Citation
A multidimensional view of power in San Jose, Costa Rica

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Title:
A multidimensional view of power in San Jose, Costa Rica
Alternate Title:
A multidimensional view of power in San José, Costa Rica
Creator:
Pyle, Ransford Comstock, 1936-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
vii, 254 leaves. : illus. ; 28 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Anthropology ( jstor )
Barrios ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Coffee industry ( jstor )
College students ( jstor )
Cultural anthropology ( jstor )
Family names ( jstor )
Middle class ( jstor )
Political power ( jstor )
Universities ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis Ph. D ( lcsh )
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF ( lcsh )
Power (Social sciences) ( lcsh )
Social conditions -- San José (Costa Rica) ( lcsh )
Upper class -- Costa Rica -- San José ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis -- University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 247-254.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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022773029 ( ALEPH )
14071740 ( OCLC )
ADA8760 ( NOTIS )

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Full Text












A MULTIDIMENSIONAL VIEW OF POWER
IN SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA


By

Ransford Comstock Pyle













A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY


UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA














ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


I wish to express my gratitude to the members of my Doctoral

Committee, William E. Carter (Chairman), Solon Kimball, Martha Hardman-

de-Bautista, G. Alexander Moore, and Walter Weyrauch for their help

in the preparation of this work as well as their influence during

my graduate training. Many Costa Ricans were helpful during the field

research in many ways. Among those who were particularly helpful were

Virginia Ramfrez de Barquero, Dr. Romano Soto Delcore, Maria Eugenia

Bozzoli de Wille and my student assistant, Carlos Vargas Dengo. This

acknowledgment should not be construed to mean that the above-mentioned

persons concurred in the conclusions drawn here, since in some cases the

opposite would be true. Special thanks must go to Dr. Samuel Stone,

who read an early draft of the dissertation and who provided a useful

critique of many aspects of the work.

Finally, my wife, Carola, deserves special thanks for the many

sacrifices' made during a long period of graduate training.















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . ii

LIST OF TABLES . v

LIST OF FIGURES . vi

ABSTRACT . vii

INTRODUCTION . .. .. 1

CHAPTER I: POWER AND GEOGRAPHY: PRIMACY OF THE CAPITAL CITY 14

CHAPTER II: IDEOLOGICAL POWER: COUNTERFEIT DEMOCRACY 29

CHAPTER III:. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL POWER: AN ENDOGAMOUS

"POLITICAL CLASS" . 49

CHAPTER IV: INSTITUTIONAL POWER: EDUCATION AND THE ELITE 108

CHAPTER V: PHYSICAL DIVISIONS OF THE CITY AND THEIR SOCIAL

CORRELATES ..... ............. ......... 133

CHAPTER VI: THE PERCEPTION OF SOCIAL DIFFERENCES 163

CHAPTER VII: THE IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL THEORY 202

APPENDIX A: DESCENDANTS OF ANTONIO DE ACOSTA AREVALO 235

APPENDIX B: FAMILY SAENZ ULLOA . 238

APPENDIX C: FAMILY ECHAVARRIA (ALVARADO) 240

APPENDIX D: DESCENDANTS OF JUAN VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO 241

APPENDIX E: FAMILY MORA PORRAS .. 242

APPENDIX F: FAMILY QUIROS . 243

APPENDIX G: RELATIONSHIPS OF THIRTEEN COSTA RICAN

CHIEFS OF STATE ........................ 244
iii











APPENDIX H: QUESTIONNAIRE 2h5

REFERENCES CITED . 2h7

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . 255

















LIST OF TABLES


TABLE I: EVOLUTION OF THE POPULATION OF COSTA RICA ACCORDING


TO THE CENSUSES BETWEEN 1522 and 1801 .

TABLE II: PARTIAL LIST OF THE FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS

OF COSTA RICA . .

TABLE III: AFFINAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG KEY FAMILIES OF THE

FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS .

TABLE IV: INSTANCES OF SIBLING EXCHANGE IN THE DESCENT OF

ANTONIO DE ACOSTA AREVALO .

TABLE V: MARRIAGES BETWEEN CONSANGUINEAL KIN AMONG THE

DESCENDANTS OF MANUEL SAENZ ALVARADO AND MARIA

CAYETANA ULLOA GUZMAN .

TABLE VI: FREQUENCY OF OCCURENCE OF COSTA RICAN SURNAMES .

TABLE VII: FREQUENCY OF ELITE INTERMARRIAGE .


* 41h




. 59




. 63




. 71






. 82

* 89

. 92















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure 1: Schematic Diagrams of Population and Social Class 52

Figure 2: Centrality and Relative Power Positions

of Costa Rican Cities . 53

Figure 3: Important Political Families 96

Figure 4: Historical Growth of San Jose (schematic) 159

Figure 5: Contemporary San Jose (schematic) 160









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



A MULTIDIMENSIONAL VIEW OF POWER
IN SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA

By

Ransford Comstock Pyle

June, 1974

Chairman: William E. Carter
Major Department: Anthropology

San Jose is the capital of Costa Rica and exercises a dominance over

the nation which dwarfs the importance of other population centers.

Paralleling the geographical power which San Jose derives from its central

position in the nation is the political and economic power position

occupied by the political elite which has maintained control over all

important national institutions since the colonial period. This group

has managed to maintain its boundaries through selective marriage patterns

which vary from generalized endogamy to marriage alliances. The image of

Costa Rica and the political ideology which represents Costa Rica

disguise the elitist and exclusive nature of Costa Rican society and

politics. Power-is examined in many facets, including institutional

control, ideological manipulation, social interaction, geographical

position, and politics.







vii Chairman















INTRODUCTION


To appreciate the chapters which follow, one must have some under-

standing of how this work came into being. By focusing on a city, we

depart from the usual subject matter of ethnographic research in anthro-

pology which generally centers upon so-called "tribal" peoples or

peasant communities. Urban studies are relatively new to anthropology

and the urban context presents problems which are either absent or

avoidable in small, homogeneous settlements. Size, in and of itself,

is a problem, especially when, as in this study, the research is

accomplished by one person. Since anthropology has traditionally been

committed to the study of entire communities, covering the gamut of

human thought and action, a city of some four hundred thousand persons

presents a monumental task. The people of even a small community pro-

vide an endless fund of relevant information; the city not only has more

people but also provides additional sources of information through the

written word. Urban institutions tend to be large and complex, with

infrastructures which are often obscure to the newcomer (and even to the

old-timer). Unraveling complexity is time-comsuming, but this is not the

greatest problem for the urban anthropologist.

Other social scientists have studied cities, or at least operated

within the context of modern urban societies. If anthropologists intend

to examine the meaning of urban life, we ought to approach this study with

new procedures and attitudes which can justify entering a field where

1








there are already many experienced hands. Anthropology has emphasized

holistic study of culture on the basis of field research through

participant-observation. Although sociologists also use participant-

observation as one type of research method, they are neither as devoted

to it nor as well-grounded in the method. In addition, sociologists

are commonly problem- or policy-oriented so that field research infre-

quently aims at total systems. Anthropologists often study more than

sociologists in the sense that "culture," including thoughts, perceptions,

and values, is a more encompassing concept than "society," which is the

concern of sociologists and often leads to a concentration on institu-

tions. Without intending to suggest that anthropologists have interests

opposed to other social scientists, it is possible, nonetheless, to

argue that the differing orientations of the different disciplines ought

to lead to different approaches and even different results. With some

cross-fertilization, all the disciplines involved in urban research could

advance in useful material as well as in the important intellectual pro-

vocation which different perspectives can bring.

Embarking upon urban field research, the anthropologist is faced

with the burden of offering something different, if not necessarily

revolutionary. To replicate what sociologists have done elsewhere is

not very satisfying, especially in the presence of scholastic chauvinism,

a characteristic of anthropologists. One begins with the intention of

demonstrating the inherent superiority of anthropology by providing a

better explanation of urban life. Unfortunately, the field researcher

is immediately confronted by basic methodological problems without ready

solutions. How, for instance, does one participate in the life of the









city? How does one observe thousands of lives? San Jose, Costa Rica,

a city of some 400,000 inhabitants, seemed a good choice for research

because of a relatively homogeneous population, sharing a single

language, a generalized racial stock, and a common tradition. It is

difficult, however, to get Josefinos ("those who live in San Jose")

to agree on any one matter--unanimity is rare even with a small sample.

In a great many matters, they express themselves freely, and are even

argumentative when provoked. This behavior may constitute a generally

shared Latin American characteristic of verbal facility and express-

iveness combined with an individualism based upon highly valued personal

dignity. For all their real and purported homogeneity, the Josefinos

display an endless diversity of opinion and outlook. This should serve

as a word of caution with regard to generalization encountered in the

following chapters--we cannot, in truth, say that all Josefinos "express

themselves freely." In initial field research many opinions, even

-apparently factual statements, which had been recorded, were cross-

checked with subsequent informants. The following interchange, which

investigated the alleged Costa Rican "hospitality," shows the type of

response which was repeated on numerous other occasions:

"Why-did you choose Costa Rica to study?"
"I felt that Costa Ricans were kind and hospitable and this
would be helpful in getting to know the people."
"Kind and hospitable? Just the opposite. If you went to
Mexico and you met a stranger on the street and he said,
'Come to my house,' he would take you to his house and intro-
duce you to his family and serve you a sumptuous dinner. A
Costa Rican would make the same invitation, but you would
never see the inside of his house."

With contradictory statements, it becomes impossible to generalize about

what Josefinos say about themselves, without arriving at the question of









what they think. One is led eventually to rely upon some statistical

measure, however crude it may be. The results of this approach are

discussed in Chapter VI, which examines, among other things, responses

to a questionnaire administered to university students. The question-

naire (Appendix H) was purposely subjective in order to require

respondents to put on paper categorizations of Josefinos and other Costa

Ricans to test the presence or absence of generalized attitudes toward

people. The questionnaire was based upon a few months' impressions

gained through interview and observation. The questionnaire aimed to

test these impressions as well as to clarify them. Many notions were

confirmed and additional facets of the Costa Rican character emerged. A

much greater consensus was achieved in the questionnaire than had been

achieved in interview. This was due in part to the increasing sophisti-

cation of the researcher, i.e., he was no longer asking many of the naive

or unproductive questions of the first few weeks. One unforeseen result

of-the questionnaire was help rendered in subsequent relations with the

Costa Ricans. Once armed with a general picture of the way Costa Ricans,

albeit university students, viewed themselves, the researcher was able

to respond to questions in a manner compatible with the notions of the

questioners. This was very important since statements which sound sus-

piciously Yanqui in point of view engender distrust and defensiveness.

On the other hand, statements which echo commonly held Costa Rican veiw-

points indicate an appreciation for things Costa Rican not commonly

encountered in American visitors. Henceforward, discussions with

acquaintances became more open and friendly and less argumentative. Dis-

agreement was still present and heterogeneity of opinion still expressed,









but the atmosphere in which discussion and argument took place was

noticeably changed. While such things may seem strangely unscientific

and subjective to other social scientists, they are comforting to the

anthropologist who must often deal with subjective impressions, validated

by whatever reasonable means are available to him. Cultural anthro-

pologists oriented towards linguistics have emphasized the importance of

native categorizations (see the articles reprinted in Tyler 1969:191-504).

Goodenough (1957) suggests that the grammar of a culture is similar to

that of a language, consisting of what one needs to know in order to

behave appropriately within the context of that culture. As a participant-

observer, the anthropologist examines the behavior of his subjects

(observation) and he tests his conclusions by predicting the outcome of

sequences of actions taken by others and often by his own actions

(participation). This procedure does not constitute formal hypothesis

testing, although it would be possible to graft such a method on to this

process. It is instead a process of growth for the field researcher in

which, when it runs according to plan, the final product is an individual

who can think and act like a native without forgetting that he is an

anthropologist. It is a form of voluntary schizophrenia with both good

and bad moments. It must happen as it did in Costa Rica, that many

fieldworkers find themselves beginning to behave in a fashion which

once appeared to them outrageous native custom (see Chagnon 1974:1-45).

Unfortunately, only the anthropologist and the natives he studies can

effectively judge the extent to which he has assimilated native ways.

We could accept his judgment with greater confidence if we could believe

his implicit assurances that he learned their ways.








One of the problems with participant-observation in the city is

the status of the participant. Learning to act like a rich Josefino

does not prepare one to associate with poor Josefinos on their terms.

Where should one live? In an affluent neighborhood? In a slum? A

workingclass neighborhood? Should one live according to the high living

standard appropriate for Americans or should one pretend poverty with

the risk that this hypocrisy will be transparent? Can one ask a member

of the upper class to a modest home or a poor man to a sumptuous one?

These questions were asked at the beginning of the field work and later

personal relations showed them to be pertinent questions. The participant-

observer who seeks to study the whole city and all its people may end

up acting like a native, but he is bound to be a very inconsistent

native. This is a problem of sorts in the city since, unlike the re-

searcher in a remote village, the anthropologist cannot even play the

role of the awkward and ignorant, but accepted, intruder. People met

each day are strangers who- will never become accustomed to the manner of

this foreigner and who will furnish him-the information he requests only

if it is to their liking to do so.

=n--. If participant-observation in the city is awkward, difficult, and

imperfect, it may be the sine qua non of urban anthropological field-

work, nonetheless.- Through the unpleasant and uncomfortable experiences

of wandering about the city and poking one's nose in places it was-not

meant to be, one comes to learn the city and its people beyond the

American Embassy, beyond knowing the especialite de la mason and how to

bargain in the marketplace. A moderately intrepid fieldworker comes to

know far more people and places in the city than any native. The anthro-

pologist can justify his interest in every aspect of the city and he can









go anywhere.1 Unlike local scholars, he need not remain permanently with

the people he may have offended in the country he may criticize. As a

foreigner, a certain amount of peculiar behavior is to be expected. Thus,

he can do more and see more than most natives. In the process of

experiencing the city, the fieldworker should arrive at insights which

can be obtained in no other way. Personal experience is unique, but

this tautological observation suggests that the knowledge to be gained

by experience is also unique.

There is an inclination on the part of anthropologists (and

sociologists abroad) who deal with the city to search for "street-

corner societies" and squatter settlements. Apparently these groups

resemble the peasant communities so much a part of anthropological research

in Latin America and appeal to the anthropologists' penchant for marginal

and exotic peoples. This inclination may be undesirable insofar as it

contradicts the holistic dogma which anthropologists have for many years

claimed as one of the essential ingredients in anthropological research

and theory. We may find ultimately that urban anthropologists and

sociologists are doing the same thing even though coming from different

intellectual backgrounds. Before coming to this conclusion, however,

we ought to consider the possibility that the two disciplines suggest

two different conceptions of urban research. The holistic concept in

anthropology is a major distinction between that discipline and sociology.

We may consider the city in its totality, whether or not we conceive of

it as a community. Wedded to participant-observation, with its personal

and subjective nature outlined above, we are faced with the problem:

Participant-observation has strong individualistic tendencies which make

it difficult for team research, the sort of research which would seem to









be required in the urban context. This is a reasonable argument in light

of what has already been stated above; participant-observation in the

city must always be partial and incomplete. In rebuttal, we argue that

all studies of human behavior are incomplete, only the degree of complete-

ness is here in question. Also, there is some doubt as to whether size

and complexity are proportionate. Only at the level of pure description

need there be a direct relation between size and scholarship. The

principles which underly a large community may be as simple or as complex

as those underlying a small community. These principles, whether they

be structural, systemic, processual, or ideological, are the concern of

serious scholars. The question is whether it is preferable to seek

these principles piecemeal or all at once. Anthropology has traditionally

argued the latter approach. Functional theory in anthropology has always

stressed the integration of parts within the whole, meaning that the

whole is not simply the sum of its parts. Structuralism has similarly

required broad-spectrum study in order to comprehend structural principles

within a society, even though there may be conceptually separable

structures susceptible of analysis.

San Jose was studied in this spirit. The nagging question of what

the city meant was let to nag. Parts, experiences, questions, and answers

were added in and not added up. The picture was never complete, but

slowly an explanation of the city began to grow which appeared to tie

together many of the loose ends. In the following chapters, relatively

few pages are devoted to direct accounts of participant-observation

although this method was the foundation upon which the ideas were built.

Most of the historical and genealogical work was accomplished subsequent









to the year of field work (1971-1972). The attempt in the last chapter

to present theoretical arguments thought to be pertinent to San Jose

and Costa Rica is based upon research following the field experience.

The theoretical assumptions carried to the field, namely, functionalism,

proved unserviceable and were abandoned only with growing awareness of

the operating force of the imbalance of power. This awareness was

brought to a head in a discussion of inherited power with Dr. Samuel Stone,

whose influence over subsequent development of theme can be noted in

Chapter III.

A physical description of San Jose will not be encountered until

Chapter V. Those unfamiliar with the fundamentals of Central American

geography are advised to read the first few pages of that chapter first

if guidebook data are desired. Elsewhere geography will be treated in a

schematic and abstract fashion. Geography is important because space

is important. Chapter I presents in spatial terms the principle theme

of our work: Power is organized about central cores of dense concentra-

tion. The principle operates on the levels of geography (Chapter I),

ideology (Chapter II), kinship (Chapter III), and formal institutions

(Chapter IV). Although the germinal principle can be derived from

geographical theory (Central Place Theory), it underlies the elite theories

of sociology and political science, which are somewhat older. Michels'

"Iron Law of Oligarchy" may be the most emphatic statement of this power

principle in the social sciences.

While our study concerns Costa Rica alone, the power principle is

neither Costa Rican, nor even Latin American. Major influences in the

development of our line of thought have been Italian, German, and American.









However, dominant schools in England and the United States have tended

to avoid elite theories and the study of elites. The reason for this may

well lie in the embarrassing but logical conclusion that the imbalance of

power at the international level has worked in favor of the United States

and England more than any other nations in modern times. Elites have

been discussed in Latin America (Lipset and Solari 1967), but they have

been distinguished as feudal, traditional, particularistic, Catholic,

and personalistic, i.e., by all those characteristics which English and

Americans choose not to call themselves. These characterizations and

their implications are currently coming into question, especially by

Latin American social scientists, one of whom (Stavenhagen 1971) has put

into serious question the entire foundation of American assessment of

Latin America. Our discussion of power distribution and the ideology it

encourages in Costa Rica may be read, mutatis mutandum, in terms of

American policy toward Latin America and the ideological supports which

American scholars have provided that policy. But that is not our pur-

pose here, although the logical extension of the holistic premise would

insist that we examine the whole international scene.

Another approach to elites has been to conceive of plural elites,

and this is the approach used in Lipset and Solari (1967). This usage

refers to "...those positions in society which are at the summits of key

social structures" (Lipset and Solari 1967:vii). Thus we may have a

labor elite, a managerial elite, a political elite, etc. Unfortunately,

the term "elite" in this context loses the sense in which we most fre-

quently use it. The elite is not simply an arbitrary apex of a social

pyramid, it is distinct from the rest of society. Costa Rica is a small









country with a small elite; it is possible that her society has not grown

to the complexity of nations with plural elites. It is also possible,

however, that the elites of other nations have remained hidden. Even

in Costa Rica talk of "the oligarchy" is commonly condemned as the ravings

of the lunatic fringe, namely, the Communists. Dr. Stone's work with

the genealogies of important political families in the history of Costa

Rica demonstrated an incredible nexus between family and political power

throughout Costa Rican history. We have attempted here (Chapter III)

to clarify some of the principles operating among these important families

which show that the elite may indeed be distinguished from the rest of

society on the basis of kinship. This should be of interest to anthro-

pologists since kinship has been an important part of the study of

primitive peoples. It remains an open question as to the extent of power

-relationships based on kinship in the most complex societies. It may

be that bonds exist which, as was true of Costa Rica until recently, are

-obscured through the absence of formal rules of the inheritance of

-power. It is also possible that the power principles discussed here may

:operate in areas other than kinship.

.Power relationships and the principles which guide their formation

wand-maintenance -were analytically derived. They are hidden, sometimes

:-intentionally, since powerful persons often wish to avoid exposure to

-the public eye. Thus, the fieldworker and the public in general may be

blithely ignorant of what is happening. Chapter VI presents a picture of

the perceptions which many Costa Ricans have of their society. This

picture varies in important respects from the picture of power represented

in other chapters. There are many possible reasons for the discrepancies.









The point we wish to make, however, is that the values which these per-

ceptions imply are values which inordinately benefit those in power.

Many values, rules, and laws are phrased and perhaps understood in

terms which do not discriminate among social categories and yet the

impact of these values, rules, and laws may be highly discriminatory.

For example, a rule which states that children must wear shoes in school

would be discriminatory in a nation of impoverished, barefoot people.

The discrimination inherent in values is often hidden. Chapter V pre-

sents the argument that perceptions and values in San Jose can be

demonstrated to be consistent with the picture of power painted in the

preceding chapters.

Rightly or wrongly, the chapters have been presented and the

material selected in an order which seemed most conducive to explicate

the major themes. The first four chapters are more closely related than

is the fifth chapter to the preceding four. The work concludes with

additional theoretical considerations.





13








NOTE


iCosta Rican social scientists, including anthropologists, are
subject to significant social restraints relating to their sex, social
status, and professional standing as well as the ideological constraints
imposed by their nationality and the political tendencies of their
discipline (e.g., sociologists tended to be radical, anti-U.S., Marxists).














CHAPTER I
POWER AND GEOGRAPHY: PRIMACY OF THE
CAPITAL CITY

Centrality of Location and Size of Population

With a map of Costa Rica in hand, it would not be difficult to

"guess" the location of the capital city. San Jose not only occupies

a strategic central location within the nation, but the area which

it $ccupies suggests a city many times greater in population than any

other settlement in the country. These two features of centrality and

size are closely related to the natural concentration of power, hence

the correctness of the guess as to which Costa Rican settlement would

likely be the capital city. Exceptions to the rule do not refute it;

for every Washington there are likely to be several cities like Paris

or Rome which combine centrality and size. In fact, considering the

number of factors which may combine to influence the growth of any

given city, we must take note of the importance of the two features

mentioned above.

The relation between centrality and concentration of population

has long been recognized and has perhaps received its most important

formal expression in the so-called "Central-Place Theory" formulated

on an economic "marketing principle" by Christaller (1933) and

subsequently examined, tested, and modified in several directions by

many others.1

Horace Miner (1967) suggested a similar relationship between

differentiation of function in society, a hierarchy of power, and
14









the dominance of cities, and was the first, according to Wheatley

(1972:630), to give formal expression to a notion of the "city as a

centre of dominance." Recently, Trigger (1972) has elucidated this

phenomenon through an analysis of the determinants of urban growth in

preindustrial cities. Trigger enumerates four "premises" of urban

growth, which are reproduced below because of their special relevance

to San Jose, Costa Rica:

1. There is a tendency for human activities to be hierarchical
in character and for this to be reflected in spatial
organization.

...with increasing complexity, a hierarchy of locations
may develop with respect to any one kind of activity,
the higher or more specialized functions being performed
from a smaller number of centres.

2. With increasing complexity there is a tendency for
activities and social institutions to be more clearly
defined and for their personnel to be more highly
specialized. ...

3. Human activities tend to be focal in character in order
to take advantage of scale economics.

I- -- In order to increase efficiency, activities susceptible
to varying degrees of interrelationship tend to be
concentrated at a single point.... In accordance with
these rules, locations which serve one kind of function
frequently tend to serve another. In combination with
the hierarchical premise outlined above, such tendencies
give rise to a hierarchy of locations varying in terms
of accessibility and the size of the area they serve
S- and influence....

~t. The size of communities tends to vary with the number
of functions they perform [1972:578-579].

Without referring specifically to Central Place Theory and its spatio-

economic relations, Trigger describes a "hierarchy of locations" which

is parallel to the former theory without insisting upon either marketing

function or precise symmetrical distribution. It is clear that Trigger









is speaking of "cities" and not simply "places." Important in his

conception of a city are that (1) it "performs specialized functions

in relationship to a broader hinterland" and (2) "the specialized

functions of a city are not agricultural in nature" (Trigger 1972:577).

He also asserts that the special relation of agriculture to land tends

to concentrate similar specialties in one area while encouraging

dispersal of agricultural production (1972:577). Thus the functions

of urban and rural areas are to Trigger different in nature. If this

is true, this major distinction in Costa Rica between rural and

urban areas need not surprise us.

While the city tends to concentrate social and political functions

within its ambit, such a concentration may be viewed as "economic" in

the sense that efficiency encourages a concentration of specialized

functions at a center just as efficiency demands a concentration of

truly economic functions, such as markets, banks, and economic policy-

making. In light of this, absentee landlordism appears quite natural--

in order-to maintain identification with an elite upper class, members

of that group must maintain contact with the center of social activity,

whether it be San Jose, Lima, or Paris. Because of the interrelatedness

of social, political, and economic functions at these centers, a

residence in town not only insures the maintenance of social prestige

but also maintains vital political and economic networks.

While the efficient operation of specialized functions in a

complex society leads inevitably to the growth of urban centers which

concentrate political and-economic power in the hands of a minority,

we must also realize that the power thus acquired is commonly sustained









through the manipulation of the entire system by members of the elite

acting in concert. To locate oneself close to the center of power in

order to avail oneself of the benefits of power concentration entails

the active participation in power networks with mutual benefit to

network members, often to the detriment of those outside the network.2

Thus, while more-or-less "natural" forces encourage urban growth and

the concentration of powers, the individuals to be found in the upper

echelons of the various hierarchies are rarely unwilling partners.

If fate has thrown them together, they work to stay together.

San Josg, Capital City of Costa Rica

San Jose is more than simply the largest city of Costa Rica and

it is more than just the capital of the country. In many respects San

Jose is Costa Rica. While Costa Rica depends upon foreign markets and

is in a very real sense subject to the whim of international politics

without much of a voice for her own defense, the Costa Rica which lies

beyond the limits of San Jos6 is even more dependent upon the city

itself. San Jose is Costa Rica in two senses. First, it has a monopoly

over every important national activity; second, the middle-class

Josefino projects the image of the typical Costa Rican. There is

virtually no field in which any other city of Costa Rica can compete

successfully with San Jose, the only exception being religious ceremony

and display, which remain the monopoly of Cartago, the colonial capital

and the reputed center of religious and social conservatism. San Jose

may be classed as a "primate" city, that is, its dominance in national

affairs is so extensive that other Costa Rican cities seem by contrast

to be dwarfed in their growth. Primate cities are common in Spanish









America, quite possibly due to the dependent status and limited size

of many of these countries. Not only does one city control internal

national activities, but it also becomes the locus for international

exchange. All cities occupy relative power positions. The flow of

national and international resources through a city can be established

as an empirical fact. Where one city in a given country maintains a

monopoly over this flow of resources, that city has an inordinate

amount of power with respect to the surrounding country.

San Jose as National and International Representative of Costa Rica

To the world at large, Costa Rica is represented by San Jose.

The typical Costa Rican is represented by a middle-class Josefino (the

existence of a rural counterpart is also recognized), the climate which

is represented as Costa Rican is that of San Jose, the racial stock of

the Costa Rican is represented by that predominant in San Jose. An

important point to remember is that this representation refers not only

to the propaganda which is disseminated abroad (the analysis of any

travel brochure from Costa Rica reveals a description of Costa Rica in

terms of San Jose, unrelated to other areas of the country depicted in

the photographs) but more importantly the image of San Jose is that which

is presented to the Costa Rican people and consists of a shorthand

version of Costa Rica, thus misrepresenting the nature of the country,

the composition of its people, and its national problems.

Hand-in-hand with the economic and political power of San Jose

is a monopolistic power over the presentation of the Costa Rican

character; the residents of San Jose have the power to manage belief,








ideology, values, and law for the entire nation. The importance of

San Jose and its dominance in Costa Rica can hardly be exaggerated.

The city's Metropolitan Area contains 23 percent of the national

population, 395,401 persons out of 1,710,083 nationally (Anuario

Estadfstico 1971:16-17). In a country where, in 1963, 49 percent

of the work force was employed in agriculture and fishing (Denton

1971:14), this one city contains a majority of the urban population.

If San Jose continues to grow at its present pace, it will soon

incorporate, physically if not administratively, the three provincial

capitals of Heredia, Cartago, and Alajuela into one urban spread which

will include all secondary cities of the country with the exception of

the port cities of Puntarenas and Lim6n. In very general terms,

therefore, one can speak of a bipolarization of Costa Rica into

Metropolitan San Jose and the agricultural hinterland.

As of 1972, San Jose had Costa Rica's only university (Heredia

had a teacher's college and new universities and university extensions

were projected). All important political agencies are located in the

capital. All Costa Rican daily newspapers are published in San Jose.

Two-thirds of all Costa Rican physicians practice in San Jose. More

than two-thirds of Costa Rica's telephones are located in San Jose.

It is the only city linked to both Atlantic and Pacific ports by rail-

road. The only international airport is located 15 miles from San

Jose near Alajuela. It is virtually impossible to travel by land

between two distant points in Costa Rica without passing through San

Jose. The National Theater is in San Jose as are the National Library,

the National Museum and the National Stadium. Needless to say, all









national and international commercial enterprises have their head-

quarters in San Jose (there are, of course, a few enterprises, such

as the important banana industry, in which agricultural production and

exportation take place outside of the Central Valley). In short, San

Jose is the city, the national city, the Costa Rican city, the only

city which can properly claim to represent Costa Rica.

Implications of Urban-Rural Power Relationship for Anthropology

If we regard power as control over resources (including human re-

sources), San Jose, as a city, can be viewed as a manipulator of power.

The study of power on a grand scale, i.e., as it has been practiced

by great nation states, has, with rare exceptions (e.g., Adams 1970),

been neglected by anthropologists. This is regrettable for a number

of reasons. Anthropologists have been inclined to see power as an

extraneous element in the cultures they study, impinging upon those

cultures from without. They have tended to favor the isolation of the

people they study from the policies of those who will ultimately govern

them as emissaries of either economic imperialists or national governments.

Anthropologists have shown a reluctance to value power positively and an

inability to manipulate it to ends which they, as professionals, regard

as-ethical. This sort of attitude may not be particularly significant in

general practical consequences--few people expect anthropologists to have

& serious impact upon policy-making--but such an attitude does have an

impact upon the results of anthropological investigation.

The insularity of the content of anthropological investigation has

effectively obscured anthropological vision. Julian Steward (1956)

pointed out that anthropologists involved in community studies had









cavalierly disregarded the importance of the nation in the life of the

community. His point was well taken and led to at least one discussion

(Manners 1958; Arensberg 1958) of the meaning of the community study in

relation to the nation. While Steward emphasized, correctly, the need

for understanding the influence of the nation upon the community

studied, Aresnberg pointed out, also correctly, that all life is inter-

related and that we must therefore place logical and reasonable limits

to the field of empirical investigation. Robert Adams (1966) argues

that city and countryside are interrelated and influence each other,

although he stresses the superordinate position of the city in this

relationship. San Jose undoubtedly exerts an important practical impact

upon most local communities in Costa Rica. To describe a community in

Costa Rica in vacuo, as was the anthropological custom in the 30's and

40's and often still followed today, would be to distort the "real"

picture.

The problem raises a question often skirted by anthropologists:

What is the city? While it may be possible for the anthropologist to

discover a primitive community sufficiently isolated from a city as

to warrant treatment apart from a larger context, the city ultimately

depends upon the country for its sustenance. Whereas a small community

may take its form and structure in large part from the interplay of

environmental factors in the region and the organizational capacity of

the society for exploiting natural resources, the growth of a city, the

speed at which it grows, how and where it grows, and the many directions

its growth may take, depend to a large degree upon the power position

which it establishes with other communities related to it. While a city,









whatever definition we use, may also be a community under a number of

definitions, commonly the community which we may call a city takes its

form and its direction from the exploitative relationship which it

establishes with other communities. Whereas Steward warned that we

may misinterpret the local community by overlooking the pervasive

influence of the national, i.e., urban, culture, the opposite admonition

follows with equal force, namely, that the city may be fully understood

only when we recognize its exploitative position with regard to the

nation.

Anthropologists are accustomed to framing cultural context in

terms of culture contact, diffusion, superordinate tradition, etc.,

that is, in essentially communicative terms, assuming, perhaps correctly,

that valuable elements will spread through operating networks. However,

force is not simply an instrument of conquest but a fundamental process

of daily life. The city, especially when it has a monopoly over

legitimate, which is to say authoritative-legal force, as in the case

of the primate city, is in a position to concentrate wealth-producing

enterprises within its boundaries. A common result is the situation in

which the city appears to be flourishing quite by chance, while the

countryside is suffering. The cases are numerous: the United States,

Japan, Costa Rica. The bucolic idyll, the small farmer, the honest

country life may be positively valued while the depressed economic

situation of the peasant or small farmer is lamented by all even though

no one seems to know who is responsible. There can be no solution to

the "farm" problem as long as the needs of the city take precedence.









Town and Country in Costa Rica

The distinction between city and countryside is an important one in

the history of Costa Rica. A major portion of the Costa Rican political

ideology is symbolized in the notion that social differences during the

colonial period were virtually nonexistent. This idea is pertinent to

our major theme and will be summarized here, to be treated in greater

detail in later chapters. Although it is difficult at the present time

to substantiate history now well past, it is likely that the notion of

colonial social equality derives from a picture distorted by present

biases. It seems that one colonial governor in 1718 complained in a

letter to the Crown that he had to work in the fields like any peasant

(Fernandez 1889:317). This datum is not insignificant, but it does not

necessarily lead to the assumption, commonly cited by Costa Ricans, that

the colonial governor was of equal social and economic status with the ma-

jority of his fellow Costa Ricans. Historians of Costa Rica have stressed

isolation and poverty. Modern Costa Rican historians have suggested that the

poverty of colonial Costa Rica created a situation in which social class was

absent, leading ultimately to modern Costa Rican democracy. A few have noted

that it was the propagation of coffee which led to distinctions of social

class in Costa Rica in the late nineteenth century. This view distorts

important historical developments. First of all, the apparent social

equality reigning in Costa Rica at the time of Independence was in part

due to the failure of cacao as a profitable crop. This enterprise of the

well-to-do had suffered severely, primarily due to the depradations of

Zambo-Mosquito pirates and-raiders. Nevertheless, it was clear that

despite the poverty of the colony there were always a small few who









could venture land and capital toward new endeavors. Shortly after

Independence, Costa Rica was transformed into a prosperous coffee-

growing and -exporting nation. The argument, which seems to be fairly

well accepted in Costa Rica, that social class was practically non-

existent at the end of the colonial era but became a divisive factor

because of the coffee capitalists rests on shaky historical grounds.

It is possible that the failure of cacao reduced the rich to relative

poverty at the end of the colonial period so that differences of social

claps were not readily discernible. But colonial social equality cannot

explain the subsequent emergence of hereditary wealth and political

influence. Although the development of coffee as a profitable export

did involve a few successful resident foreigners, in general the pro-

duction of this new crop lay in the hands of the descendents of

important colonial families. The coffee boom simply reinforced social

differences of long standing (cf. Stone 1969).

- -Political ideology of present-day Costa Rica rests upon an uncertain

-foundation. Costa Ricans pride themselves on their stable antimilitary,

democratic electoral system. Historians have attributed the Costa Rican

-democratic spirit to, among other things, the social and racial equality

of the colonial era.in Costa Rica. There is serious doubt as to whether

social equality ever existed. Certainly the Spanish Crown showed little

egalitarian spirit in the New World with reference to its own interests.

Difference of social position existed in Costa Rica even where economic

position seems not to have reinforced it. The study of Costa Rican

genealogies leaves no doubt about the essentially endogamous creole

class which incorporated important foreigners but disdained alliances









with Costa Ricans of humbler rank. The most convincing evidence of

social distinction is the fact that the coffee-growers who first

responded to an opening world market were landowners belonging to the

allegedly impoverished families of illustrious career during the

colonial era. Costa Rican historians have insisted that social class

distinctions were introduced during the nineteenth century coffee boom.

This position could be tenable had we evidence of opportunist entre-

preneurs from this period, but the first great coffee-growers, except

for a few Germans, were the descendents of the most important colonial

families. It seems likely that the unforeseen coffee boom brought

unanticipated wealth to Costa Rica. Nevertheless, the profits from

this boom accrued only to important colonial families and a few

foreigners. A select, exclusive Costa Rican national elite may be

inferred from the following: (1) the first great coffee-growers were

descendents of the colonial rulers, (2) while the coffee boom evidenced

a few new loyalties, those who benefitted most from subsequent changes

were invariably connected with important political families of the past

(Stone 1971). Thus, social distinctions may have been heightened but

there is no evidence that these distinctions were made between persons

whoa had not previously been designated as privileged.. The flavor of

power may have changed with the shift of the capital from Cartago to

San-Jose but there was no corresponding change in family alliances.

Independence and coffee did have one important impact: San Jose

became the most important city. One important consideration ought to

be remembered in attempting to reconcile the supposed absence of social

class with the sudden upsurge in colonial lineages following Independence.









The rural-urban contrast is not noted in the statements of colonial

history. It is clear, nevertheless, that several cities were in

existence, all of which must have demonstrated cultural features unlike

those of the countryside. The contrast between rich and poor was

elusive because it was not a contrast between co-existing and interacting

subgroups of a single settlement. Rather, social class was marked by

different residential patterns, i.e., those who lived in the city were

of a different class from those who lived in the country. We sometimes

fail to realize that rural-urban social distinctions often transcend

cultural or racial distinctions. Josefinos today maintain an attitude

of urban superiority; there is no reason to doubt the existence of

similar sentiments in 1821.

Too often we view social class in terms of circumscribed areas so

that urban classes and rural classes are studied within their own con-

texts. The significance of social class may in many cases depend upon

the interrelation of geographically distinct groups, this being especially

true of the rural-urban relationship in preindustrial societies. The

Costa Rican economy is based upon agriculture. San Jose has a monopoly

over every commercial activity with the exception of the essential one,

production. San Jos6 has little claim to self-sufficiency. Unlike

truly industrial cities, San Jose cannot claim to be productive in its

own right. San Jose does not merely feed itself from rural products,

it thrives by controlling those products and their distribution. We can

argue from this that there is in Costa Rica an intimate relationship

between city and country in which the city enjoys a privileged position

by virtue of its superordinate status and the power it wields over the









position by virtue of its superordinate status and the power it wields

over the country. It is possible to conceive of the colonial era as

a period without distinctions of social class only if we separate the

city and the country.

The relationship described here has been termed "internal

colonialism" by Stavenhagen (1967). He sees the parasitic exploitation

of the rural hinterland as a consequence of the dependent international

status of Latin American nations wherein urban power holders sim the

scapt profits of agricultural production as representatives or brokers

for international purchasers. There has been too little discussion of

this phenomenon in the literature and we need further study and

clarification of the dynamics of the relationships involved.















NOTES


iFor an overview of both the history and recent developments of
Central Place theory see Wheatley (1972:614-620). The theory deals with
the efficient utilization of energy in space:

Central-Place Theory postulates regular spatial patterns
of the differential distribution of activities related to the
production and distribution of goods and services. In theory
activity loci are so distributed that energy expended in
these activities is minimized. In practice it appears that
energy output minimization need not be assumed as necessary
for the appearance of spatial distribution predicted by
the theory [Johnson 1972:783].
2
This "detriment" may consist simply of unrealized gains, like tax
shelters, which do not actually take anything away from the public but
which reduce government revenues below what they would otherwise be.
Bogantes (1971:llff.) uses such an argument with regard to tariff
exemptions in Costa Rica, in which he asserts that less than one percent
of the possible import tariff revenues were realized because of exemptions.
The concerted action of the elite may also benefit the rest of
society. It is possible that Japan's remarkable post-war recovery was
in large part due to the reformation of the great industrial cartels,
which were able to increase production and develop world markets.
















CHAPTER II
IDEOLOGICAL POWER: COUNTERFEIT DEMOCRACY

Power and Idelogy are Mutually Supportive

While power in the natural world may be said to be strategic,

based simply on accessibility and capability, power in society is

subject to various forms of cultural elaboration which modify what

we might consider to be "natural" power relationships. At the most

obvious level, this consists of man's technological exploitation of

resources, which allows him to utilize natural resources far beyond

innate biological capabilities. More important for individual man,

however, are the cultural elaborations which deal with social power.

Man has developed an incredible number of social, economic and

political institutions which provide organizational benefits comparable

to the material benefits provided by his technological advances. This

will be dealt with in later chapters. Here we will be concerned with

ideological power, which might also be called moral, ethical, or

psychological power. Within any society, the effectiveness of social

institutions depends at some point upon the public trust and trust is

based upon the acceptance of certain values. Values are elusive at best,

but we occasionally find, especially in literate societies, statements

of fundamental principles of the organization of a society. The cognitive

structure to be gleaned from such statements corresponds to an ideology

of society, a charter, a constitution from which may be derived an

elaborate system of law and morality. It may well be that the cultural

29









manifestation of such an ideology among many preliterate peoples lies

in the area of myth (cf. Malinowski 1955:96ff.). In the modern nation-

state we are accustomed to look for this ideological basis of society

within specific areas of the public law. Needless to say, the law rests

upon certain ethical and social premises, the acceptance of which is

largely a matter of faith. Faith in turn rests upon ineffable truths,

alluded to in myths which sanctify the social structure. The dynamics

of this process will be briefly discussed in the final chapter. For

the'moment we must concern ourselves with important ideological

premises in Costa Rica and the myths which support them.

While ideology furnishes power to a primitive society by directing

the will of the individual toward social goals in the collectivity, in

highly-organized, literate society, ideology comes to be concentrated

in the hands of a number of specialists, notably lawyers, priests, and

teachers, adept at ideological management. From this point, ideology

easily becomes an instrument of power through which such specialists

and their patrons may manipulate values and beliefs to their advantage.

We may anticipate that the ideology of society will embody the especial

perspective of ideological specialists, which, if they have been

sufficiently successful in manipulating ideology to their advantage, will

describe a society in which they legitimately occupy positions of high

status and exercise control over society and its institutions.1

Cityscape: Man at the Controls

The growth of San Jos6 to its present form has responded not simply

to the imperatives of geography or natural resources but also to those

of human history. The power held by the city is a product of the concerted









activities of generations of Josefinos. While the Josefino of today

acts in such a way as to maintain the national dominance of his city,

the power position was not his making but the result of the acts of

prior generations. As a city-dweller, the Josefino is presented with

an environment in which to live but which he had not part in creating,

much the way that primitive man is presented with a "natural," i.e.,

non-human environment. The difference is that the city is a human

creation; in fact, a striking feature of contemporary cities in many

parts of the world is an almost total dominance of human, as opposed

to non-human, elements. The difference is important since the city,

being a human creation, is also a social creation. The nature of a

specific city must ultimately have a decisive impact upon the nature

of the society which is associated with it. The city does not present

tapped and untapped natural resources which the native may exploit at

his will. By and large it presents the physical locations for social

institutions, and its use is governed by a vast array of social rules.

SEthnographers ordinarily attempt some discussion of the ecology

of the community studied. With primitive man and even with peasants,

this-discussion is likely to deal with the relationship between man

and his environment in terms of natural resources and the technological

means available for exploiting those resources. This approach continues

even in urban anthropology, where anthropologists show a preference for

studies of slums, which by virtue of their dependent social and power

positions, frequently consist of individual residents who must commonly

react to, adapt to and do their best to manipulate a hostile environment.

When cities and complex societies are looked at from a macroscopic










perspective, however, it becomes evident that the human environment

cannot be understood without studying power. Power over the natural

environment allows the possibility of using natural resources to pro-

vide energy supplies to human beings. Ecological studies must

inevitably deal with power. A special feature of human society, most

evident in the modern city, is that human beings have demonstrated a

very special capacity for discovering new energy sources. This capacity

includes human resources; human beings exploit members of their own

species, even those who share membership in their territorial group.

While parallels might be drawn with certain other species, man appears

to be unusual in his capacity for exploiting members of his own species.

Although this may occur through physical coercion, exploitation of

man, his fellow-man, occurs most frequently through social institutions;

the more complex a given society is, the more likely are opportunities

for exploitation through social institutions. When we reduce this

exploitation to "real" people, i.e., who is exploiting whom, we are

talking about power. In some sense exploitation is mutual--the person

in a superior power position ordinarily must respond to those exploited

with some favor or benefit. When personal relations are blatantly

exploitative, the exploited can be expected to resent existing relation-

ships. On-the other hand, exploitation commonly operates through social

institutions--one gains employment by acquiring the necessary credentials.

Thus it may appear that a person's low position in society is merely

a matter of misfortune and not personal exploitation. If exploitation

is recognized, it is called "the establishment," "the oligarchy," "the

power elite," or some such impersonal descriptive phrase since









exploitation is often indirect and impersonal. Even in such cases,

however, some concession is normally made to the less fortunate.

Absolute exploitation, or the total absence of reciprocity, must

indeed be a rare occurrence in human societies.

The meaning of a city will escape us if we give no thought to

power. Cities may owe their very existence to one of the most funda-

mental power relationships, exploitation of agricultural production

through the centralization of commercial enterprises in urban clusters

divorced from the rural centers of productions. While cities may

originate in order to provide services, including administration, to

the agricultural hinterland, centralization and specialization of

services rapidly convert to a power base which is manipulated by the

city-dwellers. Within the city itself there is differential access

to this power. This may be inevitable but it is not accidental. Power

provides energy which can be utilized to secure nearly anything a human

being could desire. Those who have little power seek to have more;

those who have great power attempt to keep it, for themselves and for

their posterity. The growth of San Jose, the history and politics of

Costa Rica make sense from this perspective.

Primacy of the Costa Rican Elite

Much of our discussion and description of power in San Jose" is

premised upon the existence of a ruling group which has today and which

has had throughout Costa Rican history an inordinate degree of power

when compared with the rest of the population. This ruling group

occupies this special position by design, not by chance. Members of

this group reap special rewards which are not simply greater than those









of the less fortunate but which are disproportionately greater, greater

than their wealth or position would suggest.

There is considerable evidence for the existence of a Costa Rican

ruling elite. Some of this evidence consists of genealogical data

concerning families which have shown a marked capacity for maintaining

wealth and political power from colonial times to the present (Stone

1969'1971). Such data will be used to suggest that the social and

political history of Costa Rica could be simplified to the following

proposition: The history of Costa Rica is the history of a few important

historical events that can best be understood by examining the kinship

relations existing among interested parties. There are two reasons for

making this extreme statement. First, the overriding importance of

kinship in Costa Rican history and politics is convincingly demonstrated

by a simple correlation between genealogical data and wealth and power.

This ought to be of special interest to anthropologists who have shown

the importance of studying kinship in primitive societies without

recognizing how important kinship may be in modern societies. Second,

the elitist nature of Costa Rican politics is not generally recognized

since Costa Rica enjoys an image which, in light of a realistic appraisal

bf-Tosta Rican politics, seems to be the result of successful management

of ideology by the ruling elite. We will argue here that a realistic

picture of Costa Rican politics reveals a situation which conforms well

to the stereotype by which Costa Ricans represent politics in other

Latin American countries, namely, national power concentrated in the

hands of a few aristocratic families.









History as Myth

Written histories are always suspect since the writers must

necessarily reduce history to selected examples. The historian quite

naturally selects for presentation those data which suit his purposes.

We are interested in two important aspects of Costa Rican history. We

would naturally like to know some of the important historical occur-

rences which might be helpful in understanding why San Jose assumed

the form and course of growth which resulted in the city of today, but

we are also interested in history as myth. People's beliefs about

history and people's interpretations of history reveal a great deal

about the way they think about their society and their political values.

This is difficult to investigate for several reasons. There is no

objective truth to history. We are left with relatively few reliable

statistics; objective "facts" are frequently less meaningful than the

subjective motivations which are instrumental elements of human history.

Historical myth is thus difficult to measure against what "really"

happened. An individual may base his interpretation of history upon

misrepresentations which he has little reason to question. An individual

may be expected to assume the line of argument which arrives at a con-

clusion which he favors. As a result, we can have little confidence

concerning the "sources" of historical folklore. If there were some

sort of reality against which we could measure native beliefs, we would

have valuable material since extreme distortions of the truth would

require some explanation. Ultimately we must be content with the notion

that myth is important in showing what people believe, regardless of

whether or not the myth represents the truth.









We now arrive at an intriguing intellectual question which cannot

be answered here but which ought to occupy the thoughts of some anthro-

pologists. Conceptually we separate history and myth. In our society

writers of fiction and writers of history are not to be confused. The

author of the "historical novel," regardless of extensive historical

research to provide authenticity, is rarely regarded as making a serious

contribution to historical knowledge. In pre-literate societies such

a distinction in trade is hardly possible. Since anthropologists

customarily deal with oral traditions, the problems of measuring

historical myth against historical fact rarely arise. For this reason

the anthropologist rarely faces a problem we are now facing, namely, to

what extent have Costa Rican historians and others who have reflected

upon Costa Rican history distorted historical fact and created

historical myth? The important corollary to this question would ask

to what extent has distortion been a conscious manipulation of fact

to-represent history in such a way as to enhance the position of the

history-tellers. (The corollary question is virtually impossible to

answer with certainty unless we were to find the "rewritten" history

text occasionally encountered with radical change of political regime.

What.is more likely than conscious manipulation is class bias--if the

history-tellers all come from a special segment of the population,

historical presentations will probably incorporate the historical

"beliefs" of that segment.) The problem we face has been obscured in

sociology and anthropology by notions like "collective representations,"

and other sociological concepts which suggest that the community

expresses itself through myth or functional belief systems, ingeniously









avoiding the possibility that belief is a tool of power. Yet it is quite

clear that belief is often coercively manipulated. A classic example of

this would be excommunication for heresy.

Throughout the world, hundreds of millions of persons are constantly

persuaded that their miserable conditions are the result of a fictional

cause unrelated to the political and social structure in which they live.

It is difficult to ascribe collective representation, folklore, value

systems, and cultural beliefs to some sort of natural social develop-

ment when our own society presents innumerable examples of belief

management imposed by incumbents of power positions upon those with

little power in order to preserve the existing power distribution. In

literate societies historical chronicles may differ from our usual

notion of "folklore" but nevertheless form an important part of the

shared cultural legend of a society.

Democracy and the Myth of the Costa Rican Past

In Costa Rica, as in many countries of the world, the word

"democracy" is rarely defined but thought to apply as a form of approval

for the established local regime. An interesting facet to the Costa

Rican situation consists in the explanation of Costa Rican democracy.

Where some societies might have need of attributing positive values to

the native type of democracy, let us say, where neighboring societies

have similar political forms, Costa Rica arrives easily at a democratic

self-evaluation since all other Central American countries have long

histories of rule by military officials. Costa Ricans feel generally

secure in the belief that theirs is a better form of government. Ideology,

rather than concerning itself with self-justification, dwells at length










upon the reasons for the "uniqueness" of Costa Rican democracy. Those

who have attempted to explain the existence of the relatively stable

electoral system, have done so by asserting special facts of Costa

Rican history. Costa Ricans believe that they have accidentally escaped

an unfortunately common Latin pattern.2

The history of Costa Rica is relevant to our concerns because

political and social ideology are explained in terms of historical

interpretations. Costa Rican democracy is viewed as a fortuitous result

of the Costa Rican national character which was forged by certain

peculiarities of Costa Rican history. The argument is interesting

since questionable inferences are drawn from questionable historical

assertions in order to explain the existence of a condition which is

never adequately demonstrated. This sort of argument may characterize

effective management of ideology; the political status quo is affirmed

without raising serious ideological questions because reference is made

to events for which there are no living witnesses. In essence the

argument runs "We are uniquely democratic because of the special circum-

stances of our historical situation." While the argument purports to

be an intelligent analysis of cause and effect, it consists of reasoning

by inference from unsubstantiated evidence.

The argument may be found in a number of respectable sources

(Barahona Jimenez 1970; Cordero 1964; Rodrfguez Vega 1953) as well as

on the street corner. To emphasize the extent to which this mythology

has penetrated, we will here discuss its presentation by a professor

of Philosophy of Law at the University of Costa Rica in the first

edition of one of Costa Rica's most respected scholarly journals,









the Revista de Ciencias Juridicas. The article presenting this version

of the political myth was entitled "Liberty, Law and Political Development:

Three Reflections concerning the First Article of the Political

Constitution of Costa Rica" (Gutierrez G. 1963:71-132). The First

Article of the Constitution states that "Costa Rica is a free, democratic

and independent republic." Guti6rrez concentrates on the word "democratic."

His argument for a democratic Costa Rica is not convincing but there

would be little purpose served here by engaging in a criticism of it.

The important point is that a strong inference of the high caliber of

Costa Rican democracy is presented by way of historical myth. Several

features of the Costa Rican past are presented, all of which are

commonly argued in Costa Rica to explain why Costa Rica is unique in

Latin America in having a stable democracy (like many Costa Ricans,

Gutierrez shows no reluctance in stereotyping the rest of Latin America).

Four basic reasons are given for the flowering of democracy in Costa

Rica. First, historical isolation: Costa Rica spent most of her

history, from colonial conquest to recent times, free of external inter-

ference. Early colonists and conquistadores discovered that Costa Rica

lacked gold and settled Indian communities of sufficient size to be

exploitable. Costa Rica was of little strategic importance to Spain

and was far from the administrative centers of Spanish Colonial America.

Thus, Costa Rica was forced to survive on its own without assistance or

interference from abroad. Second, racial homogeneity: Because there

were relatively few Indians in Costa Rica at the arrival of the Spanish,

Costa Rica failed to develop a class or caste system based upon racial

distinction, as occurred in Latin American colonies where large Indian









populations were incorporated into the Spanish Empire. This argument

is commonly heard in Costa Rica and is used to explain the absence of

social classes and the absence of racial and social prejudice. Here

ideological management operates as outlined above; instead of pro-

ducing evidence of lack of social bias, it is inferred from questionable

historical factors.

The Myth of Racial Homogenity

The racial homogeneity question in Costa Rica is an interesting

one' First of all, Costa Ricans insist upon the high proportion of

White blood among Costa Ricans. At present Costa Rica has a small

Indian population scattered mostly through the undeveloped mountain

region near the Panamanian border. All told, the Indian population

probably does not number as much as 10,000 bodies, although precise

figures are still difficult to obtain. Those classed as Indians are

persons who, with only recent exceptions, have maintained many of the

aspects of pre-Conquest culture, i.e., these persons who have tradi-

tionally avoided contact with white settlements and have not participated

in the national life or culture of Costa Rica. Yet serious doubts must

be raised concerning the racial purity of present-day Costa Ricans,

many of whom frankly admit that there is Indian blood in every Costa

Rican. To research the racial history of Costa Rica would be an

enormous task beyond the needs of the present discussion. We may,

nevertheless, make some inferences from historical Censuses which cast

serious doubt upon the conclusions drawn by Gutierrez and accepted

generally by Costa Ricans. Table I was tabulated by Stone (1971:107)

from Thiel (1902), the latter source cited by Gutierrez, whose figures

did not include the category "Mestizo," an important omission.









TABLE I. EVOLUTION OF THE POPULATION OF COSTA
RICA ACCORDING TO THE CENSUSES BETWEEN
1522 AND 1801


Year Spanish Indians Negroes Mestizos Mulatos Total


1522 -- 27,200 -- --- -- 27,200
1569 113 17,166 30 -- 170 17,479
1611 330 14,908 25 25 250 15,538
1700 2,146 15,489 154 213 1,291 19,293
1720 3,059 13,269 168 748 2,193 19,437
1741 4,687 12,716 200 3,458 3,065 24,126
1751 7,807 10,109 62 3,057 2,987 24,022
1778 6,046 8,104 94 13,915 6,053 34,212
1801 4,942 8,281 30 30,413 8,925 52,591


Source: Stone (1971)


Several points may be drawn from Table I. First, the colonial census-

makers distinguished several racial categories, as was done throughout

Spanish America in the colonial period. Second, for the first two

centuries of the colonial period, Indians outnumbered all other racial

groups combined (we may assume that Indians living in less accessible

regions of Costa Rica were either not reported or inaccurately reported,

as is true today). Third, mixed-bloods, i.e., Mestizos and Mulatos,

show a consistent increase in numbers while the pure-bloods, i.e.,

Indians, Spanish, and Negroes, show a steady decrease in numbers from

a peak (1741-51 for Spanish/Negroes). Fourth, Spanish persons at no

time represented more than one-third of the population. Certain

inferences are warranted. First of all, census-takers seem not to have

been aware of the racial homogeneity attributed to the period. While

the number of Indians may seem small in comparison with certain other

Spanish territories, there seems always to have been many more Indians









than Spanish. The statistics suggest that present-day racial homogeneity

in Costa Rica is the result not of purity of blood nor the absence of

Indians but, rather, was the result of centuries of interbreeding among

Spanish, Indian, and Negro (this last contributing a relatively small

genetic component) to the extent that a generalized population of mixed-

bloods arose. Within this pattern, racial distinctions were no doubt

preserved in some instances. Since the small group of descendants of

the Spanish were in charge of most commercial and administrative

functions, it is probable that most of those of this racial stock lived

in or near the towns, especially Cartago, the colonial capital, while

Indian blood predominated in the countryside. As we will see shortly,

a small group of descendants of important Spanish colonials practised

class endogamy and were concentrated in the cities of Cartago and San

Jose. In addition to this group of Spanish ancestry, it has been

asserted that a number of Spaniards migrated to Costa Rica with the

sole purpose of becoming small farmers independent of feudal landlords

(Chac6n Trejos 1970). These persons were farmers and not adventurers,

being well aware of the poverty and isolation of the colony. If such

a migration did in fact take place, it could account for the rise of

a general class of rural Mestizo peasants, even though the urban

Spanish may have maintained a certain degree of genetic purity.

Even if the argument in favor of racial homogeneity could be

accepted, e.g., we might acknowledge a homogeneous mestizo character in

the contemporary Costa Rican population not true of the colonial period,

we would still have difficulty relating this to "democracy." This

so-called racial homogeneity has not made the Costa Rican free of social









and racial bias. The inhabitants of the Central Valley for a long time

effectively excluded various types of undesirables from the Central

Valley: "Immigration should consist of families of farmers, speakers

of our own language insofar as possible, according to regulation by the

law of 1906" (Saenz Maroto 1970:868). The Costa Rican government for

many years prohibited the Jamaican Blacks imported by United Fruit

Company to build a railroad to Lim6n from settling in the Central Valley.

Today Costa Ricans frequently make slighting remarks about Costa Rican

Blacks. The natives of the Province of Guanacaste who are generally

much darker than the residents of the Central Valley, are considered

racially inferior, "like the Nicaraguans."

The argument that Costa Rica is more democratic than other

Latin American countries because of the absence of Indians does not

bear careful scrutiny. Costa Rica does indeed present a contrast with

Guatemala, where a majority of the residents are classed as Indians, but

no other country in Central America records an Indian population

constituting more than ten percent of the total population (Kalijarvi

1962:27). Costa Ricans frequently refer to large numbers of Indians

in these countries without justification. Many other Central Americans

regard Costa Ricans as "racist."

The Myth of Egalitarian Society during the Colonial Period

Gutierrez gives as a third factor in the growth of Costa Rican

democracy the "poverty" of the colonial period. Visitors to the colony

and reports of the Spanish administrators suggest that Costa Rica was

one of the poorest of all the Spanish colonies. It does not necessarily

follow, however, that, "here there was neither an aristocracy nor any










difference in classes" (Gutierrez G. 1963:93). That Costa Rica was

poor there is little doubt. Unfortunately, that picture seems to be

exaggerated because much of our information concerning the colony

deals with the final period when the cultivation of cacao on the

Caribbean had become unprofitable, reducing the wealth of the agri-

cultural capitalists of Cartago. While some authors, including

Gutierrez, have argued for social equality during the colonial period

and for the gradual growth of social inequality with the coffee boom

of the nineteenth century, Stone (1971) argues that the colonial period

closed at a time when differences in wealth had diminished to an unusual

degree. He argues that those who grew rich from coffee belonged to the

families which had always held wealth and power. Toward the end of the

colonial period, the erosion of wealth brought social classes much

closer together. Economic leveling seems to have increased communication

even though class membership was maintained. It may well be that this

happening gave rise to much of the democratic legend. It lends authority

to the legend. Finally, we must also keep in mind that to dispute demo-

cratic mythology does not necessarily mean that Costa Rica is less

democratic than other nations.


The Myth of Equal Distribution of Land

The fourth and final historical factor given as an important element

in the growth of Costa Rican democracy is the alleged equal distribution

of property.

Thus it was that the system of landownership in the Plateau,
fragmented, family plots cultivated by the owner's own
efforts, came to have a decisive influence in the formation
of the Costa Rican national character and, therefore, in
Costa Rican political institutions [Gutierrez G. 1963:94].









Perhaps the vast majority of Costa Ricans during her history have been

small farmers dedicated to providing the essential requirements of their

families. Nevertheless, there have always been some who have attempted

to prosper through the exploitation of commercially profitable agri-

cultural products, especially cacao, tobacco, and coffee. These were

enterprises which required capital which the small farmers did not have

and which were subject to strict government regulation. The image of

Costa Rica as a country of small, independent farmers has been widely

accepted. Busey (1962) accepts the myth of equal distribution of land

even though the statistical evidence he presents clearly shows a very

inequitable pattern of land distribution. What Busey fails to realize

is that minifundismo, the situation in which land is divided into

numerous parcels of insufficient size to support a family, contributes

to peonage and latifundismo, or large landed estates. Busey demonstrates

the same blind faith in the historical myths discussed here and the same

untenable assertion of Costa Rican democracy that we have seen presented

by Gutierrez. Busey provides an excellent example of the management of

ideology. Any foreign scholar visiting Costa Rica is duly instructed

in the sources of Costa Rican democracy.4

The myth of the Costa Rican past has a number of corollaries, such

as-the-great Costa-Rican-middle- class; the anti-military sentiment of

the Costa Ricans; the simple happy, honest, hardworking peasant; free,

peaceful elections; etc. Each theme has some ring of truth to it, yet

each theme carefully disguises the simple truth that Costa Rica is a

country full of poor people who are controlled by a small group of

wealthy and powerful people. A few recent observers have been astute









enough to see this. Martz, for example, has written:

Costa Rica speaks of its peaceful, democratic existence. Yet
a major revolution within the last decade was bloodier than the
colonial battles of earlier centuries. At least three times
in the last fifteen years the government has been undemocratic
and unrepresentative to the point of dictatorship. Another
contradiction is the widely circulated boast that Costa Rica
has no army, and fewer soldiers than school teachers. While
the army was abolished in 1950, there is a police force of
some 1,250 plus 700 coast guardmen. Panama also has no army,
but its police force more than serves the purpose. Nicaragua
and Honduras can also boast of having more school teachers
than soldiers.... Contrary to declarations of bucolically
peaceful, constructive living, marauding bands roamed the
northern province of Guanacaste until very recently [Martz
1959:210-211]. 5

Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this ideological management is

that it is based upon a stereotype of the malignant Latin American

country, the common case to which Costa Rica is the alleged exception.

Costa Rica in fact fits rather well the stereotype in many ways, which

may be the reason why the stereotype is so believable for the Costa

Ricans. On the other hand, it is not easy to understand how the Costa

Rican people accept the uniqueness of Costa Rica. To some extent

acceptance may be resignation. Since the public word is transmitted only

through media controlled by the ruling elite, the voice of dissent is

.rarely heard. The control of the ruling elite has never been broken,

never seriously challenged, as the evidence cited in the following

chapter attempts to demonstrate.

Ideology and the Common Man

It may well be that the man-in-the-street must inevitably accept a

model of his society which does not correspond to the behavior he observes.

Every model ultimately simplifies reality. It seems reasonable to expect

that most people would willingly choose a model of society that minimizes









indecision and frustration and maximizes expectations. The requisite for

faith in such a model is that experience, even if it cannot wholly confirm

the model, meet as few contradictions (to the model) as possible. Thus,

for instance, the Costa Rican may readily accept the "Switzerland of

Central America" characterization because his incomplete knowledge of

Switzerland furnishes no contradictions. Similarly, historical myths

are not demonstrably false on the basis of personal experience. Experi-

ence undoubtedly teaches that more may be accomplished with cooperation

than in its absence, and cooperation requires some minimum of shared

values.

We will see in the next chapter the extent to which concentrated

and enduring cooperation can enhance the power of a group. To the extent

to which the ordinary Costa Rican recognizes this principle of power, he

will be induced to meet and cooperate with potential benefactors. Since

the common pattern of personalistic patronage rewards such behavior,

individuals seek this avenue of advancement. And the beneficiaries of

the social structure support a status quo ideology. Despite all this,

there are numerous ways in which ideology and the rules pertaining to it

may come into serious question. What is remarkable about Costa Rica is

that the discrepancy between myth and reality has revealed so little

evidence of consternation.






48





NOTES


1Bohannon (1965) has made the cogent observation that legal
institutions differ from other social institutions in that they may
legitimately interfere in the operations of other institutions. While
Bohannon emphasizes the role of legal institutions in resolving con-
flict and disorder in other institutions (and this is probably the
area in which legal institutions exercise their legitimate authority),
it is clear that the superior position of legal institutions implies
a power position which permits dictatorial interference in other
institutions.
2
It is difficult to say precisely to what degree Costa Ricans
see their present condition as fortuitous but such would seem to be
the case in light of the explanations which are offered for Costa Rica's
unique position. It is worth considering, nevertheless, that a fatalistic
view of the political system is probably more compatible to a Latin, as
opposed to an Anglo-American society. Perhaps because of their
economic and political preeminence in modern times, England and the
United States have given birth to many doctrines of racial and social
superiority which purport to explain the superiority of their political
systems, that is, success justifies a favorable representation of the
political system. For nations enjoying less success in international
competition, comparisons of political systems are not encouraged, nor
-can they be considered masters of their own destinies.

An interesting bit of evidence has been collected by Estrada
Molina (1965) who investigated documented descriptions of clothing of
-the final years of the colonial period. She concluded that the luxury
of the clothing described is not consistent with the picture of poverty
-for the period. She also presents evidence of important distinctions
in clothing between rich and poor.

The myth of even distribution of land was recently challenged by
-comparative studies of the Central American Republics:

The concentration of land [latifundismo] is a phenomenon
quite similar in all the countries of Central America ,
including Costa Rica, a country generally considered to have
a different situation in this regard [Instituto Universitario
Centroamericano 1963:3].

5Martz neglects to mention several private armies formed in the
last twenty-five years. While these are generally shrouded in mystery,
they represent unique threats to politicians whose goals challenge the
interests or ideologies of the leaders of the private armies.
















CHAPTER III
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL POWER: AN ENDOGAMOUS "POLITICAL CLASS"

The Nexus between the Natural and Social Orders

Power is at once social and natural. The control over resources

which power implies can refer to both human and non-human resources.

The channels by which power may be exercised can be social or natural.
I
Control of natural resources is commonly employed to exert pressure upon

human beings just as social institutions are employed to exploit natural

resources. And, of course, man is a biological as well as a social

creature. It is fitting, then, to consider the relationship between

natural and social orders. Power must involve relationships, of

resources to whatever or whoever controls them. The economics of the

maintenance and use of power may be a culturally-specific economics or

an economics whose prime motivating forces are external to a culture.

The particular model of power presented here describes a society in

which power is distributed unevenly to the extent that we may assert that

a small group of interrelated persons dominate the rest of the society.

The uneven distribution of human populations over the landscape bears

an important relation to the uneven distribution of power, or so it would

seem from the material about to be presented concerning Costa Rica. We

will attempt here to bridge the conceptual gap between economic causes

for concentration of population and the political consequences of that

concentration. Implicit in our discussion of the course of history in

Costa Rica is the notion that man seeks to exploit the resources available

49









to him. This he may do unconsciously, as evolutionary processes enhance

natural advantages, or consciously, as in the political calculations

which one man uses to advance his cause above others.

Relative size, concentration of population, and power are related

in nature and in society. Sexual reproduction requires some degree of

proximity for procreation, and the social behavior which has enabled

many species to make extraordinary adaptations to their surroundings

has encouraged population concentration in most instances. Socially

organized animals can accomplish feats impossible for the same number

of individuals working without that organization. In fact, concentrated

and organized atoms, i.e., molecules, appear to be qualitatively distinct

from the same atoms dispersed and unorganized. It should not be sur-

prising that human social organization should demonstrate a tendency

toward ever greater size and concentration wherever natural resources

permit. What we must note carefully, however, is that human societies

not only take advantage of the concentrations of natural resources (often

as a result concentrating human populations in order to exploit those

resources), but there seems also a distinct tendency within human

societies to take advantage of their own concentrated populations once

formed. It is as if the social organism increases from its own internal

energy. This, of course, is not so. Growing populations have in the

past demonstrated an ability to better utilize natural energy sources

and to discover new energy sources. Man's increased power comes at the

expense of other elements of the environment.

The Costa Ricans of today have more resources, greater and more

heavily populated settlements, and more power derived from both than at









any time in history. The present chapter attempts to examine these

relationships. We have already described the geography of power in the

relationship between San Jos6 and the rest of the country. Here we deal

with power in its social and political aspects. The distinction is made

for descriptive and analytical purposes only; natural and social forces

are interdependent.

Consonant with what has just been stated, the analogy between

natural and social orders may be represented schematically in a new form.

We are accustomed, in academic as well as popular circles, to view society

and its institutions in a generally linear form which takes a vertical

dimension connoting superordinate-subordinate relations of social,

political, and even moral, orders. Even when we graphically describe

evolutionary developments, whether sociocultural or biological, our

vertical drawings unconsciously suggest a superiority of man and

civilization. The graphic organization of space is subject to considerable

cultural variation. Structures and processes may be diagrammed in a

variety of ways. Before proceeding, let us consider social organization

in a.form appropriate to our discussion. While this may appear at first

an unnecessary diversion, it should help ultimately in freeing us from

the value judgment inherent in our own jargon. For example, the term

'ipper class" will be encountered occasionally in the following pages,

yet it will be noted that the directional image created by the word "upper"

belongs to the traditional diagramr and not that offered here. It is

contended here that, given our cultural biases regarding space, the

traditional graphic representations distort the Costa Rican situation,

suggesting (1) Costa Rican classes and cities are individually united
























a. Traditional Three-Class
Vertical Diagram


CV)

-P
9X


I H f1nn

b. Population of Urban Centers
(Upper Class in Black)


M 0
0
4-,


@o


c. Core and Periphery
Power Classes


*-i




0


00


d. Urban Centers with
Elite Cores


Figure 1


Schematic Diagrams of Population and Social Class


Upper
Middle

Lover
















0 Liberia


0
O Punt arenas
0

0
Alajuela


Heredia




San Jose


Lim6n

0


Cart ago


O = Population Center
0 = Elite Core


Figure 2


Centrality and Relative Power Positions of Costa Rican Cities









but collectively separable, and (2) Costa Rican classes are vertically,

which is to say, morally, ordered. This scheme is not far from the

perceptual categories with which many Josefinos classify their country

and her society. Nonetheless, we will soon note a unity and centrality

of the Costa Rican elite, providing a power position having little

relation to head counts. Similarly, San Jose occupies a central position

with regard to other Costa Rican cities which cannot be represented in

a linear diagram.

The two-dimensional diagram may combine easily the distribution of

population and social class (figure 1), a feat that is awkward at best

for the vertical diagram. Figure 2 describes graphically how the urban

elite of San Jose occupies the key position in the total national network.

Historical Research in Costa Rica

In addition to ideological representations of Costa Rican history,

such as that already discussed, there have been a number of interpretive

histories, more descriptive and less philosophical and ideological. In

general Costa Rican histories have concentrated upon colonial history

and the "National Campaign," the latter referring to Costa Rica's

successful fight against William Walker and a band of international

adventurers called the "Filibusterers." Costa Rica has generally been

fortunate in escaping foreign and domestic wars, the National Campaign

of the 1850's providing the only source of patriotic military history.

Costa Rican historians have also spent a great deal of effort discussing

Independence, i.e., the events of 1821 and the founding of the Republic.

More recent history has not been adequately reported. Monge Alfaro's

(1966) brief account of Costa Rican history is one of the few works which









covers most of the period since Independence and it is only a brief

sketch. There is no study of the modern period approaching Fernandez

Guardia's extensive coverage of the colonial period. Modern Costa Rican

history is generally treated in terms of political personalities. There

have been a number of monographs dealing with Costa Rican Presidents,

which tend toward romantic biographies rather than thoughtful histories.

Thus there is very little of what we might call "social" or "cultural"

history, one of the reasons why it has been possible to sell ideological

history unsupported by historical research.

While the definitive history of Costa Rica remains to be written,

in the past decade several works have been published which demonstrate

a tendency away from prior biographical studies toward social and

political analysis (Cordero 1964: Cerdas Cruz 1967, Garro 1971, Gamboa

Guzman 1971). Significantly, all of these authors, excepting

Cordero, employ a Marxist viewpoint. Needless to say, none of the new

histories are printed by the large Costa Rican publishing houses. We

may note that none of these authors are to be found in the genealogies

pf illustrious families which will be examined shortly, although older

historians, e.g. Manuel Argiello Mora, Hernan Peralta, Cleto Gonz.lez

Viquez, and Manuel de Jesus Jimenez belong to such families. Two of

Costa Rica's most important historians, Le6n Fernandez Bonilla and his

son Ricardo Fernandez Guardia held impressive pedigrees, married into

important political families (Le6n married the sister of President Tomas

Guardia, Ricardo married into the prominent Peralta family), and both

held many important posts in the government. In addition to his important

historical writings, Le6n Fernandez was the first man to establish and









head the National Archives, a position later held by his son Ricardo

Fernandez. These were important jobs since the person in charge has

access to the most important historical documents as well as being able

to control the direction of government-sponsored historical research.

It can be noted, for instance, that the Revista de los Archivos Nacionales

for years published many articles by Ricardo Fernandez Guardia and still

publishes the work of his two sons. We do not mean to impugn the

integrity of these historians nor deny the importance of their contri-

bution to our knowledge of Costa Rican history. We must recognize,

nevertheless, that their interests, perspectives, and understanding of

history were the product of the special place they occupied in Costa

Rican society.

Samuel Stone's Studies of the Costa Rican Elite

Two recent studies by Samuel Stone (1969, 1971) shed considerable

light upon the dynamics of Costa Rican political history and the forces

which still shape Costa Rican policy. As part of a general study of the

great Costa Rican coffee-growers of the nineteenth century, Stone examined

relevant genealogical materials in order to better understand inter-

relationships between the prominent figures of the period. As a result

of intensive genealogical research, Stone discovered that national politics

in Costa Rica from the time of Independence up to the present has been

dominated by the descendents of a few important colonial families. To

Stone the hereditary influence in Costa Rican politics appeared so strong

that he decided to refer to this group as a "political class." His study

of the first great coffee-growers (1969) yielded several important con-

clusions: The first great coffee-growers (1) intermarried; (2) held

important political posts both before and after coffee became profitable;










(3) were more often than not the direct descendents of a few important

colonial families; (h) had begun to acquire property and plant coffee

before a market had been established; (5) acquired their property pri-

marily through related coffee-growers; and (6) employed political influence

to advance the interests of the group. These conclusions suggest others.

First of all, there was an intimate connection between wealth and

political power. Stone argues that political power was instrumental for

the acquisition of wealth rather than the reverse. Since political

power is closely correlated with kinship networks in Costa Rica, we

arrive at the inescapable conclusion that the endogamous practices of

historically elite families operated to restrict power to the group and

limit opportunities for the acquisition of wealth to the group.

A second important point to be drawn from Stone's conclusions

concerns the "degree" of control exercised by the group under discussion.

Stone's discovery that members of the group were acquiring property to

plant coffee even before the foreign markets were developed suggests

that control was very great. Stone feels that the elite had suffered

economic disaster with the failure of cacao and was trying desperately

to regain the wealth lost. Yet the switch to coffee would seem to have

been an unreasonable gamble. In the first place, the acquisition of

property was necessary because the property already owned by this group

was cacao land in the Caribbean lowlands, unsuitable for coffee, neces-

sitating the purchase of land in the Central Valley. This would seem to

involve unreasonable risk in light of the fact that there was no

established market for Costa Rican coffee nor was it possible to measure

potential profits. Such a gamble was warranted because political control

was so great that all of the national resources could be utilized to aid









in the advancement of coffee. In short, the coffee-growers were not

subject to the competitive dangers of free enterprise. In fact, under

such a system it was better to operate in this way since the coffee-

growers were able to purchase land in the Central Valley before profits

from coffee forced land values up. Thus, this group effectively pre-

vented many others from cashing in on the coffee boom since by the time

the boom came little land was available, what was available was

expensive, and the early growers had already established producing trees,

controlled processing, and had access to the best markets. All this

could be accomplished if the group was related intimately enough to

take concerted action for the benefit of each member and the group had

enough political influence to minimize any risks and maximize any profits.1

That this group actually had the political power necessary to

accomplish their ends can be amply demonstrated by subsequent events.

As it turned out, coffee became immensely profitable in the second half

of the nineteenth century, and, of course, was most profitable to those

who had early gone into the crop on a large scale. Stone (1971:Sup. 11-13)

furnishes us with a "Partial list of the first great coffee-growers of

Costa-Rica," containing 102 individuals (Table II). Included in the list

are the following men: Manuel-Mora Fernandez, brother to Juan Mora

Pernandez, first Chief of State of Costa Rica (served two consecutive

terms, 1826 to 1833); Jose Rafael Gallegos Alvarado, Chief of State

1833-35, Braulio Carrillo Colina, Chief of State, 1835 to 1842, except

for a brief period in 1837-38 when another coffee-grower, Manuel Aguilar

Chac6n served as Chief of State; Francisco Maria Oreamuno Bonilla, elected

Chief of State by popular vote in 1844, resigning one month later; Jose















TABLE II. PARTIAL LIST OF THE FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS
OF COSTA RICA


Acosta Lara, Calixto
Aguilar Chac6n, Manuel
Aguilar Cubero, Vicente
Alvarado, Francisco
ArgUello, Toribio
Arias, Felipe
Barroeta Baca, Rafael
Blanco, Julian
Bolandi Ulloa, Miguel
Bonilla Salmon-Pacheco,
Felix Jose
Bonilla Nava, Juan B.
Borb6n, Manuel
Calvo, Francisco
Cafas, Jose Maria
Carazo Bonilla, Manuel
Carranza Fernandez, Miguel
Carranza Ramirez, Domingo
Carrillo Colina, Braulio
Carrillo Morales, Rafaela
Casal, Luis-
Castella, Victor
Castro Madriz, Jose Maria
Castro Ramirez, Vicente
Castro Ramirez, Ram6n
Castro Hidalgo; Bartolo
Chac6n, Gil
Chamorro Gutierrez, Jose


Crespin, Julio
Delgado, Justo
de Vars de Martray, Leonce
Echandi, Espiritosanto
Escalante Nava, Alejandro
Escalante Nava, Juan Vicente
Escalante Nava, Gregorio
Espinach Gual, Buenaventura
Esquivel Salazar, Narciso
Esquivel, Manuel
F brega Arroche, Vicente
Fernandez Hidalgo, Pio J.
Fernandez Hidalgo, Santiago
Fernandez Ramirez,
Aureliano
Fernandez Ramirez, Gordiano
Fernandez Chac6n, Manuel
Fernandez Salazar, Juan F.
Gallegos Alvarado,
Jose Rafael
Gallegos, Juan de Dios
Gutierrez Peaamonje, Manuel
Gutierrez Penamonje,
Francisco de Paula
Gutierrez Penamonje, Marfa
Gutierrez PeEfamonje, Isabel
Gutierrez Penamonje,
Trinidad















TABLE II CONTINUED


Jimenez Carranza, Jose M.
Jimenez Zamora, Jose M.
Jimenez Zamora, Agapito
Jimenez, Bernardo
Lara Arias, Juan Jose
Lombardo Alvarado,
Jose Santos
L6pez, Manuel
Madrigal, Sebastian
Medina, Crisanto
Millet, Santiago
Molina, Felipe
Montealegre Bustamante,
Mariano
Montealegre Fernandez,
Francisco
Montealegre Fernandez,
Jose Maria
Montealegre Fernandez,
Mariano
Mora Fernandez, Manuel
Mora Porras, Juan Rafael
Mora Porras, Miguel
Mora Porras, Jose Joaquin
Mora Ramirez, Felix
Mora, Jose Maria
Moya Murillo, Rafael
Otoya, Francisco
Oreamuno Bonilla, Francisco M.


Source: Stone (1971:Sup.11-13)


Pacheco, Marcelino
Peralta L6pez del Corral,
Jose Francisco
Quesada Arias, Cecilio
Quir6s, Jose Joaquin
Quir6s, Ram6n
Ramirez Hidalgo, Rafael
Rodriguez Castro, Eusebio
Rodriguez Mora, Sebastian
Rojas, Jer6nimo
Rojas, Joaquin
Saenz Ulloa, Nicolas
Saenz, Feliciano
Sancho Alvarado, Felix
Salazar Aguado, Juan
Salazar Aguado, Antonio
Steipel, Jorge
Tinoco L6pez, Saturnino
Toledo Murga, Nazario
Ulloa, Nicolas
Umaia Fallas, Cecilio
Valverde Porras, Jose Le6n
Wallerstein, Eduardo
Young, John
Zeled6n Mora, Pedro
Zeled6n Mora, Celedonio
Zeled6n Mora, Florentino
Zeled6n Masts, Hilario









Maria Castro Madriz, Chief of State 1847 to 1849; Juan Rafael Mora

Porras, President of Costa Rica from 1849 to 1859; Jose Maria Montealegre

Fernandez, President from 1859 to 1863; Jose Manuel and Agapito Jimenez

Zamora, brothers of Jesus Jimenez Zamora, President from 1863 to 1866;

Domingo Carranza Ramirez, brother of Bruno Carranza Ramirez, President

briefly in 1868. During the first forty years of the Republic, ten

out of twelve chiefs of state were either great coffee-growers or the

brothers of great coffee-growers.2

Stone notes that all of these men had occupied political posts

before the arrival of coffee, suggesting that it was not wealth in

coffee which granted political power. Neither should it be thought

that the coffee-growers formed a special interest group which conspired

to assume political control after independence.3 The chiefs of state

named above overthrew each other, exiled each other and even executed

each other. Many were involved in personal and family feuds with the

others. This was certainly not a politically cohesive group; their

policies and their political tactics took quite different forms with

but one consistent policy: the advancement of coffee. They had one

other feature in common--they were all affinal kin. President Bruno

Carranza- was the- brother-in-law of Braulio Carrillo Colina and Jose

Maria Montealegre Fernandez, the latter being also a brother-in-law of

Juan Rafael Mora Porras, who was the son-in-law of Manuel Aguilar Chac6n.

Elite Endogamy

The important element uniting the group was kinship. Examination

of genealogical materials reveals that, although coffee-growers and

their descendants occupied the important posts in the government, affinal










ties were of utmost importance. Those important coffee-growers who

did not establish close affinal ties with certain key families were

destined for political obscurity. Table III is a list of some of

these key families--Montealegre Fernandez, Mora Porras, Ferniandez,

Gutierrez Peiamonje, and Salazar Aguado.4 A cursory examination of

these lists shows (1) All the families were intermarried; (2) Each

family established several ties through marriage to different coffee-

growing families. Even with the few names on the list, we note that

six became presidents of Costa Rica (Jos6 Maria Montealegre Fernandez,

Juan Rafael Mora Porras, Bruno Carranza Ramirez, Manuel Aguilar Chac6n,

Rafael Gallegos Alvarado, Jose Maria Oreamuno Bonilla). Table III

demonstrates the close kin relations between many of the first great

coffee-growers. More than a third of the 102 names listed by Stone

(Table II) may be located in Table III. Since tables II and III do

not have generational depth, the extent of blood relationships is not

shown.

Recruitment of Foreigners into the Elite

-The families in Table III require some explanation. While Stone

makes a strong argument for an hereditary political class, he generally

disregards the influence of elite recruitment. He calls the elite group

"endogamous," arguing that there are few marriages outside of this class.

This statement needs elaboration. Two of the families in Table III were

newcomers to Costa Rica. Mariano Montealegre Bustamante and Juan

Salazar y Lacayo arrived from Nicaragua shortly after the beginning of

the nineteenth century and appear to have been friends in Nicaragua

(Hack-Prestinary 1965:31). Mariano Montealegre married into the










TABLE III. AFFINAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG KEY FAMILIES
OF THE FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS


Family
Individual


Mora Porras
Juan Rafael
Jose Joaquin


Rosa


Marfa Rosa de
Jesus (may be
same as above,
second husband)
Ana Marfa


Mercedes
Guadalupe
Juana

Montealegre Fernandez
Jose Maria

Mariano
Francisco
Jer6nima

Gutierrez Pefamonje
Manuel

Marfa Josefa
Trinidad
Agustina
Salvadora

Dolores


Fernandez Ramfrez*
Gordiano
Juana
Praxedes


Coffee-Growers among Affinal Kin


Aguilar Chac6n, Manuel (WiFa)
Gutierrez Pehamonje: Manuel (WiBr),
Francisco de Paula (WiBr), Maria J. (WiSi),
Isabel (WiSi), Trinidad (WiSi)
Gutierrez Pehamonje: Francisco de
Paula (HuBr), Manuel (HuBr), Maria J. (HuSi),
Isabel (HuSi), Trinidad (HuSi)
Salazar Aguado: Juan (HuBr), Antonio (HuBr)



Montealegre Bustamante, Mariano (HuFa)
Montealegre Fernandez: Mariano (HuBr),
Francisco (HuBr), Jose Marfa (Hu)
Argiello, Toribio (Hu)
Cafas, Jose Maria (Hu)
Chamorro Gutierrez, Jose (Hu)


Mora Porras: Juan Rafael (WiBr),
Jose Joaqufn (WiBr)
Gallegos Alvarado, Rafael (WiFa)
Gallegos Alvarado, Rafael (WiFa)
Carranza Fernandez, Miguel (HuFa)


Miguel (WiBr),


Mora Porras: Juan Rafael (WiBr), Miguel (WiBr),
Jose Joaquin (WiBr)
Chamorro Gutierrez, Jose (HuFa)
Barroeta Baca, Rafael (Hu)
Oreamuno Bonilla, Jose Marfa (Hu)
Bonilla Nava, Juan Bautista (Hu)
Bonilla Salm6n-Pacheco, Felix Jose (HuFa)
Mora Porras: Jose Joaquin (Hu), Miguel (HuBr),
Juan Rafael (HuBr)


Fernandez Hidalgo: Plo J. (WiBr), Santiago (WiBr)
Jimenez Carranza, Jose Maria (Hu)
Jimenez Carranza, Jose Maria (Hu)









TABLE III CONTINUED


Family
Individual


Fernandez Hidalgo*
PTo J.
Santiago
Rosa

Ana

Fernandez Chac6n*
Jer6nima


Salazar Aguado
Antonio
Dolores
Carmen
Guadalupe
Francisco


Coffee-Growers among Affinal Kin


Salazar Aguado: Juan (WiBr), Antonio (WiBr)
Salazar Aguado: Juan (WiBr), Antonio (WiBr)
Fernandez Ramirez: Gordiano (Hu), Aureliano
(HuBr)
Borb6n, Manuel (Hu)


Montealegre Bustamante, Mariano (Hu)


Gallegos Alvarado, Rafael (WiFa)
Aguilar Cubero, Vicente (Hu)
Fernandez Hidalgo: Pfo J. (Hu), Santiago (HuBr)
Fernandez Hidalgo: Santiago (Hu), Pio J. (HuBr)
Mora Porras: Juan Rafael, (WiBr), Miguel (WiBr)
Jose Joaqufn (WiBr)


*The Fernmndez Hidalgo and Fernandez Chac6n are half siblings, children
of Felix Fernandez Tenorio by two wives. Both families are first
cousins to the Fernandez Ramirez









Fernandez (-Val) family, which was the most powerful branch of the

families descended from Antonio de Acosta Ar6valo (Montealgre's wife

Jer6nima Fernandez Chac6n was the fourth generation from Acosta).

Mariano's children married Gallegos Sgenz and Mora Porras, direct

descendants of Conquistador Juan Vdzquez de Coronado, whose descen-

dants have always been the core of the ruling elite. The Salazar

Aguado siblings married into the same three families. Thus, while

later generations shared the blood of the traditional colonial elite,

.both Salazar and Montealegre were new to Costa Rica. This is con-

sonant with a pattern one notices clearly when researching the

genealogies--the old families are exclusive with regard to other Costa

Rican families but commonly recruit foreigners. This is not to say that

all classes of foreigners are suitable. In fact, the pattern involves

a basic pattern of Creole-Spanish marriage in which representatives of

the Crown sent to Costa Rica as administrators commonly married into the

upper class. Thus the newcomers simply represented the latest genera-

tion of that class of Spaniard which had originally formed the Costa

Rican elite. In addition, many of these foreigners arrived to assume

government posts. For instance, Mariano Montealegre went to Costa Rica

to assume management of the Tobacco Factory, an important position, con-

sidering that, at the time, tobacco was the only profitable cash crop in

Costa Rica. It is interesting that, despite his position with regard to

tobacco, Montealegre. early went into coffee and eventually became one

of the most important coffee-growers in Costa Rica.

Other notable families arrived in Costa Rica during the few decades

before Independence and married into the local elite, such as the Guardia,









Peralta, and Salazar families. Almost invariably these families were

important in other areas of Central America or in Spain. After

Independence the pattern changed because few new elite families were

arriving from Spain or the Latin countries. Instead, we observe a

marked tendency in elite marriages toward incorporating English, German,

and American families into the elite. Several German families were among

the first to establish large coffee plantations, and Germany was for a

long time one of the largest purchasers of Costa Rican coffee. The

English in general came as merchants; it was an English merchant ship

which first arranged to ship coffee abroad arranged by Santiago Fernandez

Hidalgo (Quijano 1939:455-456). The marriages with Americans are also

revealing. Although a number of names appear for which no data are

readily available, we must note that the most successful, the bankers,

Field and Bennett, and United Fruit Company founder, Minor Keith, all

married into the ruling elite (for Keith marriage, see Stewart 1964:

50-51). We must note, however, that very few of the Americans, English,

and Germans occupied political positions, nor did their descendants.

Despite this fact, Keith was one of the most powerful figures in Costa

Rica (Stewart 1964).

Marriage Strategies and Family Alliances

With the exception of such recruitment, the ruling elite proved to

be highly endogamous and tightly controlled. While extensive inter-

marriage could be explained by mutual association and a commonality of

interest, many marriages operated as excellent strategies for concen-

trating wealth and political power.

Material has already been presented which showed the intimate

relations among the first great coffee-growers. We have seen as well










that wealth in coffee was closely correlated with political power. The

families chosen for Table II5 were picked as "key" families in that

most of the siblings from these families married with persons rich in

coffee and political power. No key family lacked wealth and power it-

self, that is to say, it does not appear that advantageous marriage

strategies were possible for a family which did not itself occupy a

favorable position. Notice, for instance, that only a very special

branch of the prolific Fernandez family is at the heart of the inter-

marrying coffee-growers. This seems to indicate that .a good blood line

in itself does not insure a good position in the ruling elite.

Two practices suggest that marriage alliances served to concentrate

power. It has been common until very recently for well-to-do Costa

Ricans to have large families.6 While it is difficult to call this a

conscious strategy, it is clear that such a pattern is likely to in-

crease the power of a family in terms of numbers and possible marriage

alliances although it may also reduce the power position of an indi-

vidual since his share is proportionately less. The reduction of power

in this way is offset to a large extent through the management of the

family estate by a son chosen for this purpose. Thus, the coffee

-plantations -w-ere commonly run -for the benefit of the entire family; the

son in charge was responsible for establishing his brothers in their

own enterprises. This appears to be responsible for the fact that most

families had conservative and progressive factions, the conservative

element attached to the farms and the progressive element in San Jose

in business or the professions. In politics, however, family and per-

sonality commonly overrode ideological principles, to some extent









explaining the inconsistency between theory and practice in Costa Rican

politics.7

Power was concentrated through marriage in two ways. First, there

was a common practice for siblings to marry siblings.8 In general the

pattern is for two brothers of one family to marry two sisters of

another family, although there are other variations. This scheme involves

the marriage of two members of one line with two members of another

line. A complete analysis of all the elite families would without

question furnish many cases of intermarriage between kindreds. This

simply reflects what has already been asserted--the upper class was

relatively small and endogamous. In those cases, which we will discuss

shortly, where two or three families demonstrate a definite tendency to

intermarry over a period of several generations, we may speak of an

"alliance," especially since similar frequencies are not to be found

among other families known to belong to the same intermarrying group.

On the other hand, what we will call "sibling exchange" would appear

to be a conscious strategy in forming alliances between families. It

is difficult to determine exactly how such alliances were planned, but

we do know that parents, specifically fathers, were responsible for

making marriage decisions until recently. A few persons claim that this

pattern is still true-for the Costa Rican upper class, i.e., the family

decides upon marriage partners when the children are still young. It

would be difficult to determine to what extent this pattern is gener-

alized. Suffice it to say that romantic love has made important inroads

and marriage decisions in Costa Rica are usually made by the marrying

partners.









The decision to marry two or three of one's children to another

family must indicate a closeness of relationship or a desire to rein-

force or establish a strong family relationship to an extent that it is

difficult to doubt a conscious strategy.10 If we look, for instance, at

the marriages within the group designated "first great coffee-growers,"

we see the following families involved in sibling exchange: Montealegre--

Gallegos, Fernandez Hidalgo--Salazar Aguado (Table III). These families

demonstrate in their histories a consistent ability to make marriages

with powerful persons.11 It is significant that sibling exchange to

occur usually near a locus of power. The similarity between "sibling

exchange" and "brother-sister exchange" is not accidental. The latter

type of marriage exchange has been suggested by Levi-Strauss (1969)

as a model from which we can derive prescriptive cousin marriage in

unilineal kinship systems. It is clear, at any rate, that an alliance

formed through brother-sister exchange (where two men marry each other's

sisters) may be continued in subsequent generations with the marriage

of cousins. While the model does not apply to Costa Rica, which follows

a bilateral kinship system, affinal alliances could occur in any kin-

ship system. Just as prescriptive cousin marriage may operate to

-preserve traditional ties of kinship within a unilineal system, multiple

marriages between bilateral families operate to form alliances which

concentrate power, having more force than those which ordinarily occur.

Not only does such sibling exchange create double obligation between

two families, it also concentrates family power in the sense that it

constitutes a refusal to extend relations to additional families. It

is difficult to say whether this type of marriage is common or uncommon










since there is no ready standard against which to measure whether its

frequency is more or less than what ought to be anticipated. There need

not be any such marriages, nor is there any particular reason why they

should not occur. In the final analysis, we can only say that such a

marriage distinctly favors a specific affinal alliance and reduces the

opportunity for extension that previously existed.

This type of marriage dates back to colonial times. In fact, it

seems to have been more common then than now which suggests that there

were fewer marriage partners to choose from. This could only have been

true, however, if there had been a small, endogamous group, since, from

the population figures provided above (Table I), there seem to have been

sufficient numbers of Mestizos and Indians to marry. In sampling the

marriages in the genealogies, we find that the descendants of Antonio de

Acosta Arevalo (Table IV, see also Appendices A and B) show a marked ten-

dency for this type of marriage.

A number of additional instances in other families could be listed

here; however, even exhaustive research of all the important genea-

logies available would not demonstrate that this occurs except in a

minority of cases. A similar phenomenon, though rarer, is the "sororate,"

that is, the marriage of a widower to his deceased wife's sister.

Although only three instances were collected in the process of genea-

logical study, all three are interesting. Two of the cases are closely

related -- Jose Maria Jimenez Carranza married, successively Juana and

Praxedes Fernandez Ramfrez; his son, Jose Maria Jimenez Fernandez, did

likewise, marrying successively Josefa and Teresa Rucavado Bonilla (cf.

Revollo Acosta 1960). This should be of some interest to us since the









TABLE IV. INSTANCES OF SIBLING EXCHANGE IN THE DESCENT
OF ANTONIO DE ACOSTA AREVALO


Generation Acosta Descendant Spouse


I de Acosta Aguilar, Antonia Alvarado Azofeifa,
Agustin
de Acosta Aguilar, Alvarado Azofeifa,
Francisca Lorenza Gregorio

III Fernandez UmaEa, Manuel de Alvarado Valverde,
Agueda
Fernandez Umanfa, Juan Felipe de Alvarado Valverde,
Benita
Fernandez Umafia, Maria de Alvarado Valverde,
Felipe

IV Fernandez Hidalgo, Joaquin Salazar Aguado, Carmen
Fernandez Hidalgo, Santiago Salazar Aguado, Guadalupe

V Montealegre Fernandez, Gallegos Saenz, Guadalupe
Mariano
Montealegre Fernandez, Gallegos Saenz, Victoria
Francisco

V Saenz Ulloa, Jose Nicolas Carazo Bonilla, Domitila
Saenz Ulloa, Diego Carazo Bonilla, Micaela



Jimenez-Fernandez marriage involved important coffee families as well as

links to the important politicians already named. More interestingly, if

perhaps a coincidence, is that the grandson of the Jimenez-Rucavado

marriages was none other than Mario Echandi Jimenez, President of Costa

Rica 1958-1962. The third "sororate" involved President (1901-1906)

Ascension Esquivel Ibarra, who married, successively, Adela and Cristina

Salazar Guardia. This should interest us since the two sisters were the

daughters of Jesus Salazar Aguado, and thus linked with the important

coffee-growere and politicians already mentioned (Tables II and III).

They were also daughters of Adela Guardia Bonilla, first cousin (FaBrDa)









to President Tomas and General Victor Guardia, as well as the niece

(SiDa) of Juan Bautista Bonilla Nava, another great coffee-grower.

Family Alliances and the Nature of Power

We are faced with an intriguing question: Why do these special cases

continually lead us back to the same families? The number of cases of

the "sororate" are statistically insignificant as are the cases of

"sibling exchange." It would seem highly significant, however, that these

cases so frequently involve persons at what we might call "nodes of power."

Where significant power is concentrated, an effort will be made to re-

strict its extension beyond those who are responsible for that power.

For example, if a father marries most of his children to the most power-

ful families of the country, the point may come when extension of his

network only detracts from his power position, that is, he does not wish

either to diminish the strength of existing relationships by adding an

additional set of relations, nor does he wish to increase his obliga-

tions.12 The relationship between centralization, concentration, and

power maintenance is clear. If we view power as emanating from a central

core rather than from a vertical hierarchy, we can better visualize the

importance of marriage strategies. Power is like a turntable, which,

when it moves, casts off those on its periphery; the closer one is. to

the core the easier it is to stay on. Energy which is not concentrated

is wasted or dissipated. Any alliance, whether through marriage or other-

wise, may serve to concentrate, that is, reaffirm and strengthen, an

existing alliance (an additional marriage within an already related

family); it may strengthen an alliance network (a marriage to a family

linked to previously allied families); it may expand an alliance network









(marriage to a family within the elite with common interests but not

heretofore closely related); it may constitute a loss of energy (a

marriage with a family of no consequence); and, finally, it may be a

dangerous liability (a marriage with a powerful family whose interests

diverge from the interests of the existing network).

We must remember that, although the members of the elite may be

said to have generalized common interests, each individual and each

sub-group, whether family, social network, or economic or political

interest group, can be expected to attempt to improve its relative

position and this is done primarily by aiming at the central core of

power. Any error of judgment, an inopportune investment, a political

blunder, a "wasted" marriage, can seriously weaken one's relative posi-

tion, making one less desirable as an ally. We encounter in the

genealogical data families which marry all their children to foreigners

or persons with inconsequential surnames and the family simply dis-

appears from the genealogical record (genealogists find no reason to

trace the line further since, with the exception of Sanabria, the

genealogies have been collected in order to trace either the genealogist

or his client to the bluebloods).

Preferential Marriage within Endogamy: Inbreeding

The second means by which the family network may be restricted rather

than extended is through inbreeding. The term "inbreeding" is used to

refer to a situation in which selectively preferential marriage takes

place within an endogamous group. Thus, while the members of an

endogamous group can be said generally to share the same set of genes,

there are some sub-groups whose genetic make-up is highly selective. To

arrive at this state of affairs requires selective intermarriage between









restricted subgroups over several generations. This process achieves a

genetic "concentration," perhaps a concentration of genetic power, which,

of course, is translated into social and cultural concentration. The

social and political consequences of inbreeding are similar to the bi-

ological consequences: When inbreeding is carried too far, the resultant

strain may be weakened by unfavorable genes, destroyed by lethal mutations,

or destroyed by specially adapted diseases or predators. While this

genetic strategy may prove highly adaptive to one environment, over-

sp4cialization may prove maladaptive once that environment changes.

Beyond being generally endogamous, the ruling elite often shows a

tendency toward forming small family cliques. This occurs when two or

three families intermarry as has been shown above, but this intermarriage

often repeats itself over several generations. Again, this appears to

be a strategy of family alliance, but unlike the sibling exchanges just

discussed, such alliances are for maintenance of power rather than its

creation. For example, the first Costa Rican generations of the Guardia

(Fernandez Peralta 1958), Montealegre (Table III), Salazar (Table III),

and Peralta (Fern6ndez Peralta 1964) families are married to a number of

important local families. In order to exhaust all possible connections

Vith the ruling elite, subsequent generations ought to have extended

marriage ties to the remaining important families. This did not happen.

Several reasons can be given. Logically, as argued earlier, once power

is maximized through marriage, additional increments through extension are

likely to weaken established relations. It is equally likely that per-

sonal networks can only expand within certain limits before they become

inefficient or unmanageable. Specifically, problems are reached in a










complex system of obligations since any increase in the network increases

the chance that newly created obligations will conflict with established

obligations. To clarify, let us suppose that the Sancho family is

closely related to ten other families. Any new addition is likely to

present a conflict with an established alliance, and, as the number of

families increases, the likelihood of conflict increases for any new

extension. This is most easily seen in relation to politics and power.

If two families each enjoy high positions within the power structure, a

marriage between the two puts both of them into an even better position.

Nevertheless, the point must come when a family, because of the power

it holds plus the amount of power which is held by families under obli-

gation to it, cannot make a marriage which will advance that family's

power position, i.e., the families with which it is not connected are

either so low in the power structure that a marriage would incur more

obligations than it would accrue benefits, or the other family might be

so powerful that the alliance would advance its position of that family

beyond the original family.13 In Costa Rican politics, for example,

lines are often drawn between powerful families, the most notable ex-

ample being that of the conflict between the Mora and Montealegre families

in the nineteenth century. One might suppose than an excellent strategy

in such a situation would be for the Montealegre to marry into families

supporting the Mora, thus neutralizing some of the Mora support. The

problem, however, is that the lines have been drawn for very important

reasons, and any attempt to recruit within the Mora ranks is very likely

to cause a conflict with established allies. Thus, Vicente Aguilar and

Manuel Jose Carazo, who support Montealegre, would be distressed to find










the Montealegre family making peace with the families of the opposition

by marrying into them.

If a particular power matrix arrives at the situation in which

marrying out of the alliance is threatening to other members or increases

the likelihood of power loss, inbreeding will occur.14 Unfortunately,

inbreeding is difficult to measure since it may appear superficially to

be endogamy, i.e., individuals tend to marry within a specific group,

but the term asserts that the marrying partners stand in a closer blood

relationship than they do to other marriageable persons. Since it is

argued here that this inbreeding takes place for reasons of power, the

marriages of closely related persons, such as first cousins, are not pre-

ferred nor prescribed marriages as part of a generalized pattern of the

society, or even of the "class," but occur when circumstances favor them.

Thus, like the sibling exchanges, they are statistically infrequent and

cannot be assimilated to kinship models of a given society. As we found

sibling exchange taking place within nodal families in the network of

persons-involved in politics and coffee plantations, we would anticipate

that inbreeding could be correlated to power requirements. To continue

within the context already presented, we find family alliances and con-

tihued intermarriage extended to the point that the term "inbreeding"

becomes appropriate and can be correlated to political events now part

of the historical record.

In the years following Independence, a rivalry grew up between the

Mora and the Montealegre. Once the Montealegre had overthrown and exiled

ex-President Mora Porras, dissension began within the ranks of those who

had stood against Mora. Ultimately Tomas Guardia took power and









established a different line of succession. Some lines of kinship rela-

tions are clear and direct. Guardia was succeeded as president by his

son-in-law, General Pr6spero Fernandez Oreamuno, who was in turn succeeded

by his own son-in-law, General Bernardo Soto Alfaro. Kin relations, how-

ever, run much deeper than this; they are, unfortunately, often difficult

to discover. Since affinal ties are important, a dissimilarity of surnames

frequently disguises close relationships. Costa Rican historians rarely

mention the kinship ties between allied political figures. We must try

briefly to reconstruct some of these alliance to emphasize the impor-

tance of kinship to political power.

Previously we mentioned the close relation between wealth in coffee,

political power, and kinship, showing that political control was exercised

within this group during the middle of the nineteenth century. Virtually

all political posts were held by members of this group and their relatives

by blood and marriage, i.e., power belonged to them exclusively. Within

the_group, relations were not always amicable; schisms developed and

sides were taken. As a general rule sides were taken in accordance with

kin alliances and subsequent marriages were arranged within the competing

cliques. Not all families took sides, e.g., the Jimenez and Oreamuno

families of Cartago, who married each other, continued to marry members

of competing groups and so operated as arbiters between groups, pre-

serving the group as a whole. This seems to be the reason that Francisco

Montealegre suggested Jesus Jimenez as a presidential candidate to Manuel

Argiello (brother-in-law to Mora Porras and leading survivor of the Morist

faction) as a compromise candidate to end the bitter factionalism

(Argiello Mora 1963:95). While the Jimenez managed to obtain two










presidencies, their political success can be measured in Congress, where

five generations of the Jimenez family dominated in numbers and influence

(Stone 1971:Sup.). Other families appear to have concentrated on the

presidency, but the Jimenez controlled Congress. Both Jimenez, presidents

were known as conciliators, although they had enemies as well. Ricardo

Jimenez proved to be the most important political figure of the twentieth

century.

Intermarriage and inbreeding took place along lines which can be

demonstrated to follow political schisms. By inbreeding here is not

meant simply individual instances of, let us say, first cousin marriage,

although these occur with some frequency; third, fourth, and fifth

cousin marriages are equally important since these also represent rein-

forcement of the intermarrying group and the failure to use opportunities

to extend kin relations beyond the group. It is possible, then, to indi-

cate the degree of inbreeding and certainly intermarriage by studying the

statistical frequencies of surnames. To stress the point that these are

'ot chance occurrences, we will follow a particular family, showing how

its branches are interrelated. Although some Costa Rican surnames, e.g.,

Fernandez, Jimenez, do not all come from the same stock, during the period

in question, namely the nineteenth century, names such as Montealegre,

Salazar, Saenz, Ulloa, Carazo, Esquivel, Peralta, and Echavarria each

represent one stock. The custom of using both paternal and maternal sur-

names in Costa Rica helps us to recognize siblings, i.e., we can expect

that Manuel Jose Carazo Bonilla and Dolores Carazo Bonilla were brother

and sister. This would most certainly be true were it not for extensive

intermarriage. For example, two brothers Jim6nez Zamora married Oreamuno









women, producing a host of Jimenez Oreamuno children, eight of whom were

legislators (recall the statement above concerning the legislative

dominance of the.Jimenez family). For our purposes, it does not really

matter that these legislators were first cousins rather than all brothers;

the important point is that intermarriage seems to have resulted in con-

siderable political influence.

The Echavarria Alvarado: A Nodal Family (Appendix C)

To demonstrate the existence of inbreeding and its relation to poli-

tics, we start with the Montealegre family. We have already noted that

this family rose to political dominance within one generation after

arriving in Costa Rica. We also noted that the marriages of the children

created important alliances, which were later crossed by schisms, notably

with the Mora family. Manuel Arguello Mora (1963:86-89), at one time an

arch enemy of the Montealegre, notes the three most important Montealegre

supporters: Vicente Aguilar Cubero, Manuel Jose Carazo Bonilla, and

Aniceto Esquivel Saenz. Let us examine the relationships between these

individuals. Vicente Aguilar, a great coffee-grower, was married to

Dolores Salazar Aguado (recall that the Montealegre and Salazar were

friends from Nicaragua). Two Salazar Aguado sisters were married to two

Fernandez Hidalgo brothers (half brothers to founder Montealegre's wife),

important coffee-growers. Aguilar's daughter, Juana Aguilar Salazar, and

her first cousin (MoSiSo) Santiago Fernandez Salazar married two siblings,

Francisco and Maria Echavarria Alvarado. There were eight Echavarria

Alvarado children, several of whom are of interest to us because, like

the two mentioned above, they married the families we are about to trace.

We occasionally find instances of this sort, i.e., several intermarrying

families that are connected directly to the children of one family in one









generation. Maria Joaquina Echavarria Alvarado married Joaquin Oreamuno

Carazo, son of Lucia Carazo Peralta. Carlos Echavarria Alvarado married

Natalia Carazo Peralta, daughter of Manuel Jose Carazo Bonilla (mentioned

above as one of the important supporters of Montealegre), and Maria

Toribia Peralta Echavarria--Natalia was third cousin15 (FaMoBrDaDa) to

Carlos. Brigida Echavarria Alvarado married Luis Diego Saenz Carazo, son

of Nicolas Saenz Ulloa, of whom we shall learn more later, and Domitila

Carazo Bonilla, sister of Manuel Jose, so that Brigida married the first

cousin of her brother's wife (Carlos is not only brother to Brigida, but

also is her HuMoBrDaHu), while Luis Diego Saenz Carazo and Natalia Carazo

Peralta are not only first cousins, being the children of sisters, but

are also cunculos, an affinal relation denoting either spouse's sibling's

spouse or sibling's spouse's sibling.

Marta Echavarria Alvarado married Bernardino Peralta Alvarado, the

uncle (FaBr) of Maria Toribia Perlata, hence the granduncle (MoFaBr) of

Natalia Carazo, who was married to Bernardino's brother-in-law (WiBr),

Carlos. Remembering the complex interrelation is not important if we

recognize that several families are constantly involved. The persons

named are shown in Appendix C.

We are most interested in the names which are repeated here, since

we will see them again with the Saenz and Esquivel families. The name

Carazo is here the most frequent, with Peralta and Alvarado of somewhat

less importance. If we return to the three men named as important

supporters of the Montealegre family, we notice that two, Vicente Aguilar

and Manuel Jose Carazo are to be found in the preceding discussion. The

third, Aniceto Esquivel Saenz was married to Isaura Carazo Peralta. If









we investigate this relationship further, we will understand how it was

that this group of individuals came to be related to the Montealegre.

The S~enz Ulloa: A Pattern of Inbreeding (Appendix B)

In the Echavarria family we included Luis Diego Saenz Carazo, the

son of Diego Saenz Ulloa and Micaela Carazo Bonilla. The Saenz Ulloa

family and their descendants describe a pattern of intermarriage and in-

breeding, incorporating the families with which we are here concerned.

Manuel Saenz Alvarado and Maria Cayetana Ulloa Guzm~n had six children

(Saenz Ulloa) of interest to us because of their marriages and descendants.

In the first generation there was one "sibling exchange." Diego married

Micaela Carazo Bonilla and Jose Nicolds married Domitila Carazo Bonilla.

Another child, Maria Ignacia married the coffee-grower (later President)

Rafael Gallegos Alvarado. Three of their children (Gallego Saenz) married

Montealegre: the brothers Francisco and Mariano Montealegre Fernandez

married Victoria and Guadalupe Gallegos Saenz; a third brother, (President)

Jose Maria Montealegre was the father-in-law of Guadalupe and Victoria's

brother Rafael Gallegos Saenz. A fourth Saenz Ulloa, Maria Ursula,

married the coffee-grower Narciso Esquivel Salazar, producing several

Esquivel Saenz children, including aforementioned President Aniceto

Esquivel Saenz. Aniceto married Isaura Carazo Peralta, his first cousin

(MoBrDa). Two of Aniceto's brothers, Camilo and Jose Antonio Esquivel

Saenz also married their first cousins (MoBrDa), namely, Pacffica and

Salome Saenz Carazo. Another of Aniceto's brothers, Miguel Narciso

Esquivel Saenz, married the daughter of another first cousin (MoBrSoDa),

Rosa SMenz Sandoval, which brings us to the last Saenz Ulloa, Francisco.

Rosa was Francisco's granddaughter through his son, Andres Saenz Llorente









and Mercedes Sandoval Perez. Manuel de Jesus Esquivel Saenz married his

son, Maximino Esquivel Echandi, to Andres' other daughter, Julia Saenz

Sandoval, i.e., Maximino married his FaMoBrSoDa. Thus in the second

generation from the Saenz Ulloa match, ten descendants are directly linked

in cousin marriage (Table V) and another three have married into the

Montealegre family. The situation becomes even more complex in the

following generations.


TABLE V. MARRIAGES BETWEEN CONSANGUINAL, KIN AMONG THE DESCENDANTS
OF MANUEL SAENZ ALVARADO AND MARIA CAYETANA ULLOA GUZMAN



Male Descendant Female Descendant Relationship
(from Male Ego)


Esquivel Saenz, Aniceto Carazo Peralta, Isaura MoBrDa
Esquivel Saenz, Camilo Saenz Carazo, Pacifica MoBrDa
Esquivel Saenz,
Jose Antonio Saenz Carazo, Salome MoBrDa
Esquivel Saenz,
Miguel Narciso Saenz Sandoval, Rosa MoBrSoDa
Esquivel Echandi,
Maximino Saenz Sandoval, Julia FaMoBrSoDa
Esquivel Carrillo,
Joaquin Esquivel Saenz, Oliva BrDa*
Peralta Esquivel,
Jose Joaquin Esquivel Bonilla, Adela MoFaDa


*Half brother--same father, different mother


Maximino Esquivel Echandi and Julia Saenz Sandoval married their

daughter, Oliva Esquivel Saenz to Jose Joaquin Esquivel Carrillot,

Maximino's half brother (FaSo by another wife). Finally, Aniceto

Esquivel Saenz' granddaughter (SoDa), Adela Esquivel Bonilla, married

his (Aniceto) brother's great grandson (BrSoDaSo), Jos6 Joaquin Peralta

Esquivel. This last marriage could be related by blood through Carazo,









Peralta and Echavarria as well, as could the marriage between Angela

Esquivel F.brega and Carlos Peralta Echavarria (see Appendix B).

The discussion above need be only superficially grasped to recognize

that the descendants of Nicolas Saenz, himself an important political

figure and a large coffee-grower, took great pains to avoid extending

kinship ties beyond a few families. We have seen that the Saenz-Esquivel-

Gallegos-Carazo marriages were peripherally related to the Montealegre

family. In relation to what has been said concerning the relation be-

tween kinship and power, it would seem that the Montealegre may have been

less powerful than the families with which they married. Mariano

Montealegre Bustamante, the founder of the Costa Rican family, married

-Jeronima Fernandez Chac6n. Jer6nima's brother, Manuel Fernandez Chac6n

was a President of Costa Rica, as was his son, Prospero Fernandez Oreamuno,

who married the sister of dictator Tomas Guardia, this last responsible

for the ultimate blow to Montealegre power. The Montealegre chose the

side that had the greatest solidarity but which proved the weaker in the

end.- -

The relationships between marriage partners in the Saenz Ulloa family

lCTableOLLs.uggesta,-mother'-s brother--sister's son- relationship to be

significant. The Quir6s data- (see Appendix F) suggest that father's

brother may be equally important (the three Quir6s males are first cousins,

sons of three Quiros Jimenez brothers). Without further extensive re-

search, it would be rash to assert that males acquire wives through their

parent's brothers, although this is a possibility. What is most impor-

tant, however, is a common tendency to superimpose affinal relations upon

consanguinal. relations. Costa Rican Spanish kin terminology recognizes









an affinal sibling relationship extending through two marriages called

concu0no. We note that in sibling exchange (Table IV) siblings also

stand in the concuno relationship. Appendix C also demonstrates the

concurio relation between close kinsmen, and Table VIII reveals first

cousins who are cuncunos. In these instances, the opportunity to extend

personal networks by way of affinity has been declined.

As a final note concerning endogamy and inbreeding, in view of what

has been said thus far, we arrive at a functional explanation of marriages

with foreigners. In terms of power, marriage to a foreigner is a logical

step under certain circumstances. When the individual concerned has

skills, wealth or foreign influence which can be useful to a Costa Rican

family, a marriage may enhance the family's power and wealth without

creating serious obligations. This is so because most foreigners,

especially Americans, do not bring their kindreds with them, that is to

say, the kin obligations rarely go beyond the individual involved. In

addition, the marriage is on Costa Rican ground, so that kin relations

&re based on Costa Rican rules. But most important is the fact that the

newcomer does not have any other Costa Rican kin obligations, nor enmities,

so that he does not threaten established alliances nor unduly extend

pligations through marriage.

Historical Roots of a "Political Class

-::- Samuel Stone (1971) traced the descendants of Juan Vazquez de Coronado,

Conquistador and first Adelantado of Costa Rica, recording those branches

of the family which numbered presidents or legislators among their descen-

dants in order to discover some measure of the political importance of the

family. The results are startling. Among the direct descendants and









their spouses, we find 29 out of 44 Costa Rican heads of state and 230

of Costa Rica's 1300 legislators during 150 years of republican govern-

ment. If we add.to this the descendants of colonial officials, Antonio

de Acosta Arevalo, Jorge de Alvarado, and Nicolas de Gonzalez y Oviedo,

we have 33 out of 44 heads of state and approximately half of Costa Rica's

legislators (cf. Stone 1971:114). The importance of these families has

been even greater than what is suggested by the figures above since the

legislators belonging to these families usually represented the Provinces

of San Jose and Cartago. Far from the geographical and political core

of power, legislators from other provinces had influence only within their

provinces and were never able, if indeed they were interested, to combine

against the important families of San Josg and Cartago (Stone 1971:112).

It must be emphasized that the relationships between those occupying

important political posts were not simply relatives, but close relatives.

Appendix G presents graphically the closeness of these relationships

between thirteen heads of state. Sixteen heads of state were related as

follows: President Juan Mora Porras was the son-in-law of President

Mahuel Aguilar Chac6n and the brother-in-law (WiBr) of President Jos6

Maria Montealegre Fernandez, who was the brother-in-law (WiBr) of President

Bruno Carranza Ramirez, the latter also being a brother-in-law (WiBr) of

hPesident-Braulio-Carrillo- Colina. The son of the aforementioned Jose

Maria Montealegre was a brother-in-law (SiHu) of President Rafael Iglesias

Castro, who was the son of President Demetrio Iglesias Llorente, great

uncle (MoMoBr) of President Federico Tinoco Granados and son-in-law of

President Jose Maria Castro Madriz, whose brother-in-law (WiBr), President

Pr6spero Fernandez Oreamuno, was also brother-in-law (WiBr) to President









Tomas Guardia Gutierrez, father-in-law to President Bernardo Soto Alfaro,

and the son of President Manuel Fernandez Chac6n, whose wife was the first

cousin (FaBrDa) of President Francisco Maria Oreamuno Bonilla, whose son-

in-law, President Jesus Jimenez Zamora, was the father of Ricardo Jimenez

Oreamuno.16 As the repetition of surnames, e.g., Oreamuno, Fernandez,

Chac6n, suggests, many of those related by marriage were more distantly

related by blood. The presidency of Costa Rica was occupied by those

named above for a total of 83 years during the 101-year period from 1835

to'1936. If Stone's figures are correct, 17 additional heads of state

were more distantly related to those named here.

Stone points out that recent history reveals ideological splits

within the "political class." This seems hardly a new development (cf.

Vega Carballo 1971:377-379), except perhaps that schisms in the past were

more personal than ideological, but, as we have seen, the ideology of con-

tending factions may be more important in words than actions. One must

wonder how important ideology is when power and social structures remain

the same, with the country run by a small aristocratic, endogamous,

political class. The following citation from Stone indicates the extent

to which the "political class" retains its power today:

... Since 1948, Costa Rica has witnessed two preponderant
political tendencies. One has been the National Liberation
--- ?Party, with a liberal ideological tendency, and closely linked
with the name of the current President, Jos5 Figueres Ferrer,
who, being of Spanish parentage, has few close kin relations
with the political class. Nevertheless, he counts on the
support of many of its members. The other current, that of
the Republican Party, is less liberal and is organized around
the person of Rafael Angel Calder6n Guardia. There have been
other important parties with a conservative orientation, one
directed by ex-president Otilio Ulate Blanco and the other
by ex-president Mario Echandi Jimenez. In the last decade a
coalition has been formed (the National Unification Party)
among all of the more or less conservative forces for the









purpose of presenting a united front against the National Liberation
Party. All this can be reduced to the two important political
tendencies in question, one of which we may call liberal
(liberacionista) and the other more conservative (unificacionista).

Thus, for example, in the twelfth generation [from Vazquez
de Coronado] appears the name of Mario Echandi Jimenez (today
unificacionista), who was elected President in 1958 against
the liberacionista Francisco Orlich Bolmarcich, of the six-
teenth generation. In the table we see groups which
ideologically support or supported (since some are dead) these
two candidates, whether or not they were candidates for the
National Assembly at the time. We have Jose Joaquin Perlata
Esquivel, Cristian Tattenbach Yglesias, and Ricardo Castro
Beeche, all unificacionistas. On the other side we have Alberto
Cafas Escalante, Alfonso Carro Zaniga, Daniel Oduber Quiros,
and Fernando Volio Jim6nez, liberacionistas. We also have
followers of ex-President Otilio Ulate Blanco, for example,
Alberto Oreamuno Flores, his vice-president. We also have
Francisco Jose Marshall Jim6nez and Ramiro Brenes Gutierrez,
who are "co-"brother-in-laws (concufos), and have organized
their own party. We can even note the name of Carlos Luis
Fallas Sibaja, who was the director of the Communist Party
[Stone 1971:124-125].

Stone describes the change from the nineteenth to the twentieth century

as a change from ownership of power to leadership of power, he does not,

however, see any united opposition to the leadership of the political

class (1971:128).

Statistical Analysis of Kinship Relations in the "Political Class"

In tracing the Vazquez de Coronado descendants only to presidents

and legislators, Stone has provided us the means to measure the statis- );t?

tical frequency of important Costa Rican surnames, i.e., since he does

not trace a family line farther than the last legislator, unproductive

lines are terminated with but few listings while the productive lines are

represented by many branches and names. In order to determine the most

important political families, Stone's listings were relisted by marriages,

i.e., rather than listing by individuals' surnames, such as Ricardo

Jimenez Oreamuno, a list was made of the 302 marriages shown, e.g.,





88



Jimenez Zamora was one listing representing the marriage of Ricardo

Jimenez Oreamuno and Beatriz Zamora. The purpose of this was to avoid

multiplication of surnames where several children of two parents are

found in the genealogies. For instance, in one generation are to be

found ten Jimenez Oreamuno from two families, being either siblings or

first cousins. There were, in fact, but two marriages here between

Jimenez and Oreamuno and not ten. By limiting the listings to the

marriages, we can determine not only "productivity," i.e., how often a

surname appears, but also its strategic importance by how desirable it

is to contract marriage with that family. This is best clarified by fur-

nishing some statistics. Since there were 302 marriages there were 604

surnames listed, or, if no surname had been repeated we would have found

604 different surnames. In fact, only 138 different surnames were to be

found among the 604 listed. Of these, 60 surnames appeared only once;

and have been classed as unproductive surnames. Another 26 appeared twice;

these also may be considered unproductive. Translated into productive sur-

names we will find the following statistics: 52 different surnames or 38

percent of the surnames (52 of 138), account for 82 percent of the 604

names listed. 15 different surnames or 11 percent of the 138 different

surnames, account for 51 percent of the listings. Finally, four surnames,

Jimenez, Oreamuno, Quir6s, and Echavarrla account for 22 percent of the

listings. The frequency with which surnames are repeated bears no re-

lation to the frequency of occurrence of the surnames in the general

population, confirming the assertion of an endogamous ruling elite. A

glance at Table VI, comparing the number of listings in Stone's

genealogical list and the number of listings in the 1972 Costa Rica









Telephone Directory, indicated the discrepancy between politically

important surnames and those which are not politically significant.


TABLE VI.


FREQUENCY OF OCCURRENCE OF COSTA RICAN SURNAMES


Surname No. Marriages within No. Listed in Tele-
Political Class* phone Directory**


Castro 17 391
Chavarria 28 166
Esquivel 21 126
Fernandez 16 294
Iglesias
(Yglesias) 13 33
Jimenez 48 406
Oreamuno 32 42.
Montealegre 14 37
Mora 15 339
Peralta 14 36
Quir6s 25 191
Saenz 19 130
Volio 11 23

Garc{a 5 178
G6mez -1 169
Gonzalez 2 -* 365
L6pez 1 161
Ramirez 2- 273
Rojas 2 369
Soto 3 -231
Vargas 1 502
Rodriguez 1 554


*from Stone (1971:Sup.)
!Costa Rica Telephone Directory (Directorio Telef6nico) 1971-1972


Since telephones are ordinarily owned by the well-to-do in Costa Rica,

the discrepancy between the figures in the two columns is even more sig-

nificant than appears at first glance. Some of the commonest Costa Rican

surnames, such as Rodriguez, Vargas, and Gonzalez would be classed as

"unproductive" in political terms. Important political names, such as











Oreamuno, Volio, and Peralta, are uncommon in the general population.

Some names which are common in Costa Rica, such as Arce, Hernandez, and

Arias, are not to be found in the marriages among the descendants of

Vazquez de Coronado.

The extent of inbreeding and endogamy can also be examined by studying

the marriages of the political class, using the descendants of Vazquez de

Coronado. Table VII presents marriage statistics concerning the 13 most

frequently occurring surnames in the Vazquez de Coronado genealogy. Many

of these surnames should already be familiar--Montealegre, Peralta,

Jimenez, Oreamuno--since they have been mentioned numerous times in our

discussion. In accordance with what has already been said here, we would

expect these surnames to represent not only the most commonly occurring

names but also to show a distinct tendency toward mutual association.

While the figures show this tendency, they also confirm another asser-

tation made earlier in this chapter, namely, that there are groups of

allying families.

-- We can derive a concept of nodal families or nodal individuals from

the figures. .Since the genealogies were reported by reference to polit-

ical position, i.e., lines were traced only as far as the last legislator

or president, repetition of family names in the genealogy reveals the

most productive political families. Nevertheless, since this is a bi-

lateral kinship system, we must consider the possible inheritance of

political power through females. Thus a surname may disappear from the

genealogies without signifying that direct descendants are no longer

included. This is best seen in the two important families of Juan Vazquez

de Coronado and Antonio de Acosta Arevalo. In both instances the first

generations were more productive of females than of males so that the










surnames Vazquez and Acosta were practically lost after the first few

generations and are not represented among the important political figures

who were descended from these two important founders. It should be noted

that the relations between important politicians, as evidenced by the

list of presidents above, are often affinal (see Appendix G).

In tabulating the figures in Table VII, both surnames were used, so

that there appear to be more marriages with, let us say, Castro than with

a list using the first surnames of a marriage, i.e., the Garcia-Vargas

marriage would not have been counted among the thirteen families in the

marriage statistics heretofore, but if the marriage were between Jose

Garcia Castro and Maria Vargas Fernandez, it would also be recorded here

under both Castro and Fernandez as a marriage between the two families.

The occurrences of the thirteen surnames varies from 12 persons named

Volio to 73 named Jimenez. Percentages on endogamous (within the 13

families) marriages vary from 32 percent for Iglesias to 74 percent for

Peralta.: Among the thirteen families, 45 percent of the marriages in-

volved two persons, each with at least one of the thirteen surnames,

indicating a high degree of endogamy. It is assumed that all those bearing

the.same surname are related by blood. While there may be exceptions to

this; none came to our attention. The Fernandez and Jimenez surnames are

common Costa Rican and Latin surnames and would be the surnames most

likely to include unrelated members. However, the large number of persons

with these two surnames is accounted for by the marriages into the

Vazquez de Coronado line early in the colonial period; and the relation-

ships within the two families are well recorded, so that it is unlikely that

those represented here are unrelated (because of these ancient marriages,










TABLE VII. FREQUENCY OF ELITE INTERMARRIAGE






4 02


0 S N -1 C
Oj d w 0 4) r\ % t
0 M H ) W H 0P a) 0 % -r
O- 4 ,C) W 0 M O 0 G- > E o > P

Surname:

Castro 29 1 1 0 2 1 3 2 1 1 0 3 0 0 15 52%

Chavarrfa h1 1 1 0 1 0 5 2 4 1 2 1 1 1 20 h9%

Esquivel 22 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 3 0 7 0 13 60%

Fernandez 39 2 1 0 1 1 3 1 1 3 0 2 5 0 20 51%

Iglesias 25 1 0 0 1 0 2 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 8 32%

Jimenez 73 3 5 1 3 2 2 2 0 8 3 1 1 3 34 45%

Montealegre 19 2 2 0 0 1 3 0 1 0 1 0 3 1 13 68%

0 -ora 30 i1 11 -2--0 -0 0 -0-o0 1 0 11 37%

Oreamno 52 1 1 0-3 1 8 -0 0 1 2 0 0 1 1& 35%

Peralta 19 0 2 3 0 0 3 1 0 -2 2 1 1 0 14 74%

Quir6s 27 3 1 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 12 44%

enz -to 0 ,5 0 1 5 i-31 1 0 4 22 57%

Volio a 1 0 0 0 3 0 0 T -0 0 1 1 06 50%


-


-










the two families are represented in the genealogy of Vazquez de Coronado

from their beginnings and the individuals with these surnames are nearly

all direct descendants and not persons marrying into the line). Most of

the other names, such as Montealegre, Volio, Oreamuno, and Esquivel, are

smaller families, most of whose descendants are directly related to the

ruling elite.17

While all except three of the surnames are found to have at least

one marriage in which both partners share a surname, only Quir6s and

Saenz have four such marriages, suggesting a tendency toward inbreeding.

For Quir6s this figure accounts for 15 percent of the marriages recorded

(see Appendix F). Among the Saenz, because of a greater number of total

marriages, only 10 percent had the same surname (see Table V and Appendix

B).

._ Table VII presents some interesting differences between families.

Some families have intermarried with a wide range of the other families.18

.The Jim6nez surname is associated with all but one (Mora) other family,

Chavarria with all but two, and Fernandez with all but three. On the

-other hand, Volio, Esquivel, and Quir6s have intermarried with fewer than

.lalf of the other families. These three appear to have been exclusive and

S.pobably peripheral to the political group. For instance, the Quiros,

besides marrying Quir6s, only married three times outside of the Castro

and Fernandez families (10 percent); Volios married only twice outside of

the Jim'nez family (17 percent); Esquivels married three times (15 percent)

outside of the Peralta and Saenz families. These three families appear

to be poorly involved in the political network, dependent upon their

alliances with one or two families (Volio-Jimenez; Quiros-Castro;




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PAGE 265

81,9(56,7< 2) )/25,'$


A MULTIDIMENSIONAL VIEW OF POWER
IN SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA
By
Ransford. Comstock Pyle
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express my gratitude to the members of my Doctoral
Committee, William E. Carter (Chairman), Solon Kimball, Martha Hardman-
de-Bautista, G. Alexander Moore, and Walter Weyrauch for their help
in the preparation of this work as well as their influence during
my graduate training. Many Costa Ricans were helpful during the field
research in many ways. Among those who were particularly helpful were
Virginia Ramírez de Barquero, Dr. Romano Soto Delcore, Maria Eugenia
Bozzoli de Wille and my student assistant, Carlos Vargas Dengo. This
acknowledgment should not be construed to mean that the above-mentioned
persons concurred in the conclusions drawn here, since in some cases the
opposite would be true. Special thanks must go to Dr. Samuel Stone,
who read an early draft of the dissertation and who provided a useful
critique of many aspects of the work.
Finally, my wife, Carola, deserves special thanks for the many
sacrifices made during a long period of graduate training.
11

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Ü
LIST OF TABLES v
LIST OF FIGURES vi
ABSTRACT vii
INTRODUCTION . 1
CHAPTER I: POWER AND GEOGRAPHY: PRIMACY OF THE CAPITAL CITY . . l4
CHAPTER II: IDEOLOGICAL POWER: COUNTERFEIT DEMOCRACY 29
CHAPTER III:. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL POWER: AN ENDOGAMOUS
"POLITICAL CLASS" 1*9
CHAPTER IV: INSTITUTIONAL POWER: EDUCATION AND THE ELITE .... 108
CHAPTER V: PHYSICAL DIVISIONS OF THE CITY AND THEIR SOCIAL
CORRELATES 133
CHAPTER VI: THE PERCEPTION OF SOCIAL DIFFERENCES 163
CHAPTER VII: THE IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL THEORY 202
APPENDIX A: DESCENDANTS OF ANTONIO DE ACOSTA AREVALO 235
APPENDIX B: FAMILY SAENZ ULLOA 238
APPENDIX C: FAMILY ECHAVARRIA (ALVARADO) 2l*0
APPENDIX D: DESCENDANTS OF JUAN VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO 2hl
APPENDIX E: FAMILY MORA PORRAS 242
APPENDIX F: FAMILY QUIROS 243
APPENDIX G: RELATIONSHIPS OF THIRTEEN COSTA RICAN
CHIEFS OF STATE 244
iii

APPENDIX H: QUESTIONNAIRE 2*+5
REFERENCES CITED 2^7
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 255

r
LIST OF TABLES
TABLE I: EVOLUTION OF THE POPULATION OF COSTA RICA ACCORDING
TO THE CENSUSES BETWEEN 1522 and l801 Ll
TABLE II: PARTIAL LIST OF THE FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS
OF COSTA RICA 59
TABLE III: AFFINAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG KEY FAMILIES OF THE
FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS . 63
TABLE IV: INSTANCES OF SIBLING EXCHANGE IN THE DESCENT OF
ANTONIO DE ACOSTA AREVALO 71
TABLE V: MARRIAGES BETWEEN CONSANGUINEAS! KIN AMONG THE
DESCENDANTS OF MANUEL SAENZ ALVARADO AND MARIA
CAYETANA ULLOA GUZMAN 82
TABLE VI: FREQUENCY OF OCCURENCE OF COSTA RICAN SURNAMES 89
TABLE VII: FREQUENCY OF ELITE INTERMARRIAGE 92
v

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Schematic Diagrams of Population and Social Class .... 52
Figure 2: Centrality and Relative Power Positions
of Costa Rican Cities 53
Figure 3: Important Political Families 96
Figure 4: Historical Growth of San José (schematic) 159
Figure 5: Contemporary San José (schematic) pgO
vi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
A MULTIDIMENSIONAL VIEW OF POWER
IN SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA
By
Ransford Comstock Pyle
June, 197^
Chairman: William E. Carter
Major Department: Anthropology
San José is the capital of Costa Rica and exercises a dominance over
the nation which dwarfs the importance of other population centers.
Paralleling the geographical power which San José derives from its central
position in the nation is the political and economic power position
occupied by the political elite which has maintained control over all
important national institutions since the colonial period. This group
has managed to maintain its boundaries through selective marriage patterns
which vary from generalized endogamy to marriage alliances. The image of
Costa Rica and the political ideology which represents Costa Rica
disguise the elitist and exclusive nature of Costa Rican society and
politics. Power is examined in many facets, including institutional
control, ideological manipulation, social interaction, geographical
position, and politics.
Vll
Chairman

INTRODUCTION
To appreciate the chapters which follow, one must have some under¬
standing of how this work came into being. By focusing on a city, we
depart from the usual subject matter of ethnographic research in anthro¬
pology which generally centers upon so-called "tribal" peoples or
peasant communities. Urban studies are relatively new to anthropology
and the urban context presents problems which are either absent or
avoidable in small, homogeneous settlements. Size, in and of itself,
is a problem, especially when, as in this study, the research is
accomplished by one person. Since anthropology has traditionally been
committed to the study of entire communities, covering the gamut of
human thought and action, a city of some four hundred thousand persons
presents a monumental task. The people of even a small community pro¬
vide an endless fund of relevant information; the city not only has more
people but also provides additional sources of information through the
written word. Urban institutions tend to be large and complex, with
infrastructures which are often obscure to the newcomer (and even to the
old-timer). Unraveling complexity is time-cornsuming, but this is not the
greatest problem for the urban anthropologist.
Other social scientists have studied cities, or at least operated
within the context of modern urban societies. If anthropologists intend
to examine the meaning of urban life, we ought to approach this study with
new procedures and attitudes which can justify entering a field where
1

2
there are already many experienced hands. Anthropology has emphasized
holistic study of culture on the basis of field research through
participant-observation. Although sociologists also use participant-
observation as one type of research method, they are neither as devoted
to it nor as well-grounded in the method. In addition, sociologists
are commonly problem- or policy-oriented so that field research infre¬
quently aims at total systems. Anthropologists often study more than
sociologists in the sense that "culture," including thoughts, perceptions,
and values, is a more encompassing concept than "society," which is the
concern of sociologists and often leads to a concentration on institu¬
tions . Without intending to suggest that anthropologists have interests
opposed to other social scientists, it is possible, nonetheless, to
argue that the differing orientations of the different disciplines ought
to lead to different approaches and even different results. With some
cross-fertilization, all the disciplines involved in urban research could
advance in useful material as well as in the important intellectual pro¬
vocation which different perspectives can bring.
Embarking upon urban field research, the anthropologist is faced
with the burden of offering something different, if not necessarily
revolutionary. To replicate what sociologists have done elsewhere is
not very satisfying, especially in the presence of scholastic chauvinism,
a characteristic of anthropologists. One begins with the intention of
demonstrating the inherent superiority of anthropology by providing a
better explanation of urban life. Unfortunately, the field researcher
is immediately confronted by basic methodological problems without ready
solutions. How, for instance, does one participate in the life of the

3
city? How does one observe thousands of lives? San José, Costa Rica,
a city of some 1*00,000 inhabitants, seemed a good choice for research
because of a relatively homogeneous population, sharing a single
language, a generalized racial stock, and a common tradition. It is
difficult, however, to get Josefinos ("those who live in San José")
to agree on any one matter—unanimity is rare even with a small sample.
In a great many matters, they express themselves freely, and are even
argumentative when provoked. This behavior may constitute a generally
shared Latin American characteristic of verbal facility and express¬
iveness combined with an individualism based upon highly valued personal
dignity. For all their real and purported homogeneity, the Josefinos
display an endless diversity of opinion and outlook. This should serve
as a word of caution with regard to generalization encountered in the
following chapters—we cannot, in truth, say that all Josefinos "express
themselves freely." In initial field research many opinions, even
apparently factual statements, which had been recorded, were cross¬
checked with subsequent informants. The following interchange, which
investigated the alleged Costa Rican "hospitality," shows the type of
response which was repeated on numerous other occasions:
r-" - "Why did you choose Costa Rica to study?"
"I felt that Costa Ricans were kind and hospitable and this
would be helpful in getting to know the people."
"Kind and hospitable? Just the opposite. If you went to
Mexico and you met a stranger on the street and he said,
'Come to my house,' he would take you to his house and intro¬
duce you to his family and serve you a sumptuous dinner. A
Costa Rican would make the same invitation, but you would
never see the inside of his house."
With contradictory statements, it becomes impossible to generalize about
1
what Josefinos say about themselves, without arriving at the question of

k
what they think. One is led eventually to rely upon some statistical
measure, however crude it may be. The results of this approach are
discussed in Chapter VI, which examines, among other things, responses
to a questionnaire administered to university students. The question¬
naire (Appendix H) was purposely subjective in order to require
respondents to put on paper categorizations of Josefinos and other Costa
Ricans to test the presence or absence of generalized attitudes toward
people. The questionnaire was based upon a few months' impressions
gained through interview and observation. The questionnaire aimed to
test these impressions as well as to clarify them. Many notions were
confirmed and additional facets of the Costa Rican character emerged. A
much greater consensus was achieved in the questionnaire than had been
achieved in interview. This was due in part to the increasing sophisti¬
cation of the researcher, i.e., he was no longer asking many of the naive
or unproductive questions of the first few weeks. One unforeseen result
of-the questionnaire was help rendered in subsequent relations with the
Costa Ricans. Once armed with a general picture of the way Costa Ricans,
albeit university students, viewed themselves, the researcher was able
to respond to questions in a manner compatible with the notions of the
questioners. This was very important since statements which sound sus¬
piciously Yanqui in point of view engender distrust and defensiveness.
On the other hand, statements which echo commonly held Costa Rican veiw-
points indicate an appreciation for things Costa Rican not commonly
encountered in American visitors. Henceforward, discussions with
acquaintances became more open and friendly and less argumentative. Dis¬
agreement was still present and heterogeneity of opinion still expressed,

5
but the atmosphere in which discussion and argument took place was
noticeably changed. While such things may seem strangely unscientific
and subjective to other social scientists, they are comforting to the
anthropologist who must often deal with subjective impressions, validated
by whatever reasonable means are available to him. Cultural anthro¬
pologists oriented towards linguistics have emphasized the importance of
native categorizations (see the articles reprinted in Tyler 1969:191-504).
Goodenough (1957) suggests that the grammar of a culture is similar to
that of a language, consisting of what one needs to know in order to
behave appropriately within the context of that culture. As a participant-
observer, the anthropologist examines the behavior of his subjects
(observation) and he tests his conclusions by predicting the outcome of
sequences of actions taken by others and often by his own actions
(participation). This procedure does not constitute formal hypothesis
testing, although it would be possible to graft such a method on to this
process. It is instead a process of growth for the field researcher in
which, when it runs according to plan, the final product is an individual
who can think and act like a native without forgetting that he is an
anthropologist. It is a form of voluntary schizophrenia with both good
and bad moments. It must happen as it did in Costa Rica, that many
fieldworkers find themselves beginning to behave in a fashion which
once appeared to them outrageous native custom (see Chagnon 1974:1-4-5).
Unfortunately, only the anthropologist and the natives he studies can
effectively judge the extent to which he has assimilated native ways.
We could accept his judgment with greater confidence if we could believe
his implicit assurances that he learned their ways.

6
One of the problems with participant-observation in the city is
the status of the participant. Learning to act like a rich Josefino
does not prepare one to associate with poor Josefinos on their terms.
Where should one live? In an affluent neighborhood? In a slum? A
workingclass neighborhood? Should one live according to the high living
standard appropriate for Americans or should one pretend poverty with
the risk that this hypocrisy will be transparent? Can one ask a member
of the upper class to a modest home or a poor man to a sumptuous one?.
These questions were asked at the beginning of the field work and later
personal relations showed them to be pertinent questions. The participant-
observer who seeks to study the whole city and all its people may end
up acting like a native, but he is bound to be a very inconsistent
native. This is a problem of sorts in the city since, unlike the re¬
searcher in a remote village, the anthropologist cannot even play the
role of the awkward and ignorant, but accepted, intruder. People met
each-day are strangers who will never become accustomed to the manner of
this_foreigner and who will furnish him the information he requests only
if it is to their liking to do so.
an-hrl-f.participant-observation in the city is awkward, difficult, and
imperfect, it may be the sine qua non of urban anthropological field¬
work, nonetheless. Through the unpleasant and uncomfortable experiences
of wandering about the city and poking one's nose in places it was not
meant to be, one comes to learn the city and its people beyond the
American Embassy, beyond knowing the especialite de la maison and how to
bargain in the marketplace. A moderately intrepid fieldworker comes to
know far more people and places in the city than any native. The anthro¬
pologist can justify his interest in every aspect of the city and he can

7
go anywhere.1 Unlike local scholars, he need not remain permanently with
the people he may have offended in the country he may criticize. As a
foreigner, a certain amount of peculiar behavior is to be expected. Thus,
he can do more and see more than most natives. In the process of
experiencing the city, the fieldworker should arrive at insights which
can be obtained in no other way. Personal experience is unique, but
this tautological observation suggests that the knowledge to be gained
by experience is also unique.
There is an inclination on the part of anthropologists (and
sociologists abroad) who deal with the city to search for "street-
corner societies" and squatter settlements. Apparently these groups
resemble the peasant communities so much a part of anthropological, research
in Latin America and appeal to the anthropologists' penchant for marginal
and exotic peoples. This inclination may be undesirable insofar as it
contradicts the holistic dogma which anthropologists have for many years
claimed as one of the essential ingredients in anthropological research
and theory. We may find ultimately that urban anthropologists and
sociologists are doing the same thing even though coming from different
intellectual backgrounds. Before coming to this conclusion, however,
we ought to consider the possibility that the two disciplines suggest
two different conceptions of urban research. The holistic concept in
anthropology is a major distinction between that discipline and sociology.
We may consider the city in its totality, whether or not we conceive of
it as a community. Wedded to participant-observation, with its personal
and subjective nature outlined above, we are faced with the problem:
Participant-observation has strong individualistic tendencies which make
it difficult for team research, the sort of research which would seem to

8
be required in the urban context. This is a reasonable argument in light
of what has already been stated above; participant-observation in the
city must always be partial and incomplete. In rebuttal, we argue that
all studies of human behavior are incomplete, only the degree of complete¬
ness is here in question. Also, there is some doubt as to whether size
and complexity are proportionate. Only at the level of pure description
need there be a direct relation between size and scholarship. The
principles which underly a large community may be as simple or as complex
as those underlying a small community. These principles, whether they
be structural, systemic, processual, or ideological, are the concern of
serious scholars. The question is whether it is preferrable to seek
these principles piecemeal or all at once. Anthropology has traditionally
argued the latter approach. Functional theory in anthropology has always
stressed the integration of parts within the whole, meaning that the
whole is not simply the sum of its parts. Structuralism has similarly
required broad-spectrum study in order to comprehend structural principles
within a society, even though there may be conceptually separable
structures susceptible of analysis.
San José was studied in this spirit. The nagging question of what
the city meant was let to nag. Parts, experiences, questions, and answers
were added in. and not added up. The picture was never complete, but
slowly an explanation of the city began to grow which appeared to tie
together many of the loose ends. In the following chapters, relatively
few pages are devoted to direct accounts of participant-observation
although this method was the foundation upon which the ideas were built.
Most of the historical and genealogical work was accomplished subsequent

9
to the year of field work (1971-1972). The attempt in the last chapter
to present theoretical arguments thought to "be pertinent to San Jose
and Costa Rica is "based upon research following the field experience.
The theoretical assumptions carried to the field, namely, functionalism,
proved unserviceable and were abandoned only with growing awareness of
the operating force of the imbalance of power. This awareness was
brought to a head in a discussion of inherited power with Dr. Samuel Stone,
whose influence over subsequent development of theme can be noted in
Chapter III.
A physical description of San José will not be encountered until
Chapter V. Those unfamiliar with the fundamentals of Central American
geography are advised to read the first few pages of that chapter first
if guidebook data are desired. Elsewhere geography will be treated in a
schematic and abstract fashion. Geography is important because space
is important. Chapter I presents in spatial terms the principle theme
of our work: Power is organized about central cores of dense concentra¬
tion. The principle operates on the levels of geography (Chapter I),
ideology (Chapter II), kinship (Chapter III), and formal institutions
(Chapter TV). Although the germinal principle can be derived from
geographical theory (Central Place Theory), it underlies the elite theories
of sociology and political science, which are somewhat older. Michels’
"Iron Law of Oligarchy" may be the most emphatic statement of this power
principle in the social sciences.
While our study concerns Costa Rica alone, the power principle is
neither Costa Rican, nor even Latin American. Major influences in the
development of our line of thought have been Italian, German, and American.

10
However, dominant schools in England and the United States have tended
to avoid elite theories and the study of elites. The reason for this may
well lie in the embarrassing but logical conclusion that the imbalance of
power at the international level has worked in favor of the United States
and England more than any other nations in modern times. Elites have
been discussed in Latin America (Lipset and Solari 1967), but they have
been distinguished as feudal, traditional, particularistic, Catholic,
and personalistic, i.e., by all those characteristics which English and
Americans choose not to call themselves. These characterizations and
their implications are currently coming into question, especially by
Latin American social scientists, one of whom (Stavenhagen 1971) has put
into serious question the entire foundation of American assessment of
Latin America. Our discussion of power distribution and the ideology it
encourages in Costa Rica may be read, mutatis mutandum, in terms of
American policy toward Latin America and the ideological supports which
American scholars have provided that policy. But that is not our pur¬
pose here, although the logical extension of the holistic premise would
insist that we examine the whole international scene.
Another approach to elites has been to conceive of plural elites,
and this is the approach used in Lipset and Solari (1967). This usage
refers to "...those positions in society which are at the summits of key
social structures" (Lipset and Solari 1967:vii). Thus we may have a
labor elite, a managerial elite, a political elite, etc. Unfortunately,
the term "elite" in this context loses the sense in which we most fre¬
quently use it. The elite is not simply an arbitrary apex of a social
1
pyramid, it is distinct from the rest of society. Costa Rica is a small

11
country with a small elite; it is possible that her society has not grown
to the complexity of nations with plural elites. It is also possible,
however, that the elites of other nations have remained hidden. Even
in Costa Rica talk of "the oligarchy" is commonly condemned as the ravings
of the lunatic fringe, namely, the Communists. Dr. Stone's work with
the genealogies of important political families in the history of Costa
Rica demonstrated an incredible nexus between family and political power
throughout Costa Rican history. We have attempted here (Chapter III)
to clarify some of the principles operating among these important families
which show that the elite may indeed be distinguished from the rest of
society on the basis of kinship. This should be of interest to anthro¬
pologists since kinship has been an important part of the study of
primitive peoples. It remains an open question as to the extent of power
-relationships based on kinship in the most complex societies. It may
be that bonds exist which, as was true of Costa Rica until recently, are
.-.obscured through the absence of formal rules of the inheritance of
-power. It is also possible that the power principles discussed here may
:operate in areas other than kinship.
Power relationships and the principles which guide their formation
aand maintenance were analytically derived. They are hidden, sometimes
rintentionally, since powerful persons often wish to avoid exposure to
rthe public eye. Thus, the fieldworker and the public in general may be
blithely ignorant of what is happening. Chapter VI presents a picture of
the perceptions which many Costa Ricans have of their society. This
picture varies in important respects from the picture of power represented
in other chapters. There are many possible reasons for the discrepancies.

12
The point we wish to make, however, is that the values which these per¬
ceptions imply are values which inordinately "benefit those in power.
Many values, rules, and laws are phrased and perhaps understood in
terms which do not discriminate among social categories and yet the
impact of these values, rules, and laws may he highly discriminatory.
For example, a rule which states that children must wear shoes in school
would be discriminatory in a nation of impoverished, barefoot people.
The discrimination inherent in values is often hidden. Chapter V pre¬
sents the argument that perceptions and values in San José can be
demonstrated to be consistent with the picture of power painted in the
preceding chapters.
Rightly or wrongly, the chapters have been presented and the
material selected in an order which seemed most conducive to explicate
the major themes. The first four chapters are more closely related than
is the fifth chapter to the preceding four. The work concludes with
additional theoretical considerations.

13
NOTE
-'-Costa Rican social scientists, including anthropologists, are
subject to significant social restraints relating to their sex, social
status, and professional standing as well as the ideological constraints
imposed by their nationality and the political tendencies of their
discipline (e.g., sociologists tended to be radical, anti-U.S., Marxists).

CHAPTER I
POWER AND GEOGRAPHY: PRIMACY OF THE
CAPITAL CITY
Centrality of Location and Size of Population
With a map of Costa Rica in hand, it would not he difficult to
"guess" the location of the capital city. San José not only occupies
a strategic central location within the nation, but the area which
it occupies suggests a city many times greater in population than any
other settlement in the country. These two features of centrality and
size are closely related to the natural concentration of power, hence
the correctness of the guess as to which Costa Rican settlement would
likely be the capital city. Exceptions to the rule do not refute it;
for every Washington there are likely to be several cities like Paris
or Rome which combine centrality and size. In fact, considering the
number of factors which may combine to influence the growth of any
given city, we must take note of the importance of the two features
mentioned above.
The relation between centrality and concentration of population
has long been recognized and has perhaps received its most important
formal expression in the so-called "Central-Place Theory" formulated
on an economic "marketing principle" by Christaller (1933) and
subsequently examined, tested, and modified in several directions by
many others.^-
Horace Miner (1967) suggested a similar relationship between
differentiation of function in society, a hierarchy of power, and
14

15
the dominance of cities, and was the first, according to Wheatley
(19T2:630), to give formal expression to a notion of the "city as a
centre of dominance." Recently, Trigger (1972) has elucidated this
phenomenon through an analysis of the determinants of urban growth in
preindustrial cities. Trigger enumerates four "premises" of urban
growth, which are reproduced below because of their special relevance
to San José, Costa Rica:
1. There is a tendency for human activities to be hierarchical
in character and for this to be reflected in spatial
organization.
...with increasing complexity, a hierarchy of locations
may develop with respect to any one kind of activity,
the higher or more specialized functions being performed
from a smaller number of centres.
2. With increasing complexity there is a tendency for
activities and social institutions to be more clearly
defined and for their personnel to be more highly
specialized. ...
3. Human activities tend to be focal in character in order
to take advantage of scale economics.
In order to increase efficiency, activities susceptible
to varying degrees of interrelationship tend to be
" concentrated at a single point.... In accordance with
these rules, locations which serve one kind of function
frequently tend to serve another. In combination with
the hierarchical premise outlined above, such tendencies
give rise to a hierarchy of locations varying in terms
of accessibility and the size of the area they serve
and influence....
h. The size of communities tends to vary with the number
of functions they perform [1972:578-579]-
Without referring specifically to Central Place Theory and its spatio-
economic relations, Trigger describes a "hierarchy of locations" which
is parallel to the former theory without insisting upon either marketing
function or precise symmetrical distribution. It is clear that Trigger

16
is speaking of "cities" and not simply "places." Important in his
conception of a city are that (l) it "performs specialized functions
in relationship to a broader hinterland" and (2) "the specialized
functions of a city are not agricultural in nature" (Trigger 1972:577)-
He also asserts that the special relation of agriculture to land tends
to concentrate similar specialties in one area while encouraging
dispersal of agricultural production (1972:577)- Thus the functions
of urban and rural areas are to Trigger different in nature. If this
is true, this major distinction in Costa Rica between rural and
urban areas need not surprise us.
While the city tends to concentrate social and political functions
within its ambit, such a concentration may be viewed as "economic" in
the sense that efficiency encourages a concentration of specialized
functions at a center just as efficiency demands a concentration of
truly economic functions, such as markets, banks, and economic policy¬
making. In light of this, absentee landlordism appears quite natural—
in order to maintain identification with an elite upper class, members
of that group must maintain contact with the center of social activity,
whether it be San José, Lima, or Paris. Because of the interrelatedness
of social, political, and economic functions at these centers, a
residence in town not only insures the maintenance of social prestige
but also maintains vital political, and economic networks.
While the efficient operation of specialized functions in a
complex society leads inevitably to the growth of urban centers which
concentrate political and-economic power in the hands of a minority,
we must also realize that the power thus acquired is commonly sustained

17
through the manipulation of the entire system by members of the elite
acting in concert. To locate oneself close to the center of power in
order to avail oneself of the benefits of power concentration entails
the active participation in power networks with mutual benefit to
* O
network members, often to the detriment of those outside the network.
Thus, while more-or-less "natural" forces encourage urban growth and
the concentration of powers, the individuals to be found in the upper
echelons of the various hierarchies are rarely unwilling partners.
If fate has thrown them together, they work to stay together.
San José, Capital City of Costa Rica
San José is more than simply the largest city of Costa Rica and
it is more than just the capital of the country. In many respects San
José is_ Costa Rica. While Costa Rica depends upon foreign markets and
is in a very real sense subject to the whim of international politics
without much of a voice for her own defense, the Costa Rica which lies
beyond the limits of San José is even more dependent upon the city
itself. San José is Costa Rica in two senses. First, it has a monopoly
over every important national activity; second, the middle-class
Josefino projects the image of the typical Costa Rican. There is
virtually no field in which any other city of Costa Rica can compete
successfully with San José, the only exception being religious ceremony
and display, which remain the monopoly of Cartago, the colonial capital
and the reputed center of religious and social conservatism. San José
may be classed as a "primate" city, that is, its dominance in national
affairs is so extensive that other Costa Rican cities seem by contrast
to be dwarfed in their growth. Primate cities are common in Spanish

18
America, quite possibly due to the dependent status and limited size
of many of these countries. Not only does one city control internal
national activities, hut it also becomes the locus for international
exchange. All cities occupy relative power positions. The flow of
national and international resources through a city can be established
as an empirical fact. Where one city in a given country maintains a
monopoly over this flow of resources, that city has an inordinate
amount of power with respect to the surrounding country.
San José as National and International Representative of Costa Rica
To the world at large, Costa Rica is represented by San José.
The typical Costa Rican is represented by a middle-class Josefino (the
existence of a rural counterpart is also recognized), the climate which
is represented as Costa Rican is that of San José, the racial stock of
the Costa Rican is represented by that predominant in San José. An
important point to remember is that this representation refers not only
to the propaganda which is disseminated abroad (the analysis of any
travel brochure from Costa Rica reveals a description of Costa Rica in
terms of San José, unrelated to other areas of the country depicted in
the photographs) but more importantly the image of San José is that which
is presented to the Costa Rican people and consists of a shorthand
version of Costa Rica, thus misrepresenting the nature of the country,
the composition of its people,'and its national problems.
Hand-in-hand with the economic and political power of San José
is a monopolistic power over the presentation of the Costa Rican
character; the residents of San José have the power to manage belief,

19
ideology, values, and law for the entire nation. The importance of
San Jose and its dominance in Costa Rica can hardly he exaggerated.
The city's Metropolitan Area contains 23 percent of the national
population, 395,*+01 persons out of 1,710,083 nationally (Anuario
Estadístico 1971:16-17)* In a country where, in 1963, *+9 percent
of the work force was employed in agriculture and fishing (Denton
1971:1*+), this one city contains a majority of the urban population.
If San José continues to grow at its present pace, it will soon
incorporate, physically if not administratively, the three provincial
capitals of Heredia, Cartago, and Alajuela into one urban spread which
will include all secondary cities of the country with the exception of
the port cities of Puntarenas and Limón. In very general terms,
therefore, one can speak of a bipolarization of Costa Rica into
Metropolitan San José and the agricultural hinterland.
As of 1972, San José had Costa Rica's only university (Heredia
had a teacher's college and new universities and university extensions
were projected). All important political agencies are located in the
capital. All Costa Rican daily newspapers are published in San José.
Two-thirds of all Costa Rican physicians practice in San José. More
than two-thirds of Costa Rica's telephones are located in San José.
It is the only city linked to both Atlantic and Pacific ports by rail¬
road. The only international airport is located 15 miles from San
José near Alajuela. It is virtually impossible to travel by land
between two distant points in Costa Rica without passing through San
José. The National Theater is in San José as are the National Library,
the National Museum and the National Stadium. Needless to say, all

20
national and international commercial enterprises have their head¬
quarters in San José (there are, of course, a few enterprises, such
as the important banana industry, in which agricultural production and
exportation take place outside of the Central Valley). In short, San
José is the city, the national city, the Costa Rican city, the only
city which can properly claim to represent Costa Rica.
Implications of Urban-Rural Power Relationship for Anthropology
If we regard power as control over resources (including human re¬
sources), San José, as a city, can be viewed as a manipulator of power.
The study of power on a grand scale, i.e., as it has been practiced
by great nation states, has, with rare exceptions (e.g., Adams 1970),
been neglected by anthropologists. This is regrettable for a number
of reasons. Anthropologists have been inclined to see power as an
extraneous element in the cultures they study, impinging upon those
cultures from without. They have tended to favor the isolation of the
people they study from the policies of those who will ultimately govern
them as emissaries of either economic imperialists or national governments.
Anthropologists have shown a reluctance to value power positively and an
inability to manipulate it to ends which they, as professionals, regard
as-ethical. This sort of attitude may not be particularly significant in
general practical consequences—few people expect anthropologists to have
á serious impact upon policy-making—but such an attitude does have an
impact upon the results of anthropological investigation.
The insularity of the content of anthropological investigation has
effectively obscured anthropological vision. Julian Steward (1956)
pointed out that anthropologists involved in community studies had

21
cavalierly disregarded the importance of the nation in the life of the
community. His point was well taken and led to at least one discussion
(Manners 1958; Arensberg 1958) of the meaning of the community study in
relation to the nation. While Steward emphasized, correctly, the need
for understanding the influence of the nation upon the community
studied, Aresnberg pointed out, also correctly, that all life is inter¬
related and that we must therefore place logical and reasonable limits
to the field of empirical investigation. Robert Adams (1966) argues
that city and countryside are interrelated and influence each other,
although he stresses the superordinate position of the city in this
relationship. San Jose undoubtedly exerts an important practical impact
upon most local communities in Costa Rica. To describe a community in
Costa Rica in vacuo, as was the anthropological custom in the 30's and
40's and often still followed today, would be to distort the "real"
picture.
The problem raises a question often skirted by anthropologists:
What is the city? While it may be possible for the anthropologist to
discover a primitive community sufficiently isolated from a city as
to warrant treatment apart from a larger context, the city ultimately
depends upon the country for its sustenance. Whereas a small community
may take its form and structure in large part from the interplay of
environmental factors in the region and the organizational capacity of
the society for exploiting natural resources, the growth of a city, the
speed at which it grows, how and where it grows, and the many directions
its growth may take, depend to a large degree upon the power position
which it establishes with other communities related to it. While a city,

22
whatever definition we use, may also be a community under a number of
definitions, commonly the community which we may call a city takes its
form and its direction from the exploitative relationship which it
establishes with other communities. Whereas Steward warned that we
may misinterpret the local community by overlooking the pervasive
influence of the national, i.e., urban, culture, the opposite admonition
follows with equal force, namely, that the city may be fully understood
only when we recognize its exploitative position with regard to the
nation.
Anthropologists are accustomed to framing cultural context in
terms of culture contact, diffusion, superordinate tradition, etc.,
that is, in essentially communicative terms, assuming, perhaps correctly,
that valuable elements will spread through operating networks. However,
force is not simply an instrument of conquest but a fundamental process
of daily life. The city, especially when it has a monopoly over
legitimate, which is to say authoritative-legal force, as in the case
of the primate city, is in a position to concentrate wealth-producing
enterprises within its boundaries. A common result is the situation in
which the city appears to be flourishing quite by chance, while the
countryside is suffering. The cases are numerous: the United States,
Japan, Costa Rica. The bucolic idyll, the small farmer, the honest
country life may be positively valued while the depressed economic
situation of the peasant or small farmer is lamented by all even though
no one seems to know who is responsible. There can be no solution to
the "farm" problem as long as the needs of the city take precedence.

23
Town and Country in Costa Rica
The distinction between city and countryside is an important one in
the history of Costa Rica. A major portion of the Costa Rican political
ideology is symbolized in the notion that social differences during the
colonial period were virtually nonexistent. This idea is pertinent to
our major theme and will be summarized here, to be treated in greater
detail in later chapters. Although it is difficult at the present time
to substantiate history now well past, it is likely that'the notion of
colonial social equality derives from a picture distorted by present
biases. It seems that one colonial governor in 1718 complained in a
letter to the Crown that he had to work in the fields like any peasant
(Fernandez 1889:317). This datum is not insignificant, but it does not
necessarily lead to the assumption, commonly cited by Costa Ricans, that
the colonial governor was of equal social and economic status with the ma¬
jority of his fellow Costa Ricans. Historians of Costa Rica have stressed
isolation and poverty. Modern Costa Rican historians have suggested that the
poverty of colonial Costa Rica created a situation in which social class was
absent, leading ultimately to modem Costa Rican democracy. A few have noted
that it was the propagation of coffee which led to distinctions of social
class in Costa Rica in the late nineteenth century. This view distorts
important historical developments. First of all, the apparent social
equality reigning in Costa Rica at the time of Independence was in part
due to the failure of cacao as a profitable crop. This enterprise of the
well-to-do had suffered severely, primarily due to the depradations of
Zambo-Mosquito pirates and-raiders. Nevertheless, it was clear that
despite the poverty of the colony there were always a small few who

2k
could venture land and capital toward new endeavors. Shortly after
Independence, Costa Rica was transformed into a prosperous coffee-
growing and -exporting nation. The argument, which seems to be fairly
well accepted in Costa Rica, that social class was practically non¬
existent at the end of the colonial era but became a divisive factor
because of the coffee capitalists rests on shaky historical grounds.
It is possible that the failure of cacao reduced the rich to relative
poverty at the end of the colonial period so that differences of social
cla^s were not readily discernible. But colonial social equality cannot
explain the subsequent emergence of hereditary wealth and political
influence. Although the development of coffee as a profitable export
did involve a few successful resident foreigners, in general the pro¬
duction of this new crop lay in the hands of the descendents of
important colonial families. The coffee boom simply reinforced social
differences of long standing (cf. Stone 1969).
Political ideology of present-day Costa Rica rests upon an uncertain
-foundation.. Costa Ricans pride themselves on their stable antimilitary,
democratic electoral system. Historians have attributed the Costa Rican
democratic spirit to, among other things, the social and racial equality
of. the colonial era in Costa Rica. There is serious doubt as to whether
.social equality ever existed. Certainly the Spanish Crown showed little
egalitarian spirit in the New World with reference to its own interests.
Difference of social position existed in Costa Rica even where economic
position seems not to have reinforced it. The study of Costa Rican
genealogies leaves no doubt about the essentially endogamous creole
class which incorporated important foreigners but disdained alliances

25
with Costa Ricans of humbler rank. The most convincing evidence of
social distinction is the fact that the coffee-growers who first
responded to an opening world market were landowners belonging to the
allegedly impoverished families of illustrious career during the
colonial era. Costa Rican historians have insisted that social class
distinctions were introduced during the nineteenth century coffee boom.
This position could be tenable had we evidence of opportunist entre¬
preneurs from this period, but the first great coffee-growers, except
for a few Germans, were the descendents of the most important colonial
families. It seems likely that the unforeseen coffee boom brought
unanticipated wealth to Costa Rica. Nevertheless, the profits from
this boom accrued only to important colonial families and a few
foreigners. A select, exclusive Costa Rican national elite may be
inferred from the following: (l) the first great coffee-growers were
descendents of the colonial rulers, (2) while the coffee boom evidenced
a few new loyalties, those who benefitted most from subsequent changes
were invariably connected with important political families of_the past
{Stone 1971)* Thus, social distinctions may have been heightened but
there is no evidence that these distinctions were made between persons
who'had not- previously been designated as privileged. The flavor of
power may have changed with the shift of the capital from Cartago to
Sam José but there was no corresponding change in family alliances.
Independence and coffee did have one important impact: San José
became the most important city. One important consideration ought to
be remembered in attempting to reconcile the supposed absence of social
class with the sudden upsurge in colonial lineages following Independence.

26
The rural-urban contrast is not noted in the statements of colonial
history. It is clear, nevertheless, that several cities were in
existence, all of which must have demonstrated cultural features unlike
those of the countryside. The contrast between rich and poor was
elusive because it was not a contrast between co-existing and interacting
subgroups of a single settlement. Rather, social class was marked by
different residential patterns, i.e., those who lived in the city were
of a different class from those who lived in the country. We sometimes
fail to realize that rural-urban social distinctions often transcend
cultural or racial distinctions. Josefinos today maintain an attitude
of urban superiority; there is no reason to doubt the existence of
similar sentiments in 1821.
Too often we view social class in terms of circumscribed areas so
that urban classes and rural classes are studied within their own con¬
texts. The significance of social class may in many cases depend upon
the interrelation of geographically distinct groups, this being especially
true of the rural-urban relationship in preindustrial societies. The
Costa Rican economy is based upon agriculture. San Jose has a monopoly
over every commercial activity with the exception of the essential one,
production. San José has little claim to self-sufficiency. Unlike
truly industrial cities, San José cannot claim to be productive in its
own right. San José does not merely feed itself from rural products,
it thrives by controlling those products and their distribution. We can
argue from this that there is in Costa Rica an intimate relationship
between city and country in which the city enjoys a privileged position
by virtue of its superordinate status and the power it wields over the

27
position by virtue of its superordinate status and the power it wields
over the country. It is possible to conceive of the colonial era as
a period without distinctions of social class only if we separate the
city and the country.
The relationship described here has been termed "internal
colonialism" by Stavenhagen (1967). He sees the parasitic exploitation
of the rural hinterland as a consequence of the dependent international
status of Latin American nations wherein urban power holders sim the
sca/it profits of agricultural production as representatives or brokers
for international purchasers. There has been too little discussion of
this phenomenon in the literature and we need further study and
clarification of the dynamics of the relationships involved.

28
NOTES
1-For an overview of both the history and recent developments of
Central Place theory see Wheatley (1972:6l4-620). The theory deals with
the efficient utilization of energy in space:
Central.-PIace Theory postulates regular spatial patterns
of the differential distribution of activities related to the
production and distribution of goods and services. In theory
activity loci are so distributed that energy expended in
these activities is minimized. In practice it appears that
energy output minimization need not be assumed as necessary
for the appearance of spatial distribution predicted by
the theory [Johnson 1972:783].
2
This "detriment" may consist simply of unrealized gains, like tax
shelters, which do not actually take anything away from the public but
which reduce government revenues below what they would otherwise be.
Bogantes (l971:llff.) uses such an argument with regard to tariff
exemptions in Costa Rica, in which he asserts that less than one percent
of the possible import tariff revenues were realized because of exemptions.
The concerted action of the elite may also benefit the rest of
society. It is possible that Japan's remarkable post-war recovery was
in large part due to the reformation of the great industrial cartels,
which were able to increase production and develop world markets.
1

CHAPTER II
IDEOLOGICAL POWER: COUNTERFEIT DEMOCRACY
Power and Idelogy are Mutually Supportive
While power in the natural world may he said to he strategic,
based simply on accessibility and capability, power in society is
subject to various forms of cultural elaboration which modify what
we might consider to be "natural" power relationships. At the most
obvious level, this consists of man's technological exploitation of
resources, which allows him to utilize natural resources far beyond
innate biological capabilities. More important for individual man,
however, are the cultural elaborations which deal with social power.
Man has developed an incredible number of social, economic and
political institutions which provide organizational benefits comparable
to the material benefits provided by his technological advances. This
will be dealt with in later chapters. Here we will be concerned with
ideological power, which might also be called moral, ethical, or
psychological power. Within any society, the effectiveness of social
institutions depends at some point upon the public trust and trust is
based upon the acceptance of certain values. Values are elusive at best,
but we occasionally find, especially in literate societies, statements
of fundamental principles of the organization of a society. The cognitive
structure to be gleaned from such statements corresponds to an ideology
of society, a charter, a constitution from which may be derived an
elaborate system of law and morality. It may well be that the cultural
29

30
manifestation of such an ideology among many preliterate peoples lies
in the area of myth (cf. Malinowski 1955:96ff.). In the modern nation¬
state we are accustomed to look for this ideological basis of society
within specific areas of the public law. Needless to say, the law rests
upon certain ethical and social premises, the acceptance of which is
largely a matter of faith. Faith in turn rests upon ineffable truths,
alluded to in myths which sanctify the social structure. The dynamics
of this process will be briefly discussed in the final chapter. For
the'moment we must concern ourselves with important ideological
premises in Costa Rica and the myths which support them.
While ideology furnishes power to a primitive society by directing
the will of the individual toward social goals in the collectivity, in
highly-organized, literate society, ideology comes to be concentrated
in the hands of a number of specialists, notably lawyers, priests, and
teachers, adept at ideological management. From this point, ideology
easily becomes an instrument of power through which such specialists
and their patrons may manipulate values and beliefs to their advantage.
We may anticipate that the ideology of society will embody the especial
perspective of ideological specialists, which, if they have been
sufficiently successful in manipulating ideology to their advantage, will
describe a society in which they legitimately occupy positions of high
status and exercise control over society and its institutions .-^
Cityscape: Man at the Controls
The growth of San José to its present form has responded not simply
to the imperatives of geography or natural resources but also to those
I
of human history. The power held by the city is a product of the concerted

31
activities of generations of Josefinos. While the Josefino of today
acts in such a way as to maintain the national dominance of his city,
the power position was not his making but the result of the acts of
prior generations. As a city-dweller, the Josefino is presented with
an environment in which to live but which he had not part in creating,
much the way that primitive man is presented with a "natural," i.e.,
non-human environment. The difference is that the city is a human
creation; in fact, a striking feature of contemporary cities in many
parts of the world is an almost total dominance of human, as opposed
to non-human, elements. The difference is important since the city,
being a human creation, is also a social creation. The nature of a
specific city must ultimately have a decisive impact upon the nature
of the society which is associated with it. The city does not present
tapped and untapped natural resources which the native may exploit at
his will. By and large it presents the physical locations for social
institutions, and its use is governed by a vast array of social rules.
^_ Ethnographers ordinarily attempt some discussion of the ecology
of the community studied. With primitive man and even with peasants,
this- discussion is likely to deal with the relationship between man
and his environment in terms of natural resources and the technological
means available for exploiting those resources. This approach continues
even in urban anthropology, where anthropologists show a preference for
studies of slums, which by virtue of their dependent social and power
positions, frequently consist of individual residents who must' commonly
react to, adapt to and do their best to manipulate a hostile environment.
When cities and complex societies are looked at from a macroscopic

32
perspective, however, it becomes evident that the human environment
cannot be understood without studying power. Power over the natural
environment allows the possibility of using natural resources to pro¬
vide energy supplies to human beings. Ecological studies must
inevitably deal with power. A special feature of human society, most
evident in the modern city, is that human beings have demonstrated a
very special capacity for discovering new energy sources. This capacity
includes human resources; human beings exploit members of their own
species, even those who share membership in their territorial group.
While parallels might be drawn with certain other species, man appears
to be unusual in his capacity for exploiting members of his own species.
Although this may occur through physical coercion, exploitation of
man, his fellow-man, occurs most frequently through social institutions;
the more complex a given society is, the more likely are opportunities
for exploitation through social institutions. When we reduce this
exploitation to "real" people, i.e., who is exploiting whom, we are
talking about power. In some sense exploitation is mutual—the person
in a superior power position ordinarily must respond to those exploited
with some favor or benefit. When personal relations are blatantly
exploitative, the exploited can be expected to resent existing relation¬
ships. Orrthe other hand, exploitation commonly operates through social
Institutions—one gains employment by acquiring the necessary credentials.
Thus it may appear that a person's low position in society is merely
a matter of misfortune and not personal exploitation. If exploitation
is recognized, it is called "the establishment," "the oligarchy," "the
power elite," or some such impersonal descriptive phrase since

33
exploitation is often indirect and impersonal. Even in such cases,
however, some concession is normally made to the less fortunate.
Absolute exploitation, or the total absence of reciprocity, must
indeed be a rare occurrence in human societies.
The meaning of a city will escape us if we give no thought to
power. Cities may owe their very existence to one of the most funda¬
mental power relationships, exploitation of agricultural production
through the centralization of commercial enterprises in urban clusters
divorced from the rural centers of productions. While cities may
originate in order to provide services, including administration, to
the agricultural hinterland, centralization and specialization of
services rapidly convert to a power base which is manipulated by the
city-dwellers. Within the city itself there is differential access
to this power. This may be inevitable but it is not accidental. Power
provides energy which can be utilized to secure nearly anything a human
being could desire. Those who have little power seek to have more;
those who have great power attempt to keep it, for themselves and for
their posterity. The growth of San José, the history and politics of
Costa Rica make sense from this perspective.
Primacy of the Costa Rican Elite _ . _ _. .
Much of our discussion and description of power in San Jose' is
premised upon the existence of a ruling group which has today and which
has had throughout Costa Rican history an inordinate degree of power
when compared with the rest of the population. This ruling group
occupies this special position by design, not by chance. Members of
this group reap special rewards which are not simply greater than those

of the less fortunate but which are disproportionately greater, greater
than their wealth or position would suggest.
There is considerable evidence for the existence of a Costa Rican
ruling elite. Some of this evidence consists of genealogical data
concerning families which have shown a marked capacity for maintaining
wealth and political power from colonial times to the present (Stone
1969;1971). Such data will be used to suggest that the social and
political history of Costa Rica could be simplified to the following
proposition: The history of Costa Rica is the history of a few important
historical events that can best be understood by examining the kinship
relations existing among interested parties. There are two reasons for
making this extreme statement. First, the overriding importance of
kinship in Costa Rican history and politics is convincingly demonstrated
by a simple correlation between genealogical data and wealth and power.
This ought to be of special interest to anthropologists who have shown
the importance of studying kinship in primitive societies without
recognizing how important kinship may be in modem societies. Second,
the elitist nature of Costa Rican politics is not generally recognized
since Costa Rica enjoys an image which, in light of a realistic appraisal
-of .jCosta.-Rican politics, seems to be the result of successful management
of ideology by the ruling elite. We will argue here that a realistic
picture of Costa Rican politics reveals a situation which conforms well
to the stereotype by which Costa Ricans represent politics in other
Latin American countries, namely, national power concentrated in the
hands of a few aristocratic families.

35
History as Myth
Written histories are always suspect since the writers must
necessarily reduce history to selected examples. The historian quite
naturally selects for presentation those data which suit his purposes.
We are interested in two important aspects of Costa Rican history. We
would naturally like to know some of the important historical occur¬
rences which might he helpful in understanding why San Jose assumed
the form and course of growth which resulted in the city of today, hut
we are also interested in history as myth. People's beliefs about
history and people's interpretations of history reveal a great deal
about the way they think about their society and their political values.
This is difficult to investigate for several reasons. There is no
objective truth to history. We are left with relatively few reliable
statistics; objective "facts" are frequently less meaningful than the
subjective motivations which are instrumental elements of human history.
Historical myth is thus difficult to measure against what "really"
happened. An individual may base his interpretation of history upon
misrepresentations which he has little reason to question. An individual
may be expected to assume the line of argument which arrives at a con¬
clusion which he favors. As a result, we can have little confidence
concerning the "sources" of historical folklore. If there were some
sort of reality against which we could measure native beliefs, we would
have valuable material since extreme distortions of the truth would
require some explanation. Ultimately we must be content with the notion
that myth is important in showing what people believe, regardless of
whether or not the myth represents the truth.

36
We now arrive at an intriguing intellectual question which cannot
be answered here but which ought to occupy the thoughts of some anthro¬
pologists. Conceptually we separate history and myth. In our society
writers of fiction and writers of history are not to be confused. The
author of the "historical novel," regardless of extensive historical
research to provide authenticity, is rarely regarded as making a serious
contribution to historical knowledge. In pre-literate societies such
a distinction in trade is hardly possible. Since anthropologists
customarily deal with oral traditions, the problems of measuring
historical myth against historical fact rarely arise. For this reason
the anthropologist rarely faces a problem we are now facing, namely, to
what extent have Costa Rican historians and others who have reflected
upon Costa Rican history distorted historical fact and created
historical myth? The important corollary to this question would ask
to what extent has distortion been a conscious manipulation of fact
to represent history in such a way as to enhance the position of the
history-tellers. (The corollary question is virtually impossible to
answer with certainty unless we were to find the "rewritten" history
text occasionally encountered with radical change of political regime.
What is more likely than conscious manipulation is class bias—if the
history-tellers all come from a special segment of the population,
historical presentations will probably incorporate the historical
"beliefs" of that segment.) The problem we face has been obscured in
sociology and anthropology by notions like "collective representations,"
and other sociological concepts which suggest that the community
t
expresses itself through myth or functional belief systems, ingeniously

37
avoiding the possibility that belief is a tool of power. Yet it is quite
clear that belief is often coercively manipulated. A classic example of
this would be excommunication for heresy.
Throughout the world, hundreds of millions of persons are constantly
persuaded that their miserable conditions are the result of a fictional
cause unrelated to the political and social structure in which they live.
It is difficult to ascribe collective representation, folklore, value
systems, and cultural beliefs to some sort of natural social develop¬
ment when our own society presents innumerable examples of belief
management imposed by incumbents of power positions upon those with
little power in order to preserve the existing power distribution. In
literate societies historical chronicles may differ from our usual
notion of "folklore" but nevertheless form an important part of the
shared cultural legend of a society.
Democracy and the Jfyth of the Costa Rican Past
In Costa Rica, as in many countries of the world, the word
"democracy" is rarely defined but thought to apply as a form of approval
for the established local regime. An interesting facet to the Costa
Rican situation consists in the explanation of Costa Rican democracy.
Where some societies might have need of attributing positive values to
the native type of democracy, let us say, where neighboring societies
have similar political forms, Costa Rica arrives easily at a democratic
self-evaluation since all other Central American countries have long
histories of rule by military officials. Costa Ricans feel generally
secure in the belief that theirs is a better form of government. Ideology,
rather than concerning itself with self-justification, dwells at length

38
upon the reasons for the "uniqueness" of Costa Rican democracy. Those
who have attempted to explain the existence of the relatively stable
electoral system, have done so by asserting special, facts of Costa
Rican history. Costa Ricans believe that they have accidentally escaped
. p
an unfortunately common Latin pattern.
The history of Costa Rica is relevant to our concerns because
political and social ideology are explained in terms of historical
interpretations. Costa Rican democracy is viewed as a fortuitous result
of the Costa Rican national character which was forged by certain
peculiarities of Costa Rican history. The argument is interesting
since questionable inferences are drawn from questionable historical
assertions in order to explain the existence of a condition which is
never adequately demonstrated. This sort of argument may characterize
effective management of ideology; the political status quo is affirmed
without raising serious ideological questions because reference is made
to events for which there are no living witnesses. In essence the
argument runs "We are uniquely democratic because of the special circum¬
stances of our historical, situation." While the argument purports to
be an intelligent analysis of cause and effect, it consists of reasoning
by inference from unsubstantiated evidence.
The argument may be found in a number of respectable sources
(Barahona Jimenez 1970; Cordero I96U; Rodríguez Vega 1953) as well as
on the street corner. To emphasize the extent to which this mythology
has penetrated, we will here discuss its presentation by a professor
of Philosophy of Law at the University of Costa Rica in the first
edition of one of Costa Rica's most respected scholarly journals,

39
the Revista de Ciencias Jurídicas. The article presenting this version
of the political myth was entitled "Liberty, Law and Political Development
Three Reflections. concerning the First Article of the Political
Constitution of Costa Rica" (Gutierrez G. 1963:71-132). The First
Article of the Constitution states that "Costa Rica is a free, democratic
and independent republic." Gutierrez concentrates on the word "democratic
His argument for a democratic Costa Rica is not convincing but there
would be little purpose served here by engaging in a criticism of it.
The important point is that a strong inference of the high caliber of
Costa Rican democracy is presented by way of historical myth. Several
features of the Costa Rican past are presented, all of which are
commonly argued in Costa Rica to explain why Costa Rica is unique in
Latin America in having a stable democracy (like many Costa Ricans,
Gutierrez shows no reluctance in stereotyping the rest of Latin America).
Four basic reasons are given for the flowering of democracy in Costa
Rica. First, historical isolation: Costa Rica spent most of her
history, from colonial conquest to recent times, free of external inter¬
ference. Early colonists and conquistadores discovered that Costa Rica
lacked gold and settled Indian communities of sufficient size to be
exploitable. Costa Rica.was of little strategic importance to Spain
and was far from the administrative centers of Spanish Colonial America.
Thus, Costa Rica was forced to survive on its own without assistance or
interference from abroad. Second, racial homogeneity: Because there
were relatively few Indians in Costa Rica at the arrival of the Spanish,
Costa Rica failed to develop a class or caste system based upon racial
distinction, as occurred in Latin American colonies where large Indian

populations were incorporated into the Spanish Empire. This argument
is commonly heard in Costa Rica and is used to explain the absence of
social classes and the absence of racial and social prejudice. Here
ideological management operates as outlined above; instead of pro¬
ducing evidence of lack of social bias, it is inferred from questionable
historical factors.
The Myth of Racial Homogenity
The racial homogeneity question in Costa Rica is an interesting
one'. First of all, Costa Ricans insist upon the high proportion of
White blood among Costa Ricans. At present Costa Rica has a small
Indian population scattered mostly through the undeveloped mountain
region near the Panamanian border. All told, the Indian population
probably does not number as much as 10,000 bodies, although precise
figures are still difficult to obtain. Those classed as Indians are
persons who, with only recent exceptions, have maintained many of the
aspects of pre-Conquest culture, i.e., these persons who have tradi¬
tionally avoided contact with white settlements and have not participated
in the national life or culture of Costa Rica. Yet serious doubts must
be raised concerning the racial purity of present-day Costa Ricans,
many of whom frankly admit that there is Indian blood in every Costa
Rican. To research the racial history of Costa Rica would be an
enormous task beyond the needs of the present discussion. We may,
nevertheless, make some inferences from historical Censuses which cast
serious doubt upon the conclusions drawn by Gutierrez and accepted
generally by Costa Ricans. Table I was tabulated by Stone (1971:107)
I
from Thiel (1902), the latter source cited by Gutierrez, whose figures
did not include the category "Mestizo," an important omission.

TABLE I. EVOLUTION OF THE POPULATION OF COSTA
RICA ACCORDING TO THE CENSUSES BETWEEN
1522 AND 1801
Year
Spanish
Indians
Negroes
Mestizos
Mulatos
Total
1522
27,200
___
27,200
1569
113
17,166
30
—
170
17,479
l6ll
330
14,908
25
25
250
15,538
1700
2,146
15,489
154
213
1,291
19,293
1720
3,059
13,269
168
748
2,193
19,437
1741
4,687
12,716
200
3,458
3,065
24,126
1751
7,807
10,109
62
3,057
2,987
24,022
1778
6,046
8,104
94
13,915
6,053
34,212
1801
4,942
8,281
30
30,413
8,925
52,591
Source:
Stone
(1971)
Several
points
may be drawn
from Table
I. First,
the colonial
census-
makers distinguished several racial categories, as was done throughout
Spanish America in the colonial period. Second, for the first two
centuries of the colonial period, Indians outnumbered all other racial
groups combined (we may assume that Indians living in less accessible
regions of Costa Rica were either not reported or inaccurately reported,
as is true today). Third, mixed-bloods, i.e., Mestizos and Mulatos,
show a consistent increase in numbers while the pure-bloods, i.e.,
Indians, Spanish, and Negroes, show a steady decrease in numbers from
a peak (1741-51 for Spanish/Negroes). Fourth, Spanish persons at no
time represented more than one-third of the population. Certain
inferences are warranted. First of all, census-takers seem not to have
been aware of the racial homogeneity attributed to the period. While
the number of Indians may seem small in comparison with certain other
Spanish territories, there seems always to have been many more Indians

k2
than Spanish. The statistics suggest that present-day racial homogeneity
in Costa Rica is the result not of purity of blood nor the absence of
Indians but, rather, was the result of centuries of interbreeding among
Spanish, Indian, and Negro (this last contributing a relatively small
genetic component) to the extent that a generalized population of mixed-
bloods arose. Within this pattern, racial distinctions were no doubt
preserved in some instances. Since the small group of descendants of
the Spanish were in charge of most commercial and administrative
functions, it is probable that most of those of this racial stock lived
in or near the towns, especially Cartago, the colonial capital, while
Indian blood predominated in the countryside. As we will see shortly,
a small group of descendants of important Spanish colonials practised
class endogamy and were concentrated in the cities of Cartago and San
José. In addition to this group of Spanish ancestry, it has been
asserted that a number of Spaniards migrated to Costa Rica with the
sole purpose of becoming small farmers independent of feudal landlords
(Chacon Trejos 1970). These persons were farmers and not adventurers,
being well aware of the poverty and isolation of the colony. If such
a migration did in fact take place, it could account for the rise of
a general class of rural Mestizo peasants, even though the urban
Spanish may have maintained a certain degree of genetic purity.
Even if the argument in favor of racial homogeneity could be
accepted, e.g., we might acknowledge a homogeneous mestizo character in
the contemporary Costa Rican population not true of the colonial period,
we would still have difficulty relating this to "democracy." This
so-called racial homogeneity has not made the Costa Rican free of social

1+3
and racial bias. The inhabitants of the Central Valley for a long time
effectively excluded various types of undesirables from the Central
Valley: "Immigration should consist of families of farmers, speakers
of our own language insofar as possible, according to regulation by the
law of 1906" (Saenz Maroto 1970:868). The Costa Rican government for
many years prohibited the Jamaican Blacks imported by United Fruit
Company to build a railroad to Limón from settling in the Central Valley.
Today Costa Ricans frequently make slighting remarks about Costa Rican
Blatks. The natives of the Province of Guanacaste who are generally
much darker than the residents of the Central Valley, are considered
racially inferior, "like the Nicaraguans."
The argument that Costa Rica is more democratic than other
Latin American countries because of the absence of Indians does not
bear careful scrutiny. Costa Rica does indeed present a contrast with
Guatemala, where a majority of the residents are classed as Indians, but
ho other country in Central America records an Indian population
constituting more than ten percent of the total population (Kalijarvi
1962:27). Costa Ricans frequently refer to large numbers of Indians
in these countries without justification. Many other Central Americans
regard Costa Ricans as "racist."
The Myth of Egalitarian Society during the Colonial Period
Gutierrez gives as a third factor in the growth of Costa Rican
democracy the "poverty" of the colonial period. Visitors to the colony
and reports of the Spanish administrators suggest that Costa Rica was
one of the poorest of all the Spanish colonies. It does not necessarily
(
follow, however, that, "here there was neither an aristocracy nor any

bk
difference in classes” (Gutierrez G. 1963:93). That Costa Rica was
poor there is little doubt. Unfortunately, that picture seems to be
exaggerated because much of our information concerning the colony
deals with the final period when the cultivation of cacao on the
Caribbean had become unprofitable, reducing the wealth of the agri¬
cultural capitalists of Cartago. While some authors, including
Gutierrez, have argued for social equality during the colonial period
and for the gradual growth of social inequality with the coffee boom
of the nineteenth century, Stone (1971) argues that the colonial period
closed at a time when differences in wealth had diminished to an unusual
degree. He argues that those who grew rich from coffee belonged to the
families which had always held wealth and power. Toward the end of the
colonial period, the erosion of wealth brought social classes much
closer together. Economic leveling seems to have increased communication
even though class membership was maintained. It may well be that this
happening gave rise to much of the democratic legend. It lends authority
to the legend. Finally, we must also keep in mind that to dispute demo¬
cratic mythology does not necessarily mean that Costa Rica is less
democratic than other nations.
The Myth of Equal Distribution of Land
The fourth and final historical factor given as an important element
in the growth of Costa Rican democracy is the alleged equal distribution
of property.
Thus it was that the system of landownership in the Plateau,
fragmented, family plots cultivated by the owner's own
efforts, came to have a decisive influence in the formation
of the Costa Rican national character and, therefore, in
Costa Rican political institutions [Gutiérrez G. 1963:9^]-

Perhaps the vast majority of Costa Ricans during her history have been
small farmers dedicated to providing the essential requirements of their
families. Nevertheless, there have always been some who have attempted
to prosper through the exploitation of commercially profitable agri¬
cultural products, especially cacao, tobacco, and coffee. These were
enterprises which required capital which the small farmers did not have
and which were subject to strict government regulation. The image of
Costa Rica as a country of small, independent farmers has been widely
accepted. Busey (1962) accepts the myth of equal distribution of land
even though the statistical evidence he presents clearly shows a very
inequitable pattern of land distribution. What Busey fails to realize
is that minifundismo, the situation in which land is divided into
numerous parcels of insufficient size to support a family, contributes
to peonage and 1atifundismo, or large landed estates. Busey demonstrates
the same blind faith in the historical myths discussed here and the same
untenable assertion of Costa Rican democracy that we have seen presented
by Gutierrez. Busey provides an excellent example of the management of
ideology. Any foreign scholar visiting Costa Rica is duly instructed
in the sources of Costa Rican democracy.^
The myth of the Costa Rican past has a number of corollaries, such
as—the-great Costa Rican middle, class; the anti-military sentiment of
the Costa Ricans; the simple happy, honest, hardworking peasant; free,
peaceful elections; etc. Each theme has some ring of truth to it, yet
each theme carefully disguises the simple truth that Costa Rica is a
country full of poor people who are controlled by a small group of
wealthy and powerful people. A few recent observers have been astute

h6
enough to see this. Martz, for example, has written:
Costa Rica speaks of its peaceful, democratic existence. Yet
a major revolution within the last decade was bloodier than the
colonial battles of earlier centuries. At least three times
in the last fifteen years the government has been undemocratic
and unrepresentative to the point of dictatorship. Another
contradiction is the widely circulated boast that Costa Rica
has no army, and fewer soldiers than school teachers. While
the army was abolished in 1950, there is a police force of
some 1,250 plus TOO coast guardmen. Panama also has no army,
but its police force more than serves the purpose. Nicaragua
and Honduras can also boast of having more school teachers
than soldiers....Contrary to declarations of bucolically
peaceful, constructive living, marauding bands roamed the
northern province of Guanacaste until very recently [Martz
' 1959:210-211].5
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this ideological management is
that it is based upon a stereotype of the malignant Latin American
country, the common case to which Costa Rica is the alleged exception.
Costa Rica in fact fits rather well the stereotype in many ways, which
may be the reason why the stereotype is so believable for the Costa
Ricans. On the other hand, it is not easy to understand how the Costa
Rican people accept the uniqueness of Costa Rica. To some extent
acceptance may be resignation.. Since the public word is transmitted only
through media controlled by the ruling elite, the voice of dissent is
rarely heard. The control of the ruling elite has never been broken,
never seriously challenged, as the evidence cited in the following
chapter attempts to demonstrate.
Ideology and the Common Man
It may well be that the man-in-the-street must inevitably accept a
model of his society which does not correspond to the behavior he observes.
Every model ultimately simplifies reality. It seems reasonable to expect
I
that most people would willingly choose a model of society that minimizes

indecision and frustration and maximizes expectations. The requisite for
faith in such a model is that experience, even if it cannot wholly confirm
the model, meet as few contradictions (to the model) as possible. Thus,
for instance, the Costa Rican may readily accept the."Switzerland of
Central America" characterization because his incomplete knowledge of
Switzerland furnishes no contradictions. Similarly, historical myths
are not demonstrably false on the basis of personal experience. Experi¬
ence undoubtedly teaches that more may be accomplished with cooperation
than in its absence, and cooperation requires some minimum of shared
values.
We will see in the next chapter the extent to which concentrated
and enduring cooperation can enhance the power of a group. To the extent
to which the ordinary Costa Rican recognizes this principle of power, he
will be induced to meet and cooperate with potential benefactors. Since
the common pattern of personalistic patronage rewards such behavior,
individuals seek this avenue of advancement. And the beneficiaries of
the social structure support a status quo ideology. Despite all this,
there are numerous ways in which ideology and the rules pertaining to it
may come into serious question. What is remarkable about Costa Rica is
that the discrepancy between myth and reality has revealed so little
evidence of consternation.

1+8
NOTES
Bohannon (1965) has made the cogent observation that legal
institutions differ from other social institutions in that they may
legitimately interfere in the operations of other institutions. While
Bohannon emphasizes the role of legal institutions in resolving con¬
flict and disorder in other institutions (and this is probably the
area in which legal institutions exercise their legitimate authority),
it is clear that the superior position of legal institutions implies
a power position which permits dictatorial interference in other
institutions.
2
It is difficult to say precisely to what degree Costa Ricans
see their present condition as fortuitous but such would seem to be
the case in light of the explanations which are offered for Costa Rica's
unique position. It is worth considering, nevertheless, that a fatalistic
view of the political system is probably more compatible to a Latin, as
opposed to an Anglo-American society. Perhaps because of their
economic and political preeminence in modern times, England and the
United States have given birth to many doctrines of racial and social
superiority which purport to explain the superiority of their political
systems, that is, success justifies a favorable representation of the
political system. For nations enjoying less success in international
competition, comparisons of political systems are not encouraged, nor
can they be considered masters of their own destinies.
3
1: 1: â–  An interesting bit of evidence has been collected by Estrada
Molina (1965) who investigated documented descriptions of clothing of
the final years of the colonial period. She concluded that the luxury
of the clothing described is not consistent with the picture of poverty
â– for the period. She also presents evidence of important distinctions
in clothing between rich and poor.
k
The myth of even distribution of land was recently challenged by
â– comparative studies of the Central American Republics:
The concentration of land [latifundismo] is a phenomenon
quite similar in all the countries of Central America ,
including Costa Rica, a country generally considered to have
a different situation in this regard [instituto Universitario
Centroamericano 1963:3].
^Martz neglects to mention several private armies formed in the
last twenty-five years. While these are generally shrouded in mystery,
they represent unique threats to politicians whose goals challenge the
interests or ideologies of the leaders of the private armies.

CHAPTER III
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL POWER: AN ENDOGAMOUS "POLITICAL CLASS"
The Nexus between the Natural and Social Orders
Power is at once social and natural. The control over resources
which power implies can refer to both human and non-human resources.
The channels by which power may be exercised can be social or natural.
$
Control of natural resources is commonly employed to exert pressure upon
human beings just as social institutions are employed to exploit natural
resources. And, of course, man is a biological as well as a social
creature. It is fitting, then, to consider the relationship between
natural and social orders. Power must involve relationships, of
resources to whatever or whoever controls them. The economics of the
maintenance and use of power may be a culturally-specific economics or
an economics whose prime motivating forces are external to a culture.
The particular model of power presented here describes a society in
which power is distributed unevenly to the extent that we may assert that
a small group of interrelated persons dominate the rest of the society.
The uneven distribution of human populations over the landscape bears
an important relation to the uneven distribution of power, or so it would
seem from the material about to be presented concerning Costa Rica. We
will attempt here to bridge the conceptual gap between economic causes
for concentration of population and the political consequences of that
concentration^ Implicit in our discussion of the course of history in
Costa Rica is the notion that man seeks to exploit the resources available

50
to him. This he may do unconsciously, as evolutionary processes enhance
natural advantages, or consciously, as in the political calculations
which one man uses to advance his cause above others.
Relative size, concentration of population, and power are related
in nature and in society. Sexual reproduction requires some degree of
proximity for procreation, and the social behavior which has enabled
many species to make extraordinary adaptations to their surroundings
has encouraged population concentration in most instances. Socially
(
organized animals can accomplish feats impossible for the same number
of individuals working without that organization. In fact, concentrated
and organized atoms, i.e., molecules, appear to be qualitatively distinct
from the same atoms dispersed and unorganized. It should not be sur¬
prising that human social organization should demonstrate a tendency
toward ever greater size and concentration wherever natural resources
permit. What we must note carefully, however, is that human societies
not only take advantage of the concentrations of natural resources (often
as a result concentrating human populations in order to exploit those
resources), but there seems also a distinct tendency within human
societies to take advantage of their own concentrated populations once
formed. It is as if the social organism increases from its own internal
energy. This, of course, is not so. Growing populations have in the
past demonstrated an ability to better utilize natural energy sources
and to discover new energy sources. Man's increased power comes at the
expense of other elements of the environment.
The Costa Ricans of today have more resources, greater and more
heavily populated settlements, and more power derived from both than at

51
any time in history. The present chapter attempts to examine these
relationships. We have already described the geography of power in the
relationship between San José and the rest of the country. Here we deal
with power in its social and political aspects. The distinction is made
for descriptive and analytical purposes only; natural and social forces
are interdependent.
Consonant with what has just been stated, the analogy between
natural and social orders may be represented schematically in a new form.
We are accustomed, in academic as well as popular circles, to view society
and its institutions in a generally linear form which takes a vertical
dimension connoting superordinate-subordinate relations of social,
political, and even moral, orders. Even when we graphically describe
evolutionary developments, whether sociocultural or biological, our
vertical drawings unconsciously suggest a superiority of man and
civilization. The graphic organization of space is subject to considerable
cultural variation. Structures and processes may be diagrammed in a
variety of ways. Before proceeding, let us consider social organization
ina-form appropriate to our discussion. While this may appear at first
an unnecessary diversion, it should help ultimately in freeing us from
the value judgment inherent in our own jargon. For example, the term
"upper class" will be encountered occasionally in the following pages,
yet it will be noted that the directional image created by the word "upper"
belongs to the traditional diagram and not that offered here. It is
contended here that, given our cultural biases regarding space, the
traditional graphic representations distort the Costa Rican situation,
suggesting (l) Costa Rican classes and cities are individually united

52
Upper
Middle
Lower
\ W
o
cd
c3
i—1
V)
(tí
C
0)
O
bD
•H
u
â– "3
ai
3
a
-P
a;
T-D
-p
c
U
(tí
§
cd
cd
a;
1—1
GQ
O
<
Ph
a. Traditional Three-Class
Vertical Diagram
t>. Population of Urban Centers
(Upper Class in Black)
c. Core and Periphery
Power Classes
d. Urban Centers with
Elite Cores
Figure 1
Schematic Diagrams of Population and Social Class
»

53
£) Liberia
O
O = Population Center
© = Elite Core
Figure 2
Centrality and Relative Power Positions of Costa Rican Cities

but collectively separable, and (2) Costa Rican classes are vertically,
which is to say, morally, ordered. This scheme is not far from the
perceptual categories with which many Josefinos classify their country
and her society. Nonetheless, we will soon note a unity and centrality
of the Costa Rican elite, providing a power position having little
relation to head counts. Similarly, San José occupies a central position
with regard to other Costa Rican cities which cannot be represented in
a linear diagram.
The two-dimensional diagram may combine easily the distribution of
population and social class (figure l), a feat that is awkward at best
for the vertical diagram. Figure 2 describes graphically how the urban
elite of San José occupies the key position in the total national network
Historical Research in Costa Rica
In addition to ideological representations of Costa Rican history,
such as that already discussed, there have been a number of interpretive
histories, more descriptive and less philosophical and ideological. In
general Costa Rican histories have concentrated upon colonial history
and the "National Campaign," the latter referring to Costa Rica's
successful fight against William Walker and a band of international
adventurers called the "Filibusterers." Costa Rica has generally been
fortunate in escaping foreign and domestic wars, the National Campaign
of the l850's providing the only source of patriotic military history.
Costa Rican historians have also spent a great deal of effort discussing
Independence, i.e., the events of 1821 and the founding of the Republic.
More recent history has not been adequately reported. Monge Alfaro'
(1966) brief account of Costa Rican history is one of the few works which

55
covers most of the period since Independence and it is only a brief
sketch. There is no study of the modern period approaching Fernandez
Guardia's extensive coverage of the colonial period. Modern Costa Rican
history is generally treated in terms of political personalities. There
have been a number of monographs dealing with Costa Rican Presidents,
which tend toward romantic biographies rather than thoughtful histories.
Thus there is very little of what we might call "social" or "cultural."
history, one of the reasons why it has been possible to sell ideological
history unsupported by historical research.
While the definitive history of Costa Rica remains to be written,
in the past decade several works have been published which demonstrate
a tendency away from prior biographical studies toward social and
political analysis (Cordero 196U: Cerdas Cruz 1967, Garro 1971, Gamboa
Guzmán 1971)- Significantly, all of these authors, excepting
Cordero, employ a Marxist viewpoint. Needless to say, none of the new
histories are printed by the large Costa Rican publishing houses. We
may note that none of these authors are to-be found in the genealogies
of;illustrious families which will be examined shortly, although older
historians, e.g. Manuel Arguello Mora, Hernán Peralta, Cleto Gonzalez
Viquez, and Manuel de Jesus Jimenez belong to such families. Two of
Costa Rica's most important historians, Leon Fernandez Bonilla and his
son Ricardo Fernández Guardia held impressive pedigrees, married into
important political families (Leon married the sister of President Tomás
Guardia, Ricardo married into the prominent Peralta family), and both
held many important posts in the government. In addition to his important
historical writings, Leon Fernández was the first man to establish and

56
head the National Archives, a position later held by his son Ricardo
Fernandez. These were important jobs since the person in charge has
access to the most important historical documents as well as being able
to control the direction of government-sponsored historical research.
It can be noted, for instance, that the Revista de los Archivos Nacionales
for years published many articles by Ricardo Fernandez Guardia and still
publishes the work of his two sons. We do not mean to impugn the
integrity of these historians nor deny the importance of their contri¬
bution to our knowledge of Costa Rican history. We must recognize,
nevertheless, that their interests, perspectives, and understanding of
history were the product of the special place they occupied in Costa
Rican society.
Samuel Stone's Studies of the Costa Rican Elite
Two recent studies by Samuel Stone (1969, 1971) shed considerable
light upon the dynamics of Costa Rican political history and the forces
which still shape Costa Rican policy. As part of a general study of the
great Costa Rican coffee-growers of the nineteenth century, Stone examined
relevant genealogical materials in order to better understand inter¬
relationships between the prominent figures of the period. As a result
of intensive genéalogical research, Stone discovered that national politics
in Costa Rica from the time of Independence up to the present has been
dominated by the descendents of a few important colonial families. To
Stone the hereditary influence in Costa Rican politics appeared so strong
that he decided to refer to this group as a "political class." His study
of the first great coffee-growers (1969) yielded several important con¬
clusions: The first great coffee-growers (l) intermarried; (2) held
important political posts both before and after coffee became profitable;

57
(3) were more often than not the direct descendents of a few important
cólonial families; (U) had begun to acquire property and plant coffee
before a market had been established; (5) acquired their property pri¬
marily through related coffee-growers; and (6) employed political influence
to advance the interests of the group. These conclusions suggest others.
First of all, there was an intimate connection between wealth and
political power. Stone argues that political power was instrumental for
the acquisition of wealth rather than the reverse. Since political
power is closely correlated with kinship networks in Costa Rica, we
arrive at the inescapable conclusion that the endogamous practices of
historically elite families operated to restrict power to the group and
limit opportunities for the acquisition of wealth to the group.
A second important point to be drawn from Stone's conclusions
concerns the "degree" of control exercised by the group under discussion.
Stone's discovery that members of the group were acquiring property to
plant coffee even before the foreign markets were developed suggests
that control was very great. Stone feels that the elite had suffered
economic disaster with the failure of cacao and was trying desperately
to regain the wealth lost. Yet the switch to coffee would seem to have
been an unreasonable gamble. In the first place, the acquisition of
property was necessary because the property already owned by this group
was cacao land in the Caribbean lowlands, unsuitable for coffee, neces¬
sitating the purchase of land in the Central Valley. This would seem to
involve unreasonable risk in light of the fact that there was no
established market for Costa Rican coffee nor was it possible to measure
potential profits. Such a gamble was warranted because political control
was so great that all of the national resources could be utilized to aid

58
in the advancement of coffee. In short, the coffee-growers were not
subject to the competitive dangers of free enterprise. In fact, under
such a system it was better to operate in this way since the coffee-
growers were able to purchase land in the Central Valley before profits
from coffee forced land values up. Thus, this group effectively pre¬
vented many others from cashing in on the coffee boom since by the time
the boom came little land was available, what was available was
expensive, and the early growers had already established producing trees,
controlled processing, and had access to the best markets. All this
could be accomplished if the group was related intimately enough to
take concerted action for the benefit of each member and the group had
enough political influence to minimize any risks and maximize any profits.^
That this group actually had the political power necessary to
accomplish their ends can be amply demonstrated by subsequent events.
As it turned out, coffee became immensely profitable in the second half
of the nineteenth century, and, of course, was most profitable to those
who had early gone into the crop on a large scale. Stone (l971:Sup. 11-13)
furnishes us with a "Partial list of the first great coffee-growers of
Costa Rica," containing 102 individuals (Table II). Included in the list
are the following men: Manuel Mora Fernandez, brother to Juan Mora
Fernandez, first Chief of State of Costa Rica (served two consecutive
terms, 1826 to 1833); José Rafael Gallegos Alvarado, Chief of State
1833-35, Braulio Carrillo Colina, Chief of State, 1835 to 18U2, except
for a brief period in 1837-38 when another coffee-grower, Manuel Aguilar
Chacon served as Chief of State; Francisco Maria Oreamuno Bonilla, elected
I
Chief of State by popular vote in 18U4, resigning one month later; José

59
TABLE II. PARTIAL LIST OF THE FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS
OF COSTA RICA
Acosta Lara, Calixto
Aguilar Chacon, Manuel
Aguilar Cubero, Vicente
Alvarado, Francisco
Arguello, Toribio
Arias, Felipe
Barroeta Baca, Rafael
Blanco, Julian
Bolandi Ulloa, Miguel
Bonilla Salmon-Pacheco,
Félix José
Bonilla Nava, Juan B.
Borbon, Manuel
Calvo, Francisco
Cañas, José María
Carazo Bonilla, Manuel
Carranza Fernández, Miguel
Carranza Ramirez, Domingo
Carrillo Colina, Braulio
Carrillo Morales, Rafaela
Casal, Luis,
Castella, Victor
Castro Madriz, José María
^ #
Castro Ramirez, Vicente
Castro Ramirez, Ramon
Castro Hidalgo; Bartolo
Chacon, Gil
Chamorro Gutiérrez, José
Crespin, Julio
Delgado, Justo
de Vars de Martray, Léonce
Echandi, Espiritosanto
Escalante Nava, Alejandro
Escalante Nava, Juan Vicente
Escalante Nava, Gregorio
Espinach Gual, Buenaventura
Esquivel Salazar, Narciso
Esquivel, Manuel
Fábrega Arroche, Vicente
Fernandez Hidalgo, Pio J.
Fernandez Hidalgo, Santiago
Fernandez Ramirez,
Aureliano
Fernandez Ramirez, Gordiano
Fernandez Chacon, Manuel
Fernandez Salazar, Juan F.
Gallegos Alvarado,
José Rafael
Gallegos, Juan de Dios
Gutiérrez Peñamcnje, Manuel
Gutiérrez Peñamonje,
Francisco de Paula
Gutiérrez Peñamonje, María
Gutiérrez Peñamonje, Isabel
Gutiérrez Peñamonje,
Trinidad

TABLE II - CONTINUED
Jimenez Carranza, José M.
Jimenez Zamora, José M.
Jiménez Zamora, Agapito
Jiménez, Bernardo
Lara Arias, Juan José
Lombardo Alvarado,
José Santos
Lopez, Manuel
Madrigal, Sebastian
Medina, Crisanto
Millet, Santiago
Molina, Felipe
Montealegre Bustamante,
Mariano
Montealegre Fernandez,
Francisco
Montealegre Fernández,
José Maria
Montealegre Fernandez,
Mariano
Mora Fernandez, Manuel
Mora Porras, Juan Rafael
Mora Porras, Miguel
Mora Porras, José Joaquin
Mora Ramirez, Félix
Mora, José María
Moya Murillo, Rafael
Otoya, Francisco
Oreamuno Bonilla, Francisco M.
Pacheco, Marcelino
Peralta Lopez del Corral,
José Francisco
Quesada Arias, Cecilio
Quiros, José Joaquin
Quiros, Ramon
Ramirez Hidalgo, Rafael
Rodriguez Castro, Eusebio
Rodriguez Mora, Sebastián
Rojas, Jeronimo
Rojas, Joaquin
Sáenz Ulloa, Nicolás
Sáenz, Feliciano
Sancho Alvarado, Félix
Salazar Aguado, Juan
Salazar Aguado, Antonio
Steipel, Jorge
Tinoco Lopez, Saturnino
Toledo Murga, Nazario
Ulloa, Nicolás
Umaña Fallas, Cecilio
Valverde Porras, José León
Wallerstein, Eduardo
Young, John
Zeledon Mora, Pedro
Zeledon Mora, Celedonio
Zeledon Mora, Florentino
Zeledon Masis, Hilario
Source: Stone (1971:Sup.11-13)

6i
Maria Castro Madriz, Chief of State l84y to 1849; Juan Rafael Mora
Porras, President of Costa Rica from 1849 to 1859; Jose Maria Montealegre
Fernandez, President from 1859 to 1863; Jose Manuel and Agapito Jimenez
Zamora, "brothers of Jesus Jimenez Zamora, President from 1863 to 1866;
Domingo Carranza Ramirez, brother of Bruno Carranza Ramirez, President
briefly in 1868. During the first forty years of the Republic, ten
out of twelve chiefs of state were either great coffee-growers or the
brothers of great coffee-growers.^
' Stone notes that all of these men had occupied political posts
before the arrival of coffee, suggesting that it was not wealth in
coffee which granted political power. Neither should it be thought
that the coffee-growers formed a special interest group which conspired
to assume political control after independence.^ The chiefs of state
named above overthrew each other, exiled each other and even executed
each other. Many were involved in personal and family feuds with the
others. This was certainly not a politically cohesive group; their
policies and their political tactics took quite different forms with
but one consistent policy: the advancement of coffee. They had one
other feature in common—they were all affinal kin. President Bruno
■Carranza was the—brother-in-law erf Braulio Carrillo Colina and José
Maria Montealegre Fernandez, the latter being also a brother-in-law of
Juan Rafael Mora Porras, who was the son-in-law of Manuel Aguilar Chacon.
Elite Endogamy
The important element uniting the group was kinship. Examination
of genealogical materials reveals that, although coffee-growers and
I
their descendants occupied the important posts in the government, affinal

62
ties were of utmost importance. Those important coffee-growers who
did not establish close affinal ties with certain key families were
destined for political obscurity. Table III is a list of some of
these key families—Montealegre Fernandez, Mora Porras, Fernandez,
Gutierrez Peñamonje, and Salazar Aguado.1* A cursory examination of
these lists shows (l) All the families were intermarried; (2) Each
family established several ties through marriage to different coffee¬
growing families. Even with the few names on the list, we note that
six became presidents of Costa Rica (José Maria Montealegre Fernandez,
Juan Rafael Mora Porras, Bruno Carranza Ramirez, Manuel Aguilar Chacon,
Rafael Gallegos Alvarado, José Maria Oreamuno Bonilla). Table III
demonstrates the close kin relations between many of the first great
coffee-growers. More than a third of the 102 names listed by Stone
(Table II) may be located in Table III. Since tables II and III do
not have generational depth, the extent of blood relationships is not
shown. - - -
Recruitment of Foreigners into the Elite .
The families in Table III require some explanation. While Stone
makes a strong argument for an hereditary political class, he generally
disregards the influence of elite recruitment. He calls the elite group
"endogamous," arguing that there are few marriages outside of this class.
This statement needs elaboration. Two of the families in Table III were
newcomers to Costa Rica. Mariano Montealegre Bustamante and Juan
Salazar y Lacayo arrived from Nicaragua shortly after the beginning of
the nineteenth century and appear to have been friends in Nicaragua
(Hack-Prestinary 1965:31). Mariano Montealegre married into the

63
TABLE III. AFFINAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG KEY FAMILIES
OF THE FIRST GREAT COFFEE-GROWERS
Family Coffee-Growers among Affinal Kin
Individual
Mora Porras
Juan Rafael
José Joaquín
Rosa
María Rosa de
Jesús (may be
same as above,
second husband)
Ana María
Mercedes
Guadalupe
Juana
Aguilar Chacon, Manuel (WiFa)
Gutiérrez Peñamonje: Manuel (WiBr),
Francisco de Paula (WiBr), María J. (WiSi),
Isabel (WiSi), Trinidad (WiSi)
Gutiérrez Peñamonje: Francisco de
Paula (HuBr), Manuel (HuBr), María J. (HuSi),
Isabel (HuSi), Trinidad (HuSi)
Salazar Aguado: Juan (HuBr), Antonio (HuBr)
Montealegre Bustamante, Mariano (HuFa)
Montealegre Fernández: Mariano (HuBr),
Francisco (HuBr), José María (Hu)
Arguello, Toribio (Hu)
Cañas, José María (Hu)
Chamorro Gutiérrez, José (Hu)
Montealegre Fernández
José María
Mariano
Francisco
Jeronima
Mora Porras: Juan Rafael (WiBr), Miguel (WiBr),
José Joaquín (WiBr)
Gallegos Alvarado, Rafael (WiFa)
Gallegos Alvarado, Rafael (WiFa)
Carranza Fernández, Miguel (HuFa)
Gutiérrez Peñamonje
Manuel
María Josefa
Trinidad
Agustina
Salvadora
Dolores
Mora Porras: Juan Rafael (WiBr), Miguel (WiBr),
José Joaquín (WiBr)
Chamorro Gutiérrez, José (HuFa)
Barroeta Baca, Rafael (Hu)
Oreamuno Bonilla, José María (Hu)
Bonilla Nava, Juan Bautista (Hu)
Bonilla Salmon-Pacheco, Félix José (HuFa)
Mora Porras: José Joaquín (Hu), Miguel (HuBr),
Juan Rafael (HuBr)
Fernández Ramírez*
Gordiano
Juana
Práxedes
Fernández Hidalgo: Pío J. (WiBr), Santiago (WiBr)
Jiménez Carranza, José María (Hu)
Jiménez Carranza, José María (Hu)

TABLE III - CONTINUED
Family Coffee-Growers among Affinal Kin
Individual
Fernandez Hidalgo*
Pío J.
Santiago
Rosa
Ana
Salazar Aguado: Juan (WiBr), Antonio (WiBr)
Salazar Aguado: Juan (WiBr), Antonio (WiBr)
Fernandez Ramírez: Gordiano (Hu), Aureliano
(HuBr)
Borbon, Manuel (Hu)
Fernandez Chacon*
Jeronima
Montealegre Bustamante, Mariano (Hu)
Salazar Aguado
Antonio
Dolores
Carmen
Guadalupe
Francisco
Gallegos Alvarado, Rafael (WiFa)
Aguilar Cubero, Vicente (Hu)
Fernandez Hidalgo: Pío J. (Hu), Santiago (HuBr)
Fernandez Hidalgo: Santiago (Hu), Pío J. (HuBr)
Mora Porras: Juan Rafael, (WiBr), Miguel (WiBr)
José Joaquín (WiBr)
*The Fernandez Hidalgo and Fernandez Chacon are half siblings, children
of Félix Fernandez Tenorio by two wives. Both families are first
cousins to the Fernandez Ramirez

65
Fernández (-Val) family, which was the most powerful branch of the
families descended from Antonio de Acosta Arevalo (Montealgre's wife
Jeronima Fernandez Chacon was the fourth generation from Acosta).
Mariano's children married Gallegos Sáenz and Mora Porras, direct
descendants of Conquistador Juan Vázquez de Coronado, whose descen¬
dants have always been the core of the ruling elite. The Salazar
Aguado siblings married into the same three families. Thus, while
later generations shared the blood of the traditional colonial elite,
both Salazar and Montealegre were new to Costa Rica. This is con¬
sonant with a pattern one notices clearly when researching the
genealogies—the old families are exclusive with regard to other Costa
Rican families but commonly recruit foreigners. This is not to say that
all classes of foreigners are suitable. In fact, the pattern involves
a basic pattern of Creole-Spanish marriage in which representatives of
the Crown sent to Costa Rica as administrators commonly married into the
upper class. Thus the newcomers simply represented the latest genera¬
tion of that class of Spaniard which had originally formed the Costa
Rican elite. In addition, many of these foreigners arrived to assume
government posts. For instance, Mariano Montealegre went to Costa Rica
to assume management of the Tobacco Factory, an important position, con¬
sidering that, at the time, tobacco was the only profitable cash crop in
Costa Rica. It is interesting that, despite his position with regard to
tobacco, Montealegre. early went into coffee and eventually became one
of the most important coffee-growers in Costa Rica.
Other notable families arrived in Costa Rica during the few decades
I
before Independence and married into the local elite, such as the Guardia,

66
Peralta, and Salazar families. Almost invariably these families were
important in other areas of Central America or in Spain. After
Independence the pattern changed because few new elite families were
arriving from Spain or the Latin countries. Instead, we observe a
marked tendency in elite marriages toward incorporating English, German,
and American families into the elite. Several German families were among
the first to establish large coffee plantations, and Germany was for a
long time one of the largest purchasers of Costa Rican coffee. The
English in general came as merchants; it was an English merchant ship
which first arranged to ship coffee abroad arranged by Santiago Fernandez
Hidalgo (Quijano 1939:^55-^56). The marriages with Americans are also
revealing. Although a number of names appear for which no data are
readily available, we must note that the most successful, the bankers,
Field and Bennett, and United Fruit Company founder, Minor Keith, all
married into the ruling elite (for Keith marriage, see Stewart 196U:
50-51). We must note, however, that very few of the Americans, English,
and Germans occupied political positions, nor did their descendants.
Despite this fact, Keith was one of the most powerful figures in Costa
Rica (Stewart I96U).
Marriage Strategies and Family Alliances - ’
With the exception of such recruitment, the ruling elite proved to
be highly endogamous and tightly controlled. While extensive inter¬
marriage could be explained by mutual association and a commonality of
interest, many marriages operated as excellent strategies for concen¬
trating wealth and political power.
Material has already been presented which showed the intimate
relations among the first great coffee-growers. We have seen as well

67
that wealth in coffee was closely correlated with political power. The
families chosen for Table IIl5 were picked as "key" families in that
most of the siblings from these families married with persons rich in
coffee and political power. No key family lacked wealth and power it¬
self, that is to say, it does not appear that advantageous marriage
strategies were possible for a family which did not itself occupy a
favorable position. Notice, for instance, that only a very special
branch of the prolific Fernandez family is at the heart of the inter¬
marrying coffee-growers. This seems to indicate that .a good blood line
in itself does not insure a good position in the ruling elite.
Two practices suggest that marriage alliances served to concentrate
power. It has been common until very recently for well-to-do Costa
Ricans to have large families.^ While it is difficult to call this a
conscious strategy, it is clear that such a pattern is likely to in¬
crease the power of a family in terms of numbers and possible marriage
alliances although it may also reduce the power position of an indi¬
vidual since his share is proportionately less. The reduction of power
in this way is offset to a large extent through the management of the
family estate by a son chosen for this purpose. Thus, the coffee
•plantations were_commonly ran for the benefit of the entire family; the
son in charge was responsible for establishing his brothers in their
own enterprises. This appears to be responsible for the fact that most
families had conservative and progressive factions, the conservative
element attached to the farms and the progressive element in San José
in business or the professions. In politics, however, family and per¬
sonality commonly overrode ideological principles, to some extent

68
explaining the inconsistency between theory and practice in Costa Rican
politics
Power was concentrated through marriage in two ways. First, there
O
was a common practice for siblings to marry siblings. In general the
pattern is for two brothers of one family to marry two sisters of
another family, although there are other variations. This scheme involves
the marriage of two members of one line with two members of another
line. A complete analysis of all the elite families would without
question furnish many cases of intermarriage between kindreds. This
simply reflects what has already been asserted—the upper class was
relatively small and endogamous. In those cases, which we will discuss
shortly, where two or three families demonstrate a definite tendency to
intermarry over a period of several generations, we may speak of an
"alliance," especially since similar frequencies are not to be found
among other families known to belong to the same intermarrying group.
On the other hand, what we will call "sibling exchange" would appear
to be a conscious strategy in forming alliances between families. It
is difficult to determine exactly how such alliances were planned, but
we do know that parents, specifically fathers, were responsible for
making marriage decisions until recently. A few persons claim that this
pattern is still true.for the Costa Rican upper class, i.e., the family
decides upon marriage partners when the children are still young. It
would be difficult to determine to what extent this pattern is gener¬
alized. Suffice it to say that romantic love has made important inroads
and marriage decisions in Costa Rica are usually made by the marrying
g '
partners.

69
The decision to marry two or three of one's children to another
family must indicate a closeness of relationship or a desire to rein¬
force or establish a strong family relationship to an extent that it is
difficult to doubt a conscious strategy."^ If we look, for instance, at
the marriages within the group designated "first great coffee-growers,"
we see the following families involved in sibling exchange: Montealegre—
Gallegos, Fernandez Hidalgo—Salazar Aguado (Table III). These families
demonstrate in their histories a consistent ability to make marriages
with powerful persons.It is significant that sibling exchange to
occur usually near a locus of power. The similarity between "sibling
exchange" and "brother-sister exchange" is not accidental. The latter
type of marriage exchange has been suggested by Lévi-Strauss (1969)
as a model from which we can derive prescriptive cousin marriage in
unilineal kinship systems. It is clear, at any rate, that an alliance
formed through brother-sister exchange (where two men marry each other's
sisters) may be continued in subsequent generations with the marriage
of cousins. While the model does not apply to Costa Rica, which follows
a bilateral kinship system, affinal alliances could occur in any kin¬
ship system. Just as prescriptive cousin marriage may operate to
-preserve traditional ties of kinship within a unilineal system, multiple
marriages between bilateral families operate to form alliances which
concentrate power, having more force than those which ordinarily occur.
Not only does such sibling exchange create double obligation between
two families, it also concentrates family power in the sense that it
constitutes a refusal to extend relations to additional families. It
is difficult to say whether this type of marriage is common or uncommon

70
since there is no ready standard against which to measure whether its
frequency is more or less than what ought to be anticipated. There need
not be any such marriages, nor is there any particular reason why they
should not occur. In the final analysis, we can only say that such a
marriage distinctly favors a specific affinal alliance and reduces the
opportunity for extension that previously existed.
This type of marriage dates back to colonial, times. In fact, it
seems to have been more common then than now which suggests that there
were fewer marriage partners to choose from. This could only have been
true, however, if there had been a small, endogamous group, since, from
the population figures provided above (Table I), there seem to have been
sufficient numbers of Mestizos and Indians to marry. In sampling the
marriages in the genealogies, we find that the descendants of Antonio de
Acosta Arevalo (Table IV, see also Appendices A and B) show a marked ten¬
dency for this type of marriage.
í- A number of additional instances in other families could be listed
here; however, even exhaustive research of all the important genea¬
logies available would not demonstrate that this occurs except in a
minority of cases. A similar phenomenon, though rarer, is the "sororate,"
that is, the marriage of a widower to his deceased wife's sister.
Although only three instances were collected in the process of genea¬
logical study, all three are interesting. Two of the cases are closely
related — José María Jimenez Carranza married, successively Juana and
Práxedes Fernandez Ramirez; his son, José María Jiménez Fernandez, did
likewise, marrying successively Josefa and Teresa Rucavado Bonilla (cf.
Revollo Acosta i960). This should be of some interest to us since the

71
TABLE IV. INSTANCES OF SIBLING EXCHANGE IN THE DESCENT
OF ANTONIO DE ACOSTA AREVALO
Generation
Acosta Descendant
Spouse
I
de Acosta Aguilar, Antonia
de Acosta Aguilar,
Francisca Lorenza
Alvarado Azofeifa,
Agustin
Alvarado Azofeifa,
Gregorio
III
9
Fernandez Umaña, Manuel
Fernandez Umaña, Juan Felipe
Fernandez Umaña, Maria
de Alvarado Valverde,
Agueda
de Alvarado Valverde,
Benita
de Alvarado Valverde,
Felipe
IV
Fernandez Hidalgo, Joaquin
Fernandez Hidalgo, Santiago
Salazar Aguado, Carmen
Salazar Aguado, Guadalupe
V
Montealegre Fernandez,
Mariano
Montealegre Fernandez,
Francisco
Gallegos Saenz, Guadalupe
Gallegos Sáenz, Victoria
V
Saenz Ulloa, José Nicolas
Saenz Ulloa, Diego
Carazo Bonilla, Dcmitila
Carazo Bonilla, Micaela
Jimenez-Fernandez marriage involved important coffee families as well as
links to the important politicians already named. More interestingly, if
perhaps a coincidence, is that the grandson of the Jiménez-Rucavado
marriages was none other than Mario Echandi Jimenez, President of Costa
Rica 1958-1962. The third "sororate" involved President (1901-1906)
Ascension Esquivel Iharra, who married, successively, Adela and Cristina
Salazar Guardia. This should interest us since the two sisters were the
daughters of Jesus Salazar Aguado, and thus linked with the important
coffee-grower? and politicians already mentioned (Tables II and III).
They were also daughters of Adela Guardia Bonilla, first cousin (FaBrDa)

72
to President Tomas and General Victor Guardia, as well as the niece
(SiDa) of Juan Bautista Bonilla Nava, another great coffee-grower.
Family Alliances and the Nature of Power
We are faced with an intriguing question: Why do these special cases
continually lead us hack to the same families? The number of cases of
the "sororate" are statistically insignificant as are the cases of
"sibling exchange." It would seem highly significant, however, that these
cases so frequently involve persons at what we might call "nodes of power."
Where significant power is concentrated, an effort will be made to re¬
strict its extension beyond those who are responsible for that power.
For example, if a father marries most of his children to the most power¬
ful families of the country, the point may come when extension of his
network only detracts from his power position, that is, he does not wish
either to diminish the strength of existing relationships by adding an
additional set of relations, nor does he wish to increase his obliga-
tions. The relationship between centralization, concentration, and
power maintenance is clear. If we view power as emanating from a central
core rather than from a vertical hierarchy, we can better visualize the
importance of marriage strategies. Power is like a turntable, which,
when it moves, casts off those on its periphery; the closer one is. to
the core the easier it is to stay on. Energy which is not concentrated
is wasted or dissipated. Any alliance, whether through marriage or other¬
wise, may serve to concentrate, that is, reaffirm and strengthen, an
existing alliance (an additional marriage within an already related
family); it may strengthen an alliance network (a marriage to a family
linked to previously allied families); it may expand an alliance network

73
(marriage to a family within the elite with common interests but not
heretofore closely related); it may constitute a loss of energy (a
marriage with a family of no consequence); and, finally, it may be a
dangerous liability (a marriage with a powerful family whose interests
diverge from the interests of the existing network).
%
We must remember that, although the members of the elite may be
said to have generalized common interests, each individual and each
sub-group, whether family, social network, or economic or political
interest group, can be expected to attempt to improve its relative
position and this is done primarily by aiming at the central core of
power. Any error of judgment, an inopportune investment, a political
blunder, a "wasted” marriage, can seriously weaken one's relative posi¬
tion, making one less desirable as an ally. We encounter in the
genealogical data families which marry all their children to foreigners
or persons with inconsequential surnames and the family simply dis¬
appears from the genealogical record (genealogists find no reason to
trace the line further since, with the exception of Sanabria, the
genealogies have been collected in order to trace either the genealogist
or his client to the bluebloods).
Preferential Marriage within Endogamy: Inbreeding
The second means by which the family network may be restricted rather
than extended is through inbreeding. The term "inbreeding" is used to
refer to a situation in which selectively preferential marriage takes
place within an endogamous group. Thus, while the members of an
endogamous group can be said generally to share the same set of genes,
there are some sub-groups whose genetic make-up is highly selective. To
arrive at this state of affairs requires selective intermarriage between

restricted subgroups over several generations. This process achieves a
genetic "concentration," perhaps a concentration of genetic power, which,
of course, is translated into social and cultural concentration. The
social and political consequences of inbreeding are similar to the bi¬
ological consequences: When inbreeding is carried too far, the resultant
strain may be weakened by unfavorable genes, destroyed by lethal mutations,
or destroyed by specially adapted diseases or predators. While this
genetic strategy may prove highly adaptive to one environment, over-
spdcialization may prove maladaptive once that environment changes.
Beyond being generally endogamous, the ruling elite often shows a
tendency toward forming small family cliques. This occurs when two or
three families intermarry as has been shown above, but this intermarriage
often repeats itself over several generations. Again, this appears to
be a strategy of family alliance, but unlike the sibling exchanges just
discussed, such alliances are for maintenance of power rather than its
creation. For example, the first Costa Rican generations of the Guardia
(Fernandez Peralta 1958), Montealegre (Table III), Salazar (Table III),
and Peralta (Fernandez Peralta 1964) families are married to a number of
important local families. In order to exhaust al 1 possible connections
_with the ruling elite, subsequent generations ought to have extended
marriage ties to the remaining important families. This did not happen.
Several reasons can be given. Logically, as argued earlier, once power
is maximized through marriage, additional increments through extension are
likely to weaken established relations. It is equally likely that per¬
sonal networks can only expand within certain limits before they become
I
inefficient or unmanageable. Specifically, problems are reached in a

75
complex system of obligations since any increase in the network increases
the chance that newly created obligations will conflict with established
obligations. To clarify, let us suppose that the Sancho family is
closely related to ten other families. Any new addition is likely to
present a conflict with an established alliance, and, as the number of
families increases, the likelihood of conflict increases for any new
extension. This is most easily seen in relation to politics and power.
If two families each enjoy high positions within the power structure, a
marriage between the two puts both of them into an even better position.
Nevertheless, the point must come when a family, because of the power
it holds plus the amount of power which is held by families under obli¬
gation to it, cannot make a marriage which will advance that family’s
power position, i.e., the families with which it is not connected are
either so low in the power structure that a marriage would incur more
obligations than it would accrue benefits, or the other family might be
so powerful that the alliance would advance its position of that family
beyond the original family.^ In Costa Rican politics, for example,
lines are often drawn between powerful families, the most notable ex¬
ample being that of the conflict between the Mora and Montealegre families
in the nineteenth century. One might suppose than an excellent strategy
in such a situation would be for the Montealegre to marry into families
supporting the Mora, thus neutralizing some of the Mora support. The
problem, however, is that the lines have been drawn for very important
reasons, and any attempt to recruit within the Mora ranks is very likely
to cause a conflict with established allies. Thus, Vicente Aguilar and
Manuel José Carazo, who support Montealegre, would be distressed to find

76
the Montealegre family making peace with the families of the opposition
by marrying into them.
If a particular power matrix arrives at the situation in which
marrying out of the alliance is threatening to other members or increases
. . . . it
the likelihood of power loss, inbreeding will occur. Unfortunately,
inbreeding is difficult to measure since it may appear superficially to
be endogamy, i.e., individuals tend to marry within a specific group,
but the term asserts that the marrying partners stand in a closer blood
relationship than they do to other marriageable persons. Since it is
argued here that this inbreeding takes place for reasons of power, the
marriages of closely related persons, such as first cousins, are not pre¬
ferred nor prescribed marriages as part of a generalized pattern of the
society, or even of the "class," but occur when circumstances favor them.
Thus, like the sibling exchanges, they are statistically infrequent and
cannot be assimilated to kinship models of a given society. As we found
sibling exchange taking„place within nodal families in the network of
persons" involved in politics and coffee plantations, we would anticipate
that inbreeding could be correlated to power requirements. To continue
within the context already presented, we find family alliances and con¬
tinued intermarriage extended to the point that the term "inbreeding"
becomes appropriate and can be correlated to political events now part
of the historical record.
In the years following Independence, a rivalry grew up between the
Mora and the Montealegre. Once the Montealegre had overthrown and exiled
ex-President Mora Porras, dissension began within the ranks of those who
had stood against Mora. Ultimately Tomas Guardia took power and

77
established a different line of succession. Some lines of kinship rela¬
tions are clear and direct. Guardia was succeeded as president by his
son-in-law, General Prospero Fernandez Oreamuno, who was in turn succeeded
by his own son-in-law, General Bernardo Soto Alfaro. Kin relations, how¬
ever, run much deeper than this; they are, unfortunately, often difficult
to discover. Since affinal ties are important, a dissimilarity of surnames
frequently disguises close relationships. Costa Rican historians rarely
mention the kinship ties between allied political figures. We must try
briefly to reconstruct some of these alliance to emphasize the impor¬
tance of kinship to political power.
Previously we mentioned the close relation between wealth in coffee,
political power, and kinship, showing that political control was exercised
within this group during the middle of the nineteenth century. Virtually
all political posts were held by members of this group and their relatives
by blood and marriage, i.e., power belonged to them exclusively. Within
the group, relations were not always amicable; schisms developed and
sides were taken. As a general rule sides were taken in accordance with
kin alliances and subsequent marriages were arranged within the competing
cliques. Not all families took sides, e.g., the Jimenez and Oreamuno
families of Cartago, who married each other, continued to marry members
of competing groups and so operated as arbiters between groups, pre¬
serving the group as a whole. This seems to be the reason that Francisco
Montealegre suggested Jesus Jimenez as a presidential candidate to Manuel
Angüello (brother-in-law to Mora Porras and leading survivor of the Morist
faction) as a compromise candidate to end the bitter factionalism
I
(Argiiello Mora 1963:95). While the Jimenez managed to obtain two

78
presidencies, their political success can he measured in Congress, where
five generations of the Jimenez family dominated in numbers and influence
(Stone 1971tSup.). Other families appear to have concentrated on the
presidency, but the Jimenez controlled Congress. Both Jimenez, presidents
were known as conciliators, although they had enemies as well. Ricardo
Jimenez proved to be the most important political figure of the twentieth
century.
Intermarriage and inbreeding took place along lines which can be
demonstrated to follow political schisms. By inbreeding here is not
meant simply individual instances of, let us say, first cousin marriage,
although these occur with some frequency; third, fourth, and fifth
cousin marriages are equally important since these also represent rein¬
forcement of the intermarrying group and the failure to use opportunities
to extend kin relations beyond the group. It is possible, then, to indi¬
cate the degree of inbreeding and certainly intermarriage by studying the
statistical frequencies of surnames. To stress the point that these are
hot chance occurrences, we will follow a particular family, showing how
its branches are interrelated. Although some Costa Rican surnames, e.g.,
Fernandez, Jimenez, do not all come from the same stock, during the period
In question, namely the nineteenth century, names such as Montealegre,
Salazar, Saenz, Ulloa, Carazo, Esquivel, Peralta, and Echavarria each
represent one stock. The custom of using both paternal and maternal sur¬
names in Costa Rica helps us to recognize siblings, i.e., we can expect
that Manuel José Carazo Bonilla and Dolores Carazo Bonilla were brother
and sister. This would most certainly be true were it not for extensive
intermarriage. For example, two brothers Jimenez Zamora married Oreamuno

79
women, producing a host of Jimenez Oreamuno children, eight of whom were
legislators (recall the statement above concerning the legislative
dominance of the.Jimenez family). For our purposes, it does not really
matter that these legislators were first cousins rather than all brothers;
the important point is that intermarriage seems to have resulted in con¬
siderable political influence.
The Echavarria Alvarado: A Nodal Family (Appendix C)
To demonstrate the existence of inbreeding and its relation to poli¬
tics, we start with the Montealegre family. We have already noted that
this family rose to political dominance within one generation after
arriving in Costa Rica. We also noted that the marriages of the children
created important alliances, which were later crossed by schisms, notably
with the Mora family. Manuel Arguello Mora (1963:86-89), at one time an
arch enemy of the Montealegre, notes the three most important Montealegre
supporters: Vicente Aguilar Cubero, Manuel José Carazo Bonilla, and
Aniceto Esquivel Saenz. Let us examine the relationships between these
individuals. Vicente Aguilar, a great coffee-grower, was married to
Dolores Salazar Aguado (recall that the Montealegre and Salazar were
friends from Nicaragua). Two Salazar Aguado sisters were married to two
Fernandez Hidalgo brothers (half brothers to founder Montealegre’s wife),
important coffee-growers. Aguilar's daughter, Juana Aguilar Salazar, and
her first cousin (MoSiSo) Santiago Fernandez Salazar married two siblings,
Francisco and Maria Echavarria Alvarado. There were eight Echavarria
Alvarado children, several of whom are of interest to us because, like
the two mentioned above, they married the families we are about to trace.
We occasionally find instances of this sort, i.e., several intermarrying
families that are connected directly to the children of one family in one

80
generation. Maria Joaquina Echavarria Alvarado married Joaquín Oreamuno
*
Carazo, son of Lucia Carazo Peralta. Carlos Echavarria Alvarado married
Natalia Carazo Peralta, daughter of Manuel José Carazo Bonilla (mentioned
above as one of the important supporters of Montealegre), and Maria
Toribia Peralta Echavarria—Natalia was third cousin^-5 (FaMoBrDaDa) to
Carlos. Brígida Echavarria Alvarado married Luis Diego Saenz Carazo, son
of Nicolas Saenz Ulloa, of whom we shall learn more later, and Domitila
Carazo Bonilla, sister of Manuel José, so that Brigida married the first
cousin of her brother’s wife (Carlos is not only brother to Brigida, but
also is her HuMoBrDaHu), while Luis Diego Saenz Carazo and Natalia Carazo
Peralta are not only first cousins, being the children of sisters, but
are also cuncuños, an affinal relation denoting either spouse's sibling's
spouse or sibling's spouse's sibling.
Marta Echavarria Alvarado married Bernardino Peralta Alvarado, the
uncle (FaBr) of Maria Toribia Perlata, hence the granduncle (MoFaBr) of
Natalia Carazo, who was married to Bernardino's brother-in-law (WiBr),
Carlos. Remembering the complex interrelation is not important if we
recognize that several families are constantly involved. The persons
named are shown in Appendix C.
' We are most interested in the names which are repeated here, since
we will see them again with the Saenz and Esquivel families. The name
Carazo is here the most frequent, with Peralta and Alvarado of somewhat
less importance. If we return to the three men named as important
supporters of the Montealegre family, we notice that two, Vicente Aguilar
and Manuel José Carazo are to be found in the preceding discussion. The
third, Aniceto Esquivel Saenz was married to Isaura Carazo Peralta. If

81
we investigate this relationship further, we will understand how it was
that this group of individuals came to be related to the Montealegre.
The Saenz Ulloa: A Pattern of Inbreeding (Appendix B)
In the Echavarria family we included Luis Diego Saenz Carazo, the
son of Diego Saenz Ulloa and Micaela Carazo Bonilla. The Saenz Ulloa
family and their descendants describe a pattern of intermarriage and in-
breeding, incorporating the families with which we are here concerned.
Manuel Saenz Alvarado and María Cayetana Ulloa Guzman had six children
(Saenz Ulloa) of interest to us because of their marriages and descendants.
In the first generation there was one "sibling exchange." Diego married
Micaela Carazo Bonilla and José Nicolas married Domitila Carazo Bonilla.
Another child, Maria Ignacia married the coffee-grower (later President)
Rafael Gallegos Alvarado. Three of their children (Gallego Sáenz) married
Montealegre: the brothers Francisco and Mariano Montealegre Fernandez
married Victoria and Guadalupe Gallegos Sáenz; a third brother, (President)
Jose Maria Montealegre was the father-in-law of Guadalupe and Victoria's
brother Rafael Gallegos Saenz. A fourth Sáenz Ulloa, Maria Ursula,
married the coffee-grower Narciso Esquivel Salazar, producing several
Esquivel Sáenz children, including aforementioned President Aniceto
Esquivel Sáenz. Aniceto married Isaura Carazo Peralta, his first cousin
(MoBrDa). Two of Aniceto's brothers, Camilo and José Antonio Esquivel
Sáenz also married their first cousins (MoBrDa), namely, Pacifica and
Salomé Sáenz Carazo. Another of Aniceto's brothers, Miguel Narciso
Esquivel Sáenz, married the daughter of another first cousin (MoBrSoDa),
Rosa Sáenz Sandoval, which brings us to the last Sáenz Ulloa, Francisco.
(
Rosa was Francisco's granddaughter through his son, Andrés Sáenz Llórente

82
and Mercedes Sandoval Perez. Manuel de Jesus Esquivel Saenz married his
son, Maximino Esquivel Echandi, to Andres' other daughter, Julia Saenz
Sandoval, i.e., Maximino married his FaMoBrSoDa. Thus in the second
generation from the Saenz Ulloa match, ten descendants are directly linked
in cousin marriage (Table V) and another three have married into the
Montealegre family. The situation becomes even more complex in the
following generations.
TABLE V. MARRIAGES BETWEEN CONSANGUIHAL , KIN AMONG THE DESCENDANTS
OF MANUEL SAENZ ALVARADO AND MARIA CAYETANA ULLOA GUZMAN
Male Descendant
Female Descendant
Relationship
(from Male Ego)
Esquivel Sáenz, Aniceto
Carazo Peralta, Isaura
MoBrDa
Esquivel Sáenz, Camilo
Sáenz Carazo, Pacifica
MoBrDa
Esquivel Sáenz,
José Antonio
Sáenz Carazo, Salomé
MoBrDa
Esquivel Sáenz,
Miguel Narciso
Sáenz Sandoval, Rosa
MoBrSoDa
Esquivel Echandi,
Maximino
Sáenz Sandoval, Julia
FaMoBrSoDa
Esquivel Carrillo,
Joaquin
Esquivel Sáenz, Oliva
BrDa*
Peralta Esquivel,
José Joaquin
Esquivel Bonilla, Adela
MoFaDa
“ft •
Half brother—same father, different mother
Maximino Esquivel Echandi and Julia Saenz Sandoval married their
daughter, Oliva Esquivel Saenz to Jose Joaquin Esquivel Carrillot,
Maximino's half brother (FaSo by another wife). Finally, Aniceto
Esquivel Sáenz' granddaughter (SoDa), Adela Esquivel Bonilla, married
his (Aniceto) brother's great grandson (BrSoDaSo), José Joaquín Peralta
Esquivel. This last marriage could be related by blood through Carazo,

83
Peralta and Echavarría as well, as could the marriage between Angela
s'
Esquivel Fábrega and Carlos Peralta Echavarria (see Appendix B).
The discussion above need be only superficially grasped to recognize
that the descendants of Nicolas Saenz, himself an important political
figure and a large coffee-grower, took great pains to avoid extending
kinship ties beyond a few families. We have seen that the Sáenz-Esquivel-
Gallegos-Carazo marriages were peripherally related to the Montealegre
family. In relation to what has been said concerning the relation be¬
tween kinship and power, it would seem that the Montealegre may have been
less powerful than the families with which they married. Mariano
Montealegre Bustamante, the founder of the Costa Rican family, married
Jeronima Fernandez Chacon. Jeronima's brother, Manuel Fernandez Chacon
was a President of Costa Rica, as was his son, Prospero Fernandez Oreamuno,
who married the sister of dictator Tomás Guardia, this last responsible
for the ultimate blow to Montealegre power. The Montealegre chose the
-side that- had the greatest solidarity but which proved the weaker in the
-~er--The relationships between marriage partners in the Saenz Ulloa family
.(Table.._V)_.suggest a mother's brother.—lister!s son relationship to be
significant. * The Quiros data (see Appendix F) suggest that father's
brother may be equally important (the three Quiros males are first cousins,
sons of three Quiros Jimenez brothers). Without further extensive re¬
search, it would be rash to assert that males acquire wives through their
parent's brothers, although this is a possibility. What is most impor¬
tant, however, is a common tendency to superimpose affinal relations upon
consanguinal relations. Costa Rican Spanish kin terminology recognizes

8U
an affinal sibling relationship extending through two marriages called
concuño. We note that in sibling exchange (Table IV) siblings also
stand in the concuño relationship. Appendix C also demonstrates the
concuño relation between close kinsmen, and Table VIII reveals first
cousins who are cuncuños. In these instances, the opportunity to extend
personal networks by way of affinity has been declined.
As a final note concerning endogamy and inbreeding, in view of what
has been said thus far, we arrive at a functional explanation of marriages
with foreigners. In terms of power, marriage to a foreigner is a logical
step under certain circumstances. When the individual concerned has
skills, wealth or foreign influence which can be useful to a Costa Rican
family, a marriage may enhance the family’s power and wealth without
creating serious obligations. This is so because most foreigners,
especially Americans, do not bring their kindreds with them, that is to
say, the kin obligations rarely go beyond the individual involved. In
addition, the marriage is on Costa Rican ground, so that kin relations
are based on Costa Rican rules. But most important is the fact that the
newcomer does not have any other Costa Rican kin obligations, nor enmities,
sp_that he does not threaten established alliances nor unduly extend
obligations through marriage. T _ ____ _
Historical Roots of a "Political Class
£cr r Samuel Stone (1971): traced the descendants of Juan Vazquez de Coronado,
Conquistador and first Adelantado of Costa Rica, recording those branches
of the family which numbered presidents or legislators among their descen¬
dants in order to discover some measure of the political importance of the
family. The results are startling. Among the direct descendants and

85
their spouses, we find 29 out of 1+4 Costa Rican heads of state and 230
of Costa Rica's 1300 legislators during 150 years of republican govern¬
ment. If we add.to this the descendants of colonial officials, Antonio
de Acosta Arevalo, Jorge de Alvarado, and Nicolas de Gonzalez y Oviedo,
we have 33 out of 44 heads of state and approximately half of Costa Rica's
legislators (cf. Stone 1971+114). The importance of these families has
been even greater than what is suggested by the figures above since the
legislators belonging to these families usually represented the Provinces
of San José and Cartago. Far from the geographical and political core
of power, legislators from other provinces had influence only within their
provinces and were never able, if indeed they were interested, to combine
against the important families of San José and Cartago (Stone 1971+112).
It must be emphasized that the relationships between those occupying
important political posts were not simply relatives, but close relatives.
Appendix G presents graphically the closeness of these relationships
between thirteen heads of state. Sixteen heads of state were related as
Follows: President Juan Mora Porras was the son-in-law of President
Manuel Aguilar Chacon and the brother-in-law (WiBr) of President José
. .. * . - - ... - - -
Maria Montealegre Fernandez, who was the brother-in-law (WiBr) of President
Bruno Carranza Ramirez, the latter also being a brother-in-law (WiBr) of
President-Braulio-Carrillo-Colina. The son of the aforementioned José
Maria Montealegre was a brother-in-law (SiHu) of President Rafael Iglesias
Castro, who was the son of President Demetrio Iglesias Llórente, great
uncle (MoMoBr) of President Federico Tinoco Granados and son-in-law of
President José Maria Castro Madriz, whose brother-in-law (WiBr), President
Prospero Fernández Oreamuno, was also brother-in-law (WiBr) to President

86
Tomás Guardia Gutierrez, father-in-law to President Bernardo Soto Alfaro,
and the son of President Manuel Fernández Chacon, whose wife was the first
cousin (FaBrDa) of President Francisco Maria Oreamuno Bonilla, whose son-
in-law, President Jesus Jimenez Zamora, was the father of Ricardo Jimenez
1 (T x
Oreamuno. As the repetition of surnames, e.g., Oreamuno, Fernandez,
Chacon, suggests, many of those related by marriage were more distantly
related by blood. The presidency of Costa Rica was occupied by those
named above for a total of 83 years during the 101-year period from 1835
to'1936. If Stone's figures are correct, IT additional heads of state
were more distantly related to those named here.
Stone points out that recent history reveals ideological splits
within the "political class." This seems hardly a new development (cf.
Vega Carballo 1971:377-379), except perhaps that schisms in the past were
more personal than ideological, but, as we have seen, the ideology of con¬
tending factions may be more important in words than actions. One must
wonder how important ideology is when power and social structures remain
the same, with the country run by a small aristocratic, endogamous,
political class. The following citation from Stone indicates the extent
to which the "political class" retains its power today:
vrur_: Since 19^8, Costa Rica has witnessed two preponderant
political tendencies. One has been the National Liberation
-r_ Party, with a liberal ideological tendency, and closely linked
with the name of the current President, Jose Figueres Ferrer,
who, being of Spanish parentage, has few close kin relations
with the political class. Nevertheless, he counts on the
support of many of its members. The other current, that of
the Republican Party, is less liberal, and is organized around
the person of Rafael Angel Calderón Guardia. There have been
other important parties with a conservative orientation, one
directed by ex-president Otilio date Blanco and the other
by ex-president Mario Echandi Jimenez. In the last decade a
coalition has been fórmed (the National Unification Party)
among all of the more or less conservative forces for the

87
purpose of presenting a united front against the National Liberation
Party. All this can be reduced to the two important political
tendencies in question, one of which we may call liberal
(liberacionista) and the other more conservative (unificacionista).
Thus, for example, in the twelfth generation [from Vazquez
de Coronado] appears the name of Mario Echandi J.imenez (today
unificacionista), who was elected President in 1958 against
the liberacionista Francisco Orlich Bolmarcich, of the six¬
teenth generation. In the table we see groups which
ideologically support or supported (since some are dead) these
two candidates, whether or not they were candidates for the
National Assembly at the time. We have José Joaquin Perlata
Esquivel, Cristian Tattenbach Yglesias, and Ricardo Castro
Beeche, all unificacionistas. On the other side we have Alberto
Cañas Escalante, Alfonso Carro Zuñiga, Daniel Oduber Quiros,
and Fernando Volio Jimenez, liberacionistas. We also have
followers of ex-President Otilio Ulate Blanco, for example,
Alberto Oreamuno Flores, his vice-president. We also have
Francisco José Marshall Jiménez and Ramiro Brenes Gutiérrez,
who are "co-"brother-in-laws (concuños), and have organized
their own party. We can even note the name of Carlos Luis
Fallas Sibaja, who was the director of the Communist Party
[Stone 1971:124-125].
Stone describes the change from the nineteenth to the twentieth century
as a change from ownership of power to leadership of power^ he does not, '
however, see any united opposition to the leadership of the political
class (1971:128).
Statistical Analysis of Kinship Relations in the "Political Class"
In tracing the Vazquez de Coronado descendants only to presidents
/
and legislators, Stone has provided us the means to measure the statis- .
tical frequency of important Costa Rican surnames, i.e., since he does
not trace a family line farther than the last legislator, unproductive
lines are terminated with but few listings while the productive lines are
represented by many branches and names. In order to determine the most
important political families, Stone's listings were relisted by marriages,
i.e., rather than listing by individuals' surnames, such as Ricardo
Jiménez Oreamuno, a list was made of the 302 marriages shown, e.g.,

88
Jiménez Zamora was one listing representing the marriage of Ricardo
Jimenez Oreamuno and Beatriz Zamora. The purpose of this was to avoid
multiplication of surnames where several children of two parents are
found in the genealogies. For instance, in one generation are to he
found ten Jimenez Oreamuno from two families, being either siblings or
first cousins. There were, in fact, but two marriages here between
Jimenez and Oreamuno and not ten. By limiting the listings to the
marriages, we can determine not only "productivity," i.e., how often a
surname appears, but also its strategic importance by how desirable it
is to contract marriage with that family. This is best clarified by fur¬
nishing some statistics. Since there were 302 marriages there were 6o4
surnames listed, or, if no surname had been repeated we would have found
60k different surnames. In fact, only 138 different surnames were to be
found among the 6ol+ listed. Of these, 60 surnames appeared only once;
and have been classed as unproductive surnames. Another 26 appeared twice
r, _ **" . V z. 1 . 5 m _ ~ u -V-.
these also may be considered unproductive. Translated into productive sur
names we will find the following statistics: 52 different surnames or 38
percent of the surnames (52 of 138), account for 82 percent of the 6oU
names listed. 15 different surnames or 11 percent of the 138 different
surnames, account for 51 percent of the listings. Finally, four surnames,
Jimenez, Oreamuno, Quiros, and Echavarria account for 22 percent of the
listings. The frequency with which surnames are repeated bears no re¬
lation to the frequency of occurrence of the surnames in the general
population, confirming the assertion of an endogamous ruling elite. A
glance at Table VI, comparing the number of listings in Stone's
genealogical list and the number of listings in the 1972 Costa Rica

89
Telephone Directory, indicated the discrepancy between politically
important surnames and those which are not politically significant.
TABLE VI. FREQUENCY OF OCCURRENCE OF COSTA RICAN SURNAMES
Surname
No. Marriages within
Political Class*
No. Listed in Tele¬
phone Directory**
Castro
17
391
Chavarria
28
166
Esquivel
21
126
Fernández
l6
29l+
Iglesias
(Yglesias)
13
33
Jimenez
lt8
lt06
Oreamuno
32
It 2 .
Montealegre
lit
37
Mora
15
339
Peralta
lit
36
Quiros
25
191
Saenz
19
130
Volio
11
23
Garcia
5
178
Gomez
-1
169
Gonzalez .
. .• r•: 2 - -
365
Lopez
1
l6l
Ramirez
: - __: 2-
273
Rojas
2
369
Soto,
■ _r: i-’.r: r 3 . s:
231
Vargas
1
502
Rodriguez
: = • 1 " '
55U
*from Stone (l971:Sup.)
**€osta Rica Telephone Directory (Directorio Telefónico) 1971-1972
Since telephones are ordinarily owned by the well-to-do in Costa Rica,
the discrepancy between the figures in the two columns is even more sig¬
nificant than appears at first glance. Some of the commonest Costa Rican
surnames, such as Rodriguez, Vargas, and Gonzalez would be classed as
"â– unproductive" in political terms. Important political names, such as

90
Oreamuno, Volio, and Peralta, are uncommon in the general population.
Some names which are common in Costa Rica, such as Arce, Hernandez, and
Arias, are not to he found in the marriages among the descendants of
Vazquez de Coronado.
The extent of inbreeding and endogamy can also be examined by studying
the marriages of the political class, using the descendants of Vazquez de
Coronado. Table VII presents marriage statistics concerning the 13 most
frequently occurring surnames in the Vazquez de Coronado genealogy. Many
of these surnames should already be familiar—Montealegre, Peralta,
Jimenez, Oreamuno—since they have been mentioned numerous times in our
discussion. In accordance with what has already been said here, we would
expect these surnames to represent not only the most commonly occuring
names but also to show a distinct tendency toward mutual association.
While the figures show this tendency, they also confirm another asser-
tation made earlier in this chapter, namely, that there are groups of
allying families. I
I-: We can derive a concept of nodal families or nodal individuals from
the figures. .Since the genealogies were reported by reference to polit¬
ical position, i.e., lines were traced only as far as the last legislator
or president, repetition of family names in the genealogy reveals the
most productive political families. Nevertheless, since this is a bi¬
lateral kinship system, we must consider the possible inheritance of
political power through females. Thus a surname may disappear from the
genealogies without signifying that direct descendants are no longer
included. This is best seen in the two important families of Juan Vazquez
de Coronado and Antonio de Acosta Arevalo. In both instances the first
generations were more productive of females than of males so that the

91
surnames Vazquez and Acosta were practically lost after the first few
generations and are not represented among the important political figures
who were descended from these two important founders. It should he noted
that the relations between important politicians, as evidenced by the
list of presidents above, are often affinal (see Appendix G).
In tabulating the figures in Table VII, both surnames were used, so
that there appear to be more marriages with, let us say, Castro than with
a list using the first surnames of a marriage, i.e., the García-Vargas
marriage would not have been counted among the thirteen families in the
marriage statistics heretofore, but if the marriage were between José
García Castro and Maria Vargas Fernandez, it would also be recorded here
under both Castro and Fernandez as a marriage between the two families.
The occurrences of the thirteen surnames varies from 12 persons named
Volio to 73 named Jimenez. Percentages on endogamous (within the 13
families) marriages vary from 32 percent for Iglesias to 7k percent for
Peralta.Among the thirteen families, i+5 percent of the marriages in¬
volved two persons, each with at least one of the thirteen surnames,
indicating a high degree of endogamy. It is assumed that all those bearing
the-same surname are related by blood. While there may be exceptions to
this'; none came to our attention. The Fernandez and Jimenez surnames are
common Costa Rican and Latin surnames and would be the surnames most
likely to include unrelated members. However, the large number of persons
with these two surnames is accounted for by the marriages into the
Vázquez de Coronado line early in the colonial period; and the relation¬
ships within the two families are well recorded, so that it is unlikely that
those represented here are unrelated (because of these ancient marriages,

TABLE VII. FREQUENCY OF ELITE INTERMARRIAGE
Surname:
/
Castro
Chavarria
Esquivel
Fernandez
Iglesias
Jimenez
Montealegre
Mora -' "'
Óreamuno
Peralta
Quiros
Saenz -
Volio
OT
O
O
CO
c
o
bC
u
aj ft
tn
0)
•H 3
3
H O
o
aj
bO
ÍH ¡H
o
VH
rH
0
CO
<1>
o
aj Ü
o
Sh
0
•d
aj
1—Í
aj
S
o
U
>
c
•H
0
ai
-P
cn
C
rH
u
aj
•H
CO
tí
s
rH
\o
M
o
iH *H
a)
-p
>
0
tí
0
\0
-p
a5
aj
CO
tí
•H
aj ,3
-P
CO
aj
a1
tí
rH
&
C
H
H
•H
0
rH
-P -P
O
aJ
fi
CO
0
bO
•H
o
O
3
\cd
O
O -H
EH
O
U
W
M
S
S
O
ft
O'
CO
>
Eh >
29
1
1
0
2
1
3
2
1
1
0
3
0
0
15
52%
Ul
1
1
0
1
0
5
2
h
1
2
1
1
1
20
b9%
22
0
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
0
3
0
7
0
13
â–  6o%
39
2
1
0
1
1
3
1
1
3
0
2
5
0
20
51%
25
1
0
0
1
0
2
1
2
1
0
0
0
0
8
32%
73
3
5
1
3
2
2
2
0
8
3
1
1
3
3b
b5%
19
2
2
0
0
1
3
0
1
0
1
0
3
1
13
6Q%
~' 30 *
1 -
k
T
1
2
0
1
0
0
0‘
0
1
0
r 11
31%
52
1
1
0 -
3
1
8
0
0
1
2
0
0
1
IS
35%
19
0
2
3
0
0
3
1
0
2
2
1
1
0
lit
lb%
27
3
1
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
1
h
0
0
12
bb%
“H'O
o-
o -
7 T
5 -
0
1 -
3
1
0
T
0
it
0
22
51%
12
0
1 -
0
0
0
3
0
0
1 -
0
0
1
1
6
50%

93
the two families are represented in the genealogy of Vazquez de Coronado
from their beginnings and the individuals with these surnames are nearly
al 1 direct descendants and not persons marrying into the line). Most of
the other names, such as Montealegre, Volio, Oreamuno, and Esquivel, are
smaller families, most of whose descendants are directly related to the
ruling elite.
While all except three of the surnames are found to have at least
one marriage in which both partners share a surname, only Quiros and
Saenz have four such marriages, suggesting a tendency toward inbreeding.
For Quiros this figure accounts for 15 percent of the marriages recorded
(see Appendix F). Among the Saenz, because of a greater number of total
marriages, only 10 percent had the same surname (see Table V and Appendix
B).
Table VII presents some interesting differences between families.
Some families have intermarried with a wide range of the other families.
'The Jimenez surname, is. associated with all but one (Mora) other family,
Chavarria with all but two, and Fernández with all but three. On the
: other hand, Vo-lio, Esquivel, and Quiros have intermarried with fewer than
.half of the other families. These three appear to have been exclusive and
'probably peripheral to the political group. For instance, the Quiros,
besides marrying Quiros, only married three times outside of the Castro
and Fernandez families (10 percent); Volios married only twice outside of
the Jimenez family (l? percent); Esquivels married three times (15 percent)
outside of the Peralta and Saenz families. These three families appear
to be poorly involved in the political network, dependent upon their
alliances with one or two families (Volio-Jimenez; Quiros-Castro;

9h
Esquivel-Sáenz, -Peralta). The Iglesias family also seems peripheral to
the political alliances (the Iglesias family in general was indirectly re¬
lated to the others by way of the Tinoco and Llórente marriages).
Certain family alliances stand out by their frequency of occurrence—
Jiménez-Oreamuno, Jiménez-Chavarria, Sáenz-Esquivel, and Sáenz-Femández.
The two key families here, Jimenez and Saenz, produced many political
figures. The six generations following José Antonio Jimenez Bonilla pro¬
duced more than 60 legislators as direct descendants or husbands of
direct descendants (Stone 1971:Sup). The five generations following
Manuel José Mercedes Saenz Alvarado produced 33 legislators (many named
Esquivel). The other families which produced many legislators were
Fernandez, Echavarria, and Castro. Each produced several generations of
politicians and each tended to intermarry with all the other families
(always with two or three exceptions). Thus, three strategies seem to
have been effective, (l) Families would attempt to marry into as many of
-the other,.important families as was economically feasible. This strategy
was commonly used by newcomers. (2) Some families tended to restrict
marriages in order to concentrate power. This characterized the Saenz
family and allies. The strategy may be used ordinarily only by a group
J^aving sufficient power to insure some security for future maintenance of
,power. L3) Both methods may be used, as with the Jiménez family, which
made many matches with the important Echavarria and Oreamuno families but
also married into all but one of the other thirteen families. This
strategy is possible only with both a commanding power position and a very
large family. The Jiménez family filled both qualifications and used this
strategy to become the most influential and productive political family.

95
Figure 3 presents graphically the alliances among the thirteen families.
Horizontal lines indicate the most frequently allied families; other
lines connect intermarrying families, with interrupted lines indicating
only two marriages.
Summary
In this chapter we have shifted from the geographical distribution of
power to its social distribution. We have attempted to demonstrate the
historical existence of what Dr. Stone has termed a "political class,"
which has dominated Costa Rican politics, economy, and society since early
times. Evidence has been presented to show the importance of both con-
sanguineal and affinal relationships within an endogamous political class.
Without disagreeing with Dr. Stone's conclusions concerning this
political class, we have submitted his genealogical materials to an
analysis emphasizing the importance of affinal, as opposed to consanguinal_
kin. This is not to say that consanguineal relations are of no account.
To the contrary, Stone's analysis of the descendants of Juan Vazquez de
Coronado shows conclusively that bloodline and political power are di¬
rectly related. The point we wish to make here is that noble bloodlines
unsupported by successful marriage strategies do not yield power. While
the duties inherent in blood relationships must in most cases be unavoid¬
able, marriage offers special opportunities for creating, increasing, and
consolidating the access to power of consanguinal". kin groups. The
material just presented has been organized to argue that marriage within
the political class not only followed a pattern of general endogamy, thus
ensuring exclusive access to power for the group as a whole, but also
revealed distinctive patterns of family alliances and inbreeding which

96
Volio
Figure 3
Imoortant Political Families

97
cannot te accounted for by a simple practice of endogamy. Finally, it
has been suggested that marriages outside of the group were employed to
recruit important foreigners (the Spanish envoys in colonial times, rich
Germans and Americans in more recent times). In emphasizing the impor¬
tance of affinal relationships, we must not lose sight of the fact that
so many members of the political class are also related by blood. In
many instances the blood relation between marriage partners is of such
antiquity as to obscure their awareness of the relation. We have seen,
nonetheless, many examples of sibling exchange, first cousin marriage,
and cross-generational inbreeding, in which the marrying partners must
have been aware of the superimposition of affinal and consanguineal ties.
The assertion of conscious marriage strategies implies a competition
between families and individuals not necessarily implied by the existence
of a political class. While power and social position may have been
limited by birth, within the political class there was differential
access to power which was an important source of conflict and competition
within the group. This means that power and wealth were not automatic,
that birth within the elite group was a necessary qualification for high
political position without necessarily entailing additional hereditary
rights to power. We have seen that Costa Rican chiefs of state have
been more often close affines than close consanguines, and we have seen
the consistency with which the most important families have arranged
marriages with other important families.
The foregoing discussion presents a problem. While acknowledging a
political group united by marriage and blood, can we call this group a
I
political class? Stone—and the same may be said of several other Costa

98
Rican genealogists—traces relationships only to politically significant
persons. This in itself tends to bias the genealogical presentation by
omitting non-productive branches of the families. The implication is
that those not listed are elite persons who are not actively involved in
politics. While this may be so, it does not necessarily follow. Arguing
from the materials Stone presented, we found that powerful families were
traditionally divided between those engaged in the production of wealth
(e.g., coffee-growers) and those involved in the manipulation of power,
viz., the politicians. We see, nevertheless, that this division is not
hereditary in the sense that the coffee-grower's son often becomes a
politician and the politician's son becomes a coffee-grower. We must
question, then, whether bloodlines which are politically unproductive
are not also economically unproductive. Because of the rarity of out¬
side recruitment to the power- group, we have been led to assume that an
endogamous class exists. It is possible, however, that there has been a
significant downward drift. This would suggest that large elements of
-the so-called "middle^ class" are the descendants of the less fortunate
or less astute members of the elite. Fluharty (1973), describing the
-Colombian situation, paints a picture which must not be unlike that of
Costa Rica in that a traditionally prolific aristocracy, accustomed to
dividing estates between many heirs, produces a small few who are able to
maintain immense power and wealth with many more who carry on the values,
beliefs, and prejudices of the aristocracy without possessing the where¬
withal to remain at the top rung. These last Fluharty calls the "middle
class that is not in the middle."
Unfortunately, evidence supporting the thesis suggested above is not
immediately accessible—the less important descendants of Juan Vazquez

99
de Coronado have not occupied the attention of the genealogists. We may
argue on structural grounds, however, that this thesis is more likely
than middle class recruitment from below. An intended similarity is
drawn between the appearance of figures 2 and 3. The power relation¬
ship between San José, other cities in Costa Rica, and the countryside
is built upon centrality and concentration of population. In the same
manner, the Jimenez family owed its political dominance to the two
marriage strategies of concentration, i.e., repeated marriages with key
families, and centrality, i.e., scattered marriages with influential but
less important families, placing the Jimenez at the center of the marriage
network.
Costa Rican history provides a geographical analogy.^-9 Following
the announcement of Independence from Spain there arose in Costa Rica a
rivalry between Cartago and her allies and San José and her allies.
Cartago, the colonial capital, represented the closed, conservative tra¬
dition of the colonial aristocracy (if Costa Rica can be said to have had
an aristocracy) while San José represented the open, progressive attitude
of a growing commercial bourgeoisie.20 Ultimately San José achieved
hegemony, with the result that San José is today the undisputed capital
while Cartago, still conservative and traditional, is just another city
of Costa Rica. Centrality and concentration have operated as general
principles of the organization of power at every structural level in
Costa Rica.
If, as has been suggested earlier, family estates in Costa Rica were
historically handled as family corporations headed by a chosen son, sub¬
sequent developments make sense if we view these "corporations" as

100
competitive units organized to concentrate power. Marvin Harris (1971:
U23-^25), in a summary sketch of recent pertinent sources, has described
how corporate structure in the United States has operated to concentrate
wealth and power in the hands of the members of a relatively small group
which could not control such wealth through personal holdings alone. The
corporate group exercises significant power by concentrating the wealth
and power of the several natural persons in one fictitious person, i.e.,
the corporation, and in this way gains a competitive advantage over other
persons not similarly organized. The corporation need not engage in
economically productive activities but may act simply as a holding company,
distributing its wealth and power where they have the greatest impact
and obtain the greatest rewards. In this way, the power of the corporation
can be extended far beyond its natural limitations. This principle is
particularly important in disputing the notions of those who are inclined
to view power in the simple terms of physical coercion, especially with
regard to Latin America.
nr. nr To return to the diagrams with which we began this chapter, it should
be clear that our present discussion represents power in terms of concen¬
tric clusters about a small but structurally powerful core. If man has
shown a marked ability to concentrate human population through the
advance of technological means of utilizing newer and better sources of
energy, he has also demonstrated an ability to develop forms of social
organization which harness the physical and intellectual energies of his
fellow men. We are accustomed to call the specific organization
"institutions."
I

101
The State, the corporation, and the family (in its broadest sense)
are institutions particularly concerned with the organization of power
(along with other functions). In the next chapter we will discuss the
institution which is to a large extent responsible for perpetuating
the insignia of power which the other institutions have created.
»

102
NOTES
-*-Two events helped to focus attention on coffee in Costa Rica:
In l803 coffee (as well as cacao, sugar, and cotton) were exempted by
the Spanish Crown from taxation. In addition, Tomás de Acosta', the
Costa Rican governor, attempted at that time to encourage the produc¬
tion of coffee in Costa Rica. Thus provincial politicians could
anticipate a favorable attitude from the one area which could endager
their venture—the Spanish administrators. This may have governed
their choice to go into coffee rather than tobacco, which was of
proven profitability, produced in Costa Rica and sold in Panama and
Guatemala. Tobacco, however, was a carefully controlled government
monopoly. For documentation of these events, see Saenz Maroto (1970).
^The principal source for the genealogical materials was Stone
(l971:Sup.). Since this work provides genealogical completeness only
with regard to the descendants of Juan Vazquez de Coronado, additional
material was sought in the Revista de la Academia Costarricense de
Ciencias Genealógicas, which has to date provided extensive genealogies
on many of the most illustrious Costa Rican families. In particular,
the following articles were consulted: Revollo Acosta (i960, 196l);
Prado (19^+1); Hack-Prestinary (1965); Fernandez Peralta (1958, 1964);
Lujan (1964). Because of the extent of intermarriage among these
families, much of the material is repetitive, so that the genealogical
research often duplicated that already accomplished by others, especially
that of Dr. Stone. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that contradictions
were extremely rare, indicating the great care with which the gene¬
alogists treated the original sources. Finally, we must note the
important work of Archbishop Sanabria (1957), whose extensive research
into colonial genealogies provided a good deal of date for Stone's
later work. In addition to strictly genealogical materials, important
personal data related to the individuals named was collected from a
variety of sources too numerous to mention here, although we must again
express our debt to Dr. Stone.
^There is a- certain type of economic interpretation of history á
la Charles and Mary Beard which tends to view the early anti-colonial
revolutions, specifically the American Revolution, as the perpetration
of successful local entrepreneurs chafing under the restrictive fiscal
policies of the mother country. However appropriate this may or may not
be for other colonies, it does not seem applicable to Costa Rica, where
Independence was gained quite accidentally via Guatemala. In fact, Costa
Rica was at first somewhat reluctant to accept Independence from Spain.
Cartago proved not to be as intrepid as San José, and the latter subse¬
quently wrested political control of the new Republic, when Cartago
attempted to join the Mexican Empire.
^Costa Ricans use two surnames. The first surname is one's father's
first surname, the second surname is one's mother's first surname, or,

103
put another way, a Costa Rican uses the surnames of his grandfathers,
the paternal surname first. Thus the children of Jose Fernandez Jimenez
and Maria Vargas Gutierrez would he called Fernandez Vargas. At
marriage names are not changed, as in the English-speaking world, hut the
wife simply adds her husband's first surname, preceded hy de, to her
own names. Thus, in the example above, the wife could he designated
as Maria Vargas Gutierrez de Fernández, which is often abbreviated in
practice to Maria Vargas de Fernandez, or simply Maria de Fernandez,
so that, in fact, a woman may come to be known by her husband's surname.
The use of more than one surname helps to clarify genealogical relation¬
ships. Naming practices in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were
more complex and variable than at present. Wherever multiple names were
listed for an individual in the genealogical records, the choice has
been made here in the direction of modern practice in order to minimize
confusion.
Since surnames are not pluralized in Spanish, they will not be
pldralized here, so that "Coto came from Spain," would indicate an
individual while "The Coto came from Spain," would indicate the several
persons referred to with the surname Coto.
5Table III is intended to the extent of affinal relationships
between important coffee-growers in the first half of the nineteenth
century. A more complete account of these relationships, including
consanguineal relationships, may be found in the Appendices. Many of
the names encountered in Table III may be found in Appendices A and
B, which trace the descendants of Antonio de Acosta Arevalo for several
generations. Many of the same names, as well as other important coffee-
growers, may be found among the descendants of Juan Vazquez de Coronado,
the first conquistador of Costa Rica, only a small portion of whose
descendants have been included in Appendix D since the persons of
especial interest here may be found in the other appendices and because
the descendants of Vazquez de Coronado have been amply recorded else¬
where (Revollo 1961; Stone 1971). The Mora Porras family is described
in a separate chart (Appendix E) since it is descended from Vazquez de
Coronado but not from Acosta Arevalo.
^Averages were not attempted for family size since some variation
occurred during different periods (e.g., in 1856 a cholera epidemic
wiped out much of the population) and because genealogical materials
are rarely complete—many omit unmarried offspring or children dying
at infancy. Nevertheless, one is struck in the genealogies with the
frequency of families with six, seven, or eight children. Three cases
were found in which individuals had more than fifty grandchildren. The
sixth generation descended from Peralta de la Vega is said to contain
more than 900 individuals, of which half belong to illegitimate branches
(Fernandez Peralta 1964:39-40).
7we are grateful to Dr. Stone for much of the information concern¬
ing inheritance patterns. Several informants had previously told of
a strict rule of primogeniture among the members of the elite. This
would not seem consistent with some genealogical results, namely,
brothers seemed often to be of equal political and social importance

despite the fact that only one might be an important coffee-grower. One
of my informants, who was in fact the first son of an important coffee-
grower, told me of his struggle to build his own coffee empire once he
had divided his father's estate among some twenty heirs. Small families
and primogeniture probably only become adaptive strategies when land
becomes relatively scarce or when markets are difficult to expand.
the word "common" is inappropriate here. In fact such
cases are numerically small, probably constituting less than five per¬
cent of all marriages in the elite. Nevertheless, such marriages need
not occur at all. Statistics are of little use here since not all
marriages are recorded nor have we compiled genealogies of other social
strata to examine whether or not this is a generalized Costa Rican
pattern. It is difficult to assert the size and membership of the
elite at any one time since those on the periphery (in both time and
space) of this group inevitably occupy an ambiguous position. There
are many persons descended from illustrious bloodlines who must now
be considered "middle class." As a matter of fact, one discovers
genealogies of acquaintances who are quite surprised to learn of their
ancestry.
^This has probably been true longer than most Costa Ricans realize.
The Biesanz's note acceptance of the "modern" practice in 19^5 (Biesanz
and Biesanz); Ricardo Fernandez Guardia's (l908) story, "The Debut,"
suggests that young lovers had their ways of gaining parental approval
at the turn of the century (the story is also informative in that one
of its themes is the impossibility of marrying from the upper middle
class into the upper class, despite the clever strategies of a scheming
mother).
_^An.argument can be made for an absence of conscious strategy,
*i.e.:, within a small, homogeneous upper class it is quite natural that
-«marriages take place between persons of long-standing acquaintance,
-.similar taste and background. Conceding the reasonableness of such a
.statement, we will argue,-nevertheless, that the success or failure of
important Costa Rican families to gain and maintain advantageous
positions of wealth and power can be directly related to the marriage
¿alliances they formed. While recognizing that our logic is after-the-
vfact, i.ei, fortuitous alliances unconsciously formed may appear in
¿retrospect to represent conscious strategies, we assume, without
¿apology, that a person guides his decisions by political considerations
:and the more power a person has the more important will be these
political considerations. This assumption is based upon personal ex¬
perience in the United States but continually confirmed in Costa Rica.
¿¿We must also remember that those at the top have the most to lose and
must weigh all decisions carefully.
The Montealegre family is an excellent example. Mariano
_Montealegre, the founder, married into the Fernandez-Val Acosta family
and the children (Table III) made important political marriages
including the Mora Porras family, although a rivalry ensued between
José María Montealegre and his brother-in-law Juan Rafael Mora Porras.

105
Both families were rich in coffee and political power. The turning
point came when Montealegre recruited two opportunist army generals
(Blanco and Salazar) and succeeded* in exiling President Juan Mora Porras
and his followers, including General José Mari Cañas, Mora's brother-
in-law (Table III) and a military hero from the National Campaign. The
Montealegre were in turn ousted by Generals Victor and Tomás Guardia,
the latter brother becoming dictator and ruling Costa Rica with an iron,
though apparently enlightened and progressive, hand for many years.
The Montealegre had learned the game of marriage well, however, and
President Montealegre's granddaughter married President Guardia's
nephew, producing a distinguished line. One of Costa Rica's most con¬
troversial recent presidents, Rafael Calderon Guardia (President 19^0-
lik), was a direct descendant of a half brother of Víctor, Tomás, and
Miguel Guardia, the last being the father-in-law to the Montealegre-
Guardia marriage. This illegitimate (although paternity was recognized)
half brother, Carlos Guardia Barrios, married Juana Mora Monge, grand¬
daughter of Juan Mora Fernández, the first Chief of State of Costa
Rica. President Montealegre was related to Mora Fernandez by blood
and to the Mora Porras branch of the same family by marriage (Table III).
Perhaps as a result of this complex network, we find the Montealegre
descendants among Calderon Guardia's cabinet ministers. The awkward
complexity of the kinship sketched above is not amenable- to simple graphic
presentation and was gleaned from a variety of sources, especially
Fernández Peralta (1958) and Revollo Acosta (i960).
-^Analogous to the choice of a spouse for one's child is choice
of a godparent, which, in most of Spanish America, creates the impor¬
tant relationship of "co-godparents" (compadres), entailing important
^reciprocal obligations usually of greater importance than the obligations
between godparent and godchild. That the relationship between parents
and godparents is more important is suggested by the fact that reference
±0 spiritual kinship in Spanish America is usually made to that relation¬
ship, namely compadrazgo, rather than the relation between godparent
and godchild, or padrinazgo (Deshon 1963; Mintz and Wolf 1950; Foster
1953; van den Berghe and van den Berghe 1966). The first comprehensive
comparison of this form of ritual kinship stressed two alternative
patterns of choices represented in Middle American cultures. Kinship
was either fictionally extended to non-kinsmen or kin relations were
intensified by adding spiritual kinship obligations to close kinsmen
'(Paul 19^2:56). The dominant choice in a given community indicates the
degree of willingness (or reluctance) to extend personal obligations
beyond the family. Those who have studied this institution emphasize
its variability throughout Spanish America, asserting its inherent
flexibility with regard to specific needs of the community. Choices are
generally well-considered and political and economically expedient.
If we assume that parents choose their children's affines as carefully
as they choose their godparents, marriage choices are consciously and
carefully planned.
Compadrazgo in San José falls at one extreme of the scale implied
above. Fifty-six elementary school children interviewed in San José
demonstrated a consistent pattern with regard to baptismal godparents,
indicating that these godparents were either grandparents or parents'

106
siblings. In only one instance did a child recall the name of a god¬
parent who was not a kinsman. There appeared a nearly total unwillingness
to extend spiritual kinship beyond close kinsmen. As a neighbor
remarked: "My husband thought that it was silly to name my mother as
godmother since she was already a grandmother to my child, but in the
end we named her godmother because we knew she would be hurt if we didn't."
The sample of school children may have been biased since most
were, by Costa Rican standards, affluent, if not actually elitq.
13
The last part of this statement appears to present faulty
logic if we think of power in terms of separable power-holding entities
rather than structural relationships. The power wielded by persons with¬
in social networks is not a simple sum of assets and liabilities but
depends upon relationships within a constantly changing structure. Even
where an alliance results in balanced reciprocal gain for both parties
when viewed independently from their networks, the changes in structural
position incurred by the readjustment of the structure in the aftermath
of a new alliance can easily result in differential benefits (and losses)
to the parties concerned. The structural benefits accrued by such
alliances are the important elements of power. The extent of power
inherent in a specific position within a network does not only consist
of the control over others linked in the network and their penetration
beyond the network. Key positions allow their occupants to speak and
act for the network as a whole. Thus, some persons may take advantage
of the corporate power of the group while others may not.
lU
In Costa Rica, we are speaking of the interbreeding of related
individuals, which, although intended presumably to concentrate and
maintain power, results in a homogeneous biological group because of
a restricted gene pool. The principles of power inbreeding need not
be biological, however—the term "inbreeding" is sometimes heard with
reference to Academia in the United States, nearly always with reference
to prestigious, here meaning "powerful," universities, which tend to
recruit from within their own ranks, thus preserving their position of
power (as well as validating their "prestige" by making it possible for
their own products to succeed).
^Cousin terminology in Costa Rican Spanish parallels the Anglo-
American system. In investigating kinship in both the United States
and Costa Rica it became clear that Costa Ricans, including school-
children, had a much clearer conception of the kinship system than do
Americans, many of whom cannot precisely define degrees of cousins.
This implies, of course, that such categories are more important to
Costa Ricans than to North Americans.
"^It is of some interest that United Fruit Company founder, Minor
C. Keith, could be located in a central position within this network,
having married a daughter (Cristina) of President José María Castro
Madriz (Stewart 196i+:50).
IT
Some of the names are represented with different spellings in their
genealogical history, e.g., Yglesias and Iglesias, Chavarria, Echavarria,
and Echeverría. Alternate spellings are grouped together throughout this
discussion since the differences are orthographic and not genetic.

107
l^ciearly, the more a surname occurs, the more likely that inter¬
marriage occurs. Thus, for example, the most frequently occuring,
Jimenez, has intermarried with more families, while the least frequently
occurring, Volio, has intermarried with the fewest families. This does
not refute the observation that the Jimenez family had great political
success for many generations, while the Volio family produced but a
few important politicians during one period. The figures presented
should not be interpreted to imply that the families not intermarrying
in Table VII never intermarried. Quite the contrary. The important
point is that these marriages indicate political alliances; there may
be other marriages of the "upper class" without political repercussions.
-*-9The analysis following this introductory statement was adapted
from Cerdas Cruz (1967).
^Cerdas Cruz (1967) uses the term "bourgeoisie" although it is
clear from the genealogies that Cartago and San Jose politicians
represented conservative and progressive factions within the elite
(Vega Carballo 1971:379).

CHAPTER IV
INSTITUTIONAL POWER: EDUCATION AND TOE ELITE
Institutional Power: Organizational Coercion
Power is not necessarily physical, nor does the use of power re¬
quire physical coercion or even the threat of physical coercion. The
individual is less often confronted with a choice between obedience and
/
punishment than a choice between reward, often illusory, or no reward.
In complex societies, rewards are commonly offered through institutions,
which may themselves offer the reward, such as employment, or they may
offer the only viable channel to follow in search of specific rewards.
In this chapter we will discuss education, an area which has become
highly institutionalized in modern societies. In Costa Rica, formal
education, i.e., education within formally recognized institutions, pro¬
vides requisite credentials for high socioeconomic position. Higher
education promises the most important avenue to social mobility. The
promise, however, is rarely fulfilled.
Education and Ideology
One slogan which is confronted time and again as part of the Costa
Rican political mythology is the "more-teachers-than-soldiers" theme.
The import of the comparison is clear: In contrast to the military
oppression characteristic of so many other regimes in Latin America, Costa
Rican democracy manifests itself in the enlightened educational policies
of Costa Rican leaders. We have already noted that there are flaws in the
non-military implication of the mythology; it remains for us to examine
the content and purpose of Costa Rican education.
108

109
Education in modern nations is an accepted responsibility of the
State. "Democracy" is equated with universal social rights, of which
literacy has become more and more accepted as an automatic right of
citizenship. Nevertheless, it is no secret that, at least in capital¬
istic nations, the well-born advance farther and reap greater rewards
from the educational system than do the poor. There seems to be some
relationship between educational systems and the maintenance of power.
Bendix points to two opposing aspects of democratic educational ideology,
To provide the rudiments of education to the illiterate
appears as an act of liberation. Nevertheless, social rights
are distinctive in that they do not usually permit the
individual to decide whether or not to avail himself of their
advantages....the right to an elementary education is indis¬
tinguishable from the duty to attend school [Bendix 1969:105-106].
Modern educational systems are powerful social and political tools.
Ostensibly these tools are employed for the benefit of all or nearly
all of the citizens. This is certainly part of the ideology concerning
education in Costa Rica. The results, however, are another matter.
The origins of public education in Costa Rica reveal interesting
features of the social and political structure of the past. The written
history of education reflects the same conflict between myth and fact
^that—we “have-considered before. Luis Barahona (1970) paints a picture
of Costa Rican history according to the ideological myths we have seen
before, i.e., colonial isolation, egalitarianism and poverty. He notes,
however, that the "youths of the rich families" attended universities in
Nicaragua and Guatemala, which qualified them to assume control of the
government at the time of Independence since the "ignorant public knew
nothing of 'sovereignty'" (Barahona 1970:2b). That the early Costa Rican
political leaders were so educated is a matter of record which cuts deeply

no
into the picture of an egalitarian society given by historians. There
were certainly some persons who had sufficient wealth to send their
children abroad to study. The masses were thus precluded from the admin¬
istrative tasks of government and business which required some degree of
literacy. Barahona's characterization of the public probably reflects
an accurate picture of how the learned felt about their rightful exercise
of political authority.
Founding of the University of Santo Tomás in San José
'Education played a curious role in the early days of the Republic.
Soon after Independence from Spain, political factions arose which were
associated with different cities. Originally Alajuela and San José
allied against Cartago and Heredia, although later San José successfully
defended her new hegemony against all three (in the "War of the League"
in 1835)- The rivalry between San José, the emerging Republican capital,
and Cartago, the colonial capital, is regarded primarily as a conflict
between traditional (Cartago) and progressive (San José) elements, a dis¬
tinction which is still made between the two cities. More specifically,
the difference has been described as one between traditional-agricultural
and progressive-commerical (Cerdas Cruz 1967), i.e., the Cathaginians
were an aristocratic, land-owning group, while Josefinos lived from the
profits of their commercial operations. San José benefitted greatly from
the establishment of the Tobacco Factory which gave the city an importance
it had not previously enjoyed (Fallas 1971), and this importance increased
as the profitability of cacao, on which depended the families of Cartago,
declined. Perhaps San José's first "progressive" act was to found, in
l8ll+, the first institution of higher learning in Costa Rica, the

Ill
University of Santo Tomás which, by the way, at first met at the Tobacco
Factory (Fallas 1971:209). To instruct in the school, the Josefinos
hired Rafael Francisco Osejo, known as Bachiller Osejo, a professor of
philosophy from Nicaragua. Osejo, as it turned out,.was filled with the
philosophical ideas of the French Enlightenment, and he became a rallying
point for the republican spirit of San José a few years later when
Independence was presented to Costa Rica (Perez Zeledon 1971:133-144).
The Montealegre were among the supporters of Osejo (Pérez Zeledon
1971:134) and it will be remembered that the first Montealegre was the
Director of the Tobacco Factory and one of the first great coffee-growers.
The University of Santo Tomas gave San José a great advantage over the
other cities, training a corps of ideologically sophisticated politicians
who formed the Generation of '89, governing Costa Rica for several decades.
The dictator Braulio Carrillo, Chief of State from 1835 to 1842, is
credited with giving the first impulse to education in the republican
period. He is also credited with establishing Costa Rica as a centralized
bureaucratic state under the undisputed dominance of San José (Cerdas Cruz
1967:157-167).. Santo Tomás established San José as the cultural-
educational center of the country.
The Closing of Santo Tomás and the Liberal Reformers
The university of Santo Tomás continued to operate as the one center
of learning in Costa Rica until it was closed in 1888. The act of closure
has been discussed at length by a number of Costa Rican authors and appears
to have transcendental significance with regard to the nature of Costa
Rican politics of the late nineteenth century, as well as demonstrating
some of the principles of importance to us here. The University was

112
closed during the administration of President Bernardo Soto. The key
figure in the closure was Mauro Fernandez, Soto's Minister of Education.
Don Mauro^ was himself educated at Santo Tomás. Barahona (1970:90-92)
calls him a "literal positivist" who put public instruction in the hands
of the State. The argument for closure was simple: since there were
no primary or secondary schools in the country, it was ridiculous to
have a university. The policy of the liberal, government was literacy
and public education for the benefit of State and society, and opposed
to an elitist university. Interestingly enough, the generation of
liberal republicans was trained, almost to a man, in the university it
closed. Previously, under the dictatorial hand of President Tomás
Guardia, the University had flourished with his blessing. The new poli¬
ticians were partially correct about elitism in the University, since,
despite their ideological notions, they were themselves members of the
best families. Mauro Fernández, the father of Costa Rican public
instruction,- is pictured frequently as a national hero. This, of course,
fits perfectly with political ideology which has ever since his time
stressed"education as the important democratic"function of government.
It seems, however, that those writers who noted a rise in Costa Rican
-d&ss^-consciousness trace its growth to this very period. Cordero notes
that-the closure of the University had the opposite effect to that intended,
-- -The liberal political current which guided the footsteps of
government during the last period of the century took charge
r~ of closing the university. Year after year the students of
the secondary schools graduated. Of these, those blessed by
wealth or official patronage left for Europe and returned
professionals, physicians and lawyers....
Before, only a few studied since education was for the
better classes. This was the most serious argument urged by
enemies of the established system. It was necessary to

113
popularize and democratize education. Once the University was
closed, the group of professionals would he greatly reduced
because the group of families economically able to send their
children to Europe was very small. High culture would be
reserved for the privileged group. This very group was that
ruling the State.
Without doubt the exclusiveness engendered by the
horizontal extension of instruction would create a higher
education of economic caste and a monopoly of knowledge.
A small number of "elites" would be in charge of public
functions, thus installing a timocracy [Cordero 1964:94-95].
Yet Cordero does not blame Mauro Fernandez for the resulting
differentiation of social classes. Both Cordero and Barahona argue
that Don Mauro could not have foreseen this. This may not have been
true. The Rector of the University, ex-President Castro Madriz, attacked
the closure, saying
...the suppression of the University will come in time to concen¬
trate literacy titles in the wealthy families which can send
their children to acquire them abroad [Cordero 1964:97].
It need not have taken much imagination to see that the closing of the
university would simply limit higher education to the rich as had been
the case some years before when Costa Rica had no university. Closing
meant simply that instead of having a few non-elite receive an education,
none would. In other respects, Cordero does not give the liberal group
the benefit of the doubt:
For the liberal "elite" of the eighties, freedom and demo¬
cracy were subjects for thought, for oratory and poetry without
any life in experience. That expression of Don Mauro—"I
believe in the Law"—confirms my judgment. This was theo¬
retical, abstract, universal law, not iaw in actuality [1964:115],
Cordero (1964) explains what he means: the reformer, President Bernardo
Soto, elected by free popular vote, thanks to the magnanimity of out¬
going President Rafael Iglesias, proceeded to rig the next election for
his own candidate, all the while asserting his democratic intentions.

The following election was stolen, in turn, by Rafael Iglesias. Demo¬
cratic liberals were sufficiently convinced of their principles not to
allow others the opportunity to establish their own regimes.
The Generation of '89, an outgrowth of the liberal movement, ruled
until 1936, achieving power in the first instance by free elections and
maintaining power by force (Rodríguez Vega 1971:31). In 19^0, a new
president was elected, Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia, who was attacked
by a new generation of liberals, the Generation of '48, as it is now
called, Calderon Guardia was accused of serving the interests of the
"oligarchy," although he sponsored extensive social welfare and founded the
University of Costa Rica anew. Once again it has become possible for a
few individuals outside of the ruling elite to obtain higher education.
-In justice to Don Mauro, it must be said that he spent a life de¬
voted to teaching Costa Rican youth. We have little basis upon which to
assume ulterior motives for his part in the educational reforms of the
nineteenth century. It is quite possible that he may have erred some¬
what in following too strictly an abstract point of view without
foreseeing the immediate consequences of his actions. It is also possible
that public instruction might have been greatly delayed in Costa Rica
without his reform.
Differential Access to Education in Contemporary Costa Rica
A new generation of liberals is currently in control of the govern¬
ment. Although it is too early to judge their accomplishments, we may
note that educational reform is important in their agenda. In 1972
total reform of the public school system was effected overnight. Since
it was a paper program, it created a certain degree of confusion but

115
little change. The Minister of Education promised seven new universities
in the immediate future, a promise which seemed to be impractical and
impossible. Education continues to be a rich source for political
propaganda.
Despite the emphasis on public education, certain features of Costa
Rican education reveal a close relation between power and access to
education. San Jose's dominant position in Costa Rica has brought
special rewards in education. Although the Central Valley contains
only 60 percent of the Costa Rican population, only 15 percent of the
illiterates reside in the Central Valley. It could easily be argued
that because of the concentration of population in the Central Valley,
educational expenditures reach more people there, but it is just as
clear that there is regional discrimination. When a second university
was under consideration not long ago, the first sites proposed were
within a twenty-five mile radius of San José. San Ramon, on the edge
of the Central Valley, seemed to win for awhile as a compromise in favor
of outlying Puntareñas and Guanacaste Provinces. Needless to say, it
would be almost as difficult for a Cuanacasteco to attend a university
in San Ramon as in San José. Fortunately, pressure finally resulted in
the establishment of university extensions in Liberia and Turrialba,
which provide opportunities for higher education to the residents of
Guanacaste and Limón Provinces.
Educational statistics demonstrate the superior position of San José.
As noted, San José has the only university. The Province of San José,^
with 31 percent of the national population, has 40 percent of primary
school (compulsory) students, and 48 percent of all secondary schools

(the percentage of students is probably higher because the secondary
schools of the city of San Jose include the largest schools in the
country). Significantly, 62 percent of Costa Rica’s private secondary
schools are located in the Province of San José. By contrast the
provinces of Guanacaste, Puntarenas, and Limón, the only provinces whose
capitals lie outside of the Central Valley, with 60 percent of national
territory and 28 percent of national population, had only 15 percent of
the secondary schools, none of which were private.^ The presence of
private schools are important since their graduates excell on the
university placement tests and have the advantage over students in public
school in entering the university (Denton 1971:**; Goldrich 1971).
Despite a large government budget for education, San José always
seems to benefit disproportionately. In 1952 there were but eight
public secondary schools in Costa Rica, one in each provincial capital,
•with two in San José. The latter, amazingly, graduated 43 percent of
total graduates. In 1969 the number of public secondary schools had
fisen to ‘65, ah increase of 700 percent, while the number in the Province
of San José had risen to 25, an increase of 1250 percent. From having
25 percent of the secondary schools, San José jumped to 40 percent. Add
to this a virtual monopoly of private schools and we can see that edu¬
cation in Costa Rica means, first and foremost, education for Josefinos.
" The Costa Rican educational system favors the rich in a multitude of
subtle and not-so-subtle ways. Colegios (secondary schools) require shoes
and uniforms as well as school supplies at the expense of the students.
Few camnesions, few urban poor can afford such luxuries. The Costa
Rican practice of wearing uniforms differs from that of some countries

117
such as Japan, where uniforms are daily clothes, similar for different
schools, reducing status distinctions based upon clothing. In Costa
Rica a student whose shoes or uniform are in poor repair may be ridiculed
by his peers and his teachers. Each colegio has a different uniform
and insignia so that better schools are easily recognized. Many of the
girls' uniforms have numerous well-ironed pleats, which present a chore
for mothers without maids.
The social class basis of educational distinctions was revealed
clearly in a questionnaire given to one hundred students at the University
of Costa Rica. As part of the questionnaire students were asked to
suggest "types of people" associated with a number of elicitation sets.
Included were places of entertainment, types of liquors, cigarettes,
clubs, periodicals, broadcasting stations and colegios. In general the
students were well able to make distinctions for each category except
periodicals. The category of colegios was the only category in which
students made frequent reference to social class ("middle class," "upper
class," "aristocracy," etc.), which was used to the exclusion of other
distinctions. The responses were consistent, i.e., different schools
fell into similar classes, relative to each other. At least among
university students, the social ranking of each colegio in San José is
clear and distinct. Private schools invariably ranked high in social
class, especially the bilingual schools where classes are taught in English.^
Private versus Public Education
a. Another facet of educational discrimination is differential quality.
As Denton (1971 notes, students from the private colegios consistently
I
score much higher on the university entrance examinations than those from

113
public schools. When the results from the examinations were published
in the Costa Rican newspapers in 1972, the top ten scorers were all
private school students. In addition, the wealthier families can assure
the success of their children by sending them to the United States for
high school or college. At the university, students are required to
learn the fundamentals of English. Many affluent parents send their
children to one of the bilingual colegios in San José or to the United
States. This not only gives them a great advantage in the university
but also prepares them for the important elite role of .broker between
foreign companies and the nation. Naturally a Costa Rican who has
acquired a proficiency in English as well as some acquaintance with
American habits and attitudes is in a favorable position in foreign trade,
the major business of Costa Rica. These are the people who can deal
most effectively with American businessmen and who can manage the Costa
Rican economy.
As the proliferation of public schools hit its climax in recent years,
many private colegios were founded.^ in the earlier years of this
century, when few of the non-wealthy classes attended colegios, there
were but a few private schools, and these were Catholic schools. In
recent years, non-sectarian private schools have been established and
bilingual or American-type schools have grown up (Lincoln, Metodista,
Country Day School). These cater to the children of resident Americans
and Europeans and the children of the elite. The elitist attitudes
present in the private schools find expression in social exclusion and
ridicule.

119
Solari (1967:U68) has categorized Costa Rica with Uruguay as one of
the few countries in Latin America which has not emphasized vocational
training at the secondary school level, which would have channeled lower
and upper sectors of the society into different types of education. This
seems an essentially correct interpretation of the statistics; however,
it should be clear from what has been written above that distinctions are
clear and precise. The development of vocational schools, perhaps
unacceptable in Costa Rica because of the democratic credo, might have
been fairer since, with the present system, the lower sectors have been
duped into believing that education offers them excellent opportunities
for social mobility. Such mobility does not come easily; the situation
of a workingman's university daughter, who was about to receive a degree
in Philosophy from the University after great sacrifices on the part of
her parents, offers a case in point. She could not find employment. Her
case was particularly sad since the father was a jornalero, that is, a
dayworker and not a skilled tradesman. He had innocently accepted the
social mobility concept of education, permitted his daughter to follow
an academic career rather than a technical one, only to find to his
dismay that her credentials were useless without the influence and social
position necessary for securing employment.
"Culto" and "Inculto"—Discrimination Based upon Socialization
_ Maintenance of power is greatly enhanced by preserving the solidarity
of one's interest group. The effective use of collective power requires
consensual support. For the powerful this means two things: (l) Bonds
with those of similar interests must be continually strengthened.
I
(2) Every group which has some characteristic in common with the elite
must be convinced of its real or illusory connections with the interests

120
of the elite, a requirement which often means presenting the appearance
of an interest group even when one does not in fact exist. C. Wright
Mills (1956:21+7) illustrates this point with businessmen in the U.S.A.;
the corporate elite succeeded in convincing the small businessmen that
business was their common interest and that they ought to support one
another for the benefit of both, although it was the corporate business¬
man who most benefitted.
Banding together in a united front can be seen on both subtle and
gross levels. Men may band together to keep women in inferior statuses;
two families may intermarry to strengthen the social networks of both.
In Costa Rica, the elite reinforces its interests by maintaining the
support of the urban middle class or the rural elite, the native-born
as against the intruders. In a multitude of ways, each characteristic
of the members of the elite is used separately to draw support from
groups who identify with that characteristic, but who cannot join the
elite for lacking all of the characteristics.
Since the Costa Rican elite shares language, race, culture and
religion with a large portion of the population, it can muster great
support in this way. But this presents another problem: there are too
many people who come close to the Costa Rican ideal—from families of
ancient Costa Rican-Spanish heritage, literate, respectable, urban people,
who are often difficult to distinguish from the elite in dress, manners,
breeding, and education. While economic status differences may have
subtle distinctions among the various sectors of the urban middle class,
money is not a suitable criterion for elite membership. A minority of
those interviewed saw money as the only criterion for social class. The

121
elite would have little control over its own membership if money were the
sole criterion of membership. The elite could not maintain old and re¬
liable, but somewhat impoverished members, nor could it exercise
selectivity in recruitment of new members. In essence this would result
in a sort of "democracy" of wealth, that is, where it is in fact possible
in Costa Rica for an entrepreneur to rise substantially in wealth, the
upper strata of society would be open to any lucky or clever man. Such
is not the case, not only because the powerful limit the life-chances
and wealth of others, but more importantly because of the social
limitations imposed.
One way in which social exclusion or limitation is achieved is through
education. We have seen how the elite maintains its advantage in the
acquisition of formal education, jealously guarding entry to prestigious
formal education. Yet the elite legitimizes its hold over society in
even more subtle ways. It distinguishes between gente culta and gente
inculta (roughly, "cultured" and "uncultured people"). This is the
"general high culture" of which Solari states:
...if traditional academic education is conceived of as the
antechamber to the university, it is also an institution of
general high culture. It has given generations of leaders
a fairly homogeneous outlook on the world and has contri¬
buted to the-establishment of a common elite ideology [Solari
1967:U80].
Within the homogeneity of Costa Rican culture, heterogeneity is intro¬
duced by means of the degree of cultura a person has acquired. Cultura
is somewhat equivalent to "culture" in the classic sense—good breeding,
good taste, appreciation of the fine arts, etc., but the terms are not
precisely correlative. Cultura and culture comprise a content of per¬
ceptions and discriminations which form the basis for social distinctions.

122
In formal educational institutions it is sometimes possible for a person
of less than elite background to rise to a position of power. A great
educator may be of humble origins. He might, if he were clever or had
a certain degree of charisma, establish educational standards within the
grasp of the non-elite. With regard to cultura, however, the well-born,
the aristocracy of taste, the members of the elite, remain the arbiters
of taste. While the rich bourgeois may cultivate the arts, fine wines,
and in general the life-style of the elite and thus win grudging member¬
ship, he may do so only by imitation and he is constantly watched to see
that his standards do not fall, that he not be considered "uncultivated,"
and thus reveal his questionable background. When he makes a misstep it
is because he is a Jew, or his father was a plumber, and so he does not
really belong. But a man born to the elite, with the proper credentials,
may abuse the same standards of good taste and not lose his membership
as long as he does not become a "traitor to his class" (all this is
stated in terms applicable to the United States, but the principles are
nearly universal in societies with observable, hereditary or semi-
hereditary upper classes). There is good reason for this to be so. The
well-born learn the rules of "high society" from the start, they know
all the subtle taboos, they can distinguish the undesirable, which may be
forgiven if not too frequent, from the prohibited, which will never be
forgotten. The upwardly mobile most learn the rules through their own
efforts, usually as adults. They mistake all the obvious symbols of
wealth for the true elite characteristics. They become Gatsbys, who are
accepted, used, and mocked all at the same time.
Costa Ricans find it difficult to spell out exactly the difference
between culto and inculto. This is to be expected since the differences

123
are subtle. Recognition of the two types, however, is not restricted to
the elite; this would serve no functional purpose. Most useful to the
elite is the situation which exists: a recognition of differences between
the cultured and uncultured without the ability to specify exactly what
those differences are. In Costa Rican primary schools, children receive
a grade for conducta, or "comportment." A child receiving a failing
grade in conducta may be required to repeat a year although his scholastic
achievement is acceptable. Children whose behavior does not meet proper
standards are sometimes sent to lower grades for an indeterminate period
and many Costa Ricans recall this treatment with considerable reflective
anxiety. This shaming process i£f very effective. At times it seems
justified, but sometimes the student has no control over the conduct
for which he is punished, as, for instance, punishment for soiled
clothes or a non-regulation uniform.
At this early time in life, the cultos and incultos are discerned.
The workingman's child grows to dislike school, probably will be an
"underachiever" and drops out of school as soon as possible. The poor
girl of sacrificing parents will leave the Colegio de Señoritas for the
Liceo del Sur and end up in secretarial school rather than the university
as_her parents had hoped.
: For the elite child, school is not a traumatic experience. He
arrives at school prepared for the tasks that will be presented. His
manners and speech already conform to the patterns expected. The
attitudes he holds and the attitudes of his parents prepare him for
success. The wealthy have an advantage in that they do not need to think
of education in terms of immediate practicability, i.e., education is

124
viewed not in terms of obtaining specific employment, but rather in terms
of status-prestige, leadership, association, etc. Thus the children
of the wealthy, the educated, and the powerful are prepared to accept
all the non-instrumental aspects of the formal insitutions, and, if
mature enough, they will concentrate on those aspects of learning which
make for success within the educational system. The non-elite parent
is likely to innocently regard educational credentials as a sufficient
means for upward mobility. He may believe that success depends solely
on intelligence and hard work. The elite parent may actually believe
these principles as well and instill them in his children, but education
involves requisite credentials for continued maintenance of high-status,
and he is much more aware than others of the many other factors involved
in success within an institution; he is, in short, an excellent counselor
to his children. While the non-elite child, to succeed, must learn not
only his subjects but also the way the system operates, the elite child
experiences "systems" from birth.
The child of an elite parent thus has a psychological advantage in
school, believing from the beginning in his ultimate success. He need
not question the rightfulness of the system nor its practicability.
In school, as at home, and unlike the child of the poor, he is rewarded
for successfully performing tasks of no demonstrable value. He will
never have to ask whether what he is learning is valuable; it is a
"natural" part of his life. Of course, it is valuable socially,
politically, economically, but he need not be concerned about this.
As the child destined for success rises in the academic system he
becomes "culto." Cultura lies at the top of the academic ladder:

125
philosophy, the arts, fine speech, and familiarilty with the world of
fine things. In a country as poor as Costa Rica, only a very few can
afford the leisure and money to cultivate this life of good taste.
Studying philosophy at the University of Costa Rica is possible only
for two sorts of goals: to become a teacher of philosophy or to accept
a position in the family business. An individual who studies imprac¬
tical subjects at the university may find himself unemployed if he
does not have the connections necessary to secure employment.
, In essence, then, cultura refers ultimately to the cultivation of
taste. Standards of taste, of course, are set by the elite. Costa
Ricans deny that cultura could be directly related to formal education
or economic position. Many say that an uneducated campesino could be
culto. They assert that good taste may occur at any socio-economic
level. It may consist, for instance, in the attention given to the
details of daily life, the effort to live in harmony with one's
surroundings, cleanliness, self-respect, courtesy, and good manners.
This picture represents the attributes of good taste in terms which
could be within the reach of anyone. The fact remains, however, that
it is much easier to be culto if one is rich. An uneducated man may be
culto in spite of his lack of education, but he has to prove his cultura
through his actions, and he may then be regarded the exception. The
uneducated are presumed to be inculto unless they demonstrate otherwise,
while the educated are presumed to be culto. Costa Ricans insist that
a peasant may have cultura, they insist in such a way as to emphasize
that it does not often happen.
Educational credentials and "cultura" combine to legitimize the
superior power of the elite. Since anyone may be culto, the man who

126
is both rich and culto partakes of a certain aura of superiority. He
can hardly help but impress others with his fine taste, elegant speech,
and good-breeding. His education, if he continues far enough, provides
him with social as well as professional status and privileges.
Education and Power
It is not difficult to see that the wealthy and powerful may obtain
education more easily than others. Nor is it difficult to see that
these same persons control educational institutions and establish educa¬
tional standards and requirements which are most easily fulfilled by
themselves. While all this is important to the powerful, education does
something else for the powerful: it educates them. Although this may
seem tautological, it is not. Formal education often entails a multitude
of tasks which serve no practical purpose. We often wonder why people
study Latin, Greek, philosophy, etc., if they are not planning to teach
these subjects to others. There is room for serious doubt as to whether
any academic course in philosophy ultimately aids the student in under¬
standing or dealing with anything except the subject-matter of the course.
For the elite, however, philosophy teaches a needed skill—it teaches
the manipulation of word and symbol essential to the art of politics.
Politics does not consist simply of administrative skills. For those
who have power, politics involves the maintenance and control of the
existing power distribution and control over changes in society which
may affect the distribution of power.
Scholastic training in literate societies has always emphasized those
studies directly related to verbal skills and abstract symbols. The
first advanced programs established at the University of Costa Rica were
in law, philosophy and philology. One might wonder at the usefulness of

127
such studies in an underdeveloped country in which the economic base is
almost entirely agricultural exports. We may note that all three sub¬
jects deal with training in verbal and symbolic skills. Except for
law, these fields offer little opportunity for employment. Philosophy
and philology are nevertheless desirable studies at the University of
Costa Rica. Few but the rich can afford to do more than dabble in
those fields; they tend rather to pursue professional and technical
studies.
Verbal and symbolic skills are vital in ideological salesmanship.
In religion or in politics, ideology involves the critical process of
translating behavior into symbols and symbols into words. Law does
just that, as we all know; but politics in general consists in ab¬
stracting the principles desired by the politician into values which
appeal to others. The powerful are in constant need of persons skilled
in manipulating words and symbols so as to legitimate the status quo.
Acquisition of these skills mark one as an educated person and they
always provide the advantage in an argument—abstraction clothes out¬
rageous statements in logical garb. Cordero seems to have recognized
this principle in criticizing the liberals of the Generation of '89:
This generation betrayed their words with their deeds. This
generation inaugurated a democracy in words but behind it an
enlightened despotism. Some scholars in our time lament the
loss of many illustrious discourses and valuable manuscripts
of the period. This lament is justified but only for the
literary critic or the historian of our national literature.
If they had been preserved in entirety, those discourses
would only have served as clear proof of the distance between
their verbal, poetic and emotional content and the practical
politics of their authors [Cordero 196^:91].

128
Summary
In Costa Rican history, formal education until recent times has been
an exclusive privilege of the elite. This has been true primarily of
higher education, where it is still true today although limited numbers
of non-elite social strata are now entering the University. While public
instruction is not divided into academic and vocational schools or
programs, which distinguishes social classes in some nations of Latin
America, the relative inaccessibility of higher education for the non-
el^te serves a similar purpose since university education is a pre¬
requisite for the limited offering of white collar positions. Thus,
while vocational training in one country might be said to channel lower
classes into blue collar jobs, in Costa Rica the same result is achieved
by limiting white collar jobs to university-trained persons (Denton
1971:5-6). Unfortunately, the upwardly mobile can anticipate little
relief in the future since the export-dependent agricultural economy is
not likely to generate large increases in white collar jobs even if
university enrollment is increased.
During the colonial period, formal education was practically non¬
existent in Costa Rica. Those who could afford to do so sent their
children abroad to be educated, thereby restricting literacy to the
elite. The progressive young city of San José founded the first insti¬
tution of higher learning in l8lL, called the University of Santo Tomás,
which, from its beginning, represented liberal reformist sentiments in
keeping with the Josefino spirit. Eventually Santo Tomás was closed by
its own liberal alumni who, having come to political power, viewed the
University as' an elitist anachronism and closed it in favor of extended

129
public instruction at lower levels. Elimination of higher education in
Costa Rica resulted in the reinforcement of elite power, however, by
again restricting higher education to those who could afford to send
their children abroad. This situation continued until the end of World
War II, when the University of Costa Rica was founded in San Jose.
Although higher education is now available to non-elite individuals,
entrance to the University is limited. Rich families still educate their
children outside the country, often at secondary schools. In recent years
many private secondary schools have come into existence, primarily in
San José; and their graduates have consistently scored high marks on
university entrance examinations, thereby enabling the affluent to main¬
tain a privileged access to higher education.
It should come as no surprise that the children of the wealthy and
powerful in Costa Rica have always had special advantages in acquiring
advanced education. Even the United States, with one of the longest
histories of democratic reform of public education, manifests marked
elitist favoritism (Karier 1967; Mills 1956:63ff.; Domhoff 1967:16-19).
The historical relation between higher education and social class in
Britain as a determining factor in elite training and recruitment is
generally well known; present-day Germany appears to be even more elitist
despite strenuous attempts at reform (Dahrendorf 1967). While the advan¬
tages of the Latin American elites in acquiring higher education are
quite well known by area specialists (cf. Lipset 1967:^*0, the most
comprehensive statement yet to be published concerning Latin American
elites, including four chapters devoted to education, declines to describe
this bias toward elitism in favor of structural analyses of university

130
systems (Lipset and Solari 1967). Unfortunately, this approach, which
emphasizes routes of reform, characterizes the rhetorical style of educa¬
tional reformers who have laid grandiose plans for social change through
democratized education. Such reformers have been a principal subject of
the present chapter. In Costa Rica we have found that these men are
themselves members of the elite, and we must add that their privileged
position allowed them to acquire the rhetorical skills with which they
were able to guide the course of education.^ The continued elitist
nature of contemporary Costa Rican education has been asserted by
Goldrich (1966) and Denton (1971)-
As a final note, it is interesting to consider Costa Rican high
education in the light of a recent statement considering a Nigerian
university:
- The University is in fact training a bureaucratic elite that
resembles the mandarin class of imperial China. It creates
c- ,- learned gentlemen versed in an esoteric and recondite intel¬
lectual tradition which is little more relevant to the
;;lr- realities of their society than the Confucian classics were
to pre-revolutionary China.... Nevertheless, the very
- difficulty of acquiring these skills ensures a double
selection of students in terms of intellectual quality
p- . and socioeconomic background [van den Berghe 1973:59-60].
lie might add that such education is highly "relevant" to the realities
of the social structure if not to.the needs of the country.

131
NOTES
1In researching Costa Rican history the use of "Don" for affectionate
respect is encountered more frequently with Mauro Fernandez than with any
other public figure. He appears to be the one untarnished god in the
pantheon of Costa Rican statesmen. We will therefore take the liberty
here of departing from our customary practice in following the customary
practice in San Jose.
^While Don Mauro and associated political reformers of the late
nineteenth century are consistently labeled "liberals" the supporters
and builders of Santo Tomas may be similarly described. In particular,
José María Castro Madriz and Lorenzo Montufar advocated programs for
Santo Tomás which would be classified as liberal even today (Claxtcn
1970:210-231). They, too, however, revealed elitist-conservative view¬
points in actions which betrayed the enlightened content of their liberal
statements. "Liberal" in the context of late nineteenth century Costa
Rica, often meant a reformist philosophy based upon the French Enlighten¬
ment and, above all, a strong anticlericalism. Education was inevitably
an important concern of reformers since the schools were staffed by
clerics, often the only persons qualified or desirous of academic
instruction (cf. Claxton 1973:17, in 1882 the National University of
Guatemala closed because there were not enough secular professors).
" ^Educational statistics have not. been broken down by cantones, so
that comparisons in some cases must be made by Provinces. The Province
of San José.includes.a.rural area which has little relation to the city
of San José beyond the provincial administration. The rural area lies
outside of the Central Valley. San José Province occupies approximately
10 .percent of. national territory; about two-thirds of the. population of
the Province lives in the Metropolitan Area (guaranteeing political
control); only San Isidro in.the South can boast of being a population
center (the distrito numbers 30, 898 persons).
^Calculations based upon data from the Anuario Estadístico (l97l)>
5c-oidrich (1966:17-18) surveyed a group of students attending a
private Catholic boys' school in 1962 and found that the students
classified their fathers as 9 percent from the working class, one-third
profess: LL men, and the rest managers and businessmen. Sixty-nine
percent of the students' families were automobile owners, in itself an
indication of high economic status. One-third of the students had
family members in the highest-level political posts.
^While this statement is based upon the observations of several
informants, Samuel Stone (personal communication) has provided additional

132
information worth repeating here:
Private colegios began to appear as a result of a special
type of 'zoning' by Government, whereby children residing in a
given area had to go to the public school in that area. Up
until then, there were several highly prestigious public schools
to which all elite children went, regardless of place of residence
(Edificio Metálico, Juan Rudin). When the change came, private
schools were formed at the instigation of elite families to
avoid what was considered excessive inter-class mixing.
Twe may contrast the rhetorical and empirical views of education
by comparing Vázquez de Knauth (1967:202), who describes Mexico's
"national integration through education" as one of her "most success¬
ful achievements" with a recent political analysis of the Mexican city
of Jalapa which indicates that there has been little indication of
change in the direct correlation between high social and political
position and educational achievement (Fagen and Tuohy 1972:84-87).

CHAPTER V.
PHYSICAL DIVISIONS OF THE CITY AND THEIR SOCIAL CORRELATES
Geography and Society
In this chapter we will describe the major physical features of the
city of San José and its immediate environment. Our discussion will
turn quickly to features which are the result of human settlement.
Physical features not only include rivers and mountains but also streets
and buildings. These latter provide the context in which -we can best
understand the Josefino. Where man simply adjusts to the impositions
of natural terrain and climate, the social significance of his settle¬
ment is partly obscured; but, where man has remodeled the landscape for
his own purposes, we can anticipate that manner in which the remodelling
is done will reveal important aspects of the society (archeologists in
fact draw important inferences from settlement pattern as primary-
evidence) .
As the cornerstone of the Costa Rican nation, San José has grown and
developed in accordance with historical events and trends, with major
social divisions, and with geographical necessity. We can anticipate
that the physical organization of a city bears some resemblance to the
organization of social forces which create and maintain it, and in this
respect San José does not disappoint us. In fact the organization of the
city and its inhabitants' perception of that organization confirm and
clarify the historical and contemporary organization of Costa Rican society.
The City Plan and its Physical Context
San José exhibits a grid-plan or "checkerboard" physical organization
133

13k
common to Latin American cities (Foster 1960:31+)- Streets lie at regular
intervals, running north-south or east-west, forming blocks that are
square. This pattern is followed consistently in virtually all Costa
Rican towns. Because of the great modern expansion of San Jose, the
pattern breaks down somewhat in peripheral areas of the city where
buildings must conform to uneven terrain. Streets are numbered from two
central axes. North-south streets are calles (streets) and east-west
streets are called avenidas (avenues). There are few differences between
thé two except that there is more east-west movement so that some of the
avenidas assume greater importance. Streets are numbered from the
center outward, i.e., Calle Central is numbered "0" as is Avenida Central,
and the two intersect in the heart of the city. Like most other Costa
Rican cities, the town was originally built about a church facing west,
overlooking a town plaza. Costa Rican towns, like many other Latin
American towns were established in colonial times to concentrate the
scattered population. In Spanish America the Crown attempted to organize
-Indians in repartimientos , towns organized around a church, plaza and
nearby governing agencies usually located in buildings surrounding the
plaza, with commercial enterprises nearby. In Costa Rica the same pattern
was_ .followed except that the population consisted of colonists as well as
-Indians. It is far from clear whether the scattered farmers in and
around the area that is now San Jose were Indians, Spanish or a mixture
of the two, but it is clear that the pattern of dispersed settlement did
not suit the Spanish administration and efforts were made to establish
nucleated settlements where practicable. San José was established in
I
this way as a center for the farmers scattered throughout the - area and

135
appears not to have been a town prior to the building of the church,^
later replaced by the Metropolitan Cathedral in the center of the city.
At present the Cathedral overlooks Parque Central, which remains a
central gathering place for Josefinos.
San José Center, i.e., the downtown area composed of the four distritos
which form the Canton Central, is roughly rectangular, bounded on the
. < -f
north and south by two rivers, Rio Torres and Rio Maria Aguilar, and on
the east and west by artificial, or "political," boundaries. San José
lies at the eastern end of the Valle de San José. The area around San
José is called the Central Plateau (Meseta Central) or the Central
Valley (Valle Centrad.) and in some ways the latter designation is more
appropriate since this area falls between two mountain ridges. Driving
through the Central Valley on the old InterAmerican Highway, one is im¬
pressed by the-uneveness of the terrain, but looking down from the
surrounding mountains, one has the impression of a long plain stretching
from, east to west. The area designated by Central Plateau in fact
included two valleys,-the Valle de San José and the Valle del Guarco, the
latter forming the eastern half of the Central Plateau and the former the
western half. While San José dominates the Valle de San José, Cartago,
the colonial capital, dominates the Valle del.Guarco, which was the first
area of the Costa Rican central highlands to be settled by the Spanish.
Although each of the four important cities of the Central Plateau has
something of its own character, Cartago, separated from the others by a
low pass between the mountains, is distinctive in character, considered
by Costa Ricans to be conservative, traditional, very Catholic (religion),
and less cosmopolitan than the other cities.

136
This is a highland area, varying in altitude from 3000 to 5000 feet
above sea level. The temperature is moderate and changes little through¬
out the year, never varying but a few degrees from 70° Farenheidt in
San José. Seasonal climatic changes are marked primarily by the amount
of rainfall. May marks the beginning of the rainy season, called Winter.
Humid air crosses the Caribbean lowlands until it is forced to rise over
the Cordillera Central, a spine of high mountains, often volcanic,
which extends through the center of the. country from northwest to south¬
east. The Cordillera mountains lie to the north and east of San José,
and, as the months of the rainy season progress, one sees earlier each
day the clouds which rise over the three great volcanoes of the area
(Poás, Barba, and Irazu) about to drop rain on San José. Thus, many
days in San José begin with warm, sunny skies, only to be followed by
cold (relatively speaking) rainy afternoons. Perhaps because of this,
Costa Ricans of the area are early risers, even in the city, taking
advantage of the early sunshine. Clothes-washing may begin at five
o'clock in the morning in order to get the clothes on the line in time
bo dry before the rain begins. In a sense, Costa Rica is like an island
where the weather depends more on sea currents and conditions than on the
topography of the land. The rain seems continually to defy prediction.
During the "Summer," from December to May, there is relatively little
rain and the countryside turns from lush green almost to brown. The
period from New Year's to the end of March marks school vacation and is
the time when Josefinos flock to Puntarenas and the Pacific beaches.
This seasonal variation has a great impact upon activity in San José.
Ordinarily, during the rainy season, downtown San José appears empty in

137
the afternoon. Josefinos remark that October and November are depressing
months, when everyone is locked up in the home or office. On those few
days of this period when it appears that rain is not coming, about three
o'clock in the afternoon everyone flocks toward the downtown area,
marching up and down the Avenida Central, enjoying the beautiful day. In
December, the end of the rainy season is generally marked by a cool period
of two or three weeks with misty, envigorating days and cold nights,
Josefinos describe this as their favorite time of the year; the rainy
sedson is ending and Christmas is at hand. During December, the shopping
area of the Avenida Central, the major thoroughfare of San José, is
closed to vehicular traffic, and Josefinos spend every available hour of
leisure walking the street and greeting their friends. A sigh of relief
breathes through the whole city, and it becomes alive, friendly, and
Charming. At night parents take their children to the "avenida" to throw
confetti at passersby.
£¿v_The Christmas season is immediately followed by a three-month school
recess. During this period, those who can afford vacations at the beach
or visits abroad take the opportunity to travel and enjoy themselves.
This season is probably the pleasantest of .the year since there are no
disrupting rains nor has the hottest part of the dry season arrived.
This.seems to be the principal reason for having school vacation at this
time, since a vacation during the September to November period would in
fact be less disrupting on the schools since this is the period of the
coffee harvest, at which time the children of poorer parents are em¬
ployed in the harvest and add substantially to family incomes at this
I
time. As a result there is a great deal of absenteeism in which students

138
of the lowest economic strata suffer the most.
While seasonal variations reveal relatively little of the social
structure of San José, physical or geographical variations relate
closely to important social and economic divisions. Differences in
residential patterns occur primarily outside of the central core of the
city, which is dominated hy commercial activity and where rich and poor
are likely to live in proximity within the residential areas. While
differences of social strata are evidenced in distinctions between
barrios (roughly, "neighborhoods") many residential barrios are diffi¬
cult to classify because they are not economically homogeneous. Thus,
residence in certain barrios would imply socio-economic stratum but
residence in other barrios is socially ambiguous. Since individuals
participate in the activities of different parts of the cities and do not
simply belong to the area in which they reside, a judgment of social
position is best determined by the entire round of activities in which
an individual participates. Different activities show different distri¬
butions; an individual’s social rank relates directly to the manner in
which he uses the city, where he goes as well as where he lives.
Major Physical Divisions
_ The center of San José constantly draws people to it. People work
there, shop there, and entertain themselves there. Movement through the
city as well as in its central commercial core is stronger in an east-
west direction than north-south. To the west lies most of the Valle de
San José and to the east lies the Valle del Guarco, including Cartago,
the rail route to Limón and the highway to Panama. To the north and south
are mountains, limiting population, transportation and communication.

139
The InterAmerican Highway travels through the center of San José,, forming
the Avenida Central and its extension to the west, Paseo Colon. Except
for the Paseo Colon, which is broad, nearly all streets in downtown San
José are one-way streets. Avenidas north of the Avenida Central are
odd-numbered in sequence, with the Avenida Central numbered "0";
avenidas to the south are even-numbered. From Calle Central, also
numbered Calle 0, calles to the east are odd-numbered while those to
the west are even-numbered. The lower the number of a calle or avenida,
the closer it is to the center of the city. While we will here make a
few references to numbered streets, it should be kept in mind that
Josefinos rarely calculate locations in terms of streets. Only important
streets are generally identified by name or number and this is usually
done either with reference to a prominent landmark on the street, or for
thoroughfares, by their destination outside of San José, e.g., the
Highway to Desamaparados. The Avenida Central is a prime exception,
"Being a landmark in itself, even referred to at times simply as "the
Avenue." Although the Avenida Central extends to the east toward Cartago,
"the Avenue," i.e., what a Josefino thinks of when Avenida Central is
-used~as a referrent, is that portion which extends from Paseo Colon,
intersecting Calle lU, to about Calle 11, or a distance of 13 blocks.
Within this section, extending the area three blocks to the north and
tliree blocks to the south of the Avenida Central, are to be found most
of the government ministries, bureaus and agencies, most of the home
branches of Costa Rican banks, the two large produce markets of San José,
the department stores, a majority of San José clothing stores, and a
large number of places of entertainment. All of the large hotels of the

downtown area are found in this area, and the Cathedral, Central Park,
and the National Theater are all located within a block of the Avenida
Central. In short, most of the "national" activity to which San José
owes its prominence takes place within this small area. During the day
it is crowded with people and vehicles and during the night it is one
of the only areas of the city where more than a few people may be seen
on the streets.
Avenida Central has two parts, to be distinguished as much by the
pedple who frequent them as by the activities which take place in them.
From Calle 4 west, the commercial area of San José which surrounds the
Avenida Central can be said to be dominated by the market area and the
people who frequent it. From Calle 4 east, the Avenida Central is
characterized by shops for luxury goods, department stores and other
concerns which cater to the well-to-do. The contrast is striking, even
to the new visitor. The western half is extremely crowded, the streets
are: lined with produce stalls with barely enough room for vehicular
traffic. The people are dressed simply, and the shop windows contain
¿'crowded and disorderly arrangement of inexpensive goods. By contrast,
the eastern portion has many fine shops with luxury goods from abroad,
pedestrians are more elegantly dressed, and the streets are for the most
part clear (Avenida Central has no parking or stopping but the streets
leading away from it are often difficult to traverse). The status-
prestige of the two sections of the area can be suggested by the
distribution of activities to be found within each of them. In the western
portion are to be found the two markets, many cantinas, repair shops,
I
many retail shops and, at night, this area becomes the "red-light"

district, complete with tars, cantinas, dance-halls, bordellos, and
streetwalkers. The eastern section contains most of the government
agencies, the Cathedral, the National Theater, and the "first-run"
movie theaters (to see current U.S. and European movies, one goes to
the eastern section; to see old Mexican films and "Italian" westerns
one goes to the western section). Entertainment in the eastern section
is strictly for the affluent—discotheques for the young rich, some
excellent restaurants, a few bars where the visiting foreigner can
meet the higher-priced prostitutes.
From the eastern edge of this prestigious section of the central
commercial district, Avenida Central ascends toward San Pedro and,
ultimately, Cartago. As the commercial sector of the city expanded in
the last few decades, affluent Josefinos moved steadily eastward. Around
the turn of the century, when San José numbered about 30,000 persons,
many of the important families maintained their residences in the
immediate vicinity of Central Park, and others were building large homes
in Barrio Otoya and Barrio Amon, immediately to the north of what is now
the commercial district (these barrios still have some of the largest
and most impressive residences in San José). In the 20s and 30s, many
of. these families moved to Barrio Gonzalez Lahman. In this barrio was
built the College of Law, the lone surviving element of the University
of Santo Tomas, which later moved to San Pedro with the founding of the
University of Costa Rica. The zone to the east of the commercial district
contains what we might term the "prestigious" agencies of the government.
Here are to be found the Legislative Assembly, the Presidential Palace,
the National Museum (a fortress until the 19^+9 Constitution disbanded

Ih2
military forces), and the new Supreme Court building. Significantly,
the National Library, completed in 1971» was moved from the commercial
district to this area. In the 1+Os, 50s, and 60s affluent Josefinos
began populating the barrios north and east of Barrio Gonzalez Lahman
to form what are now considered the conspicuously rich barrios: Los
Yoses, Francisco Peralta, Escalante, and Dent. With this development,
eastward movement reached the town of San Pedro, an old town which today
is dominated by the university and surrounded by prosperous barrios.
Eastward movement has continued to the present day to be the favored
direction of expansion for rich families. A number of elegant and
ostentatious homes have recently been built and others are under con¬
struction east of San Pedro, near or in Curridabat, one of the oldest
towns in the Valle de San José and until recently an agricultural
community of scant economic resources.3
The tremendous expansion of San José in the twentieth century (from
30,000 to 350,000) has put great pressure on the downtown area, where
-few spaces remain for construction. In addition to eastward movement,
'the population has expanded in all other directions. The southern
barrios, which once contained only workingclass families, often new
arrivals to the city, have expanded northward to meet the center of the
city. While the fact seems not to be recognized by many of the residents
of the more prosperous barrios, many of these southern barrios have risen
considerably in economic stature in recent years. The prices of city
lots have risen enormously and few workingclass families can now afford
to build in their old barrios, so that where one sees new homes in the
I
area, they are generally unostentatious but attractive, not unlike many

143
of the homes recently built in the northern barrios of Otoya and Amén,
which are losing much of their former aristocratic grandeur.
It is interesting that in the recent history of San José, both the
barrios of the affluent and the poor grew up around the two railway
stations. The two stations are named for the coasts each serves—El
Atlántico and El Pacífico. El Pacífico serves all of the Valle de
San José as well as Puntarenas on the Pacific and is the point of arrival
for commerce and migrants from these areas. Established in the southern
pai»i of the city in 1897» there grew up about the station a number of
industries, especially lumber yards, many still in evidence today.
During the administration of President Gonzalez VÍquez (1906-1910),
small, cheap lots were sold in Barrio El Laberinto, just north of El
Pacífico and the site of several small factories (Rodriguez Monge and
Terran de Beck 1967:70). From these beginnings grew the workingclass
southern section of the city. Today the area immediately to the north
of El Pacífico contains the heaviest concentration of both small and
large repairshops, machine-shops, lumber yards and woodworking shops.
Notable as well are brothels nearly as numerous as those of the red-light
district in San José Center.^ This period of growth of the southern
barrios reflected the increasing prosperity in Costa Rica through the
coffee boom of the nineteenth century and the opening of Pacific and
Caribbean ports which transformed the country from its traditional co¬
lonial isolation to a growing agricultural exporter. For once the ruling
group had money to spend, and San José offered employment to a new urban
proletariat. With the establishment of the southern barrios, San José
became geographically divided between workers and wealthier urban dwellers,

adding a new social division to the long-standing and prominent (even
today) division between rural and urban dweller.
The railroad /to the Atlantic seems to have had a lesser impact upon
the social strata of San José. The railway station was and is located in
the northeast section of the city and fine homes were built along, or
close to the tracks. While this railway was important to the economy, it
did not bring an influx of workers as did the Pacific Railroad. In the
first place, the Atlantic seaboard was sparsely populated. The workers
who lived there were predominantly Negroes brought from Jamaica to build
the railroad and tend the banana plantations and they were not, originally,
allowed to travel beyond the rail stop at Turrialba, entrance to the
Central Valley.
The elitist aspect of the Atlántico station area is symbolized by
two seemingly trivial events. In 1920, the church of Santa Teresita was
built on the border of Barrios Aranjuez and Escalante as the affluent
were expanding into this area. It developed and maintains a reputation
for a rich membership and generally has the most elaborate processions
in San José during Holy Week. It replaced the Metropolitan Cathedral in
social prestige as the rich moved away from the center of town. In recent
years, however, Josefinos have noted a severe decline in the quality and
elaboration of the processions from Santa Teresita. The explanation
probably lies in the fact that an expensive and modern church was re¬
cently built in the heart of prosperous Barrio Los Yoses, the membership
of which must certainly be the richest of the country. Fatima, as it
is named, unlike most of the churches of San José, is located in a de¬
pression, at some distance from through streets and the poorer barrios

nearby. Its architecture is "rough-and-rugged" modern, clearly distin¬
guishing it from traditional Costa Rican churches. This church does not
open its arms to all.
Westward expansion has been the mo^t recent in San Jose . As the
Avenida Central passes the market leading vest, it expands and becomes
Paseo Colon, the only street in San José with four-lane, two-way traffic.
Paseo Colon is the grand entrance to San José from the west. It extends
for some twenty blocks to La Sabana, a long flat grassy area that was
the site of the first San José airport, more recently replaced by the
international airport near Alajuela. For a time La Sabana was used as
a municipal light aircraft landing field, but extensive residential and
industrial building around the area created safety problems, and the
airport was relocated farther to the west in Pavas.5 Paseo Colon is
lined with many fine homes although restaurants and nev-car showrooms
are commercializing the street which was once the elegant boulevard of
San José, a place for Sunday promenades down to a ballroom in La Sabana
where romantic Josefinos were accustomed to spend their Sunday after¬
noons. The area on either side of the Paseo Colon is primarily
residential though not exclusively rich as are the eastern barrios. The
western extension of the city, while newer, rivals the Los Yoses area in
ostentation. To the north and west of La Sabana, about three or four
blocks in depth, are richly appointed homes. This area is known for the
predominance of resident Polacos, Jews who migrated to Costa Rica to
escape the persecutions of Nazi Germany.6 The area farther to the south¬
west, toward and including the town of Escazu has an area of sumptuous
homes, a great many of which are owned by Americans and Europeans. Most

of the Americans resident in Costa Rica are extremely rich by Costa
Rican standards. Until recently Escazu was populated primarily by im¬
poverished agricultural workers and the rich American colony residing
there today presents an extreme contrast which encourages resentment
against the intruders. It is interesting to note that a few years ago
the American Ambassador's residence was moved westward from a fine house
next to the Legislative Assembly downtown to Escazu near the Costa Rica
Country Club, while many other embassy residences moved to Los Yoses,
in keeping with the Costa Rican current.
Pavas, a town directly to the west of the city, together with its
surrounding area, has in recent years become the center for burgeoning
light industries. La Uruca, a section to the northwest of San José, has
also recently experienced industrialization. From San José, the west
offers the only land which is neither heavily settled nor mountainous,
and it would seem that this area will eventually develop into an in¬
dustrial zone and workingclass residential zone connecting San José with
Alajuela. Logically enough, Pavas was not only the site for the new
psychiatric hospital, and municipal airport but also for an extensive low-
cost housing development constructed by the government for inhabitants of
the 'urban slums,, hiding these elements even more than they had been
hidden when they had lived beneath the city's bridges.
In 1851 more than one hundred years after its founding (in 1737 or
1738) San José was still a simple grid-plan city with only nine streets
running east-west and nine running north-south.7 At this time the city
streets delimited an area identical to what is here described as the
commercial center. By 1889, the city had roughly doubled in area,

demonstrating a distinct eastward movement. The compactness of the city
during this period suggests that the primary distinction in basic geog¬
raphy was between town and country—Meagher notes in 1858 that the
surrounding coffee fincas could he seen from almost any spot in the city
(Fernandez Guardia 1971)• The twentieth century has been marked by a
continuous and accelerating expansion which has entailed not only exten¬
sion from a central core, but also incorporation of outlying towns. The
originally compact, square city has moved in several directions, evidencing
economic and social differences and, to a lesser extent, ethnic differ¬
ences. Rich residents of San Jose have moved steadily from the center
toward the east. The southern part of the city, with the establishment
of the Pacific Railway station, has become a center for basic industries
and the area of residence for a growing urban proletariat.
While Costa Rican political and social ideology asserts a traditional
absence of social classes and a present preponderance of a middle class,
at least in the Capital, the growth of the city suggests otherwise.
Whether by accident or by plan, manual workers were early restricted to
the southern area of the city at some distance from the center and out
of the way of the eastward movement of the more prosperous. Until re¬
cently, the affluent have spread out along major arteries of communication
(the railway to the Caribbean and the road linking San José with the other
provincial capitals), while the poor have been concentrated in the least
conspicuous areas of the city and surrounding countryside. At present,
the less-than-affluent are encroaching upon the center of the city and
the rich are moving beyond the city limits to homes not always visible
from the major thoroughfares.

148
Residential Divisions of San José
The Josefino may refer to the area of San José in which he lives in
a variety of ways. His "neighborhood," or vecindad, goes by no name but
refers simply to the cluster of residences among which some interaction
is present. In many instances interaction is so rare that an individual
has difficulty conceptualizing his neighborhood. In contrast to this
subjective category, the term barrio refers to a wider geographical area.
Barrios range greatly in size, some being little larger than a vecindad.
As a rule, however, barrios are too large to permit frequent contact
among all their residents. Josefinos say that barrios were friendlier in
the past. As recently as twenty years ago each barrio had its own fútbol
("soccer") team, youths tended to identify with the barrio and there were
strong inter-barrio rivalries. Today barrio identification appears to
have more significance with regard to social position than with group
solidarity.
Barrio boundaries are usually main thoroughfares or natural features
such as rivers or streams, but sometimes they are marked by a pulpería
ía small general store) or some other man-made landmark. In the down¬
town area many of the barrios are named for the churches they surround.
The newer, prosperous barrios are often named for the man who owned the
coffee plantation which later became a residential area. Many of the
'downtown barrios have become so invaded by commercial establishments that
they have little feeling of community identity.
Barrios are semi-official units. Although they do not have official
political organization or administration, many of the barrios have formed
groups to represent their interests before the national and municipal

lit 9
governments; these "protective juntas" (juntas progresistas) are generally
to be found among the barrios in the economic middle—the poor have
neither the time nor the expertise for such activities, and their resi¬
dents are more concerned with moving out than with cooperating to improve
the barrios; and the rich have little need for such organizations since
they can solve problems by calling influential friends.
On official maps of the city, barrios are indicated by name but
boundaries are not drawn. Many Josefinos, especially those residing near
*
the center of the city, are not certain about the name of the barrio in
which they live. In attempting to ascertain barrio boundaries, Fonseca
Tortos et al. (1970) found that residents had difficulty placing bound¬
aries and often called the same area by different names. Nevertheless,
barrio identification is often important for social reasons. Josefinos
have very clear notions of what many San José barrios are like and the
people who reside in them. A University of Costa Rica student once
remarked that she could name the barrios in which Carmen Granados, a
radio personality, placed her skits. Carmen Granados portrays several
different San José women in a series of comical caricatures. Although
barrios are never named in the skits, the student was convinced that San
José barrios had sufficient individuality to be recognized in the skits.
Barrios, then, constitute perceptual categories as well as administrative
and geographical units.
Perhaps because of the amorphous geography of the barrios, Josefinos
tend to identify themselves with a prestige barrio whenever possible.
When a number of civil servants were interviewed at one of the govern¬
ment ministries, it was found that many lived in an area called Hatillo.

150
Hatillo lies on the southwestern outskirts of San Jose and has hoth an
old, impoverished section as well as a new area, called Ciudadela Hatillo,
which consists of homes "built and financed "by the Costa Rican government.
When asked where they resided the respondents named Hatillo, Ciudadela
Hatillo, or Hatillo #3 or #4. Those who lived in the poorer section were
the ones who responded with "Hatillo." Since the six sections of the
Ciudadela each correspond to a different price range, those who lived in
the less expensive sections responded with "Ciudadela Hatillo," which
distinguished them from the poor, while those who lived in the more ex¬
pensive sections always provided the numbers of the sections.8
Residential areas of San José may he roughly divided into four
categories which correlate with a perception of the wealth of their resi¬
dents. Barrios residenciales refers to the residential areas of the rich;
the translation "residential barrios" could in fact be used to distinguish
residential areas from commercial areas but in general the terms apply
to the new areas which have many fine homes and have very few commercial
establishments. Tugurios are the areas of slums considered to be the
poorest sections of the city. These are not "slums" in the sense of
decayed dwellings, as in the United States, but usually consist of
squatter settlements, makeshift structures which provide minimal pro¬
tection from the elements and little else. This is where the urban poor
live. The dwellings are often built on land which has no commercial,
value, such as river banks and under bridges. Because of their location,
the tugurios, like the rural shacks of the peasants who live near their
fields, are rarely seen by anyone except the people who live in them.
A third type may be referred to specifically rather than by category,
namely, the Barrios del Sur, or the southern barrios, a large group of

151
residential areas traditionally associated with the vorkingclass. These
"barrios may he referred to as poor hy Josefinos hut this judgment seems
to he less definite than the "rich11 designation. There is a great range
of economic standing among the many barrios in this area. The price of
land in San José is high, even in this area, hy contrast with land values
elsewhere in Costa Rica.
The final category of San José barrios is corriente, i.e., "average"
or "typical." Barrios so described may also he called middle class,
although agreement on this matter would he difficult to achieve since
many Josefinos do not use this term and others would disagree over which
barrios of San José are middle class (this term, of course, refers to
the residents, while even "rich" and "poor" could he used to refer to a
barrio itself, as well as its residents). Despite these difficulties,
we can acknowledge that there are many barrios surrounding the center of
the city which are classes as neither conspicuously rich nor conspicuously
poor.
The four categories can easily he related to social strata and even
better to economic strata. The terms used correspond to four major socio¬
economic divisions which are recognized hy a great many Costa Ricans,
namely, rich, middle class, poor and "those who live in extreme misery."
The four categories were listed above in a logical hut not an economic
or social class order. Costa Ricans have little difficulty describing
conditions of great wealth or great poverty, i.e., "those who have every¬
thing," and "those who live in extreme misery." It is somewhat more
difficult to draw lines for those who are merely "poor" and more difficult
still to determine what is "middle class."
While these are admittedly

152
subjective and relative terms, whose definitions vary among different
individuals, conceptually we may recognize two distinct boundaries—one
setting off the rich from the rest of society, the other setting off the
very poor. Many Costa Ricans define the "poor" as those with enough
material resources to survive but not enough to enjoy life as it should
be enjoyed. The middle class thus remains a residual category between
rich and poor and for this reason must be presented last among the four
categories.9
The Middle Class in San José
One of the ideological supports for Costa Rican democracy is the
"large" middle class. Yet it is difficult to find this large middle
class. The ring of barrios which surround the commercial center of San
José are neither rich nor poor. They provide San José with much of its
middle-class flavor. This area provides support for the middle-class
image Costa Rica enjoys, at least to the visitor, for whom this area is
the most visible and accessible. Objectively, however, the economic
stratum represented by these barrios is a small segment of the population
of Costa Rica. A majority of the people who work in San José cannot
afford to live in the central area, and certainly not in the middle-class
area. Of the Metropolitan Area of San José (population: 395,^01) little
more than half (205,650) lives in the Central Canton. The distritos,
cantonal subdivisions, which form the downtown area (Merced, Carmen,
Hosptial, and Catedral), contain 113,085 persons, including rich, poor,
and middle-class residents and constituting 29 percent of the residents
of the Metropolitan Area.10 In addition, many persons living outside the
Metropolitan Area work within it. Many civil servants interviewed who live
outisde of San José but who work in the downtown area stated that they

153
could not economically afford to live in San José, and all those inter¬
viewed earned at least twice as much per month as the national average.
The ’’typicality” of the central barrios of San José and the notion of
a large Costa Rican middle class are views which cannot be supported
statistically. Few Costa Ricans consider the Costa Rican average income
a living wage. People earning i+00 colones per month (the national
average) cannot afford school uniforms for their children to attend high
school; they cannot afford to rent a home with plumbing facilities in
San José, nor electricity nor hot water; they cannot eat meat more than
once a week, if that often. If such people are middle class, then Costa
Rica has a large middle class. Costa Ricans themselves do not call such
persons middle class.
Outside of San José the inequality of wealth is even more striking.
Alajuela, Heredia, and Cartago, small cities within twenty-five miles of
San José and each a provincial capital, are all miniature copies of San
José, lacking, of course, the commercial, political and cultural advan¬
tages which are concentrated in the national capital. In these cities
the distribution of wealth is more disproportionate than in San José—a
few fine homes, a few small barrios with material amenities, all
surrounding the town center, and all surrounded by large areas of rural
poor. Yet these towns are prosperous by general Costa Rican standards.
They are agricultural centers which provide some profit for agricultural
processers, shippers, and retail merchants. Thus, even within the Central
Valley, only a small area within the orbit of San José can boast material
prosperity as understood by Western standards. The rest of the country
is generally beyond the awareness of Josefinos, who speak of the Central

Valley as the "real" Costa Rica. Guanacaste and Limón Provinces are
viewed almost as foreign countries; their residents and local cultures
are referred to disparagingly by Josefinos.
The implicit vagueness of the term "middle class" makes the grouping
difficult to pinpoint in Costa Rica. The area of San José most readily
identifiable as "middle class" represents a small portion of the pop¬
ulation of the capital city; it has virtually no counterpart elsewhere
in the country. Well-to-do Josefinos provide the cliche, "Ask any Costa
Rican what class he belongs to and he will say 'middle class.'" The
notion that Costa Rica has neither rich nor poor has been uncritically
accepted by some American investigators (Busey 1962; Biesanz and Biesanz
19^5)- In fact, however, when many Josefinos are asked about their
economic condition, they say "poor," and they can furnish convincing
arguments for the veracity of their response, often adding, "but we are
more fortunate than the people in the countryside."
The distortion of actual economic conditions in Costa Rica is not
difficult to understand. The middle class of San José is the most visible
Costa Rican group, concentrated as it is in the heart of the capital city.
Its relation to other classes is somewhat similar to the position of San
José in relation to the rest of the country; it is centralized while
others are dispersed; it is found all in one place, with access to every
form of institutional power in the country. This is an educated class,
one which has access to some of the benefits of Costa Rican society and
government. To a great extent, this group of Josefinos fills all the
minor posts in government and business. Nevertheless, no salaried person
in Costa Rica is really well-to-do; only the highest administrative

155
positions pay more than $300 per month, and the cost of living, beyond
minimal subsistence requirements, is quite high, owing to the fact that
Costa Rica produces very little in manufactured goods. The rich in¬
variably obtain most of their income through non-salary sources.
The "myth" of the middle class, however, is an important element
of the political ideology as it relates to the distribution of wealth
and power. First of all, it has the practical benefit to the rich of
disguising their monopoly of power and political influence. This sleight-
of-hand is accomplished in an apparently logical manner:
It is a difficult task to determine at what moment the
three-class system was inaugurated in Costa Rican society.
But I believe that there is no doubt about the existence of
a middle class, becoming more and more defined, during the
nineteenth century, as a continuation of the small land-
owners of the colonial epoch. As evidence of this, suffice
it to point out that the most energetic rulers of the nine¬
teenth century pitted themselves against the oligarchy,
accomplishing their progress despite it.... It cannot be
thought that these statesmen [Mora, Tomás Guardia, Rafael
Iglesias] would have confronted the powerful economic
interests without relying on popular support. It is incon¬
ceivable that they could have maintained the exercise of
authority and ordered steps necessary for the national
interest without having behind them a people giving them
support, a people whose political support could be sought
by the governor who was defying the powerful, especially
if we consider that these statesmen, with the exception of
Guardia, did not try to obtain support by force of arms
[Gutierrez G. 1963:98-99]-
In continuing this argument, Gutierrez claims that the middle class ob¬
tained "definite control of Costa Rican political life" in the beginning
of the twentieth century. Two points must here be emphasized: (l) The
middle class is not now and never has been in control of Costa Rican
politics. Stone (1971:125-126) demonstrates that most of the important
political figures of the post-World War II period are the descendants of
the same group of powerful coffee-growers which have maintained political

156
dominance ever since Costa Rica achieved independence from Spain. (2) The
middle class, if that is what we wish to call it, despite this label, is
a highly privileged group with respect to the vast majority of the people.
This group obtains the important white collar, salaried jobs; lives close
to good schools for its children; and lives in modest but comfortable
homes with "American" luxuries. This group, like the ruling elite, is
able to maintain its privileged position by virtue of the geographical
position which it occupies and the special access it has to wealth,
education, and power. The so-called middle class is presently taking
advantage of geographical centralization of social institutions, living
close to schools and jobs. The rich are at the central power core even
though not residing in the center of the city (although some do). Never¬
theless, their expensive suburban homes are bought with the rents and
profits they have gained on their property in the center of the city. They
own the commercial center, which is the most valuable and the most
important.
It has never been demonstrated that the middle class actually origin¬
ated from the alleged class of small landowners. In fact, everything
points to an opposite conclusion, namely, that the small landowners of the
nineteenth century were reduced to peonage by the agricultural capitalists
who turned coffee production into a profitable business (Gutierrez G.
1963:96). The urban proletariat which grew up in San José toward the end
of the nineteenth century was segregated, uneducated, and underpaid;
this was the migration from the rural areas, not the middle class . For
some unknown reason, the growth of middle classes ordinarily implies
upward mobility or differentiation from lower classes. In Costa Rica it

157
would appear more likely that the present middle class is primarily
derived from the less successful descendants of the upper class. Because
of the customs of inheritance, many sons of the elite entered medicine,
law, other profession or occupations which offered prestige and remun¬
eration (Stone 1971:111) and the conservative-liberal political schism
in Costa Rica was traditionally based upon the different interests and
perspectives between the landowners and professionals and merchants who
all came from the same families. Thus the support which the "middle
class" may have given the liberals of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries was support of the rich branch of the family by the poorer
branch, which, of course, was the recipient of bureaucratic patronage.
Summary: The City and the Elite
It has been common to assert dual divisions in Latin American nations
especially "rich" and "poor." We take the view here that there are the
rich (or powerful or elite) and the others, or, as the Costa Ricans put
it, los ricos y los demás. These "others" could all be economically dis¬
tant from the rich or they could range from very poor to "almost" rich.
The important point is that some people are at the core of power and
wealth, and this is more important than the Siam of their financial assets
To speak of wealth tends toward quantitative distinctions which are
relatively precise and suggest a vertical stratification of society. One
can always set arbitrary measurements of stratification, TV set owner¬
ship, area of residence, yearly income, etc., and such measurements have
been commonly used in Costa Rica (Fonseca Tortos et al. 1970; Loomis and
Powell 1950; Sariola 1958), used, we believe, inappropriately, arbi¬
trarily, and even capriciously.-*-^
Nonetheless, social reality consists

158
of interrelationships which are difficult, if not impossible, to quantify.
We have attempted to show that power presents another picture. Since
power involves energy and networks of interrelationships , units of power
are measured in terms of energy flow, so that interrelationships are
always involved. It would probably be best to describe an individual
as using power rather than having power. These concepts do not lead
easily to a picture of vertically arranged separable entities.
Like figures in dollars and cents, population figures only tell a
smefll part of the story of society. In San José the center of the city
has always had special importance. During the colonial era, the present
center was the limit of the city, forming a compact urban area distinct
from the agricultural countryside (see Figure 4). Over the years the
city expanded in several directions; and as it expanded, lines of social
class were drawn. The wealthy and powerful maintained control of the
Center, which has in modern times become a commercial center (see Figure
5). As the residences of the wealthy have moved away from San José
Center, many of the most important symbols of the nation (government
ministries, the National Palace, the National Library) have moved with
them. San José still belongs to this group, and to San José belongs the
nation.

1800
Country
Country-
Town
1850
Rural
Urban
Rurál
1930
Rich
Commercial
Rich
Poor
Figure b
Historical Growth of San José (schematic)

1972
Rich
Rich
Middle Economic
Strata
Commercial
Poor
Rich
Rich
Poor
Figure 5
Contemporary San José (schematic)

161
NOTES
^González Víquez (1958:481-485/ argues that the date of the founding
of San José should not he 1738, the date of the founding of the Parish,
but should be 1755, the year Tomas Lopez del Corral, Alcalde of Cartago,
ordered various persons to move and establish residence in the new
town (actually called "Villa Nueva") under pain of corporal punishment
and exile for the poor and a one hundred peso fine for the well-to-do
(it seems a clear distinction was drawn between classes as early as 1755)
^In addition to the fact that school vacations come at a time
which accomodate the rich rather than the poor, these vacations also
play an important part in social differentiation. Those who can afford
to do so travel at this time of the year. Many go to the Pacific beaches
especially Puntarenas (not all these beaches have the same social
significance—Puntarenas might be called "popular," with the social
connotation that term implies in English). It is also common to visit
Miami, Florida, but more distant points, such as New York, San Francisco,
or Paris, carry considerably more prestige.
^The preceding discussion of San José was derived from a great
variety of sources, the most important of which were personal inter¬
views and conversations with Josefinos. Some of the flavor of San
José in the first half Of the twentieth century can be gleaned from
the numerous sketches in the anthology collected by Lilia Ramos (1965).
L
To give the reader something of the flavor of the area, one of the
brothels overlooking El Pacífico is named "The Logs," after the many
logs which surround it and which belong to a nearby lumberyard. Some of
the most famous, or perhaps most "notorious," brothels seem to be
located in this area. During the day, however, one is generally unaware
of the brothels since, except to the discerning eye, they are practically
indistinguishable from other residences of the area. In daytime the area
manifests the great activity of more respectable occupations.
^The municipal airport was relocated on property adjacent to the
new psychiatric hospital and has proven to be disturbing to both the
patients and the staff. One is forced to conclude that the government is
more concerned with the anxieties of the rich residents of La Sabana than
with the mentally ill.
^"Polaco" may refer to Polish nationals in general, but because .a
large number of the Jewish immigrants were from Poland, the term in Costa
Rica, has come to refer to this group of immigrants, and even more
specifically to the Jewish merchants who own retail stores in the market
area. The term Judío would refer to Jewish peoples in general or to non-
Costa Rican Jews. Chacon Trejos (1970:12) in writing of christianized

162
Jews who came to Costa Rica during the colonial era is careful to
distinguish them as Sephardim, not to he confused with Ashkenazim of
"Germany, Russia, Poland and other countries."
^The historical data presented here were taken from Rodriguez
Monge and Teman de Beck (1967).
o
°A university student claims to have heard people give their
address as "three miles east of the first entrance to Los Yoses."
Barrio Los Yoses is the most prestigious and houses are located by the
distance from the entrance to the barrio from Avenida Central. Three
miles from the first entrance would place a home two miles from Yos
Yoses.
9lt should not be thought that Costa Ricans always verbalize four
socio-economic categories.; quite the contrary, most provide two or
three when asked to enumerate social divisions. The position of the
individual within the social structure has a great impact upon the
relative importance of these social divisions, so that many state that
Costa Rican society is divided into the "rich and the rest (of us)" or
the "poor and the rest (of us)."
-^Figures are for 1969 (Anuario Estadístico 1971).
-*--*-It is difficult to obtain accurate income breakdowns in Costa
Rica, but in 1972 newspapers and official sources repeatedly quoted
LOO colones per month (roughly US$50) as a national average. Skilled
tradesmen working for a government ministry earned 800 colones per
month on their salary and supplemented this with work outside of the
ministry. These workers considered themselves "poor" although all
readily admitted that they were much better situated economically than
the rural workers.
-JO
■L¿The classification of barrios in San José which served as the
basis for several stratification studies (Fonseca Tortos, et al. 1970)
began classifying according to a number of empirical indices, only to
later reclassify several barrios according to the personal impressions
of the researchers. While we would prefer the latter method (personal
impressions of the researchers—the researchers, except for one, were
native Costa Ricans), biassed as it is, classifying according to a j
combination of personal impressions and empirical measures seems a
peculiar method of classification.

CHAPTER VI
THE PERCEPTION OF SOCIAL DIFFERENCES
Introduction
Thus far, many of the residents of San José have been given short
shrift. Most Josefinos are not members of the elite, but this does not
mean they are the senseless pawns in games of power. Their access to
power may be limited; but they, too, act to better their relative
positions. Nonetheless, in most instances they must accept the injustice
of having been born outside of the inner circle of the elite. They must
continue in their daily lives; and in so doing their activity comprises
most of the activity of San José—they work, they go to school, they
keep house and raise children. All this must be done within the social
context of the city; and, being human, they must often attempt to under¬
stand this social context of which they are a part. We will here examine
selected examples of these activities, of the perception of the social
context, and some of the beliefs, explicit and implicit, which actions
and perceptions reveal.
Of particular interest to us are the characterizations of the nation
and national and local society. We all must categorize important elements
in our panorama, particularly our fellow human beings. This chapter is
largely devoted to an analysis of such categorizations by native Costa
Ricans as well as observable categories. Our interests and methods are
not unlike those of Warner (1963) with the difference that native per¬
ceptions and categorizations are themselves of minor significance to us
163

l6íi
in comparison with what they tell us of the power relationships which
underly them. Since the ideological viewpoints we have discussed so
far have been thase of the elite, we must now investigate their impact
upon the rest of society.
Native Perceptions
A special problem confronts the anthropological investigator in
his attempt to ascertain social or cultural "truth." As is well known
to veteran fieldworkers, informants are often as unaware of the social
facts as the anthropologist who begins to study them. Also, informants
are eminently capable of deceit—there is no reason why, in the presence
of an anthropologist, a native should suddenly become open, ingenuous,
truthful and guileless, especially if such characteristics are uncommon
qualities in his culture. A healthy skepticism is advisable in the
fieldworker—"don't believe everything they tell you!" Informants are
human and have personalities as well as interests to protect. This is a
problem for any fieldworker, but the problem is accentuated when dealing
with educated, sophisticated Western city-dwellers. For instance, the
anthropologist arriving for the first time in Latin America will find in
the capital city that, despite his prior preparation, he knows less about
the people he is about to study than many of them know about him. For
example, the sophisticated Josefino is probably more likely to know what
an anthropologist is than the sophisticated Miamian. Part of this is
due to the dependent status of Costa Rica; Costa Ricans must know about
Americans, Americans need know little about Costa Rica. The fieldworker
in San José encounters a special situation. As one person put it, "It
is one thing to come as an anthropologist to study our country, but as

165
an American you come as a representative of a country which is here
considered an imperialistic exploiter." Thus, the image which a Costa
Bican presents to the anthropologist is based upon his evaluation of
his interest in making the presentation. He may want to get something
from the anthropologist. He may want to represent Costa Rica in the
most favorable light. He may want to justify his own place in society.
He may want to propagandize the political ideology which legitimates
the structural systems in existence. While the anthropologist in a
tropical forest may represent a quantity unknown to the people he is
investigating, the urban anthropologist in a foreign culture can be at
a terrible disadvantage; many of his informants have already acquired
expertise in dealing with Americans.
Even without this problem, it is important that the anthropologist
attempt to find the means to investigate cultural patterns which infor¬
mants cannot disguise. The ultimate objective of anthropology is to get
into the minds of peoples of many cultures to understand what it is to
be human. This often involves the search for tools to investigate what
people think without the intrusion of either investigator or informant,
i.e., the ways in which people express their thoughts without realizing
that they are doing so and the neutralization of the investigator in his
influence over the respondent and in his bias as a social person and a
bearer of his culture.
As part of the investigation of Costa Rican culture, a questionnaire
(see Appendix H) was developed which attempted to accomplish the ends
enumerated above. The questionnaire asked for classifications of Costa
J
Ricans by Costa Ricans in such a way that prejudices would be difficult

166
to disguise, and the self-interest of the respondent would he involved
only as a facet of his belief rather than as part of his relationship
to the investigator. The questionnaire aimed generally to elicit
linguistic categories, namely, words, for "types" of people in San José.
This was done in a variety of ways but the principle was basically
simple—the question would ask a simple association between a place, a
thing, etc., and kinds of people. In this way it was hoped that the
respondent would be unaware of the principal purpose of the questionnaire,
which was to examine the categories used to discriminate between different
people and the principal characteristics involved in such discrimination.
The stimulus used for the discrimination was initially unimportant, that
is, of prime importance were the ability to discriminate and the categories
used. The questionnaire was entirely subjective; no attempt was made to
elicit standardized, quantifiable results, since the questionnaire was
intended to be investigatory. Nevertheless, once it was found that the
respondents were in fact able to discriminate closely between types of
people and that their categories showed sufficient similarity to suggest
cultural rather than idiosyncratic patterns, the stimuli used became
relevant. Since the questionnaire was given to university students first
and primarily, certain conclusions about social class are related to the
nature of the sample. That this group represents the ruling elite cannot
be doubted, although individuals may not belong to the elite. The number
in the sample was 100, but many students neglected to answer many of the
questions so that the number of answers for a given question may vary
from 20 to about TO. The responses were examined for content rather than
statistical analysis so that figures will be given only where there is

some doubt as to the validity of the results. The same questionnaire
was given to an additional 28 persons, ranging from adolescents to the
aged and masters to servants. In general the university students were
among the best informed and best acquainted with their city of those
questioned. As we shall see, each person is to some extent restricted
in his use of the city and therefore is restricted in his knowledge of
the city. Nevertheless, the range of responses elicited from the students
presented a diversity similar to that of the others questioned. In the
months following the administration of this questionnaire, many of the
problems raised were resolved through interview and observation so that
the discussion below must be considered to be the result of much more
than a strict evaluation of responses to the questionnaire.
One part of the questionnaire consisted of a series of 12 adjectives
(see Appendix H) for which respondents were asked to name a barrio of
San José to fit each adjective. The list was too long. Many respondents
grew weary of answering since the number of omissions increased in re¬
lation to the last adjectives. Some of the adjectives drew little
response, suggesting that they were inappropriate for categorizing barrios,
but this enhanced the reliability of the other adjectives as stimuli.
For example, while many respondents provided answers to "Jewish," few
answered for "Negro," "German," or "Spanish." Subsequent interviews
revealed that Josefinos do not perceive residential enclaves of these
groups, i.e., no particular barrio holds a reputation for containing a
large proportion of Negroes, Germans, or Spanish. Few respondents had
difficulty categorizing the barrios of San José. Those who responded to
most of the adjectives included between twenty and thirty barrios. Many

168
gave towns instead of barrios, usually the towns, like Moravia,
Desamparados, and Alajuelita, which are part of the Metropolitan Area
and are characterized as a whole rather than by barrio.^ In addition to
towns and specific barrios, the Barrios del Sur were named as a group
in response to "poor." Two streets were mentioned—Avenida Central and
Calle 12, the latter enjoying a notorious reputation for houses of
prostitution. The Central Market was named for "dirty," and San José
Center for "commerical."
• Of particular interest in Josefinos' characterization of themselves
were the responses to "patriotic" and "political," with which most
respondents had difficulty in naming a specific barrio. Several put
"none" for patriotic and "all" for political.^
The responses are not amenable to statistics since they are open-
ended and subjective. Certain features, however, deserve comment. First,
the greatest agreement occurred with the adjectives "rich" and "poor."
While most of the adjectives achieved a wide variety of responses, more
than 80 percent of those answering for "rich" gave Barrio Los Yoses. No
other response approached agreement of this degree. For "poor" were given
barrios of the southern group or the slums adjacent to them. Barrios
named as "rich" were also named for "pretty, clean, well-cared-for,"
and "stingy." The "poor" barrios were also named for "dirty, bad, ugly,"
and "pachuco." The area around the University of Costa Rica was named
as "intellectual" and "cultured." The area of downtown San José which
forms a zone around the commercial center and which I have suggested might
be categorized roughly as middle class contains the barrios most fre-
I
quently named for "good, stay-at-home, and courteous."

169
The responses in general reflected the divisions already described.
Greatest agreement was found for rich and poor barrios; and, although
the former were characterized favorably in physical characteristics,
those adjectives which may he construed as referring to the people of
the barrio rather than the barrio itself obtained the most favorable
responses for barrios which were neither rich nor poor.
A second part of the questionniare which is relevant to our dis¬
cussion here related places to people. The question asked was: "What
kir>i of people go to....?" This was followed by a list of thirty-four
places (Appendix H). The purpose of this and some other questions was to
discover (l) how residents of San José classify their fellows and (2) the
extent to which such classifications could be made in association with
places. Included in the names of places were bars, stores, churches,
movie theaters, cities in and out of Costa Rica and various other places
of entertainment.
There were, of course, wide-ranging differences among the responses.
Those few students who were not native Josefinos demonstrated significantly
less knowledge of the city than Josefinos. This was to be expected. A
few of these, however, such as the students from Heredia, were sufficiently
knowledgable to be included; their answers conformed closely with the
answers given by Josefinos.
Before discussing the classifications made, some observations con¬
cerning different types of responses are in order. First of all, among
the university students, there was a striking difference between male and
female respondents. Since the questionnaire was subjective, analyzable
results depenaed upon a willingness of the respondent to give the

170
questionnaire serious consideration. One of the problems with the
questionnaire was that respondents had only a vague idea of the purpose
of the questions. Ostensibly the questions seemed to inquire about
specific but apparently trivial matters. It was anticipated that few,
if any, respondents were generally aware that the classifications used
were important independent of the reference which stimulated a particular
response. For example, the respondent is unlikely to be aware that the
specific places mentioned are of less importance than the categorizations
evidenced in the responses.
Initially it was of prime importance to discover whether or not the
respondents could classify at all since there was at this point no
certainty as to whether or not the general categories used and the specific
listings were culturally relevant categories. The apparent ease with
which most students were able to classify on both counts put this problem
to rest. It was then necessary to determine what conclusions could be
generalized from the results. Where classifications demonstrated clear
uniformity, conclusions were generalized. Where uniformity was lacking
or ambiguous, it was concluded that the area was trivial or ambiguous.
In some cases this confirmed a failure to find meaningful distinctions
through either observation or interview. In asking for classification
of types of people from among places, radio stations, cigarettes, liquors,
social clubs, periodicals, and secondary school affiliation, only
periodicals proved difficult for respondents. Some periodicals, such as
news dailies, were so widely read as to defy classification, or so
specialized as to be unknown to the majority of respondents.
Males and Females
Among the student respondents, difference between male and female

171
responses was striking. They differed in the manner in which they dealt
with the questionnaire and in the specific responses which they gave,
even though the terminology and general characterizations were used by
both sexes. The most striking difference was in "quality." The best
questionnaires were selected for later interviews with the respondents.
The criteria for the "best" responses were the extent of completion of
the questionnaire, the ability and willingness to make fine distinctions
(a few respondents tended simply to divide people into "good" and "bad"),
and general knowledgeability. It was discovered that, quite uninten¬
tionally, of ten questionnaires selected, eight had been completed by
women, despite the fact that the male-female ratio of respondents was
roughly equal. This difference was echoed throughout the questionnaires.
Nearly one-third of the questionnaires were sufficiently incomplete to
be excluded from a general comparison of the responses; males were
prominent in this group. A few respondents provided joking or absurd
responses; all these were males . A few commented negatively on the
questionnaire itself; all but one of these were men. By contrast, four
women and one man commented that they regretted not having sufficient
time to answer the questionnaire properly. In general, females accepted
the task seriously while a significant number of males did not. In
addition, women tended to provide more specific distinctions while the
men evidenced a tendency to make casual or sweeping generalizations.
The sex difference is interesting in view of male-female stereotypes
and "ideal" types. Traditionally the Costa Rican female is typed as
submissive, dutiful, responsible, and obedient; her activities should
center around the home and child-bearing and child-rearing.3
Women are

172
thought to he less knowledgeable of affairs of the world, not inclined
to be intellectual, even less