. Bertrand (1967:82-85), Lee Coleman

(1941:492-499), and Cora DuBois (1955:1232-1239). Although these basic

values have varied in their nomenclature, the lists are more or less

comparable. An example is the listing by Robin Williams, Jr. (1970:

452-500), in which he denotes Americans' major "value orientations"

as: achievement and success, activity and work, a moral orientation,

humanitarian mores, efficiency and practicality, progress, material

comfort, equality, freedom, external conformity, science and secular

rationality, nationalism-patriotism, democracy, individual personality,

and racism and related group superiority themes.

As sociologists, we attempt to measure concepts, and values are

no exception. The measurement of values is a fairly recent phenomenon

but, unfortunately, is beyond'the scope of this report except insofar

as description of the measurement technique employed in the present

research is concerned. The interested reader is referred to







SAdler (1956:272-279), Fallding (1965:223-233), Catton (1956:357-358),

Thurstone (1954, 1959), Albert and Kluckhohn (1959), and Scott (1959).


Values and Social Change

As was pointed out in Chapter 2, economic theorists have long

recognized that there is a human factor which is involved in economic

development. A large quantity of writings exists which indicate the

supposed relation between prevalent societal values and social change

(especially as change is intrinsic in the processes of modernization,

industrialization, and social and economic development). Proponents

of this viewpoint are not arguing the importance of the economic

determinants involved in the process of economic development, but

are merely stating the principle that satisfactory explanations for

differentials in economic behavior are not found in traditional

economic theory. These observers have recognized that there are indeed

some definite economic factors which are prerequisite to economic

growth and development. Yet they have noted societies with apparently

equal opportunities, some of which developed and others which did not.

Thus, they reason, there must be some other explanations) of the

phenomenon. The causal factor most often cited is that of values.

Japan and Thailand are countries which have many common

features and a similar chronological history of exposure to Western

ideas. At one time, it appeared to some that both societies were at

approximately equal stages of development and that, assuming all

things equal, they should change at an equal rate. However, Japan

progressed rapidly, but Thailand did not. In regard to this








observation, Ayal (1963:35) says that changes in political

and social institutions, or investments by foreigners, will not, by

themselves, bring about sustained economic development, unless the

fundamental human values in the society are conducive to development."

Spengler (1961:4) notes that

the state of a people's politico-economic development, together
with its rate and direction, depends largely upon what is in
the minds of its members, and above all upon the content of the
minds of its elites, which reflects in part, as do civilizations,
the conceptions men form of the universe.

He specifically includes values and value orientations as a part of

the "content of men's minds," and says,

Ultimately, the extent to which economic or political
development takes place depends very largely upon the orienta-
tions of the elements situated in the nonrational world of
values and value-orientations--a world existing in the minds
of men; thereupon depend what men seek and how they seek it
(Spengler, 1961:30).

Especially important in influencing development are the values and

value orientations of the elite.

In his action theory, Parsons says that the actor's selection

of means to gain the ends is influenced by the value orientations

regnant in a society. Furthermore, "development in general takes

place when an index of that which is deemed desirable and relatively

preferable increases in magnitude" (Spengler, 1961:8).

Other social scientists, such as Neal (1965) and McClelland

(1961), have pointed out that value orientations are important

prerequisites to development. Thus, given physical-environmental and

hereditary conditions, we might say that development would tend to

occur at a more rapid rate where the society has a system of values








conducive to the selection of development-oriented ends, and when the

value orientations of these people are most favorable to the selection

of the optimal means to meet these ends (see Rokeach, 1968).

Some writers imply through their usage and interchange of the

terms values and value orientations that the two concepts are

synonymous. Others use them as distinct entities but do not take

the care to distinguish one from the other. Clyde Kluckhohn's

definition of values has already been noted in this paper. Several

definitions of value orientations will be presented in order to

clarify the meaning of the term, since it is a central concept in

this dissertation.

Clyde Kluckhohn (1951:409) uses the term value orientation

" for those value notions which are (a) general, (b) organized,

and (c) include definitely existential judgments. A value-orientation

is a set of linked propositions embracing both value and existential

elements." Later, he says,

More formally, a value-orientation may be defined as a
generalized and organized conception, influencing behavior,
of nature, of man's place in it, of man's relation to man,
and of the desirable and nondesirable as they may relate to
man-environment and interhuman relations (Clyde Kluckhohn,
1951:411).

Schwarzweller (1959:247) defines the term operationally:

the empirically measured tendency to react favorably or
unfavorably to certain generalized conceptions, such as
individualism, familism, security, service to society, and
the like. those threads of the individual's conceptual
consistency which apparently influence his behavior (verbal)
in the situation specified by the measuring instrument.

Similarly, value orientations have been referred to as

"systems of meanings," "unconscious canons of choice," "integrative








themes," "ethos," and "configurations" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck,

1961:340). Vogt and O'Dea (1953:645) think of value orientations

as .those views of the world, often implicitly held, which

define the meaning of human life or the 'life situation of man' and

thereby provide the context in which day-to-day problems are solved."

Hoult (1969:344) defined value orientations in terms of action

theory:

In that part of action theory which is concerned with an
actor's mental-emotional position relative to a given situa-
tion, those aspects of the position which, where choice is
possible, lead the actor to support certain values and to
observe forms termed modes (of value-orientation): a) the
appreciative mode (use of given standards for judging the
gratification significance of phenomena), b) the cognitive
mode (use of given standards for judging validity of various
ideas, claims, and data), and c) the moral mode (use of given
standards for judging the effects of various choices on the
integration of self and society).


Kluckhohn's Theory of Variations
in Value Orientations

Florence Kluckhohn is the one who, to my knowledge, has

developed the idea of value orientations to its fullest extent, and

in the process she has elaborated an instrument to elicit people's

value profiles. The theory of variations in value orientations was

formulated as she worked toward a systematic ordering of variations

within and across cultures. Her method, furthermore, has a potential

predictive utility for describing changes in value orientations

through time.

Specifically, she defines value orientations as:

complex but definitely patterned (rank-ordered) principles
resulting from the transactional interplay of three analyti-
cally distinguishable elements of the evaluative process--








the cognitive, the affective, and the directive elements--
which give order and direction to the ever-flowing stream of
human acts and thoughts as these relate to the solution of
"common human problems" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:4).

or broadly as .a generalized and organized principle concerning

basic human problems which pervasively and profoundly influences

man's behavior" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:341).

Kluckhohn's emphasis on the variation within and between the

value orientations of single cultures is an attempt to overcome some

of the weaknesses of previous theories of values which did not consider

the variability of values and the consequences of this variation.

Earlier theories were lax in that they did not permit an analysis of

within-culture variation nor systematic cross-cultural comparisons.

Furthermore, they stressed heavily the dominant values of a culture,

to the neglect of variant values, and thus were static representations

which did not reveal the change in values, which is related to the

development and direction of social change of other types and in

other areas. Thus she emphasizes dealing with the variability which

exists in the highly generalized elements of culture, or value

orientations. These variations must be studied empirically, if we

are in agreement with those (see Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:1)

who insist that the interpretation of concrete behavior must be

coupled with a knowledge about assumptions.

Another distinctive characteristic of her theory is an

accentuation of the directive element of the evaluative process,

thus allowing for a dynamic, integrating, and guiding influence.

Previous theories had included only the cognitive and affective







aspects and thus lacked the directive element "which is the most

crucial for the understanding of both the integration of the total

value system and its continuity through time" (Kluckhohn and

Strodtbeck, 1961:9).

There are several basic assumptions"underlying Kluckhohn's

theory of which note should be taken. The first major assumption

is that there is an ordered variation in value orientation systems.

Three other, more specific ones are that:

There is a limited number of common human problems for which
all people at all times must find some solution. While
there is variability in solutions of all the problems, it is
neither limitless nor random but is definitely variable within
a range of possible solutions. All alternatives of all
solutions are present in all societies at all times but are
differentially preferred. Every society has, in addition to
its dominant profile of value orientations, numerous variant
or substitute profiles. Moreover it is postulated that in
both the dominant and the variant profiles there is almost
always a rank ordering of the preferences of the value-
orientation alternatives (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:10;
italics in the original).

Five "common human problems" have been defined by Kluckhohn for

which the people of any society must find solutions. In question form,

these problems are: (1) What is the character of innate human nature?

(2) What is the relation of man to nature (and supernature)? (3) What

is the significant time dimension? (4) What is the modality of human

activity? (In her earlier writings, this problem was stated with

reference to the "valid personality type.") (5) What is the modality

of man's relation to other men? (See Florence Kluckhohn, 1953a:90,

1953b:342, 1951:102, 1967:85, 1963:222, 1950:378; Kluckhohn and

Strodtbeck, 1961:11; and Pelzel and Kluckhohn, 1957:54-55.)

Each of these problem areas is the basis for a value

orientation, the respective problems representing the (1) human nature,







(2) man-nature, (3) time, (4) activity, and (5) relational orienta-

tions.

For each of the orientations, Kluckhohn has posited three

alternative means of resolving the "basic human problem" which is

represented. Each alternative, in turn, may- be viewed as a basic,

logical dimension of the larger problematical area. Thus, systematic

comparisons on both the inter- and intra-cultural levels can be made,

both within the context of changes in the larger culture.

The orientations and their variations for each of these

universal problems will be presented in the order corresponding to

that of the questions above.

1. Human Nature Orientation

Kluckhohn was concerned here principally with the question of

whether human nature is innately evil, good, or a mixture of the two,

and whether each of these orientations is in turn mutable or immutable.

Thus there are six possible derivations for this area. She believes

that this variant case of multiple possibility is probably caused by

the interrelationship of this orientation with the others.

2. Man-Nature (-Supernature) Orientation

The three-point range of variation in this orientation, as

Kluckhohn (1950:379) admits, is well known to philosophers and

cultural historians. The first orientation (each alternative may

likewise be referred to as an orientation--Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck,

1961:11), called Subjugation to Nature, refers to the fatalistic

viewpoint--"When it's my time to die, there's nothing that can be

done about it." People with this orientation believe that man can do

little or nothing to control diseases, natural disasters, and the like.








People who hold to the Harmony with Nature orientation see no

real separation between man, nature, and supernature. They feel that

living in harmony with God and with nature will assure their well-

being and that troubles arise from the failure to do so.

The Mastery over Nature position is that of those who believe

that there is something mankind can do to control or modify the forces

of nature, such as floods, diseases, streams, deserts, etc.

3. Time Orientation

This orientation may be seen as: (a) Past, (b), Present, or

(c) Future, which are considered to be self-explanatory.

4. Activity Orientation

The range of variations in this case yields the Being,

Being-in-Becoming, and Doing orientations, derived in part from the

distinction philosophers have often made between Being and Becoming.

The classification is roughly similar to that of Charles Morris (1948)

who labeled the respective personality components as the Dionysian,

the Buddhist, and the Promethean. Kluckhohn, however, deals with

concepts which are much more narrowly defined.

The vital principle of the Being alternative is an inclination

to express the given part of the personality, and it is nondevelop-

mental in comparison with the other two variations.

The Being-in-Becoming orientation involves a person's

motivation to develop himself and his personality to their fullest

extent, and thus incorporates the conception of the developmental

process.








The distinguishing feature of the Doing orientation is its

emphasis on accomplishment, judged on standards which are external

to the individual.

5. Relational Orientation

The relational orientation is concerned with man's relation-

ships with other men. Its three subdivisions are: Lineal, Collateral,

and Individualistic. In a somewhat similar fashion, sociologists have

long differentiated relatively homogeneous folk societies from the more

complex societies by such terms as Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft, rural-

urban, traditional-rational-legal, and mechanical-organic solidarity.

Lineally-oriented persons prefer a type of organization which

emphasizes a hierarchy of authority and respect. If the Lineal

principle is the dominant one in a society, then group goals have

primacy over individual goals, and continuity through time is strongly

emphasized. An ordered positional succession within the group is

another major consideration.

In the Collateral orientation, group goals again have primacy,

but without the strong emphasis on continuity and lineal relation-

ships. Sports teams with good teamwork are an example of the Collateral

principle.

Individualistic means that individual goals have prime

importance with relation to group goals. One is made to think

immediately of the American emphasis on achievement, especially of

the individual type.

Kluckhohn states that man's conception of space and his

place in it is a sixth "common human problem" which belongs in the








theory of variations in value orientations. Unfortunately, the

orientation and its variations have not been developed sufficiently

to include in her presentations of the theory.

The United States middle class is believed by Kluckhohn to have

the following orientations: Future time orientation, Doing activity

orientation, Mastery over Nature man-nature orientation, and

Individual relational orientation. In her study of a Spanish-

American village in New Mexico, she found the dominant profile to be:

Subjugation to nature, Present time, Being as the modality of activity,

and Individual with respect to relationships to other men (Kluckhohn

and Strodtbeck, 1961:12-19).

Some of these combinations tend to be internally consistent,

that is, they represent a greater degree of "goodness of fit" than do

alternative patterns. The dominant profile of the United States

middle class, presented above, is believed to be internally congruent,

while that of the Spanish-Americans is not, since the individual

alternative appears to conflict with those for the other three

orientations. Kluckhohn contends that the value orientations of

societies which are in the process of rapid social change are

likely to denote internal inconsistency.

Furthermore, certain value orientations are indicative of

stronger inducements to the degree of conformity which is required

of an individual than are others. Specifically, Kluckhohn mentions

that each of three "modern" orientations--Future, Doing, and

Individualism--requires more conformity than some others.

Before the advent of Kluckhohn's theory, social scientists

studying value systems were prone to stress only the dominant values.








Thus, they tended to disregard the variant values and the positive

functions which the latter serve. They were assuming that, in order

to protect and maintain the sociocultural system, the dominant values

required a high degree of conformity and that thus the variant value

patterns were unimportant.

In this respect, Kluckhohn stresses two major theoretical

formulations. One is that the variant value orientations of a

society are not only permitted but are actually required for the

integration and maintenance of the system. The other is that the

differences in the value orientations of different societies are not

absolute but are merely divergences of the rank ordering of the same

components of orientations which are found in all cultures at all

times.

The variant patterns of value orientations have, as a primary

function, the maintenance of the system. However, when external

influences are brought into play, then the variant orientations may

be the sources of potential change. Kluckhohn notes that "Variant

individuals playing variant roles are far more susceptible to

external influences than are dominantly oriented individuals who play

dominant roles" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:366).

The value orientations of campus radicals, I believe, would

probably more nearly resemble the major variant than the dominant

orientations of the United States middle class. While no empirical

verification of this viewpoint is readily available, personal

observation suggests this hypothesis. At any rate, it would be

interesting to see the results of an investigation designed to test

the hypothesis.





84

Another aspect of the theory which relates to the permitted and

required variation is the concept of behavior spheres, or, as I have

chosen to call them, role areas. Several different types of activity

which are more or less well differentiated in every society are

necessary if a society is to function properly. These activities are

grouped into various role areas. Usually, Kluckhohn enumerates them

as the: economic-occupational, the religious, the political, the

recreational, the familial, and the intellectual-aesthetic spheres

(Kluckhohn and Stodtbeck, 1961:28).

The relationship between role areas and value orientations is

reciprocal. However, she feels that value orientations are more

durable and more generalized aspects of culture. Consequently, not

much more is said of role areas. In personal correspondence with

Kluckhohn and through reading her various publications, I am unable

to relate specific value orientations to specific role areas. Through

letters, she refers to particular items of her instrument as

representing a given role area. Yet, in her writings I find references

to specific orientations (such as Doing or Present) or some combina-

tion of the orientations as indicating one or the other role area.

Furthermore, two different factor analyses of the responses did not

reveal any logical groupings which might be considered as role

areas.


Variations in Value Orientations
and Social Change

The chapter preceding this one reported some selected theories

of social change. This section will present an attempt to explore some








of the relationships between value orientations and social change.

Already we have mentioned that a primary function of the

variant value orientations is the maintenance of the system. It

appears that these variant patterns arise as a result of the strains

which are created by the dominant values and that they arise in order

to mitigate those strains and thus permit the system to continue to

operate.

Nevertheless, the variant patterns and the variant individuals

who follow them, Kluckhohn believes, are potential sources of basic

social and cultural changes. Her main thesis in this respect is

that a change of this nature is very rarely the result of either the

evolution of the internal variations or caused by an external force.

"On the contrary, we maintain that basic change is usually, if not

always, the result of the interplay of internal variations and

external forces which are themselves variable" (Kluckhohn and

Strodtbeck, 1961:43).

It is logical to assume that the better integrated the value

orientation system is, i.e., the greater its goodness of fit, then the

greater will be its resistance to change by outside forces. This would

be true mostly in cases of culture contact but would not necessarily be

true in an intracultural situation.

Kluckhohn notes that perfect congruity is rare, and she

offers a corollary proposition: "The part or parts of a social system

which are most susceptible to the development of a basic change in

cultural values will be those in which there has been the greatest

proliferation of variant values for the relief of strain" (Kluckhohn








and Strodtbeck, 1961:45). This points up the fact, indirectly, that

the various parts of the system of value orientations change at

different rates and that it is the variants themselves who motivate

basic change.

In terms of the magnitude of the change which occurs in

value orientations and the degree of strength of the external

propulsionary force which is necessary there is a step-wise pattern

of change. The change which is smallest and which requires the least

amount of force is a shift between the second- and third-order

orientations, followed next by a shift of the first- and second-order

preferences. The greatest change is a shift of the first- and third-

order variations, since the change is to the opposite pole. It is

the latter which causes the greatest amount of both personal and

social disorganization in the system.

More specifically, Kluckhohn (1961:47) believes that a

too-rapid shift in the relational orientation creates more serious

adjustment problems than if the same degree of change had occurred

in any of the other orientations. The relational orientation is a

support to the others, and therefore, for maximum effectiveness of

the system, should change at approximately the same rate and in the

same direction as the others.

An additional consideration is that in predicting the kinds

and rates of basic changes, one must take into account the degree of

congruity which exists between the external force and the internal

variation.




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81,9(56,7< 2) )/25,'$


VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF LEADERS AND STUDENTS
IN POPAYAN, COLOMBIA
By
J. SELWYN HOLLINGSWORTH
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1970

Dedicated
to
Mama and Daddy

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The undertaking of a research project usually involves the
advice, the cooperation, and sometimes the consolation of numerous
people. The present one is no exception. This section is included
by the author in an attempt to make public record of his lasting
gratitude to certain people who have assisted him, both in the research
project itself and in the writing of this dissertation.
Dr. Irving L. Webber has directed the research since its
inception and has guided the writing of this report. He has been a
demanding and exacting taskmaster, but all in all one could not ask
for a more pleasant working relationship than that which we had in
this project. Perhaps the greatest of his achievements has been in
helping the author to find a significant reward in writing. His
instruction in scientific precision also has been an invaluable
experience. To Dr. and Mrs. Webber, who have been friends, counselors,
and sources of inspiration, the author expresses profound gratitude.
The other members of the committee, Dr. Joseph S. Vandiver,
Dr. John V. D. Saunders, Dr. E. Wilbur Bock, and Dr. Raymond E. Crist,
have spent long hours with the candidate both in and out of class.
Their teachings and advice were sought out and readily given.
Dr. T. Lynn Smith, former chairman of the committee, has spent many
iii

hours teaching the author about the peoples and institutions of
Latin America, and he continues to be an inspiration.
The Rockefeller Foundation provided a grant to the University
of Florida to be used for teaching and research purposes in Cali,
Colombia. The grant was administered by the Center of Latin American
Studies at the University of Florida. Dr. William E. Carter,
D>
Captain R. J. Toner, and Mrs. Vivian Nolen were directly involved in
administering the funds which were so necessary for the completion of
the investigation. Grateful appreciation is expressed to them and
to the Rockefeller Foundation.
The other, as yet unnamed, collaborators in this investigation
were Alfredo Ocampo Z. and David W. Coombs. They were compatible,
efficient, and competent co-workers, and working with them in the
organization and completion of the research project was rewarding.
Eric A. Wagner devoted time in coding the responses, and his efforts
are also valued.
A deep and lasting debt of gratitude is expressed to the
920 respondents who made the research project possible.
Florence R. Kluckhohn and Harry A. Scarr offered theoretical
and statistical advice which was invaluable. The work of Jennie Boring,
Kim Cornelius, Mac Cline, Camile Johnson, and Jean Holzer in obtaining
IBM printouts of the statistical analysis was time-consuming and
boring to them at times, but it was sc very necessary to the completion
of the project.
Dr. Edward C. McDonagh has offered much useful advice and
a great deal of encouragement. He also made possible a teaching load
iv

which required only one preparation per semester during the writing
of the dissertation. Without his understanding and assistance, the
work would have been much slower and more difficult.
James Agudelo S. has provided the author with many insights
into Colombian life, much help with Spanish translations, and much
encouragement. Gilberto Aristizábal spent a good many hours assisting
with the preliminary stages of the investigation and also helped
administer the questionnaire to students in Cali.
Señor Gerardo Hurtado, Secretary of the Popayan Chamber of
Commerce, provided much of the information which was used in setting
up the sampling frame. Señor Jorge Valencia, Secretary of the
Palmira Chamber of Commerce, provided similar assistance for the
pretest which was conducted in Palmira.
Secretarial assistance in the preparation of the dissertation
has been extremely necessary, most cooperative, and very efficient.
Señoritas Ana Cristina Zamorano and Susana Caicedo typed seemingly
endless lists of information for the samples, and they typed the
several versions of the instruments. Miss Naomi L. Christian has
spent many hours—hours which could have been spent much more
pleasantly—in typing preliminary drafts of the manuscript. Mrs. Sue
Freeman assisted in this manner as well. Mrs. Loretta McNutt typed
the final copy, and her advice has been most useful.
The author expresses his appreciation to a number of persons
who are not named in this acknowledgment because they were not directly
associated with the research project; however, indirectly their
cooperation and service greatly helped him complete the dissertation.
v

Finally, much gratitude goes to Mr. and Mrs. Clyde Hollingsworth,
parents of the author, for their indulgence and understanding in many
matters which often were beyond their comprehension. Their teachings,
and their backing up of a son who was often far away from home, are
sincerely and deeply appreciated.
vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION . .' ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . iii
LIST OF TABLES ' xi
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION 1
Nature, Scope, and Limitations of the
Investigation 3
Questions for Study 5
Organization of the Dissertation 6
2 SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT 8
Theories of Social Change 10
The Concept of Social Progress 10
Evolutionism 11
Neo-Evolutionism 13
Socialistic Concepts of Change 17
Anarchism 18
Marxism 18
Fabian socialism 19
Cyclical Change 20
Particularistic Theories 26
Diffusionism 26
Geographic determinism 27
Biological determinism 27
Sociological Theories of Social Change 29
Assimilation 29
Social ecology 30
Social lag and technology 30
Cultural acceleration 33
Elites as a factor in social change 34
Other theories of social change 35
Development and Modernization 36
vii

CHAPTER
The Development of Underdeveloped Countries 47
Social Change and Development in Colombia 57
Social Change in Colombia 57
Regional Studies of Social Change
in Colombia 59
Community Studies of Social Change. ... 63
Elements of Social Change 69
3 VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS 70
Values and Social Change 73
Kluckhohn's Theory of Variations
in Value Orientations 76
Variations in Value Orientations
and Social Change 84
The Value Orientations Instrument 87
4 THE STUDY COMMUNITY: POPAYAN, COLOMBIA 89
History 92
5 DESIGN OF THE INVESTIGATION 104
Sample Design 104
The Sample of Leaders 105
Sampling Plan for Leaders 106
Drawing Sample Units of Leaders .... 107
The Sample of Students 109
Selecting the Schools Ill
Field Procedures 112
Pretesting the Instrument 112
Interviewing the Leaders 114
Interviewing the Students 116
Processing the Data 117
Coding the Responses 117
Machine Processing 118
Descriptive and Explanatory Material 118
The Method of Analysis 119
6 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS 122
Socioeconomic Status (SES) of the
Leaders' Sample 124
Occupational Status of Leaders' Fathers 124
Educational Attainment of Leaders
and Their Fathers 126
Residential History of Leaders in Popayán 127
viii

CHAPTER
Characteristics of the Students 127
SES of the Students' Sample 128
Occupations of the Students' Fathers. . 129
Educational Attainment of Students' Fathers . . . 130
Other Student Characteristics 131
7 VALUE ORIENTATIONS IN POPAYAN 132
Value Profiles of the Respondents 133
Testing of the Hypotheses 136
Hypotheses Related to Leaders 136
Hypothesis one 136
Hypothesis two 138
Hypothesis three 138
Hypothesis four 138
Hypothesis five 139
Hypotheses Related to Students 140
Hypothesis six 141
Hypothesis seven 141
Hypothesis eight 141
Hypothesis nine 142
Hypothesis ten 143
Hypothesis eleven 144
Hypothesis twelve 144
Hypothesis thirteen 145
Hypothesis fourteen 146
Hypothesis fifteen 147
8 VALUE ORIENTATIONS AND DEVELOPMENT 148
A Glance at the Most-Developed City 148
Testing of the Hypotheses 155
Hypothesis Sixteen 155
Hypothesis Seventeen 156
9 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 161
The Problem of Cross-Cultural Comparisons 162
Relative Importance of Different Value
Orientations 164
Values vs. Value Orientations . 166
APPENDIX
I ENGLISH-LANGUAGE VERSION OF THE VALUE ORIENTATIONS
INSTRUMENT 169
ix

APPENDIX
II SPANISH-LANGUAGE VERSION OF THE VALUE ORIENTATIONS
INSTRUMENT 181
III ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF RESPONSE SHEETS FOR
RESPONDENTS' BIOGRAPHICAL DATA 194
IV TABLES RELATING TO HYPOTHESES . . ' 198
BIBLIOGRAPHY 217
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 236
x

LIST OF TABLES
Table
1 Value Profiles of Popayán Leaders, Students,
and Students' Parents, by Orientational
Areas, 1967 133
2 A Comparison of Findings in the Present Study
with Others Using the Kluckhohn Theory of
Variations in Value Orientations 159
xi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF LEADERS AND STUDENTS
IN POPAYAM, COLOMBIA
By
J. Selwyn Hollingsworth
December, 1970
Chairman: Irving L. Webber
Major Department: Sociology
The findings reported in this dissertation were taken from a
larger study of value orientations in three Colombian cities at
different stages of social and economic development. A major
hypothesis which has guided the investigation was that a city’s rate
and stage of social and economic development are affected by the value
orientations of the people who make the major decisions in that city.
Much speculation has arisen concerning the causes of develop¬
ment. Many, if not most, of the explanations of the phenomenon have
dealt primarily with economic factors. However, traditional economic
theory thusfar has been unable to explain satisfactorily why some
societies have developed at very unequal rates although they began at
approximately equal positions.
The suggestion of various theorists that values play a
significant role in the development process has provided a major
basis for the work herein presented. Thus, the investigation was
xii

designed to include an analysis of the value orientations (based on
Florence Kluckhohn’s theory) of top leaders. Additionally, the
value orientations of students and of their parents were solicited.
Although the larger study took into account the value
orientations of leaders and students in three Colombian cities, the
present work is limited mainly to a report of the findings in
Popayán, the least-developed of the three cities. Comparisons were
made with the results from Medellin, the most-developed of the three,
in order to gain some insight into the nature of the relationship
between value orientations and stage of development.
The sample of leaders was taken from seven sectors of
leadership—commercial, industrial, banking, government, quasi-
governmental entities, the Church, and the university—which detailed
observation and information from knowledgeable informants suggested
had the most influence on municipal decision-making. Interviews were
conducted with 59 Popayán leaders, who were selected from the sampling
frame by a random method. Biographical data which were used as
independent variables in the testing of hypotheses were obtained from
each respondent, as well as his responses to the 22 items on
Kluckhohn's variations in value orientations instrument ("urban"
version).
Using the same instrument, data were likewise collected from
154 male high school seniors in Popayán in four questionnaire sessions
Their perceptions of the possible responses of each of their parents
were also obtained. Students were included in the investigation
because this permitted an analysis of value orientations of more
xiii

socioeconomic strata than in the case of the leaders. Consequently,
the questionnaire was used to elicit responses from students in both
public and private schools at opposite extremes of socioeconomic
status.
The hypotheses were formulated in terms of modernity, using
the assumed dominant value orientations of middle-class people in the
United States as a "modern" model. The data were analyzed by means
of t-tests, which were calculated by computer.
The data analysis revealed few statistically significant
findings which would support the major hypothesis. A majority of
the results, however, were in the directions which were suggested by
the hypotheses. Yet there was a quantity of findings which were not
in the predicted directions.
A major conclusion of the dissertation is that there may be
other values, not included in Kluckhohn's instrument, which are more
relevant to development. It may be that there is no common set of
values which are conducive to development in all societies. If
certain values are more beneficial to development than others, this
points up the need for more research in order to isolate and identify
them and the role each plays in the development process.
xiv

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION^
The world in which we live is in a constant state of change.
This phenomenon is not a new one but has been occurring down through
the centuries. However, to our knowledge, the rapid rate at which our
world, its people, and their basic social institutions are presently
changing has never before been equalled on a sustained basis. Phenom¬
ena of such magnitude do not go unnoticed by man, who is at once the
creator and the heir of such changes.
One of the many changes with tremendous impetus is the develop¬
ment of certain societies that have long been regarded as traditional
into societies which could be called "modern." As a result, a general
preoccupation with the process of development has presently reached
an unprecedented level of consequence. Reasons for the growing concern
over countries which are clearly underdeveloped, and over other
countries which are in various stages along the development continuum,
are many and varied. Many countries now in the early stages of
1'This investigation was made possible through a Rockefeller
Foundation grant to the Center for Latin American Studies at the
University of Florida, as part of an agreement between the Universidad
del Valle, in Cali, Colombia, and the University of Florida, for a
joint project in sociology, history, and political science.
1

development are manifesting an increased interest in knowing the whys
and wherefores of the process in all its social, economic, political,
educational and other aspects. Countries with greater degrees of
economic development are interested in an increased pace of
development.
To say that there are many factors which are involved in the
emergence of a society with largely traditional overtones into one
which could be called modern would be trite. However, there are those
who agree with the present writer that the human component should not
be overlooked. More specifically, human motivations and basic
systems of values must not, and cannot, be omitted from consideration
in this complex problem.
Latin America, being one of the large land areas of the world
and an area of an ever-increasing rate of growth of human resources,
has constituted a growing concern for scientists whose subject matter
is human behavior, as well as for those whose interests lie in other
fields of scientific endeavor. The region has been regarded as being
generally underdeveloped. It should be noted that the several
countries which comprise Latin America are at different rungs on the
ladder of development. The progress of nations such as Argentina,
Chile, and Mexico is well known. However, other countries are not
making such notable transitions, and some of those which are in rapid
development have received scant attention. For instance, "Although
the economic growth of Colombia during the past 40 years has gone
largely unnoticed by the world at large, one could count on one's
fingers, possibly the fingers of one hand, the countries of the

world whose rate of Increase in per capita income during this period
has been greater" (Hagen, 1962:353).
Yet as one looks around at the different regions of Colombia,
he can readily see that the rapid rate of development mentioned by
Hagen has not been uniform in all parts of t;he country. A visit to
such underdeveloped parts of the country as Nariño, Tolima, and the
Pacific Coast, among others, makes them stand out vividly in contrast
with the more developed cities of Bogota, Cali, and Medellin.
Certainly, there are numerous factors which are useful in explaining
why these changes have been differential. The present writer again
would stress the human factor in eliciting social change, and, more
specifically, development.
Among the paramount factors which influence human behavior are
the basic values of the people involved. The possibility that there
exist basic values which are conducive to, or restrictive of, social
change should not be overlooked. This is the basic orientation of
the work presented here.
Nature, Scope, and Limitations
of the Investigation
The study is based on Florence R. Kluckhohn's conceptualiza¬
tion of variations in value orientations (see Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck
1961). It follows the naturalistic approach to the study of values,
which holds that values are accessible to the same methods of inquiry
and criteria of validity which are applicable to all forms of
empirical knowledge.
Kluckhohn has elaborated an instrument designed to reveal a
person's basic value orientations. The instrument has been tested in

4
various studies and in several very different cultures. Its proper
application and analysis are said to reveal intracultural and cross-
cultural variations in value orientations.
In the process of social change, it is necessary to have some
people who lead the way. Earlier studies have pointed out the power
of community leaders in effecting change. Therefore, Kluckhohn's
instrument was administered to leaders in two Colombian cities at
opposite extremes on the development continuum in order to study
some of the relationships between value orientations and development.
It was also completed by students in order to afford comparisons of
the value orientations of people in the different socioeconomic
classes.
Various social and economic indices were utilized in the
selection of the study sites. The cities of Popayán and Medellin
were selected as representing the least-developed and most-
developed departmental (state) capitals, respectively, excluding
Bogota, the national capital.2 The sample of leaders was taken from
various sectors of the cities' leadership groups, because it is
recognized that people in different sections are influential in the
community power structure. The students were defined as high school
seniors in both public and private schools at vastly different levels
of socioeconomic status.
It should be pointed out that the results of this study may
not be generalized to Latin America, nor even necessarily to Colombia
2ln this paper, Popayán will receive major emphasis and data
from Medellin will be used for comparative purposes only.

as a whole. The investigation is limited to Kluckhohn's concept of
variations in value orientations among selected leaders and students
from the cities of Popayán and Medellin.
A major purpose of the study was to discover relationships
between value orientations and the stage of development of each of
the cities involved. Other objectives of the investigation may be
classified as threefold in nature: descriptive, comparative, and
analytical. In regards to the first objective, value profiles in
each group were delineated. Secondly, the value profiles and value
orientations of each group were compared with those of the other
groups, as well as with those which have been discovered in similar
groups in other cultures. Lastly, the analytic aspect included the
testing of the hypotheses and the application of analytical models
to the results.
Questions for Study
In addition to seeking a relationship between value orienta¬
tions and level of development for a given place, several individual
biographical factors were considered as being of possible influence
on an individual's value orientations.
Since it has been amply demonstrated that a person's social
characteristics have an influence on what he is, does, and believes,
questions were asked which would permit cross-classifications of
the person's value orientations with factors such as his age, sex,
occupation, education, and marital status. In the case of the
students, the father's occupational and educational levels were

6
obtained. Similarly, the name of the barrio (neighborhood) in which
the interviewee lived was ascertained. Thus, the occupation,
education, and socioeconomic status (SES) of the barrio permit
classification of a respondent’s SES.
Furthermore, a person's environment during the various periods
of his socialization was regarded as important in shaping his
value orientations. It was considered useful to know whether a
person came from a rural or an urban background. The age at which
a person lived in a certain place was deemed of consequence to the
formation of basic values.
In addition, for the leaders, whether they had had university
studies in a foreign country was thought to have a possible influence
on their basic system of values. Thus, questions which could obtain
these and other data were included on the face sheet of the instrument.
Organization of the Dissertation
The development of the report which follows begins with a
consideration of social change and development, since this particular
topic is one of the bases of the investigation. Chapter 3, then,
will deal with the other basis—value orientations. A review of
the study community, Popayan, comes next in sequence, followed by a
report of the design of the study.
Next in order comes an exposition of the results of the study
in Chapters 6, 7, and 8. Chapter 6 deals with characteristics of
the samples and is a description of the people who were interviewed.
Chapter 7 specifies the value profiles found in each sector of

7
each study group and includes internal comparisons of these value
profiles. Perhaps more importantly, it provides a comparison of
value orientations controlled by various biographical factors of the
individual respondents and tests hypotheses related to value orienta¬
tions in Popayan. Chapter 8 treats the major hypotheses dealing with
development and compares the findings ixi Medellin and Popayan, as
well as those of other investigations which have used the Kluckhohn
instrument. Chapter 9 summarizes the findings, explores some of
their implications, and states some conclusions.

CHAPTER 2
SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT
Throughout most of human history, stability has been the most
usual and preferred condition. This phenomenon exists in part
because the old established ways of doing things require much less
effort and anxiety than do new ones, the outcome of which may be
uncertain. Therefore, there is a tendency to hold on to tried and
proven methods. That this is true is seen in the fact that only
within the past 300 years has change become somewhat sanctioned
(LaPiere, 1965:1-2). Ecclesiastes 1:9 remarks that "There is no new
thing under the sun," and Machiavelli noted that, "There is nothing
more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more
uncertain in its success, than to take the lead in the introduction
of a new order of things" (Machiavelli, 1950:21). Another writer
points out the fact that, "Paradoxically, as change has accelerated
in the real world of experience the scientific disciplines dealing
with man's actions and products have tended to emphasize orderly
interdependence and static continuity" (Moore, 1967:3).
The emphasis on stability has carried over from the outside
world into the discipline of sociology. True, sociologists are
interested in how and why change occurs, but most of their time
and efforts in teaching and in research have been concentrated on the
8

9
social structure and its parts. Nevertheless, some social scientists
are devoting more of their attention to the phenomenon of social
change, and this chapter will take a brief look at the theories of
these men.
Change is a prevalent feature of life in the modern
United States, and is occurring in all societies of the world, although
at greatly differing rates. Furthermore, it is readily evident that
the rate itself is increasing at a fairly rapid pace. In some places,
however, change on a small scale may be desired only in order to
promote stability on a larger scale (Moore, 1967:3). In fact, both
Plato and Marx were of the persuasion that modifications in the social
order were desirable only as they contributed to the attainment of its
continuity (LaPiere, 1965:1).
There has been, and still is, a wide range of viewpoints
concerning the desirability, inevitability, causes and processes of
social change. Recently, much has been written concerning social
change, development, and modernization. Yet at the same time it is
fashionable to say that there is no theory of social change. True,
there is no general, all-encompassing theory which adequately explains
the phenomenon. However, there do exist numerous theories which take
into account some of the specific characteristics of social units
(Inkeles, 1964:88-91).
Before we turn to a discussion of some of those theories, let
us first identify the concept, social change. There are various
definitions, ranging from the very simplistic to more complicated
ones (see Nordskog, 1960:1; Fairchild, 1962:277; and Berelson and
Steiner, 1964:588).

10
For the purpose of this work, social change may be thought of
as those alterations in values, sentiments, social organization,
and/or social processes of a human group that lead to perceptible
variations in the nature and quality of social interaction.
Theories of Social Change
Because of the large number of theories concerning change, this
section will be limited to a discussion of selected theories which
are thought to be representative of the field. The classification
system used herein is based on a synthesis of three others (see
LaPiere, 1965:1-39; Ryan, 1969:21-50; and Himes, 1968:426-433). It
is taken mainly from the former, with modifications coming from the
other two books and from the present writer.
The Concept of Social Progress
Whatever the conditions of the times, most of the social
thought of the Middle Ages was a justification of things as they were.
Jean Bodin broke this tradition when he offered a cyclical interpreta¬
tion of history during the sixteenth century as he wrote of the
decline of Rome. Machiavelli, on the other hand, was interested in
preserving the power of princes. Finally, John Locke came out in
favor of change through revolution as a manner of righting the wrongs
of political tyranny. Marx, after him, held similar ideas toward
revolution. During the latter part of the eighteenth century, the
idea that change in and of itself was to be desired took form.
Condorcet and Saint-Simon both believed that men could improve them¬
selves and their lives through their own individual efforts and
through rational thinking and planning.

11
LaPiere regards the idea of social progress as a major
ideological innovation. It rejected the traditional idea that the
world was inherently bad and probably led eventually to many of
the changes which have produced our modern-day ways of thinking and
doing things (LaPiere, 1965:2-4).
Evolutionism
Evolutionism is closely related to social progress, but
features an added dimension, since it attempts to define the course
of social development. One of the most notable thinkers in this area
was Auguste Comte, who added his law of the three stages, a conspicuous
example of the linear conception of social and historical change of the
past century, to progressive thinking.
Briefly, Comte believed that each individual and each society
passes through three stages of mental development. In the first stage,
which Comte calls the Theological, man is terribly curious about his
environment and about other people and his relation to them. Since
the cultural base is so small, then man supposes that all phenomena are
caused by supernatural beings. The Metaphysical stage follows as a
modification of the Theological. Abstractions are looked upon as
being the directing forces of nature. When man learns to stop looking
for ultimate causes and begins to use his and others’ observations and
experiences and to accept the interrelations and associate the facts,
then he enters what Comte refers to as the Scientific, or positive,
stage (Comte, 1896:1-2, as cited in Vine, 1959:28-29; Cf. Sorokin,
1928:728).

12
Comte regarded progress as an inevitable working of human law.
In his concepts of a new positivist world, he thought that man could
hasten progress through the application of sociology by social
engineers. His conception of progress was, for the most part,
intellectual and moral, but it also had its material aspects (Vine,
1959:36-38).
Herbert Spencer felt that change was inevitable, that it was
a part of a universal design which was beyond the control of man. He
thought that all societies go through a series of stages which are
definite and unchangeable. His Law of the Multiplication of Effects
held that everything changes, and in the process becomes more complex.
There is a very close relationship between cause and effect, to wit:
in a series of causes, the effect of a given cause then becomes a
cause of something else.
Spencer classified the factors involved in social change as
primary and secondary. By primary factors he meant the characteristics
(physical, emotional, and intellectual) of the individuals in the
society and the physical, political, social, religious, and other
conditions under which the society exists, Spencer took into account
the various environmental conditions and realized that the early
stages of social evolution are much more dependent upon local conditions
than the later ones (Spencer, 1899:39, as cited in Vine, 1959:55-56).
He formulated five secondary factors of human change:
(1) Progressive modification of environment by societies.
(2) Size of society. The density of population increases
in direct proportion to the specialization of labor in
the society.

13
(3) Reciprocal influence of society and the individual.
The influence of the whole on its parts, and of the
parts on the whole.
(4) The accumulation of superorganic products, such as
material objects, language, knowledge, myths, and
the like.
(5) The struggle between the society and neighboring
societies (Spencer, 1899:10-15, as quoted in Vine,
1959:56).
According to Spencer, all these factors combine in different manners to
bring about the process of social evolution.
For Spencer the terms progress and evolution were synonymous.
He viewed evolution as being natural, automatic, and inherently
progressive. According to him, the cause of social progress was the
modification of man's moral nature as he adapts more and more to
social relations (Spencer, 1899:13-15).
Anthropologists such as Morgan, Maine, and Westermarck proposed
theories which incorporated the ideas of stages of Comte and Spencer.
Gumplowicz and Kidd built on Darwin's survival of the fittest theory,
holding that that which would survive would be the most efficient
system, or part of the system (LaPiere, 1965:6).
Neo-Evolutionism
Lester F. Ward, influenced by Comte's positivism, and greatly
concerned with the idea of social telesis, divided pure sociology into
genesis and telesis. Genesis is the natural, unconscious, evolutionary
development of man. Telesis, his key concept, is the conscious,
evolutionary development of man, progress intelligently planned and
directed. For him, the central theme of sociology was human
achievement.

14
To Ward, social telesis was the more important of the two
factors in social change. He agreed with Spencer's idea of evolution
and expanded upon it through his conceptions of sympodial development
and creative synthesis. However, Ward did not agree with Spencer's
belief that evolution was natural and automatic and that reform had
no value unless it interfered with the evolutionary process. He felt
that man, because of his superior mental powers, is able to improve
society, and using scientific knowledge as a tool, should do so. He
was careful to point out that social telesis followed the laws of
nature, as did natural evolution. Telesis implies merely a conscious
hastening of evolution and is artificial only as it is planned and
deliberate. Education was to be the primary agency of social change.
Ward believed that man's efforts are expended in an effort to
attain happiness and that education (universal, public, compulsory)
was the beginning to an approach to happiness. He viewed the path
toward happiness as consisting of six steps—education, knowledge,
dynamic opinion, dynamic action, progress, and happiness—each one
depending on its immediate predecessor (Vine, 1959:18. Cf. Lichten-
berger, 1923:385-90).
In The Division of Labor in Society, Emile Durkheim agreed with
Spencer's notion that an increase in the division of labor was an
important factor in the development of a primitive society into a
civilized one.
In primitive societies, where the division of labor has not
developed, individuals are relatively similar. They are bound

15
together by a "mechanical" type of solidarity in which they blindly
obey public opinion and tradition. In civilized societies, on the
other hand, there is a well-developed division of labor. Here,
individuals are bound together by an organic solidarity because they
need each other's goods and services. Because of this growing
emphasis on specialization, individuals tend to be more differentiated
from each other, and thus more individualistic. As an individual,
each person must contribute his specialization to the betterment of
his society.
Durkheim, in searching for the causes of social evolution,
disagreed with Spencer's idea that civilization was created by
happiness or by the desire for happiness. He felt that material
wealth and civilization had not really contributed to man's happiness.
On the contrary, he found that primitive societies appeared to be
happier than richer ones. He encountered lower rates of suicides
and neuroses in primitive societies than in contemporary ones.
Durkheim concluded that increased social density, caused by population
growth and technology, was the primary cause of an increasing division
of labor (Vine, 1959:130-133; 141-142).
Max Weber felt that social change was based on the conflict
among three general principles: traditionalism, rationality, and
charisma. The tension which results from the conflict between
traditionalism and rationalism is responsible for much of the evolu¬
tion of social structures. Frequently, both of these principles have
appeared to conflict with the charismatic principle. The single most
important and most general element would have to be rationalization.

16
The phenomenon of bureaucratization in politics is an example
of a secular rationalization. The trend toward bureaucratization is
balanced by the concept of charisma, which Weber sees as a truly
revolutionary force in history. Thus, change occurs as a result of
the counterbalancing of rationalizing and charismatic forces
(Martindale, 1960:393).
Weber's major contribution to the field of social change in
Western civilization, however, lies in his analysis of the development
of capitalism. It was the obverse of Marx's contention that all
social systems and institutions, including religion, are determined
by the economic system. From his analysis of the development of
modern industrial capitalism and Protestantism and his study of their
interrelationships, he concluded that the rise of capitalism was a
by-product of Protestantism. Materialism had no place in traditional
Catholic attitudes toward making a living which were prevalent in the
Middle Ages. With the advent and rise of Protestantism, though, it
was considered acceptable and eventually meritorious to make a just
profit in business transactions. With industrial capitalism, the idea
of an obligation to make an unlimited amount of money developed. This,
together with other related ideas, was Weber's "spirit of capitalism."
His hypothesis was that modern capitalism could not have developed
without the Protestant ethic (see Vine, 1959:223-226).
William Graham Sumner considered progress to be an act of
faith. Thus, scientific knowledge and proof were not applicable in
the study of progress. He agreed strongly with Spencer's theory of
social evolution, but used it to a limited extent only in his theories.

His most important contributions to sociology include
his concepts of folkways and mores, and it is here that he intro¬
duces thoughts concerning social change. Sometimes he speaks
of the spontaneous evolution of folkways and mores. At other
times, he observes that people merely stumble upon certain modes
of behavior through trial and error. If a specific manner of
comportment "works," that is, performs a social function, then it
becomes a part of the folkways. If not, it simply ceases to exist,
and alternatives are found. If the folkway in turn persists and
becomes important to group welfare, it becomes a mos. Folkways
and mores, while generally resistant to change, sometimes are
modified by accident or the irrationality of people. He did not
believe that people can criticize fairly their own mores, nor
change them by any predetermined action (Sumner, 1907:97-98, as
cited in Vine, 1959:103).
Socialistic Concepts of Change^-
Much of Western social thought was dominated by evolutionism
during the nineteenth and part of the twentieth century. Often, it
was combined with the concept of progress through a deliberately
and rationally planned reform program. Reforms advocated here in
the United States were generally of a particularistic nature, but
the European thinkers advocated broader, more sweeping changes of a
systematic character.
iMost of this section is developed from LaPiere (1965:9-15)

18
Anarchism
The feeling that government stands in the way of social
progress began with Saint-Simon, was expanded by Rousseau, and was
shared to a limited extent by Adam Smith. Government resists change
because it represents the elite, who reason that it is in their best
interests for things to remain as they are. Revolution is not the
answer, for it is government itself which must be eliminated, thus
permitting man's true nature, altruism, to manifest itself. Thus, in
anarchy it is reasoned that there will be a peaceful, harmonious
spirit of cooperation for the common good. Although some violence
might be necessary, it should be used only as a means of abolishing
the government and thus ultimately attaining a utopian society.
Many people during this period considered government to be a
necessary evil, including the authors of the United States Constitu¬
tion. Karl Marx felt that government was essential only in the
transitional period between the revolutionary destruction of capitalism
and the establishment of a communal system.
Marxism
Karl Marx had evolutionary, as well as revolutionary, ideas.
He, like Comte, saw society as moving through various stages of
development. Movement through these phases was inevitable and was
caused by "historical imperatives." Capitalism, the nineteenth-
century phase, had brought great advances in the production of
material goods but had resulted in the exploitation of the workers
by the capitalists, who could do so because they held the reins of

19
government. Eventually, the workers would develop a class conscious¬
ness and would revolt, then creating a government of, by, and
for the people. Next, they would institute a communistic economic
system. There would be government control during this transitional
period, but once people learned to live together, then the need
for government would disappear and life would become stable.
Marx saw change as a means of creating a utopian stability.
Thus, he was basically an evolutionist, but differed from others
who held this viewpoint only in the particular stages through which
he felt society was moving.
Fabian socialism
Marxism did not really have the predictive power which
most people attribute to it. It was the Fabian socialists who
came closest in this.respect.2 The name comes from the Roman
general Quintus Fabius Marximus, and George Bernard Shaw and
other British intellectuals of the day were major proponents of
the theory.
The Fabian socialists were at odds with some aspects of
the capitalist system, yet were in violent opposition to Marx's
suggestion of revolution. They thought that the transition to
socialism would come about gradually on its own. They merely
looked at some of the changes which were then occurring in highly
industrialized societies and projected them into the future.
2For a summary of the arguments in support of this statement,
the reader is referred to LaPiere (1965:12-13).

20
Cyclical Change
Historical data were often referred to in order to support
the idea of the constancy and trend toward perfection inherent in
the theory of social evolution. However, authors often carefully
selected historical antecedents in order to support their ideas.
When human culture is surveyed, there appears to be a
progressive refinement, especially of items of material culture,
over the centuries. There are many instances in which development
can be traced step by step through the years. A close look at this
type of analysis leads one to the concept of evolutionary progress.
Leslie White (1959) has attempted to revive evolutionary theory in
this manner (Cf. Child, 1950; Steward, 1955; and Sahlins and Service,
1960).
However, such is not the case when one looks at the life of
specific peoples. Many of these peoples and their ways of life
have come and gone. Many civilizations seem to have developed,
progressed, and vanished, and especially is this the case in the
Mediterranean area. The rise and decline of societies is a more or
less "natural" way of perceiving change over the years. Proponents
of this view differ from the evolutionists in that they view change
as cyclical and therefore not always tending toward perfection.
Giovanni Battista Vico was one of the earliest to adopt this
line of thinking. Edward Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
existed for almost two centuries as the major theoretical framework
used by historians. Much of H. G. Wells' Outline of History followed
the same pattern (this paragraph adapted from LaPiere, 1965:15-19).

21
Oswald Spengler felt that the West, which had been so advanced
and had developed industry, was on the downswing of the cycle. Next
would come the era of the Asians. In his system of cyclical change,
Spengler viewed culture as an organism whose development is more a
matter of destiny than of causation. Cultures pass through the same
stages of growth and decline as do individuals. These stages are
childhood, youth,maturity, and old age. At times, Spengler substitutes
an image of the four seasons—spring, summer, autumn, and winter—for
that of the four life periods.
He also conceives of both a prelude to the life cycle of a
culture and an epilogue. Thus before the awakening, or
the beginning of springtime, people live in a precultural
stage; in fact, most people never emerge from this stage.
Once the culture is launched, however, the four stages
follow in order. The last of these stages, winter, imper¬
ceptibly becomes a dying "civilization. ..." Civilization
is thus the epilogue of every culture: death following
life, rigidity succeeding intellectual creativeness
(Timasheff, 1957:278. Cf. Spengler, 1939).
Stoddard came to more or less the same conclusion. However,
the cyclical frame of reference does not lead inevitably to this con¬
clusion. Sorokin and Toynbee have likewise used the cyclical approach
but have concluded that Western civilization may survive instead of
eventually perishing (LaPiere, 1965:19).
In Sorokin's manner of thinking, social change is the most all-
embracing of the significant processes of society. He considers change
as a characteristic of sociocultural phenomena. Most of his work was
centered in the field of social change.
His first work in English, The Sociology of Revolution (1925),
concerned violent change. In typical revolutions the main course of
internal events follows a cycle of license, reaction, repression, and

22
eventually a new equilibrium. He believed that no revolution finally
concluded with a fundamental alteration of the state of affairs. He
also dealt with social change in another early work, Social Mobility
(1927). Sorokin's major work, however, according to Timasheff
(1957:235) is Social and Cultural Dynamics (1937-41), in which he
analyzed the patterns and trends of social change over the last
2500 years. In order to study change, he divided cultures into three
types: ideational, idealistic, and sensate. He maintained that the
pattern of change was a fluctuation between ideational and sensate
cultures. The general trend of social change was that of a straight-
line advance up to a certain limit. When it almost reached this
limit, it then reversed the linear trend. (In some cases, this was
caused by cultural stagnation.) The reversed development advanced
toward still another limit, and then was once more reversed.
He showed that this pattern had characterized the whole
history of Western culture since the time of ancient Greece.
Greek culture is described as ideational from the eighth
century until the end of the sixth century B.C.; for the
succeeding century and a half, including the Golden Age of
Athens, it was idealistic. From the later part of the
fourth century B.C. to the fourth century A.D., during
which the Roman Empire emerged and flourished, culture
was sensate. The subsequent two centuries of mixed culture
' were followed by a long period of ideational culture. From
the end of the twelfth century to the early fourteenth,
culture was idealistic; this is the age of Gothic cathedrals,
of Dante, and of St. Thomas Aquinas (Timasheff, 1957:282-283).
Culture has become more and more sensate since the end of the
fourteenth century, and may have reached its climax, since there is
some evidence, according to Timasheff (1957:283), that culture may be
changing toward the ideational pole. The conclusion of Sorokin's

23
analysis was that there had been neither progress nor a linear or
cyclical trend in history. The fluctuation had been within the
three supersystems of integration discussed above.
Sorokin did not believe that changes in cultural mentalities
could be interpreted by certain external factors, except as
secondary factors. The significant factor in change was immanent
self-regulation and direction. Immanent change was the realization
of the built-in potentials of the system (Vine, 1959:278-285).
Arnold Toynbee's theory of social change is based on a study
of 26 civilizations. He attempts to depict uniformities in the
manner in which civilizations grow and decline and to explain the
principles of this pattern. His theory, like that of Spengler, has
four parts—birth, growth, breakdown, and disintegration. At a
certain time and place, there emerges a civilization. Under given
conditions, it grows, if it is not stopped or it is not abortive.
Ultimately this growth causes a breakdown which is in turn followed
by the decline of the civilization.
One of the major theses of Toynbee is that the processes of
origin and growth are dominated by the challenge-response pattern.
A civilization may emerge and grow if the challenge is not too severe
and if there is an elite which finds the adequate response to the
challenge.
Certain definite characteristics are displayed by growing
civilizations. They each contain a creative minority which is
followed by the majority of the people. The process of growth
includes a progressive integration and self-determination of the

2.4
civilization, plus its differentiation from others as it acquires a
unique style (Timasheff, 1957:279-282).
During the final stage of the civilizational cycle, four
types of personalities emerge: the archaic, looking
for salvation in the return to the past (the "savior
with the time machine"); the futurist who appears as the
"savior with the sword"; the indifferent stoic; and the
religious savior. At this stage, the only way of salva¬
tion is by means of transfiguration, on the basis of
religion (Timasheff, 1957:281).
F. Stuart Chapin was influenced to a degree by Tarde, Giddings,
and Ross in his notions concerning social change. He viewed cultural
change as "selectively accumulative in time, and cyclical or
oscillatory in nature" (Martindale, 1960:333). He divides the cycles
into those of material culture and nonmaterial culture.
He formulated several types of cycles:
Those of first order relate to material culture and may be
minor, small, and limited in time, like a business cycle
or cycle of dependency in a city; or they may be major,
like the rise and fall of the slave system of Rome, the
manorial system of England, feudalism in France or
capitalism in modern Europe. Cycles of second order relate
to non-material culture and also may be of minor degree
(like the rise of religious sects, or the growth of a type
of governmental structure) or of major degree (illustrated
by ancestor worship, the patriarchal family, or monarchical
government. Cycles of third order refer to larger cultural
compositions such as national culture or civilization, and
vary from minor things like the rise and fall of dynasties
or classes to major types like the rise of Hellenic,
Mycenaean, or Hindu culture (Martindale, 1960:333).
Chapin proposed four basic hypotheses to account for these
cycles:
Every cultural form has its own law of change; the law of
each cultural form is cyclical and probably periodic; it
is possible to express the law of its life cycle quantita¬
tively; and when cycles or periods of a number of cultural
forms are synchronous, there is produced a period of
maturity of the cultural nation or group in which the traits
are located (Martindale, 1960:334).

25
In every cyclical change, Chapin concluded, there is a period
of equilibrium. Thus there may be present social regulators—devices
which directly implement the equilibrium. On the material culture
level, the social regulators include the stock exchanges, the
Federal Reserve System, etc. On the level of nonmaterial culture are
such social control elements as custom, beliefs, public opinion,
education, and law.
There is a three-phased basic group reaction pattern under¬
lying this phenomenon of cyclical change. In the first phase, the
group reacts by an attempt to enforce its mores. However, they soon
feel out of step and shift to the second phase of the pattern, where
they try different alternatives. The third phase ensues with the group
putting into play its trial-and-error efforts (from phase two) into a
stable plan (Chapin, 1928:222).
Alfred L. Kroeber studied the process of change in some more-
developed cultures. His findings do not support a general theory of
cultural change. He states that a given culture may flourish several
times. In studying the growth of different aspects of a culture, he
found no strict correlation among them. Nevertheless, Kroeber does
maintain that periods of a high level of cultural creativity may be
established in which bilateral development of several factors occurs
simultaneously. He tends to be nonparticularistic in his reasons for
the growth or decline of a culture, with the possible exception of the
self-exhaustive tendency of movements (Timasheff, 1957:284-285).
There, are a great many cyclical theories which are too
numerous to mention here. Sorokin has an excellent résumé of those

up through the first quarter of this century (Sorokin, 1928:728-741.
Cf. LaPiere, 1965:21-22).
26
Particularistic Theories
In this section, both deterministic and particularistic
theories are dealt with. These theories are said to be deterministic
in that they assume a direct cause-effect relationship in historic
sequences, and particularistic because they delineate one single
variable or set of interrelated variables as being causal. Most
of the theories herein discussed have been elaborated in this
century and are much narrower in scope than those which have been
discussed previously. The great weakness in these theories is
that they attribute change to a single cause, and it has been
found repeatedly that, in human relationships, seldom is there
a single causal factor.
Diffusionism
G. Elliot Smith, an Egyptologist, elaborated the idea of
culturally dominant centers and their role in bringing about change.
Even before, it had been noted that at certain times in history,
there have been certain societies which have taken the lead in
innovations, discoveries, inventions and the like, in both material
and nonmaterial culture. Smith indicated that the inventions
of the Egyptians were diffused to and adopted by a goodly number
of other societies. While this theory probably has some validity,
there presently exists no way of validating it (LaPiere, 1965:
23-24).

27
Geographic determinism^
There has long been a folk belief that a people's character
is determined by the climate of the region in which they live. It
is thought that people who live in the northern part of the Northern
Hemisphere (opposite in the Southern Hemisphere) are more reserved,
harder workers, extremely provident, restrained, stern, etc., while
those in the southern portion are easygoing, somewhat lazy, cheerful,
talkative, and open. This dichotomization is readily evident to
people in the United States but also exists in a goodly number of
other, even smaller, countries.
Jean Bodin was among the first to make this differentiation.
Ellsworth Huntington used the geographic factor in an attempt to
explain why societies change. Since the growth of a society rests upon
the energies available and the mental efficiency of the people
involved, then changes in climate (or mass migrations) are the
causal factor in the progress, or lack of it, of a given civilization.
Huntington maintained that, as the climate changed, so did the center
of civilization (Ryan, 1969:22-24. See LaPiere, 1965:24-25;
Huntington, 1924; and Huntington, 1945).
Biological determinism
The folk belief that races have markedly different inherent
capacities, both mental and physical, has existed over a long period
of time and in a variety of forms. Count J. A. de Gobineau was the
first known to put a racial interpretation on history. Reasoning
that the French Aristocracy was in a position of power because of
^This section is developed largely from LaPiere (1965:24-26).

28
racial superiority to "lower" Frenchmen, he also believed that the
French civilization was deteriorating and would soon be replaced by
the more vigorous Germans. Basically, deGobineau felt that all
world civilizations which achieved prominence did so because of a
particular race with a special, inborn capacity for building
civilizations.
His theory came almost a century before the conquest of
France by Germany under the direction of Adolph Hitler, who sincerely
believed in the superiority of one race and who tried to put his
thoughts into action.
Proponents of this theory hold to the belief that an
increased reproduction of those with the superior race and a
decreasing number of the inferior group is necessary in order for
their society to progress.
Another variety of biologically deterministic theory argues
that some men are born with superior mental powers. These geniuses,
through their inventions and innovations, are able to bring about
social change.
A still different type of biological determinism discusses
changes in fecundity in an attempt to explain the rise and fall of
civilizations. Corrado Gini theorized that the major cause in the
evolution of civilizations is a change in the fecundity of the people.
Other variants of biological determinism have been formulated, but
most of them are so absurd that they are not discussed here (Ryan,
1969:24-27; and LaPiere, 1965:26-28).

29
Sociological Theories
of Social Change
As has been pointed out previously, some of the founding
fathers of sociology, notably Comte, Spencer, and Ward, were interested
in how it is that social development comes about. In order to answer
this question they turned to social evolution, both to trace its
development and to attempt to predict the future. However, they came
up, not with scientific hypotheses, but with some rather grandiose
social philosophies.
As the discipline of sociology developed, it became more
scientific. Nevertheless, American sociologists have expended most
of their efforts in other directions, and consequently, theories of
social change have not received an equal share of their attention and
efforts. Yet some more or less scientifically-oriented sociologists
have formulated some hypotheses concerning the phenomenon.
Assimilation
The United States has often been termed "the melting-pot of
the world" because of the large number of immigrants who have come
here and have been absorbed. A number of sociologists have been
interested in their assimilation—the process by which they adopt
U.S. ideas, habits, customs, and the like.
W. I. Thomas was perhaps one of the most outstanding
sociologists to become interested in the assimilation of immigrants.
For him, "the central problem in the general life process is one of
adjustment" (Thomas, 1937:1). This adjustment, as spelled out in
The Polish Peasant in Europe and America (1918-20), involves a

30
process of disorganization, which is increased by rapid industrializa¬
tion and urbanization and conflicting definitions of the situation.
As a consequence, there is a forced reorganization by the group and
by individuals before assimilation may occur (see LaPiere, 1965:29-30).
Social ecology
The Chicago School of sociology dominated American sociology
during the 1920's. One of the areas in which the Chicago sociologists
ventured into social change was that of social ecology (see Park and
Burgess, 1921). They applied the biological concepts of competition,
conflict, and invasion to the investigation of changes in spatial
relationships in urban populations in an effort to ascertain urban
growth and the change that ensues.
This great oversimplification of such a complex phenomenon
has precluded its acceptance by current sociologists. However, many
of the findings in respect to human ecology have been found to be true
and have led to other discoveries (LaPiere, 1965:30-31).
Social lag and technology
William F. Ogburn advanced his theory of social lag in 1922 in
an effort to provide a theory of social change comparable to some of
the laws of the natural sciences. His idea is credited with having
replaced the term social evolution with social change. He also
formulated the concept of cultural lag, which has been used
extensively in recent years. Although it has been widely criticized,
the term remains a favorite of sociologists.
Within a culture there is correlation and interdependence of
parts, so that a rapid change in one part of culture may require

31
readjustments through other changes in the various correlated parts
of culture. The thesis of cultural lag is that the various parts of
a culture change at different rates (see Ogburn, 1950:200-207; 210-213.
Cf. Ogburn, 1957).
Specifically, Ogburn maintains that it is changes in the
material culture that occur first and thus require changes in the
nonmaterial culture. He pointed out that social changes have their
origin in the invention of a new way of doing something. It is the
material technology where inventions most frequently occur and where
improvements are most readily apparent. However, as these new develop¬
ments occur in the technological field, a strain develops between
the two aspects. This strain can be eased by a change in the social
organization, which comes about slowly, if at all. Meanwhile, the lack
of equilibrium which exists is called social lag (LaPiere, 1965:31).
Edward A. Ross was profoundly interested in social change.
Because of this deep interest, he personally witnessed the Russian
Revolution, the Boxer Rebellion, and the 1917 Mexican revolution. He
wrote a number of books on social reform in the United States and
strongly advocated population planning through controlled immigration
and birth control. Implicit in his writing was a belief in progress
and the assumption that sociologists should strive toward that end.
As processes of social change, he listed decadence, transforma¬
tion, reconstruction, and revolution. He defined transformation as
unconscious, unplanned change, and reconstruction as being both
conscious and planned. He noted that changes in population numbers
and characteristics, inventions, culture contacts, and the accumulation

32
of wealth are the causes of transformations and have been the causes
of great social changes within our society.
He listed the primary factors of contemporary social change,
most of which were either advances in technology or were dependent
thereon, the exceptions being education and the widespread adoption
of the scientific method. It is interesting to note that he considered
the machine to be the most important contemporary factor. The
secondary factors of present-day social change are derived from the
primary factors mainly and, to a lesser degree, from other, antecedent
secondary factors (Ross, 1940:395. See also Vine, 1959:184-186).
In his Social Psychology (1908), he discussed the change from a
tradition- and custom-oriented society to one in which fashion becomes
important. In a democratic society, the appeal of the new causes a
shift of interest from custom to new kinds of apparel, ideas, material
inventions, etc. "The wide sweep of development in fashion seems to
overshadow the role of the stable elements in society. Instability
supplants a portion of the stability represented by custom and
convention" (Bogardus, 1960:527).
Among factors causing social change Ross listed discussion,^1
the advent of the machine, economic and social deprivation, democracy,
education, the falling birth rate in developed countries, imagination,
etc.
4First mentioned by Bagehot. See Bagehot, 1873:Chapter 5. See
also Lasker, 1949:part III. Lasker defined discussion as a "social
dynamic" and analyzed the discussion procedure thusly: (1) concern
with a situation, (2) clarification of issues, (3) defining elements of
conflict, (4) presentation of larger values and additional facts, and
(5) dynamic agreement. This is his basis for rational social change
(Bogardus, 1960:528).

33
Through Spencer's influence, Thorstein Veblen developed a
theory of social change along evolutionary lines. He noted four
stages in the development of human society: (1) a peaceful savage
economy; (2) a predatory barbarian economy; (3) the handicraft
economy of the premodern period; and (4) machine technology.
However, for him, the major force in social change is
technology. Change occurs first within the technology of a society
and then the new technology is adopted by the other social institu¬
tions. Thus social change is a slow process. He considered it to be
self-generated by the instinct of workmanship with possible aid from
the instinct of idle curiosity. He probably would have subscribed to
Ogburn's theory of social lag (Vine, 1959:199-201; 207-210).
Cultural acceleration
Gabriel Tarde made the observation that, other things being
equal, the larger the cultural base of a society, then the more likely
it is that two or more elements will be brought together in the form
of an invention, which is the most important process in effecting
social change.
The importance of the invention rests on its social acceptance
through imitation. He noted that there are two ways in which social
progress is accomplished. There are two possible solutions when two
waves of contradictory imitations meet. One imitation may become
suppressed and the other substituted for it. Another possibility
is a combination of the two to form a new invention. Both results
could lead to social progress (Vine, 1959:117-18).

34
Hornell Hart, expanding on Tarde’s idea of inventions, noted
that the more inventions there are, the greater is the likelihood
that still more inventions will occur. Thus there should be a
general tendency of geometrical multiplication of inventions. How¬
ever, he is aware that setbacks in cultural change do occur, and he
interprets them as survivals of poorly integrated elements in the
whole culture (Hart, 1945:350). His general conclusion is that
social change is linear, accelerative, and that it tends toward
increasing efficiency.
Elites as a factor in social change
Vilfredo Pareto noted that there are some people in any
society who have different capabilities for economics, governing,
etc. Therefore, in any given society there are always upper and
lower classes. Among the upper class, he denoted governing and
nongoverning elites. Political leaders, sometimes the aristocracy,
and sometimes business leaders comprise the former, depending on the
nature of the society, while the latter consists of industrial
leaders, sometimes scientists, artists, and professionals.
His theory of the circulation of elites is a cyclical
conception of change in economics and politics. The upper class,
if it is to remain in power, must consist predominantly of speculators
(chance-takers; people with intelligence, character, skill, and
capacity), while the lower classes should be the conservative masses.
He noted that a society was continually both in a state of
change and, at the same time, in a state of equilibrium. That is

35
to say, whenever there is a change in society, there must be a
balancing force to return it to an equilibrium. During every few
generations, there is a turnover in the governing elite. When it
first comes into power, the governing elite consists mainly of
speculators, but they are unable to replace themselves. Thus if
they wish to remain in power, they must recruit some speculators
from the lower classes. If this is done, the upper class can remain
in power indefinitely. Otherwise, it must resort to force. Never¬
theless, Pareto maintains that without some circulation of the elite,
the speculators of the lower class, unable to rise in the two-class
system, will grow in numbers and eventually take control (Vine,
1959:261-264).
Wendell Bell attempts to understand some of the changes in
the social composition of elites during a country's transition from
colonial status to political independence. His thesis is "that
social change . . . can be understood as a long-term trend toward an
increase in the scale of society, that is, an increase in the range
of relations, an increase in the scope of social interaction and
dependency" (Bell, 1965:157). He found that, over the years, the
circulation of elites in Jamaica, where he carried out his fieldwork,
has increased as elites have become less exclusive.
Other theories of social change
There are a number of other theories which are not taken up in
this work. Some of these include the conflict theories of Coser and
Dahrendorf; functional theories of Loomis and Bertrand; catastrophic

36
theories of Park, Bucher, Gumplowicz, and Oppenheimer; socio-
psychological theories of Becker, Barnett, Merton, and Hagen; and
Smelser's social causation theory.5
Development and Modernization
In this section the writer attempts to review selected theories
of development and modernization, both of which may be considered as
social change. It is realized that there are many theories not
represented, but a full review is beyond the scope of this paper.
Development and modernization are terms which tend to be used
more or less interchangeably. Modernization has been defined as:
the change process by means of which a traditional non-
Western system acquires characteristics usually associated
with more developed and less traditional societies. These
characteristics include "a comparatively high degree of
urbanization, widespread literacy, comparatively high per
capita income, extensive geographical and social mobility,
a relatively high degree of commercialization and industriali¬
zation of the economy, an extensive and penetrative network
of mass communication media, and, in general, . . . widespread
participation and involvement by members of the society in
modern social and economic processes" (Blanksten, 1965:225-226;
quoted section from Almond and Coleman, 1960:532).
Development, as used in this report, refers to both social and
economic development. However, since some may read "socioeconomic"
and think "economic," it will be used without the modifier.
Karl Marx asserted that the economic factor is the fundamental
determinant of the structure and development of society (economic
determinism). He postulates three phases which are always a part
of social change in a scheme which was originated by George Hegel
5For a short discussion of each, see Ryan, (1969:31-50).
Berelson and Steiner have an excellent resume of findings concerning
the conditions, results, and characteristics of leaders in social
change.

37
(see Wallace, 1931; Hegel, 1929; Hegel, 1956) but applied to matter
by Marx. According to this theory, everything passes by a kind of
dialectical necessity through three stages: affirmation or thesis,
negation or antithesis, and reconciliation of opposites or synthesis.
As a society reaches the synthesis level, the process continues. Marx
believed that every economic system begins by being the best which is
possible at that time. Once a system has become socially entrenched,
it becomes an obstacle to the use of new technology. Likewise, it
obstructs the usage of new markets and new supplies of raw material.
The only way to overcome the new order, which is now confirmed, is
through social revolution, which in turn creates a new order of
production which is a combination of the old and the new.
Every society has two basic classes, one representing the old
and often obsolescent system of production, the other which is in the
process of coming into existence. The struggle between these two
classes results in the evolution of society from one stage to another.
The new order wins, but within it are the forces which will in turn
eventually destroy it. This is the dialectical process again
(Timasheff, 1957:47).
Economic analysts in recent years have been attracted by the
failure of economic growth to begin in some low-income societies and
have formulated a number of theories concerning the barriers that have
prevented growth. The initial approach was to assume that all barriers
were economic ones. The economists reason that almost everyone is
striving for higher income and that, therefore, they should seek
improved means of production. Information about better means is

38
fairly generally and readily available, so production techniques should
be rapidly improving. But they are not. Thus, reason Hagen and other
economists (Hagen, 1962:36-52), there must be some other formidable
barriers which prevent them from doing so.
Some of the barriers frequently noted by economists are listed
below:
1. The vicious circle of low income and inadequate saving
(see Singer, 1949; Nurske, 1953:5; Kindleburger, 1958:8; and
Lewis, 1955:236).
2. The demonstration effect. In some low-income societies,
some members of the upper class have sufficient incomes to save if
they wished to do so. However, they see the consumption levels of'
the West and are psychologically unable to save because they feel that
they must imitate the Westerners (see Nurske, 1953:Chap. 3; and
Kindleberger, 1958:82-83).
3. The vicious circle of inadequate markets, or inadequate
demand to justify investment in improved methods (see Kindleberger,
1958:Chap. 6).
4. The lump of capital argument, that economic growth can
occur only when there is sufficient social overhead capital available.
Economic growth cannot occur in more low-income countries because they
do not have extra capital available to invest in the development of
projects which are expensive, but which, nevertheless, serve as a
base for the establishment of other industries (see Singer, 1949:6;
and Rosenstein-Roldan, 1961).^
%ote: this listing and reference to works cited may be
found in Hagen (1962:37-47).

39
Some people have argued that high rates of population growth
have swamped the technological progress which might have raised the
level of income in underdeveloped nations. Hagen disputes this theory
and points out that, of the low-income countries outside Latin America,
two which give the most marked signs of beginning economic growth
are very densely populated. They are China and India (Hagen, 1959).
However, it should be noted that economists usually acknowledge
the influence of noneconomic factors on growth:
In my view the greatly accelerated economic development of
the last 200 years—the rise of modern capitalism—can only
be explained in terms of changing human attitudes to risk¬
taking and profit-making. . . . The emergence of the
"business enterprise" characteristic of modern capitalism was
thus the cause rather than the result of changes in the
modes of production; and it was the product of social forces
that cannot in turn be accounted for by economic and technical
factors (Kaldor, 1960:236, as quoted in Hagen, 1962:37).
The ensuing statement follows a declaration that capital
formation is at the heart of the problem of economic development:
We shall do well to keep in mind, however, that this is by
no means the whole story. Economic development has much
to do with human endowments, social attitudes, political
conditions—and historical accidents. Capital is necessary
but not a sufficient condition of progress (Nurske, 1953:1;
as quoted in Hagen, 1962:37).
It should be noted, according to Hagen, that virtually without
exception, economists make such acknowledgments in passing, then go on
to present economic theories of growth as though they were the full
and sufficient explanations.
In the change from a traditional society to a modern one,
W. W. Rostow has pointed out that there are five stages: the
traditional society, developing the preconditions for take-off, the

40
take-off, the drive to maturity, and high mass-consumption (Hagen,
1962:514-22. Cf. Rostow, 1960).
Schumpeter felt that the economy did not grow on its own
impetus, but that it was pushed forward in sudden leaps by the
activities of key men who wanted to promote hew goods and methods of
production, or to exploit a new source of materials or a new market.
The motivation was not merely the profit incentive, but also
included a joy which these entrepreneurs achieve through creation
and through competition. Thus Schumpeter's entrepreneur was not
entirely a rational, profit-oriented individual (see Schumpeter,
1934).
Economic theorists seem to feel that sources of change in the
economic sphere lie outside the system itself. They have noted that
important technical inventions have occurred more rapidly in some
periods and have spread more rapidly to some countries than to others.
Max Weber, in his discussion of the Protestant ethic and the rise of
capitalism, "laid the groundwork for efforts to understand the social
»
and psychological origins of such key economic forces as rapid techno¬
logical advances, specialization of labor, population growth, and
energetic entrepreneurship" (McClelland, 1961:11). The modern
economist has become even more insistent in his belief that the
ultimate forces of economic development lie outside the economic
domain (see Meier and Baldwin, 1957:83). Thus, Hagen and the author
of the just-cited work do not appear to be in agreement regarding the
economists' viewpoint in this matter. However, their basic positions
are that the economist realizes that other factors play a role in

41
development. Since they are economists, it is only natural to look
for economic causes first, and failing to find a significant cause-
effect relationship, some turn to other causes.
As a first step toward recognizing the sociological and
psychological factors that set in force the economic factors which
produce development, Rostow lists six basic "human motives" or
"human propensities" which economic analysis has suggested are
important for development. They are:
1. to develop fundamental science
2. to apply science to economic ends
3. to accept innovations
4. to seek material advance
5. to consume
6. to have children (Rostow, 1952:14-15).
Lewis discusses distinctly psychological variables which he
feels influence economic growth. He mentions the "desire for goods,"
which is decreased by asceticism and by values which place little
emphasis on economic activity. He also discusses the importance of
nonrational psychological variables, such as attitudes toward work
and the spirit of adventure (Lewis, 1955; cited in McClelland, 1961:
16).
Sociologists have dealt much more explicitly with the non¬
economic variables of development than have economists, and for a
much longer period of time. Max Weber receives credit for having
started this very important contribution in his The Protestant Ethic
and the Rise of Capitalism. In addition, he made other significant
contributions to the analysis of the social structure of modern
industrial and bureaucratic society. These ideas have been elaborated

42
and expanded largely by Parsons and his students. They have
concentrated largely on the important structural differences between
modern industrialized societies and traditional societies (see
Parsons, 1951; Parsons, 1958; and Parsons and Smelser, 1956).
Parsons characterizes developed countries by the prevalence
of achievement norms, universalism, and specificity; and under¬
developed countries by ascriptive norms, particularism, and diffuseness.
However, McClelland points out that sociological thinking to date has
not attempted to bridge the gap between the idealized pattern
variables as analytical tools and as social nonas present in the minds
of men. He attempts this, to a limited degree, in his book,
The Achieving Society, already cited. Florence Kluckhohn (1950; and
Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961) has likewise taken some steps in this
direction.
In contrasting developed and underdeveloped countries,
sociologists have often led one to believe that it is the social
characteristics of the more developed countries which have caused
them to grow more rapidly. Hoselitz (1954:19-42; as cited in
McClelland, 1961:17) says that ethnocentricity leads us to believe
that other countries must develop in the same manner as we ourselves
developed. Earlier sociologists made the same mistake. William
Graham Sumner argued boldly that it was specifically the character¬
istics of the contemporary Protestant ideal which produced economic
growth. Hofstadter says he "assumed that the industrious, temperate,
and frugal man of the Protestant ideal was the equivalent of the
'strong' or the 'fittest' in the struggle for existence" (Hofstadter,
1955:51).

43
The first fact in life is the struggle for existence; the
greatest forward step in this struggle is the production
of capital, which increases the fruitfulness of labor and
provides the necessary means of an advance in civiliza¬
tion. Primitive man, who long ago withdrew from the
competitive struggle and ceased to accumulate capital
goods, must pay with a backward and unenlightened way of
life . . . Physical inheritance is a vital part of the
Darwinian theory; the social equivalent of physical
inheritance is the instruction of the children in the
necessary economic virtues (Hofstadter, 1955:58, quote
from Sumner, no reference given).
These and many other sociologists followed the theme of what
is and what ought to be. Modern sociologists have not been so apt
to commit the error, although it is sometimes difficult to avoid. Some
have suggested that the separation of ownership and control in the
American society was a structural change that provided an impetus for
further economic development. This occurred more in the United States
than in France, and the United States developed more rapidly than
France. This could be an accidental, rather than an essential factor
in economic growth (Parsons and Smelser, 1956:252ff.). Hoselitz
says that "we may better begin by developing theoretical models for
different types of societies in different types of transition or
movements from 'traditional* to more 'modern' forms of economic
organization" (Hoselitz, 1955). In other words, more description is
necessary.
Everett E. Hagen, in his book, On the Theory of Social Change,
weaves an intricate, eclectic web using social, economic, and anthro¬
pological theories, in which he attempts to point toward a theory of
social change. His basic interest was "Why have the people of some
societies entered upon technological progress sooner or more
effectively than others?" (Hagen, 1962:ix). He decided that

differences in human behavior were perhaps more important than
economic factors in determining which country would develop faster.
He came to this conclusion only after he noted that some countries
had ideal economic conditions for development, yet did not appear to
be progressing. He says:
In the countries in which the transition to economic
growTth has occurred it has been concomitant with far-
reaching change in political organization, social structure,
and attitudes toward life. The relationship is so striking
that to assume that one of these aspects of basic social
change is unrelated to the others is to strain the doctrine
of coincidence beyond all warrant (Hagen, 1962:26).
Hagen states that the relationships between personality and
social structure are such as to make it clear that social change will
not occur without change in personalities. He consequently contrasts
the creative personality and the authoritarian personality. Economic
development demands an individual with a creative personality, which
comes about as a result of small changes in child-rearing by
authoritarian parents, and which may require several generations to
be brought out.
It is the nature of a traditional society to have a stable
structure and functioning. Therefore, any change which is brought
about must have its origin in powerful disruptive sources.
According to Hagen, the basic cause of changed needs, values,
and cognitions is the perception on the part of the members of a
social group that their purposes and values in life are not respected
by groups in the society whom they respect and whose esteem they value
(see Hagen, 1957; and 1958). This phenomenon he calls "withdrawal of
status respect." It comes about through four types of events: change

45
in the power structure, derogation of institutionalized activity
without change in the power structure, contradiction among status
symbols, and nonacceptance of expected status on migration to a new
society.
It is suggested that withdrawal of status is a powerful
disruptive factor in the dissolving of social ties. Groups whose
members feel that the classes above them no longer have a decent
regard for their purpose in life will lose their contentment with
the traditional society. They will, in Merton's terms, retreat
(Merton, 1957), and in their children and grandchildren will be bred
personality changes that contain the seeds of social change, through
a change to a creative personality.
However, if the social change that occurs is to be a transition
to economic growth, then it is necessary that values conducive to
technological innovation and other activities pertinent to economic
growth appear in the personality. Thus arises an individual from a
family of retreatists with a higher degree of creativity and,
specifically, higher need for achievement and need for autonomy.
His values and life purposes are rejected by the elite. Therefore,
if he can renounce certain elite values, and at the same time accept
others which offer him a greater possibility of achieving a higher
status than his father's, he may find it possible, or even essential,
to break loose.
Thus he may be able to find a group which does not threaten
him, whose values are respected by the group which disparages him,
and whose role in life is not closed to him. If he can adopt their

46
values and some aspects of their ways of life, then he has a promising
solution to the problem of withdrawal of status respect. If some of
their values which he adopts are conducive to social change, then he
may become an innovator.
McClelland has hypothesized that a párticular psychological
factor, the need for achievement, is responsible for economic growth
and decline. He believes that the forces of economic development lie
largely in man himself—in his fundamental motives and in the way he
organizes his relationships to his fellow man (McClelland, 1961:3).
He interprets Weber's argument for the connection between Protestantism
and the rise of capitalism in terms of a revolution in the family,
which leads to more sons with strong achievement drives. His view¬
point is supported in part by a study by Winterbottom (1953:468-472).
There have been a number of "stage theories" of development.
One of them is the theory of demographic transition. The following is
a type of theory based on that of demographic transition. The first
stage is that of social lethargy. It is characterized by exceedingly
low levels of aspirations and achievements of improved styles of life.
Proponents of this view argue that the low degree of aspiration and
achievement results from an extremely low level of economic development
and, therefore, levels of consumption which barely satisfy subsistence
requirements. Lethargy is a result of the lack of both physical and
social energy.
The second stage, that of aspirations explosion, witnesses a
slight economic development which increases minimally the opportunity
for achievement while maximally stimulating aspirations. The slight

47
economic development which has occurred in turn stimulates all kinds
of desires. However, the great bulk of these new aspirations cannot
be satisfied because they are disproportionate to the available oppor¬
tunities. The frustration of aspirations often leads to political
instability and violence.
In the last stage, the stage of balance, achievements are
brought into some balance with aspirations, if and when the society
is able to progress to more economic development and satisfy
aspirations. This final stage is characterized by high levels of
both aspiration and achievement, and results in a new form of
political and social stability (Feldman, 1965).
The Development of Underdeveloped Countries
Social and economic development is the aim of practically all
the nations in the world today. However, the development process is
a slow one for many countries—so slow that it can hardly be perceived.
Others are developing only slightly faster, while a few are surging
forward rapidly. This move toward economic development is a part of a
worldwide struggle to escape from poverty, misery, neglect, and the
anonymity which have heretofore been life for a vast majority of the
world's inhabitants.
But economic development is not merely a struggle against
poverty. It is primarily a process through which the social,
political, and economic institutions are being reshaped for the great
majority of mankind (Heilbroner, 1963:9-10).
Heilbroner points out some of the problems to be encountered
on the road to development. (1) He notes first, as have others, that

48
economic development is not primarily an economic but a political
and social process. Development requires social change as well as
changes in the economic system. (2) The political and social changes
required for economic development are likely to be revolutionary in
nature. The class structure of the nation must necessarily be
changed, sometimes radically. Thus there is a revolutionary potential
in development—revolutionary in the sense that it involves a drastic
redistribution of power and wealth and of their appurtenances.
(3) Economic development is likely to lead to discontent and dis¬
organization as people are not able to achieve what they expected to,
especially in the lower and middle classes. The upper classes may be
dissatisfied because of changes in the social and power structures
which divest them of former privileges which they must relinquish
as such changes occur. (4) Success in the quest for development is
not inevitable, and, in fact, only some nations may attain a significant
measure thereof. (5) The price of economic development is apt to be
political and economic authoritarianism (Heilbroner, 1963:16-21). It
should be noted that the economic handicap, although not the ultimate
cause of underdevelopment, is a great one to the world's underdeveloped
countries.
Changes in a system are often accompanied by great social
tensions. Agricultural reform in a country where landownership has
long been the foundation of social status represents a profound change
of the economic and power bases. In fact, at times land reform has
come about only through violent revolution, as in Bolivia and
Guatemala. Land reform is not the only source of friction. The rise

of trade unions and their demands for higher wages likewise create
problems in many countries. Although people in the lower classes may
experience slight increases in their incomes, their relative
position is often damaged. These and other sources of social
friction mean that development is not always welcome.
How about development in Latin America? Population explosion
alarmists point out that economic growth in Latin America must be
at very high rates if it is to outstrip population growth. The}' say
that a country must save and invest 3 percent of the national income
for each 1 percent population growth per year merely to maintain a
stable income per inhabitant. Furthermore, if their population is
growing by 2 percent per year and they wish to achieve an annual
income growth of 1 percent per year per inhabitant, they must save
and invest at least 9 percent of the national annual income. The
figure jumps to 15 percent savings and investment with a yearly
population growth of 3 percent, which is still slightly less than
the yearly population increase in most of Latin America (Jones, 1962)
To be sure, all of the countries to the south of the
United States are undergoing changes in their social, economic, and
political systems. These changes, some of them desired by some
people and some of them not desired, are creating bewilderment and
confusion. Anomie is often a result of some of these basic changes
and a cause of still other changes. While changes cannot even be
measured in many places, the sweep of basic change cannot be mistaken
Gillin points out at least four ways in which change is
affecting the lives of Latin Americans. (1) The relations between

50
primitive tribal groups and the rest of the nation (which is often
urbanizing fairly rapidly) are changing. (2) Indians are changing
their styles of life over to the more sophisticated ways of the
whites. This generally means an upward movement at least in an
economic sense, and often in a social sense as well. (3) Urbaniza¬
tion and industrialization are both occurring rapidly in Latin America.
Although agriculture is still Latin America’s chief industry, large
towns and some small places with urban characteristics are growing
rapidly in size, and, in the meantime, they are building more and
more factories. (4) As a result of the aforementioned changes,
changes also are occurring in the attitudes of both governments and
peoples toward the United States (Gillin, 1961).
The traditional class system in Latin America has consisted
of only two classes—a land-owning aristocracy and a lower class
composed mainly of peasants and domestic servants. Lyman Bryson
(1961:7) points out in the introduction to Social Change in Latin
America Today that a middle class (a "middle mass," to use Gillin’s
phraseology) has not been needed in most of the poor countries. A
middle class, according to him, is produced by a demand for more
economic and technological activity and is required for the further
progress of the class.
Gillin notes that the members of the emerging middle class
in Latin America are developing effective leadership and power. They
are using modern means of communication and are receptive to the
ideas which are presented therein. However, they face these new
ideas equipped with their own peculiar tradition of values.

51
Latin American feudalism, with the emotional dependence of the
peones on their patrones and strong personal bonds among persons of
rigidly marked class differences, is a pattern which is deeply
ingrained and will be difficult to change.
Likewise other basic values are deeply seated and slow to
change. Regardless of shifts in urban living, Gillin denotes nine
basic values which will likely be carried over by people as they
ascend from the lower classes into middle-class life. They are:
personal dignity, strength of family ties, social hierarchy,
materialism, transcendentalism, fatalism, a strong sense of propriety
or decency in mode of life, and a scorn for manual labor. Neverthe¬
less, dramatic changes in the areas of demography and population,
social structure and economic life, religion, political life, and
international relations are taking place. These turbulent changes are
reshaping some of the older patterns of values and new ones are
emerging (Gillin, 1961).
An example of social change in values which has occurred
through modernization can be drawn from Peru. There is hardly a
place in this traditional society which has not been touched to some
degree by the technological revolution. Political power is shifting
from the landed aristocracy to the commercial hacendado and the
new entrepreneurial class. Industrialization has brought about the
demand for a more mobile changing society.
More and better roads are opening new markets to the Indians
of Peru's sierras, and this likewise means they are more mobile.
Greatly increased geographical mobility leads many of the younger

52
Indians to move to the coast to better employment opportunities and
higher levels of living. Many of them recast themselves as mestizos,
thus enjoying a subsequent higher social status.
It has been found that when Indians in the sierras can break
the chains which bind them to the latifundio.and live in greater
independence and freedom, then changes in attitudes, values, and
behavior occur more rapidly. The Vicos experiment vividly points out
change of this type. These changes occurred in Vicos, an hacienda
which was known for its conservatism and hostility to the outside
world. In fact, before the Vicos experiment began in 1952, this
hacienda had undergone little change since its establishment over
400 years before. The community has now been completely transformed
through a program of planned social change (Holmberg, 1961).
The Chaco War was a catalyst for rapid social change in
Bolivia, where the Indians had long been serfs in a feudalistic
system. However, when they were drafted as soldiers, they fought
alongside people from a world largely unknown to them, travelled,
and used new technology. The equilibrium was thus disturbed, but
it remained for the revolution of 1952 to destroy the foundations
of the traditional society.
Bolivia is still an extremely underdeveloped country, but many
changes in its social structure have been brought about since
the 1952 revolution. The Bolivian Indians were socially immobile
and uneducated, and they were held back by religious values and
by secular nonstriving values which tended to maintain the status
quo. They were barely able to maintain themselves even at a very

53
poverty-stricken level. Persons interested in changing the traditional
system had been met with almost insurmountable cultural fatalism,
dependency, and conservatism which prevented planning for future
improvement. However, the 1952 revolution has brought about some
changes in the Indians' way of life. The Indian campesinos have
become a decisive force on the national scene as they slowly free
themselves from the traditional feudalistic, caste-like, system.
It should be noted that the process of social change in
Bolivia has been very gradual, and not a sharp transition. There is
a trend toward the secularization of customs and attitudes. Further¬
more, there is evidence of a decline of fatalism among the
campesinos, and a spread of the concept of equality of opportunities.
They are reshaping the value system in such a manner that it is
beginning to point away from the older social system and is being
based more on personal achievement (Patch, 1961).
In Brazil, crisis appears to be the order of the day.
Inflation is rampant, and crises afflict almost every facet of
Brazilian life—transportation, food supply, water, electricity, and
schools. These crises emphasize the shifting alignment of social
classes and the appearance of new social and economic groups as
factors in the process of transformation occurring in Latin America's
largest country. It is somewhere in the process of becoming a modern,
industrial, urban-centered, capitalistic society—markedly different
from the former essentially agrarian, rural, semifeudal, and
patriarchal society.
Some of the specific changes pointed out by Wagley (1961:189-
208) are: (1) Population growth and new cities—a result of the

54
"push-pull" factor. (2) Internal migration and immigration from
abroad—since 1900, Brazil has received over four million immi¬
grants from abroad. (3) Development of modern means of communication.
(4) Industrialization and agricultural technology. (5) Increasing
purchasing power—despite the rising inflation. (6) A major
revolution in education—at all levels, although more than half
the population was illiterate in 1950. (7) The developing political
situation.
In the south of Brazil especially, traditional values are
being left behind, the traditional class system is being changed
as the middle class grows, and social organization is rapidly being
modified. However, a new set of values and a new set of social
institutions have not yet appeared to replace those of traditional
Brazil (Wagley, 1961).
Genuine social revolutions.are rare in Latin America. Leaders
of most uprisings, when they come into power, do not effect real
structural changes. However, the Bolivian example mentioned above
qualifies as a real revolution, as does the Guatemalan revolution of
1944. The then newly elected president of Guatemala, Juan Jose Arevalo,
embarked on a vigorous program of social, economic, and political
reforms.
Today in Guatemala change is occurring at an ever-accelerating
rate. While most theorists assume that changes take place first in
technology, followed by those in the social, economic and political
spheres, the reverse is true in Guatemala. Change first appeared in
the political sector and afterwards in the other sectors.

55
Guatemala has traditionally had two major social classes—
the Indians and the Ladinos, the latter having several social
classes, one of which is the emergent middle class. In Guatemala,
there is a process called Ladino-ization through which Indians
gain new statuses by adopting the dress, language, food, and the
like of the Ladinos.
Two aspects of change stand out in the Guatemalan situation.
One is a change-over of the nation from a more or less discontinuous
set of regional cultures to an evolving nationalistic culture.
The second is that this change is being initiated in the political
and social realms rather than through changes in production and
technology. Another important factor is the role played by the
new middle class in propelling the changes.
The Indian culture is being undermined by political and
religious demands on the social organization, technical and
economic demands in agriculture and handicrafts, and public health
and resettlement demands on the individual. The traditional
Ladinos are likewise facing adjustments through the introduction
of new crops and fertilizers, a new religious ferment, new defini¬
tions of illness and cure, and new political organizations (Adams,
1961a).
Since about 1940, rapid social change has been occurring in
Mexico, our neighbor immediately to the south, according to
Oscar Lewis (1961). Industrialization and increased production
began in earnest, and the government encouraged foreign investment.
Rapid rates of population increase and urbanization have also

56
occurred over the same period of time. The rapid rate of natural
population increase has been offset to a degree by a tremendous
emigration, while urbanization is more a result of population
pressures on natural resources than the positive aspects of urban
life. Nevertheless, increasing industrialization does provide
better employment opportunities, better educational facilities,
greater conveniences, and a generally higher standard of living.
Influence of the northern neighbor, the United States,
is being felt in Mexico's rural, as well as urban, areas. This is
caused by our proximity, our industrial reputation, improved means
of communication and transportation, and the growth of a Mexican
middle class modeled after ours. Mexican society is becoming
increasingly "Gringo-ized" in many respects.
Industry has improved to a considerable degree since 1940,
but the advances in agriculture are even more impressive. Agri¬
culture has managed to hold its own in a rapidly expanding economy
and has outstripped Mexico's population growth. It has gone a long
way toward changing over from a predominantly subsistence agriculture
to a market economy through expansion into land not formerly utilized,
increased use of irrigation in more areas, more use of better
fertilizers and improved varieties of seed, increased mechanization,
and larger holdings on which improved methods of cultivation are
being used.
The social structure has evidenced some changes, too. In
fact, the growth of the middle class has been the most important
aspect of the steady modification of the Mexican class structure
(Lewis, 1961).

57
Thus, it can be seen that social change and development are
interrelated and that they are occurring in varying degrees in some
of the Latin American countries. Prospects for the future are
difficult to assess, but on the basis of past and present happenings
we might anticipate a future brighter than the past.
Social Change and Development in Colombia
Social change and development likewise have occurred in
Colombia. The present writer knows of no general, overall study of
the development which is occurring. Nevertheless, an attempt will be
made to report on a majority of writings on Colombia which concern
social change and development.
Social Change in Colombia
Modern industry in Colombia began early in this century. In
1901, the Manuelita sugar refinery began operation near the town cf
Palmira, in the department of El Valle (Hagen, 1962:354; see Eder,
1959). In 1906 the Compañia Colombiana de Tejidos (Coltejer) opened
a modern textile factory in Medellin which has since become one of
the largest manufacturing concerns in Latin America. Industrializa¬
tion has occurred fairly rapidly since this relatively late
beginning, although one certainly would not be greatly overwhelmed
by its rate. Nevertheless, Hagen (1962) notes that few countries
of the world have experienced higher rates of increase in per capita
income than has Colombia in the past 40 years. Especially significant
is the fact that the rise of industry came about despite the obstacle
of extremely mountainous terrain, taking place most notably in three
areas separated by great mountain barriers.

58
Smith (1967) points out that social change is the order
of the day in Colombia, but that only a very small part of the
transformation under way is actually planned and directed. In
fact, most of it is quite haphazard. The Colombian social system
has been, and still is, based upon large estates, but rapid urbaniza¬
tion is gradually changing this pattern. Many of the large landowners
are now changing over to large-scale mechanized extensive farming.
Additionally, the emergence of a middle class is, according to
Smith, a very recent alteration in the country's social structure
(Smith, 1967:373-375).
One possible source of change and development at the national
level is pressure groups. Their roles have been varied, as have their
successes. One notable success was a campaign which led to the ousting
of the dictator Rojas Pinilla. Pressure groups could be influential in
future social and economic developments as well (see Sanclemente
Molina, 1965; and Los Grupos de Presión en Colombia, 1964).
Education has been a traditional means of achieving the upward
social mobility and the changes in the class structure which Smith
has pointed out are coming about in Colombia. However, it was noted
in a recent study that the educational system in Colombia is more
oriented toward maintaining than altering the status quo of the
present class system (Rodriguez, 1967).
The tourist trade—the "industry without smokestacks," or
the "landscape industry,"—is now emerging in Colombia. Certain
areas are utilizing internal as well as external tourism in order to
stimulate the local economy. Indeed, many countries have built

59
their economic prosperity in large part on the tourist trade. The
United States furnishes more than one third of the temporary
visitors to Colombia, while the remainder of Latin America furnishes
slightly more than this number. It is even suggested by some that
the economy might be bolstered through augmenting the tourist
industry (Andrade Martinez, 1967).
Colombia has received much adverse publicity from the
Violencia (violence), robberies and murders which have been occurring
in recent years in certain parts of the country. Sociologists
have noticed the phenomenon and have attempted to analyze it and
the resultant social change. As of 1962, it was estimated that
about 200,000 people had been killed in the Violencia and that
property damage amounted to millions of dollars. Basic changes in
values and institutions have been experienced and have not yet run
their full course. Of course, the Violencia must be recognized
generally as an impediment to development (see Fals Borda, 1962a and
1967; Torres Restrepo, 1963; Williamson, 1969; Daniel, n.d.;
Gaitán Mahecha, 1966; Guzman, et al., 1962; and Caplow, 1963).
Regional Studies of Social
Change in Colombia
A few studies of social change deal with some of the regions
of Colombia. The following is an attempt to summarize the most
important. Antonio and Jeanne Posada report on an attempt to effect
planned socioeconomic change in their book CVC: Un Reto al
Subdesarrollo y al Tradicionalismo (1966). While the book is not
precisely a study of change, it is a report of planned change on

60
a more or less regional basis. They report that the Corporación
Autónoma Regional del Cauca (CVC) is an entity of decentralized and
autonomous administration which was created in 1954 in the departments
of Cauca and El Valle. Designed to promote an integrated development
of the region's resources, the program has three major parts:
(1) supplying electric power to the entire region, which has
accelerated notably the growth of industrialization; (2) land
recuperation—projects such as flood control, irrigation, and
drainage of swamps and other low-lying areas; and (3) raising of
the level of living among the rural peasant population through the
diffusion of proven modern methods of production. The CVC's programs
have produced changes in the political power structure, as well as
in the economic. Furthermore, it has effected changes in the social
structure, inasmuch as it has reduced the almost monopolistic control
of the latifundistas and industrialists. Small farmers and small
industries have been aided, and evaluators of the program say that it
has stimulated more cooperative attitudes among the people (Posada
and Posada, 1966).
Economic growth in Colombia, according to Hagen, did not
begin for the reasons conventionally advanced by economists. It did
not begin because of foreign investments, contacts with foreign
goods and technology, and/or the development of social overhead
capital. Rather, it occurred in spite of many economic barriers.
Hagen credits the enterprise of the Antioqueños (people from
the Department of Antioquia) with having begun economic growth in
Colombia. Their predominance in administrative positions in the

61
nation's most important industrial enterprises is impressive. Their
original advantage was not an economic one—in fact, other regions
of the country which grew at much slower rates enjoyed greater
economic advantages. Hagen attributes the economic prowess of the
Antioqueños in part to their creative personalities. Entrepreneurs
in Medellin (capital of Antioquia) were found to be of the
Schumpeterian type. Twenty of them were administered the Thematic
Apperception Test (TAT), in which they projected their own attitudes
in interpreting various pictures. Their responses typically
embodied:
(a) a perception of a problem to be solved, (b) awareness
that to be solved a problem must be worked at (absence of
any fantasy of magic success), (c) confidence in their own
ability to solve it (though sometimes tension and anxiety
are also present), (d) a tendency to take the viewpoint of
each individual in turn and analyze the situation as he
might see it before suggesting an outcome, rather than to
adopt a formula identification with any one type of
character—with the old versus the young, the young versus
the old, and so on (Hagen, 1962:368).
They manifested high need for achievement and need for order. In
addition they quickly sensed the realities of a situation and saw
the world as manageable with good judgment and hard work.
The test was given to a similar sample of entrepreneurs in
Popayan, reported to be a very traditionalistic city. They gave
responses which were intellectually more complex.
They associated a picture with something in literature or
the arts, philosophized about the ways of youth, were led
into speculation about the course of history—but tended to
see no problems in the situations pictured. Or, if they saw
problems, they had formula solutions for them ("the old know
best; he should listen to his father"), or visualized success
without any suggestion that it would entail effort and pain.

62
Frequently they gave the impression of running away from the
possibility that they might be facing a problem, as though
it made them uneasy; they veered away to some peripheral
aspect of the picture. They found it easy to turn to
fantasy or reverie not closely connected with reality. They
showed low need autonomy, achievement, and order; saw the
world as not manageable, one's position as given (Hagen, 1962:369).
Other reasons that Hagen pointed out for the Antioqueños'
being more innovative with respect to economic growth were: ethnic
differences—a higher proportion of Basque names than in other regions
of Colombia; mining experiences—mines sometimes failed so they formed
companies of several families to reduce the risks; developments in
trading—while in other regions the people invested their earnings
in land, the Antioqueños, lacking this opportunity, invested in
industry; and social tensions—withdrawal of status respect from the
Antioqueños. No doubt, a combination of these factors explains the
predominance of the Antioqueños in economic entrepreneurship (see
Hagen, 1962:367-383).
In a study by Father Gustavo Jimenez Cadena (1967a; see also
Jimenez Cadena, 1965 and 1967b) in the departments of Cundinamarca
and Boyaca, it was found that the parish priest is a key figure in
effecting social change in rural areas. However, it was earlier
stated that the Catholic church in Colombia was one of the world's most
conservative (Haddox, 1965). It actually was said to brake educa¬
tional programs and the diffusion of agricultural technology. Others
have underlined the importance of the rural parish priest as being a
principal decisive factor in the success or failure in social action
programs (Torres and Corredor, 1961:54). Researchers from the
University of Wisconsin's Land Tenure Center found him important as

a legitimizer in social change programs. Unless the priest backs it
a project may be considered contrary to community values (Adams and
Havens, n.d.:7). Elsewhere, it was found that besides being a
legitimizer, the priest was sometimes an active change agent
(Havens, 1966:114-116).
Community Studies of Social Change
Parra (1967) notes that studies on a community level may be
advantageous in attaining better understanding of the process of
social change in Colombia (see also Smith, 1959:14). Lipman, in his
study of entrepreneurs in Bogota, says that the innovators who break
with traditionalism in order to condition social change are the
economic entrepreneurs. He also calls the entrepreneur the central
figure in modern economic development and even in the economy
(Lipman, 1966). Another writer mentions that the process of change
from a traditional society to an industrial society in Columbia is
causing greater social mobility in Bogota. This phenomenon is occur
ring because the industrialization process is breaking down social
class barriers, thus permitting more upward social mobility. This
process has occurred because personnel in the liberal professions,
and especially those in managerial and administrative jobs, are
having to be recruited from classes lower than those from which
people occupying these positions normally come (Ordonez, 1967).
Fals Borda, in his well-known study of Saucio, found that
a new dam which was being built nearby was a cause of social change
in the small town. Many people who worked on the dam had the

64
privilege of using the company doctor, which finally resulted in a
gradual dis-use of folk-cultural remedies by many of the people.
Thus they were healthier and more able to work, and their level of
living rose. The dam construction caused them to be more progres¬
sive in their outlook, partly because their work yielded ready
cash. Some people remodeled small taverns and a few houses to
accommodate employees of the construction project who came from
other areas. Meanwhile, their agricultural enterprise, once the
staff of life of the Saucites, suffered neglect because of the time
and energies they expended in working on the dam. The workers
became more familiar with new and advanced social legislation, and
many moved to urban areas when the dam was finished. Those Saucites
who did remain in the community were more prosperous than before
(Fals Borda, 1962a and 1955).
Havens studied directed social change in the Antioquian
community of Tamesis. In this community he found conditions
sufficient, if not essential, to realize development: (1) Because
of the manner in which the colonization of lands proceeded in this
zone, latifundismo was never prevalent. (2) Since the region was
colonized as a frontier agricultural zone, those who wanted to enter
it were different from those who stayed behind. The acceptance of
risks and of being geographically mobile was converted into a
desirable norm of conduct for its residents, aiding them to improve
their own positions. (3) Although property values are high, the
economic structure provides alternative opportunities for those
individuals who wish to seek new ways of earning a living.

65
(4) Sources of information and credit are available for agricultural
production and have been used by the people of the community. (5) The
authority structure as embodied in the church and the family has
reinforced incentives toward change. (6) Voluntary associations
have always been a part of the social structure and, at least to a
certain degree, these associations have been effective in obtaining
instrumental objectives. (7) Those who participate in voluntary
associations have confidence in the government and in their fellow
citizens (Havens, 1966:175-176).
These conditions exist in other regions of Colombia, and
those are the places where social change has occurred. Thus, they
are sufficient, although not necessarily essential, for producing
social change, says Havens (1966).
In another study which included Tamesis and the community of
Contadero, a rural community in the department of Nariño, it was
found that people living in the former were more favorable to social
change. Their scores on the Attitudes toward Social Change Scale
were significantly related to: general knowledge, contributions to
community programs, adoption of hygiene items, frequency of radio
listening, frequency of newspaper reading, and inversely with degree
of anomie (Whittenbarger, 1966) .
Rionegro, also in Antioquia, typically has been a traditional,
rustic community. However, it is now experiencing the shock of a
relatively rapid industrialization. A by-product of the industrializa¬
tion of Rionegro, as in many other parts of the world, has been a
certain degree of anomie. Direct causes of the phenomenon in

66
Rionegro include underemployment and unemployment and the lack of
adaptation to a new kind of work in a factory. Furthermore, the
little community has witnessed a changeover from a primary to a
secondary group, complete with secondary controls. Social statuses
have changed as social distances have been altered. Anomie has like¬
wise resulted because of loyalty to traditional values (Velez Arango
and Peláez Taborda, 1967).
Candelaria is a rural community located near Cali in the
department of El Valle. Many changes have followed the establishment
there of an experimental health center by the medical school of the
Universidad del Valle in Cali. Mortality rates, especially infant
mortality rates, have plummeted. The general state of health of the
people has improved since the health center was constructed. Healthier
people mean happier people, people who can spend more days working to
increase their level of living. Aspirations of the Candelarians have
risen, and the tempo of life of the community has been changed through
the influence of the outside entity.
Parra studied the community in 1962 and 1963. He found that
social change in Candelaria follows these general lines: (1) toward
structural differentiation and functional specialization; (2) toward
greater integration of the community with the larger social system;
and (3) toward a growing adaptation to the general environment
(Parra Sandoval, 1966:124).
Guatavita was a very traditional rural community of some
6,500 people dedicated to farming. In 1961, precipitous social change
was initiated with the building of a dam which would require the

67
flooding of Guatavita, forcing the entire community to be moved by a
specified deadline. Naturally, the people were opposed to the dam’s
construction, since they were inconvenienced, while others benefited
from the dam. Most of them had been born there, and naturally were
not eager to see their home covered by a large lake, even in the name
of progress.
The construction company had made excellent plans for the
dam, but not so for the people who would be forced to leave their
homes and farms. A new town was built for them, but their
traditional beliefs and sentiments* have made it difficult for them
to adapt to new ways of life, and many have consequently moved into
Bogota and other, smaller urban centers (see Betancur, et al., 1965;
and "Guatavita," 1963).
Some of the effects of the Colombian Violencia have already
been mentioned. Its effects on a given community are indicated in a
case study of the community of Líbano, in the department of Tolima,
which was hit hard by the disorders. At the time of the study,
approximately 51 percent of the population of the county seat of
Líbano were rural residents who had been forced to move from their
original homes, because of the Violencia. Economic and social mal¬
adjustment have resulted, interpersonal relations which had existed
for many years have been broken, and faith has been shattered. In
short, social disorganization and the resultant anomie have occurred
(Pineda Giraldo, 1963).
Several studies of innovation and adoption of farm
practices have been carried out in Colombia. In Saucio, it was

68
found that the basic pattern of diffusion and adoption of new farm
practices was substantially the same as in the United States
(Deutschmann and Fals Borda, 1962). An investigation in some rural
communities in the departments of Cundinamarca, Boyacá, Antioquia,
and Caldas was conducted in order to determine the effects of the
press, the radio, and fliers as communications media in a diffusion
program. The same amounts of material were to be used in each
community. However, in some communities, local expressions and
specific accents were to be used, while in others the language was
to be rather impersonal. After the beginning of the study, in some
communities some local leaders became interested in the campaign
and used loud speakers to begin their own supportive campaigns. This
method was more effective than any of the planned ones, and was more
effective still when coupled with other methods (Garcia, et al.,
1967). In a study of factors affecting the communication process
in the vereda of Jamundi, in the municipio of Girardota, Antioquia,
it was recommended that change agents should bring about an awareness
of the mass media as an information source. The prime source of
information for these people was found to be friends and neighbors
(McNamara, et al., n.d. See Adams and Havens, n.d.; and Willems,
1963).
The communities of Pueblo Viejo, San Rafáel and Cuatro Esquinas,
in Cundinamarca, and Nazate and La Canadá, in Narino, have been the
subjects of many studies. The studies relate opinion leadership to
such factors as: functional literacy, size of landholdings, farm
ownership, farm and home innovativeness, social status, achievement

69
motivation, mass media exposure, radio listening, newspaper reading,
empathy, knowledgeability of public issues, cosmopolitanism, age,
attitude toward credit, opinionatedness, and fatalism (see Rogers and
van Es, 1964; Stickley, 1964; Rogers and Neill, 1964; Bonilla de Ramos,
1964; van Es, 1964; Portocarrero, 1966; Bonilla de Ramos, 1966; Ramos,
1966; Rogers, 1965-66; Rogers and Herzog, 1966; and Rogers, 1964).
Elements of Social Change
Various theories of social change and development have been
reviewed in this chapter. It has been noted that different writers
have stressed different aspects of the processes involved in the
changeover of a nation from a traditional to a modern society.
Yet no basic agreement has been reached. How does social
change actually begin in a country like Colombia? Hagen attributed
importance to different types of personality systems among people
living in Medellin and in Popayán; other writers have stressed other
factors. Nevertheless there seems to be a more or less general
consensus among social scientists and economists as well that the
people’s basic values and attitudes are important factors in
determining their behavior in the various spheres of their lives.
Chapter 3 of this dissertation focuses on values and
their importance in social change.

CHAPTER 3
VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS
For more than a century and a half, scholars in the social
sciences and humanities have emphasized the role of values as criteria
in making choices between and among alternative courses of action.
The study of values has occupied the time, energies, and thinking of
many people during this time. Sociologists in particular have gen¬
erally accorded a fairly significant role to values in their attempts
to understand and predict human behavior, especially since the 1920's.
At the beginning of this chapter, we should note that it is not the
purpose here to review the tremendous amount of literature related to
values,^ but merely to provide a few indications as to the nature of
the phenomenon.
Since W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki (1918-20) published
in 1918 the first systematic treatment of the notion of values in the
United States, countless numbers of pages concerning the concept have
been written. These two early theorists saw values as consisting of
^An excellent bibliography on values is Albert and Kluckhohn's
(1959). Included in the work are more than 2000 entries selected from
a group of more than 6000 possible notations. This should give the
reader some idea as to the abundance of publications related to
values.
70

71
" . . . more or less explicit and formal rules of behavior by which
the group tends to maintain, to regulate, and to make more general
and more frequent the corresponding types of actions among its
members" (Kolb, 1957:94).
Later sociologists have used the concept of values extensively
but have modified it down through the years.2 If one reads from the
various fields of study, he finds values considered variously as
. . . attitudes, motivations, objects, measureable
quantities, substantive areas of behavior, affect-laden
customs or traditions, and relationships such as those
between individuals, groups, objects, events. The only
general agreement is that values somehow have to do with
normative as opposed to existential propositions
(Clyde Kluckhohn, 1951:390).3
A more or less current definition of values which is presented
as representative is: "A value is a conception, explicit or implicit,
distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the
desirable which influences the selection from available modes, means,
and ends of action" (Clyde Kluckhohn, 1951:395). This definition is
presented as a combination of several frames of reference, not as
an attempt to settle the controversy over the ultimate meaning of
the concept.^
2For a discussion of the development of, and different
approaches to, values, see Albert and Kluckhohn (1959:94-131). Dukes
(1955) presents a bibliography of psychological values studies, and
groups them by measurements of values, individual differences in
values, and their development. For a treatment of the origin and
assumptions of contemporary value theory in philosophy, see Kurtz
(1952:47-69).
3Examples of the use of the term values in sociology may be .
found in Adler (1956:272-279) and Case (1939:403-430).
^For a detailed description of the development of, and
problems concerned with, the value-concept, see Kolb (1957:93-111).

72
The great quantity of writings dealing with the concept of
values may be interpreted as a measure of the importance of the
phenomenon in explaining and predicting human behavior. Indeed,
Burgess has said that "... the essential data for sociological
research are values" (Burgess, 1954:16). As early as 1935,
Talcott Parsons (1935:282-316) argued, from a positivistic viewpoint,
that values do have a place in sociology. Kolb (1957:111-131)
discusses the place of the value concept in sociological theory.
Several social scientists have endeavored to isolate, identify,
and list the central or core values of people in the United States.
Among them have been Robin Williams, Jr. (1970:452-500), John F. Cuber,
et al. (1964:396), Alvin L. Bertrand (1967:82-85), Lee Coleman
(1941:492-499), and Cora DuBois (1955:1232-1239). Although these basic
values have varied in their nomenclature, the lists are more or less
comparable. An example is the listing by Robin Williams, Jr. (1970:
452-500), in which he denotes Americans' major "value orientations"
as: achievement and success, activity and work, a moral orientation,
humanitarian mores, efficiency and practicality, progress, material
comfort, equality, freedom, external conformity, science and secular
rationality, nationalism-patriotism, democracy, individual personality,
and racism and related group superiority themes.
As sociologists, we attempt to measure concepts, and values are
no exception. The measurement of values is a fairly recent phenomenon
but, unfortunately, is beyond 'the scope of this report except insofar
as description of the measurement technique employed in the present
research is concerned. The interested reader is referred to

73
Adler (1956:272-279), Fallding (1965:223-233), Catton (1956:357-358),
Thurstone (1954, 1959), Albert and Kluckhohn (1959), and Scott (1959).
Values and Social Change
As was pointed out in Chapter 2, economic theorists have long
recognized that there is a human factor which is involved in economic
development. A large quantity of writings exists which indicate the
supposed relation between prevalent societal values and social change
(especially as change is intrinsic in the processes of modernization,
industrialization, and social and economic development). Proponents
of this viewpoint are not arguing the importance of the economic
determinants involved in the process of economic development, but
are merely stating the principle that satisfactory explanations for
differentials in economic behavior are not found in traditional
economic theory. These observers have recognized that there are indeed
some definite economic factors which are prerequisite to economic
growth and development. Yet they have noted societies with apparently
equal opportunities, some of which developed and others which did not.
Thus, they reason, there must be some other explanation(s) of the
phenomenon. The causal factor most often cited is that of values.
Japan and Thailand are countries which have many common
features and a similar chronological history of exposure to Western
ideas. At one time, it appeared to some that both societies were at
approximately equal stages of development and that, assuming all
things equal, they should change at an equal rate. However, Japan
progressed rapidly, but Thailand did not. In regard to this

4
74
observation, Aya.1 (1963:35) says that "... changes in political
and social institutions, or investments by foreigners, will not, by
themselves, bring about sustained economic development, unless the
fundamental human values in the society are conducive to development."
Spengler (1961:4) notes that
the state of a people's politico-economic development, together
with its rate and direction, depends largely upon what is in
the minds of its members, and above all upon the content of the
minds of its elites, which reflects in part, as do civilizations,
the conceptions men form of the universe.
He specifically includes values and value orientations as a part of
the "content of men's minds," and says,
Ultimately, . . . the extent to which economic or political
development takes place depends very largely upon the orienta¬
tions of the elements situated in the nonrational world of
values and value-orientations—a world existing in the minds
of men; thereupon depend what men seek and how they seek it
(Spengler, 1961:30).
Especially important in influencing development are the values and
value orientations of the elite.
In his action theory, Parsons says that the actor's selection
of means to gain the ends is influenced by the value orientations
regnant in a society. Furthermore, "development in general takes
place when an index of that which is deemed desirable and relatively
preferable increases in magnitude" (Spengler, 1961:8).
Other social scientists, such as Neal (1965) and McClelland
(1961), have pointed out that value orientations are important
prerequisites to development. Thus, given physical-environmental and
hereditary conditions, we might say that development would tend to
occur at a more rapid rate where the society has a system of values

75
conducive to the selection of development-oriented ends, and when the
value orientations of these people are most favorable to the selection
of the optimal means to meet these ends (see. Rokeach, 1968).
Some writers imply through their usage and interchange of the
terms values and value orientations that the two concepts are
synonymous. Others use them as distinct entities but do not take
the care to distinguish one from the other. Clyde. Kluckhohn's
definition of values has already been noted in this paper. Several
definitions of value orientations will be presented in order to
clarify the meaning of the term, since it is a central concept in
this dissertation.
Clyde Kluckhohn (1951:409) uses the term value orientation
" . . . for those value notions which are (a) general, (b) organized,
and (c) include definitely existential judgments. A value-orientation
is a set of linked propositions embracing both value and existential
elements." Later, he says,
More formally, a value-orientation may be defined as a
generalized and organized conception, influencing behavior,
of nature, of man's place in it, of man's relation to man,
and of the desirable and nondesirable as they may relate to
man-environment and interhuman relations (Clyde Kluckhohn,
1951:411).
Schwarzweller (1959:247) defines the term operationally:
. . . the empirically measured tendency to react favorably or
unfavorably to certain generalized conceptions, such as
individualism, familism, security, service to society, and
the like. . . . those threads of the individual's conceptual
consistency which apparently influence his behavior (verbal)
in the situation specified by the measuring instrument.
Similarly, value orientations have been referred to as
"systems of meanings," "unconscious canons of choice," "integrative

76
themes," "ethos," and "configurations" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck,
1961:340). Vogt and O’Dea (1953:645) think of value orientations
as " . . . those views of the world, often implicitly held, which
define the meaning of human life or the 'life situation of man' and
thereby provide the context in which day-to-day problems are solved."
Hoult (1969:344) defined value orientations in terms of action
theory:
In that part of action theory v?hich is concerned with an
actor's mental-emotional position relative to a given situa¬
tion, those aspects of the position which, where choice is
possible, lead the actor to support certain values and to
observe forms termed modes (of value-orientation): a) the
appreciative mode (use of given standards for judging the
gratification significance of phenomena), b) the cognitive
mode (use of given standards for judging validity of various
ideas, claims, and data), and c) the moral mode (use of given
standards for judging the effects of various choices on the
integration of self and society).
Kluckhohn's Theory of Variations
in Value Orientations
Florence Kluckhohn is the one who, to my knowledge, has
developed the idea of value orientations to its fullest extent, and
in the process she has elaborated an instrument to elicit people's
value profiles. The theory of variations in value orientations was
formulated as she worked toward a systematic ordering of variations
within and across cultures. Her method, furthermore, has a potential
predictive utility for describing changes in value orientations
through time.
Specifically, she defines value orientations as:
complex but definitely patterned (rank-ordered) principles
resulting from the transactional interplay of three analyti¬
cally distinguishable elements of the evaluative process—

77
the cognitive, the affective, and the directive elements—
which give order and direction to the ever-flowing stream of
human acts and thoughts as these relate to the solution of
"common human problems" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:4).
or broadly as "... a generalized and organized principle concerning
basic human problems which pervasively and profoundly influences
man's behavior" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:341).
Kluckhohn's emphasis on the variation within and between the
value orientations of single cultures is an attempt to overcome some
of the weaknesses of previous theories of values which did not consider
the variability of values and the consequences of this variation.
Earlier theories were lax in that they did not permit an analysis of
within-culture variation nor systematic cross-cultural comparisons.
Furthermore, they stressed heavily the dominant values of a culture,
to the neglect of variant values, and thus were static representations
which did not reveal the change in values, which is related to the
development and direction of social change of other types and in
other areas. Thus she emphasizes dealing with the variability which
exists in the highly generalized elements of culture, or value
orientations. These variations must be studied empirically, if we
are in agreement with those (see Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:1)
who insist that the interpretation of concrete behavior must be
coupled with a knowledge about assumptions.
Another distinctive characteristic of her theory is an
accentuation of the directive element of the evaluative process,
thus allowing for a dynamic, integrating, and guiding influence.
Previous theories had included only the cognitive and affective

78
aspects and thus lacked the directive element "which is the most
crucial for the understanding of both the integration of the total
value system and its continuity through time" (Kluckhohn and
Strodtbeck, 1961:9).
There are several basic assumptions'underlying Kluckhohn’s
theory of which note should be taken. The first major assumption
is that there is an ordered variation in value orientation systems.
Three other, more specific ones are that:
There is a limited number of common human problems for which
all people at all times must find some solution. â–  . . While
there is variability in solutions of all the problems, it is
neither limitless nor random but is definitely variable within
a range of possible solutions. . . . All alternatives of all
solutions are present in all societies at all times but are
differentially preferred. Every society has, in addition to
its dominant profile of value orientations, numerous variant
or substitute profiles. Moreover it is postulated that in
both the dominant and the variant profiles there is almost
always a rank ordering of the preferences of the value-
orientation alternatives (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:10;
italics in the original).
Five "common human problems" have been defined by Kluckhohn for
which the people of any society must find solutions. In question form,
these problems are: (1) What is the character of innate human nature?
(2) What is the relation of man to nature (and supernature)? (3) What
is the significant time dimension? (4) What is the modality of human
activity? (In her earlier writings, this problem was stated with
reference to the "valid personality type.") (5) What is the modality
of man’s relation to other men? (See Florence Kluckhohn, 1953a:90,
1953b:342, 1951:102, 1967:85, 1963:222, 1950:378; Kluckhohn and
Strodtbeck, 1961:11; and Pelzel and Kluckhohn, 1957:54-55.)
Each of these problem areas is the basis for a value
orientation, the respective problems representing the (1) human nature,

79
(2) man-nature, (3) time, (4) activity, and (5) relational orienta¬
tions.
For each of the orientations, Kluckhohn has posited three
alternative means of resolving the "basic human problem" which is
represented. Each alternative, in turn, may- be viewed as a basic,
logical dimension of the larger problematical area. Thus, systematic
comparisons on both the inter- and intra-cultural levels can be made,
both within the context of changes in the larger culture.
The orientations and their variations for each of these
universal problems will be presented in the order corresponding to
that of the questions above.
1. Human Nature Orientation
Kluckhohn was concerned here principally with the question of
whether human nature is innately evil, good, or a mixture of the two,
and whether each of these orientations is in turn mutable or immutable.
Thus there are six possible derivations for this area. She believes
that this variant case of multiple possibility is probably caused by
the interrelationship of this orientation with the others.
2. Man-Nature (-Supernature) Orientation
The three-point range of variation in this orientation, as
Kluckhohn (1950:379) admits, is well known to philosophers and
cultural historians. The first orientation (each alternative may
likewise be referred to as an orientation—Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck,
1961:11), called Subjugation to Nature, refers to the fatalistic
viewpoint—"When it's my time to die, there’s nothing that can be
done about it." People with this orientation believe that man can do
little or nothing to control diseases, natural disasters, and the like.

80
People who hold to the Harmony with Nature orientation see no
real separation between man, nature, and supernature. They feel that
living in harmony with God and with nature will assure their well¬
being and that troubles arise from the failure to do so.
The Mastery over Nature position is that of those who believe
that there is something mankind can do to control or modify the forces
of nature, such as floods, diseases, streams, deserts, etc.
3. Time Orientation
This orientation may be seen as: (a) Past, (b), Present, or
(c) Future, which are considered to be self-explanatory.
4. Activity Orientation
The range of variations in this case yields the Being,
Being-in-Becoming, and Doing orientations, derived in part from the
distinction philosophers have often made between Being and Becoming.
The classification is roughly similar to that of Charles Morris (1948)
who labeled the respective personality components as the Dionysian,
the Buddhist, and the Promethean. Kluckhohn, however, deals with
concepts which are much more narrowly defined.
The vital principle of the Being alternative is an inclination
to express the given part of the personality, and it is nondevelop-
mental in comparison with the other two variations.
The Being-in-Becoming orientation involves a person's
motivation to develop himself and his personality to their fullest
extent, and thus incorporates the conception of the developmental
process.

81
The distinguishing feature of the Doing orientation is its
emphasis on accomplishment, judged on standards which are external
to the individual.
5. Relational Orientation
The relational orientation is concerned with man's relation¬
ships with other men. Its three subdivisions are: Lineal, Collateral,
and Individualistic. In a somewhat similar fashion, sociologists have
long differentiated relatively homogeneous folk societies from the more
complex societies by such terms as Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft, rural-
urban, traditional-rational-legal, and mechanical-organic solidarity.
Lineally-oriented persons prefer a type of organization which
emphasizes a hierarchy of authority and respect. If the Lineal
principle is the dominant one in a society, then group goals have
primacy over individual goals, and continuity through time is strongly
emphasized. An ordered positional succession within the group is
another major consideration.
In the Collateral orientation, group goals again have primacy,
but without the strong emphasis on continuity and lineal relation¬
ships. Sports teams with good teamwork are an example of the Collateral
principle.
Individualistic means that individual goals have prime
importance with relation to group goals. One is made to think
immediately of the American emphasis on achievement, especially of
the individual type.
Kluclchohn states that man's conception of space and his
place in it is a sixth "common human problem" which belongs in the

82
theory of variations in value orientations. Unfortunately, the
orientation and its variations have not been developed sufficiently
to include in her presentations of the theory.
The United States middle class is believed by Kluckhohn to have
the following orientations: Future time orientation, Doing activity
orientation, Mastery over Nature man-nature orientation, and
Individual relational orientation. In her study of a Spanish-
American village in New Mexico, she found the dominant profile to be:
Subjugation to nature, Present time, Being as the modality of activity,
and Individual with respect to relationships to other men (Kluckhohn
and Strodtbeck, 1961:12-19).
Some of these combinations tend to be internally consistent,
that is, they represent a greater degree of "goodness of fit" than do
alternative patterns. The dominant profile of the United States
middle class, presented above, is believed to be internally congruent,
while that of the Spanish-Americans is not, since the individual
alternative appears to conflict with those for the other three
orientations. Kluckhohn contends that the value orientations of
societies which are in the process of rapid social change are
likely to denote internal inconsistency.
Furthermore, certain value orientations are indicative of
stronger inducements to the degree of conformity which is required
of an individual than are others. Specifically, Kluckhohn mentions
that each of three "modern" orientations—Future, Doing, and
Individualism—requires more conformity than some others.
Before the advent of Kluckhohn's theory, social scientists
studying value systems were prone to stress only the dominant values.

83
Thus, they tended to disregard the variant values and the positive
functions which the latter serve. They were assuming that, in order
to protect and maintain the sociocultural system, the dominant values
required a high degree of conformity and that thus the variant value
patterns were unimportant.
In this respect, Kluckhohn stresses two major theoretical
formulations. One is that the variant value orientations of a
society are not only permitted but are actually required for the
integration and maintenance of the system. The other is that the
differences in the value orientations of different societies are not
absolute but are merely divergences of the rank ordering of the same
components of orientations which are found in all cultures at all
times.
The variant patterns of value orientations have, as a primary
function, the maintenance of the system. However, when external
influences are brought into play, then the variant orientations may
be the sources of potential change. Kluckhohn notes that "Variant
individuals playing variant roles are far more susceptible to
external influences than are dominantly oriented individuals who play
dominant roles" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:366).
The value orientations of campus radicals, I believe, would
probably more nearly resemble the major variant than the dominant
orientations of the United States middle class. While no empirical
verification of this viewpoint is readily available, personal
observation suggests this hypothesis. At any rate, it would be
interesting to see the results of an investigation designed to test
the hypothesis.

84
Another aspect of the theory which relates to the permitted and
required variation is the concept of behavior spheres, or, as I have
chosen to call them, role areas. Several different types of activity
which are more or less well differentiated in every society are
necessary if a society is to function properly. These activities are
grouped into various role areas. Usually, Kluckhohn enumerates them
as the: economic-occupational, the religious, the political, the
recreational, the familial, and the intellectual-aesthetic spheres
(Kluckhohn and Stodtbeck, 1961:28).
The relationship between role areas and value orientations is
reciprocal. However, she feels that value orientations are more
durable and more generalized aspects of culture. Consequently, not
much more is said of role areas. In personal correspondence with
Kluckhohn and through reading her various publications, I am unable
to relate specific value orientations to specific role areas. Through
letters, she refers to particular items of her instrument as
representing a given role area. Yet, in her writings I find references
to specific orientations (such as Doing or Present) or some combina¬
tion of the orientations as indicating one or the other role area.
Furthermore, two different factor analyses of the responses did not.
reveal any logical groupings which might be considered as role
areas.
Variations in Value Orientations
and Social Change
The chapter preceding this one reported some selected theories
of social change. This section will present an attempt to explore some

85
of the relationships between value orientations and social change.
Already we have mentioned that a primary function of the
variant value orientations is the maintenance of the system. It
appears that these variant patterns arise as a result of the strains
which are created by the dominant values and that they arise in order
to mitigate those strains and thus permit the system to continue to
operate.
Nevertheless, the variant patterns and the variant individuals
who follow them, Kluckhohn believes, are potential sources of basic
social and cultural changes. Her main thesis in this respect is
that a change of this nature is very rarely the result of either the
evolution of the internal variations or caused by an external force.
"On the contrary, we maintain that basic change is usually, if not
always, the result of the interplay of internal variations and
external forces which are themselves variable" (Kluckhohn and
Strodtbeck, 1961:43).
It is logical to assume that the better integrated the value
orientation system is, i.e., the greater its goodness of fit, then the
greater will be its resistance to change by outside forces. This would
be true mostly in cases of culture contact but would not necessarily be
true in an intracultural situation.
Kluckhohn notes that perfect congruity is rare, and she
offers a corollary proposition: "The part or parts of a social system
which are most susceptible to the development of a basic, change in
cultural values will be those in which there has been the greatest
proliferation of variant values for the relief of strain" (Kluckhohn

86
and Strodtbeck, 1961:45). This points up the fact, indirectly, that
the various parts of the system of value orientations change at
different rates and that it is the variants themselves who motivate
basic change.
In terms of the magnitude of the change which occurs in
value orientations and the degree of strength of the external
propulsionary force which is necessary there is a step-wise pattern
of change. The change which is smallest and which requires the least
amount of force is a shift between the second- and third-order
orientations, followed next by a shift of the first- and second-order
preferences. The greatest change is a shift of the first- and third-
order variations, since the change is to the opposite pole. It is
the latter which causes the greatest amount of both personal and
social disorganization in the system.
More specifically, Kluckhohn (1961:47) believes that a
too-rapid shift in the relational orientation creates more serious
adjustment problems than if the same degree of change had occurred
in any of the other orientations. The relational orientation is a
support to the others, and therefore, for maximum effectiveness of
the system, should change at approximately the same rate and in the
same direction as the others.
An additional consideration is that in predicting the kinds
and rates of basic changes, one must take into account the degree of
congruity which exists between the external force and the internal
variation.

87
The Value Orientations Instrument
Kluckhohn devised an instrument for the purpose of eliciting
value profiles of individuals. Consisting of 22 items, it was
originally used in a study of variations in value orientations in
five Southwestern United States communities (see Kluckhohn and
Strodtbeck, 1961). Since that time, it has been used in a variety
of different sociocultural environments, the results of which will be
discussed in a later chapter of this work.
However, Kluckhohn1s original formulation was cast in terms
and situations applicable primarily to rural situations (see Kluckhohn
and Strodtbeck, 1961:80-90 and 368-378). Consequently, she later
developed an "urban" version, which, in my opinion, offers the
possibility of a more nearly universal application.
The instrument in both versions consists of 22 items, each of
which presents a problematical situation and three alternatives. Each
alternative is a possible solution of the stated problem and represents
a value orientation position. There are five items representing each
of the time and relational orientations and six from both the activity
and man-nature areas. Items testing the nature of innate human nature
have been developed and used by Kluckhohn, but she did not make them
available to us since she was not completely satisfied with their
reliability. A response pattern of the best possible solution and
the next-best alternative permit a rank ordering of a respondent’s
orientations on any given item.
In order to clarify the structure of the items and to relate
the application of the theory, examples of two of the items are
presented. The first is entitled "Length of Life."

Three men were talking about whether people themselves
can do anything to make the lives of men and women longer.
Here is what each said:
One said: It is already true that people like doctors
and others are finding the way to add many years to the
lives of most men by discovering new medicines, studying
foods and doing other things such as vaccinations. If people
will pay attention to all these new things they will almost
always live longer.
The second said: I really do not believe that there is
much human beings themselves can do to make the lives of men
and women longer. It is my belief that every person has a
set time to live and when that time comes it just comes.
The third said: I believe that there is a plan of life
which works to keep all living things moving together, and
if a man will learn to live his whole life in accord with that
plan he will live longer than other men.
This item is from the relational area, and the three respons
represent the mastery, subjugation, and harmony variations,
respectively. The second is labeled "Ideal Job."
Three young married men were talking about their notions
of the ideal job. Here is what each one said:
The first said: The kind of job I would like best to have
if I could is one which is not too demanding of my time and
energy. I like to have time to enjoy myself and don't want a
job which makes me feel I must always be competing.
The second said: Ideally, I would like a competitive
job—one which lets me show what I can accomplish in a line
of work for which I am suited.
The third said: Ideally, I would like the kind of job
which would let me develop different kinds of interests and
talents. I would rather have an understanding of life and
people than be successful in one particular field.
Answers to the preceding item should reveal the respondent's
value orientations concerning activity. The three alternatives
represent the Being, Doing, and Being-in-Becoming orientations,
respectively.
The chapter which follows is an attempt to give the reader a
general notion of the people in the city where the instrument was
administered.

CHAPTER 4
THE STUDY COMMUNITY: POPAYAN, COLOMBIA
Popayán is a city of some 77,000 persons located in a valley
between two chains of the Andes in southwestern Colombia. The
provincial government seat, it is a city which abounds in well-
preserved colonial architecture, which has a sense of pride in its
history, and which appears to bask in the light of past accomplishment
rather than to strive for future accomplishments. A Colombian writer
describes Popayán and evaluates attempts to change it in the following
manner:
In the spurs of the Cordillera Central and in a green valley
with a mild, welcoming climate, there is a city, witness of
great national happenings, cradle of great men, and full of
history. It is Popayán, a national monument of which historians,
sociologists, architects, urbanists, and planners are all fond,
as well as are those interested in studying it and rediscovering
it.
With its 400 years of life and the authenticity of its
fundamental character, it has been able to preserve itself,
we might say, intact, being a treasure to researchers and a
wealth to know and exploit.
But in the last few years we have been seeing (a surprise
to many who truly know the essence and spirit of the city) a
barbaric invasion of ruiners of this national inheritance.
It is necessary that public opinion and [here he enumerates
several governmental entities of architects, engineers and a
council in charge of national monuments] get together and take
an interest in defending a national treasure which even now is
in danger of disappearing and which we have the obligation of
defending (Avila, 1968:7).
89

90
The city is located at slightly more than two degrees north
of the equator at an altitude of 5,773 feet above sea level. The
climate is pleasant, with a mean annual temperature of 65 degrees.
There is little variation from month to month in the temperature, and
the greatest difference probably occurs between day and night.
Temperatures at night are in the fifties and sixties, and if the
temperature climbs to 74 degrees during the day, it is considered
hot (Crist, 1950:131). Caldas remarked that the climate is so ideal
that it "appears to have been invented by poets" (Sebastian, 1964:13).
Popayán was selected for inclusion in a larger study of value
orientations in three Colombian cities. Since there has been ample
suggestion that values of leaders may be a significant factor in the
rate at which a city develops, it was decided to study the value
orientations of leaders in cities at decidedly different levels of
development. Additionally, high school seniors were studied in an
effort to gain an idea of the value orientations of the younger
generation and of those of different social classes in these cities.
A basic criterion in the selection of the three cities was that they
be departmental capitals representing both extremes of, and an
intermediate point along, a posited continuum of development. The
cities to be considered were limited to departmental capitals because
it was felt that only cities of some size and importance should be
studied. Moreover, they are the only cities on which sufficient
economic data were available to permit the construction of the
economic indices which were needed as a guide in the selection of
the study cities.

91
Several indices of development, including volume of banking
transactions, population increase, municipal and housing expenditures,
the use of valorization taxes, per-capita expenditures for education,
size and income of the transportation system, number of kilowatt hours
of electricity generated, and the like, were utilized in the selection
of the study cities. Information was collected for the years
1961-1966. Bogota, the national capital, was excluded from considera¬
tion because of the foreign influences there and because of its
special situation as the seat of government.
Medellin was an easy and obvious choice for the most-developed
city, and Cali (a logical choice for logistical reasons) represented a
city in an intervening but rapidly modernizing position, but more
difficulty was encountered in selecting the city at the bottom of
the scale. Popayán, Tunja, and Pasto had the dubious honor of being
in competition for this status. All were lowest at one time or
another in some of the indices which were computed, but for all
practical intents and purposes, they were fairly equal as to stage
of development.
Among 15 cities of Colombia for which data were available,
Julio Arboleda Valencia (El Pais, June 26, 1967:7, 21), president of
Popayán's leading bank, found that Popayán ranked last in amount of
electricity generated, last in real estate investments, next to last
in construction of buildings, last in revenue from property taxes,
last in number of cattle slaughtered, and fourteenth in population
among 17 departmental capitals. On the other hand, in variables
relating to the cost of living for 21 capitals, Popayán was in

92
tenth place in wholesale prices, seventh in retail prices, and fifth
in prices of basic staples. This reference gives the reader an
additional idea with regard to Popayán's rank among departmental
capitals, although it had not been published when the choice was
made.
Furthermore, Popayán offered the advantage of being near the
base of operations, an important factor in a country where long over¬
land trips are difficult. Moreover, Popayán had lost a tremendous
amount of power and prestige since the beginning of this century—
just the reverse of the other two study cities. Thus, it offered
an interesting contrast and an opportunity to test whether the stage
of social and economic development is related to value orientations.
History
Popayán^ was founded on January 13, 1537, by Sebastian de
Belalcázar, a lieutenant of Pizarro's who fought his way northward
from Peru. On March 4, 1540, Carlos V, King of Spain, made Belalcázar
governor of the entire territory of Popayán, in recognition for his
having founded the cities of Popayán, Cali, Anserma, and others
(Crist, 1952:11). In a royal decree dated 1558, Felipe II granted a
coat of arms to the city in recompense for "the many and loyal
services" of the townspeople to the Crown and for their "loyalty
and obedience" to the king (Arboleda, 1965:vii-ix).
l-The name, Popayán, is credited to several sources by various
historians. The source most often mentioned is the Indians of the
Guambia tribe. In their language po (straw), pa (two), and yam
(villages) combined signify "two straw villages." Another version is
that an Indian chief of the region was named Payán (see Arboleda,
1966:1-5 for these and other versions). A notable history of the city
is Arroyo's (1955).

93
The Province of Popayán was large until 1903—it covered about
a third of present-day Colombia. The Cauca Grande, as it was called,
consisted of 537,280 square kilometers, whereas the Cauca as it is
today has only 30,495 square kilometers (República de Colombia, 1967:
49), because of its division to create other departments. Actually,
the boundary lines were very vague. In the royal decree naming
Belalcázar provincial governor, Carlos V remarked,
It is our will and mercy that now and henceforth for the rest
of your life you will be governor and captain general of the
cities of Popayán and Cali and the towns of Anserma and Neiva
with all the boundary marks and common lands which in those
provinces have been assigned you and your lieutenants and
captains, as long as the town of San Francisco de Quito and
its environs are not included (in your territory) (quoted
in Crist, 1952:13).
The city thus became the seat of government of western Colombia
through royal decree (the king could easily afford such recognition
because of all the tributes of gold sent to him by Popayan's wealthy
leaders). Therefore, many Spanish-born rulers settled there to look
after the king's (and their own) interests. People who wanted to
be regarded as influential in this part of the country lived in
Popayán, where they could have some contact with those who exercised
power. Mine owners from the steaming Choco jungles preferred to live
in the more pleasant climate of Popayán. Landowners from Cali lived
there as well, while managers took care of their ranches. These
people had a good income and spent vast quantities of it in the
building of churches and splendorous homes as a conspicuous show of
their wealth (Sebastian, 1964:13). Vergara y Vergara (Sebastian,
1964:13) mentions that Popayán was like a place of royalty, an
Italian villa.

94
The city early became the residence of many of the nation's
wealthy and influential people, who came to have great political
influence because of their social and economic power. It was the
center of culture, '"a mother country' in miniature" (Crist, 1950:132)
in western Colombia, and many of the country's leading politicians
and poets were Payaneses (people from Popayán). There was a great
deal of emphasis on education, and as early as 1640 there was a
high school. The Cauca University was established in 1827, and
fifteen of the presidents of the country have attended it.
From the first decades, Popayán took its place as one of the
leading cities of the new republic. Simon Bolivar, a leader in the
fight for independence, often visited friends there, and today it
is not uncommon to find plaques denoting houses where he stayed over¬
night, a week, or even for a more extended period.
Popayán belongs to a small group of cities which have their
own unmistakable personalities. Lying in a valley of the Andes, it
is a major attraction to tourists and potential residents. Alexander
Humboldt wrote of Popayán, "This mixture of the great and beautiful,
these greatly varying contrasts, the hand of the All-Powerful has put
them in the most perfect harmony, filling the soul with the greatest
and most interesting sights" (Sebastián, 1964:11). "It was
intentionally placed in a spot where one could withdraw from the
unpleasant agitation of business; its rich founders were not looking
for agitation but for sweetness" (Sebastian, 1964:13).
The city today has lost much of its influence, while other
cities in the area like Cali and Medellin, once of minor importance,

95
are now prominent industrial and commercial centers. Popayán, once so
glorious and great, has been largely by-passed by modernization. As
one walks down its narrow streets, he can almost feel a sense of
pride and history from the buildings themselves and from the people.
It is not uncommon to see houses built in the eighteenth century,
and even less unusual to see houses with tablets commemorating them
as the birthplaces of leading national historical figures. "Popayán,
the ancestral city of Benalcázar [sic] looks as if it had been
transplanted from sixteenth century Spain to the present" (Schaw,
1968:104).
In response to some threats to close the Universidad del Cauca
one writer expressed his sentiments in this manner:
. . . the University is the last refuge of the Popayán that
was and has managed to make its intellectual and political
influence felt by the country as a whole. We are no longer
the center of the Republic and we must accept . . . that
our glorious days have begun to lose themselves in the
night of time (El Liberal, August 2, 1967:3).
It should be mentioned that Popayán is not so traditional that
it has barred modern achievements completely. There has been an incon
spicuous acceptance of many of them. At the same time, the people
of the city have felt it equally important to retain customs and ways
of doing things that have proven worthwhile over the years.
The mayor of Popayán, discussing some of the city’s problems,
refers to "the inertia of centuries" of the people. It "... is not
only the physical inertia but the same state of immobility of the
people, their lack of civic spirit on occasions, the fact of living
only in their past glories, [and] of holding to their pastoral

96
economy ..." (Caicedo, 1969). It is recognized that some change
is inevitable, but some Payaneses believe that this change should
occur only through careful planning. To them, the Cali-Popayán
highway is a mixed blessing, because it brings both tourists and
undesirables (El Liberal, July 15, 1967:3). " . . . Something very
profound, yes, very profound indeed, is changing in this city"
(El Liberal, September 10, 1967:3). Even building is strictly
controlled by a regulating plan so that the colonial patterns will not
be disturbed. Nevertheless, modern houses occupy more than half the
city (Popayan en 1965: Resena estadística, n.d.).
When there was a rumor that an old church overlooking the city
might be replaced with a modernistic building, an editorial in the
Popayan newspaper remarked, "Popayán is a city made not to be touched
[changed] by irreverent hands" (El Liberal, July 22, 1967:3). It
went on to say that "certain progressive priests" would only "destroy
real treasures of colonial architecture and replace them with tiles,
microphones, and ghastly colors" (El Liberal, July 22, 1967:3).
"It is true that the Belen chapel is not colonial. . . . But it is the
church that we have seen for 70 years. To change it for another
would be like taking the Eiffel Tower from France" (El Liberal,
July 22, 1967:3).
People from Popayan have traditionally been more nationally-
oriented than city- or state-oriented. Payaneses "regard themselves
as saviors of Colombia" but pay no attention to situations at home.
"They should be able to use their intelligence, with their culture
and creative imagination, to benefit themselves. The Paisas

97
[Antioqueños, basically], on the other hand, accept national posi¬
tions, but work for the good of their home area" (Giraldo, 1967).
The Payaneses do, however, have a great deal of pride in
their city. As one goes to the Panteón de los Proceres, a national
shrine to the city’s heroes, an ancient gentleman recites parts of
the town's glorious past in a very formal and poetic style, complete
with all the flourishes. Although he has told the same stories many
times to various groups, he recounts the history and his praises of
those whose remains lie there in such a vivid and exciting way that
one feels almost as if he were talking with someone who had actually
lived the stories he tells. The old man recites poetry, becomes
extremely emotional, and generates a feeling of awe in his listeners.
This same sense of history and civic pride permeates much of the
population of Popayan, and the importance of the church in its history
is brought to light many times. Popayan might indeed be called the
"City of Churches" because of the great number of churches which are
found there. It has been said that the churches are more important
to the people of Popayan than factories, museums than office blocks,
and the arts than technology (Anthony, 1968:167).
These two factors—religious and civic pride—stand out and
impress those who visit Popayán. Its annual religious processions are
famous. They began as early as 1558. Each year during Easter week,
the small city's population increases by several thousand as pilgrims
and tourists crowd into all available space to witness the famed
processions. When all the hotels and rooming houses are full, many
people are taken into the houses of the townspeople.

98
What further amazes one is that Popayán was still relatively
important until after the turn of the century. In 1905, the popula¬
tions of Popayán, Medellin, and Cali were 23,448,2 53,936, and
30,740, respectively (Asociación Colombiana de Facultades de Medicina,
n.d.). The latter two have developed and industrialized while
Popayán has remained relatively static.
Franck reports, in a description of his walking journey
through South America early in this century (Franck, 1917), that
Popayán was, even then, a famous old city. Franck and his companion
arrived there with dreams of resting up in a comfortable hotel but were
disappointed because the city did not live up to their expectations.
"Though it was barely eight in the evening, Popayán was as dead as
a graveyard at midnight—and darker" (Franck, 1917:88), and there was
no hotel. "If Popayán is dead by night, little more can be said for
it by day. Languid shopkeeping is almost its only visible industry,
and the population seems to live on what they sell one another"
(Franck, 1917:90). Modern-day tourists find the Hotel Monasterio
(an old monastery converted into a hotel) a comfortable and charming
place to stay, and there are other hotels as well. However, they note
the conspicuous absence of night-time entertainment and a general
2The present writer believes this figure may be in error. Sub¬
sequent population censuses show that the city's population declined to
only 18,274 in 1912 and increased steadily to 30,000 in 1938. This
phenomenon did not occur in other cities. Thus, it is believed that
the population of Popayán as reported in the 1905 census was somewhat
inflated.
Another possible explanation is that there may have been a
considerable migration away from Popayán with the acute and sudden
reduction in size of the department of El Cauca in 1903. I place
more credence in the former explanation.

tendency for the city to "roll up its sidewalks" by nine or ten
o' clock.
99
One reason for Popayán's lack of industrial development,
according to one Popayán leader, was that the railroad from
Buenaventura, the country's leading Pacific port, went to Cali, not
to Popayán. A perhaps more important reason is found in the values
of the people themselves. Proud of their glorious past and their
beautiful examples of colonial Spanish architecture in homes, public
buildings, and churches, the people appear to disdain progress. They
seem to want to hold on to what was, or do not show any evidence of
welcoming change. In fact, when the Nestle Milk Company sent
representatives to Popayán a few years ago with thoughts of locating
a plant there, they were almost snubbed and consequently decided to
build their plant in another place (Crist, 1950:137). It would
appear that the Payaneses prefer to live in the past rather than
strive to change the order of things.
History probably played a large role in the traditional
character of the city in another way. Popayán was intensely loyal
to both the Spanish crown and the Catholic Church. Since the city
and its people were so favored by both (the Church early
established an archdiocese there), this may have contributed to
their reluctance to change. In the war for independence from
Spain, Popayán remained loyal to the crown much longer than the rest
of the country and rose up against the liberators. "Even after
Indepence was a well-established fact, Popayán remained a stronghold
of conservatism and a living monument to the more attractive aspects

100
of colonialism. It remains so today and also retains its intense
Catholicism ..." (Anthony, 1968:167). "Here the Church keeps a
hold on the roots of social change" (Schaw, 1968:106). Many aspects
of the social and cultural heritage of its colonial days, including a
privileged upper class which benefits most from maintaining the status
quo, are firmly entrenched.
Andrew Whiteford (1960), an anthropologist who conducted a
comparative investigation of social classes in Popayan and Queretaro,
Mexico, has some interesting and pertinent observations on the lack
of development in Popayan. One of the chief causes for the failure
of Popayan to develop was the cataleptic-like state which resulted
from the loss of much of its provincial territory:
As Popayan . . . was divested of its richer lands, which
became part of the wealth of new or neighboring states, its
fortunes declined drastically. Its rich and fertile valleys
became the state of Valle del Cauca; its mines, which once
supported the aristocracy in a life of royal wealth, passed
to the states of Narino and Antioquia, and even its mountainous
southerly regions of unexplored but potential riches were
turned over to the state of Huila. Popayán was left to rule a
decimated state, small in size, and composed principally of
rolling hills and unexplored mountains. The shock of loss,
the feeling of impoverishment in both cases led to a paralysis,
an inactivity, which deterred and impeded the full and active
exploitation and development of those resources and potential¬
ities which did remain. The result was stagnation. Throughout
the major part of the first half of the present century both
cities [Popayán and Querétaro] dreamed of their past, lamented
their lost wealth and prestige, and estivated. Where they
had once played important parts in the commerce between the
regions to the north and south of them these roles declined as
new roads were built and railroads passed them by. Increasingly
they became isolated from their national capitals, and traffic
with the outside world dwindled at the very time when other
cities were expanding their commerce and increasing their
relationships with other regions and other nations. Popaydn
was superseded by Cali as the principal city of southern
Colombia . . . (Whiteford, 1960:7).

101
Whiteford notes that the people of Popayán could have
responded to this loss by launching industry-attracting campaigns and
by applying legislative pressure to obtain a highway from the coast.
But they did not. Instead they entered into a state resembling
catagenesis. The city retorted by " . . . intensifying its tradi¬
tionalism, immersing itself in poetry and history and deliberately
turning its back upon the noise, the dirt, the disturbance—and the
wealth—associated with progress" (Whiteford, 1960:140).
Another prominent factor in the city's "retardation" is its
Irigid system of social classes. There is an old established
aristocracy which can be entered only by members of families who have
a coat of arms and who have been there for centuries. Thus, members
of the middle class have found it practically impossible to penetrate
the formidable barrier of the upper class.
Members of the upper class prefer to own land rather than to
establish manufacturing concerns. There is little inducement for them
to take the financial risks involved in starting an industry. Mem¬
bers of the middle class must use their income for sustenance, and
the poor who are inclined to improve their positions leave Popayán for
potentially more promising futures in larger cities (Whiteford,
1960:18).
Members of the aristocracy are benefited by the present
class system and naturally strive for its perpetuation. The other
people (a large majority of the population) who desire change are
met only with frustration. Therefore, the "best" solution for the
security and peace of mind for most of the people is through tradi¬
tion.

102
Whiteford summarizes the situation in this manner:
Occasional voices were raised in attempts to stir the
community to action and to competition but at least three
forces stood opposed to any such movement and always succeeded
in suppressing it: the literary, scholarly tradition which
looked upon the city as a rare gem whose luster must be
conserved at any cost; the power of the old aristocracy, which
derived its wealth from broad haciendas and dominated the
political program of the state; and finally, the geographical
isolation which made it possible for the city to stand quietly
aloof and complacent, without causing any serious inconvenience
to any other community or region of the nation. No rare
resources demanded exploitation, no major lines of transporta¬
tion passed through the city, no port or industrial center was
near enough to offer stimulation or challenge, no sudden crises
of finance or population occurred to demand a change in policy.
There was no pressing need for a new direction, a progressive
program. And so, for almost half a century, the city remained,
relatively unchanged, deliberately conservative, recognizing
that almost any transformation would represent an abandonment
of its historic self and reluctant to make the sacrifice
(Whiteford, 1960:140).
Hagen (1962:368-369) applied the Thematic Apperception Test to
a group of community leaders in Popayán. He found that they tended
not to see problems in the pictures they were asked to interpret.
They were likely to be philosophic, speculated about the course of
history, or associated what they saw in the picture with something in
art or literature. If they did see a problem, they were likely not to
confront it head on but rather to run from it. If they offered a
solution, it was most often in the form of cliches or based on
fantasy. They seemed to flee from reality. Their responses showed
low-need autonomy, low-need achievement, and low-need order. They
had little sense of the realities of the situation and appeared to
see one's position as given and the world as unmanageable.
The responses from Medellin leaders were almost the exact
opposites. Could it be that the more traditional values of the

103
Popayán leaders constitute a principal reason for their relative lack
of development?
In summary:
These various factors have operated to preserve the
medieval status quo in Popayán, where emphasis is still
placed upon its glorious role in history, its great families
and its religious processions. But as long as most of the
influential Popayanejos [sic] find this nostalgic backward
looking completely satisfying, just so long will the town
remain a relic of the Middle Ages (Crist, 1950:140).

CHAPTER 5
DESIGN OF THE INVESTIGATION
Any empirically oriented research report should include a
detailed description of the steps involved in the planning and
execution of the investigation. This chapter explains the design
of the study, including the selection of the sample units, the field
procedures, including the pretesting of the instrument, the conducting
of the interviews, and the processing of the data.
A major goal of the project was to examine by means of empirical
data the relationship between value orientations and the stage of
socioeconomic development of people in cities at or near the poles of
a hypothesized continuum of development (one city in a rapidly
developing phase was also included). The reader will remember that
three cities—Popayán, Medellin, and Cali—were selected in order to
permit this examination. This report, as mentioned in Chapter 1, will
deal primarily with the responses from Popayán, the least-developed
of the three cities.
Sample Design
In this section, we will consider in some detail the selection
of the individuals who were included in the investigation. Since
there has been ample suggestion in the literature that the leaders of
104

105
a community play a significant role in the fashioning and advancement
of plans for the development of the community (see Chapter 2), their
inclusion is imperative in a study of the connection between values
and stage of community development. Additionally, in an attempt to
determine some of the differences in value orientations among the
various socioeconomic levels, it was decided to obtain the responses
of a selected group of students. Furthermore, the study of value
orientations of students gives us an opportunity to focus empirically
on the values of the younger generation.
The Sample of Leaders
Prior to the selection of leaders (our translation of the
Spanish dirigentes) was the determination of the universe of leaders.
In essence, for our purposes a leader is a person who occupies a
position which enables him to influence decisions related to his
city's social and economic development. After considerable discussion
of the matter with knowledgeable Colombian informants, it was clear
that selected persons in the commercial, industrial, banking,
governmental, quasigovernmental, university, and religious sectors
of the city's structure would most likely hold such positions.! It
!jaramillo (1967) studied the opinions of Medellin leaders on
attitudes toward birth control at about the time of the present study.
Neither research group knew of the work of the other at the time the
samples were drawn. Nevertheless, the samples were, for all practical
intents and purposes, essentially equal. Their sample included the
following sectors: education, governmental-political, industry and
commerce, religion, mass medi’a, and women. Comparing their sample with
ours, we included bankers specifically and they did not, and they
added women and representatives of the mass media. Their study did
include interviews with some bankers (because of their positions as
board members, etc., in the other sectors) and our study included

106
was decided that 60 leaders would probably be sufficient to permit
testing of the hypotheses. The universe of leaders was then defined
as the 60 individuals occupying the most important decision-making
positions in the above-specified sectors. The decision regarding the
number of leaders to be interviewed was reached after taking into
account the time and personnel resources which were available for
conducting interviews, by considering the size of sample which would
enable us to make the required comparisons both between and within
groups, and by discussing the limitations imposed on Kluckhohn's
New Mexico Study (see Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck:1961) by the small
sample sizes.
Sampling Plan for Leaders
The sampling frame was formulated individually for each
sector. It was defined to include the directors and board members of
the ten leading industries; the owners and partners of the ten largest
commercial firms; the directors and board members (when local boards
existed) of the five largest banks; the mayor, his secretaries, and
members of the city council; the directors and board members of the
quasigovernmental agencies; the archbishop and his staff; and non¬
faculty, nonstudent board members of the Cauca University.
A list of the people in these positions includes, I believe,
the names of the people who were most likely to be significantly
some women and mass media people. The rather close correspondence
between the two designs for sampling leaders has added significance
since it suggests that the Colombian researchers reached approximately
the same conclusions about the structure of community power as did a
research group comprised chiefly of North Americans.

107
Involved in decision-making in Popayan. I could find no available
evidence in the form of empirical studies regarding the relative
influence of each sector within the power structure. Therefore,
each sector was assigned a number of interviews in accordance with
what we considered to be the relative importance of that sector with
respect to its place in the making of decisions in Popayan. This
decision was made after careful observation of the community and
after considerable discussion with knowledgeable Colombians. The
number of sampling units in each sector was:
Sector Sample Units
Commercial 15
Industrial 10
Banking 10
Governmental 5
Quasigovernmental 10
University 5
Church 5
Drawing Sample Units of Leaders
In order to obtain lists of the ten leading commercial
establishments, the ten largest industrial firms, the five leading
banks, and the important quasigovernmental entities, a visit was
made to the Popayan Chamber of Commerce. There we obtained lists
which included more individual firms in each sector than our original
specifications (so that later we could cross-check) and additional
information as well. As an example of the types of data which were

108
used, we obtained, individually for each of the 15 leading industries,
the name, address, and type of industry, the name of the president
(or manager, in some cases), the capital investment, the value of
production in 1966 (the last year for which data were available), and
the names of the board members.
Next, visits were made to the presidents of Popayán's six
banks. There we obtained lists of their boards of directors and
asked their opinions as to which were the most important boards of
directors in Popayán.
The names of the mayor and his cabinet, plus the names of the
members of the municipal council, were obtained from the mayor's
office. The secretary to the Rector of the Universidad del Cauca
supplied the information for the university sector, and the
archbishop's chancellor provided the names of the five members of the
archbishop's council. The two latter sectors were composed of only
five people each, exactly the number we had specified, but with no
allowance for replacements, if necessary.
Utilizing the information obtained, lists were compiled
according to the specifications previously mentioned (the ten largest
commercial firms, the ten largest industries, etc.), followed by a
listing and consecutive numbering of the names of the persons filling
the specified positions. The original lists included the names of
wives as partners, in some instances. In checking, it was found that
wives did not normally participate in the actual operation of the
firms but were included as legal loopholes in the event of bankruptcy.
Since the wives had no votes, their names were stricken from the

109
lists. Foreigners were likewise excluded unless they were permanent
residents of Popayán, because our primary and guiding purpose was to
study the values of Colombians, and we did not want to contaminate
the profile with the values of people who were reared in other
societies.
Using a standard random table of numbers, the names were
drawn for each sector in accordance with the plan mentioned
previously in this chapter. Replacements, when necessary because
of the unavailability of a subject, were obtained in the same
manner.
The Sample of Students
A word on the nature of the Colombian school system will help
the reader to understand more completely the reasoning behind the
selection of the individual schools for inclusion in the study. First,
most schools are divided according to sex. In some rural schools,
boys attend school one day and girls the next, or boys attend in the
morning and girls in the afternoon. Another consideration is that
primary schools consist of six years, and secondary schools (colegios),
of six years. Furthermore, schools are reputedly relatively
homogeneous with respect to the socioeconomic status (SES) of most
of the students who attend a particular school.
Since males are the ones most likely to advance to community
decision-making positions (and thus affect the future development of
the city), the study was conducted among sixth-year bachillerato male
students (the equivalent of high school seniors in the United States).

110
Among the reasons for studying high school students was the
fact that it has been amply demonstrated that there are differences
in values, motivations, and the like, among the various social
classes. This difference would most probably not be revealed by the
study of leaders, who would most often come only from the upper
social strata. In Colombia, there are both public and private schools.
While the private schools are not as exclusive as the ones in the
United States, the tuition charged to fathers of students who attend
them is generally a sufficient social class screening device.
It was decided, therefore, to include two schools from the
public and two from the private sector in order to obtain some indica¬
tion of social class differences in values. A further modification
of the design was to interview students from the "highest" and
"lowest" ranking colegios within both sectors. This latter ranking
was likewise based on the socioeconomic status of the schools, in
terms of the tuition charged students of private schools, and on the
basis of the judgments of knowledgeable local informants.
Thus, the universe of the "new" generation (as contrasted
with the leaders, the "old" generation) consisted of all male high
school senior students in colegios at the highest and the lowest
socioeconomic levels in both the public and private sectors.
In order to get a general notion of the change which may be
occurring in values from one generation to the next within the
same social class, students were asked additionally to give a ranking
of their perceptions of each of their parents' choices on each item.
A comparison of leaders' value orientations with the students'

Ill
perceptions of their parents' responses thus would permit a comparison
of the value orientations of the sample leaders with one composed
largely of nonleaders, who may be regarded as members of roughly the
same generation as the leaders.
Selecting the Schools
A check with officials at the Universidad del Cauca revealed
that there were only four all-male schools in Popayán which offered the
bachillerato (high school diploma). Subsequent talks with the rectors
of some of the schools confirmed this.
Luckily for the purposes of the investigation, there were two
public and two private schools which offered the bachillerato, and
informants felt that there were socioeconomic differences similar to
the specifications of our study among the students who attended those
schools. Specifically, in both public and private sectors, there
was a school attended by children of the socially and economically
privileged and one attended by people with fewer social and financial
assets.
It should be pointed out that, while public education is
legally compulsory for all children between certain ages in Colombia,
those from many poor families simply do not attend because school
facilities are inadequate and because of the vagueness of statements
in the law pertaining to compulsory age and periods of attendance
(Legters, et al., 1961:148). They often obtain some petty employment
to help support the family. The present author views high school
graduation as primarily a privilege of members of the upper class and
of some from the middle class.

112
Field Procedures
The Kluckhohn instrument, discussed in Chapter 3 of the
present work, was translated into Spanish by a thoroughly bilingual
Colombian sociologist. Then, several sessions were held with the
translator, revising each item exhaustively in order to be as sure
as possible that the content and meaning were the same in Spanish as
in English, thus facilitating cross-cultural comparisons of the
findings. Another bilingual person, not involved at all in the study,
was then asked to render an English translation of the Spanish version.
After a comprehensive revision by all persons concerned, the instru¬
ment was applied in a pretest.
It should be mentioned here that a "face sheet," designed to
elicit personal data regarding each respondent, was also prepared.
Much of this information was utilized as independent variables in the
testing of hypotheses. Copies of the questions concerning biographical
information are included in Appendix III.
Pretesting the Instrument
The pretest was conducted in Palmira, a city of some 150,000
people about 18 miles from Cali. Palmira, rather than Cali, the base
of operations, was selected in order to prevent possible contamination
of the sample in Cali. The pretest sample was selected on the basis
discussed in the previous section but with smaller numbers of leaders
(16 leaders were interviewed).
After the pretest, it was evident that some of the procedures
needed to be changed. The most serious fault was the question in the

113
background material regarding father's occupation. The instrument
asked simply for the father's occupation. Students were inclined
to report "comerciante" or "negociante," loosely translated as
"businessman," which would include occupations ranging anywhere from
a corner peanut vendor to the owner of a large commercial establish¬
ment. Therefore, the question was revised to read: What is the
profession or occupation of your father? Where does he work? What
does he do?
In the pretest of leaders, two different methods of obtaining
the responses were used. In one method the interviewers (including the
present writer, a Colombian sociologist, and another United States-
trained sociologist who speaks Spanish fluently) presented the subjects
with a copy of the items, but the interviewer recorded the responses.
In the other method, the interviewers read the items to the respondents
and asked for the answers, which they then recorded. Since so many
repetitions of some alternatives were necessary, the decision was to
adopt the first method for use in the investigation.
Another concern resolved in pretesting was whether leaders
should be asked, as were the students, their perceptions of their
parents' thinking on the items. Half the leaders were asked this
question and half were not. Because of the number of years which
many leaders had been away from their parents, and the difficulty
many leaders appeared to experience in remembering how their parents
might respond, the decision was to omit this part of the interview
for leaders.

114
Interviewing the Leaders
Since the value orientations of leaders were cardinal to this
investigation, it was felt that interviews with them should be
conducted by means of a schedule. Thus, they read the instrument and
gave their responses to the interviewer, who duly recorded them. At
no time was a schedule of questions left with a respondent, thus
minimizing possible contamination of other subjects. Also, this
prevented the possiblity that a busy executive’s assistant or
secretary might provide the answers.
In order to reduce possible biases in responses caused by
variant styles of the three interviewers, each conducted one-third
of the interviews in each sector in each city, insofar as this was
possible (N's of 5 and 10 do not divide evenly by 3). Thus, inter¬
viewer A, for example, interviewed every third leader on the list,
beginning with the first. In another city, the same interviewer began
with the second name on the list, and with the third in the last city.
The lists were drawn by sector, and the names were listed in the order
in which they were drawn.
Subsequently, in the analysis of the data, t-tests and a one¬
way analysis of variance revealed that there were no significant
differences in the responses of the leaders who were interviewed by
each interviewer as compared with each of the other two interviewers.
Thus, it is, I think, a safe assumption that interviewer bias played
only a minor role in the final results.
The respondents were first contacted by telephone in order to
schedule an appointment for the interview. Because of the

115
often-informal nature of life in Popayán, some leaders did not have
telephones in their places of business. Others (especially lawyers)
had an office adjoining their residence. These facts presented no
insurmountable problems, because the houses, following the Spanish
style of construction, were close together, and it was thus con¬
venient to reach most places in town by foot. Cooperation of the
interviewees was excellent—in only one case, that of an elderly
priest, did the person contacted refuse to be interviewed.
The interview was justified as being part of a study of the
opinions of leaders in several Colombian cities in reference to
common, everyday human problems. A few people objected, saying that
they did not feel that they were leaders and therefore their opinions
were not of much value. The response to this objection was to explain
that their names had been drawn from those of a group of people whom
others considered to be leaders, and also to name other people who
were being interviewed. Furthermore, we explained that since this
was an investigation based on the scientific method, names could not
be substituted freely. Therefore, it was imperative that they, not
someone else, be interviewed in order to guarantee the validity of
the results. Others suggested that their responses might not be
correct, which was countered by explaining that we were seeking only
their opinions, and thus there were no right or wrong answers.
These explanations were sufficient to insure their cooperation in
most cases.
At the beginning of each interview session, usually lasting
half an hour, a standard presentation emphasizing the importance of

116
the study, its legitimation, and the confidentiality of the responses
was given in order to provide a more or less common stimulus for
each respondent. The Kluckhohn instrument was presented next, and
the background information then was obtained. It was felt that this
sequence of instrument and personal data would offer less likelihood
that an interview might not be completed because of the respondent's
objection to questions concerning his background.
No interpretations of the items were given in an effort to
avoid biasing the responses. In cases where interpretations were
asked for, the administrators limited themselves to rereading the
items slowly.
Interviewing the Students
Once the schools were selected, visits were made to the
rectors in order to determine their willingness to permit their
students to participate in the study and to arrange a date and place
for the administration of the instrument. It had been decided
previously that the use of the instrument as a questionnaire would
be the more effective method of administration.
In all schools, a standard presentation was used, for the
reasons already stated in the preceding section. Once the presenta¬
tion was made the questionnaires were distributed to the students
with the request that they not begin completing them until
directions had been given. The instructions, which likewise were
read by the researcher, consisted of an item-by-item comment on the
completion of the background data, which in the case of the students

117
were asked for first. Then the first item was read aloud and
examples of how to respond to the items were given on the black¬
board.
At least two (and usually all three) of the interviewers
were present to assist with the distribution of questionnaires, to
answer the students' questions, and the like. As with the leaders,
no interpretations of the items were given.
Processing the Data
Processing of the data was a step which has taken a long time
to complete. Since so much time has been spent on this part of the
project it will be discussed in some detail.
Coding the Responses
Because of the quantity of background material gathered for
each respondent and because of the large number of responses per
schedule, the task of coding the responses from the three cities
included in the project was a time-consuming, complicated one. Code
books of 40 pages and 48 pages, respectively, were drawn up for the
leaders and the students (approximately 28 pages of each code book
were comprised of long lists of neighborhoods and geographic-
political units called municipios [somewhat equivalent to our county]).
Detailed instructions for the coding of each response were given in
the code books. As coding proceeded and additional distinctions
among categories were decided upon, these were written up as addenda
to guide the coders uniformly.
The responses were coded by three Ph.D. candidates in
sociology from the University of Florida, two of whom also were

118
interviewers. The data were transferred onto sheets of 80-column
paper, so that the keypuncners afterwards could easily punch the
numbers into identical card columns. Each of the three graduate
students coded one-third of the data from each city, with each
portion of results being randomly selected, to reduce coder bias
in each sector. Each leader's schedule and every tenth student's
questionnaire was checked for accuracy against the coded responses by
another coder.
The IBM cards were punched and verified by professional key-
punchers at the Universidad del Valle, in Cali. Then, a listing of
each card was obtained and checked for "impossible" codes, which
were corrected. There were two IBM punched cards for each leader
and four for each student. The greater number of cards required for
students was caused by including each parent's replies, as well as
the student's.
Machine Processing
The cards were processed by the University of Florida's 360/50
and 360/65 IBM computers, with input and output on the 1401.
Descriptive and Explanatory Material
The first batch of data was what we have called "Descriptive
and Explanatory Tables," which are cross-classifications of only
the background information which was collected on each respondent.
The program used was a "canned" one—the California Bio-Medical
Program BMD02S, revised September 1, 1965, version. The program
computes two-way frequency tables, percentage tables by rows,

119
columns, and table totals, as well as a number of statistical
measures, such as contingency coefficients, chi-squares, and maximum
likelihood ratios. The statistical measures were of minimal importance
to this investigation, since these tables are used only to describe
the sample and to assist in explaining some of the findings.
The Method of Analysis
After lengthy consultations with Dr. Harry Scarr, Florence
Kluckhohn's principal statistical consultant, an analytical method
which went far beyond Kluckhohn's original analyses in scope was
devised. Scarr (of the Wharton School of Commerce and Finance,
University of Pennsylvania) had already refined Kluckhohn's analysis
(Cf. Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961; and Caudill and Scarr, 1962).
The hypotheses were couched in terms of modernity, and it
was thus decided to run an analysis on this basis. Since the
United States is often regarded as the most modern nation in the world,
then the dominant values of its people may be regarded tentatively
as being conducive to modernization. Kluckhohn assumes their
dominant value orientations to be: Future with respect to time
orientation; Doing with regard to activity orientation; Mastery
oyer Nature in the man-nature area; and Individual in the relational
orientation (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:343). These imputed
value orientations were taken as the basis of comparison in an
effort to determine the degree to which the value orientations
observed in Popayán were like or different from those believed to
prevail in the United States middle class.

120
The scoring of the responses involved assigning one point
when the dominant choice was identical to that of our middle class,
even though the variant choices were reversed, or when a double
selection (equal preference) of orientations was obtained for both
first and second choices and one of these was the putative dominant
United States value. Thus, if leader A reported a preference for the
Future time orientation followed by the Present alternative and
finally Past, he was given a score of one point. If he had any other
order of preferences (such as Future=Past or Future>Past>Present)
which rated the Future alternative as first choice or of equal
importance with another alternative in the first position, he
received one point on the item. Any other response pattern received
a score of zero.
The data were submitted for computer computations of one-way
analyses of variance and t-tests.
The conservative nature of this analysis. It has been noted
that this analysis proceeds according to orientational areas, that is,
summing the respective five items for each of the time and relational
areas, and the six items for the two remaining ones. In each area for
both leaders and students, there was at least one item in the Kluckhohn
scale which was clearly deviant with regard to the total profile.
This suggests that this particular item may have been more situational
than the rest. This statement is supported by the fact that the
deviant item was the same for both leaders and students and was the
same item for each of the three cities. Furthermore, the basis for

121
analysis assumes the value profile of the United States middle class
(with which those of the Popayan subjects were compared) to be that
attributed to it by Florence Kluckhohn. Granting this assumption,
there remains the problem that the United States middle-class value
profile has never been measured empirically. This analysis assumes
the profile given as an ideal-typical model. Nevertheless, it is
likely that if an empirical test of the value orientations of the
middle-class citizens in our country were conducted, the results would
fall short of the monolithic structure used here as a model. Thus, the
actual score of middle-class people of the United States would be
lower than that which has been used as the basis of comparison in
this analysis. Therefore, on the basis of these observations, this
analysis may be considered to be very conservative.

CHAPTER 6
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS
The leaders and students from whom information about value
orientations was elicited were selected by a sampling method intended
to insure that the two sets of respondents would be representative of
their respective universes. In the one case, this universe comprised
the most influential leaders in each of seven defined sectors; in the
other, all male students in the sixth (final) year of secondary school
in all four institutions of that level in Popayán. Consequently, an
examination of the social characteristics of the two categories can
throw light on the nature of the two defined universes, which is the
more important since these "background factors," as they have been
called heretofore in this dissertation, are used as independent
variables in testing some of the hypotheses.
The sampling frame was discussed in the preceding chapter. Of
the sample units originally drawn from it, 15 replacements had to be
made. Eight of these were caused by the fact that the leaders
occupying the defined positions were nonresidents of Popayán and, by
definition, were thus excluded from the sample. Three of the leaders
had died, and two were on extended absences from the city. In one
case the person had not occupied the designated position for two
122

123
years, and one person was an elderly invalid whose sons requested
that he not be bothered.
Since the samples were selected on the basis of positions held
by the leaders, a description of these positions is in order. The
positions are presented according to the sector from which the names
were originally drawn (because of the system of interlocking
directorates, several sample units were drawn more than once and in
more than one sector), and only that position will be reported (for
example, the mayor of Popayán was chosen first as a board member, and
thus is reported as a board member rather than as the mayor):
Industrial—six partners, two owners, and two board members;1
Commercial—six partners, five managers, two owners, and two board
members; Banking—five bank presidents and five board members (three
of the banks had no local boards of directors); Quasigcvernmental—
seven board members and three managers (there were four quasi-
governmental entities); and Governmental—the city attorney, the
secretary of public works, the secretary of valorization, and two
city council members. The university and church leaders corresponded
to the specifications already outlined in Chapter 5.
The mean age of the 59 leaders was 44.3 years, and 21 of
them were younger than 40. The youngest group of leaders was from
the governmental sector. Their mean age was 35, with two being less
than 30 years of age. The bankers were the oldest group, with a
mean age of 52 years.
^-The reader should be advised that not all types of positions
were present in all entities represented here. For instance, some
firms listed partners only, some owners only, and others listed
board members.

124
Only ten of the leaders were single, with the rest being
married. Of the single group, four were priests. Three of the five
governmental leaders were single, while all the bankers, industrial¬
ists, and university leaders were married.
Socioeconomic Status (SES)
of the Leaders' Sample
Several socioeconomic indices were included in the questions
which were asked the respondents. Among them was a question per¬
taining to the barrio (neighborhood) in which the respondents resided.
In Colombia, a person’s barrio of residence is, according to infor¬
mants, among the most accurate measures of a person's SES. The SES
of the barrios in Popayan has been classified by the municipal
planning board as: upper, upper middle, middle, low, and "superlow."
Two-thirds of the leaders reported that they lived in barrios which
had been classified as upper class. All but two of the remainder
lived in middle- and upper-middle-class neighborhoods. Since these
people are leaders, and thus most likely receive better-than-average
incomes, one is not surprised at these findings.
Occupational Status
of Leaders' Fathers
An attempt was made to classify the occupations of leaders'
* fathers into four broad status categories referred to as groups one
through four; the lower the number, the higher the SES of the group.
This classification is based on a modification of a system developed
by the United States Bureau of the Census (for example, see Bureau of
the Census, 1961:xxxil).

125
Group I may be characterized as grouping professionals,
officials, and owners and operators of large firms; it encompasses
(1) professional, technical, and kindred workers; (2) farmers and
farm managers of large enterprises; and (3) managers, officials,
and proprietors of large enterprises. There were 22 responses in
this category. Group II is comprised mainly of white-collar workers:
(1) clerical and kindred workers; (2) sales workers; (3) farmers,
managers, officials, and proprietors of small enterprises; and
(4) primary and secondary school teachers. Fifteen of the leaders'
fathers were classified as white-collar employees. Group III is the
blue-collar category: (1) craftsmen, foremen, and kindred workers;
and (2) operatives and kindred workers. Seven responses fell in
Group III. Service workers and other laborers make up Group IV,
which includes: (1) private household workers; (2) other service
workers; (3) farm laborers and farm foremen; and (4) other laborers
except mine workers. Only one leader reported that his father was
a service worker or laborer.
Some difficulties were encountered in classifying responses,
particularly in cases where such occupational designations as
businessman, farmer, or rancher were not accompanied by sufficient
information to permit a determination as to size of the enterprise
involved. Such nonclassifiable responses were omitted from the
computations.
These data show that the social origins of respondents in the
banking sector were highest and those of respondents in the govern¬
mental sector lowest. The three priests who responded to this item
reported fathers' occupations classified in Group II.

126
Educational Attainment of
Leaders and Their Fathers
Many sociological investigations have noted and stressed the
importance of education as an index of SES. This study considers the
education of both the leaders and their fathers. The data were
combined in a manner that would yield four categories of educational
attainment—no formal schooling, primary, secondary, and college.
Almost 75 percent of the leaders reported some college educa¬
tion, and all except three of these had been graduated. All the
governmental, church, and university leaders had attended college.
Persons in the commercial sector were least likely to have studied
in a college or university. Only two leaders had received only a
primary-school education, and 13 had gone no further than secondary
school.
The fact that all leaders in the governmental sector had
pursued college-level studies may be significant in connection with
the foregoing index of SES. It will be remembered that governmental
leaders' fathers had the lowest occupational rankings. Thus, it
appears likely that education may have been perceived by them and
their fathers as an important avenue for upward social mobility.
Of the 41 leaders who were graduated from college, 27, or
almost two-thirds, had studied either law or engineering, with two-
thirds of these in engineering. The rest had degrees in theology
(4), medicine and economics (3 each), and education (2). The numbers
of people in law and engineering reflects the popularity of these
disciplines as fields of study for Colombians. These two areas are

127
specialties of Cauca University, and 32 of the 41 college graduates
attended that institution. Popayán thus contrasted with Cali and
Medellin, where more leaders had studied law than engineering.
It seems likely that Popayán leaders were swayed by Cauca University's
reputation in the field of engineering.
Residential History of
Leaders in Popayán
A majority, 39, of the leaders were born in Popayán, and an
additional eight were born in the department, El Cauca. However, only
nine had resided in Popayán all their lives. Thus, a large majority
of the Popayán leaders had been subjected to socialization elsewhere
at some period in their lives.
Characteristics of the Students
The students were chosen from four schools, according to the
criteria previously described, referred to here as high private,
low private, high public, and low public. The modifier "SES" should
be understood in each instance.
The high-private school was housed in a large, old building,
and included both primary and secondary school students. Run by
Catholic brothers of the Marist order, the school had about 200
students. Under construction at the edge of town, but relatively
convenient to students, is a large, new, modern building which
accommodates approximately 500 students. Nineteen students
completed the questionnaire in this school.
The low-private school was located in an old, unpretentious
building situated near the center of town. It was a nocturnal

128
school, attended by small girls during the day. The approximately
200 students who attend this evening school come largely from poor
families. Many of them were married, and most of them worked for a
living. Twenty one students answered the questionnaire there.
The high-public school is associated with the Universidad
del Cauca, and data were furnished by exactly 100 students there.
The school building is a large, three-story structure. The then
rector, who was also a professor at the University, was a German
chemist who ruled with an iron hand. He arranged to place the group
in two separate rooms with plenty of space to reduce the possibility of
copying.
The low-public school, where 14 students filled out the
questionnaire, was located in a large old two-story house with an
interior courtyard. Approximately 200 secondary students attended
classes there. One student refused to answer the questions, but
remained with the rest of the class and talked quietly with one of the
interviewers. He was the only student in any city who refused to
collaborate in the study.
The students were older, on the average, than are high school
seniors in the United States, with a median age of 19.5 years.
Students in the high-private school had the lowest median age,
18.8 years, and those in the low-private the highest, 26.3 years.
SES of the Students' Sample
In discussing the SES of the barrios where the leaders
resided, it was reported that the SES of the barrios in Popayán has

129
been classified by the city planning board as: upper, upper middle,
middle, low, and "superlow." Students reported that they lived in
these classes of barrios in the following proportions: 13.9, 19.0,
36.5, 26.3, and 4.4 percent, respectively.2 The high-private students
lived in the higher SES barrios, followed by. the high-public, the
low-private, and finally the low-public students, in the order
indicated. Of the low-public students, 76.9 percent lived in barrios
of the last two categories, low and superlow, as compared with only
5.3 percent of the high-private students.
Occupations of the
Students* Fathers
On the basis of the same classification system for occupations
explained above in relation to leaders, 29.3 percent of the students'
fathers were in professional occupations, 32.3 percent in white-collar
positions, 34.3 percent in blue-collar jobs, and only 4.1 percent were
employed in service and labor occupations. The high-private students'
fathers held the greatest percentage of higher-status positions,
followed by fathers of students in the high-public, low-public, and
low-private schools, in that order.
The classification system used in this analysis, it will be
remembered, excluded the responses "businessman," "farmer," and
"rancher" when these responses could not confidently be classified
in one of the four specified groups. Slightly more than 35 percent
of the students listed fathers' occupations which were unclassifiable,
2Because of rounding, percentages total more than 100.0.

130
viewed in these terms. Approximately one-half of the occupations
reported for fathers of students in the low-public and high-private
schools were thus not classifiable. In view of the already-small
numbers of respondents in these two categories of schools, results
based on fathers' occupations should be viewed with some suspicion
or accepted with the proverbial "grain of salt."
Educational Attainment
of Students' Fathers
Only one student reported that his father had never attended
school. Slightly more than two-fifths of the fathers had had some
primary schooling and an approximately equal share had had some
secondary education, while 17 percent had attended college. The level
of education attained was greatest among fathers of students in
high-private schools, followed by fathers of those in high-public,
then low-private, and finally low-public schools.
Thus, on the basis of this evidence, it can be seen that,
taken as a whole, students from the high-private school came from
superior socioeconomic backgrounds, when compared with students from
the other schools. They were followed by students from the high-
public, low-private, and low-public schools, respectively. Thus, the
basis for the original selection was observed in actuality, although
there were only four schools from which to make the selections.
The present writer is not convinced, however, that all students
from the highest SES groups necessarily attended the high-private
school. The manner in which the data were gathered permits only the
observation that the students in the high-private school came from

131
higher SES groups taken as a whole. The superior reputation of the
high-public school, in an educational sense, may have been sufficient
to snare away some higher-SES students. However, parents of these
students would, in my opinion, have had to be less status-conscious
in order to allow their students to attend a public school. Whether
or not the observation is well-taken, on the basis of limited
observation, I believe that students in the high-public school
probably received a more adequate education than those in the high-
private school. An additional consideration is the possibility that
a greater number of those in the former planned to attend the
Universidad del Cauca, and thus viewed it as a stepping stone because
of the close association of the two institutional units.
Other Student Characteristics
Approximately 78 percent of the students reported that they
were born in the department of El Cauca. The individual schools
did not vary greatly from this figure, with the exception of the
low-public school, where the proportion was almost 93 percent.
Nearly 10 percent were born in El Valle, the department which borders
El Cauca on the north, and of which Cali is the capital. The
remainder were from various sections of the country.
Many of the characteristics which have been described in
this chapter will be used as independent variables in the testing
of hypotheses in Chapter 7, which follows.

CHAPTER 7
VALUE ORIENTATIONS IN POPAYAN
This and the following chapters may be considered to be the
focal points of the dissertation. Their writing is what we have been
working toward since the inception of the project almost four years
ago. The present chapter reports the results of tests of some of the
hypotheses as well as value profiles of the different groups for whom
responses were solicited.
The term, value orientations, may be used in two ways. The
four basic orientations which the instrument tests (Time, Man-Nature,
Activity, and Relational) are referred to by Kluckhohn as value
orientations (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:11). The ranges of
variability, or alternatives within each of these larger areas of
value orientations, are also referred to as value orientations
(Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:11).
In an effort to avoid confusion in the remaining chapters, the
titles for the first type of orientations are italicized. The alterna¬
tives within these will be capitalized but not italicized. This
method of differentiation was suggested by Kluckhohn (Kluckhohn and
Strodtbeck, 1961:11) and has been followed in the preceeding chapters.
As an added convention, all items pertaining to a general type of value
132

133
orientation, such as time, will sometimes be called orientational
areas. "As a whole" will refer to the total of the value orienta¬
tions on all 22 items in the instrument.
Value Profiles of the Respondents
In order that the reader may gain a general notion of the value
structure of the Payaneses who were interviewed, their group value
profiles are presented in Table 1.
Table 1
Value Profiles of Popayán Leaders, Students, and
Students' Parents, by Orientational Areas, 1967
Orientational
Areas
Group
Time
Activity
Man-nature
Relational
Leaders
F>Pr>Pa*
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
C>L>I
Students
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
I>L>C
Mothers
F>Pa>Pr
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
Fathers
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>S>W
I=L>C
*The interpretations of the abbreviations used in this table
are as follows:
Time
F=Future
Pr=Present
Pa=Past
Man-Nature
0=Mastery over Nature
W=Harmony with Nature
S=Subjugation to Nature
Activity
D=Doing
Bib=Being-in-Becoraing
Be=Being
Relational
l=Individual
C=Collateral
L=Lineal
Perhaps the most surprising finding revealed by a glance at
this table is the relative uniformity of the value profiles of the
different categories of respondents. The only orientation in which

134
many differences are found is the relational area. It is likewise the
only area where first-order preferences are not identical and where
an equal preference for the dominant choice is in evidence.
A closer inspection of the patterning of the responses within
the relational orientation provides an important clue to what is
happening in Popayán. It is in this area that the responses were most
evenly distributed among the three alternatives. Kluckhohn predicts
that "for total systems the evidence of a virtually equal stress on
two alternative positions, especially in first-order choices, is
usually indicative of cultural transition" (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck,
1961:25). For students and leaders, this was the case with regard
to the relational orientation. Furthermore, the Lineal and Individual
alternatives for students' fathers received an exactly equal number
of choices across the five items which deal with the relational
orientation. Therefore, we may assume that some degree of "cultural
transition" is occurring in Popayán.
Perhaps an even stronger indication of the social change which
is taking place comes from the profile of the younger generation. The
Lineal, Collateral, and Individual alternatives were chosen in the
proportions of 33.24, 33.10, and 33.66 percent, respectively. Kluckhohn
notes that, according to her theory, an essentially equal preference
for all alternatives "should not, ... be at all common empirically.
If it does appear as an overall pattern and can be demonstrated to be
realistic and not a result of a fault in the theory or the method of
testing, it indicates rapid cultural change—a state of flux"
(Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:25).

135
There is no reason which occurs to the present writer which
would explain this pattern of responses merely as a result of the
method of testing. Furthermore, it is precisely the younger genera¬
tion in which one would expect most change to be occurring. It should
be pointed out again that the distribution of responses for all
groups in all cities on the relational items showed less polarization
on these than on other items, but nowhere was the example so strikingly
non-differentiated as it was among the students in Popayán.
Thus, assuming that the explanation does not arise from a
fault in the theory or in the method of measurement, we would note the
finding as an indication of the occurrence of social change, which
even casual observation in Colombia would tend to support. However,
evidence to suggest that change is proceeding more rapidly among the
students in Popayán than among other categories examined was not
readily observable to me. In fact, I do not recall noting anything,
either in the interview sessions or outside them, which would suggest
such a phenomenon.
â–  Kluckhohn is not clear as to whether the change to which she
refers is societal in scope or whether it relates only to the area
of value orientations, which is no small matter in itself. Nor does
she mention whether a change in only one value orientation is
sufficient to indicate the change to which she alludes, or if it
might indicate that other orientations are likewise changing.
My guess would be that the findings in the relational orienta¬
tion, taken in conjunction with those for the other orientations,
suggest an ordered manner in which changes in value orientations

136
have occurred in Popayán. The responses of students and leaders
for the time orientation reveal the strongest preference, percentage¬
wise, for the dominant choice. The man-nature, relational, and
activity orientations follow, in that order, based on the predominance
of the dominant choice in the total patterning and on the goodness of
fit with the total profile.
Testing of the Hypotheses
The reader should be reminded that "modern," as used in the
hypotheses, refers to the dominant value orientations attributed by
Florence Kluckhohn to people belonging to the middle class in the
United States. These are: Future time, Doing activity, Mastery over
Nature man-nature, and Individual relational orientations (Kluckhohn
and Strodtbeck, 1961:343).
Hypotheses Related to Leaders
Hypothesis one
The value orientations of leaders in the industrial sector
will be more modern than will those of church leaders.
The church in Popayán has been linked traditionally with a
high regard for tradition and conservatism (one tradition, the annual
Holy Week processions, has persisted since 1558). On the other hand,
we have been lead to believe that industrial people are more likely
to be forward-looking, go-getters, entrepreneurs; that is, more
modern-oriented.
The null hypothesis could not be rejected at the .05 level of
significance on a one-tailed test. The direction, however, was as

137
predicted, taking the responses as a whole on each orientation,
with the notable exception of the time orientation. In this case,
the church leaders were more modern, with the difference being
significant at the .05 level.
The. latter finding is surprising in view of all the folklore
which would support the opposite expectation. A possible explanation
for it and for the lack of significant findings among the other
orientations is the relative youth of the church leaders. While the
archbishop was an older person, the members of his council were
relatively young—the archbishop's chancellor was only 23 years old.
Another possibility is that the archbishop and his council may be
regarded as almost "superleaders." This statement refers to the fact
that they are at the head of the religious hierarchy in Popayán.
Therefore, they may be considered as "superleaders" in their positions
relative to the positions which other leaders, such as the industrial¬
ists, hold among their own.
The degree of education attained by the church leaders
relative to the industrialists may be a contributing factor to the
surprisingly high ratings of the former on the value orientations.
Another indication of their forward-looking ideas has been the nature
of some of the recent masses in the city. Several folk masses have
been conducted, and Popayán was the first city in Colombia to permit
the performance of a ballet in the church.
Nevertheless, the industrialists were more modern on all
except one orientation, as has been pointed out. The foregoing
speculations represent an attempt to suggest plausible explanations

138
of why the church leaders were not as traditional as had been
expected.
Hypothesis two
The value orientations of younger leaders (those less
than 50 years of age) will be more modern than those of older leaders
(those 50 years of age or older).
The null hypothesis was not rejected at the .05 level. The
younger leaders did, however, report more modern orientations as a
whole, and in all except the relational area. Additionally, the
younger leaders were significantly more modern than the older ones in
the man-nature orientation.
Hypo thesis three
The value orientations of leaders who had university training
will be more modern than will those leaders who had no university
training.
A university education is considered by many to be a
liberalizing influence on people's ways of thinking. However, the
null hypothesis was not rejected. Nevertheless, the university-
trained leaders were more modern in all except the activity area.
Hypothesis four
The value orientations of leaders who have studied in
universities in the United States or in Western Europe will be more
modern than will those of leaders who have studied only in
Colombian universities.

139
Since the United States and Western Europe are highly
industrialized and urbanized, it was felt that their people's value
orientations would be more modern than those of Colombians. The
influence of living and studying in such countries, therefore, was
expected to be reflected in the reported value orientations of
leaders who had been exposed.
The null hypothesis was not rejected at the .05 level of
significance. In all orientations and as a whole, leaders who had
studied in a university in the United States (n=8) revealed more
modern value orientations than those who had studied in Western
European universities (n=4). The Colombian-trained leaders (n=33)
were less modern than those who studied in universities in the
United States in the time and activity orientations and more modern
in the remaining two areas. They were less modern than those trained
in the United States but more modern than European-trained leaders
as a whole. The small numbers of leaders trained outside of
Colombia may be an extenuating factor in the lack of significant
findings. Most of the leaders who had studied abroad had had some
university training in Colombia as well. Thus, it is possible that
they were not abroad long enough for their values to be affected
significantly.
Hypothesis five
The value orientations of leaders who attended only the
Universidad del Cauca will be less modern than will those of leaders
who attended other Colombian universities (based on the widely held

140
belief that the Universidad del Cauca is a highly traditional institu¬
tion) .
The null hypothesis was not rejected. The leaders who had
attended only the Universidad del Cauca (n=28) were slightly less
modern on their orientations toward time and-activity and as a
whole across all the areas. The leaders who had attended other
Colombian universities only (n=9) were less modern in the remaining
two orientational areas.
As I see it, several possibilities exist here by way of
explanation. First, the number of leaders who had not attended the
Universidad del Cauca but who had attended other universities in
Colombia was fairly small. Larger numbers might reveal different
results. Another is that perhaps the influence of the socialization
process in Popayan is so pervasive that it modifies changes in the
values, beliefs, and attitudes engendered during the formative years.
Still another is that the Universidad del Cauca is not in actuality
as traditional with respect to other Colombian universities as has
been supposed.
Hypotheses Related to Students
The reader will recall that the schools in which the instru¬
ment was administered were selected according to the SES of their
students (as well as their public or private status). This was done
because we felt that differences in value orientations might be
caused at least in part by a person’s SES.

141
Hypothesis six
The value orientations of students in higher SES level schools
(both public and private) will be more modern than will those of
students in the lower SES level schools.
The null hypothesis was rejected for the time orientation, but
could not be rejected for any of the other areas at the .05 signifi¬
cance level. In fact, the low SES schools were more modern than
were the higher ones on the activity and man-nature orientations, on
both of which the difference was significant.
Hypothesis seven
The value orientations of students in private schools will
be more modern than will those of students in public schools.
Although the null hypothesis was not rejected at a significant
level, students from the private sector were more modern as a whole
and in all orientations except time. Thus, the directionality was as
predicted, with the noted exception, although significance was not
attained.
Hypothesis eight
The value orientations of students in the private school of
high SES will tend to be more modern than will those of students in
the public school of low SES.
The null hypothesis was rejected at the .05 level for the
time area, but it was not rejected for the others. In the activity
and man-nature areas, in fact, the students in the low-public school
were more modern. Across the orientations taken together, however,
the students in the school of high private SES were more modern.

142
Hypothesis nine
There will be a direct correlation between the modernity of
value orientations of students and the SES of the barrios in which
they reside.
The SES levels of the barrios according to the numbers of
students who reported living in them were: upper, 19; upper middle,
26; middle, 50; lower, 36; and "superlow," 6. ("Superlow" is a
direct translation from the terminology of people in the Popayán
Office of Planning.)
The null hypothesis could hot be rejected, which was a dis¬
appointment because it had been expected that the SES level of barrio
would be among the strongest indicators of social class and thus
probably would be a powerful discriminating factor. Using a one-tailed
t-test, the relational area was the only one which revealed significant
hypothesized differences. In it, the upper-class barrio was more
modern than the upper middle. They were both significantly more
modern than the middle- andlower-SES barrios, but the "superlow"-
SES barrio residents were second most modern in their value orienta¬
tions .
As a whole, although no differences were significant at the
.05 level, the value orientations of students, according to the
barrio in which they resided and by degree of modernity, were:
"superlow," upper middle, upper, middle, and lower. The reader
should note that had more students from the "superlow" barrios been
included in the study, perhaps the results would have been different.
Nevertheless, their surprisingly high showings in the activity

143
and relational orientations and as a whole may be an indication that
they are attempting to overcompensate for their low social status.
It is well to stress at this point, as one can see by the
numbers of students from each level of barrio, that very few people
from the "superlow" barrios remain in school until they reach the
final year of secondary school. Because of the relative lack of
financial resources in the lowest SES level barrios, most young
people who live therein must work in order to help out financially
at home. Thus, the few who do complete a secondary education are
highly selected. It may be that the selection process excludes all
except the most highly motivated people in the lower level barrios,
and that this would explain their relatively high standings on
certain orientations. It should be pointed out that all except one
student from the "superlow,,-SES level of barrios attended lower SES
schools.
Hypothesis ten
The higher the occupational status of the father, the more
modern will be the value orientations of the student.
The occupational status reported by students for their
fathers correlated directly with the SES levels of the schools they
attended. Of course, this finding was expected. The sons of
fathers with the lowest occupational status were omitted from
consideration because there were so few (n=4) that no meaningful
generalization could be made by including them.
The null hypothesis was not rejected. In all except the
relational orientation, the pattern was identical—the most modern

144
value orientations were held by sons of fathers in white-collar
occupations, followed by the sons of professionals and blue-collar
workers, in that order.
Hypothesis eleven
The higher the level of education received by fathers of
students, the more modern will be their value profiles.
The level of education which students reported for their
fathers was in direct correlation with the SES level of the schools
which they attended. This, of course, is not surprising.
However, the null hypothesis could not be rejected. The
responses across the various orientations were not arranged in a
clearcut pattern, but the sons of fathers who had attended universities
tended to be least modern in their value orientations. As a whole,
the findings were exactly the reverse of those predicted, although
the difference was not statistically significant at the .05 level.
Hypothesis twelve
The value orientations of students will more closely resemble
those they report for their fathers than those reported for their
mothers.
Using a conceptual tool developed by Caudill and Scarr (1962),
we are able to determine the distance between two value orientations.
A distance is defined as "the smallest number of adjacent position
rank reversals required to turn one [value orientation] into the
other" (Caudill and Scarr, 1962:58).

145
The fathers, considered as a group, were only 10 distances away
from their sons on all 22 items used in the questionnaire, while the
mothers' total of distances from their sons was 28. Students saw
their mothers as being farthest from their value orientations on
items relating to man-nature and nearest in the activity area, which
was the only orientation in which fathers were at a greater distance
than were mothers.
Using a sign test (see Downie and Heath, 1965:236-237), the
null hypothesis was rejected.
A partial explanation for this finding may be machismo
(loosely translated, manliness), which has long been a strong value
in Latin America. It may be evidenced by one's having a large number
of children, being "tough," religiously avoiding doing anything which
might be considered by others as suggesting even the slightest trace
of femininity, and the like—in short, being a "real man." Since
the students were seniors in high school, they evidently were
already feeling quite strongly many of the pressures of machismo.
Therefore, I believe that they are more likely to identify with their
fathers to a degree even in reporting opinions.
Hypothesis thirteen
The value orientations of the students will be more modern
than those of the leaders.
Traditionally, young people are supposed by many to be
idealistic and liberal in their ways of thinking. We associate
this manner of thinking with modernity.

146
Nevertheless, the null hypothesis could not be rejected. The
only orientation in which the students were more modern was relational,
and this difference was minute. On all the other orientations, the
leaders were more modern. All these differences, including the
total, were significant, with the exception of the activity area.
My guess for the reason behind this finding would be that
leaders are more modern-oriented than are nonleaders (students being
nonleaders). If we compare the value orientations of leaders with
those of the parents of the students, we find that leaders are more
modern. These two groups may be considered to represent essentially
the same generation. If we assume that the students' reports of
their parents' value orientations are basically accurate, then we
may agree that leaders are more modern than the rest of the popula¬
tion. Actually, parents of the students do not represent a true
cross-section of all Payaneses, because the lower-class child, as
previously mentioned, usually attends school for only short periods,
if indeed at all. Therefore, value orientations of parents from
the lower social strata are excluded, for the most part, from
consideration. Reports of two excellent studies of the value
orientations of lower class Colombians (both were conducted in Cali)
are found in Sister Leslie Ellen (forthcoming) and Cimino (forth¬
coming) .
Hypothesis fourteen
The value orientations of students will be more modern than
those they attribute to their mothers.

147
The null hypothesis was rejected for all except the activity
orientation at the .05 level.
Hypothesis fifteen
The value orientations of students will be more modern than
those they report for their fathers.
Again, the null hypothesis was rejected for all except the
activity orientation.
It thus appears that there is a hierarchical ranking of value
orientations among the various groups of respondents in Popayán.
Leaders appear to be most modern, followed by students, then by
students' fathers, and finally by students' mothers. The differences
between the latter three groups were each significant, except for the
activity orientation. The leaders, it will be remembered, were more
modern than the students except in the relational area. Leaders were
more modern than the mothers in all areas, with statistically signifi¬
cant differences in all except the activity and relational areas. They
were significantly more modern than students' fathers except in the
relational orientation.
Thus, the idea of a rank ordering of the modernity of the
value orientations of these respective groups is borne out
statistically.
At this point, no further conclusions will be drawn. The
author presents some inter-city comparisons in the chapter which
follows, returning in the final chapter to a consideration of the
significance and implications of the findings as a whole.

CHAPTER 8
VALUE ORIENTATIONS AND DEVELOPMENT
A major hypothesis which has guided the entire project from
which data for this dissertation were taken has been that a city’s
rate and stage of social and economic development are affected by
the value orientations of the people who make the major decisions in
that city.l This chapter will compare the value orientations of
selected people in the cities at either end of the development
continuum (Medellin and Popayán) in an attempt to gain some insight
into the relationships suggested by the cited hypothesis.
A Glance at the Most-Developed City2
This section is included in order to give the reader some
perception of the nature of Medellin and its people. Later, com¬
parisons will be made between the value orientations of leaders and
iWe know, of course, that the situation in terms of development
in which a community finds itself cannot be attributed solely or even
principally to those leaders who are in power at a given time. Rather,
the current stage of development must be considered the end product of
decisions made by and actions taken by leaders through—in the
Colombian case—hundreds of years. Nevertheless, our assumption of a
basic personality type for leaders in Popayán must be taken into con¬
sideration in this matter.
2Parts of this particular section were developed with the
assistance of David W. Coombs, collaborator in the project. Grateful
acknowledgment is expressed to him for his help.
148

149
students in Medellin and in Popayan in an effort to suggest some of
the relations between value orientations and development.
Medellin, capital of the Department of Antioquia, is the
second-largest city in Colombia, following Bogota. Its population
in 1969 was estimated to be 1,030,000 (Colombia Today, 1970:5). This
number represents an enormous increase over the 1905 census, which
reported 53,936 residents (Asociación Colombiana de Facultades de
Medicina, n.d.:14).
Medellin is located slightly more than six degrees north of
*
the equator at an altitude of almost 4,900 feet above sea level
(Atlas de Colombia, n.d.:47). The location helps make for a
delightful climate, with the temperature varying around 70 degrees,
but not changing much from one part of the year to another.
The city is one of the most highly developed industrial
centers of Colombia, as has been mentioned previously. Industrializa¬
tion began to evolve there around the turn of this century and has
made rapid increases since then. Among its principal industrial
products are textiles, cigarettes, paints, aluminumware, beer,
plastics, machinery, steel pipe, electrical appliances, phonograph
records, matches, candies, hats, zippers, and pressure cookers. In
1962, the number of industrial establishments located in Medellin
was 1,681 (Aragon, 1963:674).
The tourist who enters Medellin for the first time over one
of its superhighways is immediately struck with the impression of a
clean, orderly, energetic, and modern industrial city. At the same
time, the concrete-lined Medellin River which runs along the

150
north-south highway appears to be incongruous with respect to the
total picture (after one gains a more complete knowledge of the city
and its people, it seems to fit better). Despite this seeming
detraction, one cannot avoid noticing the well-landscaped and
well-cared-for medians and circles on the highway. Even most of
the factories are appealing to the eye and contribute much to the
picture of a vibrant city which is loved by the people who live there.
Even before I went to Colombia, I had heard of the enterprising
nature of the Antioqueños (people from Antioquia—department of which
Medellin is capital). They have been described as the go-getters,
the achievers, of Colombia. Parsons (1949:1) characterizes them as
"energetic and thrifty . . . the self-styled Yankees of South America
. . . shrewd, aggressive individuals." David McClelland (1961) would
say that they have a high motivation for achievement.
We have established the fact that Medellin is a highly-
developed industrial center. Yet it is located in a geographical
position which appears extremely unfavorable to urbanization and to
the establishment of large commercial and industrial firms. It would
«
be fair to say that the city has developed, not because it was
advantageously situated, but in spite of seriously impeding mountain
barriers on all sides. Other regions had decided economic advantages
but were slower to industrialize. In fact, if one were attempting to
found a city in Colombia with a geographic location propitious to
development, the site of Medellin would be among the last chosen.
Yet as we have noted, it has become second only to Bogota among
Colombian cities. Various writers have attempted to find reasons

151
why it has grown so rapidly in comparison with the rest of the
country.
Hagen (1962:364) singles out the Antioqueños* enterprising
nature as a major reason for their rapid development. In fact, he
states that it is the enterprise of the Antioqueños which explains
the beginning of economic growth in Colombia as a whole, not just in
Antioquia. He reports that almost half (46.6 percent) of the
important industrial enterprises in the departments of Cundinamarca,
Valle delCauca, and Antioquia (the departments with the greatest
evidences of urbanization and industrialization) were originated by
Antioqueños (1962:364). He notes that
... if the Bogotanos, in their more favorable economic
environment, had been as effective entrepreneurs as the
Antioqueños, rapid economic growth in Colombia would have
begun half a century sooner than it did, or around 1850;
whereas if the Antioqueños had been no more effective
entrepreneurs than the Bogotanos or Caleños, rapid economic
development would not have begun until half a century later
than it did, or around 1950 (Hagen, 1962:365).
Thus, Hagen attributes the difference in rate of growth to
the people of Antioquia themselves and especially to what he calls
their "creative personalities." Of course, Colombians from other
areas have creative personalities, too. However, the Antioqueños tend
to.turn their creativity toward industrialization, while Romoli
(1941), a North American who has spent a long time in Colombia, noted
that the Bogotano is more likely to be intellectually inclined. The
Bogotanos and the Payaneses are more apt to turn their creative
efforts toward literature, especially poetry, and politics. On the
other hand, the Antioqueño feels that he must be working with something
practical—something that he can cause to grow and develop.

152
Many Colombians have felt that ethnic differences were the
reason for Medellin's prominence in industrial affairs. Popular
legend has it that the Antioqueños' keen business nature results
from the fact that many of them are of Jewish blood. Robledo (1963)
reports that this belief concerning their ancestry probably began
early in the 18th century. Hagen (1962) discovered no basis for the
theory. Instead, he found people of Basque origin in executive
positions much more often than justified by their relative numbers
in the population and reckons that their influence was contributory,
perhaps to a small degree, to the Antioqueños' success in business.
Social and judicial reforms which permitted the Antioqueños
to take an initiative in the development of themselves and of their
environment began through a vigorous campaign to change the current
conditions of life and of making a living which was instituted in
1874 by Juan Antonio Mon y Velarde, a royal inspector (Parsons,
1947:5). The dynamic reform program which he proposed and helped
implement brought about an upsurge of activity which helped to enable
the area to begin its transformation from a poor, backward region to
a wealthy, progressive one.
A part of Mon y Velarde's reforms included a redistribution
of land and mining concessions and a welfare program. It was at
about this time that mining began to be profitable, but it also
involved large risks. Therefore, the Antioqueños formed corporation¬
like associations to spread the risks. Their experiences in these
confederations gave them a feeling for cooperation, helped them to
make more judicious assessment of risks, and enabled them to gain

153
familiarity with machinery and mechanical operations. Working in the
mines caused them to value work, especially work with their hands.
An equally beneficial aspect was the bolstering of their confidence
in themselves and in their competence in business dealings (Hagen,
1962:374).
In Bogota and Cali, profits from the increase in trading which
resulted because of improvements in transportation facilities in the
1930's were converted into status through the training of sons for the
professions and through the buying of land in order to become landed
gentry. These two alternatives were lacking in Medellin, whose
entrepreneurs invested their profits in industry. This fact doubt¬
less contributed to the early establishment of industry there.
The Antioqueños, as we have mentioned, were people who worked
with their hands and who were rumored to be of Jewish origin. Further¬
more, during the colonial period, they were extremely backward, and
residents of other important cities considered the people from
Medellin to be inferior in status to themselves. This condescending
attitude still persists. The idea has perhaps been spurred by the
economic prowess of the Antioqueños, but Hagen (1962:377) notes
that it was in evidence even before their great economic successes.
He suggests that the tension created by these attitudes, which he
refers to as the withdrawal of status respect, in turn caused basic
personality changes which were conducive to creative personalities.
The Antioqueños found that they could prove their worth to their
fellow Colombians through their economic accomplishments, and this is
the direction which their efforts have taken.

154
Louis C. Schaw (1968) compares the leaders of the cities of
Popayan and Medellin. He characterizes the elite of Popayan as
patricians, which is, I think, a just assumption. According to him,
the primitive ethnocentrism of the city would permit it to develop
into an urban center but not into a metropolis because "Popayan is
the type of city that has as an essential component of its character
the assumption that as a way of life it represented the ideal in human
association" (Schaw, 1968:95).
The Antioqueños were more nomadic in the sense that they were
• '
not rooted to the land. Their interests lay more in El Dorado than in
agricultural pursuits. The development and prosperity of agriculture
and commerce in Antioquia corresponded closely with similar cycles in
the gold-mining industry. Schaw sees the people of Antioquia as
having
developed into a dominant social segment of industrial and
commercial entrepreneurs who are colonizing the country
economically, as well as geographically and agriculturally.
The Antioqueños are a mixture of harsh managerial, nomadic,
and entrepreneurial traits; at the same time they remain
among the most pious, but irreverent, devoted family men
and sensualists—migrant, but deeply rooted; bold, but care¬
ful; as open to encounter as any member of a North American
Chamber of Commerce, but close and secretive like a medieval
craftsman; they are among the most progressive and the most
conservative in manners, particularly in family relations;
among their women are matrons who have raised the largest
families in Colombia, but who at the same time are national
figures, socially, politically, and culturally. Antioquia
is an unexpected mixture of the very modern and the oldest
in social tradition; a society in transition. This is a
people whose sense of identity and of continuity is both
vivid and real; theirs is a special synthesis that thrives,
changes, and undergoes transition while it remains rooted in
a lasting sense of collective identity (Schaw, 1968:99).

155
Through the experiences and the years, the Antioqueños came
to share a sense of collective identity. Carrasquilla (1953) traces
this development in a number of his works.
Schaw interviewed several members of the elite in both
Popayán and Medellin. In the interview, the' Thematic Apperception
Test was applied to each. The preliminary results have been reported
in Chapter 4 of this dissertation, as they were published in Hagen
(1962). In a later work, Schaw describes his findings in somewhat
greater detail. He summarizes the tone of life of the Payanes
(the "traditionalist") as " . . . looking to the past and its
excellence, laboring under the exacting models he emulates, surren¬
dering ambition to shared values, limiting change by denying possible
historical alternatives" (Schaw, 1968:266). The Antioqueño (the
"entrepreneurial") "... proves to be a local replica of the
self-made man, ready to challenge convention, willing to pursue
distant and receding goals, impatient with binding ties, and
desirous of freedom of action" (Schaw, 1968:266).
With a general picture of Medellin and a contrast of the two
cities, we now turn to the findings.
Testing of the Hypotheses
Hypothesis Sixteen
The value orientations of leaders in Medellin will be more
modern than will those of leaders in Popayán.
The null hypothesis was not refuted. Leaders from Medellin
were more modern on the time, man-nature, and relational orientations.

156
Tlie differences in means between the two groups of leaders, however,
were so small that although the leaders from Popayán were more
modern in only the activity orientation, they were slightly more
modern as a whole.
These findings, of course, are not in line with what had
been expected. Assuming that there really is a difference in the
rate of development in the two cities, which has been amply attested
in various writings, statistics, and our own observations, why should
they not be significantly different in the value orientations of their
leaders? Despite the lack of conclusive supporting evidence, I am
not yet willing to abandon the idea that values and development are
related.
One might argue that the national character (see Buchanan
and Cantril, 1953) of the Colombian is so all-pervasive that
living in different regions does not mean that he has different ways
of thinking and doing things. Careful observations on the part of
others in the research group suggest that such is not the case. The
testing of the next hypothesis will throw some more light on the
matter.
Hypothesis Seventeen
The value orientations of students in Medellin will be more
modern than will those of students in Popayán.
The null hypothesis was not refuted in the predicted
direction. Only in the activity area were the Medellin students more
modern-oriented, and that by only a very slim margin. Additionally,

157
the Popayán students were significantly more modern, at the .05 level,
in the time and man-nature relations and as a whole.
This finding is not at all as predicted. It also dispels, to
a certain degree, the notion of a national character which some would
attribute to the findings for the leaders from the preceding
hypothesis. What it does suggest is the possibility of a communality
of leadership (see Stouffer, 1955).
That this may be true is supported by a comparison of the
values of leaders with those of the parents of the students who were
interviewed. The reader should bear in mind that, as has been
suggested previously, leaders and students' parents represent
essentially the same generation. Therefore, if the idea of a
national character mentioned previously is held to, values of these
two groups should be basically the same.
Such is not the case. The value orientations of leaders in
Popayan are significantly more modern than those which the students
attributed to their fathers in all except the relational orientation.
In Medellin, the same pattern is found, although the difference in the
activity area fell short of statistical significance. This finding
lends support to the notion of communality of leadership.
Students in Popayan reported value orientations for their
fathers which were more modern than those attributed to fathers of
Medellin students on all except the activity orientation. None of
the differences, however, was significant.
We cannot, I think, assume the same communality of fathers
as we did of leaders, because these data are taken from what students

158
feel their fathers think. We might suggest, however, that students
tend to view their fathers as less modern than themselves but in
basically the same light from city to city.
The students’ report of their mothers' value orientations
do not vary significantly from city to city. The Popayán mothers
were seen as being more modern than those of the mothers of Medellin
students in all except the man-nature area, but none of the
differences was significant.
A careful perusal of Table 2 reveals that the profiles
of five groups—the Chilean working population, the Japanese, the
Texans, the Mormons, and the Italians—are those which most nearly
resemble the value profiles of the Colombian groups. Of these,
the Chilean working population is the only group for which the
entire range of value orientations was tested and reported. Its
value profile is the only one in the table which, in my way of
thinking, is totally and completely modern. The Texans and
Mormons may fall into the latter category as well. However, at the
time they were studied, the value orientations instrument had not
been sufficiently developed to include the Being-in-Becoming
activity orientation.
The study of value orientations among Japanese students allows
for a comparison with those of students in the present study. Although
the results in the activity area were not reported for the former,
the Popayán students are the Colombian student group which most
nearly resembles the Japanese students on the remaining orientations.

159
Table 2
A Comparison of Findings in the Present Study
with Others Using the Kluckhohn Theory of
Variations in Value Orientations*
Time Activity Man-nature Relational
Present Study
Popayán
Leaders
F>Pr>Pa**
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
C>L>I
Students
F>Pr>Pa
Bid>D>Be
0>W>S
I>L>C
Mothers
F>Pa>Pr
Bid>D>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
Fathers
F>Pr>Pa
Bid>D>Be
0>S>W
I=L>C
Medellin
Leaders
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
C>L>I
Students
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
C>L>I
Mothers
F>Pa>Pr
Bib>D>Be
w>o>s
I>C>L
Fathers
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
L>I>C
Cali
Leaders
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
C>L>I
Students
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>S>W
L>C>I
Mothers
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
Fathers
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
L>I>C
Sanchez
(1967:25-27)
Chilean students Pr>F>Pa
Chilean working
population F>Pr>Pa
Caudill and Scarr
(1962:67)
Japanese Fu>Pr>Pa
Hutchinson
(1968:83-88)
Pr
Bib>D>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
D>Bib>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
not tested
0>W>S
I>C>L
not tested
S
C
Brazilians

160
Table 2—continued
Time Activity Man-Nature Relational
Kluckhohn, et al.
(1961:351)
Spanish-Americans
Pr>F>Pa
Be>D
s>o>w
I>L>C
Texans
F>Pr>Pa
D>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
Mormons
F>Pr>Pa
D>Be
0>W>S
I>C>L
Zunis
Pr>Pa>F
D>Be
W>S>0
C>L>I
Navahos
Pr>Pa>F
D>Be
W>0>S
C>L>I
Boston Study
(Scarr, 1970)
Barbadians
Pr>F>Pa
D>Bib>Be
S>w>0
I>C>L
Italians
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
s>o>w
I>C>L
Irish
F>Pr>Pa
Bib>D>Be
S>W>0
C>L>I
Schneiderman
(1964)
Social workers-
teachers
F>Pr>Pa
D
0
I
Relief patients
Pr
Be
S>w>0
I>C>L
*The other studies, except the one conducted in Boston, used
the "rural" version of the instrument as published in Kluckhohn and
Strodtbeck (1961:80-90).
**The interpretation of the abbreviations used in this table is
the same as for those in Table 1.
It should be noted, however, that the instruments used in
eliciting the orientations for the two groups were different—the
"rural" version was used with the Japanese students. This factor,
however, is believed not to be of significant importance, since the
two versions of the instrument are thought to be comparable.
The implications of results discussed in this and the preceding
chapter are considered in the chapter which follows.

CHAPTER 9
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Traditional economic theory thus far has not provided a
satisfactory explanation for development and social change. While
many questions relating to such phenomena remain unanswered, there
is no doubt that such factors as capital accumulation and related
economic variables are essential determinants in the development
process. Yet it has been noted that societies with apparently
equal opportunities and at similar stages of development have
experienced markedly different rates of growth (see Hagen, 1962; and
Ayal, 1963). Observing this type of circumstance, we are led to
ask "... why some societies do, and others do not, behave in
ways that bring about sustained economic progress" (Ayal, 1963:35).
The answer to this question lies partially, I believe,
beyond the boundaries of the discipline of economics. "... Changes
in political and social institutions, or investments by foreigners
will not, by themselves, bring about sustained economic development,
unless the fundamental human values in the society are conducive to
development" (Ayal, 1963:35). The same author indicates that he
believes that it is the value system which provides the most
comprehensive explanation of development (Ayal, 1963:68). As was
mentioned in Chapter 3 of this work, other writers agree with him.
161

162
As noted previously, a major, overriding hypothesis of this
project has been that a city's stage and rate of development depend
in part on the values which are held by its key decision-makers. How¬
ever, few findings which would support this hypothesis have been
substantiated statistically by the investigation reported in this
dissertation. In fact, some of the findings would appear to point
toward a contrary relationship.
Naturally, we wonder why our predictions, hopefully based
on what we believe to be sound sociological theory, have not been
supported by the findings. The present chapter deals with the prob¬
lem of accounting for the inconclusive or contradictory results.
The Problem of Cross-Cultural Comparisons
In cross-cultural comparisons, the chance always exists that
the basis of comparison between the two cultures is unequal. That
possibility cannot be ruled out definitely in the present instance,
but every precaution has been taken to avoid this pitfall.
The research instrument was painstakingly translated into
Spanish, and I feel that there is little likelihood that it was not
roughly equivalent to the English version. Nevertheless, the
possibility does exist that some of the items may not have been
truly comparable in Colombia and in the United States. For example,
item number 18 (a man-nature orientation), which deals with earth¬
quakes, was not well received because there had recently been an
earthquake and because these people have experienced man}7 earth¬
quakes. Here in the United States, where we are not threatened by

163
earthquakes so often, people would be more likely to respond to the
item with a more positive viewpoint. Nevertheless, I would think
that items which are not truly cross-cultural should be
roughly comparable within the Colombian scene. Therefore, the
relative lack of differentiation between each of the study groups
in the two cities should not have been caused by this factor.
The approach used in this dissertation—comparing the
proximity of Colombians' value orientations to those imputed
to middle-class people in the United States—is one which is
more or less current. However, as has been carefully pointed out,
" ... it is by no means clear (1) what aspects of present day
modern developed societies are the results and what are the causes
of development; (2) what features of these societies, although
present, were not contributory t.o and could even have been a drag on
development" (Ayal, 1963:38). Individualism is a good example of
what Ayal is referring to in his second point in the preceding
quotation. While individualism is assumed to have been an important
factor to the people of the United States in their quest for develop¬
ment, and thus, by implication, should be a prime determinant in the
modernity (or lack thereof) of the Colombians and of people in other
less-developed countries, it was a deterrent to development in
Thailand (Ayal, 1963:38).
Therefore, our ideas about the values which are most conducive
to development may be wrong. Or, they may be correct for the
United States and some other countries but may not contribute to
development in still others. Furthermore, as Ayal correctly asserts,

164
they may impede the development process in some countries. Thus, we
must be very careful not to assume that it is the values that we
hold, and only those, which can lead to social and economic develop¬
ment. Further research into factors which are related both
positively and negatively to development is needed.
Closely akin to this idea is the fact that the value
orientations which Kluckhohn attributes to the middle-class people of
the United States are referred to as being "modern." We assume them
to be modern because our nation is modern. In Chapter 8 of the
present work, we noted that the value orientations of the leaders
were significantly more modern than those attributed by students to
their parents. These parents were largely middle-class Colombians.
Could it then be the case that the value orientations of United States
middle-class people are not those of our leaders? I think this is
very possible. If such were the case, then we would not be comparing
the value orientations of our leaders with those of their leaders,
and thus the reasoning behind one of our basic assumptions would be
invalid.
Relative Importance of Different
Value Orientations
Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961:19) suggest that "... it may
prove to be the case that some one or two of the value orientations
are more crucially important to the patterning of behavior than
others." Yet they give no indication as to which orientation is most
important in this respect, if such be the case.
No value orientation was always in the direction predicted.
However, the time orientation x^as the one for which the groups on

165
different variables most often were identical in rank with the
predictions. The time orientation was likewise the one on which the
greatest consensus in terms of the dominant choice was obtained.
On the other hand, the activity and man-nature orientations
were less likely to be in the predicted direction. The reader should
be reminded here that the activity and relational profiles were not
modern in terms of our model. Additionally, there was strong evidence
that the relational profile was in a rapid state of change, assuming
Kluckhohn's theory to be correct.
On the basis of these limited findings, I am hypothesizing
that there is a given order, at least in the Colombian cities
studied, in the change of value orientations. This order, from first
to last, is time, man-nature, relational, and activity. If this be
the case, then we can distinguish the stage at which a given group of
Colombians is found in the process of change to a congruous value
profile.
Kluckhohn suggests (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:21) that
there may be some value systems which restrict the human potential
more than do others. Normally, with our Protestant Ethic background,
we would expect a Doing activity orientation to be essential to
development. The Colombians, it will be recalled, were Being-in-
Becoming oriented in this area. Therefore, we would not expect them
to be modernizing as rapidly as would be the case if they were Doing
oriented. Yet the leaders in Medellin are widely known for their
prowess in industrialization and in business and organizational
transactions. The Payaneses held the same viewpoints, and there

166
is no need to remind the reader of their traditionalistic outlook.
The evidence presented does not support this aspect of Kluckhohn's
theory and our assumption concerning it.
Therefore, if some value systems are more restrictive than
others, then it may be the particular combination of value orienta¬
tions and/or the goodness of fit of the total profile in Colombia
which has retarded development. Nevertheless, there is not much
difference in the orientations of leaders from the two cities. The
present writer, on the basis of evidence already presented, wishes
to suggest that the value orientations of the Colombians are in a
process of change. For this reason, I believe, the responses are
not as greatly differentiated as would be the case if the change was
not occurring. Moreover, the evidence of rapid change which was
found in the relational orientation points up the fact that these
changes may be causing some of the serious problems of personal and
social adjustment in Colombia (see Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961:47).
Values vs. Value Orientations
Perhaps the most likely explanation is found in the possibility
that there may be values which are not included in the Kluckhohn
value orientations which are important factors in the development
process. I would suggest that the core values of the groups might
provide a necessary clue. Much evidence already discussed in this
dissertation points in that direction. There are too many
impressionistic indications of differences in values for me to be
convinced that some of these differences should not be revealed by

167
empirical study. The possibility exists, of course, that there may be
additional value orientations which have not been isolated yet and
which thus were not measured in the present study. If such is not
the case, then I would still insist that there are other values
which play significant roles in development.'
Furthermore, we should attempt to establish some kind of
causal relationship between a people's value system and the modes
of behavior which are associated with social and economic development,
and, more specifically, which values affect development, as this
dissertation has attempted to do. One way of doing this might be
through the intermediary of "propensities"—" . . . internalized
behavioristic and instrumental values, or predispositions to action,
which have their origin in the value system" (Ayal, 1963:39). Follow¬
ing this line of reasoning, a person may have modernistic values, but
they may fail to be implemented if he is not disposed to realize
them.
One may argue that the activity orientation measured this
variable. While the measured difference in this area was not
significant in many cases, observation and economic indices would
suggest that there are obvious differences. Therefore, I would
suggest that the study be repeated, using an instrument based upon
the idea of propensities. Likewise, much more research needs to be
conducted into the factors, and especially the values, which lead
to development. What is being suggested is merely that some values
are more conducive to modernization than are others. If this is
true, then the Kluckhohn theory of variations in value orientations

168
has not provided us with an answer as to what these values were in
Colombia. Again, further research is recommended.
Our research has shown that the Colombians do have some of
what have been considered to be values which would permit the
generating of social and economic development. However, I am
suggesting that if certain combinations of value orientations are
indeed more conducive to modernization than others, then based on
the findings of this investigation, there are other, underlying
values which affect the implementation or activation of the value
orientations.
Perhaps a factor which should be considered in closing is the
supposed discrepancy between expressed values and actual behavior.
A careful analysis of the role areas, once the concept is clarified,
may help to remove some of the tentativeness from this question.

APPENDIX I
ENGLISH-LANGUAGE VERSION OF THE
VALUE ORIENTATIONS INSTRUMENT
1. Help for Family relational
A man has had financial trouble of some kind and must seek help in
order that he and his family can get through a difficult period. Here
are three ways of getting help about which we wish your judgment.
(Collateral) Would it be best if he depended mainly on his brothers
and sisters or on some close group of relatives and
friends to help him out as much as each can?
(Individual) Would it be best for him to try to raise the money by
himself, on his own, from an outside organization
which deals with such problems?
(Lineal) Would it be best for him to go to a recognized leader—
a respected person of experience and authority in the
family or community—and ask him for help and advice
in handling the problem?
2. Ideal Job
activity
Three young married men were talking about their notions of the
ideal job. Here is what each one said:
(Being)
(Doing)
The first said: The kind of job I would like best to
have if I could is one which is not too demanding of my
time and energy. I like to have time to enjoy myself
and don't want a job which makes me feel I must always
be competing.
The second said: Ideally, I would like a competitive
job—one which lets me show what I can accomplish in
a line of work' for which I am suited.
169

170
(Being-in- The third said: Ideally, I would like the kind of job
Becoming) which would let me develop different kinds of interests
and talents. I would rather have an understanding of
life and people than be successful in one particular
field.
3. Bringing up Children
time
Some people were talking one day about the ways in which young
children should be brought up. Here are three different ideas which
were expressed.
(Past) Some people said that young children should always be
brought up according to the traditions of the past—
the time-proven ways of doing things. They believe
that the traditional ways are best, and that when
forgotten or not followed things go wrong.
(Present) Some people say that young children should be reared in
the traditional ways, but that it is wrong to follow
them exclusively. These people believe that it is
best when each new generation adjusts to any situation
by adopting whatever new ideas and methods may help
them, but keeping whatever of the old they like—that
is, they think it just depends on the situation.
(Future) Some other people don't place much faith in bringing up
young children in the traditional ways—which they
think are interesting only as stories about what used
to be. These people think it best if their children
are brought up so as to make them able to have new
ideas and discover new and better ways of living.
4. Length of Life man-nature
Three men were talking about whether people themselves can do any¬
thing to make the lives of men and women longer. Here is what each
said:
(Over) One said: It is already true that people like doctors
and others are finding the way to add many years to
the lives of most men by discovering new medicines,
studying foods and doing other things such as
vaccinations. _ If people will pay attention to all
these new things they will almost always live longer.
(Subjugation) The second said: 1 really do not believe that there is
much human beings themselves can do to make the lives of
men and women longer. It is my belief that every per¬
son has a set time to live and when that time comes it
just comes.

171
(With) The third said: I believe that there is a plan of life
which works to keep all living things moving together,
and if a man will learn to live his whole life in
accord with that plan he will live longer than other
men.
5. Expect in Life time
People often have very different ideas about what has gone before
and what we can expect in life. Here are three ways of thinking about
these things.
(Present)
(Past)
(Future)
Some people believe that man's greatest concern should be
with the present time in which he lives. They say that
the past has gone and the future is too far away and
too uncertain to be of concern. It is only the present
which is real.
Some people think that the ways of the past (ways of the
old people or traditional ways) were the most right and
the best, and as changes come things get worse. These
people think the best way to live is to keep up the
old ways and try to bring them back when they are lost.
Some people believe that it is almost always the ways of
the future—the ways which are still to come—which will
be best and they say that even though there are some¬
times small setbacks, change brings improvements in the
long run. These people think the best way to live is
to look a long time ahead, work hard and give up many
things now so that the future will be better.
6. Technological Change man-nature
Three persons were talking one day about the changes which science
has brought about in the way people live. They mentioned all such
things as changes in farming methods, in transportation, in the field
of medicine, in types of food and housing. All agreed some changes had
come but each of them had quite different ideas about what the long run
effects would be. Here is what each one said:
(Subjugation) The first one said: It is good that such advances have
been made, but in the long run one has to be lucky to
' have things go right in life. Science can help a lot
with some kinds of things people come up against, but
it will never be able to help much with the really big
things in life. There are many things which just come
to pass and everyone, if he is smart, will learn to
accept this fact.

172
(Over)
The second one said: I don't agree with you. My viextf is
that man can and must learn to control the forces of
nature. We have already gone a very long way and it is
my belief that in time there will be scientific ways to
control or overcome most things.
(With)
The third one said: Perhaps you both have something to
say, but in my opinion what matters most is that
people learn to keep the balance between themselves
and the forces of nature. It is my belief that human
beings and the great forces of nature are all one
whole—that is, related parts of a total universe, and
we can expect the most when we work to fit in wTith and
live with nature.
7. Children's Character activity
Three parents were talking about the kind of character they wanted
their young children to have. Here are three different opinions that
were expressed.
(Being-in-
Becoming)
One parent said: I want my.children to learn to be
creative in a number of ways. I hope they develop an
interest and ability in following the various paths
which lead to understanding and wisdom.
(Being)
A second parent said: I want my children to grow up
able to express themselves freely, to get a kick out
of life in whatever situation they find themselves.
(Doing)
A third parent said: I want my children to have the
drive to make something of themselves, the ambition
to "get up and go." That way they'll be successful
and achieve something in their chosen path.
8. Appeal of Religion activity
Three people were talking about what it is about religion that
appeals to them. Here is what each said:
(Being-in-
Becoming)
Religion appeals to me because the wisdom in its
teachings broadens me and helps me to understand
better the manysidedness of life.
(Being)
The second said: Religion appeals to me because I
enjoy the beauty and drama of it, and I like the
feelings which come from participating in the
services.

173
(Doing)
I think religion appeals to me because it teaches people
that accomplishing things for themselves and society
is the right way.
9. Job Decision time
Three young unmarried men had finished their schooling and had to
decide what kind of work they wished to go into.
(Past)
One decided to go into the kind of occupation which
others in his family before him had followed. He
believed the best way is to hold and strengthen the
traditions of the past.
(Future)
The second sought for the kind of work opportunities
which offered considerable chance for future success.
He believed it best to look to new developments in the
future, even though he might have to start off in a
position less good than others available at the time.
(Present)
The third decided to take the best job which came his way
and which gave him the money he needed to get along in
the present time. He believed it foolish to think much
about either the past which has gone by, or the future
which he thought too uncertain to count on.
10. Inheritance relational
hrhen a father or mother dies and leaves property, there are
different ways in which the property can be distributed among the
children and managed by them. Here are three ways:
(Lineal)
In some places it is thought best that the ownership, or
if not the ownership at least the management, of all
the property be put into the hands of one selected
person—usually the eldest son.
(Collateral)
In other places the sons and daughters all share in the
property but all are expected to stick together and
manage things as a family group. If some one person
is ever needed to make certain decisions, all the heirs
will discuss the matter and come to an agreement as to
the one best suited to do so.
(Individual)
In still other places it is thought best that each son
and daughter take his or her own share of the property
and manage it on his own, independent of the other
brothers or sisters.

11. Philosophy of Life
man-nature
Three people were talking about the need for having some philos¬
ophy of life—such as religion. They had different ideas on the
subject:
(With) One said: Man is part of the grand plan of nature.
Having a philosophy of life helps me to understand
this plan and to live in the ways to keep myself in
tune with that total plan.
(Subjugation) The second one said: As I see it, there are many natural
and supernatural forces over which man will never gain
control. A philosophy of life is necessai'y to help men
accept and adjust to their fate on this earth.
(Over) The third said: I’m afraid I don’t agree with either of
you. I think man can do as much or as little as he
wishes to overcome these natural and supernatural
forces. For me a philosophy of life is necessary to
teach men how to rise above these forces and shape
their own destiny.
12. Teaching Young relational
Three mothers from different kinds of families were talking about
the ways in which children should be taught. Here is what each one
said:
(Individual) The first mother said: I believe children should be
taught, when still quite young, to stand on their own
two feet, to make their own decisions, and to take
responsibility for themselves. People get along best
when they can make their own mistakes and profit from
them, and when they learn how to be independent enough
of their families to go off on their own—sometimes
even at great distances.
(Lineal) The second said: I believe that young children should be
trained first to obey and respect their elders—their
parents and grandparents. It is the elders of the
family who have the greatest wisdom and people get
along best when they are trained to accept and respect
this wisdom.
(Collateral) The third said: I believe that young children should be
taught to respect and keep ties with their close
relatives—father, mother, sisters, brothers, etc.
People get along best when they have a large group of
close relatives upon whom they can always depend for
help and advice, and whom they, Loo, can help.

175
13. Religious ceremonies time
Some people in a community like your own saw that the church
services (religious ceremonies) were changing from what they used to
be.
(Future) Some people were really pleased because of the changes in
religious ceremonies. They felt that new ways are
usually better than old ones, and they like to keep
everything—even ceremonies—moving ahead.
(Past) Some people felt that in changing the ceremonies much of
the old tradition would be lost and that the church
would not have the same meaning any more.
(Present) Some people felt that the old ways for religious
ceremonies might be best but you just can't hang onto
them. It makes life easier just to accept some changes
as they come along.
14. High School Students man-nature
Some high school students were discussing which of the books they
were reading and studying in their various courses they really liked
most.
(Over) One said: The books I like most show me how other people
have conquered their problems. I like the picture of
mankind over the centuries struggling with all kinds of
situations and somehow always managing to come out on
top.
(With) The second said: I like best those books which tell of
the ways in which men have learned to understand the
great forces of nature and so adjust to them that man
and nature are always seen as a whole in which each
completes the other.
(Subjugation) The third said: I think the really great books are those
whose characters show that they have learned to accept
the fact that man is and always will be powerless to
change the forces which are outside and beyond him.
15. Not Working activity
Three men were talking one day about the ways in which they liked
to spend time when they were not working. Each had a different idea:
(Being) One man said that he had no definite ideas as to what he
liked best to do when not working. Sometimes he did

176
one thing, sometimes another—it just depended upon how
he felt that day.
(Being-in- Another said that he preferred to do things which would
Becoming) help him become a better, broader man. Sometimes he
did physical things to build his body strength, some¬
times mental things so that he might learn more.
This, he said, was the best way.
(Doing) The third said he liked doing things that he could see
results from—playing competitive games or building
things. He felt that extra time was wasted unless one
could show something for it.
16. Church Organization
relational
Some people were speaking about the way in which the churches they
belonged to were organized and what this organization meant to them in
leading their daily lives. Here are three opinions that were expressed:
(Collateral) The first one said: In my church all are made to feel a
part of a great brotherhood which is held together by
many common bonds. What it teaches us is that people
must act together in unison and provide a brotherly
kind of support and guidance.
(Individual) The second one said: In my church there is, of course, a
minister and other officials but they do not offer
guidance unless called upon. I like my kind of church
because each person is made to feel that the relation¬
ship between God and man is an individual one and one
must learn to take responsibility for his own acts.
(Lineal) The third one said: My church is different still. In it
there is a long tradition of a clergy which has special
powers and training for the guidance of people. In
much of my life I do not feel myself adequate to decide
alone what is best to do and I am happy to depend upon
them for guidance and direction.
17. Need for Education activity
Today there is, in almost every place in the world, talk about the
need for education. But people have different ideas about the kind and
amount of education that is desirable. Here are three ideas expressed
by three different men:
(Doing) One man said: A good educational system is necessary so
that people will learn well the skills and knowledge

177
which will help them to become efficient and successful
in whatever they undertake.
(Being) The second man said: I feel that going to school many
years and being well-trained is fine for some people
but certainly not for everyone. I for one believe
it is much more important to do the things I feel
like doing and to really enjoy life as I go along.
(Being-in- The third man said: I don’t agree with either of you.
Becoming) I think a fine and long education is important, but
it should be used to make each man wiser and deeper.
In this way, a person can develop more fully his
knowledge of himself and mankind.
18. Natural Forces man-nature
People often worry about such disasters as floods, earthquakes,
hurricanes, and the like. One day several persons were discussing the
power of God in relation both to man and to the natural forces which
create these great events. Here is what each one said:
(With) One man said: It is my view that there should be a
harmonious "oneness" or wholeness among God, the
forces of nature, and living creatures. It is when
men do not live in the proper ways to maintain (keep)
this harmony that such disasters come.
(Over) The second man said: I do not believe that God uses his
power directly to control the forces which bring
earthquakes, floods, and the like. It is up to man
himself to try to find out why such things happen
and develop the ways of controlling and overcoming
them.
(Subjugation) The third man said: I do not think the ways in which
God uses his power to conti'ol the forces of nature
can be known by man, and it is useless for people to
think they can reall}r conquer such things as earth¬
quakes, floods and hurricanes. The best way is t:o
accept things as they come and do the best you can.
19. Disaster in Family man-nature
A man and his family were struck hard by disaster. There was much
illness over a long period of time. Also, the father lost his job and
had serious financial problems. Some people were discussing the man's
problems and the reason for them.

178
(Subjugation) One person said: You can't really blame any man when
such misfortune comes to him. Things like this just
happen and there isn't much people themselves can do
about it. One must learn to accept the bad along
with the good.
(With) A second person said: Misfortunes of this kind happen
when people do not follow the right and proper ways of
living. When people live in ways to keep themselves
in harmony with the great natural forces of life
things almost always go well.
(Over) A third person said: It was probably the man's own
fault. He should have taken steps to keep things
from going so far xvrong. If people use their heads
they usually can find ways to overcome a great deal
of their bad fortune.
20. Expectations about Change
time
(a: Students)
Three young people were talking about what they thought their
families would have one day as compared with their fathers and mothers.
They each said different things.
(Future) The first said: I expect my family to be better off in
the future than the family of my father and mother or
relatives if we work hard and plan right. Things in
this country usually get better for people who really
try.
(Present) The second one said: I don't know whether my family will
be better off, the same, or worse off than the family
of my father and mother or relatives. Things always go
up and down even if people do work hard. So one can
never really tell how things will be.
(Past) The third one said: I expect my family to be about the
same as the family of my father and mother or relatives.
The best way is to work hard and plan ways to keep up
things as they have been in the past.
(b: Leaders)
Three older people were talking about what they thought their
children would have when they were grown. Here is what each one said.
(Future) One said: I really expect my children to have more than
I have had if they work hard and plan right. There
are. always good chances for people who try.

179
(Present) The second one said: I don't know whether my children
will be better off, worse off, or just the same.
Things always go up and down even if one works hard,
so we can't really tell.
(Past) The third one said: I expect my children to have just
about the same as I have had or bring things back as
they once were. It is their job to work hard and
find ways to keep things going as they have been in
the past.
21. Ways to Live activity
There were three people talking about the way they liked to live.
They had different ideas:
(Being)
One said: What I care most about is to be free to do
whatever I wish and whatever suits the way I feel.
I don't always get much done but I enjoy life as I
go along—that is the best way.
(Doing) A second said: What I care most about is accomplishing
things—getting them dene just as well or better than
other people can do them. I like to see results and
think that they're worth working for.
(Being-in- The third said: What I care most about is thinking and
Becoming) acting in the ways which will develop many different
sides of my nature. I may fail to do as well as
others in the things which many people think are
important, but if I am becoming a wiser and more
understanding person, that is what suits me best.
22. Team Sports relational
We all know there are different kinds of sports and ways of
organizing them. These three people all liked team sports (for
example, football, baseball, hockey, basketball) but had different
ideas about the type they felt was best.
(Individual) The first said: I like the kind of team sports which are
organized in such a way that the individual is allowed
to prove himself as an individual and get credit for it.
The second said: I like the kind of team sports where
there is a definite leadership and organization and
where everybody knows just where he fits in.
(Lineal)

180
(Collateral) The third said: I like the kind of team sports where
there is organization enough to keep things going,
but where the main thing is that I can pull together
with a bunch of people like myself.

APPENDIX II
SPANISH-LANGUAGE VERSION OF THE
VALUE ORIENTATIONS INSTRUMENT
1. Ayuda a la familia
Un hombre ha tenido varios problemas financieros y de¬
be buscar ayuda para que él y su familia puedan atravesar este
período difícil. He aquí tres maneras de conseguir dicha ayuda
sobre las cuales deseamos su juicio:
A. Sería mejor si buscara el apoyo de sus hermanos y her¬
manas o de un grupo cercano de familiares y amigos para
que le ayuden a la medida de cado uno?
B. Sería mejor si tratara de conseguir el dinero por sí
mismo, independientemente, pidiéndolo a una organiza¬
ción especializada que trata de estos asuntos?
C. Sería mejor si buscara un líder reconcido, una perso¬
na prominente y respetada con experiencia y autoridad
de su familia o la comunidad y le pide ayuda y consejo
para resolver su problema?
2. El trabajo ideal
Tres jovenes casados hablaban sobre sus ideas del
trabajo ideal. He aquí lo que cada uno dijo:
A. Dijo el primero de ellos: El tipo de trabajo que
mas me gustaría tener si se consigue, es el que
no me exija ni demasiado tiempo ni esfuerzo. Me
gusta tener tiempo para divertirme y no quisiera
un trabajo en el cual siento que debo constante¬
mente estar compitiendo con otros.
B. Dijo el segundo de'ellos: Idealmente me gustaría
el trabajo en que se compite con otros, en el cual
puedo demostrar lo que soy capaz de lograr, en la
clase de trabajo para la cual soy apto.
181

C. Dijo el tercero: Idealmente me gustaría la clase
de trabajo que me permita desarrollar diferentes
tipos de intereses y de talentos. Preferiría
poder llegar a comprender la vida y la gente, que
tener éxito en un campo específico de actividad.
3. Crianza de los niños
Varias personas conversaban un día sobre las maneras como
deben criarse los niños. Se expresaron estas tres ideas distintas
A. Algunas personas dijeron que a los niños se les
debería criar siguiendo las tradiciones del pa¬
sado, o sea la forma de hacer las cosas que ha
enseñado la experiencia. Creen que las formas
tradicionales son las mejores y que cuando se
olvidan o no se aplican las cosas andan mal.
B. Otras dijeron que a los niños se les debe criar
siguiendo las formas tradicionales, pero que es
equivocado insistir adherirse a ellas exclusiva¬
mente. Estas personas creen que es mejor cuando
cada generación se adapta a cualquier situación
adoptando cualesquiera nuevas ideas y métodos
que les ayuden pero manteniendo aquellas tradi¬
ciones que les gustan. Es decir, piensan que
depende de la situación que se presente.
C. Otras personas no dan mucha fé en criar a los
niños siguiendo las maneras tradicionales, las
cuales consideran solo como interesantes histo¬
rias de como sucedían las cosas. Estas perso¬
nas creen que la mejor manera es criar a sus
niños para que tengan nuevas ideas y descubran
maneras de vivir nuevas y mejores.
4. Duración de la vida
Tres hombres hablaban sobre si la gente puede por sí
misma hacer algo para prolongar la vida del hombre. He aquí lo
que dijo cada uno:
A. Uno de ellos dijo: Ya es cierto que gente como los
médicos y otras personas están encontrando maneras
para aumentar muchos años en la vida de la mayoría
de los hombres a través del descubrimiento de nuevas
medicinas, de estudiar los alimentos y de hacer o-
tras cosas tales como la vacunación. Si la gente
pone empeño en todas estas nuevas cosas casi siempre
se prolongará su vida.

183
B. El segundo dijo: Realmente no creo que los seres
humanos puedan hacer mucho ellos mismos para prolon¬
gar la vida del hombre. Creo que cada persona tiene
un tiempo determinado de vida y cuando le llega el
momento pues le llega.
C. El tercero dijo: Creo que la vida tiene un plan
que opera para mantener todas las cosas desenvol¬
viéndose juntas, y si un hombre aprende a vivir
toda su vida de acuerdo con dicho plan vivirá más
tiempo que otros.
5. Qué se espera de la vida
A menudo la gente tiene muy distintas ideas sobre lo que
ha sucedido antes y sobre lo que podemos esperar de la vida. He
aquí tres maneras de pensar sobre estas cosas.
A. Alguna gente cree que la principal preocupación
del hombre debe ser el presente en el cual vive.
Esta gente dice que el pasado ya paso y que el
futuro esta demasiado lejos y es demasiado incier¬
to para preocuparse. Solamente el presente es
real.
B. Alguna gente piensa que las maneras del pasado
(las maneras de los viejos y costumbres tradicio¬
nales) eran las más apropiadas y las mejores, y
que a medida que sobrevienen cambios las cosas se
ponen peor. Estas personas piensan que la mejor
manera de vivir es mantener las maneras antiguas
y tratar de revivirlas cuando se pierden.
C. Algunas personas creen que casi siempre las mane¬
ras del futuro—las que han de venir—serán las
mejores y dicen que aunque algunas veces hay pe¬
queños retrocesos, el cambio trae mejoras a la
larga. Estas personas piensan que la mejor mane¬
ra de vivir es mirar hacia muy adelante, trabajar
fuerte y sacrificar muchas cosas ahora para que el
futuro sea mejor.
6. Cambios tecnológicos
Tres personas hablaban un día sobre los cambios que
la ciencia ha traído en la forma de vivir. Nombraron tales cosas
como cambios en los métodos de labrar la tierra, en el transporte,
en el campo de la medicina, en tipos de comida y vivienda. Todas
estuvieron de acuerdo en que sí habían sucedido algunos cambios pero

184
cada persona tenia ideas bastante distintas de cuales serían los
efectos de ellos a la larga. He aquí lo que dijo cada una:
A. La primera dijo: Está bien que se hayan logrado
estos adelantos, pero a la larga uno tiene que te¬
ner suerte para que las cosas le marchen bien en
la vida. La ciencia puede ayudar bastante en rela¬
ción con algunas de las cosas con las cuales debe
enfrentarse la gente, pero no podrá nunca ser de
gran ayuda respecto a los problemas realmente im¬
portantes de la vida. Hay muchas cosas que simple¬
mente suceden y cada uno, si es sabio, aprenderá a
aceptar este hecho.
B. Dijo la segunda: No estoy de acuerdo contigo. Mi
punto de vista es que el hombre puede y debe apren¬
der a controlar las fuerzas de la naturaleza. Ya
hemos avanzado muchísimo y creo que con el tiempo
vendrán métodos científicos para controlar o sobre¬
ponerse a la mayoría de las cosas.
C. Dijo la tercera: Tal vez ambos tengan algo que de¬
cir, pero en mi opinion lo más importante es que la
gente aprenda a mantenerse en equilibrio con las
fuerzas de la naturaleza. Creo que los seres huma¬
nos y las grandes fuerzas de la naturaleza son un
todo, o sea partes relacionadas del universo total,
y podemos esperar lo mejor cuando nos esforzamos en
armonizar y vivir con la naturaleza.
7. Carácter de los niños
Tres padres conversaban sobre el tipo de carácter que
ellos deseaban para sus niños. He aquí las tres opiniones diferentes
que se expresaron:
A. Un padre dijo: Deseo que mis hijos aprendan a ser
creativos de varias maneras. Espero que desarrollen
el interés y la habilidad para seguir los distintos
caminos que llevan a la comprensión y a la sabiduría.
B. El segundo dijo: Deseo que mis hijos crezcan con
la capacidad de expresarse libremente, de sentir
el goce de la vida en cualquier situación en que
se encuentren.
C. El tercero dijo: Deseo que mis hijos tengan el em¬
puje para hacer algo de sí mismos, la ambición para
ser de arranque. De esta manera tendrán éxito y
realizarán algo en el camino que escojan.

8.El llamado de la religion
Tres personas conversaban sobre que les atraía de la
religion. He aquí lo que dijo cada una:
A. Dijo la primera: La religidn me atrae porque la sa¬
biduría de sus enseñanzas amplía mis horizontes y me
ayuda a comprender mejor los muchos aspectos de la
vida.
B. La segunda dijo: A mí me atrae la religion porque
me complace su belleza y dramatismo, y me gusta la
sensación que resulta de participar en los servicos
religiosos.
C. Dijo la tercera: Creo que la religion me atrae por¬
que enseña a las personas que realizar cosas para
ellas mismas y para la sociedad es lo apropiado.
9.Decision sobre el empleo
Tres jovenes solteros habían terminado sus estudios y
debían decidir en que tipo de trabajo deseaban entrar.
A. Uno decidió seguir el tipo de ocupación que personas
de su familia antes que el habían seguido. El creía
que lo mejor es mantener y reforzar las tradiciones
del pasado.
B. El segundo buscó aquellas oportunidades de trabajo
que ofrecían posibilidades considerables para el
éxito futuro. Creía que era mejor mirar hacia las
posibilidades de avance en el futuro, aun si tenía
que empezar en una posición menos buena que otras
disponibles entonces.
C. El tercero decidió tomar el mejor empleo que se le
ofreció y el cual le daría el dinero que necesitaba
para sostenerse en el presente. El creía que era
tonto pensar demasiado o en el pasado que ya pasó,
o en el futuro que pensaba demasiado incierto para
tomar en cuenta.
10.Herencia
Cuando el padre o la madre muere y deja propiedades, hay
varias maneras mediante las cuales se pueden repartir las pro¬
piedades entre los hijos y administrarlas. He aquí tres maneras:

186
A. En algunas partes se piensa que la mejor forma es
que las propiedades, o si no la propiedad por lo
menos el manejo de todas ellas, debe quedar en manos
de una persona específica, generalmente el hijo ma¬
yor.
B. En otras partes todos los hijos comparten la propie¬
dad pero se espera que todos se mantengan unidos y
las manejen como un grupo familiar. Si alguna vez
se necesita a alguien para tomar ciertas decisiones
todos los herederos discuten el asunto y acuerdan
quién es el más capacitado para hacerlo.
C. En algunas otras partes se piensa que es mejor que
cada hijo tome su parte de la propiedad y la mane¬
je por sí mismo, independientemente de los otros
hermanos.
11. Filosofía de la vida
Tres personas hablaban sobre la necesidad de tener cierta
filosofía de la vida—como por ejemplo la religion. Tenían
distintas ideas sobre el asunto:
A. Una de ellas dijo: El hombre es parte del gran plan
de la naturaleza. El tener una filosofía de la vida
me ayuda a entender este plan y a vivir en tal for¬
ma que me mantenga a tono con dicho plan.
B. La segunda dijo: Mi manera de pensar es ésta: hay
muchas fuerzas naturales y sobrenaturales sobre las
cuales nunca ganará control el hombre. Es necesaria
una filosofía de la vida para ayudar a que los hom¬
bres acepten y se comporten de acuerdo con su des¬
tino en la tierra.
C. La tercera dijo: Siento decirlo pero no estoy de
acuerdo con ninguno de ustedes dos. Yo creo que el
hombre puede hacer mucho o poco, tanto como lo de¬
see, para sobreponerse a estas fuerzas naturales y
sobrenaturales. Para mí se requiere una filosofía
de la vida que le enseríe al hombre a sobreponerse
a estas fuerzas y a forjarse su propio destino.
12. Enseñando a la juventud '
Tres madres de tipos de familia diferentes hablaban sobre las
varias maneras como debería enseñarse a los niños. He aquí lo que
dijo cada una:

A. La primera dijo: Yo creo que desde muy jovenes
debe enseñársele a los niños a pararse sobre sus
propios pies, a tomar sus propias decisiones y
a hacerse responsables de sí mismos. La gente
lo pasa mejor cuando aprende y se beneficia de
sus propios errores y a ser suficientemente in¬
dependiente de su familia para marchar por sí
misma—algunas veces aún bien lejos.
B. Dijo la segunda: Creo que lo primero que debe
enseñarse a los niños pequeños es a obedecer y
a respetar a sus mayores—sus padres y abuelos.
La mayor sabiduría la tienen los mayores y la
gente lo pasa mejor cuando se les ha enseñado a
aceptar y respetar dicha sabiduría.
C. Dijo la tercera: Creo que debe enseñarse a los
niños pequeños a respetar y a estar ligados a
sus familiares cercanos—padre, madre, hermanos,
etc. La gente lo pasa mejor cuando tiene un gru¬
po considerable de familiares cercanos en quienes
puede apoyarse siempre para ayuda y consejo y a
quienes a su vez puede también ayudar.
13. Ceremonias religiosas
Algunas personas en una ciudad como esta vieron como los
servicios religiosos (ceremonias religiosas) estaban cambiando
de lo que eran antes.
A. Algunas se mostraban realmente satisfechas de los
cambios en las ceremonias religiosas. Pensaban que
las nuevas costumbres son por lo común mejores que
las antiguas; y les gusta mantener todo avanzando,
aún las ceremonias religiosas.
B. Otras personas pensaban que al cambiar las ceremo¬
nias, se perdería gran parte de la vieja tradición
y que ya no tendría la iglesia el mismo sentido.
C. Algunas personas pensaban que las tradiciones vie¬
jas de las ceremonias religiosas podrían ser mejo¬
res pero que simplemente no se puede amarrar a
ellas. La vida se vuelve más fácil si se aceptan
algunos cambios a medida que aparecen.

14. Estudiantes de bachillerato
Algunos estudiantes de bachillerato discutían sobre cuales
de los libros que leían y estudiaban en los varios cursos les
gustaban más.
A. Uno de ellos dijo: Los libros que más me gustan son
aquellos que me muestran como la gente se ha sobre¬
puesto a sus problemas. Me gusta visualizar el ge¬
nero humano luchando a través de los siglos con la
naturaleza y siempre en alguna forma resultando triun¬
fante.
B. Dijo el segundo: Me gustan más aquellos libros que
narran como el hombre ha aprendido a entender las
fuerzas de la naturaleza y a adaptarse a ellas de
tal manera que tanto el hombre como la naturaleza
siempre se visualizan como en un todo en el cual el
uno completa al otro.
C. Dijo el tercero: Creo que los libros realmente im¬
portantes y que más me güstan son aquellos que mues¬
tran a los personajes que han aprendido a aceptar el
hecho de que el hombre es y siempre será incapaz de
cambiar las fuerzas de la naturaleza que están fuera
y más allá de su control.
15. Tiempo libre
Tres hombres conversaban un día sobre como les gustaba
pasar el tiempo cuando no estaban trabajando. Cada uno tenía
una idea distinta:
A. Uno de ellos dijo que no tenía ideas definidas de
cómo pasar el tiempo cuando no estaba trabajando.
A veces hacía una cosa, a veces otra—simplemente
dependía de cómo se sentía ese día.
B. El otro dijo que preferiría hacer aquellas cosas
que le ayudaban a convertirse en un hombre mejor
con más perspectiva. En algunas ocasiones hacia
ejercicios físicos para aumentar su fuerza corpo¬
ral, en otras mentales para poder aprender más.
Esta es, el dijo, la mejor manera de pasarlo.
C. El tercero dijo que le gustaba más hacer aquellas
cosas cuyos resultados podía ver—juegos de com¬
petencia o construir algo. Pensaba que el tiempo
extra se pierde a menos que uno pueda hacer algo
con el.

189
16. Organización de la iglesia
Algunas personas hablaban sobre la forma como estaban
organizadas las iglesias a las cuales pertenecían y sobre qué signi¬
ficaba esta organización en el transcurso de sus vidas cotidianas. He
aquí tres opiniones que se expresaron:
A. Dijo la primera: En mi iglesia a todos nos hacen sen¬
tir como parte de una gran hermandad que se mantiene
unida por muchos vínculos en común. Lo que se nos en¬
sena es que la gente debe actuar junta, al unísono y
proveer un tipo fraternal de guía y apoyo.
B. Dijo la segunda: En mi iglesia hay, por supuesto,
sacerdotes y otros clérigos pero no ofrecen orienta¬
ción a menos de que se les pida. He gusta mi tipo
de iglesia porque a cada persona se le hace sentir
que la relación entre Dios y el hombre es individual
y que uno debe aprender a responsabilizarse de sus
propios actos.
C. Dijo la tercera: Mi iglesia es distinta de las suyas.
Hay en ella una larga tradición de clero con poderes
y entrenamiento especial para guiar a la gente. En
gran parte de mi vida no me considero capaz de deci¬
dir por mí mismo qué es mejor hacer y estoy contento
de depender de su orientación y consejo.
17. Necesidad de la educación
Hoy en casi todos los sitios del mundo se habla de la necesidad
de la educación. Sinembargo la gente tiene ideas diferentes sobre la
clase y cantidad deseable de educación. He aquí tres ideas expresadas
por tres señores distintos:
A. Dijo uno de ellos: Un buen sistema educacional es ne¬
cesario para que la gente aprenda bien la técnica y el
conocimiento que les ayude a ser eficientes y a tener
éxito en cualquier actividad que desarrollen.
B. Dijo el segundo: Pienso que ir al colegio por muchos
años y estar bien preparado es magnífico para algunas
personas, pero ciertamente no lo es para todo el mun¬
do. Yo, por ejemplo, creo que es mucho más importante
hacer lo que me provoca y gozar realmente de la vida
a medida que esta pasa.
C. Dijo el tercero: No estoy de acuerdo con ninguno de
ustedes. Creo que una larga y excelente educación

190
es importante, pero debe usarse para hacer que cada
hombre sea más sabio y profundo. Así, una persona
podrá desarrollar más completamente el conocimiento
de sí mismo y de la humanidad.
18. Fuerzas naturales
La gente se preocupa a menudo de desastres tales como las
inundaciones, los terremotos, los huracanes y similares. Un día
varias personas discutían sobre el poder de Dios tanto en relación
con el hombre como con las fuerzas naturales en donde se originan es¬
tos magnos acontecimientos. He aquí lo que dijo cada uno:
A. Un señor dijo: Mi punto de vista es que debe existir
una unidad armoniosa total entre Dios, las fuerzas
de la naturaleza y las criaturas. Es cuando los hom¬
bres no viven el genero de vida necesario para mante¬
ner esta armonía que suceden estos desastres.
B. Dijo el segundo: No creo que Dios ejercite directa¬
mente su poder para controlar las fuerzas que se de¬
satan en los terremotos, las inundaciones y similares.
Le corresponde al hombre por sí mismo tratar de averi¬
guar por que suceden tales cosas y desarrollar la mane¬
ra para controlarlas y sobreponerse a ellas.
C. Dijo el tercero: No creo que el hombre pueda llegar
a saber la manera como Dios usa sus poderes para con¬
trolar las fuerzas de la naturaleza, y es inútil que
la gente crea que podrá llegar a conquistar realmente
cosas tales como los terremotos, las inundaciones y
los huracanes. Lo mejor es aceptar las cosas tal
como se presentan y hacer lo más que se pueda.
19. Desastre en la familia
Un hombre y su familia fueron golpeados duramente por la
desgracia. Se presentaron muchas enfermedades durante largo tiempo.
Además el padre perdió el trabajo y tuvo serios problemas financieros.
Algunas personas discutían los problemas de este hombre y su razón de
ser.
A. Una persona dijo: Realmente no se puede culpar a un
hombre cuando le suceden tales infortunios. Cosas
como estas simplemente suceden y no es mucho lo que
puede la misma gente hacer al respecto. Uno debe
aprender a aceptar las cosas malas lo mismo que las
buenas.

191
B. Otra dijo: Esta clase de infortunios suceden cuando
la gente no sigue las formas justas y correctas de
vivir. Cuando la gente vive de tal manera que su
forma de vida esté en armonía con las grades fuer¬
zas naturales de la vida, las cosas casi siempre
andan bien.
C. Dijo la tercera: Probablemente fue culpa del hombre
mismo. He debido dar los pasos necesarios para pre¬
venir que las cosas llegaran a ser tan malas. Si la
gente usa su cabeza, usualmente puede encontrar mane¬
ras para sobreponerse en gran parte a su mala fortu¬
na.
20. Esperanza
(a: Students)
Tres jovenes estaban hablando de lo que creían que sus fami¬
lias—es decir, ellos mismos y sus hijos—tendrían algún día, comparado
con lo que sus padres tuvieron. Cada uno pensaba de distinto modo:
A. Uno dijo: Yo creo que mi familia tendrá más en el futuro
que la familia de mis padres o mis parientes, si trabajamos
duro y hacemos nuestros planes con cuidado. La vida en
este país casi siempre mejora para la gente que de veras
trabaja duro.
B. Otro dijo: Yo no sé de seguro si mi familia vivirá mejor,
lo mismo, o peor, que la familia de mis padres o mis
parientes, La vida sube y baja aún cuando la gente
trabaja duro. Así es la vida!
C. Todavía otro dijo: Yo creo que mi familia vivirá mas o
menos como vivieron las familias de mis padres y de mis
parientes. Lo mejor es trabajar duro para guardar todo
lo del pasado.
(b: Leaders)
Tres personas mayores hablaban de lo que esperaban que sus
hijos tuvieran cuando fueran grandes. Aquí está lo que dijo cada
uno:
A. Una persona dijo: Realmente yo espero que mis hijos
tengan más de lo que yo he tenido, eso es, si traba¬
jan duro y hacen sus planes con cuidado. Siempre hay
buenas oportunidades para los que trabajan duro.

192
B. Otra dijo: Yo no sé si mis hijos vivirán mejor o
peor, o lo mismo, que yo he vivido. La vida sube
y baja, aun cuando la gente trabaja duro. Así es
la vida!
C. La tercera dijo: Yo espero que mis hijos vivan más
o menos como yo he vivido, y que hagan volver la vida
como era antes. Es la responsabilidad de los hijos
mantener la manera de vivir del pasado.
21. Maneras de vivir
Habí tres personas que hablaban sobre la manera como les
gusta vivir. Tenían ideas diversas:
A. Una de ellas dijo: Lo que más me importa es sentirme
libre para hacer lo que me plazca y lo que más se aco¬
mode a mi estado de ánimo. No siempre realizo muchas
cosas pero le saco jugo a la vida a medida que ella
se presenta—ésta es la mejor manera de vivir.
B. Una segunda dijo: Lo que más me interesa es poder
realizar algo—hacer las cosas tan bien o mejor que
otra gente. Me gusta ver resultados y pensar que
vale la pena trabajar para lograrlos.
C. La tercera dijo: Lo que más me interesa es pensar y
actuar en forma tal que desarrolle muchas facetas
variadas de mi naturaleza. Puedo fallar hacer algo
tan bien como los otros en aquellas cosas que mucha
gente piensa como importantes, pero si cada día me
convierto en una persona más sabia y comprensiva es¬
to es lo que más me sienta.
22. Deportes de equipo
Todos sabemos que hay diversas clases de deportes y de como
organizarlos. Conversaban tres personas, a todas ellas les gustaban
los deportes que se juegan en equipo (ej. fútbol, basketbol, béisbol)
pero tenían ideas diversas sobre el tipo que pensaban era mejor.
A. La primera dijo: Me gustan aquellos deportes en equi¬
po que están organizados en forma tal que se deja al
invividuo probarse a sí mismo como individuo y obtener
crédito por ello. '
B. Dijo la segunda: Me gusta el tipo de deportes en e-
quipo donde hay una dirección y organización definidas
y en donde cada persona sabe exactamente su puesto.

.193
C. Dijo la tercera: Me gusta el tipo de deportes en e-
quipo donde hay suficiente organización para mantener
el rodaje de las cosas, pero donde lo principal es que
puedo coordinarme en función de equipo con los compa¬
ñeros tales como yo.

AFPENDIX III
ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF RESPONSE SHEETS FOR
RESPONDENT'S BIOGRAPHICAL DATA
A. Leaders
Number
City ^
Sector
A Study of Leaders' Opinions
1.
Name
2. Sex
3.
Occupation
4. Position
5.
Name of enterprise
6.
Barrio of residence
7.
Where born
(place
and department)
8.
When you were born, were your parents living:
in the country
? or in the city
?
9.
How long have you lived in
(the study city)?
years.
10.
Have you ever lived in any
other place? Yes
No
11.
In what other places have you lived and at what ages?
Place and department
In the In the
Country City
From What Age
To What Age
194

12.
195
What is (was) the profession or occupation of your father?
(Include his position.)
13. How many years of schooling did your father complete?
14. How many years of schooling did you complete?
15. Have you studied in a university? Yes No
If the answer is yes:
16. In which university?
17.
Were you graduated? Yes
No
18.
What was your major?
19.Have you studied in a university outside of Colombia? Yes No
If the answer is yes, in what country and for how long?
20.What is your marital status? Single Married Separated
Divorced Widow(er)
21.In which age group are you?
20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 or more
22.Other data:
23.
Comments:

196
B. Students
Number
Strictly Confidential
A Study of Students' Opinions
1.
Your
name
2.
Your age
3.
Your
school
4.
City
5. In which barrio do you live? City
6. How long have you lived in this city? years
7. Where were you born (place and department)?
8. When you were born, were your parents living:
In the country? (Please check one)
In the city?
9. Did you live in other places before coming to this city? Yes No
If the answer is yes:
10.In what other places have you lived and at what ages?
In the In the From What Age
Place and department Country City To What Age
11.What is (was) the profession or occupation of your father (his
position)?
12. Establishment where he works
13. Job he does

14.How many years of schooling did your father complete?
(Please check one)
Primary
High School
University
Others
15. Is your father living? Yes No_
16. Is your mother living? Yes No
17. Where was your father born (place and department)?
18. Where was your mother born (place and department)?
years

APPENDIX IV
TABLES RELATING TO HYPOTHESES
The frequency distributions and statistical measures
included in the tables of this appendix were used in testing the
hypotheses and are based on the method of analysis which was
discussed in Chapter 5. The tables correspond with the individual
hypotheses in the text.
An asterisk immediately following a t-score indicates that
it was significant at the .05 level. In cases where more than two
groups are compared, the t-tests are indicated with each group
numbered according to the order of its appearance in the table.
A negative t-score simply indicates that the second of the means
being compared was greater than the first.
198

199
Table 3
Value Orientations of Industrial and Church
Leaders, Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Sector
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Industrial (n=10)
0
1
0
1
1
1
1
2
0 .
4
2
3
2
2
3
3
4
3
3
1
4
1
3
1
1
5
0
0
3
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
2.3000
2.7000
3.2000
1.7000
a
1.1595
1.1595
1.6193
1.1595
Church (n=4)
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
1
1
0
2
0
2
2
3
3
0
1
1
0
4
3
0
0
0
5
1
0
0
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
4.2500
2.0000
2.0000
1.5000
. a
0.5000
0.8165
0.8165
1.0000
t
3.1250*
0.8640
1.3989
0.3313

200
Table 4
Value Orientations of Younger and Older
Leaders, Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Age Group
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Younger (n=42)
0
2
0
0
3
1
1
9
4
14
2
5
6
12 .
11
3
11
14
9
11
4
12
7
8
3
5
11
6
7
0
6
-
0
2
X
3.5000
2.8810
3.1905
1.9286
CT
1.3298
1.3289
1.4010
1.0908
Older (n=17)
0
0
2
1
0
1
1
3
2
3
2
0
3
5
8
3
11
3
3
5
4
4
4
3
1
5
1
2
3
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.2353
2.5882
2.8235
2.2353
a
0.8314
1.6225
1.5098
0.8314
t
0.7606
0.7184
0.7942
1.0413

201
Table 5
Value Orientations of Leaders with University Training
vs.
Those with None,
Popayán,
Colombia, 1967
University
Training
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature
Relational
Yes (n=45)
0
2
2
0
1
1
1
10
6
14
2
2
6
13
14
3
17
14
9
13
4
14
6
7
3
5
9
7
8
0
6
-
0
2
-
X
3.4889
2.7333
3.0889
2.0667
a
1.1989
1.4678
1.4589
0.9863
No (n=14)
0
0
0
1
2
1
1
2
0
3
2
3
3
4
5
3
5
3
3
3
4
2
5
4
1
5
3
1
2
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.2143
3.0000
3.0714
1.8571
O
1.2514
1.2403
1.3848
1.1673
t
0.7409
0.6140
0.0396
0.6645

202
Table 6
Value Orientations of Leaders by University Training in
Colombia, the United States, and Western Europe,
Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Place of Study
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Colombia (n=33)
0
2
2
0
0
1
1
8
2
10
2
0
3
10
9
3
15
11
8
12
4
9
4
5
2
5
6
5
7
0
6
-
0
1
-
X
3.3939
2.6667
3.2424
2.1818
a
1.2485
1.5138
1.3470
0.9505
United States (n=8)
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
3
3
2
1
2
1
3
3
2
2
1
1
4
2
2
1
1
5
3
1
1
0
6
-
0
1
-
X
3.8750
3.0000
2.8750
2.0000
a
1.1260
1.3093
1.9594
1.0690
Western Europe (n=4)
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
1
1
1
2
1
1
2
2
3
0
1
0
0
4
3
0
1
0
5
0
1
0
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.5000
2.7500
2.2500
1.2500
0
1.0000
1.7078
1.2583
0.9574
t 1 vs. 2
-1.0067
-0.5651
0.6380
0.4748
1 vs. 3
-0.1652
-0.1052
1.2828
1.8112*
2 vs. 3
0.5050
0.2728
0.6984
1.2604

203
Table 7
Value Orientations of University Trained Leaders by
Whether They Studied at the Universidad
del Cauca, Popayan, Colombia, 1967
Whether Studied There
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Yes (n=28)
0
2
3
3
0
1
3
2
3
8
2
5
3
6
6
3
14
12
5
11
4
3
5
5
3
5
1
3
6
0
6
-
• 0
0
-
X
2.5714
2.8214
2.8571
2.3214
a
1.3927
1.0734
1.2945
1.0304
Jig (n=9)
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
2
2
1
2
3
2
2
6
3
4
1
4
2
4
2
3
1
0
5
0
1
0
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
2.8888
2.8888
2.4444
2.1111
a
1.1246
1.3458
1.4392
1.0247
t
0.3974
0.0825
0.4849
0.2872

204
Table 8
Value Orientations of Students by High and Low
SES of Schools, Popayán, Colombia, 1967
SES of School
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature
Relational
High (n=119)
0
1
9
5
7
1
1
23
10
21
2
8
27
30
34
3
32
40
28
37
4
45
12
22
16
5
32
8
19
4
6
-
0
5
-
X
3.8067
2.3950
3.0840
2.3866
a
0.9939
1.3033
1.4763
1.1940
Low (n=35)
0
0
1
0
3
1
3
5
3
6
2
6
5
7
12
3
9
15
8
6
4
13
5
6
7
5
4
3
7
1
6
-
1
4
-
X
3.2571
2.8857
3.5429
2.3143
a
1.1464
1.3234
1.5213
1.3009
t
2.7750*
1.9515*
1.9503*
0.3084

205
Table 9
Value Orientations of Students by Private and
Public Schools, Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Type of School
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Private (n=40)
0
0
2
0
3
1
3
9
3
4
2
3
6
11
15
3
9
14
6
10
4
17
7
8
7
5
8
2
9
1
6
-
0
3
-
X
3.6000
2.5250
3.4500
2.4250
a
1.1277
1.3006
1.4841
1.1959
Public (n=114)
0
1
8
5
7
1
1
19
10
23
2
11
26
26
31
3
32
41
30
33
4
41
10
20
16
5
28
9
17
4
6
-
1
6
-
X
3.7105
2.5000
3.0965
2.3509
a
1.0281
1.3320
1.4932
1.2264
t
0.5703
0.1027
1.2903
0.3310

206
Table 10
Value Orientations of Students, High-Private and
Low-Public
Schools, Popayán,
Colombia, 1967
Type of School
Orientations
Time Activity
Man-Nature Relational
High-Private (n=19)
0
0
2
0
2
1
1
6
1
3
2
0
2
7
6
3
6
7
3
6
4
6
2
4
2
5
6
0
3
0
6
-
0
1
-
X
3.8421
2.0526
3.2105
2.1579
a
1.0679
1.2681
1.3976
1.1673
Low-Public (n=14)
0
0
1
0
2
1
1
2
1
5
2
3
1
3
3
3
6
8
5
2
4
2
0
2
2
5
2
1
1
0
6
-
1
2
-
X
3.0714
2.7857
3.3571
1.7857
a
1.1411
1.5281
1.4991
1.3114
t
2.1159*
1.5898
0.2787
0.8764

207
Table 11
Value Orientations of Students by SES of Barrio,
Popayán, Colombia, 1967
SES of Barrio
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Upper (n=19)
0
0
2
1
0
1
0
3
2
2
2
2
5
3
6
3
4
7
4
6
4
10
1
3
3
5
3
1
6
2
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.7368
2.2632
3.2632
2.8421
o
0.8719
1.2842
1.5931
1.1673
Upper-Middle (n=26)
0
0
1
0
1
1
2
5
5
2
2
1
3
4
8
3
6
11
5
6
4
11
5
6
9
5
6
1
5
0
6
-
0
1
-
X
3.6923
2.6538
3.1923
2.7692
a
1.1232
1.2310
1.5237
1.1422
Middle (n=50)
0
0
2
2
4
1
1
11
1
9
2
3
11
11
16
3
14
18
12
18
4
17
4
12
3
5
15
4
10
0
6
0
2
X
3.8400
2.4600
3.3800
2.1400
a
0.9971
1.2651
1.3981
1.0500

208
Table 11—continued
SES of Barrio
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Lower (n=36)
0
1
3
1
3
1
1
7
3
9
2
6
6
11
9
3
4
12
11
10
4
15
5
3
3
5
9
2
2
2
6
-
1
5
-
X
3.6111
2.5278
3.0556
2.1944
a
1.2712
1.4636
1.5846
1.3054
"Superlow" (n=6)
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
2
0
2
4
3
3
3
1
0
1
4
2
1
1
2
5
1
2
1
0
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.6667
3.5000
2.8333
2.8333
a
0.8165
1.3784
1.3292
0.9832
t 1 vs. 2
0.1367
-0.9797
0.1567
0.2093
1 vs. 3
-0.3546
-0.5528
-0.2894
2.2585*
1 vs. 4
0.4107
-0.7062
0.4887
1.9801*
1 vs. 5
0.1388
-1.9989*
0.6127
0.0162
2 vs. 3
-0.5658
0.6068
-0.5182
2.2561*
2 vs. 4
0.2922
0.3707
0.3547
1.9361*
2 vs. 5
0.0524
-1.4139
0.5291
-0.1227
3 vs. 4
0.9700
-0.2347
0.9908
-0.2159
3 vs. 5
0.3716
-1.8217
0.8446
-1.3912
4 vs. 5
-0.1167
-1.6686
0.3364
-1.2561

209
Table 12
Value Orientations of Students by Occupational Status
of
Their Fathers,
Popayán,
Colombia, 1967
Occupational
Orientations
Status
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
I (n=29)
0
0
3
2
1
1
1
4
1
2
2
3
7
5
12
3
7
11
12
7
4
12
1
2
6
5
6
3
7
1
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.6552
2.4138
3.1034
2.6207
a
1.0446
1.3763
1.4229
1.1153
II (n=32)
0
0
1
0
2
1
0
8
2
6
2
3
3
8
11
3
9
14
5
9
4
11
4
8
3
5
9
2
7
1
6
-
0
2
-
X
3.8125
2.5625
3.5000
2.2500
a
0.9651
1.2684
1.4142
1.1640
III (n=34)
0
1
3
2
3
1
1
7
4
5
2
3
8
10
10
3
8
12
8
9
4
14
3
5
5
5
7
1
4
2
6
-
0
1
-
X
3.5882
2.2353
2.7647
2.4118
a
1.1837
1.2324
1.4783
1.3284
t 1 vs. 2
-0.5660
-0.4418
-1.0857
1.1907
1 vs. 3
0.2443
0.5378
0.9407
0.6807
2 vs. 3
0.8399
1.0118
2.0956*
-0.5409

210
Table 13
Value Orientations of Students by Educational Levels
of
Their Fathers,
Popayan,
Colombia, 1967
Educational
Orientations
Levels
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Primary or Less (n=61)
0
0
4
1
6
1
1
9
6
12
2
6
11
20
18
3
20
21
' 11
15
4
20
10
11
10
5
14
5
6
0
6
-
1
6
-
X
3.6657
2.7049
3.0984
2.1803
a
0.9981
1.3946
1.5352
1.2180
Secondary (n=61)
0
1
3
2
3
1
2
14
5
12
2
3
14
13
16
3
15
22
16
20
4
26
4
9
6
5
14
4
13
4
6
-
0
3
-
X
3.7213
2.3607
3.2459
2.4262
0
1.0821
1.2387
1.5017
1.2444
College (n=25)
0
0
3
2
1
1
0
3
1
1
2
5
5
4
9
3
6
10
8
6
4
8
2
4
7
5
6
2
6
1
6
-
0
0
-
X
3.6000
2.4400
3.1600
2.8000
a
1.0801
1.3868
1.4911
1.1547
t 1 vs. 2
-0.3457
1.4290
-0.5382
-1.1142
1 vs. 3
0.2240
0.8385
-0.1714
-2.1409*
2 vs. 3
0.4876
-0.2511
0.2389
-1.2913

211
Table 14
Dominant Value Profiles of Students, Mothers, and
Fathers, by Instrument Item Number,
Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Orientation
Respondent Group
and Item
Student
Mother Father
Score**
Time
1
F>Pr>Pa***
Pa>Pr>F
F>Pr=Pa
+
2
F>Pr>Pa
F>Pa>Pr
F>Pa>Pr
0
3
F>Pr>Pa
F>Pr>Pa
F>Pr>Pa
0
4
Pr>Pa>F
F>Pr>Pa
Pr>F>Pa
+
.5
F>Pr>Pa
F>Pr>Pa
F>Pr>Pa
0
Activity
6
D>Bib>B
D>Bib>B
D>Bib>B
0
7
Bib>D>B
Bib>D>B
D>Bib>B
-
8
Bib>D>B
Bib>D>B
Bib>D>B
0
9
Bib>D>B
Bib>D>B
Bib>B>D
0
10
B>Bib>D
Bib>B>D
Bib>B>D
0
11
D>Bib>B
D>Bib>B
D>Bib>B
0
Man-Nature
12
W>S>0
0>S>W
0>W>S
+
13
0>W>S
S>W>0
0>W>S
+
14
0>W>S
W>S>0
0>S>W
+
15
0>W>S
0>W>S
0>W>S
0
16.
S>W>0
0>W>S
S>W>0
+
17
0>W>S
S>W>0
S>0>W
+
Relational
18
L>C>I
I>L>C
L>I>C
+
19
I>C>L
C>L=I
C>I>L
0
20
C>I>L
C>I>L
C>I>L
0
21
L>I>C
I>L>C
L>I>C
+
22
C>L>I
I>C>L
I>C>L
0
p=.0019
**A plus indicates that students were nearer to the profile
they reported for their fathers; a minus means .that they were nearer
that of their mothers. A zero is used when the profile of the students
was an equal distance from, or exactly equal to, the profiles of both
parents.
***The abbreviations for the value profiles are found on
page 133 of this dissertation.

212
Table 15
Value Orientations
Popayán,
of Leaders and
Colombia, 1967
Students,
Group
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Leaders (n=59)
0
2
2
1
3
1
2
12
6
17
2
5
9
17
19
3
22
17
12
16
4
16
11
11
4
5
12
8
10
0
6
-
0
2
-
X
3.4237
2.7966
3.0847
2.0169
a
1.9483
2.2796
2.3094
1.6554
Students (n=154)
0
1
10
5
10
1
4
28
13
27
2
14
32
37
46
3
41
55
36
43
4
58
17
28
23
5
36
11
26
5
6
-
1
9
-
X
3.6818
2.5065
3.1883
2.3701
a
1.7373
1.8006
1.9644
1.6319
t
0.9475
1.0118
0.3549
1.3727

213
Table 16
Value Orientations of Students and Their Mothers,
Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Group
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Students (n=154)
0
1
10
5
10
1
4
28
13
27
2
14
32
37
46
3
41
55
36
43
4
58
17
28
23
5
36
11
26
5
6
-
1
9
-
X
3.6818
2.5065
3.1883
2.3701
a
1.7373
1.8006
1.9644
1.6319
Mothers (n=154)
0
19
10
37
32
1
38
27
47
61
2
43
48
33
40
3
31
43
18
19
4
17
20
15
2
5
6
4
4
0
6
-
2
0
-
X
2.0454
2.3636
1.6038
1.3376
a
1.7274
1.5003
1.6654
1.3775
t
8.2931*
0.7576
7.6435*
6.0133*

214
Table 17
Value Orientations of Students and Their
Fathers, Popayán, Colombia, 1967
Group
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature Relational
Students (n=154)
0
1
10
5
10
1
4
28
13
27
2
14
32
37
46
3
41
55
36
43
4
58
17
28
23
5
36
11
26
5
6
-
1
9
-
X
3.6818
2.5065
3.1883
2.3701
a
1.7373
1.8006
1.9644
1.6319
Fathers (n=154)
0
11
14
23
15
1
26
26
21
38
2
35
38
42
48
3
40
46
30
37
4
28
21
23
13
5
14
8
13
3
6
-
1
2
-
X
2.5844
2.4026
2.3636
2.0259
. a
1.7313
1.7498
1.8180
1.4929
t
5.4952*
0.5146
3.8240*
1.9369*

215
Table 18
Value Orientations of Leaders in
Popayán and Medellin, 1967
City
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature
Relational
Popayán (n=59)
0
2
2
1
3
1
2
12
6
17
2
5
9
17
19
3
22
17
12
16
4
16
11
11
4
5
12
8
10
0
6
-
0
2
-
X
3.4237
2.7966
3.0847
2.0169
a
1.2064
1.4115
1.4298
1.0254
Medellin (n=60)
0
1
6
1
4
1
0
10
6
17
2
9
12
13
19
3
17
17
17
13
4
22
12
8
7
5
11
3
9
0
6
-
0
6
-
X
3.5333
2.4667
3.2667
2.0333
a
1.0651
1.3835
1.5389
1.1194
t
0.5256
1.2877
0.6678
0.0832

216
Table 19
Value Orientations of Students in Popayán
and Medellin, 1967-
City
Orientations
Time
Activity
Man-Nature
Relational
Popayán (n=154)
0
1
10
5
10
1
4
28
13
27
2
14
32
37
46
3
41
55
36
43
4
58
17
28
23
5
36
11
26
5
6
-
1
9
-
X
3.6818
2.5065
3.1883
2.3701
o
1.7373
1.8006
1.9644
1.6319
Medellin (n=395)
0
1
27
19
36
1
23
75
57
102
2
54
118
102
128
3
111
112
115
94
4
149
47
63
30
5
57
14
29
5
6
-
2
10
-
X
3.4050
2.3215
2.6911
1.9873
a
1.6059
1.4111
1.5562
1.3197
t
1.2541
0.8564
2.1023*
1.9343'

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
J. Selwyn Hollingsworth was born December 20, 1939, at
Blooming Grove, Texas. In May, 1958, he was graduated from
Barry High School. In August, 1962, he received the degree of
Bachelor of Science with a major in Sociology from Texas A&M College.
From September, 1962, to April, 1963, he served as exchange delegate
to Costa Rica with the International Farm Youth Exchange. In 1963,
he enrolled in the Graduate School of Texas A&M University. He worked
as a graduate research assistant in the Department of Agricultural
Economics and Sociology until August, 1964, when he received the degree
of Master of Science with a major in Sociology. In September, 1964, he
enrolled in the Graduate School of the University of Florida and
served as graduate research assistant for one year. Following that,
he studied under a fellowship from the National Defense Education Act
until August, 1966. At that time, he went to Cali, Colombia, with a
research grant from the University of Florida and the Rockefeller
Foundation. While in Colombia, he held the position of Assistant
Visiting Professor at the Universidad del Valle for two years. From
September, 1968, until August, 1969, he worked as a research associate
with the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of
Florida. From September, 1969, to the present, he has been a faculty
member of the University of Alabama at Tuscaloosa.
236

237
J. Selwyn Hollingsworth is a member of Phi Kappa Phi,
Phi Theta Kappa, Alpha Kappa Delta, Alpha Zeta, the American
Sociological Association, the American Population Association, the
Southern Sociological Society, and the Rural Sociological Society.
*

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Irving L. Webber, Chairman
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
''Joseph S. Vandiver
Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
J. V. D. Saunders
Professor of Sociology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
E. W. Bock
Assistant Professor of Sociology
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
This dissertation was submitted to the Dean of the College of Arts and
Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 1970
Dean, Graduate School

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
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