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Telemachus in French prose, 1700-1750

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Telemachus in French prose, 1700-1750 an objective approach to a theme
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Alfred, Joseph Ralph, 1947-
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English
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v, 240 leaves. : ; 28 cm.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Beauty ( jstor )
Heroes ( jstor )
Kings ( jstor )
Literary characters ( jstor )
Love ( jstor )
Mentors ( jstor )
Morality ( jstor )
Narrators ( jstor )
Novels ( jstor )
Poetry ( jstor )
French literature -- History and criticism -- 18th century ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis--University of Florida.
Bibliography:
Bibliography: leaves 234-239.
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
By Joseph Ralph Alfred.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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TELEMACHUS IN FRENCH PROSE, 1700-1750:
AN OBJECTIVE APPROACH TO A THEME












By

JOSEPH RALPH ALFRED


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY




UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1974
















TABLE OF CONTENTS





INTRODUCTION .................................................... 1

CHAPTER I: FENELON ...... ...... .... ........... ........... .... 7
Part 1: The Introduction of the Telemachus Theme into
the XVIIIth Century .. ................... 7
Part 2: Form and Style in the T61emaque .................... 17-
Part 3: Characterization in the T1eemaque .................. 24
Part 4: Morality and Politics in the Telmaque ............. 37
Conclusion .......................................... o .. ..... 50

CHAPTER II: THE TELEMACHUS THEME AS A FACADE ................. 56
Part I: Grandchamp's Le T14lmaque moderne .................... 57
Part 2: Les Loix du roi Minos ................................ 81

CHAPTER III: TELEMACHUS AS AN EDUCATIONAL MODEL .................. 97
Part I: Lambert's Le Nouveau Te16maque .......................... 98
Part 2: Palissot's L'Apollon Mentor, ou le Te16maque
moderne .......... 9 ...., ..... .....................140

CHAPTER IV: TELEMACHUS AS LITERARY MODEL: MARIVAUXIS
LE TELEMAQUE TRAVESTI ...............................155
Part 1: Characterization ......... ........................161
Part 2: Narration ............. .................................199

CONCLUSION ........................................................224

BIBLIOGRAPHY .....................................................234

CURRICULUM VITA .............................................................240









Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
.of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

TELEMACHUS IN FRENCH PROSE, 1700-1750:
AN OBJECTIVE APPROACH TO A THEME

By

Joseph Ralph Alfred

December, 1974


Chairman: Douglas Bonneville
Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures (French)

Fenelon's Les Avantures de Tel6maque, fils d'Ulysse was one of

the most prestigious and influential novels of the eighteenth century.

First published in 1699, it spawned many imitations, most of which

copied the antique setting and philosophical bias of the original.

Five authors, however, sought to exploit the work's popularity directly

by referring in the title to Telemachus, even though the works had

little in common with the royal preceptor's epic educational voyage.

These five differ from the archbishop's work and among themselves in

every way: in form -- including structure, point of view and genre --

in characterization and in philosophical orientation. Four of the

works are modernizations; two are treatises; one is a burlesque.

Some of them display only a superficial relationship to the original,

while others correspond to the model in a very general way, sharing

the fundamental theme of the educational voyage. All show a high

degree of independence from Fenelon's work, although most do not

demonstrate much imagination in adapting it.

For the early exploiters, the Te16maque served to publicize their

own works. Grandchamp's Le Tel4maque moderne (1701) is a memoir

which shares with the original only the names of the main characters










and its attacks on passion. The transformation of Telemaque and Mentor

into moral weaklings neutralizes the homilies which are appropriated

from the original Mentor. More faithful to the original in its poli-

tics, the Loix du roi Minos (1716) presents under the guise of an

addition to the Tl16maque a treatise on jurisprudence. Despite philo-

sophical correlations between the two works, the only links between them

are external: the attribution of the work to Fenelon, the publication

with a summary preceding it, passages at the beginning and end to

intercalate the lesson into the action of the Telemaque, and the pre-

sence of Tel6maque as the disciple learning about the ideal laws.

Later adaptors of the theme stress the central concept of the

educational voyage and eliminate most correlation of details. C.-F.

Lambert's Le Nouveau Telmaque (1741) presents the memoirs of a young

Marquis whose father has taken him on an initiatory tour of the courts

of Europe. Like Fenelon, Lambert combines history, travelogue, novel

and exotic voyage and provides lessons in philosophy, ethics and

religion. He maintains the relationship between the two principal

characters and he draws some other elements from the T6l6maque in

constructing his episodes and characters; there is, however, no overt

connection between the two novels. Charles Palissot's L'Apollon

Mentor, ou le Tel"maque moderne (1748) departs even more from the

original. The basic elements of the educational voyage under a divine

tutor is preserved.; but the tutor is Apollon and the voyage is an

allegorical dream providing indoctrination in poetics rather than

politics.

Marivaux's Le Tel6maque travesti is the most original and

creative of the adaptations of Fenelon's novel. After the model of









Sorel and Cervantes, Marivaux evokes a confrontation of art and

reality by injecting the ideal of the Telmaque into the reality of

lower bourgeois society in rural France. Brideron and Phocion, the

would-be modern Tel"maque and Mentor, are able through their own

imaginations and the deus ex machine of the author to relive all of

the experiences of the original pair, but in parallel situations

which conform to their own lower-class status. The resulting

burlesque of the Til&maque complements the original, realizing its

abstractions and graphically illustrating the consequences of its

ideas.
















TELEMACHUS IN FRENCH PROSE, 1700-1750:
AN OBJECTIVE APPROACH TO A THEME



INTRODUCTION


Fenelon's Les Avantures de Tel"maque, fils d'Ulysse was one of

the most influential works of the eighteenth century: it was the

most published novel in France from 1700 to 1768 and hardly a year

passed without a new edition or critical article appearing in the

journals;1 its influence is felt in masterpieces from Montesquieu's

Les Lettres Persanes to Voltaire's Candide and Rousseau's Emile.

Its popularity naturally inspired a large number of imitations: the

"Bibliographie m6thodique" to Albert Chirel's Fenelon au XVIIIe

siecle en France lists twenty-five prose imitations prior to 1750

and a like number between 1750 and the end of the century -- and it

does not include parodies or works like Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque.

Poets, dramatists and musicians also seem to have found the subject

attractive since plays, operas and poems based on the Te6lmaque were
2
also numerous throughout the century. Most of these imitations copied

the antique setting and the educational voyage theme of the novel.

Ramsay's Voyages de Cyrus (London: Jacques Bettenham Imprimeur, 1730),

for example, is the story of the young Cyrus' voyages under a venerable

tutor in preparation for his ascension to the throne of Persia. For

the purpose of this study, however, works like Ramsay's were eliminated

to avoid the simple equation of the Telemachus theme with the theme









of the educational voyage, or even with the educational voyage set in

antiquity. The works chosen for examination were those identified with

the Telemaque through titular references to Fenelon's Homeric hero.

This procedure restricted the subjectiveness of the designation by using

an exterior criterion chosen by the authors themselves as the basis for

selection. These exploitations provide, therefore, an objective measure

of the extent of the Telemaque's influence during the eighteenth century

and an indication of the contemporary perception of its key or char-

acteristic elements. In each of the works studied in this dissertation,

Telemachus is the stated subject of the book, even though the treatment

of that subject varies widely among the different authors. This approach

to the T616maque's influence represents an alternative to the one typified

by Cherel, and his list of "Imitations de Teilmaque" (pp. 640-43)

illustrates the difference very well. Basing his choice evidently on

thematic similarities, Cherel omits from the list three of the five

works included in this dissertation -- Les Loix du roi Minos, Lambert's

Le Nouveau Telmaque and Marivaux's Le Telemaque travesti, including

Lambert and Marivaux in a supplementary list entitled "Appreciation de

Telemaque" (p. 638) -- while he includes works like Montesquieu's

Temple de Gnide and Voltaire's Candide (p. 641). As an alternative,

the method of studying titular adaptations was successful in that

it produced a variety of adaptations belonging to different genres

and showing different intentions. It provided, therefore, a better

cross-section of the adaptations of the Tel4maque than would have

been possible by assuming a particular set of parameters for the

theme.

The laiitat~on ~sf the temporal scope of the study to the first









half of the century conforms to the first two of the three periods of

Fenelon's influence distinguished by Ch6rel in his Fenelon au XVIIIe

siecle en France. The first, from 1700 to 1715, served as a preliminary

period ending the seventeenth century rather than beginning the eighteenth

and ended with the death of Louis XIV. the second, from 1715 to 1748,

included the time from the Regency to the publication of the Directions

pour la conscience d'un roi. The final period from 1748 to 1820 ended with

the publication of the first definitive edition of Fenelon's complete works

(Cherel, Fgnelon, pp. xvii-xviii). The reason for ending the first period

with the publication of the Directions is the profound effect which the

appearance of this work had on the Archbishop's reputation; from the

Regency to the Directions, Fenelon was primarily known as the author of

the Tel6maque, although his other accomplishments were not ignored: the

appearance of the Directions transformed and enhanced his reputation, which

began after 1747 to take on the aura of a legend (Cherel, Fgnelon, pp. 334-

35). This division has been extended slightly to include the Apollon Mentor

which appeared in 1748, because, since the work would have been written

before the influence of the Directions had been felt, its inclusion seemed

to maintain the spirit of Ch6rel's division.

Five works were published under some form of a Telemachus title

between 1700 and 1750. Three of these were modernizations of Fenelon's

work, as their titles indicate: Grandchamp's Le T616maque moderne,

Lambert's Le Nouveau Telmaque and Palissot's L'Apollon Mentor, ou le

T6elmaque moderne. The Loix du roi Minos was a philosophical treatise

masquerading as a Continuation du quatrieme Livre des Avantures de

T61lmaque, fils d'Ulisse; it purported to improve the T6lmaque by

correcting an authorial oversight which had omitted the exposition









of the ideal laws of Minos during Telemaque's stay on Crete. Marivaux's

Le _T1maquee travesti was, as the--title-suggests, ia burlesque of the

original, modeled after the Don Quixote and Le Berger Extravagant.

The dissertation is organized around the treatment which each

author gave the subject of Telemachus. The first chapter analyzes

Fenelon's novel as the source of the legend in the eighteenth century.

The second treats the two works which exploited particular aspects of

the Telnmaque's reputation: Grandchamp's Le Tel6maque moderne, which

sought to tap the succes de scandal still whirling around the Tl16-

maque when Grandchamp's own work appeared in 1701, and the Loix du

roi Minos, which traded on the aura of philosophy and education asso-

ciated with the T616maque by 1716. The third chapter discusses the

two works which made obvious references to F6nelon's novel as an edu-

cational voyage: Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque and Palissot's L'Apollon

Mentor. The fourth chapter treats Marivaux's recasting of the theme.

Although chronology did not serve as part of the criteria used to

organize the subject, the order in which the works are presented is

largely chronological: the adaptations treated in the second chapter

appeared prior to 1720 while those of the third appeared in the 1740's.

Marivaux's Le Tel4maque travesti stands alone not only as a humorous

treatment of the Telemachus subject, but also as the only one of the

works examined which did not appear in an integral edition in France

during the eighteenth century.3

Each of the five works was examined in the context of the Tel6maque

to determine in what way it related to its chosen model. To avoid

imposing external criteria on the works, the choice of categories

was drawn from the reading of the works themselves and varies from









one to another because the areas of analysis which would apply to

Grandchamp's sentimental novel would not be adequate to the description

of Lambert's educational novel and would not apply at all to a treatise

like the Loix. Several general headings do arise, however, in most of

the works. The most general and most obvious is characterization: the

presence of a Telemachus and a Mentor in each of the works was expected

since they seem to be very basic elements of the .theme. In fact, only

four of the works present Telemachus and Mentor figures; the Loix has

two "characters" who really serve as voices for the communication of the

author's ideas, and while one of them is called T6lmaque, Mentor is not

present at all. Where counterparts to both Telemachus and Mentor are

present, however, the relationship was generally consistent with the

pattern of an older preceptor advising a younger novice. Most of the

works also preserve the didactic tone of the T6l6maque. This is especially

evident in the political instructions given in the Loix, and the moral and

ethical responsibility taught in the Nouveau T916maque, but Palissot

only changed the substance in the Apollon Mentor from political to poetic

indoctrination. The form, structure and point of view varies widely

among the works but were considered in relation to each one.

Essentially, the Telemachus in Eighteenth-Century French Prose, 1700-

1750: An Objective Approach to a Theme is a study of "spin-offs" from the

most popular French novel of the first half of the eighteenth century.

This kind of borrowing of titles or subjects was an extremely popular

literary practice during the Enlightenment and continues to be prevalent

today. The number of "Mariannes" and "Paysans" or "Paysannes" which fol-

lowed Marivaux's successes attests to the public acceptance of the form.









Another illustration of their popularity can be found in the career of

the abbe Lambert, one of the authors considered in this study. A de-

frocked priest who became an author in order to support himself in

Paris, Lambert wrote four of his seven novels in obvious imitation of

others: Memoires d'une Dame de quality qui s'est retiree du monde (1739),

L'infortunie sicilienne (1742) and the Nouvelle Marianne (1759), as well
4
as the Nouveau Tel6maque. Such proliferation indicates that titular

borrowing was at least a profitable enterprise, even if not always

artistically successful. This dissertation elucidates some of the para-

meters and techniques of this very popular practice.





1Albert Ch6rel, De Tel6maque a Candide, vol. VI of Histoire de la
litterature frangaise, ed. J. Calvet (9 vols.; Paris: J. de Gigord,
ed., 1933), p. 1.

2Fenelon au XVIIIe siecle en France (1715-1820): Son prestige,
son influence (1917; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970), p. 641.

3Frederic Deloffre, "Introduction" to Marivaux, Le T6l6maque
travesti, ed. F. D., Textes Litteraires Frangais (Geneva: Droz, 1956),
p. 12.

Biographie Universelle (Michaud), nouvelleedition (Paris: Mme
Desplace, 1843-65), vol. 23, p. 45.
















CHAPTER I: FENELON

The Introduction of the Telemachus Theme into the XVIIIth Century


From the time of the Renaissance, Ulysses and his creator Homer

suffered the disdain and the disaffection of the majority of the French

reading public. With outstanding exceptions of Du Bellay, Racine,

and Ren le Bossu, French readers viewed Ulysses as he appeared in the

Aeneid: an artfully self-interested and untrustworthy character whose

battle tactics lacked the forthrightness and directness of a gentleman

and hero. Even Racine, who defended Ulysses in his Remarques sur

1'0dysseed'Homere (1662), seems to have made a necessary concession

to the popular viewpoint in Iphig6nie (167h) where Ulysses appears

as a counselor and statesman, but with hardly a touch of humanity.1

The Telemachus legend, being integrally linked to the Odyssey,

was also neglected during the entire French Classical period. The only

mention of a work in the Telemachus tradition which appeared during

the seventeenth century is a Latin version published by Petrus Valrus

in 1609. The Telemachus, sive profectu in virtute et sapientia seems

to have been a didactic work written to illustrate the principles of

rhetoric. It was very obscure and was probably not known to Fenelon

or any of his contemporaries.2

Thus, in choosing the son of Ulysses as the central character

of his book of instruction for the heir to the French throne, Fenelon

selected the son of a folk hero long out of favor with the public.

His efforts toward the necessary rehabilitation of Ulysses are evident









in the autobiography of Philoctetus in Book XVIII of the T416maque:

here, Ulysses' worst and most justified enemy excuses his abandonment

as a decision necessitated by the demands of leadership. In addition,

Mentor-Minerva praises Ulysses throughout the novel, holding him up

as a model for the youthful prince; and Ulysses' old associates welcome

Telemachus warmly, solely on the basis of his resemblance to his famous

father. This recurrent recognition contributes to the re-establishment

of Ulysses' character as worthy of a leader and a hero, a new per-

spective which is reinforced by the calm and introspective demeanor

of the mysterious stranger in whom T616maque fails to recognize his

father on his way home to Ithaque. Ulysses plays only a peripheral

role in the novel, but Fenelon apparently believed the amelioration

of his image necessary to provide his hero with worthy parentage.

The difference between his view of Ulysses and the popular view shows

nonetheless the extent to which Tel6maque was breaking new ground and

demonstrates that the popularity which the eighteenth century accorded

to Telemachus found its beginning in the work of Fenelon.

The prefaces to the several imitations of the Tel6maque also

indicate that the eighteenth century identified the legend with Fenelon

rather than Homer. Both Grandchamp and the anonymous author of Les

Loix du roi Minos, ou -" Continuation du quatrieme livre des Avantures

de Tel6maque, fils d'UlIsse refer to the modern novelist rather than

to the ancient poet and both are obviously using the former as the basis

for their works. Marivaux, in composing the Telmaque travesti, like-

wise bases his parody on F6nelon's version rather than on the brief

Telemacheia and his "avant-propos" indicates that he is attacking

neither the ancient master nor the modern adapter, but those who worship









either of them.3 This seems to indicate the extent to which Fenelon's

imitation had supplanted the original in the minds of the readers

of the eighteenth century.

The immediate reaction to the Tl46maque was mixed: published

criticism seems to have almost universally condemned the book, but

the sixteen complete and partial editions which appeared in 1699, the

first year of publication, indicate general public acceptance of the

novel and appreciation for its author. Much of the immediate excite-

ment generated by the book was probably due to its reception as a

roman a clef or a satirical expose by a highly placed member of the

court. This may be at least in part what Bossuet meant in the letter

to his nephew dated May 18, 1699, where he attacked the Tilmaque

as unworthy of a priest and as lacking in seriousness.5 As the century

continued, however, the book was increasingly accepted by the Philo-

sophic Movement because of itspolitical message and strong moral con-

tent (see Cherel, Fgnelon, p. 335).

Two sorts of critics attacked Fenelon's novel: those who like

Bossuet were his enemies from the battle over Quietism, and those who

hoped to profit, either financially or otherwise, in attacking a very

popular book by an already disgraced author. The two major contemporary

criticisms of the Telmaque show this self-centered interest on the part

of the authors. Pierre-Valentin Faydit, whose Telemacomanie expresses

in the title alone the author's judgment of the situation surrounding

the novel, was probably trying to capitalize on the success of a best

seller by generating a controversy, or at least a scandal, which would

cause his own book to sell. Nicolas Gueudeville, whose several

Critiques ... of the Tel6maque appeared in 1700 and 1702, gives the









impression rather of someone who is trying to use the Tel6maque as a

means to continue his own satirical attacks on Louis XIV with ammuni-

tion provided by one of the king's own advisors; but in view of his

insecure financial position, pecuniary motives cannot be discounted.7

Faydit's insensitive and pedantic criticism of the T616maque

appeared in 1700 and attacked Fenelon, as well as his novel, on three

grounds. In the first part of his long study, he condemns Fenelon for

having written a novel at all, citing church fathers and liturgical

history to prove that Fenelon the novelist was a greater sinner than

Fenelon the heretic and author of the condemned Explication des Maximes

des Saints. For Faydit, Fenelon's Maximes provoked only intellectual

heresy and corruption, but the tender and sensuous scenes of the

T616maque would inflame young souls to passions which they would find

difficult to control (Faydit, pp. 6-7).

Moreover, exclaimed Faydit, the archbishop could not claim that

his work instructed the reader in ancient geography, history and myth-

ology; the vituperative critic then demonstrated painstakingly that

the author of the Tel6maque had respected neither fable nor fact as

they are reported in the chronicles of the ancient scribes (Faydit,

p. 56). E. Delval's study of this section of the Telemacomanie

demonstrates Faydit's bad faith by showing the manner in which he

tortured and twisted the ancient chronicles in order to prove his

point: citing an author when he agrees, ignoring him when he does not;

deliberately citing little-known authors and misstating their work;

intentionally misidentifying characters cited in the book -- confusing

the king Pygmalion with the better-known sculptor of the same name, for

example (Delval I, 181-84). Delval's detailed comparison of Faydit's









claims with the accepted traditions of the seventeenth century and

with the ancient chronicles leave no doubt as to Faydit's lack of

credibility.

The final section of Faydit's work continues to demonstrate

Fenelon's alleged unreliability. In this section the critic tries to

show that Fenelon has not only been inconsistent with ancient historians

but with himself as well. He points out, for example, that the descrip-

tion of Telemaque's character as he is going to war in Book XIII

(pp. 336-37) is not prepared in the preceding books and has no signifi-

cant consequence in the succeeding ones (Faydit, pp. 458-60). Another

valid complaint is that the Lacedemonian army of bastards supposedly

born while their mothers' husbands were away fighting the Trojan War

could have had no soldier over seventeen, since Ulysses had been absent

from his home about that long. Even the youthful age of seventeen

suggests that the Greek women began to betray their husbands even before

they had managed to set sail. In any case, seventeen seems very young

for an army which has already captured a city and begun a civilization

(Faydit, p. 150). In attacking Fenelon's lack of concern for reality,

Faydit was much more successful than in the other parts of his work.

Albert Cahen also cites as an example of the archbishop's hyperbole

the incident in which Telemaque escapes slavery in Egypt by killing
9
a lion with his bare hands.

Throughout the Telemacomanie, Faydit demonstrated a total lack of

comprehension of Fenelon's basic purpose and of his method of using the

historical and legendary events and personages to create a setting or

model of heroic proportions which would impress his royal charge.

Either willfully or through sheer ignorance, Faydit insists upon an









interpretation of the Telmaque which is consistent neither with the

literature of the period nor with the lofty prose and elevated style

of the novel. The Telemacomanie nonetheless illustrates very accurately

two of the accusations made against the Tel6maque: that as a novel it

was immoral per se; and that its passionate descriptions were likely

to spark emotions which Mentor's admonitions were unlikely to be able

to quell. His claims of historical and geographical inaccuracy seem

to have been largely ignored by the reading public -- Fenelon's enemies

as well as his friends -- and beginning with the 1717 authorized

edition,10 a map of the ancient Mediterranean frequently accompanied

the book.

Gueudeville's criticism illustrates a different aspect of the

climate surrounding the T6lmaque: the popular acceptance of the book

as a political pamphlet satirizing Louis XIV. The identification of

T6elmaque as the duke of Burgundy and of Mentor as Fenelon himself was

widely recognized. Criticism of Louis XIV was seen in every negative

reference to kings and their policies from Sesostris to Idomenee; and

"Keys" to the T616maque, giving allegorical and mystical interpreta-

tions of its episodes, appeared even in 1699.11 Gueudeville, for the

most part, points out all of the passages which might be considered

critical of the king of France and pretends to show that they do not

apply to the Roi Soleil, but that to the contrary, all of the qualities

which Fenelon lists as desirable in the perfect king -- concern, sympathy,

peacefulness, abstinence -- are qualities of which Louis XIV can boast

(Delval II, pp. 151-53, 178). In view of Gueudeville's own history

of satiric attacks on Louis, for which he was forced to leave France

and was even pursued into Holland (Delval II, pp. 138-39), it seems









likely that his attacks on Fenelon and his defense of the king repre-

sented only a pretext for a new battle in his continuing war with the

French monarchy (Cahen, p. lxiii). In defense of Gueudeville, it should

be noted that he objects legitimately to several stylistic features,

particularly the monotony of invention in many of the scenes -- e.g.,

shipwrecks which always follow the classical pattern -- and the length

of Mentor's discourses on government and ethics which periodically

interrupt the story (Dedeyan, p. 40).

Fenelon was not without his defenders, even at this early stage.

The edition of the Telmaque published by Moetjens in 1701 contained a

preface by the abbe de Saint-Rgmy in which he attempted to counter-

attack the book's enemies. A. Cherel says of this preface that it is

superficial, maladroit and little likely to have contributed to the

success of the novel. Dealing very little with the issue of the novel

itself, Saint-Remy's preface goes back to the controversy over Quietism

to praise Fenelon's submission as opposed to Bossuet's alleged vindic-

tiveness and jealousy (p. 25). Delval's more complete analysis of the

preface is much more generous (I, pp. 198-203). He sees the work as

elegant and indicates that attention was paid to Gueudeville and

Faydit as well as to Bossuet and to the Tgl4maque itself.

The most eloquent and accepted of Fenelon's defenders was a Scots-

man named Ramsay whose "Discours de la poesie pique et de l'excellence

du podme de Tle6maque" appeared at the head of the 1717 "authorized

edition."12 His apology for the Telmaque defends it on very general

grounds and at an esoteric level, but it strikes closer to the heart of

the issues which have been mentioned than does Saint-Rgmy's work.

Ramsay's "Discours" concentrated on two major points: first he tried









to establish that the Telemaque was an epic poem rather than a novel,

thus finding a reason for the Telmaque's "excesses" of sensibility

and morality in the traditions of an accepted genre. Secondly, he

attempted to establish a theory of the epic, relating it to the tragedy

in its beneficial effects. The major thrust of Ramsay's analysis of

epic poetry stressed the morality which was expressed through its

fictions. He saw virtue as rigorous and morality as difficult for

young people. In both tragedy and the epic poem, exciting examples of

evil deeds and their deleterious consequences made virtue and morality

less rigorous and more acceptable and at the same time gave youthful

hearts practice in the exercise of them both. The morality of the

T6l6maque he found especially appropriate since it is "sublime dans

ses principles, noble dans ses motifs, universelle dans ses usages"

(Ramsay, p. xxix). He refuted the claim that the Tl46maque could not

be an epic poem because it was not in rimed verse, with references to

Aristotle and to Fenelon himself, who in his Lettre a l'Academie had

attacked the use of rime as too constraining and too deformative in

the construction of ideas (Ramsay, p. xlvi).

This was the "immediate" reaction to the Telemaque as far as

published criticism was concerned. No attempt has been made to cover

all of the criticism leveled at Fenelon's novel, but rather to show

the major points of contention among the combatants during the first

fifteen years of the century. Tel6maque's value as a moral pamphlet

was opposed to the deleterious effect of its eloquently-described

scenes of passionate desire and exaggerated examples of evil kings.

It was attacked for being a novel and for lacking verisimilitude; it

was defended as an epic poem whose measured and eloquent prose super-









seeded the more standard rimed verse and whose high moral purpose

eliminated the necessity for slavish attention to historical detail.

To attacks which saw in the alleged specificity of its political

portraits evidence of a satire on Louis XIV, its defenders cited the

universality of all of its maxims and claimed that far from being a

political pamphlet attacking Louis, it was a general study of govern-

mental morality which by necessity included many of the characteristics

of Louis' reign -- the good as well as the bad.

The controversy around the Tel6maque followed roughly the same

lines throughout the rest of the century, even though the tone of

argument changed after the publication of the Directions pour la

conscience des rois et des princes souverains in 1747.13 After the

appearance of the Directions, Fenelon's politics became something of

a legend and this aura extended to all aspects of his reputation,

including the Telmaque (Cherel, p. 335). Voltaire serves as an example

of the transformation which occurred in public opinion. A. Cherel

notes that Voltaire's attitude prior to 1747, as it appeared in his

letters and in the Connaissance des beaut's of des defauts de la

pogsie et de l'eloquence d'Homere, was a mixture of coolness and ad-

miration. The influence of Fenelon on Voltaire's political ideas and

his theories of history were very strong, but Voltaire saw in the

Tel4maque only a work done in a style appropriate to a translation in

prose of Homer (Ch6rel, pp. 380-81). After 1747, in the Siecle de

Louis XIV, he praised Fenelon's novel; and while maintaining his

objection to the characterization of it as an epic poem, he is much more

moderate in his criticism of its style, even recognizing the poetic

quality of its prose. Furthermore, he is much warmer in his praise of








14
its political and moral message.1

Such are the three periods of Cherel's division: the years before

1715 constituted a continuation of the seventeenth century and ended

with Fenelon's death in January and Louis XIV's in September; the first

period of admiration and popularity ended in 1747 with the publication

of the Directions. During the final period, Fenelon's reputation was

broadened beyond his authorship of the Telemaque and it acquired an

aura of legend which continued into the nineteenth century. The five

works studied in this dissertation all fall within the first two of

these periods and reflect the Telemaque's changing literary fortunes

prior to 1747. The first two -- Grandchamp's Le Tel6maque moderne

(1701) and the Loix du roi Minos (1716) -- appeared during the early

years of heated controversy over the value of the work and over its

classification. Grandchamp's work purports to be a roman a clef,

reflecting the early scandals which greeted the novel, while the Loix

du roi Minos, published shortly after Fenelon's death, tried to exploit

the archbishop's prestige as a philosopher and political thinker. The

two works which appeared near the end of the first period of Fenelon's

reputation -- Lambert's Le Nouveau T616maque (1741) and Palissot's

L'Apollon Mentor ou le T6lmaque moderne (1748) -- both appeal not to

any of F6nelon's ideas, but to his basic mechanism of the educational

voyage under the guidance of an exceptional or divine tutor. Marivaux's

work, the Telemaque travesti, by its unusual publication history (see

below: pp. 156-57), shows both the criticism which still surrounded

the novel in 1714 and the reverence which made criticism of the novel

literarily dangerous by 1735.









Form and Style in the Tel4maque


The controversy which erupted over the form of the T6lmaque --

whether it should be designated a novel or an epic -- has already

been mentioned. It deserves, however, a somewhat deeper study as the

form and style of the book become subjects in their own right. In

the eighteenth century, the argument existed primarily between the

friends and enemies of Fenelon: his supporters claimed that the work

was an epic because the epic was traditionally accepted as having

moral value despite its fictions; his detractors insisted upon the

novelistic quality of the narration, taking advantage of the contem-

porary church prejudice against novels to discredit Fenelon. In fact

both sides had grounds for argument. The Tel4maque does conform very

closely to the tradition of the seventeenth-century novel and was

probably accepted by most of its readers as a novel. It can be com-

pared with the novel in most major respects: structure, characteriza-

tion, the nature of the episodes, the theme of the quest of a loved

one, and the moralizations which permeate the text.15 On the other

hand, the book shares certain traits with the epic poem as well: the

use of epithets to designate characters, the ornate descriptions of

landscapes, cities, and armies -- even the musicality of the Tel1maque's

measured prose relate the book to the ancient epics of Homer and

Virgil. Moreover, many of the elements cited by those who wanted to

associate the work with the novel could also be used to show its kin-

ship to the epic, for the two genres shared many traits.16

Among the elements which would have been familiar to a seven-

teenth-century reader, the first of all would be the opening of the

novel. The in media res beginning was recognized from the early









seventeenth century as the proper one for the novel; Mlle de Scudery

justified borrowing it from the ancients because it created immediate

suspense which held the reader's attention (Godenne, p. 46, n. 7).

Writers like Sorel and Scarron parodied the technique in the Histoire

comique de Francion (1623) and Le Romant comique (1651), so that it

was a device closely associated in the minds of the reading public with

the novel form. Thus, when Fenelon opens his work with Calypso's

lamentation over her painful immortality, introduces two shipwrecked

wanderers, and launches into a digression in which Telemaque recounts

his adventures prior to their meeting (Books I-VI), he is using a

sequential structure already very familiar to the seventeenth-century

reader of novels.

The structure of the Telemaque further resembles that of the stan-

dard prose novel of the seventeenth century in that it is basically

episodic, i.e., the story progresses through a series of episodes which

are essentially independent of one another. The adventures overlap to

some extent, particularly in the earlier books of the novel, so that a

character may appear or be mentioned on more than one occasion: during

his stay at Tyr (Book III), for example, Telemaque is befriended by a

Phoenician captain, Narbal, whose story is later completed when Narbal's

brother, Adoam, rescues Mentor and Telemaque from the waters off the
17
island of Calypso. Similarly, Idomenee is first mentioned because

he has just gone into exile when the two heroes arrive in Crete (Book V,

pp. 143-45); later he welcomes the two voyagers to his newly founded

kingdom of La Salente (Book VIII). These recurrences are, however,

essentially mechanical devices which provide a semblance of unity

rather than a truly integrated plot. Fenelon's ordering of the episodes









so that the character of T416maque develops gradually through the

novel -- as he learns from one experience and applies that knowledge to

another situation -- represents a greater force for unity because it

undergirds all of the episodes with the principles of Fenelon's poli-

tical morality. This same device can be found among the Fables and the

Dialogues des morts which he wrote when the prince was much younger,

however, and does not constitute real unity. The adventures remain

separate stories whose primary link is the presence of the two main

characters.

The basic motivation of the story -- the quest for a loved one --

also comes from the traditional novel of the period. It is probably the

most used theme of the prosateur's repertory, although F6nelon trans-

formed it greatly in making the object of the hero's search his father

and king rather than his mistress. Telmaque's search for Ulysses

originates in the relationship of respect and love which he bears his

father. It really exceeds the bounds of filial respect and becomes a

quest of love and loyalty for a person whom the hero has never even met.

This theme frequently appears in the novels of the seventeenth and

eighteenth centuries and dates back to the Middle Ages: two people see

each other from a distance, or simply hear about each other, and spon-

taneously fall in love. They make every effort to meet, usually without

success or with only limited success; then they are separated and must

try to find each other once again. It is a scenario which is spoofed

in Sorel's Francion and repeated in works as diverse as Mme de Lafayette's

Zalde, Marivaux's Les effects surprenants de la sympathie and de Sade's

Aline et Valcour. The obstacles to the hero's search are also tradi-

tional: goddesses and beautiful women try to distract him from his quest;









shipwrecks and storms threaten his life again and again only to be

overcome; the hero and his companion are waylaid by pirates and enemies

and sold into slavery, blown off course, impressed into the army to

fight victoriously and gloriously, and so forth. All of these inci-

dents have their counterparts in the novelistic tradition of the

seventeenth century and were used by most novelists from d'Urfg to

de Sade (Le Breton, p. 255).

Mentor's moralizing constitutes yet another parallel between the

T6l6maque and the contemporary novel. In the romans, especially, there

was usually at least one character who was prone to giving lectures on

the morality of love and the proper course of action to take in an

amorous situation. The pays du Tendre of Mlle de Scud6ry represented

only one example of this variety of philosophizing about love. Mentor's

homilies deviate from the more common sermons in the purpose of his

exhortations and in the content of his teachings. The seventeenth-

century novelist was usually writing for the court and his novels

therefore reflected the courtier's interest in love: illustrating the

proper conduct for a lover, teaching him such virtues as patience,

submission and devotion. Fgnelon's audience was a student prince;

his objective was to train a king, not a lover; and his lessons are

correspondingly concerned with leadership, government administration,

justice and the duty of a monarch to his people. When he does deal

with love, the royal preceptor reveals an attitude which contrasts

sharply with that of most of his contemporaries. Rather than estab-

lish an ethic or esthetic of love, by which courtiers could justify

their passionate affairs, he advises his charge to flee the effects of

passion. He shifts the emphasis from the amorous and erotic sensations









of love to the political consequences: as a powerful emotion, love

clouds the light of reason and reduces the king's independence,

diminishing his ability to act objectively and to administer justice

fairly. It is a dangerous and divisive force which can only harm

both the monarch and his subjects. Furthermore, love is presented as

an emotion too powerful to resist -- any man who tries to conquer

his own passion will fail; he must flee it as soon as he recognizes

the symptoms. As an example, Mentor leads Telemaque into the sea to

help him escape from the attraction which he feels for Eucharis on

Calypso's island.

Even the antique atmosphere of the Telemaque was not an innovation.

Earlier in the century, controversy had arisen as to the proper setting

for prose fiction: whether it should have the exotic attraction of a

distant time and place, or whether French readers could find interes-

ting stories which recounted contemporary situations in contemporary

surroundings. This was the original distinction between the roman and

the nouvelle: the roman treated the upper classes -- kings and princes --

of antiquity, whereas the nouvelle presented stories of more contem-

porary interest dealing with the lower classes. The popularity of

the ancient civilizations was such that the distinction was not rigor-

ously maintained and the nouvelles quickly reverted to stories both of

higher nobility and of distant times and countries.l8

Fgnelon's supporters nonetheless tried to justify their claim

that Tel6maque was an epic poem on many of these same grounds; Ramsay,

as the best example, compared the in media res opening to that of the

Iliad and the Aeneid, i.e., the classical epic. He pointed out the

large number of descriptions and epithets which had been borrowed or









translated almost directly from Virgil and Homer. In trying to

justify calling the T4lemaque an epic he attempted to redefine poetry

by claiming that poetry was a literary quality which was actually

harmed in French by the effort to write in verse: "... ce qui fait la

poesie ... [c'est] la fiction vive, les figures hardies, la beauty et

la variety des images. C'est l'enthousiasme, le feu, l'impetuosit6,

la force, un je ne sgai quoi dans les paroles et les pensees que la

nature seule peut donner."19 He contrasted the syntactic freedom of

the classical languages with the relative rigidity of contemporary

French and concluded that rimed verse could not produce good poetry

in French. To further sustain his point about the relationship of

the Tel"maque and the epic, Ramsay pointed to passages which Fenelon had

transposed almost exactly from the ancient authors; the description

of Calypso among her Nymphs in Book I, for example, was borrowed very

closely from the Aeneid's description of Dido among the maidens of
20
her court.2

In addition to the style of the epic, Ramsay theorized on the

unity of action and on the action necessary or appropriate to the epic,

but the major thrust of his argument aimed at establishing the moral

and exemplary value of the epic. In this regard, he made a distinction

between the novel, which must try to present events with a certain

verisimilitude, and the epic, which is more concerned with truth and

virtue. Near the beginning of his introduction to the T61emaque, Ramsay

described the epic as "Une fable racontee par un Poete pour exciter

l'admiration, et inspire l'amour de la vertu, en nous representant

l'action d'un heros favorise du ciel, qui execute un grand chemin

malgrg tous les obstacles qui s'y opposent [p. ix]." In trying to










claim that the moral intent of a work was a factor in determining its

quality as an epic, Ramsay was trying to refute those critics who

attacked the book as a novel because of the scenes of passion and

voluptuous beauty: in including these sections, Fenelon was only

trying to prepare his charge for the temptations of court where the

king is constantly under temptation; thus the moral value of the

scenes as prevention outweighs their potential harm as sources of

temptation in themselves. It is an interesting double strategy: the

book is moral because it is an epic and an epic because it is moral.

Before concluding, it should be briefly noted that the Tel4maque

also bears a rather close resemblance to another genre, the accounts

of voyages, which had appealed to the French desire for the exotic

and for adventure, and to the growing interest in the scientific ex-

ploration of the world, since the Renaissance --These-accounts were

descriptions of newly discovered lands written by naturalists, explorers

looking for financial gain, or priests sent along with the explorers

as missionaries to the unchristian peoples whom they might discover.

They usually included a geography of the country and a more or less

detailed account of the flora and fauna; they frequently discussed the

state of civilization of the inhabitants and ended with a plea for

colonization and commercial exploitation of the country by France.

The priests also included descriptions of the religious colonies of

converts which they had established. Beginning with Gabriel de

Foigny's La Terre Australe connue in 1676, there existed a growing

corpus of fictional accounts of voyages which copied the real accounts

very closely. These imaginary voyages usually tried to combine adven-

ture and excitement with the portrayal of utopian civilizations which









were alleged to exist in the "newly discovered" countries visited by
21
their heroes.2 Despite many differences between the Telmaque-and

these stories of adventure, there is a basic similarity, not only to

the fictional voyages, but to the real voyages of Jesuit priests

describing the colonies of Indians which they had established with

converts in the Americas.2 Since the relationship with this third

class of prose is more philosophical than literary, we will discuss

it later.

The Telemaque is thus related to both the novel and to the epic,

especially insofar as the novel copied the epic. The in media res

beginning, the hyperbolic descriptions, the aura of magic and mystery

were elements common to both of these genres and since both obviously

contributed to the creation of the T6lmaque, it is impossible to

determine the true sources. Certain other elements can be identified

as being more influenced by one or the other, however. The style of

the work obviously imitates the epic since much of the novel is

transposed directly from the ancient poets. Both the nature of the

hero's adventures and the characters of the continuation of the

fourth book of the Odyssey come out of the contemporary novel; even

though these adventures and characters are drawn from the ancient

chronicles, they have obviously been remodeled along more modern

lines. Put more succinctly, the Tel"maque is a work whose form is

akin to both the novel and the epic, written in an epic style with

a novelesque character and the spirit of the contemporary voyage.



Characterization in the Telemaque


Fgnelon's Tel"maque differs fundamentally from the work which










inspired it in that it is a complete work, whereas the Homeric Tele-

macheia served as an introduction to the much longer work of the Odyssey.

The Telemacheia prepared the story of the return of the wandering

Odysseus in three ways: it elucidated the reasons for his extended

absence from his wife and young son. It illustrated graphically the

condition to which his kingdom had degenerated during his absence.

Finally and most significantly, it initiated the son of the wiliest of

Greeks into an adult world and prepared him to become a companion to his

23
illustrious father.2

Because it is a relatively brief introduction, the Telemacheia does

not fully develop any of the personages it presents and the major char-

acters in its drama are few. Telemachus and Mentor are the only major

actors; the two kings, Nestor and Menelaus, are individualized to some

extent, but the suitors and other characters are differentiated hardly

at all. For the continuation of the legend, Fenelon borrowed only the

two principal characters and Nestor: the other characters who appear in

the Tel6maque are drawn from other parts of the Odyssey, from Virgil's

Aeneid and from other ancient works and authors.


Te16maque

As the hero of a novel rather than the primary character of the

24
introductory passage of a much longer work, Fenelon's Telemaque has a

far more complex personality than his Homeric predecessor. They are

both youths in the process of growth which accompanies initiation into

the world of adults -- in Telemachus' case, the world of kings and

heroes -- and they both show the potential to be even greater than their

illustrious fathers. Indeed, they share many qualities, because Fenelon









did borrow traits from the homeric Telemachus in creating his hero

(Dedeyan, p. 69). The son of Homer's Odysseus has little opportunity

to display his character, however. We see him only briefly: in the

hall at Ithaca among the suitors whom he despises, before Nestor at

the court of Pylos and before Menelaus at the court of Sparta. His

actions in these situations reveal primarily his singleminded interest

in his father's fate and his frustration before the improprieties of

the suitors. We can observe piety in his observance of sacrifices

and of the rites of welcome for strangers and voyagers through his

country and in his obedience to the will of the gods as it is trans-

mitted to him through Athene. His courage is manifested in the con-

vocation at which he confronts the suitors to demand support for his

pilgrimage to Pylos and Sparta, even though his adolescence makes him

powerless before their superior strength (Odyssey, Book I, 11. 17-

325).25 In this incident he demonstrates his father's discretion and

cunning. Finally, before the courts of Pylos and Sparta, he shows

his respect for the companions who fought beside his father during the

Trojan War and for the traditions which they represent.

It is in the company of these contemporaries of his father that

Telemachus achieves initiation into the heroic world of the preceding

generation: a change in status symbolized by the transformation which

occurs in his physique following his bath at Pylos (Odyssey, Book II,

11. 602-604).26 Homer did not explore even those few characteristics

of Telemachus which appear in the Telemacheia because the purpose of

the first four books of the Odyssey is not really to develop the

character of Odysseus' son, but only to render him worthy of standing

beside his father. This goal is achieved when the suitors realize









that he is dangerous and begin to plan to assassinate him (Odyssey,

Book IV, 11. 834-52).27

Telemaque encounters many more situations in his peregrinations

through Fenelon's reconstruction of the ancient Mediterranean world

than does Telemachus and therefore has many more opportunities to

manifest both his basic character traits and the conditions of his

maturation. Some of these traits are negative in order to discourage

the duke of Burgundy from exercising similar traits in his own charac-

ter: impetuosity, haughtiness, moodiness, insensitivity, passion,

excessive pride, a tendency toward despair and overconfidence. All

these mark the Fenelonian character as different from the Greek; but

Fenelon has also added positive traits to the central characteristics

of discretion, courage and piety: curiosity and commitment to the

truth regardless of the consequences, both of which appear in situations

like Telemaque's sojourn at Tyr (Book III, pp. 114-15). Since Finelon

intended the novel as a summary of his own tutelage of the young

dauphin, the undesirable traits are excised under Mentor's guidance

to be replaced with more desirable ones: sympathy, humility, concern

for his subjects, moderation, wisdom, patience, peacefulness, and

simplicity (Dedeyan, pp. 69-70).

The transformation which occurs in Telemaque's character involves

the internalization of Mentor's principles of political morality. At

the beginning of his voyage, we see the young man acting impetuously,

on his own and without paying heed to the warnings of his preceptor;

he insists upon attempting the voyage in search of his father, des-

pite all of the objections of Mentor. When he is captured by Aceste's

Trojans, he boldly announces his identity and pleads for death rather










than the dishonor of slavery. Both at this time and later, Mentor

discourages such actions and tries to convince him to accept the

dictates of fate and to try to work affirmatively within them (Book II,

pp. 83-84). Before each new obstacle to his quest of parent and hearth,

he despairs and must renew his enthusiasm and confidence through

Mentor's eloquence. As the story progresses, Telemaque becomes in-

creasingly independent of this support, developing simultaneously

a humility of spirit and a sense of his true potential. The progress

of this internalization of Mentor's philosophy can be traced from the

early episodes mentioned above through his performance at the trials

Crete where he shows his command of the principles involved and finally

to the battle against the Dauniens where he is accepted as a leader

even though he is much younger than the kings with whom he rides

(Book XIII, XV). It is particularly in Book XV that he demonstrates

his ability to apply the principles which he enunciated on the island

of Crete. It is also significant that for the first time he is really

without the aid of an older and wiser guide, because although the kings

of the army are older, the narrator makes very apparent their lack of

wisdom and circumspection. Minerve is still with him, protecting him

from his enemies with supernatural armor and providing him with internal

wisdom, but there is no outward manifestation of her presence, as there

was with Mentor, Thermosiris and even Narbal during the prince's stay

in Phenicie.

Homer's Telemachus is an adolescent and his character is thus

prepared for certain changes, especially those which involve status

and responsibility. His actions and responses to the situations which

he encounters are therefore natural and his character is consistent.










The complex changes which occur in Telemaque's character represent

growth which would require much longer than the time allowed in the

novel. Fenelon preserves the sense of psychological consistency

through the creation of an atmosphere of mythology and mystery which

suspends the normal laws which would ordinarily govern the transfor-

mation of a character.28


Mentor-Minerve

Fenelon achieves this mystical suspension of natural law with a

range of images from those of the Olympian gods to the depiction of

T6elmaque's descent into the underworld. The jealous presence of Venus

who is alwyas trying to corrupt him, the several dreams which warn him

of impending dangers, the ubiquitous presence of legendary heroes and

immortal beings also contribute to the mythic quality of the experience

of the novel. It is the figure of Mentor, however, who makes the

greatest contribution to the integration of the natural and the mysti-

cal worlds. As the incarnation of the goddess of wisdom, he brings

the worlds of Olympus and Hades into the realm of earth.29

Though borrowing the concept of a goddess disguised as a man from

Telemacheia, Fenelon attains a very different effect from the original.

In the Homeric epic, Athene appears both in the guise of the stranger

Mentes who counsels Telemachus to voyage to Pylos and Sparta (Odyssey,

Book I, 11. 128-33) and of Mentor, Odysseus' old friend and his lieu-

tenant while the king was away at war (Odyssey, Book II, 11. 338-39).30

In these incidents, the blue-eyed goddess serves as the spur which sets

the young Telemachus off on the quest of his father and of his own man-

hood. Since Athene already knows Odysseus' whereabouts and has already

arranged his return, her principal objective in encouraging Telemachus









to travel to Pylos is not the stated search for a parent, but the

young prince's own elevation.31 Later as Mentor, the goddess again

counsels her protege's son about his preparation for the voyage help-

ing him to select a ship and crew, accompanying him on the voyage and

lending moral support when he faces the courts of Nestor and Menelaus

(Odyssey, Books II-III). In these actions Athene brings Telemachus

the will and the support of the gods and guides him on his way to

adulthood. She does not, however, really combine supernatural powers

with her human actions. Her knowledge of Odysseus' fate is never evi-

denced directly in her counsel to Telemachus; both as Mentes and as

Mentor she gives Telemachus advice which almost any mortal sage might

have proposed. She acts as a kind of catalyst to precipitate a reaction

from the adolescent who was becoming increasingly restless in the face

of his own helplessness and inaction toward the suitors. Her actions

conform in this way to the claims of the seventeenth-century apologists

who alleged that Homer's gods and goddesses allegorically reflected

human traits and/or natural qualities, rather than real divinities.3

Fenelon's Mentor plays a much more significant role in shaping

the experiences and activities of his charge, and therefore in shaping

the growth of Telemaque's character. Like the author for whom he acts

as spokesman, it is Mentor-Minerve who controls both the duration and

the form of Telmaque's adventures. The extent to which the precep-

tor controls the events of Tl4emaque's life is noted by the narrator at

the end of the novel: "Car Mentor, qui reglait tous les moments de la

vie de T4lamaque, pour l'elever A la plus haute gloire, ne l'arretait

en chaque lieu qu'autant qu'il fallait pour exercer sa vertu, et pour

lui faire acquerir de l'experience" [italics added] (Book XVII, p. 447).










Despite the minuteness with which Mentor manages the life of his

pupil, he does not actually constrain him any more than Fenelon himself

constrained the duke of Burgundy. Minerve creates situations which test

the young prince's judgment and his courage, but she does not force him

to act; she only encourages, recognizing that external constraints would

only provoke resistance rather than create the internal discipline

necessary to the proper governing of a realm. The goddess only forces

him into action once, when she precipitates him into the ocean from

the island of Calypso in order to save the young man from his passionate

love for Eucharis. Even in this instance, however, her actions were

intended to impress upon him the power of the forces with which he

was contending. The lesson in her action was that the only way to

escape the deleterious effects of love lay in fleeing the power of

passion as quickly as possible, placing no confidence in one's own

resources. In almost every other case, the goddess' control of the

youth's actions remains at the level of moral persuasion and psycho-

logical manipulation. As Emile's tutor will do over half a century

later, Mentor creates situations which force his pupil to act and

then uses the experience to teach him practically, rather than relying

on theoretical or abstract instructions.

Throughout the novel, Minerve is presented as the goddess of moral

good and the dual character of her incarnation as Mentor represents

the fusion of divine or perfect knowledge with practical action (DGde-

yan, p. 72). The miraculous aspect of Mentor's character becomes

evident almost immediately; his double identity is revealed by the

narrator the moment he arrives on Calypso's island in the company

of Tel4maque (Book I, pp. 66-67). Mentor's superhuman qualities are









demonstrated on a number of occasions: his powers of knowledge allow

him to warn Aceste on the island of Sicile that barbarian hordes

threaten his kingdom with immediate destruction (Book I, p. 76). His

inscrutable presence conceals his identity even from the goddess

Calypso, and makes her uneasy (Book VI, pp. 170-71). His energy and

industry allow him to construct a ship for Telemaque's withdrawal from

Calypso's island alone and in a very short time (Book VI, p. 179).

His eloquence appears especially at Salente when he succeeds in pre-

venting a war by the judicious use of diplomacy -- first convincing

Idomenge to accept his embassy and then reassuring the king's irate

neighbors of the sincerity of the monarch's repentance and the

security of his offers of peace (Book IX, pp. 244-55). His divine

wisdom and miraculous powers are further demonstrated in the reforma-

tion of the city which he persuades Idomene to undertake and which

he accomplishes in a very brief time.3

The goddess manifests her presence to Telemaque not only through

the incarnation of Mentor, but also through dreams. Moreover, she

aids him in ways to which the reader is alerted although Telemaque

is unaware of them. The miraculous armor which she has forged for him

by Vulcan and the protection of her aegis against the darts of love

and the arrows of the Dauniens (Book XII, pp. 359-62) are only two of

many such instances. The reader is also regularly reminded of the

divinity of Tlemaque's guide through the comments which are scat-

tered through the narration. The omnipresence of Minerve's guidance

and protection is only part of the atmosphere of immortality which

permeates the Tel~maque from the opening lamentations of Calypso

to the closing image of Minerve ascending into the heavens on a cloud










after shedding her human form (Gore, "Periple," p. 59). The ubiquity

of her influence and its resemblance to the Christian doctrine of
35
grace35 helps to create an atmosphere of divine will and of provi-

dential purpose which justifies Telemaque's growth by setting him
36
apart from other men.


Minor Characters

Fenelon's primary purpose in writing the Telmaque was didactic

and his characters, the minor ones even more than the major ones,

reflect this overriding interest.3 The names for the secondary

characters for the novel come from the chronicles of antiquity and

from the ancient epics. In drawing on this material, Fenelon retained

the primary trait which legend associated with the particular character,

but he used it as the foundation for a caricature of a particular

principle which he wished to illustrate. In this way, Pygmalion (the

king, not the sculptor) was known through the account in Virgil's

Aeneid to have killed his brother-in-law and exiled his sister, Dido.

In the third book of the Telmaque, he becomes the model for an evil

king: the epitome of avarice and suspicion, not even able to trust the

guards who are charged with the protection of his person. He demon-

strates very effectively the maxim which Tilemaque will voice at the

trials of Crete: the most unhappy man is the king who thinks happiness

is making everyone else miserable (Book V, p. 151). Pygmalion is cut

off from humanity; although he has absolute power over all of the

residents of his kingdom, he himself does not leave the iron doors

of his palace for fear of assassination; he eats only the most frugal

meals prepared by his own hands to avoid the possibility of being

poisoned. He knows not love, peace, health, contentment and most









certainly not happiness.

As the model for the evil king, Pygmalion is the counterpart of

Sesostris, the model for the good king. Where Pygmalion is grasping

and suspicious, Sesostris is generous, friendly, open to his people

and constantly making an effort to mete out justice fairly and equally

to all citizens, even favoring the poor over the rich (Book II, p. 84).

In contrast to the secluded existence of Pygmalion who must constantly

be on guard against assassins and who finally dies poisoned by his

mistress, Sesostris lives in the midst of his subjects, loving and

beloved. He finds friendship among his subjects and has no fear of

reprisals because his actions are always just. He lives life magni-

ficently and enjoys his wealth because it is fairly earned. His

death leaves his people broken-hearted and fearful. He truly sets

an example for all other kings to follow.

Idomenee, who is first mentioned in Book IV as being exiled from

Cr8te and then later appears in Book VIII as the king of Salente,

combines the qualities of both of these models. Especially in the

beginning, his interest in luxury -- manifested in imposing archi-

tecture and development of useless arts -- and his desire for the glory

of conquest represent a short-sighted view of his duties which links

him to Pygmalion's avaricious egocentricity and to the unenlightened
38
younger days of the rule of Sesostris. His suspicion of his neigh-

bors, his desire to acquire their land, and his stubborn pride in

refusing to admit error are also shared by the king of Tyr. Idomenge

has the good qualities of the enlightened Sesostris in that he is

genuinely concerned about the welfare of his people and wants what is

best for them. The repentance and conversion which follow his reali-










nation of his errors and which lead him to submit to Mentor's advice

also resemble the transformation of the Egyptian king. Like Tel6maque,

he learns under the tutelage of the goddess of wisdom to moderate his

emotions, his impetuosity and his pride, thus giving Telemaque, if

not the portrait of a king totally worthy of emulation, at least the

example of a country and king which had been reformed and of the pro-

cess by which reformation was possible.

Since all of these kings are intended as models of conduct --

models in the sense of showing possible alternatives to and probable

consequences of courses of action -- they are not developed-beyond

their allegorical function. Sesostris and Pygmalion are very shallow

figures, not only because they are pure models, but also because they

play little direct part in the action of the novel. Idomenee is more

fully developed because he has a more significant role in the plot.

We can see the flaws in his character which make him an imperfect

king -- and which humanize his character: his dependence on Mentor and

Telemaque and his unwillingness to continue on his own after their

departure. Another weakness of his character as king is his indeci-

siveness -- it is this trait which renders him vulnerable to the evil

counsellor, Protesilas, and to the advice of Mentor. It is not really

that he cannot recognize the difference between good and bad courtiers,

but simply that he does not wish to contradict his advisors. All

three of these kindgoms are thus practical examples for Telemaque in

the problems and possibilities of ruling a kingdom. Other kingdoms,

Betique and Crete provided examples of idealistic forms of government

and politics. None of these kingdoms is intended to be copied or

imitated directly, but taken together, they provide ideal measures and









"empirical" lessons against which to measure real governments.

As the kings serve to illustrate the lessons of good government,

the women of the story teach the young prince about the difficulties

and dangers of love and passion, especially the threat which they pose

to good and effective rule. The novel begins with the scene of Calypso,

mourning her love for Ulysse, and falling immediately in love with

T6elmaque (Book I, pp. 65-66). Her island constitutes a love trap

where Tel6maque is surrounded by beautiful nymphs and of course the

goddess herself. It is even more dangerous than Chypre, one of the

islands dedicated to Venus, because the maidens worshipping the goddess

of Love repelled the youth with their blatant indecency; the seemingly

modest and virtuous conduct of Calypso's companions surprises his

heart and inflames his adolescent sexuality to uncontrollable passion

without even letting him recognize what is happening to him (Book VI,

pp. 184-85). These women are not important to the story for themselves,

but rather because they inspire in T6elmaque a violent passion. When

Mentor criticizes his charge for loving Eucharis, it is not the object

of his love which is attacked, but rather the emotion itself: the fire

of Telemaque's passion threatens to make him forget his quest and his

duties as Prince, to make him wish to stay on Calypso's island surroun-

ded by luxury and protected from the necessity to prove himself further.

Finally, in Salente, Tel"maque finds in Antiope a woman Mentor

believes worthy of a prince: she is beautiful, dutiful and affectionate,

but most importantly Tle4maque's love for her is not at all passionate.

He explains to his confidant what he feels for her: "c'est gout, c'est

estime, c'est persuasion que je serais heureux, si je passais ma vie

avec elle" (Book XVII, p. 468). Moreover, when pressed by Mentor to









return home to aid his father's homecoming, Telemaque leaves on his

own. Thus, his love for Antiope, rather than hindering him, helps

him carry out his duties to his people and himself.

All of the characters of the book serve the didactic purposes of

the author, but they have different functions. The secondary charac-

ters which have just been discussed provide object lessons and examples

of various aspects of morality and politics which support and embody

the lessons which Mentor preached. Their exemplary value is expressed

by Mentor himself when in Book II, he instructs Telemaque to observe

the lands and the people of Sesostris' kingdom and to learn from the

king's example the proper means of leading the people of Ithaca (Book II,

p. 83). The two major characters synthesize the moral experiences of

Telmaque's voyage and supply the science and method necessary to make

the adventures of the trip truly educational.



Morality and Politics in the Telemaque


The debt which Fenelon owed the seventeenth-century novel in pre-

paring the Avantures de Telemaque has already been mentioned. The

work also bears a strong resemblance to the accounts of voyages, both

real and imaginary, which were appearing frequently during the late

seventeenth century. As Atkinson points out, Telemaque's adventures

take him into lands and civilizations which were little known at the

time of his travels; the means by which he arrives in these lands are

possible, even though the presence of a goddess would allow the author

to use miraculous means of transportation; and finally, there is no

striking unreality or lack of consistency in the novel once one accepts

the atmosphere of ancient Greece which permeates it.39 The didactic









purpose of the work and its political philosophy show an even closer

relationship to the voyage genre:

... the realism of Fenelon, his hatred of abuse of
power, his convictions concerning the ideal state
and its dependence both upon agriculture and the
absence of luxury, all these conceptions bind the
T616maque not only to the Terre Australe connue and
to the Histoire des Severambes, but also to the
mass of similar writings which follow in the eigh-
teenth century. (Atkinson, p. 145)

Since Moore's Utopia appeared in England during the Renaissance,

voyages had been used as an instrument of instruction. Both Rabelais

and Montaigne recognized their potential; Cyrano de Bergerac's Autre

monde represented a satirical attack on social institutions and the

Cartesians, but it was also an expression of the Gassendist philosophy.

Gabriel de Foigny, writing La Terre Australe connue for pecuniary

reasons, combined an adventurous sequence of voyages involving mythical

animals and shipwrecks with the detailed account of the Utopian

civilization of the hermaphroditic Australians. Denis Vairasse's

Histoire des Sevgrambes also describes a utopian civilization into

which the main character is introduced by shipwreck. Fenelon's major

innovations in the genre come in the use of the voyage especially for

the instruction of the youthful hero and in the variety of societies

and political systems which appear in the novel. Rather than one

ideal society, as occurs in Moore, Foigny and Vairasse, the royal

preceptor presented both positive and negative models of societies and

conduct: Egypte, Cr8te, la Betique and Salente represent examples or

measures of good governments and their leaders demonstrate in various

ways the proper conduct of a monarch. Sicile's Aceste, Tyr's Pygmalion

and the Society on Chypre, all present examples of conduct to be









avoided. From the educational standpoint, it is significant that none

of Fenelon's characters or models is perfect, because in the imperfec-

tions of each of them and in the variations among them, the author can

explore the implications of different patterns of behavior and the

general principles of the human condition which underlie all forms of

government.

Because Fenelon's objective in writing the T916maque was the

formation of a young man into a good and worthy king of France, the

morality and politics which permeate the novel parallel each other very

closely. Even in acting as an individual, the king cannot forget that

he is responsible for the welfare of a nation and that his actions

have consequences far beyond his own personal security or comfort.

Moreover, it is the king who must decide upon the form of government

for his country and upon the relationship which he will have with his

subjects. This decision must be based upon his understanding of the

human condition and the nature of man. Fenelon gives examples of some

kings who treat their subjects as helpless tools of their personal

power or glory or greed -- Pygmalion and Bocchoris for example -- and

of others who attempt to ensure the welfare of their subjects and who

make the improvement of their subjects' conditions the source of their

renown -- Sesostris and Minos, to name two. As Mentor indicates to

Tle6maque in explaining the changes that have occurred in la Salente,

it is the duty of the monarch to observe man, to learn his habits and

to try to improve him; this can only be accomplished by a combination

of morality and politics, judiciously applied because Fenelon recog-

nized in his life and in his work the futility of trying to enforce

morality and religion by decree.










The principles of this political morality form the basis for

Te'lmaque's answers at the trials of Crete. At the time that Mentor

and Telemaque are reunited on Chypre, Mentor is on his way to Crete

with Hasael, the Arab who bought him from the Egyptians. Their

voyage is a kind of pilgrimage so that HasaSl may learn from the most

perfect system of earthly laws the fundamentals of Greek wisdom. Thus,

Crete is presented from its first appearance as an ideal earthly king-

dom and the model system of laws. When the three comrades arrive on

the island, the concept of an ideal earthly kingdom is expanded:

it is presented as a paradise whose fields are green, whose cities

flourish and whose people are happy and free. The voyagers also

discover that the king of the island, Idomenee, is in exile; and the

Cretans, rather than trying to select a successor by his consanguinity

to Minos, have decided to do so by a succession of trials which should

determine his fitness to rule. The majority of the account of Tele-

maque's sojourn on Crete involves his participation in these trials.

The most important of them requires the aspirants to answer a set of

three enigmas designed to demonstrate their understanding of the prin-

ciples of Minos' laws. Telgmaque wins this contest, completing his

sweep of the trials, by referring to the teachings of Mentor. Since

the divinity of his preceptor as the incarnation of wisdom was estab-

lished very early in the novel, Telemaque's answers at this point must

be considered a revelation of both divine and supreme earthly wisdom.

The first of these questions to be taken from the great book of

the laws deals with liberty: "quel est le plus libre de tous les

homess" After a number of responses from other contestants, T616maque,

obviously remembering his own experience as a slave in Egypte and









Mentor's slavery to Hasail, responds: "Le plus libre de tous les homes

... est celui qui peut etre libre dans l'esclavage meme. En quelque

pays et en quelque condition qu'on soit,on est tries libre, pourvu qu'on

craigne les dieux et qu'on ne craigne qu'eux. En un mot, l'homme veri-

tablement libre est celui qui, degage de toute crainte et de tout

desir, n'est soumis qu'aux dieux et 9 sa raison" (Book V, p. 150).

Only by separating himself from the things of the world and attaching

himself to those things -- the gods and his own reason -- which are

beyond the control of others can man be truly free. Pygmalion serves

as a particular illustration of this principle: the despotic king is

chained by his own greed and fear to the thirty iron-doored cells of

his magnificent palace, where he is restricted to a diet of fruits and

water which he prepares himself. Idomenee's Salente applies the prin-

ciple on a larger scale. Before Mentor's transformation of the city,

it had been surrounded by neighbors fearful of Idomenee's ambition and

the city's growing strength; after its miraculous transfiguration, the

richness of the city lay in its fertile fields rather than the king's

storehouses and its strength in the hearts of its citizens rather than

in its battlements. The agricultural wealth and strength offered

neither booty for renegades like Aceste nor a threat to peaceful

neighbors like Nestor and the allies.

The second question deals with happiness: "Quel est le plus mal-

heureux de tous les homess" Again drawing on his own experience and

Mentor's teachings, Telemaque can respond to the question: "Le plus

malheureux de tous les hommes est un roi qui croit etre heureux en

rendant les autres homes misgrables. Il est doublement malheureux par

son aveuglement; ne connaissant pas son malheur, il ne peut s'en









guerir; il craint meme de la connaitre. La verite ne peut percer la

foule des flatteurs pour aller jusqu'a lui. Il est tyrannise par ses

passions; il ne connait point ses devoirs; il n'a jamais gote le

plaisir de faire le bien ni senti les charmes de la pure vertu. Il est

malheureux et digne de l'tre: son malheur augmente tous les jours; il

court a sa perte, et les dieux se pr6parent a le confondre par une

punition eternelle" (Book V, p. 151). In this statement of the punish-

ment for failure to comply with the rules of proper royal conduct,

Fenelon approaches negatively the problem of gratification for the

philanthropy of considering one's subjects before oneself. Here he

shows -- or at least claims to show -- that the rewards for such

"altruistic" conduct are great; furthermore, the method of approach

reveals or suggests that the rewards for compliance are immediate and

"earthly," not to be expected only in some dimly awaited afterlife,

but available now. There is the somewhat platitudinous reference to

the joys of doing good and the charms of pure virtue, but his reward

also includes the dispersal of the courtiers. In a more material

sense, the monarch's willingness to leave the worker with the rewards

of his labor encourages industriousness and thrift, thus enhancing the

wealth of the kingdom. Moreover, the king who only calls for what is

essential to the governing of the realm earns the loyalty of his

people who are then willing to sacrifice much in order to supply his

needs. Thus, the king who does not try to bring all of the wealth of

the nation into his own treasure houses, succeeds in making the whole

country his treasury. As is shown in other portions of the novel, the

true reward of a just and good king is the adoration and devotion of

his subjects. In the negative statement of T9lmaque's response, the









punishments depicted are mainly of the present, and the eternal condem-

nation of the gods is added as a parting shot. This concept of imme-

diacy is also supported by Telemaque's descent into Hades, since the

blessed kings enjoy a state of bliss which is only a heightened level

of their former state of enlightenment and happiness on earth, while

the evil kings are forced to contemplate their own misdeeds and failures.

The final question concerns the issue of war and peace, or rather

of the choice between two types of national leadership: "Lequel des

deux est preferable d'un c6te, un roi conquerant et invincible dans

la guerre; de l'autre, un roi sans experience de la guerre, mais propre

a police sagement les peuples dans la paix" (Book V, p. 151). Tele-

maque's response to this third question is too long to quote in its

entirety, but in essence it claims that although neither of the two is

more than half a king, the peaceful monarch is the more desirable.

To begin with, it is easier to find lieutenants to lead armies than to

plan national policy-. Then also, since one naturally prefers to do

that which he does best, the conqueror is much more likely to go to

war than is the peaceful king, and war always strains a country -- not

only the side which is defeated, but the victorious side as well.

Finally, in protecting the country from armed interference in its

internal affairs, the monarch who has peacefully built a strong society

has two advantages which are not available to the conqueror. On the one

hand, he will have the entire support of his people and since they are

also fighting for their own property and protecting a way of life

which they do not want to lose, they will fight much harder than

soldiers who are fighting for the glory of conquest and the spoils of

war, stretching even the limits of human endurance. Secondly, he will









be able to call upon the neighboring kings for aid against armed aggres-

sion and they will come to his aid in order to prevent the establishment

upon their borders of a belligerent military power. Thus, the king who

is able to lead his people in peace can more adequately fulfill his

functions as protector of his subjects than the conqueror can fulfill

the role of a leader of the people.

Other episodes in the novel develop the principles enunciated in

these responses, and the more specific instructions of Mentor can be

deduced using them as general laws of government and conduct. Those

countries, Egypte, Crete, la B4tique and Salente, which are ruled

according to these laws are productive, wealthy, happy and free.

Tyr, Chypre and Egypte under Bocchoris, which ignore these principles,

are divided and weakened, pool enslaved and unhappy. Sesostris, Minos

and Idomgnee, who rule by these laws, live long and happily amid the

adoration of their people and enjoying the fruits of their lands. Those

who like Pygmalion and Bocchoris do not follow these precepts finish

miserable existences ignobly, often at the hands of their own subjects.

Conduct is even recommended for the king's subjects, although it is

less developed than that for the king. For those of noble birth, at

least, following Fenelon's program of humility and simplicity protects

them from the ravages of fortune and the whims of kings. Even in exile

and disgrace, Narbal and Polydamas accept their fate and learn to

appreciate a solitary and tranquil existence far from the intrigues of

the court;. they even regret leaving what has become a haven when called

to serve once more in a place of honor and power. These men are the

most prepared to lead because they have learned the vanity of the

honors and wealth of the world and have become accustomed to a humbler,









richer life. Through their own suffering, they have learned the-humanity

of their own condition and realize their responsibility as leaders of

the state. They serve out of love for their countrymen and not in

order to attain the honors and prerogatives of the monarchy.

In the implementation of his principles on the level of national

policy, Fenelon did not seem very radical. Frequent references to the

subject's duty to follow his king in spite of the worst possible faults

indicate Fenelon's acceptance of the divine right of kings. Narbal,

for instance, refuses to leave Tyr and abandon his country despite

the tyranny of Pygmalion; but he also rejects the idea of taking action

against the evil king because the gods have provided Pygmalion for his

governance (Book III, p. 106). Polydamas, the Daunien captain who was

disgraced by Adraste only to succeed him later as king, likewise con-

tinues to support by his own inaction a ruler whose actions he has

condemned as harmful to the nation and to the king himself (Book XVI,

pp. 449-50). Such acceptance of the errors of a king is not, however, an

absolute. When Bocchoris succeeds to Sesostris' throne, his ineptitude

and lack of royal preparation cause a revolt among his subjects (Book

II, pp. 95-97). Idomenee's murder of his own son causes the Cretans

to run him out of the country, and he barely escapes with his life

(Book V, p. 145). And of course the "archest" of arch-villains in the

novel, Pygmalion, lives in constant fear of being killed by one of his

own subjects. Thus, the concept of revolt against an unjust ruler is

presented on the one hand as unworthy of a good, virtuous, god-fearing

and noble subject; but at the same time, revolt against a truly

despicable ruler becomes a natural reaction on the part of his oppressed

citizens, especially when they have known a good king before coming










under the dominion of a bad one.

In other areas of national internal policy, Fenelon is just as

cautiously realistic. The concept of an agricultural kingdom had been

expressed by several other authors before him, particularly Vairasse

and Foigny, whose ideal kingdoms would apparently be on the order of

the nation of la B6tique. La Betique is indeed a paradise which lacks

nothing: a rich population is supported by a generous and prolific

nature so that the people need neither till the soil for food nor con-

struct buildings against the weather. Even gold and silver are avail-

able, although the people have no interest in such sterile wealth

(Book VII, pp. 205-12). In the other cases, including the island of

Cr@te, the economy is based upon a broad spectrum of activities of

which agriculture comprises a major part. As Mentor tells Telemaque

upon the youth's return from the Daunien war: "Une grande ville fort

peuplee d'artisans occupies a amollir les moeurs par les d6lices de la

vie, quand elle est entouree d'un royaume pauvre et mal cultivg,

resemble a un monstre don't la tete est d'une grosseur enorme et don't

tout le corps, extenue et prive de nourriture n'a aucune proportion

avec cette t@te" (Book XVII, p. 459). Further on he blames luxury as

the most corrupting influence possible to a society because it creates

an atmosphere of unhealthy competition for riches which is detrimental

to contentment and the continuing stability of the state (Book XVII,

pp. 461-63). The wording of the statement quoted above seems to indicate

that such a city of wealth and commerce represents a monster when it is

founded on an impoverished population. Both Egypte and Crete have

flourishing economies; Tyr is presented as having been very happy with

a flourishing economy based almost entirely on commerce until the advent









of Pygmalion -- and one of the deleterious effects of his suspicion and

avarice is the drying up of trade. Similarly, Mentor suggests that

Idomgnee's Salente should encourage commerce in order to finance much

of the government's operations. Thus, there seem to be certain conces-

sions made to the necessities of the world as opposed to the conditions

possible in a more perfect and friendly environment.

In exterior politics, F6nelon reaffirms the idea of the family of

man against the tide of nationalism which had been rising in Europe

since the Renaissance. Most of his "foreign policy" stems from this

idea which manifests itself most clearly in his advice to Idomen&e who

is troubled by a claim from the Sybarites that he has forfeited his

rights to several provinces which he obtained from them because he is

not living up to the conditions of the original agreement. In counsel-

ling the king to take the Sipontins, neutral neighbors of both coun-

tries, as arbiters of the dispute, Mentor compares the nations of man-

kind to the families of a republic without police or courts. If each

of the families tries to settle disputes by force, the result will be

bloody chaos and justice will have meaning only as a function of

strength. A king, as a patriarch of his country, is even more obligated

to try to avoid the deleterious consequences of such a development

because the violent and destructive effects of an unregulated dispute

will be much worse than if two families were involved. Thus, the

monarch must be able to understand that in asking a third party to arbi-

trate a dispute, he is not compromising his authority nor his honor; but

that he is rather reaffirming the rule of law and reason on which all

good government is founded (Book XVII, pp. 472-74).

To interpret Fenelon's aversion to war as a means of national









policy and international diplomacy as equivalent to pacifism would

constitute a serious misunderstanding of his intentions. He recognizes

that one of the primary functions of a monarch is to protect his

subjects from external aggression and he realizes that such protection

would require at least the maintenance of a military force and thus

the capability to wage war. T614maque's response to the third question

at the trials of Cr@te both shows the intensity of this feeling and

puts the king's military responsibility in perspective: a king who does

not know how to defend his country in combat is only half a king, but

a king who tries to expand his power by the use of arms is a bad king

and falls into the category of evils from which Mentor states that a

kingdom cannot recover (Book XVII, p. 460). Thus, he condemns the

unnecessary use of force, meaning particularly the military conquest

of other nations, but also including any use of force which is not in

response to an invader.

As to personal conduct, Fenelon expects a king to remain always

conscious of the moral responsibility of his leadership and to keep

constantly in mind the exemplary value of his actions. The humility

implied in this expectation takes several different forms. In governing

and in listening to advice from his counselors, the monarch must reward

equally those who disagree honestly with him and those who honestly

agree; failure to act in this way will chase away the finest among

his advisors and leave him surrounded by the weak flatterers and

panderers who cannot help to govern but only to corrupt. He must further

realize the impossibility of trying to administer all of the problems

of the nation by himself and be willing to delegate authority. Mentor

refers to this form of government as "le supreme et parfait gouverne-









ment [qui] consiste a gouverner ceux qui gouvernent" (Book XVII, p. 464).

The key to this perfect government is the science of man, which the

king must learn through the study of human nature, both by mingling

with his subjects and consulting with wise elders who have slowly

acquired a knowledge of the human spirit. This science has a two-

pronged benefit: it enables the king to choose his subordinates

judiciously and to arrive at a better understanding of the needs of

his people so that he can make policies which will encourage them in

the paths of virtue and productivity.

Royal humility also manifests itself in the recognition of one's

faults and in avoiding them rather than trusting to his own powers to

resist temptation. Particularly applied to the entanglements of love

and passion because these constitute the greatest threats to the rule

of reason (see above, pp. 36-37). Such humility is also necessary to

avoid the temptation to despair in the face of danger or in difficult

situations, to postpone or delegate decisions which only the king him-

slef should make, and to rush into situations without first realizing

all of the issues involved. As the moral as well as the political

leader of his people, the king must always remember that his conduct

serves as a model which they will follow and he should encourage them

to improve their moral lives as well as their physical well-being. He

must therefore eschew luxury and live simply, even as he expects his

people to live; and he must cultivate in his own life the hard work,

simplicity and tranquility which he wishes to instill in them.

In summarizing the traits which Fenelon proposes as ideals for

both governments and monarchs, one thinks of three words: simplicity,

humility and peace. Simplicity not just in the austerity of one's









life style, but also in the directness with which one addresses

situations, other people, and other monarchs. Humility in recognizing

one's position as a servant to those who are his subjects and in recog-

nizing his own fallibility so that he can accept and reward honest

counselors whether they agree or disagree with him; humility in recog-

nizing more than one side of an argument and that seeking outside

arbitration in international disputes is neither dishonorable nor a

sign of weakness. Peace, both in national life so that agriculture

and commerce can thrive unhindered by the heavy taxes of war and in

one's personal life untroubled by storms of passion or fears of

reprisals from disgruntled subjects. These several elements constitute

the basic program of Fenelon's morality and politics. The reward for

following the program is immediate: the love and devotion of one's

subjects -- a love and devotion which can be turned into material wealth

when needed for national defense, but which is not to be imposed upon;

the quality of companions who accompany him; and the peace and tran-

quility of an easy conscience.4o



Conclusion


The Telemachus legend came into the eighteenth century with

Fenelon's very popular and influential Avantures de Telemaque. Despite

early criticism of its sensuality and its alleged political censure of

Louis XIV, the Tl46maque was hailed -- even before the death of its

author, though more so after it -- as one of the finest and most sig-

nificant works of the French language. The improvement in its literary

fortunes was due no doubt as much to Fenelon's personal renown and

charisma as the Prince of Cambrai as to the claims of his apologists









about its literary quality.

The Tl16maque was a combination of genres popular at the beginning

of the eighteenth century. It synthesized elements of the ancient epic

and the contemporary roman with the spirit of the very vigorous voyage

literature of the early eighteenth century. Its form, adventures,

characters and style are all modeled on the epic and frequently borrowed

whole from the Aeneid or the Odyssey, but they are at the same time

transformed into a work which is unmistakably of the seventeenth century.

Te16maque draws his name, his biography and the general outlines of his

character from the Greek, but his behavior conforms more nearly to that

of a seventeenth-century youth than to that of a Greek adolescent. In

essence, he is a romanticized abstraction of adolescence moving in a

rarefied atmosphere of nobility and myth. The other characters repre-

sent different forms of youthful experience as well as allegories of

political ideals. The synthesis of political ideals and experience

reflects Fenelon's non-literary goal: the formation of a ruler who

would be the next king of France.

The principles which Fenelon tried to communicate through the

T416maque form a kind of royal morality which links personal satisfaction

and public responsibility. One of the basic precepts of his program

is a concept which we might today term "enlightened self-interest."

The king who rules according to the needs of his people and not for his

own glory or self-aggrandizement reaps a harvest of happiness in a king-

dom unified by the gratitude which his subjects feel toward him, enriched

by the increased industry and productivity on the part of each citizen

and strengthened by every man's willingness to sacrifice his own good

to that of the nation, in order to defend his way of life. As demon-









strated in Egypte, Crete, la Betique and Salente, the ideal kingdom has

its primary economic base in agriculture. There are both commerce and

trades to supply tools for working the soil and to allow the nation to

acquire abroad what it cannot provide for itself, but there are no frills

to sap the strength of the people and to introduce dangerous conflicts

among citizens. Even the process by which reform could be accomplished

is outlined in the reconstruction-of Salente by Mentor, so that the

Telmaque represents a very complete political primer showing how to

approach problems which might arise in governing the country as well as

the consequences of both proper and improper behavior.

For the author who followed Fenelon and utilized his subject, the

T6l6maque provided a fertile field from which to draw. On the one hand

his characters and situations were of heroic stature and enjoyed almost

universal recognition among the French reading public; on the other, the

political philosophy of his very didactic work was widely praised and

his work was considered as a model for educational literature. The

following chapters will show how each of these-authors exploited these

factors and with what success.





W. B. Stanford, "On Some References to Ulysses in French Literature
from DuBellay to Fenelon," Studies in Philology, 50 (1953), 447-50.

'Charles Dedeyan, Le Telemaque de Fenelon, Les course de Sorbonne
(Paris: Centre de documentation Universitaire, [19671), p. 50.

ed. Federic Deloffre (Geneva: Droz, 1956), pp. 45-48.

Albert Cherel, Fenelon au XVIIIe sikcle en France (1715-1820):
Son prestige, son influence (1917, repr. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970), p. 24.
Future reference to Cherel, Fenelon.

5Correspondance de Bossuet, ed. Charles Urbain and E. Levesque
(Paris: Hachette, 1920), v. 12, p. 6, letter no. 1926. Cherel refers to
this letter, in his Fenelon (p. 25).









E. Delval, "Autour du Tel6maque de Fenelon: Part I, Le Pamphlet
d'un pedant, la.Telemaco-manie de Pierre-VYalentin Faydit (1640-1709),"
M6moires de la Soeiete d'Emuilation de Cambrai, 84 (1936), pp. 143-44.
This article was published serially in successive numbers .of the Memoires;
I will refer to the parts os separate articles. Future references to this
one will be to Delval I.
7
E. Delval, "Autour du Telemaque de Fenelon: Part II, Les Libelles
d'un ironiste, Nicolas Gueudeville (1650-1720)," M6m. Soc. Cambrai,
85 (1937), p. 139. Future references to Delval II. Gueudeville published
five critiques of the Tel6maque -- four in 1700 and one in 1702.
8
F6nelon's Explication des Maximes des Saints dur la vie interieure
(Maximes)appeared in 1697 and generated considerable controversy until
it was finally condemned in 1699, just a week before the publication
of the T416maque (see Dedeyan, p. 38). Fenelon's immediate submission
to the papal decree was lauded by his supporters as a supreme example
of faith and attacked by his enemies as a ruse.

"Introduction" to Fenelon, Les Avantures de TeClmaque, ed. Albert
Cahen, Les Grands Ecrivains de la France, 2nd ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1927),
v. 1, p. lxvi.
10
Several editions of the Tel6maque appeared in 1717 which claimed
to have been prepared with the cooperation of Fenelon's family and with
access to the original manuscript. All of these carried Ramsay's Discours.
The De Laulne edition from Paris and the Rotterdam edition carried maps
as well. [source: Cherel, Fenelon au XVIIIe siecle (supplement):
Tableaux bibliographiques, p. 10.]
11
See Dedeyan, p. 39; Ch6rel, p. 27; and Frangois Drujon, Les
Livres a clef, etudes de bibliographie critique et analytique pour
servir a l'histoire litteraire (1888; rpt. Brussels: Culture et Civi-
lisation, 1966), p. 925. These keys do not appear in the bibliographies
and the only one which I have been able to consult is the one which
Cahen gives in its entirety in the introduction to his edition.
12
1(Paris: Jacques Estienne, 1717), v. 1, pp. vii-lviii.

1See Ch6rel, "La Reputation et l'influence litteraire du Tl16maque"
in his Fenelon, pp. 287-99.
14
Cherel, Fenelon, pp. 376-77. This too brief comment is drawn from
the resumes given by Cherel to two of his studies of the influence of
Fenelon on Voltaire. The first, from p. 334, refers to the period prior
to 1747: "Voltaire garde envers Fenelon une attitude un peu defiante,
malgre ses sympathies sur quelques points, et malgre ce qu'il semble
lui devoir." The other referring to the period following 1747 is from
376-77: "Voltaire dans Le Siecle de Louis XIV, exalte le roman fenelonien,
oh il relevait assez sechement des fautes et des defauts deux ans aupa-
ravant. Il exclut une fois de plus, avec insistence, mais aussi avec
politesse, Tel4maque du genre piquee" The issue is, as Cherel's own
analysis shows, very complex, and the only intention of these quotations
is to give an overall sense of the trend in Voltaire's attitude toward
F6nelon.









15 Andre le Breton, Le Roman au XVIIe sicle, 4th ed. ([Paris]:
Hachette, n.d.), pp. 255-56.

16 Rene Godenne, Histoire de la nouvelle franqaise au XVIIe et
XVIII sidles (Geneva: Droz, 1970), pp. 46-47.
17
J.-L. Gore, Les Avantures de Telemaque, Garnier-Flammarion
(Paris: Gamier, 1968), Book VII, pp. 193-201. All page references
to the Tel4maque are to this edition.
18
Godenne, pp. 48-53. The primary distinction was length and
anecdotal unity -- the nouvelles being shorter and more unified than
the romans; in the early theoretical discussions, however, these
other elements were also debated between the two genres.

19 "Discours," p. xlvi.
20
2Vergil, Aeneid, trans. Patric Dickinson, Mentor Classics
(New York: The New American Library, 1961), Book I, p. 20. The infant
cupid sent to inspire love also appears in Vergil though with a
totally different context (Book I, pp. 24-26).
21
Geoffry Atkinson, The Extraordinary Voyage in French Literature,
I: Before 1700, Bibliography and Reference Series, 96 (1920; rpt.
New York: Burt Franklin, [1965]), pp. 144-45.
22
2Gilbert Chinard, L'Amirique et le r@ve exotique dans la
littgrature francaise au XVIIC et XVIII' siecle (Paris: Droz, 1934),
p. 215.

23 David E. Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," The Classical
Journal, 65 (1969), 110.
24
In order to reduce confusion, proper names will be given
throughout the dissertation as they appear in the text being dis-
cussed.
25
2Homer, The Odyssey of Homer, tr. William Cullen Bryant,
The Riverside Literature Series (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1899).
References will be given in the text to Book and line numbers.
26
Charles W. Eckhart, "Initiatory Motifs in the Story of
Telemachus," The Classical Journal, 59 (1963), 51.

27 Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," pp. 109-16.

see Dedeyan, Tl46maque, p. 70. Dedeyan points out the realism
of the character caused by the realization of the virtualities in
Telemachus' character.
29
2see J.-L. Gore, "Le Te16maque, Periple odyseen ou voyage
initiatique," CAIEF, 15 (1963), 59-66.

30 Dedeyan, T4glmaque, p. 72.








31 Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," pp. 115-16.

32 No6mi Hepp, "Les interpretations religieuses d'Homere au XVIIe
siecle," Revue des Sciences Religieuses, 31 (1957), 40.
33
M. Danlielou, F6nelon et le duc de Bourgogne: Etude d'une
education (Bloud & Gay, [1955]), p. 91.
34
Book IX; Mentor's commentary is found in Book XVII, pp. 458-67.
35
see Cahen's "Introduction," p. Ixviii, and the note to Book VI,
1. 709.

Mentor speaks of T616maque's "election" as favored of the gods
on several occasions, admonishing him to take heart and not to despair
after such favor had been granted him. See, for example, his lecture
on leaving Calypso's island (Book VI, p. 183). Thermasiris also makes
this claim (Book II, p. 90).

Danlielou, Fenelon et le due, p. 169.
38
Later, during T616maque's visit to the Elysian Fields, Sesos-
tris is depicted as being troubled by his early actions and his interest
in conquest and glory (Book XIV, pp. 408-409).

3Atkinson, The Extraordinary Voyage before 1700, p. 144.
40
In preparing this section, I have tried to treat those basic
elements which will be needed later in dealing with other works. The
effort of condensation and simplification has made noting individual
sources difficult. The primary sources for this section have been:
Alfred Adler, "Fenelon's T616maque: Intention and Effect," SP, 55
(1958), 591-602. Leon Brunschvicg, "Fenelon" in his Spinoza et ses
contemporains (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1923), pp. 358-76. Madelaine C.
Danlielou, F6nelon et le duc de Bourgogne: Etude d'une Education,
which includes several sections on the Tl46maque itself and several
on Fgnelon's educational and political philosophy. Charles D6deyan,
Le T6lmaque de Fenelon (Paris: Centre de documentation universitaire,
[1967]), PP. 55-66.
















CHAPTER II: THE TELEMACHUS THEME AS A FACADE


Fgnelon's treatment of Homer's Telemachus provided many possibili-

ties for further artistic development, not only of the theme but of the

concept of the educational voyage, the characters and the individual

episodes of the story as well. The earliest authors seem to have had no

notion of the novel's true potential, however; their works seize only on

its superficial elements and have little other relation to their sup-

posed model. The first of these authors, Grandchamp, admits that his

Tel6maque moderne is no more than a veil of antiquity drawn over a

modern memoir in order to protect the hero's identity; his tale of the

amorous intrigues of a young, highly-born prince relates to the

T61lmaque primarily in the names of the two main characters. As will be

shown, he was obviously trying to profit from the accusations of ero-

ticism which Fenelon's enemies had made against the archbishop's novel.

The second work appeared in 1716 as a "continuation du quatrieme livre

des Avantures de Telmaque, Fils d'Ulisse." The author of the Loix du

roi Minos used the Telemaque as the setting for a treatise on juris-

prudence. Although he left T616maque on the island of Crete and retained

the same epoch as Fenelon, he really only utilized the Telemachus theme

as the context for a discourse on his own political, social and judi-

cial theory, probably in the hope that the popularity of the earlier

work would make his work more acceptable to the public. Thus, despite

fundamental differences in form, intention and message, the first two









authors to treat the Telemachus theme in the eighteenth century are

similar in that they both borrow from the Telemaque only superficial

elements as a facade to enhance their own works.



Grandchamp's Le Te14maque Moderne


The first of the adaptations of the Telmaque is attributed to a

gentleman soldier named de Granchamp. The Michaud Bibliographie

universelle records that he was recruited by Holland during the time

that Austria, Holland and England were allied against France and that

he died in 1702 at the siege of Liege under the command of the duke of

Marlborough. He published two literary efforts: the Guerre d'Italie

ou Memoires du comte D****, published posthumously in Cologne in 1702

and re-edited in 1707 by Courtilz de Sandras who frequently received

the credit for the work, and the Telemaque moderne ou les intrigues

d'un grand seigneur pendant son exil which appeared in Cologne, chez

Antoine d'Egmond in 1701 (Michaud, v. 17, p. 330). The latter novel

seems to have stirred little controversy or enthusiasm and a promised

continuation was never published.

The "Avertissement" to the novel indicates that the story is a

roman a clef concealing under the names of ancient characters real

personages whose identities are so well known that the knowledgeable

reader will not even need a key to recognize them. The author claims

to have chosen the names of his characters because: "... on ne pouvoit

faire choix d'un Heros qui fut plus a la mode, & plus du gout du sikcle

que le Telemaque de l'Odyssee d'Homere ... Ce seul nom suffit pour le

faire rechercher. The author is not, however, content to leave so

slight a connection between his own work and that of the esteemed









archbishop. He also claims that "il y a tant de liaison & de conformity

entire les Avantures arrives au grand Seigneur Exile, don't on parle ici,

& celles de Telemaque don't l'illustre Mr. de Cambrai nous fait le recit,

... qu'on pourroit meme sans peine faire servir ceux la de suite a ce

que ce celebre Prelat nous en a deja donng." He does not claim to have

equalled the worthy prelate in style and grace, but is content to offer

the public a feeble copy of the brilliant original; all the more con-

tent since M. de Salignac is inimitable in his genre. Grandchamp justi-

fies offering the public a poor copy of a glorious original in two ways:

first, he claims that, following Fenelon's example, he intends in the

novel to instruct the reader while amusing him. Secondly, the author

of the Telemaque moderne claims for his novel that beauty which is unique

to truth: "La verite a des beautez, & des agremens que la Fable n'a pas,

& ce seul endroit suffit pour faire lire cet Ouvrage, & pour le distin-

guer de tout ce qui a deja paru sous ce Titre." The author ends his

six page "Avertissement" by explaining that the three letters which

comprise the novel's three parts are only the first installment of the

memoirs and that the rest needs only be put in order to be ready for

publication; the three sections offered will be completed later if

demand warrants. Although the lack of further volumes of the novel

would indicate that public response was not favorable, failure to con-

tinue the book might also be attributed to the author's demise the fol-

lowing year.

Grandchamp's claims to historical accuracy or authenticity were

typical of this genre of fiction during the eighteenth century and in

view of the very conventional nature of the episodes and characters, can

probably be discounted. When the novel was offered for sale, the









catalogue de Pixericourt (no. 1317) identified the hero in a note to

the item as the "Cel"bre comte de Lauzun," but the publisher's own

vested interest must be considered in accepting the identification.

Although his pretensions to truth were probably as conventional as the

adventures of his characters and as specious as his claims to similarity

of situation with Fenelon's heroes, some of Grandchamp's remarks are

very accurate, particularly when he modestly admits his inferiority to

Fenelon. The adventures of the Telemaque led Fenelon's hero to many of

the civilizations of the ancient Mediterranean and brought him to a more

profound understanding of his duties as monarch and of the necessities

of government. The Tel"maque moderne transforms these noble exploits

into a series of amorous intrigues which involve not only Tle6maque, but

his companion Mentor as well, in strong emotional relationships which

distract the novel's two heroes from their duties as soldiers, princes

and leaders. This dereliction of duty represents a relaxation of moral

principle against which Mentor was always on guard in the original.

Characterization suffers a similar fate. T61emaque and Mentor lose the

consistency which they have in F6nelon's work so that Mentor exhorts

his friend to resist the dangers of love and passion in one scene, only

to become his rival a few pages later. Moreover, the author of the

T61lmaque moderne does not achieve the eloquence of the archbishop's

style and he chooses not to use the structure of the original. Thus,

as he warns in the introduction to the work, Grandchamp incorporates

very little of the T61lmaque into his own adaptation of the tradition

and what he does try to retain is corrupted by its surroundings.

In the T616maque moderne, Grandchamp recounts two love affairs of

the young prince of Ithaque: these are essentially common stories of









which one can find many contemporary examples. The elements of the

plot are the traditional landmarks in the course of a love affair: mis-

understanding, abandonment, return, rivals, spies, corrupted servants,

jealousy, interfering relatives, trysts in the dark of the moon, etc.

In its basic outline the plot concerns the wooing of Zadriste, a young

princess of Corinthe, which occurs while T616maque is in exile from

Cr8te; and a second affair with Argenise with whom he becomes involved

while passing through the village of Pentos on his way back to Corinthe

and Zadriste. Introducing and connecting these two stories is Tele-

maque's career as a military officer in Idomngee's cavalry on the island

of Crete. Actually, the two episodes are very loosely based on the two

love affairs of the original T61emaque who fell in love with Eucharis

on Calypso's island and again later with Idomgene's daughter Antiope.

The difference is that the ancient prince made no vows to return to his

nymph and did not fail to return because of a passionate love for

another woman. Fenelon even makes a concession to contemporary senti-

mentality by having T6lemaque confess that he will never be able to for-

get his passion for Eucharis. The modern counterpart will have far more

reason to echo his model's apology to Mentor: "Vous me blimerez peut-

@tre ... de prendre trop facilement des inclinations dans les lieux oa

je passe" (Book XVII, p. 467).

The novel is divided into three parts, each of which consists of

a letter from Mentor to Arbaste, an intimate mutual friend of Mentor

and Telemaque. The first letter covers a period of eighteen months to

two years and it traces the prince's adventures through his voluntary

exile from Ithaque to Crete, through his involuntary exile from Crete

to Corinthe and ends with his recall from exile to Idom6nee's court.









The second letter picks up the story as Mentor and Telemaque are re-

turning to their lovers in Corinthe and describes the six-month sojourn

in Pentos occasioned by Tel6maque's new affair with Argenise. It ends

with the hero's supposedly definitive break with Argenise. The third

letter continues the account of their stay in Pentos and ends with Tele-

maque's recall to the army.

The first letter begins with Mentor's explanation of his reasons for

confiding such intimate details of his friend's life to a third party --

Arbaste -- and a sort of justification of his divulgence of a trust

(pp. 1-2). He then portrays his young hero to his correspondent although

he admits that Arbaste has no need of such a portrait (pp. 2-5). The

story itself begins on the island of Ithaque where the young prince is

bored with the "vie molle & oisive qu'on y [mane]" after the reconquest

of his father's position (p. 6). In search of a more exciting existence,

he and Mentor return to Idomenee's court at Crete where the prince is

given a commission as a general in the light cavalry. Jealous ministers

who fear his influence over the king manage to ruin his relations with

the throne and he is summarily exiled to Corinthe where he spends the

first year in a castle outside town, enjoying the serenity of the

pastoral setting and passing the time in study and meditation (pp. 4-16).

When the prince and Mentor decide to join the life at court in the city,

Mentor recognizes almost immediately the threat posed by the many

beautiful women, all of whom try to attract Tel6maque's attention

(p. 17). There follows a long diatribe in which Mentor decries the evils

of passionate love, a short internal conflict between virtue and passion,

and finally the beginning of Tel6maque's involvement with Zadriste, a

young princess whose father brings her to Corinthe once a year to enjoy










the life of the court (pp. 17-30). After this introduction, the affair

with Zadriste can be divided into two parts: rivalry between the two

friends and intervention by Zadriste's father. The letter ends when

Telemaque, whose friends have been working for him in his absence, is

called back to Crete after enjoying several months of relatively undis-

turbed meetings with his mistress.

The other two letters are no less complicated and follow much the

same general pattern of development. At the beginning of the second

letter, Tl"6maque and Mentor, on their way back to Corinthe and their

mistresses, make a stop-over in the village of Pentos to visit a

friend. There Telemaque agrees to humble the proud Pysidastre by steal-

ing his girlfriend, the princess Argenise. In the process, Tel6maque

falls in love with the princess and, after replacing his rival, refuses

to give her up. The jealous Pysidastre then alerts the queen, Argenise's

mother, to her daughter's conduct; and she tries to separate the two

young lovers. After a short time, Argenise is able to convince her

mother that she has forgotten Telemaque, and when the queen reduces her

surveillance of the princess, the two can once again meet frequently if

not openly. The letter ends when Tel6maque becomes convinced that

Argenise has been unfaithful to him and breaks off their relationship.

In the third letter, T4lemaque discovers that Argenise had been

framed and falls in love with her once again. After a series of resis-

tances, she finally agrees to meet with him and the rendez-vous brings

about their reconciliation. During the months that follow, the two

enjoy almost undisturbed happiness despite the arrival of two other

suitors for Argenise's hand. Finally, they are able to persuade the

queen to accept their love and to try to intercede with certain other









relatives who must approve the princess' marriage. When the queen be-

comes convinced that the family will never agree, however, she once again

-- a forbids her-daughter -to see-T&i6maque. -The girl, of-course-;-ignores her

mothers orders and continues to meet her lover in the garden, which the

queen believes to be safe. During this period, Telemaque and Zadriste

end their affair by letter and Zadriste begins to pray to Venus for re-

venge. Finally, after a series of serious reversals in the plans of the

young couple at Pentos, the queen finds a way to separate them so com-

pletely that they cannot even correspond. At the end of the third let-

ter, Tel6maque is being recalled to the army without having been able to

notify Argenise of his departure.

One can see in the three letters a parallel development of the

affairs. Each begins with a sudden and overwhelming passion on the part

of T6lemaque who then must conspire to meet the girl, whose infatuation

with the hero facilitates matters. The hero is then confronted with the

necessity of displacing rivals for his mistress' hand. When the rivals

have been eliminated, he must contend with the interference of her fam-

ily. In the first two letters he succeeds in lulling the family into

believing in the virtue of its daughter and gains relatively free access

to her, and then he leaves her. Only in the third letter does the family

successfully separate the couple, thus leaving the story open at the end

for the promised continuation.

The parallel structure of the letters provides a certain cohesive-

ness or unity in a basically episodic novel. Each of the letters re-

counts an adventure essentially separate from the others. Another tech-

nique for linking the episodes is overlapping adventures so that one is

continued into the next. T6lmaque's affair with Zadriste, for example,
is continued into the story of his love of Argenise in several ways.
is continued into the story of his love of Argenise in several ways.









First he meets Argenise while returning to Corinthe to see his first

mistress. Later, Mentor returns to Corinthe to see Phinamise, to whom

he has remained faithful, and must answer questions from an anxious

Zadriste about the condition of Telemaque's love. Finally, in book

three, the affair ends in an exchange of letters in which Zadriste asks

her long delinquent lover whether he has been faithful; when he answers

in the negative, their affair is over. Furthermore, Zadriste's prayers

to Venus are given credit for the setbacks which Tel"maque suffers in

his affair with Argenise from that time on. Fenelon's use of the same

technique, in Adoam's continuation of Narbal's story and the relation

of Pygmalion's fate, has already been mentioned. This manner of connec-

ting episodes for Grandchamp as for F6nelon, is a mechanical device which

provides only external links rather than real integration. It is used

by Grandchamp with even less subtlety than by Fenelon and the basic

political principles which lend another kind of unity to the T616maque

are totally lacking in the modernization.

Each of the episodes which compose the letters is also a very com-

plicated series of adventures. In the description of Tel6maque's

affair with Zadriste, he falls in love with the young woman on seeing

her at her window, but his promises to Mentor to avoid passionate entangle-

ments keep him from trying to meet her. The princess, who lacks the

reasons the prince has for staying free of love affairs, is also infatu-

ated; in the process of meeting Tle6maque, she encounters Mentor, who

also falls in love with her. During the period which follows, Tel1maque

and Mentor, each ashamed to admit his weakness, conceal from each other

their efforts to win Zadriste. This mutual dissimulation produces an

imbroglio where Zadriste accepts the court of the favored Telemaque, even









though she does not return his declarations of love, but is reluctant to

reject Mentor too forcefully, for fear that he might damage her relation-

ship with Telemaque. After much unsuccessful effort, Mentor, still

unaware that his successful rival is his own best friend, finally finds

Zadriste alone in her garden house wearing only a dressing gown. Although

it is late at night, a door left open by a careless servant lets him into

the garden and he makes several unsuccessful attempts to seduce the

young woman. Shortly after this incident, the two friends give a party

to entertain their love. Mentor once again takes the opportunity to

declare his passion for Zadriste, and once again fails to obtain a

response. His actions, however, alert Telmaque to his feelings and

the young man gallantly decides to sacrifice love to friendship. With

this in mind, the prince sends his mistress a letter announcing without

explanation that he cannot see her again. She immediately replies in a

letter declaring for the first time that she loves him. Telemaque is

moved, but with great effort resists her pleas for a rendez-vous and an

explanation. Then after about a week without meeting her, a chance

encounter puts an end to his restraint and their affair begins anew.

During the time of Telemaque's withdrawal, Mentor has no success at

all in trying to see Zadriste and he finally begins to suspect that he

has a rival. One day, finding the door of her castle conveniently

open, he enters and observes through a keyhole a tender scene of passion

between the princess and T41emaque. He returns home almost immediately

to try to renounce his love for Zadriste in favor of his friendship with

Telemaque; and when he fails he confronts his friend. T16emaque admits

his involvement with the princess and relates at the same time his

efforts to withdraw in favor of his companion. Inspired by Te16maque's









example and convinced of the futility of competing with his friend for

Zadriste, Mentor agrees to accept fate and becomes the confidant of the

two lovers. The story is continued briefly as Mentor realizes that

his emotion is too strong to be suppressed and shifts his passion from

Zadriste to her sister Phinamise. The four lovers then live happily

until the intervention of Zadriste's father, Demophon, begins the next

episode.

Like this first episode, each of the novel's adventures really con-

stitutes an act in itself with an exposition, plot, crisis and denoue-

ment separate from the rest of the novel. Several structural techniques

contribute to the episodic effect. A primary technique is Grandchamp's

manner of announcing an event, describing it and then recounting the

circumstances leading up to it. Thus, he describes in the first letter

a conversation between the two protagonists of the story. In the con-

versation, Mentor assures T~6lmaque that he understands his inability to

resist falling in love with Zadriste because Mentor himself has found

love too powerful to ignore. Mentor further justifies his confidant's

passion by comparing the power of destiny to the weakness of man and by

declaring that the two young people deserve each other. After this

description of the conversation, he introduces a recapitulation of the

incidents which preceded it: "Mais il faut voir ce qui se pass, avant

que j'eusse cette conversation avec Telemaque, qui ne fut qu'un mois,

ou environ, apres la premiere avanture qu'il avoit eu avec l'aimable

Zadriste, ou je l'ai laisse" (pp. 38-39). The same technique is used

frequently throughout the novel and creates a sense of immobility in

the plot because each of these blocks effectively stops the actions

going on within it and separates that sequence of events from the









development of the rest of the novel.

Another device which contributes to the episodic character of the

work is the verbatim inclusion of the letters, poems and aphorisms in

the text. Mentor relates Tel6maque's first efforts to inform Zadriste

of his love for her by including the first letter which the youth had

written to her (pp. 39-40). Later their final confrontation is also

presented through their correspondence (pp. 210-12). Amorous quatrains

appear in the text on several occasions: one example is the impromptu

with which Tel6maque consoles Argenise a propos of their infidelity to

their respective lovers: "Mon inconstance & la v6tre,/ Argenise, devroit

nous charmer./ Nous lui devons l'un & l'autre,/ Le plaisir de nous aimer"

(p. 149). Another is the quatrain galant which Mentor cites as an

aphorism of love and as a generalization of Telmaque's behavior:

"Qu'une flamme mal eteinte/ Est facile a rallumer,/ Et qu'avac peu de

contrainte,/ On recommence d'aimer" (p. 184). The inclusion of such

pieces is testimony to Grandchamp's debt to the nouvellistes of the

seventeenth century. They are intended to add a certain "realism" to

the work; but they rather disrupt the flow of the story and tend to

fragment the action.

In characterization, where Fenelon had given only a very brief

and general introductory description which is later developed as the

characters act out their roles, Grandchamp chose again to follow the

example of the nouvellistes who introduced characters with extensive

portraits. Of the four major characters of the T61emaque moderne,

Mentor is the only one not introduced by a portrait, and this repre-

sents a concession to the letter form. The description of Te16maque,

which introduces the novel, is the most extensive, covering his










personality traits, social graces, and intellectual accomplishments,

in addition to a brief and very general physical description. His

two mistresses -- Zadriste (pp. 28-30) and Argenise (pp. 117-19) --

are introduced with a physical description and a short biographical

note.

The lengthy portrait which Mentor gives of Tel"maque begins with

praise for the courage which has permitted him to overcome the misfor-

tunes of his exile: "Son grand coeur le met au dessus des 6venemens les

plus funestes, & pourvG qu.'il conserve la vertu, que je lui ay recomman-

dee, il s'estime trop heureux avec ce rare tr6sor qui fait toute sa

consolation dans ses disgraces" (p. 3). His experience with adversity

during his exile has taught him to meet every obstacle with tranquility

and nothing agitates him any more. However, in other ways, he is un-

changed: "Ii possede les memes graces, il a le visage gai, riant &

enjoiu, tel que vous l'avez vi guand il 9toit aupres de vous. Il est

honnete & affable a tout le monde, agreables engageant, quoi qu'on lui

reproche de n'entendre pas assez la maniere de railler finement, qui

est le goft du siecle, ..." (p. 3). After this presentation of the

prince's social graces, Mentor details his intellectual accomplishments:

"Son esprit n'est pas des plus vifs, mais il comprend facilement toutes

choses, & son jugement est tres solide. Les sciences sont ses plus

cheres delices, quoi qu'il n'estime pas qu'il soit absolument necessaire

pour un home de son caractere, de les approfondir. II possede les

langues, ce qui lui a fait naitre les occasions de s'humaniser un peu

avec l'amour, & d'avoir des Maitresses de toutes sortes de nations"

(p. 4). Having broached that aspect of the hero's character which

is most illuminated by the Telmaque moderne, Mentor continues: "Il









entend en perfection l'art de plaire, & celui de s'insinuer agreablement

dans l'esprit du beau sexe, & d'en meriter toute l'estime. Il est

tres sincere en amour et feint rarement une passion qu'il ne ressent

pas; il ne laisse pas neantmoins d'etre volage & inconstant comme les

autres homes" (p. 4). If he is inconstant, however, it is more the

fault of the century than his own; especially since women find him so

attractive: "Le sexe, pour la plus part se laisse rarement 6blouir

par les charmes de l'esprit & par le merite, si ces avantages ne sont

accompagnez des graces du corps: Pour ces dernieres, vour sgavez qu'il

les possede: Sa taille passe un peu la mediocre, il est tres bien fait

de corps, & beau de visage: Un air doux accompagne ses regards & ses

paroles, & s'il avoit les yeux plus grands & plus ouverts, on pourroit

dire qu'il est un homme parfaitement beau" (p. 5). Mentor concludes

his remarks on the person of Tle6maque with a few words about his general

being and disposition. After this resume of his character, Mentor adds

a brief biographical note: "Je ferois un gros volume, cher Arbaste,

si je vouloisvousraconter en detail ses amours, & les differences

avantures qui lui sont arrives dans les frequens voiages qu'il a fait"

(pp. 5-6).

Despite its conformity to the traditional portraits of the seven-

teenth-century roman and nouvelle, Grandchamp's description of Telemaque

reveals a desire on the part of the author to be at least somewhat

faithful to the original. His references to the effect of the trials

and tribulations which the young prince had endured while on his voyages,

for example, echoes Mentor's remarks when he is persuading the original

Telemaque to leave Salente: "... vous etes enfin devenu homme, et vous

commencez, par l'experience de vos maux, a compatir a ceux des autres"










(Book XVII, p. 478), and the final reference to his many love affairs

reminds the reader of the prince's experiences on Chypre and Calypso's

island if not his love of Antiope at Salente. Most of the elements

which Mentor attributes to T616maque in this portrait can be drawn

from one or another episode of the Tle6maque, but in portraying the

character, Grandchamp modifies Fenelon's conception of him in a number

of ways. On one level, Grandchamp accords considerable attention

to the youth's formal education -- languages, sciences, concepts --

while Fenelon relates the process of his practical education, or the

finishing of his education. On another, one of the prince's principal

qualities, both in the Homeric and the Fenelonian version, acquires a

completely different significance. The discretion, inherited from the

wily Ulysses, is originally manifested as moderation and self-control;

but the virtue becomes less evident when discretion becomes dissimula-

tion. Even when combined with a hatred of falsehood, the latter repre-

sents a negative approach to the love and respect which F6nelon's hero

bears for the truth. The results are naturally very different. The

ancient T416maque shows his discretion in not betraying his friends or

secrets of state; both at Tyr and later with the allies, this quality is

stressed. When on the other hand he feels the guilt of his weakness

for Eucharis on Calypso's island and later for Antiope in Idom6n6e's

court, he may try to avoid revealing his emotion to his master, but he

is never successful. Grandchamp's hero, by contrast, fearing the reac-

tion of-his- friend, artfully -conceals both his love affairs from his

closest companion and confidant.

Within the novel itself, Grandchamp's effort to transform a hero

of the stamp of T616maque into an amorous heros de roman creates some










fundamental inconsistencies. Mentor's portrait of T616maque, for exam-

ple, ends with a reference to the women he has known during his perilous

travels, which seems to tie the novel to the Tel6maque by evoking the

island of Chypre, Eucharis and Antiope. Later, in describing the begin-

ning of the prince's love affair with Zadriste, Mentor twice accords

her the honor of being the first woman to ensnare the youth. Before

the description of their first meeting, he says: "Telemaque rendit ses

premiers hommages a ce Dieu vainqueur" (p. 28). Later, talking again

about Zadriste, he comments: "Telemaque eut le loisir de la voir en

cheveux, & d'en admirer toute la beauty: ce furent la les premieres

chalnes don't l'amour se servit pour triompher de son jeune coeur"

(pp. 35-36). Thus, Tle6maque is at once the much experienced lover of

many affairs and the young and inexperienced youth coming into contact

with passion for the first time.

The highest degree of inconsistency in the novel derives from

Grandchamp's efforts to conserve the relationship between Tel6maque and

Mentor as the wise and elder counselor guiding the young and impression-

able prince. He maintains this impression in the beginning of the novel

with Mentor's position as a narrator and confidant, by the lecture which

Mentor offers Te6lmaque on love and by the promises of abstinence which

he extracts-from-his friend. --The modern-Mentor-has, -however, -hanged

even more than the modern Telemaque: rather than the powerful and bene-

ficent goddess clad in human form in order to instruct a mortal in the

proper governance of his people, the Mentor of the Tel6maque moderne

is the companion of a rather dissolute young man. When he tries to

lead his young friend away from evil companions, he ends up by succumbing

to temptation himself. Shortly after their arrival at the court of










Corinthe, Mentor realizes the danger into which they have entered and

hurries to warn T614maque to return to the pastoral retreat which has

been their home for the past year. As a part of this plea he preaches

a sermon which resembles Mentor's injunctions to T616maque on the island

of Chypre (Book IV, p. 131) and Narbal's commentary on Pygmalion's love

affair with Astarb6, which finally leads to the king's death (Books II,

VI). This time, however, Telemaque resists his companion's efforts,

trusting to his own ability to keep the promises he has made, and he

even manages to convince Mentor to remain in Corinthe with him. So far

the tale is reminiscent of Tel6maque's stay on Calypso's island, where

he believed that he had sufficient control of himself to bid farewell to

Eucharis even after demonstrating that he did not. In this case, how-

ever, not only does Telemaque fall in love within a very short time, but

Mentor also loses the battle with his passions and becomes Tel6maque's

rival for Zadriste. When he does realize the futility of his love,

moreover, Mentor only changes the object of it because he is too weak

to stifle it. His lack of moral leadership extends even farther, since

he several times excuses actions for which Telemaque himself recognizes

his guilt. The original Mentor was also very forgiving of the errors

of his charge after he repented, but the modern counterpart does not

demand even a cessation of the activity and goes so far as to justify

the prince's actions. Thus, Grandchamp's Mentor not only fails to be

the leader and protector which he tries to seem, but he follows his

companion into dissolution and excuses the youth's actions, thus encour-

aging his life of pleasure and passion.

Surprisingly, despite Mentor's deterioration, the novel does not

totally lose the didactic character of Fenelon's narration: the homily










which Mentor propounds to Telemaque on the occasion of their entrance

into the court of Corinthe even conforms to the original Mentor's pro-

nunciations on the subject of love. Mentor begins his lecture by

reminding his comrade of the consequences of love both in his personal

life and in the fulfillment of his public duties: "Reflechisses encore

une fois sur les maux que 1'amour cause en particulier a tous ceux qui

s'y engagent imprudemment. Considers d'ailleurs attentivement les

desordres qu'il apporte dans un Etat; & pour cet effet faites le para-

lelle d'Argaste et d'Idomenee, c'est a dire d'un Roi vertueux et d'un

Prince qui n'a rien refuse a son ambition & a ses plaisirs durant son

Regne" (pp. 18-19). In the comparison of the two kings, Mentor asso-

ciates moderation, wisdom and justice with marital fidelity; and irres-

ponsibility and tyranny, he links to unfettered passion, ending with

the exhortation: "Fulons les objets qui pourroient l'allumer dans nos

coeurs" (p. 26). This attitude is also expressed at other points in

the novel, especially at the end of the second letter when the disillu-

sioned Telemaque makes plans to abandon love altogether.

The letter format allows Mentor to reflect on Tel6maque's actions

at intervals during the story in order to expound on their significance

in a larger context, which also contributes to the didactic tone of the

novel; but these interventions usually contrast with the larger dis-

courses just mentioned in that they justify Telemaque's behavior or at

least attenuate the condemnation of it. These justifications usually

take the form of generalizations and aphorisms of love which show the

young man's behavior as an example of a broad class of conduct rather

than unique to him. Early in the affair with Zadriste, for example,

Mentor describes his actions: "L'amour le plus tendre est celui qui









parole le moins, aussi des ce moment Telemaque fut pensif et reveur ..."

(p. 36). Later, when the prince abandons Zadriste for Argenise, Mentor

explains: "C'est done a tort, cher Arbaste, qu'on blame l'inconstance,

Squ.'on la regarded come un crime odieux en Amour: Car pourquoi blamer

ce qui ne depend pas de nous?" (pp. 124-25). Observations such as these

make the T616maque moderne a casuistic of, rather than an attack on, love

and demonstrate the superficiality of Mentor's morality. Like the names

of the characters, the didacticism condemning love is merely a facade

designed to make the work conform more closely to the Tel1maque in

form, and it lacks any real substance.

The mythical atmosphere of the T616maque, created by the presence

of the Olympian gods and the incarnate Minerve, also received much atten-

tion during the eighteenth century, particularly from authors who wished

to defend the work's poetic qualities as opposed to its novelesque ele-

ments. Claude Caperonnier, in a short Apologie du T616maque centre les

sentiments de Monsieur de Voltaire (Paris: Pierre Ribou, 1736), emphasized

very strongly the presence of the supernatural as an indication of the

work's poetic quality and contrasted the mythical atmosphere of the

T61lmaque with the daily details which appear in the romans (p. 26). The

Te16maque moderne definitely belongs in the novel category by his defini-

tion, but Grandchamp tried to maintain at least a shadow of the super-

natural presence by personifying various elements, especially fortune,

destiny, and love. The presence of these deities in a novel of love is

hardly surprising and they serve, as one might expect, to excuse the

weakness of the principal characters or to affect the characters'.intri-

gues. In talking about the return from exile, Mentor says that the two

travelers had planned to stay in Crete and Ithaque as briefly as possible









before returning to Corinthe: "Mais en vain resoud-t-on, propose-t-on,

cher Arbaste, quand les Destinies en out autrement dispose" (p. 111).

This is typical of references to destiny in the work. It is always

represented as an overwhelming force which causes man to act in ways

which are dishonorable or unwise, thus relieving them of the responsi-

bility for their actions.

Grandchamp does borrow the foundation for his treatment of the god

of love from Fenelon. Venus is treated by the royal preceptor as a

powerful goddess, given to tantrums and malicious mischief. She tries

several times to corrupt T616maque; on Calypso's island, she answers

the goddess' prayer for aid in overcoming the prince's scruples by

sending Cupid to sow the divisive seeds of passion. She is not kind to

Calypso either, however, since the object of the island goddess' prayer

and passion falls in love with one of her nymphs instead of their

mistress. Her few appearances in the Tl16maque moderne do not enhance her

image. She is first mentioned by name in Telemaque's idle boast that he

could keep his promises to Mentor even against the temptation of Venus

herself (p. 17). The other two references are both appeals from jilted

lovers; Idomenee's wife, confronted with her husband's impassioned love

for a shepherdess, "prie Venus de la venger de sa rivale, la De6sse

l'ecoute, Idomenee abandonne Zelise" (p. 23). Later, Zadriste calls on

Venus in a similar situation: "Mais come Zadriste ne cessoit d'invoquer

Venus, pour porter cette Deesse a la venger de la cruelle perfidie de son

Amant, elle l'ecoita enfin & depuis ce tems-la, il n'essuya que des tra-

verses dans ses amours ..." (pp. 215-16). The goddess' help is only

partial, however; the lovers only abandon their new mistresses; they do

not return to the supplicants. In this respect especially, the goddess









of love presented by Grandchamp resembles Fenelon's Venus.

In general, love is less tangible in Grandchamp's personification

than it is in Fgnelon's Venus, even though it retains its role as a

powerful and threatening force. One reason for this difference is the

author's continued reference to the personified love either as "le dieu

d'amour" or simply as "l'amour": Mentor and Tel6maque are enjoying the

pastoral delights of their retreat outside Corinthe, "quand l'amour

jaloux de n6tre bonheur vint enfin le trouble" (p. 15). Later Mentor

refers in his sermon to "les desordres que ce Dieu cause dans le monde"

(p. 18). The invocations of Venus mentioned above are much less fre-

quent than this second form of naming, but neither provides more than

an abstract reference to the god's presence.

In part at least, the lack of a mythical atmosphere is in keeping

with the claim that these names only mask a contemporary situation.

Largely the deities of the Telemaque moderne make convenient scapegoats

for the characters' own weaknesses and serve to excuse the affairs of

court which T61emaque's intrigues resemble. By blaming love for the

prince's inability to resist Zadriste and by accusing destiny of the

responsibility for his infidelity and perjury, Mentor, like a Prevost

character, transfers the onus of guilt from the hero to irresistible

forces outside himself.

When an author chooses a theme like Telemachus as the basis of a

novel about passionate love affairs, an effect of parody or irony be-

comes almost inevitable. The characters take on a very different

appearance from that under which the public might have envisioned them:

Mentor, the incarnation of wisdom and probity, becomes a moral weakling

prating of virtue while engaging in vice as facilely as the youth he










accompanies. Telemachus -- the courageous, generous, pious son of a

crafty and wise king and the protege of the goddess of wisdom --

abandons Minerve for Venus. The austere morality which in both the an-

cient poet and the modern prosateur emphasized moderation and justice,

collapses to a single dimension: abstinence from passionate love; and

then this single dimension is undermined by the actions of its principal

advocate, Mentor. Such inversion of values and characters has even more

ironic thrust when it is remembered that the two primary characters of

the Tel6maque had recognized identities in Fenelon and his royal pupil.

One cannot rule out totally the possibility of ironic intention

in the Tl66maque moderne; but a conscious intent to parody the Te16-

maque seems unlikely at the least. The author several times voices

praise and admiration for Fenelon; and his novel, unlike Marivaux's Le

T6lmaque travesti, shows little connection with the earlier work other

than the two main characters. In an eleven-line poem which is found on

the reverse of the title page, the poet defends Fenelon against those

who had criticized his work:

Contre Cambrai, de Meaux chicane
Quoi! pour un conte de peau d'Ane,
En faloit-il venir aux mains?
Mais Cambrai s'attire l'attaque,
Moins par les Maximes de Saints,
Que par celles de Telemaque,
Pour le perdre, on charge de Schisme,
Son Chimerique Quietisme.
Mais du piege Cambrai s'6chape,
En laissant faire tout a Dieu
Et lassant dire tout au Pape.

Despite the poor quality of the verse, the sentiment definitely seems to

favor the archbishop against his principal detractor, Bossuet. The

"Avertissement" as well indicates a highly laudatory attitude toward

Fenelon: indicating his incomparable excellence and prodigious popular-






78


ity. On the other hand, both in the poem and in the introduction, the

praise and commentary bear the same lack of seriousness and the same in-

comprehension which are present throughout the novel. The reference in

the poem to the Maximes and the Tel6maque is not factual since the latter

was published after the condemnation of the Maximes and the attack on

the novel was at least partly a continuation of the religious quarrel.

The praise of the "Avertissement" is also mitigated, since in claiming

for his own work the beauty of truth, the author accuses F6nelon of

having written a "Fable" which lacks the value of a true story. Further-

more, when he claims to have written with the same motives as Fenelon,

he inverts the order of priorities: pretending to instruct while amus-

ing, rather than to amuse while instructing.

These reversals could be taken as signs of ironic intent, even

though they belong to a class of commentary very common in prefaces

during the eighteenth century. A direct examination of the text, how-

ever, reveals little which would lend credence to the theory that the

book is an ironic attack on Fenelon. Grandchamp does not maintain the

same characters, other than the two main characters, and he never returns

to the countries visited by Telemaque and Mentor in their earlier voyages.

Yet another reason for questioning the ironic intention of the author

6f the Telmaque moderne is the Tel6maque's contemporary reputation as

a titillating novel. This idea had sufficient currency to make Fenelon's

two primary defenders, Saint-R6my and Ramsay, both defend him against

the charge of corrupting the morals of youth. Thus, although in treating

the Telemachus theme as a foundation for love affairs, Grandchamp radi-

cally modified the story from Fenelon's own intentions, he was only

expressing one popular view of the story and the irony in his work was









probably unintentional.

If Grandchamp's intention was not to imitate or parody the T61l-

maque, what reason could he have had for writing the Telmaque moderne?

And what lesson could he have wished to impart? The "Avertissement"

indicates that the answer to the first question lay in the popularity

of T616maque and Mentor as the heroes of a very popular work. This is

a modern story about real characters too highly placed in society to be

identified directly, he states, but by giving them names from antiquity,

especially from Telemaque, he hopes to increase the circulation of his

novel. The claim to a moral lesson was frequent among romanciers of

the seventeenth century, as several of Fenelon's critics pointed out,

and was supported by Mentor's frequent warnings about love. It seems

to have been little more than a common literary convention, despite

its obvious source in the didactic Telemaque.

The Tel6maque moderne is very definitely a contemporary novel:

Caperonnier in comparing the novel and the epic poem, characterizes the

former as "Le recit de plusieurs avantures ordinaires, don't le fonds est

une, deux ou plusieurs intrigues d'amour et don't le Heros est un amoureux

transi qui, apres avoir souffert quelques traverses dans ses amours, se

marie enfin" (p. 21). The Tl66maque moderne conforms very closely to

this characterization. The novel is episodic and each of the episodes is

a very ordinary series of adventures which have a common basis in a love

affair. Its hero is obviously dominated by his emotions, and although

he does not marry at the end of the third letter, Caperonnier's criterion

is not really violated because the novel is incomplete. In addition,

many of the scenes of the Tel6maque moderne are similar to those which

appeared in other seventeenth-century nouvelles.









Even the "epistolary" form of the novel was a familiar convention.

It was frequently used to bolster the apparent authenticity of a memoir

because it provided a first-person witness to the truth of the events

recounted. Grandchamp was more successful in imitating the letter form

than the T6lmaque, and the novel does give the sense of being a group

of letters between two old mutual friends, with a few exceptions, like

the admittedly superfluous portrait of Tel6maque which begins the novel.

He uses the same form which Marivaux will use in the Vie de Marianne,

giving only Mentor's letters without the responses to them, but allowing

Mentor to respond to questions which might have arrived between letters

or to make asides to Arbaste which constitute the reflections on Tl16-

maque's actions already mentioned. It also serves as a means of separa-

ting the parts of the novel by the changes in temporal point of view

between the letters. At the end of Letter I, T6lemaque and Mentor are

leaving for Idomenee's court with the firm intention of returning to

Corinthe and their mistresses. The opening of the second letter, after

a delay of six months, is therefore a surprise as Mentor relates a new

love affair and the abandonment of Zadriste, ending with the collapse of

the new affair and T61lmaque's decision to forget about love. The third

letter's announcement, after a period of three months, that Tel6maque

has once again fallen in love with Argenise is no less surprising. The

letter -format-makes-these-changes in fortune more believable aid justi-

fies Mentor's ignorance of developments to come. Unfortunately, his

approximation of the form of personal letters cannot elevate an otherwise

conventional and uninteresting novel.

In short, Grandchamp's contribution to the Teleichus theme in

the eighteenth century modifies significantly the parameters of the









subject as it appeared in Fenelon's Tel6maque, with which the theme was

most closely identified. In the Telemaque moderne, Grandchamp turned

the noble prince of antiquity into a dissolute dilettante moving from

one mistress to another with Mentor as a moral weakling following in his

footsteps. Mentor is even more morally bankrupt in that he tries to

escape responsibility for his own actions by blaming overwhelming forces

of destiny or love for his weakness. Mentor's deterioration accompanies

a transformation of the morality of the T616maque which reduces the

multi-faceted ethical and moral system proposed by F6nelon into a' one-

dimensional morality based on abstinence from passionate love -- even

this corruption of the original morality is undermined by Mentor's

moral irresponsibility. Grandchamp abandoned the voyage theme almost

entirely, stripping the plot of the adventures in foreign countries,

shipwrecks, slavery, etc., and he brought the heroes out of the ancient

Mediterranean world and into the eighteenth century. In so doing, he

lost the mythical atmosphere of the epic form and rendered the story a

very conventional tale in the nouvelle-romanesque tradition.



Les Loix du roi Minos


Where the author of the Tl46maque moderne concentrated on the titil-

lating aspect which the theme had acquired in Fenelon's work, the anony-

mous author of Les Loix du roi-Minos, ou Continuation du quatrieme livre

des Avantures de Tl66maque Fils d'Ulisse (Amsterdam: Frangois l'Honore,

1716)5 emphasized the political and philosophical side of the novel to

the exclusion of the adventurous. The author explores the implementa-

tion of the principles which Fenelon proposed as a basis for the actions

and decrees of a wise and conscientious monarch. Not only does the










work contain "plusieurs Reglemens pour l'administration de la Justice

et de la Police, propre a rendre les homes heureux," as the subtitle

proclaims, but this presentation of an ideal system seems to be the

only real motive for the work. Morality no longer plays a major role in

the Loix du roi Minos and what vestiges are left have become completely

politicized. The varied style, adventures and forms which rendered

the Tel6maque interesting to its contemporary public are so completely

sacrificed to the political monologue between "le Maitre et le Disciple"

that the second exploitation of the Telemachus theme hardly deserves

even to be called fiction.

Unlike the author of the T6l4maque moderne, the publisher of the

Loix du roi Minos tried to establish a direct link between his work and

the Tel6maque. The book is published using the same format as the

books of the Avantures de Telemaque -- with a summary preceding it --

and the narration connects it to the episode on the island of Cr@te in

Book IV and the departure for Ithaque at the beginning of Book V. Another

reference to the T6lemaque recalls the necessity of the guidance which

the young prince has received from Minerve to keep him acting virtuously;

although since Telemaque does not yet know on the island of Crete that

his companion is one of the Olympian gods, this reference is a bit pre-

mature (see below, p. 92). The "Avis du libraire" even attributes the

continuation to Fenelon, declaring that the delay in its publication has

been necessary to allow the learned archbishop to study the very complex

science of jurisprudence and to make sure that nothing in the addition

conflicts with other parts of the work, especially by joining the system

"a une Morale aussi pure que celle qui regne dans tout le corps du Livre

des Avantures de Telemaque." He concludes his remarks with the observa-










tion that: "quoique je ne puisse pas assOrer que ce petit Ouvrage soit

entierement du meme Auteur que ce qui a d6ja paru; le lecteur connoitra

par la nettet6 du stile, par la justesse des comparisons, par les beaux

traits de la morale, & par les sages reflexions qui y sont r6pandues,

que tout au moins limitation a 6ti tres heureuse, & que meme cette

parties de l'ouvrage est plus utile, & d'un usage plus solide que tout

ce que l'on a va sous le titre des Avantures de Telemaque."

Many factors would have encouraged the choice of the fourth book

of Fenelon's Telmaque as the source of or setting for a work like the

Loix du roi Minos. The novel had an established reputation as an educa-

tional work by one of the world's great educators; its enormous popularity

promised a wide and receptive public and had rendered the book's charac-

ters and incidents almost folkloric. Moreover, Fenelon had treated

Crete as a kind of earthly paradise where the supreme example of terres-

trial wisdom had left a heritage of law which maintained the country in

a perpetual state of happy and peaceful productivity. His account of

Telemaque's adventures on Crete stressed especially the three enigmas

which constituted the final trial for the king's crown: the first two

questions required Te16maque to describe the most unhappy man and the

freest man in the world, the third asked him to decide whether a conqueror

or a peaceful man who had no experience of war would make the better king.

The responses to these questions are particularly significant and repre-

sented not only the essence of Minos' laws, but also the general prin-

ciples of all of Fenelon's policies (see above, pp. 43-44).

The "continuation" begins with the declaration of Telemaque's pro-

found respect for the sanctity of Minos' laws and an affirmation of his

response to the third question during the trials for the king's crown










where he compared the ephemeral and empty fame which accompanied conquest

to the enduring reward of a peaceful monarch who knows how to improve his

people's lives both physically and morally. The idyllic conditions

reigning on the island constitute another major theme culminating in the

final paragraph which alleges once again that the source of the happiness

of the people of Crete is the system of laws which Minos left to them:

Telemaque fut charm des belles choses qu'il avoit entendu
dire au judicieux Cretois, son esprit en demeura tout rempli,
il avoit devant les yeux une preuve bien sensible de la
verite des dernieres paroles du Vieillard en la personnel de
tous ceux qui etoient pr6posez pour garder les Loix de Minos,
& pour rendre la justice aux Peuples; une douce joIe, sans
aucune diminution de leur gravity, paroissoit sur leurs
visages, come i des personnel qui dans un age fort avance,
ne manquent pas plus des biens de la fortune, que de la
sagesse, laquelle les a elevez dans le rang eminent qu'ils
occupent; ce jeune Prince pleinement satisfait, de tant
d'instructions salutaires, rendit mille graces a celui don't
it les avoit regfls, & rejoignit Mentor, pour retourner dans
sa chere Patrie avec ce sage Conducteur. (pp. 270-72)

Like Fenelon's hero, this young T6lmaque stands in envy and in awe of

the ageless magistrates whose duty to administer the law has imbued them

with its power to nourish and regenerate -- a power which blesses the

whole island of Crete. Unlike his model, however, this Telemaque wishes

to learn in greater detail about the application of the laws in order to

institute their reign in his own island of Ithaque. This interest in

specific details represents in itself a significant departure from

Fenelon's position since Mentor advised his charge-in-Book XVI of the

T6l6maque to leave most of the particular problems of administration to

those whom he appointed to govern the people.

The laws set forth in the Loix are derived largely from Fenelon's

T6lemaque, as is the setting, but they come from several sources, not

merely the fourth book. The first and most general source is indeed the

solutions to the enigmas which appear in book IV as part of the trials









to determine the new king of Cr8te. Because the Loix also treats the

reforms wrought by Minos, the author draws many ideas from the episode

which recounts Mentor's transformation of Salente. Other principles,

like the king's moral responsibility to act as a leader and to promote.

the acquisition of virtue among his subjects, are also found in the

T6l6maque. The answers given by the young prince of Ithaque at the

trials treat the problems of freedom and statecraft from the point of

view of the monarch, showing him that moderation and justice produce

immediate rewards for himself as well as for his subjects. This is the

orientation of the Tl46maque in general, for understandable reasons.

The Loix du roi Minos changes this perspective; it is less concerned

with the role of the monarch and more interested in the implementation

of good laws and the subsequent effect of those laws on the citizenry.

The increased concentration on the individual citizen derives from the

consideration of the specific laws necessary to implement the policies

which Fenelon had suggested; the royal preceptor on the other hand, had

been content to treat the general principles of government and society

and to leave more specific treatment to others.

Explaining Telemaque's interest in the laws, the narrator notes:

"Il sqavoit que la Justice est comme la base & le principle de toutes

les vertus; que c'est par elle que Minos s'est acquis une gloire qui ne

finira jamais; que les hommes qui font le plus de bruit sur la terre,

les Conquerans et les Heros, n'acquerent qu'un fant6me de reputation,

si la Justice n'anima pas leurs projects" (p. 2). This reformulation of

Telemaque'sresponseto the third enigma at the trials of Crete furnishes

a motive for the attentive interest which the youth shows during the

lengthy discourse on the laws; the reward for attainment of the objec-










tive of Justice is glory which will outlast that of the greatest con-

querors, and the only means to achieve that goal of Justice is through

a good system of laws. The eternal glory which the author of the Loix

promises to just monarchs is nonetheless only a feeble glow compared

with the rewards which Fgnelon had envisioned: the love and adoration of

his people and increased happiness for himself.

The other two responses at the trials -- that the most unhappy man

is the king who oppresses his subjects and that the freest man is he who

fears only the gods and his own reason -- are manifested through most of

the Loix. It is evident that the author of the Loix thought that if the

most unhappy man was the king who sought to make his subjects miserable,

the most happy people are those who live under just and wise laws and

whose leaders consecrate themselves to the improvement of their subjects.

The laws as they are described give the people freedom by limiting the

exercise of arbitrary power and by severely restricting the controls

which are placed on the populace. For example, no workman or artisan is

required to obtain a license or a permit to work anywhere in Crete.

Minos reasoned that restrictions on the number of laborers and the method

by which the work was accomplished would serve only to eliminate competi-

tion, protect the entrenched workman and discourage both quality and

innovation in the work done. The abolition of licenses and permits not

only contributes to the happiness of the people but to the strength of

the nation as well, according to the Elder: "c'est un Pais oi l'on joiit

d'une parfaite liberty, ce qui y attire une quantity incroiable d'hommes

qui en font la force, la richesse & la beauty." (pp. 186-87). Such

lack of restriction on both movement and occupation makes it possible

for the people to attain freedom according to Telemaque's criterion by









releasing them from external controls and from most external needs; this

physical independence leads to spiritual liberation and a dependence

solely on the gods and reason. The happiness of the Cretan populace

demonstrates the effectiveness of the laws and the interrelationship

among the three principles: freedom for the people leads to their happi-

ness and attracts to the kingdom new citizens who reinforce it, strength-

ening the state and the government and the king who sees his glory in

justice rather than conquest.

Since these principles formed the basis for most of the other

principles which appeared in the Te16maque, the laws of Minos all

derive in one way or another from them. However, one can see the in-

fluence of Salente in the reforms which Minos instituted on the island.

Early in the Loix, for example, it is recorded that Minos, having estab-

lished the .laws, appointed magistrates to administer them. This delega-

tion of authority conforms to Mentor's advice to Te16maque in book XVI

of the Telemaque not to copy Idomenee's penchant for doing everything

himself, but to govern those whom he made the governors of the people.

The choice of judges also conforms to Mentor's advice about learning the

sciences of man -- the royal student is to consult with elders and sages

who by experience have plumbed the depths of human character. Minos'

criteria are not significantly different: "Ii [Minos] voulut que ceux

a qui l'administration de la Justice seroit confine fussent d'un age

tres-mGr, et d'une vertu et d'une capacite6 prouvees" (p. 6). They are

supposed to have earned respect by the long experience which they have

endured, so that the elevation to judge is really the recognition of and

reward for a lifetime's work. Yet another point of similarity between

the Salente episode and the Loix lies in the reduction of the levels of









jurisdiction of the courts: there is only one level of trial jurisdic-

tion for all cases, both civil and criminal, and all appeals go directly

to the "Tribunal du Prince qui est compose des plus sages et plus judi-

cieux Vieillards de toute la Cr@te" (pp. 44-45).

Because he was dealing with specific problems of the laws, the

anonymous author of the Loix du roi Minos was able much more than was

Fenelon to use satire and imprecation because direct mockery would have

destroyed the generality and tone of the original T416maque. Even the

author of Loix, however, does not satirize any single person or official;

rather, he attacks classes of officials, especially legal bureaucrats.

Early in the work, for example, the "juges de champagne" are chastised for

their abuse of power: "... les Juges de Campagne sont ordinairement les

plus dangereux voisins que l'on puisse avoir; la plupart s'emparent des

biens qui sont a leur prise, exergans presque un brigandage public sur

tous leurs Justiciables; chacun leur est tributaire selon son 9tat &

sa vacation; ... ou autrement, il [le juge] trouve cent moyens de les

chagriner & de les faire repentir de ce qu'ils veulent s'exemter de la

corruption generale" (pp. 23-24). The judges are not the only members of

the legal fraternity to have earned the distrust of the author. Even

worse are the "petits Officiers": "c'est une grande sagesse que d'anean-

tir les emplois de gens qui tirent toute leur subsistence de la division

& de ladiscorde-de leurs Concitoyens ,- & c'est -un horrible-abus-qune- de. -

les souffrir en si grand nombre" (pp. 33-34). He sees these officers

as being the real source of corruption in most cases: they delay court

battles in order to increase their own salaries and ruin ancient and

revered families by their chicanery, ignorance, avarice and egotism. The

notaries of the court system suffer less vehement criticism than the









other officers, their major crimes being their large numbers, ignorance

and the tendency for their papers to become lost when they died. Minos

remedied this problem by making their selection dependent on the judges

of the realm and centralizing them into large towns so that the loss of

a notary's papers would no longer be so common an occurrence. The

Vieillard also attacks lawyers for their insufficient knowledge and ener-

gy and indicates that Minos had suppressed the requirement that lawyers

be licensed, ending the monopoly which the juriconsultes had turned to

their own advantage rather than to the service of the public. Similar

abuses in other professions were also the targets for reform, although

with greater moderation due perhaps to the author's perception of them

as less pernicious than the magistrates and the court officials who had

control over people's lives and fortunes.

As promised in the introductory passage, the "Vieillard" presents

these sage precepts and laws to his "Disciple" illustrated by "beaucoup

de sages reflexions, & de petites Histoires propres a rendre les choses

plus sensibles" (p. 4). The narration is sprinkled with anecdotes about

the efficacy of the laws and Minos' efforts to establish them. Most of

these stories relate Minos' actions to assure the safety of his subjects

and to encourage virtue by reproving even small crimes of thoughtless-

ness and irresponsibility. They also illustrate the salutary effect of

these royal- actions on the people. -In discussing -reforms ofl-the judici-

al system, for example, the "Vieillard" recounts the story of the noble

Cretois who was involved in a law suit. When he discovered that his

lawyers were withholding a particular document from the court because it

would prejudice his case, he immediately turned it over to the judge who

adjudicated against him. The court costs and interest which had built









up over the years of the trial amounted to a considerable sum when added

to the principal and the payment of the decision threatened to break him.

Minos, upon hearing of this loyal and honest man's predicament, inter-

vened and paid all of the fees and reimbursed him for the money he had

lost. Not content with rewarding the nobleman's generosity, however, he

also punished very severely "les Auteurs de cet indigne process & en fit

un example capable de donner de la terreur a tous les mauvais Officiers

et Agens d'affaires" (pp. 36-38). The story illustrates the importance

of suppressing these vile employees who corrupt the entire judicial

system even though they have only very low stations within it. In

another case, a judge recognizing Minos' desire to see justice done

regardless of the wealth of the Litigants and trying to gain popular

support for his own elevation to the king's court, decided to begin a

vendetta against the rich and powerful who came before him, whether or

not they were justly accused or truly wronged. His actions did indeed

win him great support among the populace, but they failed to deceive

Minos, who desired justice not partisanship from his magistrates. The

king was about to punish the judge severely when death spared the mis-

creant the embarrassment of the justice which he had denied to others

(pp. 67-70). In a case which shows the minuteness of the king's surveil-

lance of his subjects, he once corrected a nobleman who had delayed pay-

ment of a just debt owed to a businessman until the creditor was forced

to call him before the judge. At this point the nobleman finally paid,

but only after submitting the commoner to verbal abuse. Minos' chastise-

ment of the recalcitrant lord exemplified the concept of making the

punishment fit the crime: the king delayed granting a just request from

the nobleman using the same tactics which the latter had used on his









creditor. When he finally granted the petition, it was only with the

admonition that unnecessary and unjust delays were as unfair to others

as to the lord himself (pp. 90-94). These stories also demonstrate the

citizens' reaction to Minos' moral leadership. One story relates that

a purse lost in the road will be left until its owner returns for it

(p. 181). Elsewhere he mentions their prodigious energy, self-reliance

and hospitality.

There is little characterization in the novel and that little also

serves to illustrate the wisdom of the laws. The "Vieillard" who is

telling Tel6maque about the legal system established by the glorious king

of Cr8te is never described other than to say that he is the eldest and

wisest of all of the judges appointed tooversee the administration of

the laws. This characterization is useful since it lends him the author-

ity necessary to give the lessons which he is teaching Tilemaque (and

through him the reader) and because he then serves as an example at

the end of the work of the efficacy and beneficent effect of the laws.

Tel6maque appears only three times: the introductory passage and the

concluding passage mention his respect for and awe of the laws; and he

serves as an illustration of the necessity that the judges be mature men

of great experience and wisdom. The age factor is especially stressed:

Telemaque n'eut pas de peine a comprendre ces verites puisque
pour lui inspire a lui-meme de la sagesse dans ses jeunes
annges, il a falu qu'une Divinite du premier rang se soit
mise sous la figure de Mentor continuellement a ses c6tez,
pour le diriger dans toutes ses actions & dans toutes les
d6marches de sa vie; & puisqu'aussit6t qu'il perdoit de vQa
ce fidele Conducteur, il oublioit toutes les instructions
qu'il en avoit rega; abandonn6 a lui-m6me, ce n'etoit que
fiert6, hauteur & imprudence; il se croyoit d'une nature
different de celle des autres hommes; la vie qu'il avoit
regfq d'un Heros que sa Mere Penelope lui avoit toQjours
represents & mis devant les yeux come un homme admirable,
le portoit a se regarder comme une Divinite sur la terre,









S& mepriser tous les autres hommes comme infiniment au-
dessous de lui; la quality de Fils de Roy contribuoit encore
extremement l augmenter son orgueil, quioqu'il n'en eut
point plus d'etendug d'esprit; plus de science, ni de vertu:
il n'avoit de la deference que pour le seul Mentor, qui des
son enfance lui avoit imprimg ce respect; ... (pp. 14-16).

With himself as an example of the elderly judge's claim of the inappro-

priateness of youth to the task of reconciling issues among citizens,

Tl16maque is left little choice but agreement. The source of the des-

cription is rather plainly the episode in which T6lemaque is accompany-

ing the kings into combat against Argaste (Bk. XIII, pp. 346-67), in

which the young prince acquires the initial animosity of his fellow

chiefs through his aloofness, pride and impatience. The passage cited

here, however, exaggerates the faults which appeared in the original

version, and it greatly undervalues his virtues. The prince demonstrates

all through the T61emaque that he does indeed have greater breadth of

spirit, greater knowledge and greater courage than other men. He is,

moreover, unquestionably favored by the gods. The narrator's statement

also presents a chronological inconsistency. Tel6maque does not yet

know when he arrives on Cr@te the extent of the favor which the goddess

has shown him, even though his actions on Chypre reveal a cognizance of

his own weakness and his need for Mentor's guidance; Minerve only allows

him to recognize her at the very end of the voyage. Consistency on

these points was not desirable for the purposes of the author of the

Loix, however, and so these traits of the prince's character were

neglected. In any case, this quasi-portrait represents the full extent

of characterization in the Loix.

The lack of characterization also has an effect on the structure of

the Loix. Two personages are presented in the introduction -- "Le

Maitre & le Disciple" -- but the presence of T616maque is evoked only










indirectly, as the two passages cited above demonstrate (pp. 84-85, 92).

The Vieillard is therefore the only speaking character. Even he has an

identity problem, however: it is frequently difficult to distinguish

between the eldest judge and the narrator. In general, the Vieillard

is invoked in order to emphasize a particular point. For instance,

after the introduction, the narrator does not signal a change of

speakers as he begins Tel6maque's lesson of the qualifications of judges

under Minos' system. When discussing the necessity that judges be

elders, he intervenes: "A cette occasion le Vieillard fit faire a Te16-

maque les reflexions suivantes: Considerez (lui dit-il) le veritable

caractere de la jeunesse, ..." (p. 9). This formulation implies that

the preceding part of the lesson has come from the Maitre and it pro-

vides variety in the presentation, as well as giving the idea the pres-

tige and authority of coming from the venerable judge. In other places

the narrator recounts the lesson indirectly. "Le Vieillard continuant

de parler, dit, que comme les places de Juge doivent etre une recom-

pense a la vertu, ..." (p. 18). In the paragraphs which follow, the

distinction fades once again. Thus, despite the ostensible presence

of two characters, the Loix du roi Minos is really a monologue completely

dominated by the narrator who occasionally puts his words into a

character's mouth for variety and emphasis.

Although Fenelon represents an obvious point of departure for the

author of the Loix du roi Minos, the conception of the ancient king of

Cr&te as the ideal legislator seems to have been not uncommon during the

eighteenth century. Antoine Banier published a "Distinction des deux

Minos" in the M6moires de l'Acad6mie des Inscriptions, several years

before the appearance of the Loix.7 The Encyclop6die contained two









articles dealing with Minos: the article on Minos treats king Minos I,

noting his mythological position as judge of the dead and praising his

historical role as "un des plus sages l6gislateurs de l'antiquitS."

The article on the Minotaure includes a long section discussing the

mythology and history of Minos II, who was, according to the encyclo-

p6diste responsible for the article, a good king whom the Greeks calum-

niated because of the tribute which he had exacted of Athens after

defeating the rival city at war (v. 10, pp. 557-59). As late as 1773,

Voltaire published a play entitled Les Lois de Minos in which the laws
8
of Cr8te are shown to have been cruel travesties of civilization.

He himself recognized that this perspective ran counter to the popular

conception of Minos' laws, but he used the confusion between the two

kings to attack the system of the first with the reputation for immoral-

ity and cruelty of the second.

Like the Tel6maque moderne, the Loix du roi Minos represented an

effort to exploit the popularity of the best selling novel of the early

eighteenth century -- Fenelon's Les Avantures de Tl66maque, fils d'Ulysse.

The effort to associate the Loix du roi Minos with the Tl16maque is even

more explicit than it is in the Tel6maque moderne since it does not

modernize the setting, presents the same format for publication as the

books of the Tl16maque and particularly since the publisher identified

F6nelon as at least partial author. The Loix resembles the Tel6maque

moderne in that the author did not attempt to preserve the variety and

richness of the Tel6maque in adventures, in style or in philosophy, but

sacrificed everything which did not directly pertain to the discussion

of the .legal system. The structure which the author gave to his treat-

ment of the theme was a monologue sprinkled with anecdotes and illus-









trations to clarify points of law or procedure being considered and to

show the effects of various actions in a more concrete form. The char-

acters in the novel suffer the same fate and become only voices to

communicate the author's-message for reform, although the three times

that TMlemaque does appear, his few traits are drawn, at least to some

extent, from the model. On the other hand, the Loix is readable for a

political treatise and reveals a concern on the part of the author with

ameliorating the lives of the common people through changes in the legal

system. The author particularly favored reforms in the administration

of justice and in the judicial system, recommending particularly the

appointment of judges on the basis of merit; the abolition of the perni-

cious and corrupt minor officials of the courts; uniformity of law

throughout the country; and the abolition of unnecessary restrictions

on work, travel, recreation, etc. -- although he did insist that every-

one had to work. In most of his suggestions, he manages to stay very

close to Fenelon's philosophy of government, but he goes into detail

on the issues of specific legal matters which the archbishop had left

out of the Telmaque.





1Because archaic spelling is used in most of the works of the
study; I-will -reserve the use of [sic] for either extreme errors of
spelling or for grammatical differences. The six pages of the
"Avertissement" are unnumbered.
2
2Frangois Drujon, Les Livres a clef, etude de bibliographie
critique et analytique pour servir a l'histoire litteraire (1888, rpt.
Brussels: Culture et civilisation, 1966), p. 925.

3Rene Godenne, Histoire de la nouvelle franQaise aux XVIIe et
XVIII siecles, Publications Romanes et Frangaises, CVIII (Geneva:
Droz, 1970), pp. 51-58, and elsewhere when he talks about realisme
galant in the nouvelle romanesque and nouvelle galante.




Full Text
TELEMACHUS IN FRENCH PROSE, 1700-1750:
AN OBJECTIVE APPROACH TO A THEME
By
JOSEPH RALPH ALFRED
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER I: FENELON 7
Part 1: The Introduction of the Telemachus Theme into
the XVIIIth Century J
Part 2: Form and Style in the Telemaque 17"
Part 3: Characterization in the Telemaque 24
Part 4: Morality and Politics in the Telemaque 37
Conclusion 50
CHAPTER II: THE TELEMACHUS THEME AS A FACADE 56
Part I: Grandchamp ’ s Le Telemaque moderne 57
Part 2: Les Loix du roi Minos 8l
CHAPTER III: TELEMACHUS AS AN EDUCATIONAL MODEL 97
Part 1: Lambert' s Le Nouveau Telemaque 98
Part 2: Palissot's L1Apollon Mentor, ou le Telemaque
moderne l40
CHAPTER IV: TELEMACHUS AS LITERARY MODEL: MARIVAUX!S
LE TELEMAQUE TRAVESTI 155
Part 1: Characterization l6l
Part 2: Narration 199
CONCLUSION 224
BIBLIOGRAPHY 234
CURRICULUM VITA 240

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
TELEMACHUS IN FRENCH PROSE, 1700-1750:
AN OBJECTIVE APPROACH TO A THEME
By
Joseph Ralph Alfred
December, 197^-
Chairman: Douglas Bonneville
Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures (French)
Fenelon's Les Avantures de Télémaque, fils d'Ulysse was one of
the most prestigious and influential novels of the eighteenth century.
First published in l699> it spawned many imitations, most of which
copied the antique setting and philosophical bias of the original.
Five authors, however, sought to exploit the work's popularity directly
by referring in the title to Telemachus, even though the works had
little in common with the royal preceptor's epic educational voyage.
These five differ from the archbishop's work and among themselves in
every way: in form — including structure, point of view and genre —
in characterization and in philosophical orientation. Four of the
works are modernizations; two are treatises; one is a burlesque.
Some of them display only a superficial relationship to the original,
while others correspond to the model in a very general way, sharing
the fundamental theme of the educational voyage. All show a high
degree of independence from Fenelon's work, although most do not
demonstrate much imagination in adapting it.
For the early exploiters, the Telemaque served to publicize their
own works. Grandchamp's Le Telemaque moderne (l70l) is a memoir
which shares with the originad only the names of the main characters
111

and its attacks on passion. The transformation of Telemaque and Mentor
into moral weaklings neutralizes the homilies which are appropriated
from the original Mentor. More faithful to the original in its poli¬
tics, the Loix du roi Minos (l7l6) presents under the guise of an
addition to the Telemaque a treatise on jurisprudence. Despite philo¬
sophical correlations between the two works, the only links between them
are external: the attribution of the work to Fenelon, the publication
with a summary preceding it, passages at the beginning and end to
intercalate the lesson into the action of the Telemaque, and the pre¬
sence of Telemaque as the disciple learning about the ideal laws.
Later adaptors of the theme stress the central concept of the
educational voyage and eliminate most correlation of details. C.-F.
Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque (17^+1) presents the memoirs of a young
Marquis whose father has taken him on an initiatory tour of the courts
of Europe. Like Fenelon, Lambert combines history, travelogue, novel
and exotic voyage and provides lessons in philosophy, ethics and
religion. He maintains the relationship between the two principal
characters and he draws some other elements from the Telemaque in
constructing his episodes and characters; there is, however, no overt
connection between the two novels. Charles Palissot's L1Apollon
Mentor, ou le Telemaque moderne (17^8) departs even more from the
original. The basic elements of the educational voyage under a divine
tutor is preserved^ but the tutor is Apollon and the voyage is an
allegorical dream providing indoctrination in poetics rather than
politics.
Marivaux's Le Telemaque travestí is the most original and
creative of the adaptations of Fenelon's novel. After the model of
iv

Sorel and Cervantes, Marivaux evokes a confrontation of art and
reality by injecting the ideal of the Telémaque into the reality of
lower bourgeois society in rural France. Brideron and Phocion, the
would-be modern Telémaque and Mentor, are able through their own
imaginations and the deus ex machina of the author to relive all of
the experiences of the original pair, but in parallel situations
which conform to their own lower-class status. The resulting
burlesque of the Telémaque complements the original, realizing its
abstractions and graphically illustrating the consequences of its
ideas.
v

TELEMACHUS IN FRENCH PROSE, 1700-1750:
AN OBJECTIVE APPROACH TO A THEME
INTRODUCTION
Fenelon's Les Avantures de Telemaque, fils d'Ulysse vas one of
the most influential works of the eighteenth century: it was the
most published novel in France from 1700 to 1768 and hardly a year
passed without a new edition or critical article appearing in the
journals;''’ its influence is felt in masterpieces from Montesquieu's
Les Lettres Persanes to Voltaire's Candide and Rousseau's Emile.
Its popularity naturally inspired a large number of imitations: the
"Bibliographie methodique” to Albert Chérel's Fenelon au XVIII6
siecle en France lists twenty-five prose imitations prior to 1750
and a like number between 1750 and the end of the century — and it
does not include parodies or works like Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque.
Poets, dramatists and musicians also seem to have found the subject
attractive since plays, operas and poems based on the Telemaque were
2
also numerous throughout the century. Most of these imitations copied
the antique setting and the educational voyage theme of the novel.
Ramsay's Voyages de Cyrus (London: Jacques Bettenham Imprimeur, 1730),
for example, is the story of the young Cyrus' voyages under a venerable
tutor in preparation for his ascension to the throne of Persia. For
the purpose of this study, however, works like Ramsay's were eliminated
to avoid the simple equation of the Telemachus theme with the theme
1

2
of the educational voyage, or even with the educational voyage set in
antiquity. The works chosen for examination were those identified with
the Télémaque through titular references to Fenelon's Homeric hero.
This procedure restricted the subjectiveness of the designation by using
an exterior criterion chosen by the authors themselves as the basis for
selection. These exploitations provide, therefore, an objective measure
of the extent of the Télémaque's influence during the eighteenth century
and an indication of the contemporary perception of its key or char¬
acteristic elements. In each of the works studied in this dissertation,
Telemachus is the stated subject of the book, even though the treatment
of that subject varies widely among the different authors. This approach
to the Télémaque*s influence represents an alternative to the one typified
by Chérel, and his list of "imitations de Télémaque" (pp. 640-43)
illustrates the difference very well. Basing his choice evidently on
thematic similarities, Chérel omits from the list three of the five
works included in this dissertation — Les Loix du roi Minos, Lambert's
Le Nouveau Télémaque and Marivaux's Le Télémaque travestí, including
Lambert and Marivaux in a supplementary list entitled "Appréciation de
Télémaque" (p. 638) — while he includes works like Montesquieu's
Temple de Gnide and Voltaire's Candide (p. 64l). As an alternative,
the method of studying titular adaptations was successful in that
it produced a variety of adaptations belonging to different genres
and showing different intentions. It provided, therefore, a better
cross-section of the adaptations of the Télémaque than would have
been possible by assuming a particular set of parameters for the
theme.
The limitation ..of the temporal scope of the study to the first

3
half of the century conforms to the first two of the three periods of
0
Fénelon's influence distinguished by Chérel in his Fénelon au XVIII
siecle en France. The first, from 1700 to 1715» served as a preliminary
period ending the seventeenth century rather than beginning the eighteenth
and ended with the death of Louis XIV. the second, from 1715 to 17^8,
included the time from the Regency to the publication of the Directions
pour la conscience d'un roi. The final period from 17^8 to 1820 ended with
the publication of the first definitive edition of Fenelon's complete works
(Chérel, Fénelon, pp. xvii-xviii). The reason for ending the first period
with the publication of the Directions is the profound effect which the
appearance of this work had on the Archbishop's reputation; from the
Regency to the Directions, Fénelon was primarily known as the author of
the Télémaque, although his other accomplishments were not ignored: the
appearance of the Directions transformed and enhanced his reputation, which
began after 17^7 to take on the aura of a legend (Chérel, Fénelon, pp. 33^-
35)* This division has been extended slightly to include the Apollon Mentor
which appeared in 17^8, because, since the work would have been written
before the influence of the Directions had been felt, its inclusion seemed
to maintain the spirit of Chérel's division.
Five works were published under some form of a Telemachus title
between 1700 and 1750. Three of these were modernizations of Fénelon's
work, as their titles indicate: Grandchamp's Le Télémaque moderne,
Lambert's Le Nouveau Télémaque and Palissot's L'Apollon Mentor, ou le
Télémaque moderne. The Loix du roi Minos was a philosophical treatise
masquerading as a Continuation du quatriéme Livre des Avantures de
Télémaque, fils d'Ulisse; it purported to improve the Télémaque by
correcting an authorial oversight which had omitted the exposition

Â¥
of the ideal laws of Minos during Telemaque's stay on Crete. Marivaux's
he Telemaque travestí was, as the title -suggests, a burlesque of the
original, modeled after the Don Quixote and Le Berger Extravagant.
The dissertation is organized around the treatment which each
author gave the subject of Telemachus. The first chapter analyzes
Fenelon's novel as the source of the legend in the eighteenth century.
The second treats the two works which exploited particular aspects of
the Telemaque1 s reputation: Grandchamp's Le Telemaque modeme, which
sought to tap the succes de scandale still whirling around the Tele¬
maque when Grandchamp's own work appeared in 1701, and the Loix du
roi Minos, which traded on the aura of philosophy and education asso¬
ciated with the Telemaque by 1716. The third chapter discusses the
two works which made obvious references to Fenelon's novel as an edu¬
cational voyage: Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque and Palissot's L'Apollon
Mentor. The fourth chapter treats Marivaux's recasting of the theme.
Although chronology did not serve as part of the criteria used to
organize the subject, the order in which the works are presented is
largely chronological: the adaptations treated in the second chapter
appeared prior to 1720 while those of the third appeared in the 17^0's.
Marivaux's Le Telemaque travestí stands alone not only as a humorous
treatment of the Telemachus subject, but also as the only one of the
works examined which did not appear in an integral edition in France
3
during the eighteenth century.
Each of the five works was examined in the context of the Telemaque
to determine in what way it related to its chosen model. To avoid
imposing external criteria on the works, the choice of categories
was drawn from the reading of the works themselves and varies from

5
one to another because the areas of analysis â– which would apply to
Grandchamp's sentimental novel would not be adequate to the description
of Lambert's educational novel and would not apply at all to a treatise
like the Loix. Several general headings do arise, however, in most of
the works. The most general and most obvious is characterization: the
presence of a Telemachus and a Mentor in each of the works was expected
since they seem to be very basic elements of the theme. In fact, only
four of the works present Telemachus and Mentor figures; the Loix has
two "characters" who really serve as voices for the communication of the
author's ideas, and while one of them is called Télémaque, Mentor is not
present at all. Where counterparts to both Telemachus and Mentor are
present, however, the relationship was generally consistent with the
pattern of an older preceptor advising a younger novice. Most of the
works also preserve the didactic tone of the Telemaque. This is especially
evident in the political instructions given in the Loix, and the moral and
ethical responsibility taught in the Nouveau Telemaque, but Palissot
only changed the substance in the Apollon Mentor from political to poetic
indoctrination. The form, structure and point of view varies widely
among the works but were considered in relation to each one.
Essentially, the Telemachus in Eighteenth-Century French Prose, 1700-
1750: An Objective Approach to a Theme is a study of "spin-offs" from the
most popular French novel of the first half of the eighteenth century.
This kind of borrowing of titles or subjects was an extremely popular
literary practice during the Enlightenment and continues to be prevalent
today. The number of "Mariannes" and "Paysans" or "Paysannes" which fol¬
lowed Marivaux's successes attests to the public acceptance of the form.

6
Another illustration of their popularity can he found in the career of
the abbé Lambert, one of the authorss considered in this study. A de¬
frocked priest who became an author in order to support himself in
Paris, Lambert wrote four of his seven novels in obvious imitation of
others: Memoires d*une Dame de qualite qui s’est retiree du monde (1739),
L'infortunee sicilienne (17^+2) and the Nouvelle Marianne (1759), as well
as the Nouveau Telemaque. Such proliferation indicates that titular
borrowing was at least a profitable enterprise, even if not always
artistically successful. This dissertation elucidates some of the para¬
meters and techniques of this very popular practice.
Albert Chérel, De Télémaque a Candide, vol. VI of Histoire de la
litterature frangaise, ed. J. Calvet (9 vols.; Paris: J. de Gigord,
ed., 1933), p. 1.
^ Fénelon au XVIII6 siecle en France (1719-1820): Son prestige,
son influence (1917; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970), p. 6Ul.
'D
JFrederic Deloffre, "introduction" to Marivaux, Le Telemaque
travestí, ed. F. D., Textes Litteraires Frangais (Geneva: Droz, 1956),
p. 12.
^ Biographie Universelle (Michaud), nouvelle'edition (Paris: Mme
Desplace, 1843-65), vol. 23, p. ^5-

CHAPTER I: FENELON
The Introduction of the Telemachus Theme into the XVIIIth Century
From the time of the Renaissance, Ulysses and his creator Homer
suffered the disdain and the disaffection of the majority of the French
reading public. With outstanding exceptions of Du Bellay, Racine,
and Rene le Bossu, French readers viewed Ulysses as he appeared in the
Aeneid: an artfully self-interested and untrustworthy character whose
battle tactics lacked the forthrightness and directness of a gentleman
and hero. Even Racine, who defended Ulysses in his Remarques sur
ltOdysséeui"Homére (l662), seems to have made a necessary concession
to the popular viewpoint in Iphigénie (167M where Ulysses appears
as a counselor and statesman, but with hardly a touch of humanity. "*"
The Telemachus legend, being integrally linked to the Odyssey,
was also neglected during the entire French Classical period. The only
mention of a work in the Telemachus tradition which appeared during
the seventeenth century is a Latin version published by Petrus Valrus
in l609. The Telemachus, sive profectu in virtute et sapientia seems
to have been a didactic work written to illustrate the principles of
rhetoric. It was very obscure and was probably not known to Fenelon
2
or any of his contemporaries.
Thus, in choosing the son of Ulysses as the central character
of his book of instruction for the heir to the French throne, Fenelon
selected the son of a folk hero long out of favor with the public.
His efforts toward the necessary rehabilitation of Ulysses are evident
7

8
in the autobiography of Philoctetus in Book XVIII of the Télémaque:
here, Ulysses' worst and most justified enemy excuses his abandonment
as a decision necessitated by the demands of leadership. In addition,
Mentor-Minerva praises Ulysses throughout the novel, holding him up
as a model for the youthful prince; and Ulysses' old associates welcome
Telemachus warmly, solely on the basis of his resemblance to his famous
father. This recurrent recognition contributes to the re-establishment
of Ulysses' character as worthy of a leader and a hero, a new per¬
spective which is reinforced by the calm and introspective demeanor
of the mysterious stranger in whom Telemaque fails to recognize his
father on his way home to Ithaque. Ulysses plays only a peripheral
role in the novel, but Fenelon apparently believed the amelioration
of his image necessary to provide his hero with worthy parentage.
The difference between his view of Ulysses and the popular view shows
nonetheless the extent to which Telemaque was breaking new ground and
demonstrates that the popularity which the eighteenth century accorded
to Telemachus found its beginning in the work of Fenelon.
The prefaces to the several imitations of the Telemaque also
indicate that the eighteenth century identified the legend with Fenelon
rather than Homer. Both Grandchamp and the anonymous author of Les
Loix du roi Minos, ou lu continuation du quatrieme livre des Avantures
de Telemaque, fils d'Uljsse refer to the modem novelist rather than
to the ancient poet and both are obviously using the former as the basis
for their works. Marivaux, in composing the Télémaque travestí, like¬
wise bases his parody on Fénelon's version rather than on the brief
Telemacheia and his "avant-propos" indicates that he is attacking
neither the ancient master nor the modern adapter, but those who worship

9
either of them. This seems to indicate the extent to which Fenelon's
imitation had supplanted the original in the minds of the readers
of the eighteenth century.
The immediate reaction to the Telemaque was mixed: published
criticism seems to have almost universally condemned the book, but
the sixteen complete and partial editions which appeared in 1699» the
U
first year of publication, indicate general public acceptance of the
novel and appreciation for its author. Much of the immediate excite¬
ment generated by the book was probably due to its reception as a
roman a clef or a satirical expose by a highly placed member of the
court. This may be at least in part what Bossuet meant in the letter
to his nephew dated May 18, 1699» where he attacked the Telemaque
as unworthy of a priest and as lacking in seriousness.^ As the century
continued, however, the book was increasingly accepted by the Philo¬
sophic Movement because of its political message and strong moral con¬
tent (see Cherel, Fenelon, p. 335)*
Two sorts of critics attacked Fenelon's novel: those who like
Bossuet were his enemies from the battle over Quietism, and those who
hoped to profit, either financially or otherwise, in attacking a very
popular book by an already disgraced author. The two major contemporary
criticisms of the Telemaque show this self-centered interest on the part
of the authors. Pierre-Valentin Faydit, whose Telemacomanie expresses
in the title alone the author's judgment of the situation surrounding
the novel, was probably trying to capitalize on the success of a best
seller by generating a controversy, or at least a scandal, which would
cause his own book to sell.^ Nicolas Gueudeville, whose several
Critiques ... of the Telemaque appeared in 1700 and 1702, gives the

10
impression rather of someone who is trying to use the Télémaque as a
means to continue his own satirical attacks on Louis XIV with ammuni¬
tion provided by one of the king's own advisors; but in view of his
... 7
insecure financial position, pecuniary motives cannot be discounted.
Faydit's insensitive and pedantic criticism of the Telemaque
appeared in 1700 and attacked Fénelon, as well as his novel, on three
grounds. In the first part of his long study, he condemns Fénelon for
having written a novel at all, citing church fathers and liturgical
history to prove that Fénelon the novelist was a greater sinner than
Fénelon the heretic and author of the condemned Explication des Máximes
Q
des Saints. For Faydit, Fénelon's Máximes provoked only intellectual
heresy and corruption, but the tender and sensuous scenes of the
Télémaque would inflame young souls to passions which they would find
difficult to control (Faydit, pp. 6-7).
Moreover, exclaimed Faydit, the archbishop could not claim that
his work instructed the reader in ancient geography, history and myth¬
ology; the vituperative critic then demonstrated painstakingly that
the author of the Télémaque had respected neither fable nor fact as
they are reported in the chronicles of the ancient scribes (Faydit,
p. 56). E. Delval's study of this section of the Télémacomanie
demonstrates Faydit's bad faith by showing the manner in which he
tortured and twisted the ancient chronicles in order to prove his
point: citing an author when he agrees, ignoring him when he does not;
deliberately citing little-known authors and misstating their work;
intentionally misidentifying characters cited in the book — confusing
the king Pygmalion with the better-known sculptor of the same name, for
example (Delval I, 181-8U). Delval's detailed comparison of Faydit's

11
claims with the accepted traditions of the seventeenth century and
with the ancient chronicles leave no doubt as to Faydit's lack of
credibility.
The final section of Faydit's work continues to demonstrate
Fenelon's alleged unreliability. In this section the critic tries to
show that Fenelon has not only been inconsistent with ancient historians
but with himself as well. He points out, for example, that the descrip¬
tion of Télémaque's character as he is going to war in Book XIII
(pp. 336-37) is not prepared in the preceding books and has no signifi¬
cant consequence in the succeeding ones (Faydit, pp. U58-60). Another
valid complaint is that the Lacedemonian army of bastards supposedly
born while their mothers' husbands were away fighting the Trojan War
could have had no soldier over seventeen, since Ulysses had been absent
from his home about that long. Even the youthful age of seventeen
suggests that the Greek women began to betray their husbands even before
they had managed to set sail. In any case, seventeen seems very young
for an army which has already captured a city and begun a civilization
(Faydit, p. 150). In attacking Fenelon's lack of concern for reality,
Faydit was much more successful than in the other parts of his work.
Albert Cahen also cites as an example of the archbishop's hyperbole
the incident in which Telemaque escapes slavery in Egypt by killing
9
a lion with his bare hands.
Throughout the Telemacomanie, Faydit demonstrated a total lack of
comprehension of Fenelon's basic purpose and of his method of using the
historical and legendary events and personages to create a setting or
model of heroic proportions which would impress his royal charge.
Either willfully or through sheer ignorance, Faydit insists upon an

12
interpretation of the Telemaque which is consistent neither with the
literature of the period nor with the lofty prose and elevated style
of the novel. The Telemacomanie nonetheless illustrates very accurately
two of the accusations made against the Telemaque: that as a novel it
was immoral per se; and that its passionate descriptions were likely
to spark emotions which Mentor's admonitions were unlikely to he able
to quell. His claims of historical and geographical inaccuracy seem
to have been largely ignored by the reading public — Fenelon's enemies
as well as his friends — and beginning with the 1717 authorized
edition,^ a map of the ancient Mediterranean frequently accompanied
the book.
Gueudeville's criticism illustrates a different aspect of the
climate surrounding the Telemaque: the popular acceptance of the book
as a political pamphlet satirizing Louis XIV. The identification of
Telemaque as the duke of Burgundy and of Mentor as Fenelon himself was
widely recognized. Criticism of Louis XIV was seen in every negative
reference to kings and their policies from Sesostris to Idomenee; and
"Keys" to the Telemaque, giving allegorical and mystical interpreta¬
tions of its episodes, appeared even in 1699-"*’1 Gueudeville, for the
most part, points out all of the passages which might be considered
critical of the king of France and pretends to show that they do not
apply to the Roi Soleil, but that to the contrary, all of the qualities
which Fenelon lists as desirable in the perfect king — concern, sympathy,
peacefulness, abstinence — are qualities of which Louis XIV can boast
(Delval II, pp. 151-53, 178)- In view of Gueudeville's own history
of satiric attacks on Louis, for which he was forced to leave France
and was even pursued into Holland (Delval II, pp. 138-39), it seems

13
likely that his attacks on Fenelon and his defense of the king repre¬
sented only a pretext for a new battle in his continuing war with the
French monarchy (Cahen, p. lxiii). In defense of Gueudeville, it should
be noted that he objects legitimately to several stylistic features,
particularly the monotony of invention in many of the scenes — e.g.,
shipwrecks which always follow the classical pattern — and the length
of Mentor's discourses on government and ethics which periodically
interrupt the story (Dédéyan, p. 40).
Fenelon was not without his defenders, even at this early stage.
The edition of the Télémaque published by Moetjens in 1701 contained a
preface by the abbé de Saint-Remy in which he attempted to counter¬
attack the book's enemies. A. Cherel says of this preface that it is
superficial, maladroit and little likely to have contributed to the
success of the novel. Dealing very little with the issue of the novel
itself, Saint-Remy's preface goes back to the controversy over Quietism
to praise Fenelon's submission as opposed to Bossuet's alleged vindic¬
tiveness and jealousy (p. 25). Delval's more complete analysis of the
preface is much more generous (i, pp. 198-203). He sees the work as
elegant and indicates that attention was paid to Gueudeville and
Faydit as well as to Bossuet and to the Télémaque itself.
The most eloquent and accepted of Fénelon's defenders was a Scots¬
man named Ramsay whose "Discours de la poésie épique et de 1'excellence
du poSme de Télémaque" appeared at the head of the 1717 "authorized
edition." His apology for the Télémaque defends it on very general
grounds and at an esoteric level, but it strikes closer to the heart of
the issues which have been mentioned than does Saint^Rémy's work.
Ramsay's "Discours" concentrated on two major points: first he tried

to establish that the Telemaque was an epic poem rather than a novel,
thus finding a reason for the Telemaque's "excesses" of sensibility
and morality in the traditions of an accepted genre. Secondly, he
attempted to establish a theory of the epic, relating it to the tragedy
in its beneficial effects. The major thrust of Ramsay's analysis of
epic poetry stressed the morality which was expressed through its
fictions. He saw virtue as rigorous and morality as difficult for
young people. In both tragedy and the epic poem, exciting examples of
evil deeds and their deleterious consequences made virtue and morality
less rigorous and more acceptable and at the same time gave youthful
hearts practice in the exercise of them both. The morality of the
Telemaque he found especially appropriate since it is "sublime dans
ses principes, noble dans ses motifs, universelle dans ses usages"
(Ramsay, p. xxix). He refuted the claim that the Telemaque could not
be an epic poem because it was not in rimed verse, with references to
Aristotle and to Fenelon himself, who in his Lettre á l'Academie had
attacked the use of rime as too constraining and too deformative in
the construction of ideas (Ramsay, p. xlvi).
This was the "immediate" reaction to the Telemaque as far as
published criticism was concerned. No attempt has been made to cover
all of the criticism leveled at Fenelon's novel, but rather to show
the major points of contention among the combatants during the first
fifteen years of the century. Telemaque's value as a moral pamphlet
was opposed to the deleterious effect of its eloquently-described
scenes of passionate desire and exaggerated examples of evil kings.
It was attacked for being a novel and for lacking verisimilitude; it
was defended as an epic poem whose measured and eloquent prose super-

15
seded. the more standard rimed verse and whose high moral purpose
eliminated the necessity for slavish attention to historical detail.
To attacks which saw in the alleged specificity of its political
portraits evidence of a satire on Louis XIV, its defenders cited the
universality of all of its maxims and claimed that far from being a
political pamphlet attacking Louis, it was a general study of govern¬
mental morality which by necessity included many of the characteristics
of Louis' reign — the good as well as the bad.
The controversy around the Télémaque followed roughly the same
lines throughout the rest of the century, even though the tone of
argument changed after the publication of the Directions pour la
13
conscience des rois et des princes souverains in 17^7- After the
appearance of the Directions, Fenelon's politics became something of
a legend and this aura extended to all aspects of his reputation,
including the Télémaque (Chérel, p. 335). Voltaire serves as an example
of the transformation which occurred in public opinion. A. Chérel
notes that Voltaire's attitude prior to 17^7» as it appeared in his
letters and in the Connaissance des beautés of des defauts de la
poésie et de 1'eloquence d'Homere, was a mixture of coolness and ad¬
miration. The influence of Fenelon on Voltaire's political, ideas and
his theories of history were very strong, but Voltaire saw in the
Télémaque only a work done in a style appropriate to a translation in
prose of Homer (Chérel, pp. 380-8l). After 17^7» in the Siécle de
Louis XIV, he praised Fénelon's novel; and while maintaining his
objection to the characterization of it as an epic poem, he is much more
moderate in his criticism of its style, even recognizing the poetic
quality of its prose. Furthermore, he is much warmer in his praise of

16
its political and moral message.
Such are the three periods of Chérel's division: the years before
1715 constituted a continuation of the seventeenth century and ended
with Fenelon's death in January and Louis XIVs in September; the first
period of admiration and popularity ended in 17^-7 with the publication
of the Directions. During the final period, Fenelon's reputation was
broadened beyond his authorship of the Telémaque and it acquired an
aura of legend which continued into the nineteenth century. The five
works studied in this dissertation all fall within the first two of
these periods and reflect the Telemaque1s changing literary fortunes
prior to 17^7* The first two — Grandchamp's Le Telemaque moderne
(l70l) and the Loix du roi Minos (l7l6) — appeared during the early
years of heated controversy over the value of the work and over its
classification. Grandchamp's work purports to be a roman a clef,
reflecting the early scandals which greeted the novel, while the Loix
du roi Minos, published shortly after Fenelon's death, tried to exploit
the archbishop's prestige as a philosopher and political thinker. The
two works which appeared near the end of the first period of Fenelon's
reputation — Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque (l7^l) and Palissot's
L'Apollon Mentor ou le Telémaque moderne (17^+8) — both appeal not to
any of Fenelon's ideas, but to his basic mechanism of the educational
voyage 'under the guidance of an exceptional or divine tutor. Marivaux's
work, the Telémaque travestí, by its unusual publication history (see
below: pp. 156-57), shows both the criticism which still surrounded
the novel in 171^ and the reverence which made criticism of the novel
literarily dangerous by 1735*

17
Form and Style in the Telemaque
The controversy which erupted over the form of the Telemaque —
whether it should he designated a novel or an epic — has already
been mentioned. It deserves, however, a somewhat deeper study as the
form and style of the hook become subjects in their own right. In
the eighteenth century, the argument existed primarily between the
friends and enemies of Fenelon: his supporters claimed that the work
was an epic because the epic was traditionally accepted as having
moral value despite its fictions; his detractors insisted upon the
novelistic quality of the narration, taking advantage of the contem¬
porary church prejudice against novels to discredit Fenelon. In fact
both sides had grounds for argument. The Telemaque does conform very
closely to the tradition of the seventeenth-century novel and was
probably accepted by most of its readers as a novel. It can be com¬
pared with the novel in most major respects: structure, characteriza¬
tion, the nature of the episodes, the theme of the quest of a loved
one, and the moralizations which permeate the text."'"'’ On the other
hand, the book shares certain traits with the epic poem as well: the
use of epithets to designate characters, the ornate descriptions of
landscapes, cities, and armies — even the musicality of the Telemaque's
measured prose relate the book to the ancient epics of Homer and
Virgil. Moreover, many of the elements cited by those who wanted to
associate the work with the novel could also be used to show its kin¬
ship to the epic, for the two genres shared many traits."^
Among the elements which would have been familiar to a seven¬
teenth-century reader, the first of all would be the opening of the
novel. The in media res beginning was recognized from the early

18
seventeenth century as the proper one for the novel; Mile de Scudéry
justified borrowing it from the ancients because it created immediate
suspense which held the reader's attention (Godenne, p. 46, n. j).
Writers like Sorel and Scarron parodied the technique in the Histoire
comique de Francion (l623) and Le Romant comique (l65l), so that it
was a device closely associated in the minds of the reading public with
the novel form. Thus, when Fenelon opens his work with Calypso's
lamentation over her painful immortality, introduces two shipwrecked
wanderers, and launches into a digression in which Telemaque recounts
his adventures prior to their meeting (Books I-Vl), he is using a
sequential structure already very familiar to the seventeenth-century
reader of novels.
The structure of the Telemaque further resembles that of the stan¬
dard prose novel of the seventeenth century in that it is basically
episodic, i.e., the story progresses through a series of episodes which
are essentially independent of one another. The adventures overlap to
some extent, particularly in the earlier books of the novel, so that a
character may appear or be mentioned on more than one occasion: during
his stay at Tyr (Book III), for example, Telemaque is befriended by a
Phoenician captain, Narbal, whose story is later completed when Narbal's
brother, Adoam, rescues Mentor and Telemaque from the waters off the
17
island of Calypso. Similarly, Idomenee is first mentioned because
he has just gone into exile when the two heroes arrive in Crete (Book V,
pp. 143-45); later he welcomes the two voyagers to his newly founded
kingdom of La Sálente (Book VIII). These recurrences are, however,
essentially mechanical devices which provide a semblance of unity
rather than a truly integrated plot. Fenelon's ordering of the episodes

19
so that the character of Telémaque develops gradually through the
novel — as he learns from one experience and applies that knowledge to
another situation — represents a greater force for unity because it
undergirds all of the episodes with the principles of Fénelon's poli¬
tical morality. This same device can be found among the Fables and the
Dialogues des morts which he wrote when the prince was much younger,
however, and does not constitute real unity. The adventures remain
separate stories whose primary link is the presence of the two main
characters.
The basic motivation of the story — the quest for a loved one —
also comes from the traditional novel of the period. It is probably the
most used theme of the prosateur's repertory, although Fénelon trans¬
formed it greatly in making the object of the hero's search his father
and king rather than his mistress. Telémaque's search for Ulysses
originates in the relationship of respect and love which he bears his
father. It really exceeds the bounds of filial respect and becomes a
quest of love and loyalty for a person whom the hero has never even met.
This theme frequently appears in the novels of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries and dates back to the Middle Ages: two people see
each other from a distance, or simply hear about each other, and spon¬
taneously fall in love. They make every effort to meet, usually without
success or with only limited success; then they are separated and must
try to find each other once again. It is a scenario which is spoofed
in Sorel's Francion and repeated in works as diverse as Mme de Lafayette's
Zaide, Marivaux's Les effets surprenants de la sympathie and de Sade's
Aline et Valcour. The obstacles to the hero's search are also tradi¬
tional: goddesses and beautiful women try to distract him from his quest;

20
shipwrecks and storms threaten his life again and again only to he
overcome; the hero and his companion are waylaid by pirates and enemies
and sold into slavery, blown off course, impressed into the army to
fight victoriously and gloriously, and so forth. All of these inci¬
dents have their counterparts in the novelistic tradition of the
seventeenth century and were used by most novelists from d'Urfé to
de Sade (Le Breton, p. 255)-
Mentor's moralizing constitutes yet another parallel between the
Telemaque and the contemporary novel. In the romans, especially, there
was usually at least one character who was prone to giving lectures on
the morality of love and the proper course of action to take in an
amorous, situation. The pays du Tendre of Mile de Scudéry represented
only one example of this variety of philosophizing about love. Mentor's
homilies deviate from the more common sermons in the purpose of his
exhortations and in the content of his teachings. The seventeenth-
century novelist was usually writing for the court and his novels
therefore reflected the courtier's interest in love: illustrating the
proper conduct for a lover, teaching him such virtues as patience,
submission and devotion. Fenelon's audience was a student prince;
his objective was to train a king, not a lover; and his lessons are
correspondingly concerned with leadership, government administration,
justice and the duty of a monarch to his people. When he does deal
with love, the royal preceptor reveals an attitude which contrasts
sharply with that of most of his contemporaries. Rather than estab¬
lish an ethic or esthetic of love, by which courtiers could justify
their passionate affairs, he advises his charge to flee the effects of
passion. He shifts the emphasis from the amorous and erotic sensations

21
of love to the political consequences: as a powerful emotion, love
clouds the light of reason and reduces the king's independence,
diminishing his ability to act objectively and to administer justice
fairly. It is a dangerous and divisive force which can only harm
both the monarch and his subjects. Furthermore, love is presented as
an emotion too powerful to resist — any man who tries to conquer
his own passion will fail; he must flee it as soon as he recognizes
the symptoms. As an example, Mentor leads Telemaque into the sea to
help him escape from the attraction which he feels for Eucharis on
Calypso's island.
Even the antique atmosphere of the Telemaque was not an innovation.
Earlier in the century, controversy had arisen as to the proper setting
for prose fiction: whether it should have the exotic attraction of a
distant time and place, or whether French readers could find interes¬
ting stories which recounted contemporary situations in contemporary
surroundings. This was the original distinction between the roman and
the nouvelle: the roman treated the upper classes — kings and princes —
of antiquity, whereas the nouvelle presented stories of more contem¬
porary interest dealing with the lower classes. The popularity of
the ancient civilizations was such that the distinction was not rigor¬
ously maintained and the nouvelles quickly reverted to stories both of
18
higher nobility and of distant times and countries.
Fénelon's supporters nonetheless tried to justify their claim
that Telemaque was an epic poem on many of these same grounds; Ramsay,
as the best example, compared the in media res opening to that of the
Iliad and the Aeneid, i.e., the classical epic. He pointed out the
large number of descriptions and epithets which had been borrowed or

22
translated almost directly from Virgil and Homer. In trying to
justify calling the Telemaque an epic he attempted to redefine poetry
by claiming that poetry was a literary quality which was actually
harmed in French by the effort to write in verse: "... ce qui fait la
poesie ... [c'est] la fiction vive, les figures hardies, la beauté et
la variété des images. C'est l'enthousiasme, le feu, 11impétuosité,
la force, un je ne sqai quoi dans les paroles et les pensees que la
nature seule peut donner." He contrasted the syntactic freedom of
the classical languages with the relative rigidity of contemporary
French and concluded that rimed verse could not produce good poetry
in French. To further sustain his point about the relationship of
the Telemaque and the epic, Ramsay pointed to passages which Fenelon had
transposed almost exactly from the ancient authors; the description
of Calypso among her Nymphs in Book I, for example, was borrowed very
closely from the Aeneid1s description of Dido among the maidens of
her court.^
In addition to the style of the epic, Ramsay theorized on the
unity of action and on the action necessary or appropriate to the epic,
but the major thrust of his argument aimed at establishing the moral
and exemplary value of the epic. In this regard, he made a distinction
between the novel, which must try to present events with a certain
verisimilitude, and the epic, which is more concerned with truth and
virtue. Near the beginning of his introduction to the Telemaque, Ramsay
described the epic as "Une fable racontée par un Poete pour exciter
1'admiration, et inspirer 1'amour de la vertu, en nous representant
1'action d'un héros favorisé du ciel, qui execute un grand chemin
malgre tous les obstacles qui s'y opposent [p. ix]." In trying to

23
claim that the moral intent of a work was a factor in determining its
quality as an epic, Ramsay was trying to refute those critics who
attacked the book as a novel because of the scenes of passion and
voluptuous beauty: in including these sections, Fenelon was only
trying to prepare his charge for the temptations of court where the
king is constantly under temptation; thus the moral value of the
scenes as prevention outweighs their potential harm as sources of
temptation in themselves. It is an interesting double strategy: the
book is moral because it is an epic and an epic because it is moral.
Before concluding, it should be briefly noted that the Telemaque
also bears a rather close resemblance to another genre, the accounts
of voyages, which had appealed to the French desire for the exotic
and for adventure, and to the growing interest in the scientific ex¬
ploration of the world, since the Renaissance^ -These-accounts were
descriptions of newly discovered lands written by naturalists, explorers
looking for financial gain, or priests sent along with the explorers
as missionaries to the unchristian peoples whom they might discover.
They usually included a geography of the country and a more or less
detailed account of the flora and fauna; they frequently discussed the
state of civilization of the inhabitants and ended with a plea for
colonization and commercial exploitation of the country by France.
The priests also included descriptions of the religious colonies of
converts which they had established. Beginning with Gabriel de
Foigny's La Terre Australe connue in 1676, there existed a growing
corpus of fictional accounts of voyages which copied the real accounts
very closely. These imaginary voyages usually tried to combine adven¬
ture and excitement with the portrayal of utopian civilizations which

2h
were alleged to exist in the "newly discovered" countries visited by
21
their heroes. Despite many differences between the Telémaque.and
these stories of adventure, there is a basic similarity, not only to
the fictional voyages, but to the real voyages of Jesuit priests
describing the colonies of Indians which they had established with
22
converts m the Americas. Since the relationship with this third
class of prose is more philosophical than literary, we will discuss
it later.
The Telémaque is thus related to both the novel and to the epic,
especially insofar as the novel copied the epic. The in media res
beginning, the hyperbolic descriptions, the aura of magic and mystery
were elements common to both of these genres and since both obviously
contributed to the creation of the Telémaque, it is impossible to
determine the true sources. Certain other elements can be identified
as being more influenced by one or the other, however. The style of
the work obviously imitates the epic since much of the novel is
transposed directly from the ancient poets. Both the nature of the
hero's adventures and the characters of the continuation of the
fourth book of the Odyssey come out of the contemporary novel; even
though these adventures and characters are drawn from the ancient
chronicles, they have obviously been remodeled along more modern
lines. Put more succinctly, the Télémaque is a work whose form is
akin to both the novel and the epic, written in an epic style with
a novelesque character and the spirit of the contemporary voyage.
Characterization in the Telémaque
Fénelon's Télémaque differs fundamentally from the work which

25
inspired it in that it is a complete work, whereas the Homeric Tele¬
mache i a served as an introduction to the much longer work of the Odyssey.
The Telemacheia prepared the story of the return of the wandering
Odysseus in three ways: it elucidated the reasons for his extended
absence from his wife and young son. It illustrated graphically the
condition to which his kingdom had degenerated during his absence.
Finally and most significantly, it initiated the son of the wiliest of
Greeks into an adult world and prepared him to become a companion to his
23
illustrious father.
Because it is a relatively brief introduction, the Telemacheia does
not fully develop any of the personages it presents and the major char¬
acters in its drama are few. Telemachus and Mentor are the only major
actors; the two kings, Nestor and Menelaus, are individualized to some
extent, but the suitors and other characters are differentiated hardly
at all. For the continuation of the legend, Fenelon borrowed only the
two principal characters and Nestor: the other characters who appear in
the Télémaque are drawn from other parts of the Odyssey, from Virgil's
Aeneid and from other ancient works and authors.
Télémaque
As the hero of a novel rather than the primary character of the
x 2k
introductory passage of a much longer work, Fénelon's Télémaque has a
far more complex personality than his Homeric predecessor. They are
both youths in the process of growth which accompanies initiation into
the world of adults — in Telemachus' case, the world of kings and
heroes — and they both show the potential to be even greater than their
illustrious fathers. Indeed, they share many qualities, because Fénelon

26
did borrow traits from the homeric Telemachus in creating his hero
(Dédéyan, p. 69). The son of Homer's Odysseus has little opportunity
to display his character, however. We see him only briefly: in the
hall at Ithaca among the suitors whom he despises, before Nestor at
the court of Pylos and before Menelaus at the court of Sparta. His
actions in these situations reveal primarily his singleminded interest
in his father's fate and his frustration before the improprieties of
the suitors. We can observe piety in his observance of sacrifices
and of the rites of welcome for strangers and voyagers through his
country and in his obedience to the will of the gods as it is trans¬
mitted to him through Athene. His courage is manifested in the con¬
vocation at which he confronts the suitors to demand support for his
pilgrimage to Pylos and Sparta, even though his adolescence makes him
powerless before their superior strength (Odyssey, Book I, 11. 17-
25
325). In this incident he demonstrates his father's discretion and
cunning. Finally, before the courts of Pylos and Sparta, he shows
his respect for the companions who fought beside his father during the
Trojan War and for the traditions which they represent.
It is in the company of these contemporaries of his father that
Telemachus achieves initiation into the heroic world of the preceding
generation: a change in status symbolized by the transformation which
occurs in his physique following his bath at Pylos (Odyssey, Book II,
11. 602-604). Homer did not explore even those few characteristics
of Telemachus which appear in the Telemacheia because the purpose of
the first four books of the Odyssey is not really to develop the
character of Odysseus' son, but only to render him worthy of standing
beside his father. This goal is achieved when the suitors realize

27
that he is dangerous and begin to plan to assassinate him (Odyssey,
Book IV, 11. 83H-52).27
Télémaque encounters many more situations in his peregrinations
through Fénelon's reconstruction of the ancient Mediterranean world
than does Telemachus and therefore has many more opportunities to
manifest both his basic character traits and the conditions of his
maturation. Some of these traits are negative in order to discourage
the duke of Burgundy from exercising similar traits in his own charac¬
ter: impetuosity, haughtiness, moodiness, insensitivity, passion,
excessive pride, a tendency toward despair and overconfidence. All
these mark the Fenelonian character as different from the Greek; but
Fénelon has also added positive traits to the central characteristics
of discretion, courage and piety: curiosity and commitment to the
truth regardless of the consequences, both of which appear in situations
like Télémaque's sojourn at Tyr (Book III, pp. llU-15). Since Fénelon
intended the novel as a summary of his own tutelage of the young
dauphin, the undesirable traits are excised -under Mentor's guidance
to be replaced with more desirable ones: sympathy, humility, concern
for his subjects, moderation, wisdom, patience, peacefulness, and
simplicity (Dédéyan, pp. 69-70).
The transformation which occurs in Télémaque's character involves
the internalization of Mentor's principles of political morality. At
the beginning of his voyage, we see the young man acting impetuously,
on his own and without paying heed to the warnings of his preceptor;
he insists upon attempting the voyage in search of his father, des¬
pite all of the objections of Mentor. When he is captured by Aceste's
Trojans, he boldly announces his identity and pleads for death rather

28
than the dishonor of slavery. Both at this time and later, Mentor
discourages such actions and tries to convince him to accept the
dictates of fate and to try to work affirmatively within them (Book II,
pp. 83-84). Before each new obstacle to his quest of parent and hearth,
he despairs and must renew his enthusiasm and confidence through
Mentor's eloquence. As the story progresses, Telemaque becomes in¬
creasingly independent of this support, developing simultaneously
a humility of spirit and a sense of his true potential. The progress
of this internalization of Mentor's philosophy can be traced from the
early episodes mentioned above through his performance at the trials
Crete where he shows his command of the principles involved and finally
to the battle against the Dauniens where he is accepted as a leader
even though he is much younger than the kings with whom he rides
(Book XIII, XV). It is particularly in Book XV that he demonstrates
his ability to apply the principles which he enunciated on the island
of Crete. It is also significant that for the first time he is really
without the aid of an older and wiser guide, because although the kings
of the army are older, the narrator makes very apparent their lack of
wisdom and circumspection. Minerve is still with him, protecting him
from his enemies with supernatural armor and providing him with internal
wisdom, but there is no outward manifestation of her presence, as there
was with Mentor, Thermosiris and even Narbal during the prince's stay
in Phénicie.
Homer's Telemachus is an adolescent and his character is thus
prepared for certain changes, especially those which involve status
and responsibility. His actions and responses to the situations which
he encounters are therefore natural and his character is consistent.

29
The complex changes which occur in Télémaque's character represent
growth which would require much longer than the time allowed in the
novel. Fénelon preserves the sense of psychological consistency
through the creation of an atmosphere of mythology and mystery which
suspends the normal laws which would ordinarily govern the transfor-
28
mation of a character.
Mentor-Minerve
Fénelon achieves this mystical suspension of natural law with a
range of images from those of the Olympian gods to the depiction of
Telémaque's descent into the underworld. The jealous presence of Venus
who is alwyas trying to corrupt him, the several dreams which warn him
of impending dangers, the ubiquitous presence of legendary heroes and
immortal beings also contribute to the mythic quality of the experience
of the novel. It is the figure of Mentor, however, who makes the
greatest contribution to the integration of the natural and the mysti¬
cal worlds. As the incarnation of the goddess of wisdom, he brings
29
the worlds of Olympus and Hades into the realm of earth.
Though borrowing the concept of a goddess disguised as a man from
Telemacheia, Fénelon attains a very different effect from the original.
In the Homeric epic, Athene appears both in the guise of the stranger
Mentes who counsels Telemachus to voyage to Pylos and Sparta (Odyssey,
Book I, 11. 128-33) and of Mentor, Odysseus' old friend and his lieu-
30
tenant while the king was away at war (Odyssey, Book II, 11. 338-39).
In these incidents, the blue-eyed goddess serves as the spur which sets
the young Telemachus off on the quest of his father and of his own man¬
hood. Since Athene already knows Odysseus' whereabouts and has already
arranged his return, her principal objective in encouraging Telemachus

30
to travel to Pylos is not the stated search for a parent, but the
31
young prince's own elevation. Later as Mentor, the goddess again
counsels her protege's son about his preparation for the voyage help¬
ing him to select a ship and crew, accompanying him on the voyage and
lending moral support when he faces the courts of Nestor and Menelaus
(Odyssey, Books II-IIl). In these actions Athene brings Telemachus
the will and the support of the gods and guides him on his way to
adulthood. She does not, however, really combine supernatural powers
with her human actions. Her knowledge of Odysseus' fate is never evi¬
denced directly in her counsel to Telemachus; both as Mentes and as
Mentor she gives Telemachus advice which almost any mortal sage might
have proposed. She acts as a kind of catalyst to precipitate a reaction
from the adolescent who was becoming increasingly restless in the face
of his own helplessness and inaction toward the suitors. Her actions
conform in this way to the claims of the seventeenth-century apologists
who alleged that Homer's gods and goddesses allegorically reflected
32
human traits and/or natural qualities, rather than real divinities.
Fenelon's Mentor plays a much more significant role in shaping
the experiences and activities of his charge, and therefore in shaping
the growth of Telemaque's character. Like the author for whom he acts
as spokesman, it is Mentor-Minerve who controls both the duration and
the form of Telemaque's adventures. The extent to which the precep¬
tor controls the events of Telemaque's life is noted by the narrator at
the end of the novel: "Car Mentor, qui réglait tous les moments de la
vie de Telemaque, pour l'elever It la plus haute gloire, ne l'arretait
en chaqué lieu qu'autant qu'il fallait pour exercer sa vertu, et pour
lui faire acquérir de 1'experience" [italics added] (Book XVII, p. UU7).

31
Despite the minuteness with which Mentor manages the life of his
pupil, he does not actually constrain him any more than Fénelon himself
constrained the duke of Burgundy. Minerve creates situations which test
the young prince's judgment and his courage, hut she does not force him
to act; she only encourages, recognizing that external constraints would
only provoke resistance rather than create the internal discipline
necessary to the proper governing of a realm. The goddess only forces
him into action once, when she precipitates him into the ocean from
the island of Calypso in order to save the young man from his passionate
love for Eucharis. Even in this instance, however, her actions were
intended to impress upon him the power of the forces with which he
was contending. The lesson in her action was that the only way to
escape the deleterious effects of love lay in fleeing the power of
passion as quickly as possible, placing no confidence in one's own
resources. In almost every other case, the goddess' control of the
youth's actions remains at the level of moral persuasion and psycho¬
logical manipulation. As Emile's tutor will do over half a century
later, Mentor creates situations which force his pupil to act and
then uses the experience to teach him practically, rather than relying
33
on theoretical or abstract instructions.
Throughout the novel, Minerve is presented as the goddess of moral
good and the dual character of her incarnation as Mentor represents
the fusion of divine or perfect knowledge with practical action (Dedé-
yan, p. 72). The miraculous aspect of Mentor's character becomes
evident almost immediately; his double identity is revealed by the
narrator the moment he arrives on Calypso's island in the company
of Télémaque (Book I, pp. 66-67). Mentor's superhuman qualities are

32
demonstrated on a number of occasions: his powers of knowledge allow
him to warn Aceste on the island of Sicile that barbarian hordes
threaten his kingdom with immediate destruction (Book. I, p. 76). His
inscrutable presence conceals his identity even from the goddess
Calypso, and makes her uneasy (Book VI, pp. 170-71). His energy and
industry allow him to construct a ship for Télémaque's withdrawal from
Calypso’s island alone and in a very short time (Book VI, p. 179)»
His eloquence appears especially at Sálente when he succeeds in pre¬
venting a war by the judicious use of diplomacy — first convincing
Idomenee to accept his embassy and then reassuring the king's irate
neighbors of the sincerity of the monarch's repentance and the
security of his offers of peace (Book IX, pp. 244-55). His divine
wisdom and miraculous powers are further demonstrated in the reforma¬
tion of the city which he persuades Idomenee to undertake and which
34
he accomplishes m a very brief time.
The goddess manifests her presence to Télémaque not only through
the incarnation of Mentor, but also through dreams. Moreover, she
aids him in ways to which the reader is alerted although Télémaque
is unaware of them. The miraculous armor which she has forged for him
by Vulcan and the protection of her aegis against the darts of love
and the arrows of the Dauniens (Book XII, pp. 359-62) are only two of
many such instances. The reader is also regularly reminded of the
divinity of Télémaque's guide through the comments which are scat¬
tered through the narration. The omnipresence of Minerve's guidance
and protection is only part of the atmosphere of immortality which
permeates the Télémaque from the opening lamentations of Calypso
to the closing image of Minerve ascending into the heavens on a cloud

33
after shedding her human form (Goré, "Périple," p. 59). The ubiquity
of her influence and its resemblance to the Christian doctrine of
35
grace helps to create an atmosphere of divine will and of provi¬
dential purpose which justifies Télémaque's growth by setting him
apart from other men.
Minor Characters
Fenelon's primary purpose in writing the Telemaque was didactic
and his characters, the minor ones even more than the major ones,
37
reflect this overriding interest. The names for the secondary
characters for the novel come from the chronicles of antiquity and
from the ancient epics. In drawing on this material, Fénelon retained
the primary trait which legend associated with the particular character,
but he used it as the foundation for a caricature of a particular
principle which he wished to illustrate. In this way, Pygmalion (the
king, not the sculptor) was known through the account in Virgil's
Aeneid to have killed his brother-in-law and exiled his sister, Dido.
In the third book of the Télémaque, he becomes the model for an evil
king: the epitome of avarice and suspicion, not even able to trust the
guards who are charged with the protection of his person. He demon¬
strates very effectively the maxim which Télémaque will voice at the
trials of Crete: the most unhappy man is the king who thinks happiness
is making everyone else miserable (Book V, p. 15l). Pygmalion is cut
off from humanity; although he has absolute power over all of the
residents of his kingdom, he himself does not leave the iron doors
of his palace for fear of assassination; he eats only the most frugal
meals prepared by his own hands to avoid the possibility of being
poisoned. He knows not love, peace, health, contentment and most

3k
certainly not happiness.
As the model for the evil king, Pygmalion is the counterpart of
Sesostris, the model for the good king. Where Pygmalion is grasping
and suspicious, Sesostris is generous, friendly, open to his people
and constantly making an effort to mete out justice fairly and equally
to all citizens, even favoring the poor over the rich (Book II, p. 8U).
In contrast to the secluded existence of Pygmalion who must constantly
be on guard against assassins and who finally dies poisoned by his
mistress, Sesostris lives in the midst of his subjects, loving and
beloved. He finds friendship among his subjects and has no fear of
reprisals because his actions are always just. He lives life magni¬
ficently and enjoys his wealth because it is fairly earned. His
death leaves his people broken-hearted and fearful. He truly sets
an example for all other kings to follow.
Idomenee, who is first mentioned in Book IV as being exiled from
Crete and then later appears in Book VIII as the king of Sálente,
combines the qualities of both of these models. Especially in the
beginning, his interest in luxury — manifested in imposing archi¬
tecture and development of useless arts — and his desire for the glory
of conquest represent a short-sighted view of his duties which links
him to Pygmalion's avaricious egocentricity and to the unenlightened
38
younger days of the rule of Sesostris. His suspicion of his neigh¬
bors, his desire to acquire their land, and his stubborn pride in
refusing to admit error are also shared by the king of Tyr. Idomenee
has the good qualities of the enlightened Sesostris in that he is
genuinely concerned about the welfare of his people and wants what is
best for them. The repentance and conversion which follow his reali-

35
zation of his errors and which lead him to submit to Mentor's advice
also resemble the transformation of the Egyptian king. Like Télémaque,
he learns under the tutelage of the goddess of wisdom to moderate his
emotions, his impetuosity and his pride, thus giving Télémaque, if
not the portrait of a king totally worthy of emulation, at least the
example of a country and king which had been reformed and of the pro¬
cess by which reformation was possible.
Since all of these kings are intended as models of conduct —
models in the sense of showing possible alternatives to and probable
consequences of courses of action — they are not developed'beyond
their allegorical function^ Sesostris and Pygmalion are very shallow
figures, not only because they are pure models, but also because they
play little direct part in the action of the novel. Idomenée is more
fully developed because he has a more significant role in the plot.
We can see the flaws in his character which make him an imperfect
king — and which humanize his character: his dependence on Mentor and
Télémaque and his unwillingness to continue on his own after their
departure. Another weakness of his character as king is his indeci¬
siveness — it is this trait which renders him vulnerable to the evil
counsellor, Protésilas, and to the advice of Mentor. It is not really
that he cannot recognize the difference between good and bad courtiers,
but simply that he does not wish to contradict his advisors. All
three of these kindgoms are thus practical examples for Télémaque in
the problems and possibilities of ruling a kingdom. Other kingdoms,
Bétique and Crete provided examples of idealistic forms of government
and politics. None of these kingdoms is intended to be copied or
imitated directly, but taken together, they provide ideal measures and

36
"empirical" lessons against which to measure real governments.
As the kings serve to illustrate the lessons of good government,
the women of the story teach the young prince about the difficulties
and dangers of love and passion, especially the threat which they pose
to good and effective rule. The novel begins with the scene of Calypso,
mourning her love for Ulysse, and falling immediately in love with
Telemaque (Book I, pp. 65-66). Her island constitutes a love trap
where Telemaque is surrounded by beautiful nymphs and of course the
goddess herself. It is even more dangerous than Chypre, one of the
islands dedicated to Venus, because the maidens worshipping the goddess
of Love repelled the youth with their blatant indecency; the seemingly
modest and virtuous conduct of Calypso's companions surprises his
heart and inflames his adolescent sexuality to uncontrollable passion
without even letting him recognize what is happening to him (Book VI,
pp. 184-85). These women are not important to the story for themselves,
but rather because they inspire in Telemaque a violent passion. When
Mentor criticizes his charge for loving Eucharis, it is not the object
of his love which is attacked, but rather the emotion itself: the fire
of Telemaque's passion threatens to make him forget his quest and his
duties as Prince, to make him wish to stay on Calypso's island surroun¬
ded by luxury and protected from the necessity to prove himself further.
Finally, in Sálente, Telemaque finds in Antiope a woman Mentor
believes worthy of a prince: she is beautiful, dutiful and affectionate,
but most importantly Telemaque's love for her is not at all passionate.
He explains to his confidant what he feels for her: "c'est goüt, c'est
estime, c'est persuasion que je serais heureux, si je passais ma vie
avec elle" (Book XVII, p. 468). Moreover, when pressed by Mentor to

37
return home to aid his father's homecoming, Telemaque leaves on his
own. Thus, his love for Antiope, rather than hindering him, helps
him carry out his duties to his people and himself.
All of the characters of the hook serve the didactic purposes of
the author, but they have different functions. The secondary charac¬
ters which have just been discussed provide object lessons and examples
of various aspects of morality and politics which support and embody
the lessons which Mentor preached. Their exemplary value is expressed
by Mentor himself when in Book II, he instructs Telemaque to observe
the lands and the people of Sesostris' kingdom and to learn from the
king's example the proper means of leading the people of Ithaca (Book II,
p. 83). The two major characters synthesize the moral experiences of
Telemaque's voyage and supply the science and method necessary to make
the adventures of the trip truly educational.
Morality and Politics in the Telemaque
The debt which Fénelon owed the seventeenth-century novel in pre¬
paring the Avantures de Telemaque has already been mentioned. The
work also bears a strong resemblance to the accounts of voyages, both
real and imaginary, which were appearing frequently during the late
seventeenth century. As Atkinson points out, Telemaque's adventures
take him into lands and civilizations which were little known at the
time of his travels; the means by which he arrives in these lands are
possible, even though the presence of a goddess would allow the author
to use miraculous means of transportation; and finally, there is no
striking unreality or lack of consistency in the novel once one accepts
. 39
the atmosphere of ancient Greece which permeates it.
The didactic

38
purpose of the work and its political philosophy show an even closer
relationship to the voyage genre:
... the realism of Fenelon, his hatred of abuse of
power, his convictions concerning the ideal state
and its dependence both upon agriculture and the
absence of luxury, all these conceptions bind the
Télémaque not only to the Terre Australe connue and
to the Histoire des Sevérambes, but also to the
mass of similar writings which follow in the eigh¬
teenth century. (Atkinson, p. 145)
Since Moore's Utopia appeared in England during the Renaissance,
voyages had been used as an instrument of instruction. Both Rabelais
and Montaigne recognized their potential; Cyrano de Bergerac's Autre
monde represented a satirical attack on social institutions and the
Cartesians, but it was also an expression of the Gassendist philosophy.
Gabriel de Foigny, writing La Terre Australe connue for pecuniary
reasons, combined an adventurous sequence of voyages involving mythical
animals and shipwrecks with the detailed account of the Utopian
civilization of the hermaphroditic Australians. Denis Vairasse's
Histoire des Séverambes also describes a utopian civilization into
which the main character is introduced by shipwreck. Fenelon's major
innovations in the genre come in the use of the voyage especially for
the instruction of the youthful hero and in the variety of societies
and political systems which appear in the novel. Rather than one
ideal society, as occurs in Moore, Foigny and Vairasse, the royal
preceptor presented both positive and negative models of societies and
conduct: Egypte, Crete, la Bétique and Sálente represent examples or
measures of good governments and their leaders demonstrate in various
ways the proper conduct of a monarch. Sicile's Aceste, Tyr's Pygmalion
and the Society on Chypre, all present examples of conduct to be

39
avoided. From the educational standpoint, it is significant that none
of Fénelon's characters or models is perfect, because in the imperfec¬
tions of each of them and in the variations among them, the author can
explore the implications of different patterns of behavior and the
general principles of the human condition which underlie all forms of
government.
Because Fenelon's -objective in writing the Télémaque was the
formation of a young man into a good and worthy king of France, the
morality and politics which permeate the novel parallel each other very
closely. Even in acting as an individual, the king cannot forget that
he is responsible for the welfare of a nation and that his actions
have consequences far beyond his own personal security or comfort.
Moreover, it is the king who must decide upon the form of government
for his country and upon the relationship which he will have with his
subjects. This decision must be based upon his understanding of the
human condition and the nature of man. Fénelon gives examples of some
kings who treat their subjects as helpless tools of their personal
power or glory or greed — Pygmalion and Bocchoris for example — and
of others who attempt to ensure the welfare of their subjects and who
make the improvement of their subjects' conditions the source of their
renown — Sesostris and Minos, to name two. As Mentor indicates to
Télémaque in explaining the changes that have occurred in la Sálente,
it is the duty of the monarch to observe man, to learn his habits and
to try to improve him; this can only be accomplished by a combination
of morality and politics, judiciously applied because Fénelon recog¬
nized in his life and in his work the futility of trying to enforce
morality and religion by decree.

ko
The principles of this political morality form the basis for
Telemaque's answers at the trials of Cr§te. At the time that Mentor
and Telemaque are reunited on Chypre, Mentor is on his way to Crete
with Hasael, the Arab who bought him from the Egyptians. Their
voyage is a kind of pilgrimage so that Hasael may learn from the most
perfect system of earthly laws the fundamentals of Greek wisdom. Thus,
Crete is presented from its first appearance as an ideal earthly king¬
dom and the model system of laws. When the three comrades arrive on
the island, the concept of an ideal earthly kingdom is expanded:
it is presented as a paradise whose fields are green, whose cities
flourish and whose people are happy and free. The voyagers also
discover that the king of the island, Idomenee, is in exile; and the
Cretans, rather than trying to select a successor by his consanguinity
to Minos, have decided to do so by a succession of trials which should
determine his fitness to rule. The majority of the account of Tele¬
maque's sojourn on Crete involves his participation in these trials.
The most important of them requires the aspirants to answer a set of
three enigmas designed to demonstrate their understanding of the prin¬
ciples of Minos' laws. Telemaque wins this contest, completing his
sweep of the trials, by referring to the teachings of Mentor. Since
the divinity of his preceptor as the incarnation of wisdom was estab¬
lished very early in the novel, Telemaque's answers at this point must
be considered a revelation of both divine and supreme earthly wisdom.
The first of these questions to be taken from the great book of
the laws deals with liberty: "quel est le plus libre de tous les
hommes?" After a number of responses from other contestants, Télémaque,
obviously remembering his own experience as a slave in Egypte and

Mentor's slavery to Hasael, responds: "Le plus litre de tous les hommes
... est celui qui peut etre litre dans l'esclavage meme. En quelque
pays et en quelque condition qu'on soit, on est tres litre, pourvu qu'on
craigne les dieux et qu'on ne craigne qu'eux. En un mot, l'homme véri-
tatlement litre est celui qui, dégagé de toute crainte et de tout
désir, n'est sounds qu'aux dieux et á sa raison" (Book V, p. 150).
Only ty separating himself from the things of the world and attaching
himself to those things — the gods and his own reason — which are
teyond the control of others can man te truly free. Pygmalion serves
as a particular illustration of this principle: the despotic king is
chained ty his own greed and fear to the thirty iron-doored cells of
his magnificant palace, where he is restricted to a diet of fruits and
water which he prepares himself. Idomenee's Sálente applies the prin¬
ciple on a larger scale. Before Mentor's transformation of the city,
it had teen surrounded ty neightors fearful of Idomenee's amtition and
the city's growing strength; after its miraculous transfiguration, the
richness of the city lay in its fertile fields rather than the king's
storehouses and its strength in the hearts of its citizens rather than
in its battlements. The agricultural wealth and strength offered
neither booty for renegades like Aceste nor a threat to peaceful
neighbors like Nestor and the allies.
The second question deals with happiness: "Quel est le plus mal-
heureux de tous les hommes?" Again drawing on his own experience and
Mentor's teachings, Télémaque can respond to the question: "Le plus
malheureux de tous les hommes est un roi qui croit etre heureux en
rendant les autres hommes miserables. II est doublement malheureux par
son aveuglement; ne connaissant pas son malheur, il ne peut s'en

guérir; il craint meme de la connaítre. La vérite ne peut percer la
foule des flatteurs pour aller jusqu'a luí. II est tyrannise par ses
passions; il ne connait point ses devoirs; il n'a jamais goüté le
plaisir de faire le bien ni senti les charmes de la pure vertu. II est
malheureux et digne de l'etre: son malheur augmente tous les jours; il
court á sa perte, et les dieux se préparent á le confondre par une
punition éternelle" (Book V, p. 15l). In this statement of the punish¬
ment for failure to comply with the rules of proper royal conduct,
Fenelon approaches negatively the problem of gratification for the
philanthropy of considering one's subjects before oneself. Here he
shows — or at least claims to show — that the rewards for such
"altruistic" conduct are great; furthermore, the method of approach
reveals or suggests that the rewards for compliance are immediate and
"earthly," not to be expected only in some dimly awaited afterlife,
but available now. There is the somewhat platitudinous reference to
the joys of doing good and the charms of pure virtue, but his reward
also includes the dispersal of the courtiers. In a more material
sense, the monarch's willingness to leave the worker with the rewards
of his labor encourages industriousness and thrift, thus enhancing the
wealth of the kingdom. Moreover, the king who only calls for what is
essential to the governing of the realm earns the loyalty of his
people who are then willing to sacrifice much in order to supply his
needs. Thus, the king who does not try to bring all of the wealth of
the nation into his own treasure houses, succeeds in making the whole
country his treasury. As is shown in other portions of the novel, the
true reward of a Just and good king is the adoration and devotion of
his subjects. In the negative statement of Telemaque's response, the

punishments depicted are mainly of the present, and the eternal condem¬
nation of the gods is added as a parting shot. This concept of imme¬
diacy is also supported by Telemaque's descent into Hades, since the
blessed kings enjoy a state of bliss which is only a heightened level
of their former state of enlightenment and happiness on earth, while
the evil kings are forced to contemplate their own misdeeds and failures.
The final question concerns the issue of war and peace, or rather
of the choice between two types of national leadership: "Lequel des
deux est preferable: d'un cote, un roi conquérant et invincible dans
la guerre; de 1'autre, un roi sans experience de la guerre, mais propre
á policer sagement les peuples dans la paix" (Book V, p. l¡?l). Tele¬
maque's response to this third question is too long to quote in its
entirety, but in essence it claims that although neither of the two is
more than half a king, the peaceful monarch is the more desirable.
To begin with, it is easier to find lieutenants to lead armies than to
plan national policy,. Then also, since one naturally prefers to do
that which he does best, the conqueror is much more likely to go to
war than is the peaceful king, and war always strains a country — not
only the side which is defeated, but the victorious side as well.
Finally, in protecting the country from armed interference in its
internal affairs, the monarch who has peacefully built a strong society
has two advantages which are not available to the conqueror. On the one
hand, he will have the entire support of his people and since they are
also fighting for their own property and protecting a way of life
which they do not want to lose, they will fight much harder than
soldiers who are fighting for the glory of conquest and the spoils of
war, stretching even the limits of human endurance. Secondly, he will

44
be able to call upon the neighboring kings for aid against armed aggres¬
sion and they will come to his aid in order to prevent the establishment
upon their borders of a belligerent military power. Thus, the king who
is able to lead his people in peace can more adequately fulfill his
functions as protector of his subjects than the conqueror can fulfill
the role of a leader of the people.
Other episodes in the novel develop the principles enunciated in
these responses, and the more specific instructions of Mentor can be
deduced using them as general laws of government and conduct. Those
countries, Egypte, Crete, la Betique and Sálente, which are ruled
according to these laws are productive, wealthy, happy and free.
Tyr, Chypre and Egypte under Bocchoris, which ignore these principles,
are divided and weakened, pooi; enslaved and unhappy. Sesostris, Minos
and Idoménée, who rule by these laws, live long and happily amid the
adoration of their people and enjoying the fruits of their lands. Those
who like Pygmalion and Bocchoris do not follow these precepts finish
miserable existences ignobly, often at the hands of their own subjects.
Conduct is even recommended for the king's subjects, although it is
less developed than that for the king. For those of noble birth, at
least, following Fénelon's program of humility and simplicity protects
them from the ravages of fortune and the whims of kings. Even in exile
and disgrace, Narbal and Polydamas accept their fate and learn to
appreciate a solitary and tranquil existence far from the intrigues of
the court; they even regret leaving what has become a haven when called
to serve once more in a place of honor and power. These men are the
most prepared to lead because they have learned the vanity of the
honors and wealth of the world and have become accustomed to a humbler

richer life. Through their own suffering, they have learned the-humanity
of their own condition and realize their responsibility as leaders of
the state. They serve out of love for their countrymen and not in
order to attain the honors and prerogatives of the monarchy.
In the implementation of his principles on the level of national
policy, Fénelon did not seem very radical. Frequent references to the
subject's duty to follow his king in spite of the worst possible faults
indicate Fenelon's acceptance of the divine right of kings. Narbal,
for instance, refuses to leave Tyr and abandon his country despite
the tyranny of Pygmalion; but he also rejects the idea of taking action
against the evil king because the gods have provided Pygmalion for his
governance (Book III, p. 106). Polydamas, the Daunien captain who was
disgraced by Adraste only to succeed him later as king, likewise con¬
tinues to support by his own inaction a ruler whose actions he has
condemned as harmful to the nation and to the king himself (Book XVI,
pp. 1*1*9-50). Such acceptance of the errors of a king is not, however, an
absolute. When Bocchoris succeeds to Sesostris' throne, his ineptitude
and lack of royal preparation cause a revolt among his subjects (Book
II, pp. 95-9T)• Idomenee's murder of his own son causes the Cretans
to run him out of the country, and he barely escapes with his life
(Book V, p. ll+5) - And of course the "archest" of arch-villains in the
novel, Pygmalion, lives in constant fear of being killed by one of his
own subjects. Thus, the concept of revolt against an unjust ruler is
presented on the one hand as unworthy of a good, virtuous, god-fearing
and noble subject; but at the same time, revolt against a truly
despicable ruler becomes a natural reaction on the part of his oppressed
citizens, especially when they have known a good king before coming

46
under the dominion of a had one.
In other areas of national internal policy, Fenelon is just as
cautiously realistic. The concept of an agricultural kingdom had been
expressed by several other authors before him, particularly Vairasse
and Foigny, whose ideal kingdoms would apparently be on the order of
the nation of la Bétique. La Bétique is indeed a paradise which lacks
nothing: a rich population is supported by a generous and prolific
nature so that the people need neither till the soil for food nor con¬
struct buildings against the weather. Even gold and silver are avail¬
able, although the people have no interest in such sterile wealth
(Book VII, pp. 205-12). In the other cases, including the island of
Crete, the economy is based upon a broad spectrum of activities of
which agriculture comprises a major part. As Mentor tells Telemaque
upon the youth's return from the Daunien war: "Une grande ville fort
peuplee d'artisans occupés a amollir les moeurs par les delices de la
vie, quand elle est entouree d'un royaume pauvre et mal cultive,
ressemble a un monstre dont la tete est d'une grosseur enorme et dont
tout le corps, extenúe et privé de nourriture n'a aucune proportion
avec cette tete" (Book XVII, p. 459)- Further on he blames luxury as
the most corrupting influence possible to a society because it creates
an atmosphere of unhealthy competition for riches which is detrimental
to contentment and the continuing stability of the state (Book XVII,
pp. 461-63)• The wording of the statement quoted above seems to indicate
that such a city of wealth and commerce represents a monster when it is
founded on an impoverished population. Both Egypte and Crete have
flourishing economies; Tyr is presented as having been very happy with
a flourishing economy based almost entirely on commerce until the advent

47
of Pygmalion — and one of the deleterious effects of his suspicion and
avarice is the drying up of trade. Similarly, Mentor suggests that
Idoménée's Sálente should encourage commerce in order to finance much
of the government's operations. Thus, there seem to he certain conces¬
sions made to the necessities of the world as opposed to the conditions
possible in a more perfect and friendly environment.
In exterior politics, Fenelon reaffirms the idea of the family of
man against the tide of nationalism which had been rising in Europe
since the Renaissance. Most of his "foreign policy" stems from this
idea which manifests itself most clearly in his advice to Idoménée who
is troubled by a claim from the Sybarites that he has forfeited his
rights to several provinces which he obtained from them because he is
not living up to the conditions of the original agreement. In counsel¬
ling the king to take the Sipontins, neutral neighbors of both coun¬
tries, as arbiters of the dispute, Mentor compares the nations of man¬
kind to the families of a republic without police or courts. If each
of the families tries to settle disputes by force, the result will be
bloody chaos and justice will have meaning only as a function of
strength. A king, as a patriarch of his country, is even more obligated
to try to avoid the deleterious consequences of such a development
because the violent and destructive effects of an unregulated dispute
will be much worse than if two families were involved. Thus, the
monarch must be able to understand that in asking a third party to arbi¬
trate a dispute, he is not compromising his authority nor his honor; but
that he is rather reaffirming the rule of law and reason on which all
good government is founded (Book XVII, pp. 472-74).
To interpret Fénelon's aversion to war as a means of national

policy and international diplomacy as equivalent to pacifism would
constitute a serious misunderstanding of his intentions. He recognizes
that one of the primary functions of a monarch is to protect his
subjects from external aggression and he realizes that such protection
would require at least the maintenance of a military force and thus
the capability to wage war. Télemaque's response to the third question
at the trials of Crete both shows the intensity of this feeling and
puts the king's military responsibility in perspective: a king who does
not know how to defend his country in combat is only half a king, but
a king who tries to expand his power by the use of arms is a bad king
and falls into the category of evils from which Mentor states that a
kingdom cannot recover (Book XVII, p. 46o). Thus, he condemns the
unnecessary use of force, meaning particularly the military conquest
of other nations, but also including any use of force which is not in
response to an invader.
As to personal conduct, Fénelon expects a king to remain always
conscious of the moral responsibility of his leadership and to keep
constantly in mind the exemplary value of his actions. The humility
implied in this expectation takes several different forms. In governing
and in listening to advice from his counselors, the monarch must reward
equally those who disagree honestly with him and those who honestly
agree; failure to act in this way will chase away the finest among
his advisors and leave him surrounded by the weak flatterers and
panderers who cannot help to govern but only to corrupt. He must further
realize the impossibility of trying to administer all of the problems
of the nation by himself and be willing to delegate authority. Mentor
refers to this form of government as "le supreme et parfait gouverne-

k9
ment [qui] consiste a gouverner ceux qui gouvernent" (Book XVII, p. U64).
The key to this perfect government is the science of man, which the
king must learn through the study of human nature, both by mingling
with his subjects and consulting with wise elders who have slowly
acquired a knowledge of the human spirit. This science has a two¬
pronged benefit: it enables the king to choose his subordinates
judiciously and to arrive at a better understanding of the needs of
his people so that he can make policies which will encourage them in
the paths of virtue and productivity.
Royal humility also manifests itself in the recognition of one's
faults and in avoiding them rather than trusting to his own powers to
resist temptation. Particularly applied to the entanglements of love
and passion because these constitute the greatest threats to the rule
of reason (see above, pp. 36-37)- Such humility is also necessary to
avoid the temptation to despair in the face of danger or in difficult
situations, to postpone or delegate decisions which only the king him-
slef should malee, and to rush into situations without first realizing
all of the issues involved. As the moral as well as the political
leader of his people, the king must always remember that his conduct
serves as a model which they will follow and he should encourage them
to improve their moral lives as well as their physical well-being. He
must therefore eschew luxury and live simply, even as he expects his
people to live; and he must cultivate in his own life the hard work,
simplicity and tranquility which he wishes to instill in them.
In summarizing the traits which Fenelon proposes as ideals for
both governments and monarchs, one thinks of three words: simplicity,
humility and peace. Simplicity not just in the austerity of one's

50
life style, but also in the directness with which one addresses
situations, other people, and other manarchs. Humility in recognizing
one's position as a servant to those who are his subjects and in recog¬
nizing his own fallibility so that he can accept and reward honest
counselors whether they agree or disagree with him; humility in recog¬
nizing more than one side of an argument and that seeking outside
arbitration in international, disputes is neither dishonorable nor a
sign of weakness. Peace, both in national life so that agriculture
and commerce can thrive unhindered by the heavy taxes of war and in
one's personal life untroubled by storms of passion or fears of
reprisals from disgruntled subjects. These several elements constitute
the basic program of Fenelon's morality and politics. The reward for
following the program is immediate: the love and devotion of one's
subjects — a love and devotion which can be turned into material wealth
when needed for national defense, but which is not to be imposed upon;
the quality of companions who accompany him; and the peace and tran¬
quility of an easy conscience.^
Conclusion
The Telemachus legend came into the eighteenth century with
Fenelon's very popular and influential Avantures de Telemaque. Despite
early criticism of its sensuality and its alleged political censure of
Louis XIV, the Telemaque was hailed — even before the death of its
author, though more so after it — as one of the finest and most sig¬
nificant works of the French language. The improvement in its literary
fortunes was due no doubt as much to Fenelon's personal renown and
charisma as the Prince of Cambrai as to the claims of his apologists

51
about its literary quality.
The Télémaque was a combination of genres popular at the beginning
of the eighteenth century. It synthesized elements of the ancient epic
and the contemporary roman with the spirit of the very vigorous voyage
literature of the early eighteenth century. Its form, adventures,
characters and style are all modeled on the epic and frequently borrowed
whole from the Aeneid or the Odyssey, but they are at the same time
transformed into a work which is unmistakably of the seventeenth century.
Télémaque draws his name, his biography and the general outlines of his
character from the Greek, but his behavior conforms more nearly to that
of a seventeenth-century youth than to that of a Greek adolescent. In
essence, he is a romanticized abstraction of adolescence moving in a
rarefied atmosphere of nobility and myth. The other characters repre¬
sent different forms of youthful experience as well as allegories of
political ideals. The synthesis of political ideals and experience
reflects Fénelon's non-literary goal: the formation of a ruler who
would be the next king of France.
The principles which Fénelon tried to communicate through the
Télémaque form a kind of royal morality which links personal satisfaction
and public responsibility. One of the basic precepts of his program
is a concept which we might today term "enlightened self-interest."
The king who rules according to the needs of his people and not for his
own glory or self-aggrandizement reaps a harvest of happiness in a king¬
dom unified by the gratitude which his subjects feel toward him, enriched
by the increased industry and productivity on the part of each citizen
and strengthened by every man's willingness to sacrifice his own good
to that of the nation, in order to defend his way of life. As demon-

52
strated in Egypte, Crete, la Bétique and Sálente, the ideal kingdom has
its primary economic base in agriculture. There are both commerce and
trades to supply tools for working the soil and to allow the nation to
acquire abroad what it cannot provide for itself, but there are no frills
to sap the strength of the people and to introduce dangerous conflicts
among citizens. Even the process by which reform could be accomplished
is outlined in the reconstruction of Sálente by Mentor, so that the
Telemaque represents a very complete political primer showing how to
approach problems which might arise in governing the country as well as
the consequences of both proper and improper behavior.
For the author who followed Fenelon and utilized his subject, the
Telemaque provided a fertile field from which to draw. On the one hand
his characters and situations were of heroic stature and enjoyed almost
universal recognition among the French reading public; on the other, the
political philosophy of his very didactic work was widely praised and
his work was considered as a model for educational literature. The
following chapters will show how each of these-authors exploited these
factors and with what success.
^*W. B. Stanford, "On Some References to Ulysses in French Literature
from DuBellay to Fenelon," Studies in Philology, 50 (1953), ^*+7-50.
2’
Charles Dédéyan, Le Telemaque de Fenelon, Les cours de Sorbonne
(Paris: Centre de documentation Universitaire, [1967]), p. 50.
^ed. Fedéric Deloffre (Geneva: Droz, 1956), pp. l*5-^8.
^Albert Cherel, Fenelon au XVIII6 siecle en France (1715-1820):
Son prestige, son influence (19175 repr. Geneva: Slatkine, 1970), p. 2b.
Future reference to Cherel, Fenelon.
^Correspondance de Bossuet, ed. Charles Urbain and E. Levesque
(Paris: Hachette, 1920), v. 12, p. 6, letter no. 1926. Cherel refers to
this letter, in his Fenelon (p. 25).

53
E. Delval, "Autour du Télémaque de Fénelon: Part I, Le Pamphlet
d'un pedant, la Télémaco-manie de Pierre-Valentin Eaydit (Í61+Q-1709),"
Memoires de la gociéte d'Emulation de Camhrai, 8k (1936), pp. li+3-liú.
This article was published serially in successive numbers of the Memoires;
I will refer to the parts os separate articles. Future references to this
one will be to Delval I.
E. Delval, "Autour du Telemaque de Fénelon: Part II, Les Libelles
d'un ironiste, Nicolas Gueudeville (l650-1720)," Mem. Soc. Cambrai,
85 (1937), p. 139. Future references to Delval',11. Gueudeville published
five critiques of the Telemaque — four in 1700 and one in 1702.
Q
Fenelon's Explication des Máximes des Saints dur la vie interieure
(Máximes)appeared in 1697 and generated considerable controversy until
it was finally condemned in 1699, just a week before the publication
of the Telémaque (see Dédéyan, p. 38). Fenelon's immediate submission
to the papad, decree was lauded by his supporters as a supreme example
of faith and attacked by his enemies as a ruse.
9
"Introduction" to Fenelon, Les Avantures de Telémaque, ed. Albert
Cahen, Les Grands Ecrivains de la France, 2nd ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1927),
v. 1, p. lxvi.
Several editions of the Télémaque appeared in 1717 which claimed
to have been prepared with the cooperation of Fénelon's family and with
access to the original manuscript. All of these carried Ramsay's Discours.
The De Laulne edition from Paris and the Rotterdam edition carried maps
as well, [source: Chérel, Fénelon au XVIII siécle (supplement);
Tableaux bibliographiques, p. 10.]
^ See Dédéyan, p. 39; Chérel, p. 27; and Frangois Drujon, Les
Livres a clef, études de bibliographie critique et analytique pour
servir a l'histoire littéraire (1888; rpt. Brussels: Culture et Civi¬
lisation, 1966), p. 925. These keys do not appear in the bibliographies
and the only one which I have been able to consult is the one which
Cahen gives in its entirety in the introduction to his edition.
12
(Paris: Jacques Estienne, 1717), v. 1, pp. vii-lviii.
13
See Chérel, "La Réputation et 1'influence littéraire du Télémaque"
in his Fénelon, pp. 287-99.
lk ' y.
Chérel, Fénelon, pp. 376-77. This too brief comment is drawn from
the resumés given by Chérel to two of his studies of the influence of
Fénelon on Voltaire. The first, from p. 33^, refers to the period prior
to 17^7: "Voltaire garde envers Fénelon une attitude un peu défiante,
malgré ses sympathies sur quelques points, et malgré ce qu'il semble
lui devoir." The other referring to the period following 17^7 is from
376-77: "Voltaire dans Le Siecle de Louis XIV, exalte le roman fénelonien,
oü il relevait assez séchement des fautes et des défauts deux ans aupa-
ravant. II exclut une fois de plus, avec insistence, mais aussi avec
politesse, Télémaque du genre épique." The issue is, as Chérel's own
analysis shows, very complex, and the only intention of these quotations
is to give an overall sense of the trend in Voltaire's attitude toward
Fénelon.

15 0
André le Breton, Le Roman au XVII siécle, 4th ed. ([París]:
Hachette, n.d.), pp. 255-56.
16 e
Rene Godenne, Histoire de la nouvelle frangaise au XVII et
XVIII6 siécles (Geneva: Droz, 1970), pp. 46-47-
17
J.-L. Goré, Les Avantures de Télémaque, Garnier-Flammarion
(Paris: Garnier, 1968), Book VII, pp. 193-201. All page references
to the Telémaque are to this edition.
id
Godenne, pp. 48-53. The primary distinction was length and
anecdotal unity — the nouvelles being shorter and more unified than
the romans; in the early theoretical discussions, however, these
other elements were also debated between the two genres.
19
"Discours," p. xlvi.
20
Vérgil, Aeneid, trans. Patrie Dickinson, Mentor Classics
(New York: The New American Library, 196l), Book I, p. 20. The infant
cupid sent to inspire love also appears in Vergil though with a
totally different context (Book I, pp. 24-26).
21
Geoffry Atkinson, The Extraordinary Voyage m French Literature,
I: Before 1700* Bibliography and Reference Series, 96 (1920; rpt.
New York: Burt Franklin, [1965]), PP- 144-45.
22
Gilbert Chinard, L'Amgrique et le reve exotique dans la
littérature frangaise au XVII et XVIII siécle (Paris: Droz, 1934),
p. 215.
23
David E. Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," The Classical
Journal, 65 (1969)» 110.
24
In order to reduce confusion, proper names will be given
throughout the dissertation as they appear in the text being dis¬
cussed.
25
Homer, The Odyssey of Homer, tr. William Cullen Bryant,
The Riverside Literature Series (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1899).
References will be given in the text to Book and line numbers.
26
Charles W. Eckhart, "Initiatory Motifs in the Story of
Telemachus," The Classical Journal, 59 (1963), 51.
27
Belmont, "Athena and Telemachus," pp. 109-16.
28
see Dédéyan, Télémaque, p. 70. Dédéyan points out the realism
of the character caused by the realization of the virtualities in
Telemachus' character.
29
see J.-L. Goré, "Le Télémaque, Périple odyséen ou voyage
initiatique," CAIEF, 15 (1963), 59-66.
30
Dédéyan, Télémaque, p. 72.

55
31
Belmont,
"Athena and Telemachus," pp. 115-16.
32
siécle,
Noemi Hepp, "Les interpretations religieuses d'Homere au XVII6
" Revue des Sciences Religieuses, 31 (1957), 40.
33
M. Danlielou, Fénelon et le due de Bourgogne: Etude d'une
education (Bloud & Gay, [1955]), p. 91.
34
Book IX; Mentor's commentary is found in Book XVII, pp. 458-67.
see Cahen's "introduction," p. lxviii, and the note to Book VI,
1. 709.
36
Mentor speaks of Télémaque's "election" as favored of the gods
on several occasions, admonishing him to take heart and not to despair
after such favor had been granted him. See, for example, his lecture
on leaving Calypso's island (Book VI, p. 183). Thermasiris also makes
this claim (Book II, p. 90).
37 ^
Danlielou, Fenelon et le due, p. 169.
38
Later, during Télémaque's visit to the Elysian Fields, Sesos-
tris is depicted as being troubled by his early actions and his interest
in conquest and glory (Book XIV, pp. 408-409).
39
Atkinson, The Extraordinary Voyage before 1700, p. 144.
40 ... .
In preparing this section, I have tried to treat those basic
elements which will be needed later in dealing with other works. The
effort of condensation and simplification has made noting individual
sources difficult. The primary sources for this section have been:
Alfred Adler, "Fénelon's Télémaque: Intention and Effect," SP, 55
(1958), 591-602. Leon Brunschvicg, "Fénelon" in his Spinoza et ses
contemporains (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1923), pp. 358-76. Madelaine C.
Danliélou, Fénelon et le due de Bourgogne: Etude d'une Education,
which includes several sections on the Télémaque itself and several
on Fénelon's educational and political philosophy. Charles Dédéyan,
Le Télémaque de Fenelon (Paris: Centre de documentation universitaire,
[1967]), PP- 55-66.

CHAPTER II: THE TELEMACHUS THEME AS A FACADE
Fenelon's treatment of Homer's Telemachus provided many possibili¬
ties for further artistic development, not only of the theme but of the
concept of the educational voyage, the characters and the individual
episodes of the story as well. The earliest authors seem to have had no
notion of the novel's true potential, however; their works seize only on
its superficial elements and have little other relation to their sup¬
posed model. The first of these authors, Grandchamp, admits that his
Télémaque moderne is no more than a veil of antiquity drawn over a
modern memoir in order to protect the hero's identity; his tale of the
amorous intrigues of a young, highly-born prince relates to the
Telemaque primarily in the names of the two main characters. As will be
shown, he was obviously trying to profit from the accusations of ero¬
ticism which Fenelon's enemies had made against the archbishop's novel.
The second work appeared in 1716 as a "continuation du quatrieme livre
des Avantures de Télémaque, Fils d'Ulisse." The author of the Loix du
roi Minos used the Télémaque as the setting for a treatise on juris¬
prudence. Although he left Télémaque on the island of Crete and retained
the same epoch as Fénelon, he really only utilized the Telemachus theme
as the context for a discourse on his own political, social and judi¬
cial theory, probably in the hope that the popularity of the earlier
work would make his work more acceptable to the public. Thus, despite
fundamental differences in form, intention and message, the first two
56

57
authors to treat the Telemachus theme in the eighteenth century are
similar in that they both borrow from the Telémaque only superficial
elements as a facade to enhance their own works.
Grandchamp's Le Telémaque Moderne
The first of the adaptations of the Telémaque is attributed to a
gentleman soldier named de Granchamp. The Michaud Bibliographie
universelle records that he was recruited by Holland during the time
that Austria, Holland and England were allied against France and that
he died in 1702 at the siege of Liege under the command of the duke of
Marlborough. He published two literary efforts: the Guerre d'ltalie
ou Memoires du comte p****, published posthumously in Cologne in 1702
and re-edited in 1707 by Courtilz de Sandras who frequently received
the credit for the work, and the Telémaque moderne ou les intrigues
d'un grand seigneur pendant son exil which appeared in Cologne, chez
Antoine d'Egmond in 1701 (Michaud, v. 17, p. 330). The latter novel
seems to have stirred little controversy or enthusiasm and a promised
continuation was never published.
The "Avertissement" to the novel indicates that the story is a
roman a. clef concealing under the names of ancient characters real
personages whose identities are so well known that the knowledgeable
reader will not even need a key to recognize them. The author claims
to have chosen the names of his characters because: "... on ne pouvoit
faire choix d’un Héros qui fut plus a la mode, & plus du goüt du siécle
que le Telemaque de l'Odyssee d'Homere ... Ce seul nom suffit pour le
faire rechercher.The author is not, however, content to leave so
slight a connection between his own work and that of the esteemed

58
archbishop. He also claims that "il y a tant de liaison £ de conformité
entre les Avantures arrivees au grand Seigneur Exile, dont on parle ici,
£ celles de Telemaque dont l'illustre Mr. de Cambrai nous fait le recit,
... qu'on pourroit merne sans peine faire servir ceux la de suite a ce
que ce celebre Prélat nous en a deja donné." He does not claim to have
equalled the worthy prelate in style and grace, but is content to offer
the public a feeble copy of the brilliant original; all the more con¬
tent since M. de Salignac is inimitable in his genre. Grandchamp justi¬
fies offering the public a poor copy of a glorious original in two ways:
first, he claims that, following Fenelon's example, he intends in the
novel to instruct the reader while amusing him. Secondly, the author
of the Télémaque moderne claims for his novel that beauty which is unique
to truth: "La verité a des beautez, £ des agremens que la Fable n'a pas,
£ ce seul endroit suffit pour faire lire cet Ouvrage, £ pour le distin-
guer de tout ce qui a deja paru sous ce Titre." The author ends his
six page "Avertissement" by explaining that the three letters which
comprise the novel's three parts are only the first installment of the
memoirs and that the rest needs only be put in order to be ready for
publication; the three sections offered will be completed later if
demand warrants. Although the lack of further volumes of the novel
would indicate that public response was not favorable, failure to con¬
tinue the book might also be attributed to the author's demise the fol¬
lowing year.
Grandchamp's claims to historical accuracy or authenticity were
typical of this genre of fiction during the eighteenth century and in
view of the very conventional nature of the episodes and characters, can
probably be discounted. When the novel was offered for sale, the

59
catalogue de Pixéricourt (no. 1317) identified the hero in a note to
the item as the "Celebre comte de Lauzun," but the publisher's own
vested interest must be considered in accepting the identification.
Although his pretensions to truth were probably as conventional as the
adventures of his characters and as specious as his claims to similarity
of situation with Fénelon's heroes, some of Grandchamp's remarks are
very accurate, particularly when he modestly admits his inferiority to
Fénelon. The adventures of the Télémaque led Fenelon's hero to many of
the civilizations of the ancient Mediterranean and brought him to a more
profound understanding of his duties as monarch and of the necessities
of government. The Télémaque moderne transforms these noble exploits
into a series of amorous intrigues which involve not only Télémaque, but
his companion Mentor as well, in strong emotional relationships which
distract the novel's two heroes from their duties as soldiers, princes
and leaders. This dereliction of duty represents a relaxation of moral
principle against which Mentor was always on guard in the original.
Characterization suffers a similar fate. Télémaque and Mentor lose the
consistency which they have in Fénelon's work so that Mentor exhorts
his friend to resist the dangers of love and passion in one scene, only
to become his rival a few pages later. Moreover, the author of the
Télémaque moderne does not achieve the eloquence of the archbishop's
style and he chooses not to use the structure of the original. Thus,
as he warns in the introduction to the work, Grandchamp incorporates
very little of the Télémaque into his own adaptation of the tradition
and what he does try to retain is corrupted by its surroundings.
In the Télémaque moderne, Grandchamp recounts two love affairs of
the young prince of Ithaque: these are essentially common stories of

6o
which one can find many contemporary examples. The elements of the
plot are the traditional landmarks in the course of a love affair: mis¬
understanding, abandonment, return, rivals, spies, corrupted servants,
jealousy, interfering relatives, trysts in the dark of the moon, etc.
In its basic outline the plot concerns the wooing of Zadriste, a young
princess of Corinthe, which occurs while Télémaque is in exile from
Crete; and a second affair with Argenise with whom he becomes involved
while passing through the village of Pentos on his way back to Corinthe
and Zadriste. Introducing and connecting these two stories is Telé-
maque' s career as a military officer in Idoménée's cavalry on the island
of Crete. Actually, the two episodes are very loosely based on the two
love affairs of the original Telémaque who fell in love with Eucharis
on Calypso's island and again later with Idoménée's daughter Antiope.
The difference is that the ancient prince made no vows to return to his
nymph and did not fail to return because of a passionate love for
another woman. Fénelon even makes a concession to contemporary senti¬
mentality by having Télémaque confess that he will never be able to for¬
get his passion for Eucharis. The modern counterpart will have far more
reason to echo his model's apology to Mentor: "Vous me blamerez peut-
etre ... de prendre trop facilement des inclinations dans les lieux oil
je passe" (Book XVII, p. 467).
The novel is divided into three parts, each of which consists of
a letter from Mentor to Arbaste, an intimate mutual friend of Mentor
and Télémaque. The first letter covers a period of eighteen months to
two years and it traces the prince's adventures through his voluntary
exile from Ithaque to Crete, through his involuntary exile from Crete
to Corinthe and ends with his recall from exile to Idoménée's court.

6l
The second letter picks up the story as Mentor and Télémaque are re¬
turning to their lovers in Corinthe and describes the six-month sojourn
in Pentos occasioned by Telémaque's new affair with Argenise. It ends
with the hero's supposedly definitive break with Argenise. The third
letter continues the account of their stay in Pentos and ends with Telé-
maque' s recall to the army.
The first letter begins with Mentor's explanation of his reasons for
confiding such intimate details of his friend's life to a third party —
Arbaste — and a sort of justification of his divulgence of a trust
(pp. 1-2). He then portrays his young hero to his correspondent although
he admits that Arbaste has no need of such a portrait (pp. 2-5). The
story itself begins on the island of Ithaque where the young prince is
bored with the "vie molle & oisive qu'on y [mene]" after the reconquest
of his father's position (p. 6). In search of a more exciting existence,
he and Mentor return to Idoménée's court at Cr§te where the prince is
given a commission as a general in the light cavalry. Jealous ministers
who fear his influence over the king manage to ruin his relations with
the throne and he is summarily exiled to Corinthe where he spends the
first year in a castle outside town, enjoying the serenity of the
pastoral setting and passing the time in study and meditation (pp. H-l6).
When the prince and Mentor decide to join the life at court in the city,
Mentor recognizes almost immediately the threat posed by the many
beautiful women, all of whom try to attract Télémaque's attention
(p. IT)- There follows a long diatribe in which Mentor decries the evils
of passionate love, a short internal conflict between virtue and passion,
and finally the beginning of Télémaque's involvement with Zadriste, a
young princess whose father brings her to Corinthe once a year to enjoy

62
the life of the court (pp. 17-30). After this introduction, the affair
with Zadriste can be divided into two parts: rivalry between the two
friends and intervention by Zadriste's father. The letter ends when
Télémaque, whose friends have been working for him in his absence, is
called back to Crete after enjoying several months of relatively undis¬
turbed meetings with his mistress.
The other two letters are no less complicated and follow much the
same general pattern of development. At the beginning of the second
letter, Telemague and Mentor, on their way back to Corinthe and their
mistresses, make a stop-over in the village of Pentos to visit a
friend. There Telémaque agrees to humble the proud Pysidastre by steal¬
ing his girlfriend, the princess Argenise. In the process, Telémaque
falls in love with the princess and, after replacing his rival, refuses
to give her up. The jealous Pysidastre then alerts the queen, Argenise's
mother, to her daughter's conduct; and she tries to separate the two
young lovers. After a short time, Argenise is able to convince her
mother that she has forgotten Télémaque, and when the queen reduces her
surveillance of the princess, the two can once again meet frequently if
not openly. The letter ends when Télémaque becomes convinced that
Argenise has been unfaithful to him and breaks off their relationship.
In the third letter, Télémaque discovers that Argenise had been
framed and falls in love with her once again. After a series of resis¬
tances , she finally agrees to meet with him and the rendez-vous brings
about their reconciliation. During the months that follow, the two
enjoy almost undisturbed happiness despite the arrival of two other
suitors for Argenise's hand. Finally, they are able to persuade the
queen to accept their love and to try to intercede with certain other

63
relatives who must approve the princess' marriage. When the queen be¬
comes convinced that the family will never agree, however, she once again
forbids hejr“daughtrer to see'Telemaque. The girl, of- course, -ignores her
motherls orders and continues to meet her lover in the garden, which the
queen believes to be safe. During this period, Telemaque and Zadriste
end their affair by letter and Zadriste begins to pray to Venus for re¬
venge. Finally, after a series of serious reversals in the plans of the
young couple at Pentos, the queen finds a way to separate them so com¬
pletely that they cannot even correspond. At the end of the third let¬
ter, Telemaque is being recalled to the army without having been able to
notify Argenise of his departure.
One can see in the three letters a parallel development of the
affairs. Each begins with a sudden and overwhelming passion on the part
of Telemaque who then must conspire to meet the girl, whose infatuation
with the hero facilitates matters. The hero is then confronted with the
necessity of displacing rivals for his mistress' hand. When the rivals
have been eliminated, he must contend with the interference of her fam¬
ily. In the first two letters he succeeds in lulling the family into
believing in the virtue of its daughter and gains relatively free access
to her, and then he leaves her. Only in the third letter does the family
successfully separate the couple, thus leaving the story open at the end
for the promised continuation.
The parallel structure of the letters provides a certain cohesive¬
ness or unity in a basically episodic novel. Each of the letters re¬
counts an adventure essentially separate from the others. Another tech¬
nique for linking the episodes is overlapping adventures so that one is
continued into the next. Telemaque's affair with Zadriste, for example,
P
is continued into the story of his love of Argenise in several ways.

6h
First he meets Argenise while returning to Corinthe to see his first
mistress. Later, Mentor returns to Corinthe to see Phinamise, to whom
he has remained faithful, and must answer questions from an anxious
Zadriste about the condition of Telemaque's love. Finally, in book
three, the affair ends in an exchange of letters in which Zadriste asks
her long delinquent lover whether he has been faithful; when he answers
in the negative, their affair is over. Furthermore, Zadriste's prayers
to Venus are given credit for the setbacks which Telemaque suffers in
his affair with Argenise from that time on. Fénelon's use of the same
technique, in Adoam's continuation of Narbal's story and the relation
of Pygmalion's fate, has already been mentioned. This manner of connec¬
ting episodes for Grandchamp as for Fenelon, is a mechanical device which
provides only external links rather than real integration. It is used
by Grandchamp with even less subtlety than by Fenelon and the basic
political principles which lend another kind of unity to the Telemaque
are totally lacking in the modernization.
Each of the episodes which compose the letters is also a very com¬
plicated series of adventures. In the description of Telemaque's
affair with Zadriste, he falls in love with the young woman on seeing
her at her window, but his promises to Mentor to avoid passionate entangle¬
ments keep him from trying to meet her. The princess, who lacks the
reasons the prince has for staying free of love affairs, is also infatu¬
ated; in the process of meeting Telemaque, she encounters Mentor, who
also falls in love with her. During the period which follows, Telemaque
and Mentor, each ashamed to admit his weakness, conceal from each other
their efforts to win Zadriste. This mutual dissimulation produces an
imbroglio where Zadriste accepts the court of the favored Telemaque, even

65
though she does not return his declarations of love, but is reluctant to
reject Mentor too forcefully, for fear that he might damage her relation¬
ship with Télémaque. After much unsuccessful effort, Mentor, still
unaware that his successful rival is his own best friend, finally finds
Zadriste alone in her garden house wearing only a dressing gown. Although
it is late at night, a door left open by a careless servant lets him into
the garden and he makes several unsuccessful attempts to seduce the
young woman. Shortly after this incident, the two friends give a party
to entertain their love. Mentor once again takes the opportunity to
declare his passion for Zadriste, and once again fails to obtain a
response. His actions, however, alert Télémaque to his feelings and
the young man gallantly decides to sacrifice love to friendship. With
this in mind, the prince sends his mistress a letter announcing without
explanation that he cannot see her again. She immediately replies in a
letter declaring for the first time that she loves him. Télémaque is
moved, but with great effort resists her pleas for a rendez-vous and an
explanation. Then after about a week without meeting her, a chance
encounter puts an end to his restraint and their affair begins anew.
During the time of Télémaque's withdrawal, Mentor has no success at
all in trying to see Zadriste and he finally begins to suspect that he
has a rival. One day, finding the door of her castle conveniently
open, he enters and observes through a keyhole a tender scene of passion
between the princess and Télémaque. He returns home almost immediately
to try to renounce his love for Zadriste in favor of his friendship with
Télémaque; and when he fails he confronts his friend. Télémaque admits
his involvement with the princess and relates at the same time his
efforts to withdraw in favor of his companion. Inspired by Télémaque's

66
example and convinced of the futility of competing with his friend for
Zadriste, Mentor agrees to accept fate and becomes the confidant of the
two lovers. The story is continued briefly as Mentor realizes that
his emotion is too strong to be suppressed and shifts his passion from
Zadriste to her sister Phinamise. The four lovers then live happily
until the intervention of Zadriste's father, Demophon, begins the next
episode.
Like this first episode, each of the novel's adventures really con¬
stitutes an act in itself with an exposition, plot, crisis and denoue¬
ment separate from the rest of the novel. Several structural techniques
contribute to the episodic effect. A primary technique is Grandchamp's
manner of announcing an event, describing it and then recounting the
circumstances leading up to it. Thus, he describes in the first letter
a conversation between the two protagonists of the story. In the con¬
versation, Mentor assures Telemaque that he understands his inability to
resist falling in love with Zadriste because Mentor himself has found
love too powerful to ignore. Mentor further justifies his confidant's
passion by comparing the power of destiny to the weakness of man and by
declaring that the two young people deserve each other. After this
description of the conversation, he introduces a recapitulation of the
incidents which preceded it: "Mais il faut voir ce qui se passa, avant
que j'eusse cette conversation avec Telemaque, qui ne fut qu'un mois,
ou environ, apres la premiere avanture qu'il avoit eu avec l'aimable
Zadriste, oü je l'ai laisse" (pp. 38-39)* The same technique is used
frequently throughout the novel and creates a sense of immobility in
the plot because each of these blocks effectively stops the actions
going on within it and separates that sequence of events from the

67
development of the rest of the novel.
Another device which contributes to the episodic character of the
work is the verbatim inclusion of the letters, poems and aphorisms in
the text. Mentor relates Telemaque's first efforts to inform Zadriste
of his love for her by including the first letter which the youth had
written to her (pp. 39-^0). Later their final confrontation is also
presented through their correspondence (pp. 210-12). Amorous quatrains
appear in the text on several occasions: one example is the impromptu
with which Telemaque consoles Argenise a propos of their infidelity to
their respective lovers: "Mon inconstance & la votre,/ Argenise, devroit
nous charmer./ Nous lui devons l'un & 1'autre,/ Le plaisir de nous aimer"
(p. 1^9). Another is the quatrain galant which Mentor cites as an
aphorism of love and as a generalization of Telemaque's behavior:
"Qu'une flamme mal eteinte/ Est facile á rallumer,/ Et qu'avéc peu de
contrainte,/ On recommence d'aimer" (p. l8U). The inclusion of such
pieces is testimony to Grandchamp's debt to the nouvellistes of the
seventeenth century. They are intended to add a certain "realism" to
3
the work; but they rather disrupt the flow of the story and tend to
fragment the action.
In characterization, where Fenelon had given only a very brief
and general introductory description which is later developed as the
characters act out their roles, Grandchamp chose again to follow the
example of the nouvellistes who introduced characters with extensive
portraits. Of the four major characters of the Telemaque moderne,
Mentor is the only one not introduced by a portrait, and this repre¬
sents a concession to the letter form. The description of Telemaque,
which introduces the novel, is the most extensive, covering his

68
personality traits, social graces, and intellectual accomplishments,
in addition to a brief and very general physical description. His
two mistresses — Zadriste (pp. 28-30) and Argenise (pp. 117-19) —
are introduced with a physical description and a short biographical
note.
The lengthy portrait which Mentor gives of Telemaque begins with
praise for the courage which has permitted him to overcome the misfor¬
tunes of his exile: "Son grand coeur le met au dessus des évenemens les
plus funestes, & pourvü qulil conserve la vertu, que je lui ay recomman-
dee, il s'estime trop heureux avec ce rare tresor qui fait toute sa
consolation dans ses disgraces" (p. 3). His experience with adversity
during his exile has taught him to meet every obstacle with tranquility
and nothing agitates him any more. However, in other ways, he is un¬
changed: "II possede les memes graces, il a le visage gai, riant &
enjoüé, tel que vous l'avez vü guand il étoit aupres de vous. Il est
honnete & affable a tout le monde, agreable& engageant, quoi qu'on lui
reproche de n'entendre pas assez la maniere de railler finement, qui
est le gout du siecle, ..." (p. 3). After this presentation of the
prince's social graces, Mentor details his intellectual accomplishments:
"Son esprit n'est pas des plus vifs, mais il comprend facilement toutes
choses, & son jugement est tres solide. Les sciences sont ses plus
cheres delices, quoi qu'il n'estime pas qu'il soit absolument necessaire
pour un homme de son caractere, de les approfondir. Il possede les
langues, ce qui lui a fait naitre les occasions de s'humaniser un peu
avec l'amour, & d'avoir des Maitresses de toutes sortes de nations"
(p. 4). Having broached that aspect of the hero's character which
is most illuminated by the Telemaque moderne, Mentor continues: "il

69
entend en perfection l'art de plaire, 6 celui de s'insinuer agreablement
dans 1'esprit du beau sexe, 6 d'en meriter toute 1'estime. II est
tres sincere en amour et feint rarement une passion qu'il ne ressent
pas; il ne laisse pas neantmoins d'etre volage & inconstant comme les
autres hommes" (p. it). If he is inconstant, however, it is more the
fault of the century than his own; especially since women find him so
attractive: "Le sexe, pour la plus part se laisse rarement ebloulr
par les charmes de 1'esprit & par le merite, si ces avantages ne sont
accompagnez des graces du corps: Pour ces dernieres, vour sqavez qu'il
les possede: Sa taille passe un peu la mediocre, il est tres bien fait
de corps, & beau de visage: Un air doux accompagne ses regards & ses
paroles, & s'.il avoit les yeux plus grands 6 plus ouverts, on pourroit
dire qu'il est un homme parfaitement beau" (p. 5)- Mentor concludes
his remarks on the person of Télémaque with a few words about his general
being and disposition. After this resume of his character, Mentor adds
a brief biographical note: "Je férois un gros volume, cher Arbaste,
si je voulois vous raconter en detail ses amours, & les differentes
avantures qui lui sont arrivées dans les frequens voiages qu'il a fait"
(pp. 5-6).
Despite its conformity to the traditional portraits of the seven¬
teenth-century roman and nouvelle, Grandchamp's description of Télémaque
reveals a desire on the part of the author to be at least somewhat
faithful to the original. His references to the effect of the trials
and tribulations which the young prince had endured while on his voyages,
for example, echoes Mentor's remarks when he is persuading the original
Télémaque to leave Sálente: "... vous etes enfin devenu homme, et vous
commencez, par l'expérience de vos maux, a compatir a ceux des autres"

70
(Book XVII, p. 478), and the finad, reference to his many love affairs
reminds the reader of the prince's experiences on Chypre and Calypso's
island if not his love of Antiope at Sálente. Most of the elements
which Mentor attributes to Telemaque in this portrait can be drawn
from one or another episode of the Telemaque, but in portraying the
character, Grandchamp modifies Fénelon's conception of him in a number
of ways. On one level, Grandchamp accords considerable attention
to the youth's formal education — languages, sciences, concepts —
while Fenelon relates the process of his practical education, or the
finishing of his education. On another, one of the prince's principal
qualities, both in the Homeric and the Fenelonian version, acquires a
completely different significance. The discretion, inherited from the
wily Ulysses, is originally manifested as moderation and self-control;
but the virtue becomes less evident when discretion becomes dissimula¬
tion. Even when combined with a hatred of falsehood, the latter repre¬
sents a negative approach to the love and respect which Fénelon's hero
bears for the truth. The results are naturally very different. The
ancient Telemaque shows his discretion in not betraying his friends or
secrets of state; both at Tyr and later with the allies, this quality is
stressed. When on the other hand he feels the guilt of his weakness
for Eucharis on Calypso's island and later for Antiope in Idoménée's
court, he may try to avoid revealing his emotion to his master, but he
is never successful. Grandchamp's hero, by contrast, fearing the reac¬
tion of his friend, artfully conceals both his love affairs from his
closest companion and confidant.
Within the novel itself, Grandchamp's effort to transform a hero
of the stamp of Telemaque into an amorous héros de roman creates some

TI
fundamental inconsistencies. Mentor's portrait of Télémaque, for exam¬
ple, ends with a reference to the women he has known during his perilous
travels, which seems to tie the novel to the Télémaque by evoking the
island of Chypre, Eucharis and Antiope. Later, in describing the begin¬
ning of the prince's love affair with Zadriste, Mentor twice accords
her the honor of being the first woman to ensnare the youth. Before
the description of their first meeting, he says: "Telemaque rendit ses
premiers hommages a ce Dieu vainqueur" (p. 28). Later, talking again
about Zadriste, he comments: "Telemaque eut le loisir de la voir en
cheveux, & d'en admirer toute la beauté: ce furent la les premieres
chaínes dont 1'amour se servit pour triompher de son jeune coeur"
(pp. 35-36). Thus, Télémaque is at once the much experienced lover of
many affairs and the young and inexperienced youth coming into contact
with passion for the first time.
The highest degree of inconsistency in the novel derives from
Grandchamp's efforts to conserve the relationship between Télémaque and
Mentor as the wise and elder counselor guiding the young and impression¬
able prince. He maintains this impression in the beginning of the novel
with Mentor's position as a narrator and confidant, by the lecture which
Mentor offers Télémaque on love and by the promises of abstinence which
he extracts -from his friend.—The modern-Mentor-has, however, changed
even more than the modern Télémaque: rather than the powerful and bene¬
ficent goddess clad in human form in order to instruct a mortal in the
proper governance of his people, the Mentor of the Télémaque moderne
is the companion of a rather dissolute young man. When he tries to
lead his young friend away from evil companions, he ends up by succumbing
to temptation himself. Shortly after their arrival at the court of

72
Corinthe, Mentor realizes the danger into which they have entered and
hurries to warn Télémaque to return to the pastoral retreat which has
been their home for the past year. As a part of this plea he preaches
a sermon which resembles Mentor's injunctions to Télémaque on the island
of Chypre (Book IV, p. 13l) and Narbal's commentary on Pygmalion's love
affair with Astarbé, which finally leads to the king's death (Books II,
Vi). This time, however, Télémaque resists his companion's efforts,
trusting to his own ability to keep the promises he has made, and he
even manages to convince Mentor to remain in Corinthe with him. So far
the tale is reminiscent of Télémaque's stay on Calypso's island, where
he believed that he had sufficient control of himself to bid farewell to
Eucharis even after demonstrating that he did not. In this case, how¬
ever, not only does Télémaque fall in love within a very short time, but
Mentor also loses the battle with his passions and becomes Télémaque's
rival for Zadriste. When he does realize the futility of his love,
moreover, Mentor only changes the object of it because he is too weak
to stifle it. His lack of moral leadership extends even farther, since
he several times excuses actions for which Télémaque himself recognizes
his guilt. The original Mentor was also very forgiving of the errors
of his charge after he repented, but the modern counterpart does not
demand even a cessation of the activity and goes so far as to justify
the prince's actions. Thus, Grandchamp's Mentor not only fails to be
the leader and protector which he tries to seem, but he follows his
companion into dissolution and excuses the youth's actions, thus encour¬
aging his life of pleasure and passion.
Surprisingly, despite Mentor's deterioration, the novel does not
totally lose the didactic character of Fénelon's narration: the homily

73
which Mentor propounds to Télémaque on the occasion of their entrance
into the court of Corinthe even conforms to the original Mentor's pro¬
nunciations on the subject of love. Mentor begins his lecture by
reminding his comrade of the consequences of love both in his personal
life and in the fulfillment of his public duties: "Reflechissés encore
une fois sur les maux que 11 amour cause en partieulier á tous ceux qui
s'y engagent imprudemment. Consideres d'ailleurs attentivement les
desordres qu'il apporte dans un Etat; & pour cet effet faites le para-
lelle d'Argaste et d'Idomenée, c'est a. dire d'un Roi vertueux et d'un
Prince qui n'a rien refuse a son ambition 6 a ses plaisirs durant son
Régne" (pp. 18-19). In the comparison of the two kings, Mentor asso¬
ciates moderation, wisdom and justice with marital fidelity; and irres¬
ponsibility and tyranny, he links to unfettered passion, ending with
the exhortation: "Fulons les objets qui pourroient l'allumer dans nos
coeurs" (p. 26). This attitude is also expressed at other points in
the novel, especially at the end of the second letter when the disillu¬
sioned Télémaque makes plans to abandon love altogether.
The letter format allows Mentor to reflect on Télémaque's actions
at intervals during the story in order to expound on their significance
in a larger context, which also contributes to the didactic tone of the
novel; but these interventions usually contrast with the larger dis¬
courses just mentioned in that they justify Télémaque's behavior or at
least attenuate the condemnation of it. These justifications usually
take the form of generalizations and aphorisms of love which show the
young man's behavior as an example of a broad class of conduct rather
than unique to him. Early in the affair with Zadriste, for example,
Mentor describes his actions: "L'amour le plus tendre est celui qui

parle le moins, aussi des ce moment Telemaque fut pensif et reveur ..."
(p. 36). Later, when the prince abandons Zadriste for Argenise, Mentor
explains: "C'est done a. tort, cher Arbaste, qu'on blame l'inconstance,
& qu'on la regarde comme un crime odieux en Amour: Car pourquoi blamer
ce qui ne depend pas de nous?" (pp. 124-25). Observations such as these
make the Telemaque moderne a casuistic of, rather than an attack on, love
and demonstrate the superficiality of Mentor's morality. Like the names
of the characters, the didacticism condemning love is merely a facade
designed to make the work conform more closely to the Telemaque in
form, and it lacks any real substance.
The mythical atmosphere of the Telemaque, created by the presence
of the Olympian gods and the incarnate Minerve, also received much atten¬
tion during the eighteenth century, particularly from authors who wished
to defend the work's poetic qualities as opposed to its novelesque ele¬
ments. Claude Caperonnier, in a short Apologie du Telemaque contre les
sentiments de Monsieur de Voltaire (Paris: Pierre Ribou, 1736), emphasized
very strongly the presence of the supernatural as an indication of the
work's poetic quality and contrasted the mythical atmosphere of the
Telemaque with the daily details which appear in the romans (p. 26). The
Telemaque moderne definitely belongs in the novel category by his defini¬
tion, but Grandchamp tried to maintain at least a shadow of the super¬
natural presence by personifying various elements, especially fortune,
destiny, and love. The presence of these deities in a novel of love is
hardly surprising and they serve, as one might expect, to excuse the
weakness of the principal characters or to affect the characters' intri¬
gues. In talking about the return from exile, Mentor says that the two
travelers had planned to stay in Crete and Ithaque as briefly as possible

75
before returning to Corinthe: "Mais en vain resoud-t-on, propose-t-on,
cher Arbaste, quand les Destinées en out autrement dispose" (p. 111).
This is typical of references to destiny in the work. It is always
represented as an overwhelming force which causes man to act in ways
which are dishonorable or unwise, thus relieving them of the responsi¬
bility for their actions.
Grandchamp does borrow the foundation for his treatment of the god
of love from Fénelon. Venus is treated by the royal preceptor as a
powerful goddess, given to tantrums and malicious mischief. She tries
several times to corrupt Telemaque; on Calypso's island, she answers
the goddess' prayer for aid in overcoming the prince's scruples by
sending Cupid to sow the divisive seeds of passion. She is not kind to
Calypso either, however, since the object of the island goddess' prayer
and passion falls in love with one of her nymphs instead of their
mistress. Her few appearances in the Telemaque moderne do not enhance her
image. She is first mentioned by name in Telemaque's idle boast that he
could keep his promises to Mentor even against the temptation of Venus
herself (p. 17)* The other two references are both appeals from jilted
lovers; Idoménée's wife, confronted with her husband's impassioned love
for a shepherdess, "prie Venus de la venger de sa rivale, la Deésse
l'ecoute, Idomenee abandonne Zelise" (p. 23). Later, Zadriste calls on
Venus in a similar situation: "Mais comme Zadriste ne cessoit d'invoquer
Venus, pour porter cette Déesse á la venger de la cruelle perfidie de son
Amant, elle l'écoüta enfin 6 depuis ce tems-lá, il n'essuya que des tra¬
verses dans ses amours ..." (pp. 215-16). The goddess' help is only
partial, however; the lovers only abandon their new mistresses; they do
not return to the supplicants. In this respect especially, the goddess

76
of love presented by Grandchamp resembles Fénelon's Venus.
In general, love is less tangible in Grandchamp's personification
than it is in Fenelon’s Venus, even though it retains its role as a
powerful and threatening force. One reason for this difference is the
author's continued reference to the personified love either as "le dieu
d'amour" or simply as "l'amour": Mentor and Télémaque are enjoying the
pastoral delights of their retreat outside Corinthe, "quand 1'amour
jaloux de n<5tre bonheur vint enfin le troubler" (p. 15). Later Mentor
refers in his sermon to "les desordres que ce Dieu cause dans le monde"
(p. 18). The invocations of Venus mentioned above are much less fre¬
quent than this second form of naming, but neither provides more than
an abstract reference to the god's presence.
In part at least, the lack of a mythical atmosphere is in keeping
with the claim that these names only mask a contemporary situation.
Largely the deities of the Télémaque moderne make convenient scapegoats
for the characters' own weaknesses and serve to excuse the affairs of
court which Télémaque's intrigues resemble. By blaming love for the
prince's inability to resist Zadriste and by accusing destiny of the
responsibility for his infidelity and perjury, Mentor, like a Prévost
character, transfers the onus of guilt from the hero to irresistible
forces outside himself.
When an author chooses a theme like Telemachus as the basis of a
novel about passionate love affairs, an effect of parody or irony be¬
comes almost inevitable. The characters take on a very different
appearance from that under which the public might have envisioned them:
Mentor, the incarnation of wisdom and probity, becomes a moral weakling
prating of virtue while engaging in vice as facilely as the youth he

77
accompanies. Telemachus — the courageous, generous, pious son of a
crafty and wise king and the protege of the goddess of wisdom —
abandons Minerve for Venus. The austere morality which in both the an¬
cient poet and the modern prosateur emphasized moderation and justice,
collapses to a single dimension: abstinence from passionate love; and
then this single dimension is undermined by the actions of its principal
advocate, Mentor. Such inversion of values and characters has even more
ironic thrust when it is remembered that the two primary characters of
the Telemaque had recognized identities in Fenelon and his royal pupil.
One cannot rule out totally the possibility of ironic intention
in the Telemaque moderae; but a conscious intent to parody the Tele¬
maque seems unlikely at the least. The author several times voices
praise and admiration for Fenelon; and his novel, unlike Marivaux's Le
Telemaque travestí, shows little connection with the earlier work other
than the two main characters. In an eleven-line poem which is found on
the reverse of the title page, the poet defends Fenelon against those
who had criticized his work:
Contre Cambrai, de Meaux chicane
Quoi! pour un conte de peau d'Ane,
En faloit-il venir aux mains?
Mais Cambrai s'attire l'attaque,
Moins par les Máximes de Saints,
Que par celles de Telemaque,
Pour le perdre, on charge de Schisme,
Son Chimerique Quietisme.
Mais du piége Cambrai s'echape,
En laissant faire tout a Dieu
Et lassant dire tout au Pape.
Despite the poor quality of the verse, the sentiment definitely seems to
favor the archbishop against his principal detractor, Bossuet. The
"Avertissement" as well indicates a highly laudatory attitude toward
Fenelon: indicating his incomparable excellence and prodigious popular-

78
ity. On the other hand, both in the poem and in the introduction, the
praise and commentary bear the same lack of seriousness and the same in¬
comprehension which are present throughout the novel. The reference in
the poem to the Máximes and the Telemaque is not factual since the latter
was published after the condemnation of the Máximes and the attack on
the novel was at least partly a continuation of the religious quarrel.
The praise of the "Avertissement" is also mitigated, since in claiming
for his own work the beauty of truth, the author accuses Fénelon of
having written a "Fable" which lacks the value of a true story. Further¬
more, when he claims to have written with the same motives as Fénelon,
he inverts the order of priorities: pretending to instruct while amus¬
ing, rather than to amuse while instructing.
These reversals could be taken as signs of ironic intent, even
though they belong to a class of commentary very common in prefaces
during the eighteenth century. A direct examination of the text, how¬
ever, reveals little which would lend credence to the theory that the
book is an ironic attack on Fénelon. Grandchamp does not maintain the
same characters, other than the two main characters, and he never returns
to the countries visited by Telemaque and Mentor in their earlier voyages.
Yet another reason for questioning the ironic intention of the author
of the Telemaque moderne is the Telemaque1s contemporary reputation as
a titillating novel. This idea had sufficient currency to make Fénelon's
two primary defenders, Saint-Rémy and Ramsay, both defend him against
the charge of corrupting the morals of youth. Thus, although in treating
the Telemachus theme as a foundation for love affairs, Grandchamp radi¬
cally modified the story from Fénelon's own intentions, he was only
expressing one popular view of the story and the irony in his work was

79
probably unintentional.
If Grandchamp' s intention was not to imitate or parody the Tele¬
maque , what reason could he have had for writing the Telemaque moderne?
And what lesson could he have wished to impart? The "Avertissement"
indicates that the answer to the first question lay in the popularity
of Telemaque and Mentor as the heroes of a very popular work. This is
a modern story about real characters too highly placed in society to be
identified directly, he states, but by giving them names from antiquity,
especially from Telemaque, he hopes to increase the circulation of his
novel. The claim to a moral lesson was frequent among romanciers of
the seventeenth century, as several of Fenelon's critics pointed out,
and was supported by Mentor's frequent warnings about love. It seems
to have been little more than a common literary convention, despite
its obvious source in the didactic Telemaque.
The Telemaque moderne is very definitely a contemporary novel:
Caperonnier in comparing the novel and the epic poem, characterizes the
former as "Le récit de plusieurs avantures ordinaires, dont le fonds est
une, deux ou plusieurs intrigues d'amour et dont le Héros est un amoureux
transi qui, apres avoir souffert quelques traverses dans ses amours, se
marie enfin" (p. 2l). The Telemaque moderne conforms very closely to
this characterization. The novel is episodic and each of the episodes is
a very ordinary series of adventures which have a common basis in a love
affair. Its hero is obviously dominated by his emotions, and although
he does not marry at the end of the third letter, Caperonnier's criterion
is not really violated because the novel is incomplete. In addition,
many of the scenes of the Telemaque moderne are similar to those which
appeared in other seventeenth-century nouvelles.

80
Even the "epistolary" form of the novel was a familiar convention.
It was frequently used to holster the apparent authenticity of a memoir
because it provided a first-person witness to the truth of the events
k
recounted. Grandchamp was more successful in imitating the letter form
than the Telemaque, and the novel does give the sense of being a group
of letters between two old mutual friends, with a few exceptions, like
the admittedly superfluous portrait of Télémaque which begins the novel.
He uses the same form which Marivaux will use in the Vie de Marianne,
giving only Mentor's letters without the responses to them, but allowing
Mentor to respond to questions which might have arrived between letters
or to make asides to Arbaste which constitute the reflections on Telé-
maque' s actions already mentioned. It also serves as a means of separa¬
ting the parts of the novel by the changes in temporal point of view
between the letters. At the end of Letter I, Télémaque and Mentor are
leaving for Idoménée's court with the firm intention of returning to
Corinthe and their mistresses. The opening of the second letter, after
a delay of six months, is therefore a surprise as Mentor relates a new
love affair and the abandonment of Zadriste, ending with the collapse of
the new affair and Télémaque's decision to forget about love. The third
letter's announcement, after a period of three months, that Télémaque
has once again fallen in love with Argenise is no less surprising. The
letter formatr ~makes~"these changes in fortune more believable and justi¬
fies Mentor's ignorance of developments to come. Unfortunately, his
approximation of the form of personal letters cannot elevate an otherwise
conventional and uninteresting novel.
In short, Grandchamp's contribution to the Telemachus theme in
the eighteenth century modifies significantly the parameters of the

81
subject as it appeared in Fenelon's Telemaque, with which the theme was
most closely identified. In the Telemaque modeme, Grandchamp turned
the noble prince of antiquity into a dissolute dilettante moving from
one mistress to another with Mentor as a moral weakling following in his
footsteps. Mentor is even more morally bankrupt in that he tries to
escape responsibility for his own actions by blaming overwhelming forces
of destiny or love for his weakness. Mentor's deterioration accompanies
a transformation of the morality of the Telemaque which reduces the
multi-faceted ethical and moral system proposed by Fenelon into a' one¬
dimensional morality based on abstinence from passionate love — even
this corruption of the original morality is undermined by Mentor's
moral irresponsibility. Grandchamp abandoned the voyage theme almost
entirely, stripping the plot of the adventures in foreign countries,
shipwrecks, slavery, etc., and he brought the heroes out of the ancient
Mediterranean world and into the eighteenth century. In so doing, he
lost the mythical atmosphere of the epic form and rendered the story a
very conventional tale in the nouvelle-romanesque tradition.
Les Loix du roi Minos
Where the author of the Telemaque moderne concentrated on the titil¬
lating aspect which the theme had acquired in Fenelon's work, the anony¬
mous author of Les Loix du roi Minos, ou Continuation du quatrieme livre
des Avantures de Telemaque Fils d'Ulisse (Amsterdam: Francois 1'Honoré,
1716)^ emphasized the political and philosophical side of the novel to
the exclusion of the adventurous. The author explores the implementa¬
tion of the principles which Fenelon proposed as a basis for the actions
and decrees of a wise and conscientious monarch. Not only does the

82
work contain "plusieurs Reglemens pour 1'administration de la Justice
et de la Police, propre a rendre les hommes heureux," as the subtitle
proclaims, but this presentation of an ideal system seems to be the
only real motive for the work. Morality no longer plays a major role in
the Loix du roi Minos and what vestiges are left have become completely
politicized. The varied style, adventures and forms which rendered
the Telemaque interesting to its contemporary public are so completely
sacrificed to the political monologue between "le Maitre et le Disciple"
that the second exploitation of the Telemachus theme hardly deserves
even to be called fiction.
Unlike the author of the Telemaque moderne, the publisher of the
Loix du roi Minos tried to establish a direct link between his work and
the Telemaque. The book is published using the same format as the
books of the Avantures de Telemaque — with a summary preceding it —
and the narration connects it to the episode on the island of Crete in
Book IV and the departure for Ithaque at the beginning of Book V. Another
reference to the Telemaque recalls the necessity of the guidance which
the young prince has received from Minerve to keep him acting virtuously;
although since Telemaque does not yet know on the island of Crete that
his companion is one of the Olympian gods, this reference is a bit pre¬
mature (see below, p. 92). The "Avis du libraire" even attributes the
continuation to Fénelon, declaring that the delay in its publication has
been necessary to allow the learned archbishop to study the very complex
science of jurisprudence and to make sure that nothing in the addition
conflicts with other parts of the work, especially by joining the system
"á une Morale aussi pure que celle qui régne dans tout le corps du Livre
g
des Avantures de Telemaque."
He concludes his remarks with the observa-

83
tion that: "quoique je ne puisse pas assürer que ce petit Ouvrage soit
entierement du meme Auteur que ce qui a deja paru; le lecteur connoitra
par la netteté du stile, par la justesse des comparaisons, par les beaux
traits de la morale, & par les sages reflexions qui y sont répandues,
que tout au moins 1*imitation a été tres heureuse, 6 que meme cette
partie de 1'ouvrage est plus utile, 6 d'un usage plus solide que tout
ce que l'on a vu sous le titre des Avantures de Telemaque."
Many factors would have encouraged the choice of the fourth book
of Fenelon's Telemaque as the source of or setting for a work like the
Loix du roi Minos. The novel had an established reputation as an educa¬
tional work by one of the world's great educators; its enormous popularity
promised a wide and receptive public and had rendered the book's charac¬
ters and incidents almost folkloric. Moreover, Fénelon had treated
Crete as a kind of earthly paradise where the supreme example of terres¬
trial wisdom had left a heritage of law which maintained the country in
a perpetual state of happy and peaceful productivity. His account of
Telemaque's adventures on Crete stressed especially the three enigmas
which constituted the final trial for the king's crown: the first two
questions required Telemaque to describe the most unhappy man and the
freest man in the world, the third asked him to decide whether a conqueror
or a peaceful man who had no experience of war would make the better king.
The responsés to these questions are particularly significant and repre¬
sented not only the essence of Minos' laws, but also the general prin¬
ciples of all of Fenelon's policies (see above, pp. U3—.
The "continuation" begins with the declaration of Telemaque's pro¬
found respect for the sanctity of Minos' laws and an affirmation of his
response to the third question during the trials for the king's crown

84
where he compared the ephemeral and empty fame which accompanied conquest
to the enduring reward of a peaceful monarch who knows how to improve his
people’s lives both physically and morally. The idyllic conditions
reigning on the island constitute another major theme culminating in the
final paragraph which alleges once again that the source of the happiness
of the people of Crete is the system of laws which Minos left to them:
Telemaque fut charmé des belles choses qu'il avoit entendu
dire au judicieux Cretois, son esprit en demeura tout rempli,
il avoit devant les yeux une preuve bien sensible de la
verité des dernieres paroles du Vieillard en la personne de
tous ceux qui étoient préposez pour garder les Loix de Minos,
£ pour rendre la justice aux Peuples; une douce joiie, sans
aucune diminution de leur gravité, paroissoit sur leurs
visages, comme á des personnes qui dans un age fort avancé,
ne manquent pas plus des biens de la fortune, que de la
sagesse, laquelle les a élevez dans le rang éminent qu'ils
occupent; ce jeune Prince pleinement satisfait, de tant
d'instructions salutaires, rendit mille graces a. celui dont
it les avoit regüés, £ rejoignit Mentor, pour retourner dans
sa chere Patrie avec ce sage Conducteur. (pp. 270-72)
Like Fénelon’s hero, this young Télémaque stands in envy and in awe of
the ageless magistrates whose duty to administer the law has imbued them
with its power to nourish and regenerate — a power which blesses the
whole island of Crete. Unlike his model, however, this Télémaque wishes
to learn in greater detail about the application of the laws in order to
institute their reign in his own island of Ithaque. This interest in
specific details represents in itself a significant departure from
Fénelon's position since Mentor advised his charge in Book XVI of the
Télémaque to leave most of the particular problems of administration to
those whom he appointed to govern the people.
The laws set forth in the Loix are derived largely from Fénelon's
Télémaque, as is the setting, but they come from several sources, not
merely the fourth book. The first and most general source is indeed the
solutions to the enigmas which appear in book IV as part of the trials

85
to determine the new king of Crete. Because the Loix also treats the
reforms wrought by Minos, the author draws many ideas from the episode
which recounts Mentor's transformation of Sálente. Other principles,
like the king's moral responsibility to act as a leader and to promote
the acquisition of virtue among his subjects, are also found in the
Telemaque. The answers given by the young prince of Ithaque at the
trials treat the problems of freedom and statecraft from the point of
view of the monarch, showing him that moderation and justice produce
immediate rewards for himself as well as for his subjects. This is the
orientation of the Télémaque in general, for understandable reasons.
The Loix du roi Minos changes this perspective; it is less concerned
with the role of the monarch and more interested in the implementation
of good laws and the subsequent effect of those laws on the citizenry.
The increased concentration on the individual citizen derives from the
consideration of the specific laws necessary to implement the policies
which Fenelon had suggested; the royal preceptor on the other hand, had
been content to treat the general principles of government and society
and to leave more specific treatment to others.
Explaining Télémaque's interest in the laws, the narrator notes:
"il sgavoit que la Justice est comme la base & le principe de toutes
les vertus; que c'est par elle que Minos s'est acquis une gloire qui ne
finirá jamais; que les hommes qui font le plus de bruit sur la terre,
les Conquerans et les Heros, n'acquerent qu'un fantóme de réputation,
si la Justice n'anima pas leurs projets" (p. 2). This reformulation of
Télémaque' s response to the third enigma at the trials of Crete furnishes
a motive for the attentive interest which the youth shows during the
lengthy discourse on the laws; the reward for attainment of the objec-

86
tive of Justice is glory which will outlast that of the greatest con¬
querors, and the only means to achieve that goal of Justice is through
a good system of laws. The eternal glory which the author of the Loix
promises to just monarchs is nonetheless only a feeble glow compared
with the rewards which Fenelon had envisioned: the love and adoration of
his people and increased happiness for himself.
The other two responses at the trials — that the most unhappy man
is the king who oppresses his subjects and that the freest man is he who
fears only the gods and his own reason — are manifested through most of
the Loix. It is evident that the author of the Loix thought that if the
most unhappy man was the king who sought to make his subjects miserable,
the most happy people are those who live under just and wise laws and
whose leaders consecrate themselves to the improvement of their subjects.
The laws as they are described give the people freedom by limiting the
exercise of arbitrary power and by severely restricting the controls
which are placed on the populace. For example, no workman or artisan is
required to obtain a license or a permit to work anywhere in Crete.
Minos reasoned that restrictions on the number of laborers and the method
by which the work was accomplished would serve only to eliminate competi¬
tion, protect the entrenched workman and discourage both quality and
innovation in the work done. The abolition of licenses and permits not
only contributes- to the happiness of the people but to the strength of
the nation as well, according to the Elder: "c'est un Pais oíi l'on joüit
d'une parfaite liberte, ce qui y attire une quantité incrolable d'hommes
qui en font la force, la richesse £ la beauté." (pp. 186-87). Such
lack of restriction on both movement and occupation makes it possible
for the people to attain freedom according to Télémaque's criterion by

87
releasing them from external controls and from most external needs; this
physical independence leads to spiritual liberation and a dependence
solely on the gods and reason. The happiness of the Cretan populace
demonstrates the effectiveness of the laws and the interrelationship
among the three principles: freedom for the people leads to their happi¬
ness and attracts to the kingdom new citizens who reinforce it, strength¬
ening the state and the government and the king who sees his glory in
justice rather than conquest.
Since these principles formed the basis for most of the other
principles which appeared in the Telemaque, the laws of Minos all
derive in one way or another from them. However, one can see the in¬
fluence of Sálente in the reforms which Minos instituted on the island.
Early in the Loix, for example, it is recorded that Minos, having estab¬
lished the laws, appointed magistrates to administer them. This delega¬
tion of authority conforms to Mentor's advice to Télémaque in book XVI
of the Télémaque not to copy Idoménée's penchant for doing everything
himself, but to govern those whom he made the governors of the people.
The choice of judges also conforms to Mentor's advice about learning the
sciences of man — the royal student is to consult with elders and sages
who by experience have plumbed the depths of human character. Minos'
criteria are not significantly different: "II [Minos] voulut que ceux
a qui 1'administration de la Justice seroit confiée fussent d'un age
trés-múr, et d'une vertu et d'une capacité éprouvées" (p. 6). They are
supposed to have earned respect by the long experience which they have
endured, so that the elevation to judge is really the recognition of and
reward for a lifetime's work. Yet another point of similarity between
the Sálente episode and the Loix lies in the reduction of the levels of

88
jurisdiction of the courts: there is only one level of trial jurisdic¬
tion for all cases, both civil and criminal, and all appeals go directly
to the "Tribunal du Prince qui est compose des plus sages et plus judi-
cieux Vieillards de toute la Crete" (pp. 44-1*5).
Because he was dealing with specific problems of the laws, the
anonymous author of the Loix du roi Minos was able much more than was
Fénelon to use satire and imprecation because direct mockery would have
destroyed the generality and tone of the original Telemaque. Even the
author of Loix, however, does not satirize any single person or official;
rather, he attacks classes of officials, especially legal bureaucrats.
Early in the work, for example, the "juges de campagne" are chastised for
their abuse of power: "... les Juges de Campagne sont ordinairement les
plus dangereux voisins que l'on puisse avoir; la plüpart s'emparent des
biens qui sont a. leur prise, exergans presque un brigandage public sur
tous leurs Justiciables; chacun leur est tributaire selon son état S
sa vacation; ... ou autrement, il [le juge] trouve cent moyens de les
chagriner & de les faire repentir de ce qu'ils veulent s’exemter de la
corruption genérale" (pp. 23-24). The judges are not the only members of
the legal fraternity to have earned the distrust of the author. Even
worse are the "petits Officiers": "c'est une grande sagesse que d'anean-
tir les emplois de gens qui tirent toute leur subsistance de la division
& de la discorde-de leurs Concitoyensy£ c'est un "horrible-abus xque-tier
les souffrir en si grand nombre" (pp. 33-34). He sees these officiers
as being the real source of corruption in most cases: they delay court
battles in order to increase their own salaries and ruin ancient and
revered families by their chicanery, ignorance, avarice and egotism. The
notaries of the court system suffer less vehement criticism than the

89
other officers, their major crimes being their large numbers, ignorance
and the tendency for their papers to become lost when they died. Minos
remedied this problem by making their selection dependent on the judges
of the realm and centralizing them into large towns so that the loss of
a notary’s papers would no longer be so common an occurrence. The
Vieillard also attacks lawyers for their insufficient knowledge and ener¬
gy and indicates that Minos had suppressed the requirement that lawyers
be licensed, ending the monopoly which the juriconsultes had turned to
their own advantage rather than to the service of the public. Similar
abuses in other professions were also the targets for reform, although
with greater moderation due perhaps to the author's perception of them
as less pernicious than the magistrates and the court officials who had
control over people's lives and fortunes.
As promised in the introductory passage, the "Vieillard" presents
these sage precepts and laws to his "Disciple" illustrated by "beaucoup
de sages reflexions, & de petites Histoires propres a rendre les choses
plus sensibles" (p. 4). The narration is sprinkled with anecdotes about
the efficacy of the laws and Minos' efforts to establish them. Most of
these stories relate Minos' actions to assure the safety of his subjects
and to encourage virtue by reproving even small crimes of thoughtless¬
ness and irresponsibility. They also illustrate the salutary effect of
these royal actions on the people. In discussing reforms oí the judici¬
al system, for example, the "Vieillard" recounts the story of the noble
Cretois who was involved in a law suit. When he discovered that his
lawyers were withholding a particular document from the court because it
would prejudice his case, he immediately turned it over to the judge who
adjudicated against him. The court costs and interest which had built

90
up over the years of the trial amounted to a considerable sum when added
to the principal and the payment of the decision threatened to break him.
Minos, upon hearing of this loyal and honest man’s predicament, inter¬
vened and paid all of the fees and reimbursed him for the money he had
lost. Not content with rewarding the nobleman's generosity, however, he
also punished very severely "les Auteurs de cet indigne proces & en fit
un exemple capable de donner de la terreur a tous les mauvais Officiers
et Agens d'affaires" (pp. 36-38). The story illustrates the importance
of suppressing these vile employees who corrupt the entire judicial
system even though they have only very low stations within it. In
another case, a judge recognizing Minos' desire to see justice done
regardless of the wealth of the Litigants and trying to gain popular
support for his own elevation to the king's court, decided to begin a
vendetta against the rich and powerful who came before him, whether or
not they were justly accused or truly wronged. His actions did indeed
win him great support among the populace, but they failed to deceive
Minos, who desired justice not partisanship from his magistrates. The
king was about to punish the judge severely when death spared the mis¬
creant the embarassment of the justice which he had denied to others
(pp. 67-70). In a case which shows the minuteness of the king's surveil¬
lance of his subjects, he once corrected a nobleman who had delayed pay¬
ment of a just debt owed to a businessman until the creditor was forced
to call him before the judge. At this point the nobleman finally paid,
but only after submitting the commoner to verbal abuse. Minos' chastise¬
ment of the recalcitrant lord exemplified the concept of making the
punishment fit the crime: the king delayed granting a just request from
the nobleman using the same tactics which the latter had used on his

91
creditor. When he finally granted the petition, it was only with the
admonition that unnecessary and unjust delays were as unfair to others
as to the lord himself (pp. 90-9*0. These stories also demonstrate the
citizens' reaction to Minos' moral leadership. One story relates that
a purse lost in the road will he left until its owner returns for it
(p. l8l). Elsewhere he mentions their prodigious energy, self-reliance
and hospitality.
There is little characterization in the novel and that little also
serves to illustrate the wisdom of the laws. The "Vieillard" who is
telling Télémaque about the legal system established by the glorious king
of Crete is never described other than to say that he is the eldest and
wisest of all of the judges appointed to oversee the administration of
the laws. This characterization is useful since it lends him the author¬
ity necessary to give the lessons which he is teaching Télémaque (and
through him the reader) and because he then serves as an example at
the end of the work of the efficacy and beneficent effect of the laws.
Télémaque appears only three times: the introductory passage and the
concluding passage mention his respect for and awe of the laws; and he
serves as an illustration of the necessity that the judges be mature men
of great experience and wisdom. The age factor is especially stressed:
Telemaque n'eut pas de peine a comprendre ces vérités puisque
pour lui inspirer a lui-méme de la sagesse dans ses jeunes
années, il a falu qu'une Divinité du premier rang se soit
mise sous la figure de Mentor continuellement a ses cotez,
pour le diriger dans toutes ses actions & dans toutes les
démarches de sa vie; & puisqu'aussitot qu'il perdoit de vüé
ce fidele Conducteur, il oublioit toutes les instructions
qu'il en avoit regü; abandonné a lui-meme, ce n'étoit que
fierté, hauteur & imprudence; il se croyoit d'une nature
differente de celle des autres hommes; la vie qu'il avoit
regüé d'un Heros que sa Mere Penelope lui avoit toüjours
representé & mis devant les yeux comme un homme admirable,
le portoit á se regarder comme une Divinité sur la terre,

92
6 á mépriser tous les autres hommes comme infiniment au-
dessous de luí; la qualité de Fils de Roy contribuoit encore
extremement á augmenter son orgueil, quoiqu'il n'en eut
point plus d'étendue d'esprit; plus de science, ni de vertu:
il n'avoit de la deference que pour le seul Mentor, qui des
son enfance lui avoit imprimé ce respect; ... (pp. ll*-l6).
With himself as an example of the elderly judge's claim of the inappro¬
priateness of youth to the task of reconciling issues among citizens,
Télémaque is left little choice hut agreement. The source of the des¬
cription is rather plainly the episode in which Télémaque is accompany¬
ing the kings into combat against Argaste (Bk. XIII, pp. 3^6-67), in
which the young prince acquires the initial animosity of his fellow
chiefs through his aloofness, pride and impatience. The passage cited
here, however, exaggerates the faults which appeared in the original
version, and it greatly -undervalues his virtues. The prince demonstrates
all through the Télémaque that he does indeed have greater breadth of
spirit, greater knowledge and greater courage than other men. He is,
moreover, unquestionably favored by the gods. The narrator's statement
also presents a chronological inconsistency. Télémaque does not yet
know when he arrives on Crete the extent of the favor which the goddess
has shown him, even though his actions on Chypre reveal a cognizance of
his own weakness and his need for Mentor's guidance; Minerve only allows
him to recognize her at the very end of the voyage. Consistency on
these points was not desirable for the purposes of the author of the
Loix, however, and so these traits of the prince's character were
neglected. In any case, this quasi-portrait represents the full extent
of characterization in the Loix.
The lack of characterization also has an effect on the structure of
the Loix. Two personages are presented in the introduction — "Le
Maitre & le Disciple" — but the presence of Télémaque is evoked only

93
indirectly, as the two passages cited above demonstrate (pp. 8U-85, 92).
The Vieillard is therefore the only speaking character. Even he has an
identity problem, however: it is frequently difficult to distinguish
between the eldest judge and the narrator. In general, the Vieillard
is invoked in order to emphasize a particular point. For instance,
after the introduction, the narrator does not signal a change of
speakers as he begins Télémaque's lesson of the qualifications of judges
under Minos' system. When discussing the necessity that judges be
elders, he intervenes: "A cette occasion le Vieillard fit faire a Telé-
maque les reflexions suivantes: Considerez (lul dit-il) le veritable
caractere de la jeunesse, ..." (p. 9)- This formulation implies that
the preceding part of the lesson has come from the Maitre and it pro¬
vides variety in the presentation, as well as giving the idea the pres¬
tige and authority of coming from the venerable judge. In other places
the narrator recounts the lesson indirectly. "Le Vieillard continuant
de parler, dit, que comme les places de Juge doivent étre une recom¬
pense a la vertu, ..." (p. 18). In the paragraphs which follow, the
distinction fades once again. Thus, despite the ostensible presence
of two characters, the Loix du roi Minos is really a monologue completely
dominated by the narrator who occasionally puts his words into a
character's mouth for variety and emphasis.
Although Fenelon represents an obvious point of departure for the
author of the Loix du roi Minos, the conception of the ancient king of
Crete as the ideal legislator seems to have been not uncommon during the
eighteenth century. Antoine Banier published a "Distinction des deux
Minos" in the Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, several years
7
before the appearance of the Loix.
The Encyclopédie contained two

articles dealing with Minos: the article on Minos treats king Minos I,
noting his mythological position as judge of the dead and praising his
historical role as "un des plus sages législateurs de 1'antiquité."
The article on the Minotaure includes a long section discussing the
mythology and history of Minos II, who was, according to the encyclo¬
pedist^ responsible for the article, a good king whom the Greeks calum¬
niated because of the tribute which he had exacted of Athens after
defeating the rival city at war (v. 10, pp. 557-59). As late as 1773,
Voltaire published a play entitled Les Lois de Minos in which the laws
Q
of Crete are shown to have been cruel travesties of civilization.
He himself recognized that this perspective ran counter to the popular
conception of Minos' laws, but he used the confusion between the two
kings to attack the system of the first with the reputation for immoral¬
ity and cruelty of the second.
Like the Telemaque moderne, the Loix du roi Minos represented an
effort to exploit the popularity of the best selling novel of the early
eighteenth century — Fenelon's Les Avantures de Telemaque, fils d'Ulysse.
The effort to associate the Loix du roi Minos with the Telemaque is even
more explicit than it is in the Telemaque moderne since it does not
modernize the setting, presents the same format for publication as the
books of the Telemaque and particularly since the publisher identified
Fenelon as at least partial author. The Loix resembles the Telemaque
moderne in that the author did not attempt to preserve the variety and
richness of the Telemaque in adventures, in style or in philosophy, but
sacrificed everything which did not directly pertain to the discussion
of the legal system. The structure which the author gave to his treat¬
ment of the theme was a monologue sprinkled with anecdotes and illus-

95
trations to clarify points of law or procedure being considered and to
show the effects of various actions in a more concrete form. The char¬
acters in the novel suffer the same fate and become only voices to
communicate the author's message for reform, although the three times
that Télémaque does appear, his few traits are drawn, at least to some
extent, from the model. On the other hand, the Loix is readable for a
political treatise and reveals a concern on the part of the author with
ameliorating the lives of the common people through changes in the legal
system. The author particularly favored reforms in the administration
of justice and in the judicial system, recommending particularly the
appointment of judges on the basis of merit; the abolition of the perni¬
cious and corrupt minor officials of the courts; uniformity of law
throughout the country; and the abolition of unnecessary restrictions
on work, travel, recreation, etc. — although he did insist that every¬
one had to work. In most of his suggestions, he manages to stay very
close to Fenelon's philosophy of government, but he goes into detail
on the issues of specific legal matters which the archbishop had left
out of the Télémaque.
Because archaic spelling is used in most of the works of the
study,- I-will reserve the use of [sic] for either extreme errors of
spelling or for grammatical differences. The six pages of the
"Avertissement" are unnumbered.
2 v
Frangois Drujon, Les Livres á clef, étude de bibliographie
critique et analytique pour servir a l'histoire littéraire (l888, rpt.
Brussels: Culture et civilisation, 1966), p. 925-
3 e
René Godenne, Histoire de la nouvelle franqaise aux XVII et
XVIII siécles, Publications Romanes et Frangaises, CVIII (Geneva:
Droz, 19T0), pp. 51-58, and elsewhere when he talks about réalisme
galant in the nouvelle romanesque and nouvelle galante.

96
Philip R. Stewart, Imitation and Illusion in the French Memoir-
Hovel, 1700-1750: The Art of Make Believe, Yale Romanic Studies,
Second Series, 20 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), pp. 3U-35-
^ Although it is listed as a nouvelle edition, I know of no prior
editions.
^ The "Preface" is contained on four unnumbered pages.
T Vol. Ill: 1712 (Paris: 17U6), pp. U5-U9.
g
Oeuvres completes de Voltaire, ed. Louis Moland (l877» rpt.
Nendeln: Kraus Reprints Limited, 1967), v. 7, pp. 161-236.

CHAPTER III: TELEMACHUS AS AN EDUCATIONAL MODEL
The adaptations of the Telemachus theme which appeared during the
17^0's did not depend upon the exterior trappings of imitation as much
as those of the earlier part of the century. In both Claude Francois
Lambert's Le Nouveau Telemaque~*~ and Charles Palissot's L'Apollon Mentor,
ou le Telemaque moderne (London, 17^8) there are very few if any exterior
details which link the later works to the original. Rather than naming
the main characters Telemachus and Mentor, as did Grandchamp, or trying
to claim Fénelon as at least partial author, as did the publisher for
the Loix du roi Minos, the later authors stressed the central element
of the theme and claimed to imitate it. Lambert, at least, was suffi¬
ciently conscious of the possibility of criticism arising from the lack
of evident ties to the earlier work to begin his "Preface" with a defense
of the title: "Ce n'est ni pour intéresser la Curiosité du Public, ni
pour servir la Cupidité d'un Libraire que je donne a cet Ouvrage le
2
titre sous lequel je le présente." The "editor" claims to have given
the work the title of the Nouveau Telemaque because after careful perusal,
"il m'a paru que tout y tendoit a 1'instruction d'un jeune seigneur,
destine par 1'éclat de sa Naissance a teñir un rang distingue dans le
Monde." Although Palissot, the author of the second work, did not
defend his own use of Telemaque in the title, the basic story line seems
to suggest a similar viewpoint: the Apollon Mentor recounts the efforts
of the god of poetry to guide a young, promising poet to the glory of
97

98
the Pamas se. Here again, the Telemachus theme seems to suggest both an
educational purpose in the work and a voyage motif.
Lambert1s Le Nouveau Telemaque
Claude-Frangois Lambert was a very prolific compiler and imitator
during the years from 1739 to 1764. He published several novels, most
of which have very evident contemporary models: Memoires et aventures
d'une dame de qualite qui s'est retiree du monde (l759)> L'Infortunee
Sicilienne (1742) and La Nouvelle Marianne (1759) in addition to the
Nouveau Telemaque (l74l). Le Nouveau Protee ou le moine aventurier
(1740) sounds like such an adaptation, although I know of no modem
source for it. He also published translations from Latin and Italian,
and numerous lengthy compilations of works on historical and scientific
subjects: the Histoire genérale, civile, naturelle, politique et reli-
gieuse de tous les peuples du monde (15 vols., 1750) and the Histoire
littéraire du Regne de Louis XIV (3 vol., 1751) are two of his histori¬
cal efforts which seem to have attracted attention during the century.
Although the works demonstrate at least in their intentions the encyclo¬
pedic spirit of the Enlightenment, contemporary reviewers in the Biblio-
theque Impartíale (II [1750] , pp. 211-21; V [1752] , pp. 213-27) were
little impressed with the execution of the author's grand design. Both
critics attacked him for his lack of precision in not verifying his in¬
formation, all of which he had taken from other sources, and in not
identifying the sources of that information; they criticized him further
for the lack of unifying vision which was manifested as disorganization.
The lack of vision signalled by the critics a propos of these two non-
fictional endeavors is also present in the Nouveau Telemaque, but the

99
novel must have enjoyed some success anyway, since a second edition
appeared in two volumes in 17^*+ and an Italian translation was pub¬
lished in 17^8.^
The "editor" denied in the "Preface" any intention of deceiving the
reader by using the name of Telemachus at the head of his novel or of
trying to encourage comparison with Fenelon, whose Telemaque was beyond
imitation. The presentation of a goddess descending to earth to instruct
mortals in the proper arts of governing is beyond his talents: "Un sujet
si noble 6 si intéressant pour la felicite de toutes les Nations ne
pouvoit étre traite que par le Génie le plus sublime: & Je ne pense pas
que personne aspire a la gloire de pouvoir marcher sur ses pas." For his
more modest intentions, the new Telemachus has a new Mentor; the young
nobleman's own father, concerned over the finishing of his son's educa¬
tion and not content to leave such an important task to the care of
some uncultured preceptor of common birth, undertakes to show his son
the most elegant courts of Europe. Even the fates conspire to aid in
the worthy enterprise and the modern Telemachus "est ternoin, durant ses
Voyages, d'un grand nombre d'Avantures, dont le denouement est ou le
triomphe de la Vertu ou la punition du Vice. Que de Rélexions par
consequent ne lui fournissoient-elles pas pour 1'Instruction du jeune
Marquis?" According to its "editor," the Nouveau Telémaque exposes
its reader to three forms of instruction: the personal example of the
Comte and the Marquis; the histoires which punctuate the text with
salutary lessons in moral conduct and, of course, the descriptions of
the cities and countries through which the Comte takes his son. Although
this does not seem to vary greatly from the means of instruction in the
Telémaque, further consideration reveals a definite shift in direction

100
in Lambert's plan of instruction from that of his model.
Lambert's modernization of Fénelon's Telemaque adapts certain ele¬
ments of the novel to the memoir form. Since the greatest impact of
this change is felt in the structure of the work, this part of the
chapter begins with an analysis of the structure of the Nouveau Telemaque.
The following sections show the influence of the Telemaque on the charac¬
terization and educational system of the adaptation.
Narration
The change to a memoir form wrought a complete transformation in the
point of view of the novel. Gone is the objectivity and omniscience of
the third-person narrator and in its place is the subjectivity of the
Marquis? personal reminiscences. Even when recounting the biography of
one of the secondary characters, the Marquis maintains the first-person
perspective by giving the character's own relation verbatim, so that only
rarely does an anecdote appear in the third person. This change is felt
especially in the digressive evaluations of the character's conduct, like
the Marquis' lamentation about his lost innocence while remembering his
attempt to seduce Térése: "... si j'avois eu un peu plus d'experience,
j'aurois laissé la. tout ce vain etalage de beau sentimens, pour lui teñir
un langage qui eut été plus de son gout; ... mais c'étoit la une fa$on
d'amour que j'ignorois, & pourquoi ne l'ai-je pas toujours ignore? Mais
je reviens" (v. I, p. 22). It is also felt, however, in the Marquis'
frequent promise to the reader to relate only that which he himself finds
interesting, as he did in describing the battle of Philipsbourg (v. I,
p. 126).
The new personal point of view obviously requires a different struc-

101
ture than the one which Fénelon had borrowed from the epic, both in terms
of the relationships between episodes and in terms of their content.
The first sacrifice is the in medias res beginning and its accompanying
digression to bring the reader up to date. The adaptation has three
introductions to get it started: a preface by the editor, and introduc¬
tions by both the abbé de Rinville and the Marquis. The first part of
this chapter will analyze other aspects of the structural transformation,
showing both the overall structure of the work and the internal struc¬
ture of the individual episodes of which it is constructed.
To summarize the story very briefly, the Count has lost all of his
family but his son the Marquis, whom he adores above all else in the
world. When the time comes for the young man to begin his education, he
is sent to the College de Louis-le-Grand in Paris. After eight years,
he receives a preceptor to supervise his actions while he remains in
Paris to familiarize himself with the court. The preceptor, Desplane,
corrupts his charge rather than perfecting him; and when he is threatened
with exposure, persuades the young man to borrow as much as he can in
order to flee. Desplane then absconds with the money, leaving the Marquis
without funds. The Marquis is further humiliated when his mistress'
former lover, the vieux Due de . . ., discovers the retreat chosen by the
Marquis and sends several of his men to retrieve her. The Comte finds
his son with his leg broken, his sense of pride and honor outraged and
his spirits depressed. The cool and reasonable elder calms the young
man's passionate desire for revenge and the latter finally agrees to
accompany his father on a three-year tour of the major courts of Europe.
A new tutor, the abbé de Rinville, is engaged, and as soon as the Marquis
can travel the three set out (v. I, pp. 8-7*0. After this introduction,

102
the hulk of the three volumes recounts their adventures as they proceed
to visit France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, England and Austria. At the
end of the novel, the hero returns to his ancestral home in Burgundy,
where, after his father's death, he decides to write his memoirs of the
voyage.
The voyage part of this minimal plot consists of a series of inci¬
dents or adventures which the Marquis witnesses or hears about during his
travels. These elements fall basically into two categories: historical
data and fictional episodes. The historically realistic part of the
novel generally deals with larger events of sufficient importance to be
recognized by the contemporary reader. It concentrates on descriptions
of the cities visited, on the evocation of the grandeur of the European
courts and of the high-ranking officials the Marquis meets and on great
events of the day — political intrigues and military campaigns. Bio¬
graphies or sketches of illustrious historical figures also appear in the
text, when the Marquis visits locations which were important in their
lives. The fictional element of the novel consists of the personal
stories of unknown and lower-class individuals — these include the Mar¬
quis' own adventures and those of people he helps along his route.
The description of cities contributes especially to the illusion
of reading a travelogue rather than a novel. The review of cities through
which they pass varies from a simple listing of communities on their
route to the ten-page account of the "author's" stay in Rome where he
relates his tour of the city and its monuments and characterizes the
architecture and decor of the city's palaces and surrounding "Maisons
royales" (v. I, pp. 184-93). The descriptions of cities are frequently
split between the text; and footnotes which are presumed to be additions

103
by the conscientious "editor" of the Marquis' memoirs. The textual part
of the description provides an impression of the city and usually dwells
on the physical setting and geographical location with some indication
of the character of its people. Geneva is an excellent case in point:
La situation de cette Ville ne peut etre plus chamante:
elle est batie sur un CSteau qui forme une espece d'Amphi¬
theatre. Un Lac d'une vaste étundué & bordé de Vignobles
6 d'une foule de Maisons construites avec goüt, une Campagne
riante et fertile, environée de tout cote de magnifiques
Jardins, foment le point de vüé le plus agréable. Quoique
cette Ville ne soit pas en état de se défendre, les Habitans
cependant n'ont pas laissé que d'employer de tres grandes
sommes pour la fortifier, & ils ont soin d'y entretenir en
tout terns une Garnison considerable. La Religion Réformée
est la seule dont l'exercice soit pemis, & l'on peut dire que
si les Genévois avoient moins craint la puissance de Louis
XIV. Jamais il n'eut été pemis a son Resident de faire dire
la Messe dans sa Chappelle (v. I, pp. 1L6-1+7).
The description of Geneva occupies a middle point between the many cities
which are merely named in the text and the lengthy accounts of Rome and
London. It nonetheless shows their usual structure and the Marquis' pri¬
mary focus in these descriptions: first he praises the city's appearance;
then, he describes its physical or geographical, location, the architec¬
ture of its houses and the fortifications, if it has any; finally, he
portrays briefly the national character of the people, in this case,
stressing their doctrinaire Protestantism.
To the infomation provided by the Marquis, the "editor" adds a his¬
torical note:
Cette Ville est recommandee par son Ancienneté. Cesar,
pour la défendre des courses de Hélvetiens, y fit faire un
retranchement de dix-neuf mille pas de long. Ayant été con-
sumée par le feu sous Heliogable, elle fut rebátie par Auré-
lien. Les Bourguignons en chasserent les Romains, & aprés
la dissipation du royanme de Bourgogne elle devint Ville
Impériale. Ses Evéques en devrinrent en suite des sou-
verains spirituels & temporels. Le dernier a été Pierre
de la Beaume, qui fut chassé par les Calvinistes l'an 1536
(v. I, pp. 1Ú6-H7, n. l).

Although most of the footnotes are historical in character, other aspects
may he included. The note to Lyon, for example, begins by locating the
city between the Rhone and Saone rivers; the "editor" then praises the
beauty of the city's architecture and describes the monument to Louis XIV.
Most of the footnote is devoted to the portrayal of the chapitre of
Chanoines who are so conscious of their royal prerogatives that not even
the sons of marquis are admitted to their fellowship (v. I, p. 13*0. The
footnotes may also expand on the description of a city which is mentioned
only briefly in the text, as it does in the case of Strasbourg (v. I,
pp. 122-23). The additional material added in the footnotes contributes
to the illusion of reality in the novel through the simple mechanics of
documentation as well as by creating the impression that these are in¬
deed the memoirs of a young man who is presenting to the public only that
which he himself considered interesting, but which have been supplemented
with further educational information by a sympathetic and concerned
editor.
Like this description of Geneva, most of the descriptions of cities
in the text and the footnotes might have been drawn from any of a number
of contemporary travelogues, which were very popular during the entire
eighteenth century. Even the Marquis recognizes on several occasions
that the reader might already be familiar with the presentation he is
making. He ends his description of Rome with the modest disclaimer:
"Mais j'oublie sans doute que je ne rapporte ici que ce qui peut se lire
dans cent Relations differentes, ou un Lecteur curieux trouvera une des¬
cription exacte et dé[t]aillée de tout ce que Rome renferme de plus digne
d'admiration; ainsi, ce sont ces Relations sgavantes qu'il doit consulter,
s'il cherche á s'instruire" (v. I, p. 19*0» A similar disclaimer allows

105
him to abbreviate severely his account of Portugal: "Mais je ne.m'apper-
gois pas que je ne rapporte ici que ce qui se peut lire dans mille
Relations" (v. II, p. l8l). This shortens his characterization of Portu¬
gal, but does not prevent him from describing Lisbon in a following
passage. These descriptions are presented with the stated intention of
instructing young readers in geography, particularly in the peoples and
boundaries of Europe, so they fit with the basic educational intent of
the novel as well as with the strictures of the memoir and the travelogue
forms.
Not only cities but celebrities move through the pages of the
Nouveau Telemaque. The Marquis' name-dropping is largely confined to
people that he meets at court in the cities he visits: the royalty of
each country, well-known ministers, ambassadors and generals whose names
would have been familiar with the readers of the gossip sheets that
reported on bhe happenings in European courts. After the battle of
Philipsbourg, the Comte and the Marquis join in a dinner given by the
prince de Conti for his officers; during their stay in Madrid, they meet
don Joseph Patinho, one of the Spanish ministers; and in Rotterdam, they
have an interview with the marquis de Fenelon, nephew of the archbishop
of Cambrai and French ambassador to the city. The number of celebrities
with whom he comes into contact would probably have been even more notice¬
able to the contemporary reader who would have been familiar with the
names appearing in the Mercure, the Gazette and the popular gossip sheets
which recounted the activities of the European courts.
This is not his only use of famous figures, however. Fenelon had
recommended in the Telemaque that the government require all art to
indoctrinate young people to virtuous and courageous conduct. He especially

106
suggested commemorating the lives of great men and great events which might
serve as models for emulation (Book X, pp. 280-8l). Lambert embraced the
idea with enthusiasm: "C'est par une etude refléchie de l'Histoire qu'il
apprendra ses obligations, il y lira les hauts faits des Grands Hommes
qu'il doit se proposer pour modelles, leurs fautes mémes seront pour lui
une source d'instructions" (v. I, p. 84). As the heroes move through
Europe, the scenes of important moments in history or in the lives of
great men serve as pretexts for relating the story of the heroes with
which each is associated. The correlation of histories and locations
makes the narration seem more natural and lends it an interest which it
might otherwise have lacked. All of the stories are, moreover, histori¬
cally close enough to the time of the action of the novel to have been
recognizable to the contemporary reader. The story of the Marechal de
Villars is one of the two lengthy biographies introduced into the text
and it is reasonably accurate in its account of a war hero whose death
in June 1734, would have coincided with the Marquis' travels and
would have preceded publication of the Nouveau Telemaque by only seven
years. The occasion of the story is a tour of the Citadel in Turin
where the Marechal died: "Je fus curieux de voir la Chambre ou est
mort le Marechal de Villars, & qui est la meme ou il etoit né. Je ne
sgavois aucune particularite de la vie de ce grand General., & ce fut
mon Pere, qui avoit combattu sois lui dans les dernieres guerres, qui
m'en apprit ce que je vais rapporter" (v. I, p. 15l). In the story
which follows, the General becomes a great leader by taking advantage
of every opportunity to distinguish himself both in combat and in diplo¬
macy (v. I, pp. 151-53). The added interest and authority which comes
from the Comte's direct testimony to what he himself had witnessed has

107
the dual effect of rendering the story more interesting and bolstering
the illusion of the Comte's own existence by associating him with a
known hero.
The second example of an extensive biography carried directly in
the text relates the story of an incident in the life of King Victor-
Amédée. The second story is told on the occasion of a visit to the
palace at Venerie where the king died. This incident occurred near the
end of the king's life and concerned his involvement with a woman, the
Marquise de Spiga. The king, after a reign of fifty years, abdicated
his throne in favor of his son Charles in order to marry a lady-in-
waiting whom he had loved for many years. Under the influence of his
ambitious wife, however, he tried to regain the throne from his son,
who, although initially reluctant to replace his father, ordered him
incarcerated for his intrigues and isolated him from almost everyone
until his death a short time later on October 31, 1732 (v. I, pp. 155-
60).
The contrast between the two illustrates the two uses of history
which the abbe de Rinville suggested. Where the biography of the
Maréchal serves as a positive example of the conduct expected of a hero
and a prince, this episode from the life of the king Victor-Amedée
demonstrates graphically the dangers of an uncontrolled passion. Like
the Maréchal, King Victor was a well-known contemporary figure whose
abdication and marriage caused a good deal of publicity in the early
1730's, although not all of the details of his later attempts to return
5
to power were known. Since he had been considered a good king during
his reign, this anecdote might be considered a demonstration of the
way in which passion can destroy the judgment of an otherwise enlightened

108
monarch — which would make it conform very closely to the morality of
the Télémaque.
Correlating temporally with the names the Marquis is dropping are
the accounts of historical, incidents which he witnesses. Like the
figures who took part in them, these were affairs of sufficient impor¬
tance to have been reported in the Mercure and the Gazette so that they
were recognizable to the reading public. In this category, there are
two battles and a number of political intrigues which occur while the
Comte's party is in the city where the action occurred. Stewart notes
that the inclusion of battle scenes, in which the hero acts out a minor
though exemplary role, were very common and even considered obligatory
in the memoir-novel after the turn of the century (pp. 212-15), so that
Lambert's use of these events in his work is once again not particularly
innovative.
The Marquis' first contact with battle occurs during the voyage to
Strasbourg, when the Marquis and the Comte join the French army laying
siege to Philipsbourg (v. I, pp. 123-31). The realism of the episode
is augmented by the abbé de Rinville's decision to proceed to Strasbourg
to await the outcome of their adventure because his vocation forbids
martial activities. The Marquis declines to make "une relation exacte
et bien circonstanciée de ce Siege; [car] ... outre qu'elle se trouve
dans les Gazettes et les Mercures Historiques, loin d'amuser le Lectuer,
elle ne serviroit peut-etre qu'a l'ennuyer; ainsi je me contenterai de
rapporter les évennemens singuliers, ou ceux auquels j'ai eu quelque
petite part" (v. I, p. 126). The primary historical details which he
gives of the battle do indeed conform to the accounts given in the
Mercure although Lambert gives more detail in describing the death of

109
the Maréchal de Berwick (Mercure de France, June 1734, pp. 1234-235).
For the conditions of the battle and the performance of the army's lead¬
ers, the basic facts are the same (c.f., Mercure de France, June 1734,
pp. 1230-236; July 1734, pp. l64l-662), although once again Lambert
gives details not included in the journal's accounts. The second epi¬
sode is the hero's participation in an ambush when the troop of dragoons
he is accompanying is surprised by a much larger force of Imperiales. The
French company manages to emerge victorious only through a courageous
counter-attack. Although the siege of Philipsbourg was an episode which
would have been familiar to readers and which would have quickly attrac¬
ted interest, Lambert also adds an educational dimension to his account
of the incident. After the battle is over, the Archbishop of Besangon,
who had commanded a regiment of dragoons before entering the church,
provides a critique of the battle. He points out errors of strategy and
tactics in the successful French assault on the city, emphasizing the
importance of prudence and planning as well as courage to the success
of any military operation. This recapping of the battle makes the
incident a lesson on military strategy.
The first-hand accounts of the life of the courts and of foreign
politics provide a more frequent historical correlation than the battle
episodes. These fit in very well with the Comte's often announced high
position at the French court which would naturally have made him privy
to many of these councils or to the news of the councils through the
French ambassadors in each city. The court intrigues and politics pro¬
vide a sense of objective, historical time which complements the nota¬
tions of time in the novel. For example, while in Rome, the travelers
learn that the pope is considering granting a dispensation to allow the

110
king of Portugal to name his seven-year-old son Archbishop of Lisbonne.
The Mercure reports this incident in the December, 173^, edition; but
it does not seem to have been Lambert's source since his description
of the arguments made in the case is considerably more extensive than
that of the Mercure. During his stay in Madrid, the Marquis learns about
a dispute between the governments of Spain and Portugal. He summarizes
the arguments contained in two pamphlets which appeared during the time
(evidently) that he was in the Spanish capital. The first was from the
Portuguese ambassador to the Spanish authorities protesting a violation
of the Portuguese embassy in the search for a murderer; the second is a
reply, authored by don Joseph Patinho, accusing the ambassador of help¬
ing a criminal escape justice. This affront brought the two countries
to the brink of war with armies massed on their borders. The Mercure
reported the dispute several times during 1735 and published the second
pamphlet dated February in the April, 1735, edition (pp. 807-809). The
Marquis later arrives in Portugal at the same time as the British fleet,
which has sailed to Lisbon to protect the smaller Portugal from the
larger Spain (v. II, pp. 18U-91). The movement of the fleet was also
reported in the Mercure (July 1735, p. 1651).
These historical events, battles as well as intrigues, give a sense
of reality to the time element of the novel, which goes beyond the
Marquis' notation of the time spent in each city or the number of days
required to make the transit from one city to another. It is nonetheless
difficult to establish a precise chronology even utilizing both the
textual references to the passage of time and the historical incidents.
The best that can be accomplished is to set up a general correlation
between the historical events and the Marquis' voyage. The lack of

Ill
precision derives from two sources. First, the Marquis is not consis¬
tent in noting the duration of parts of his voyages, leaving gaps which
are difficult to fill. On the other hand, the seven years between the
supposed time of the voyage and the publication of the "memoirs” would
have no doubt clouded people's memories of the events and made unlikely
the recognition of more than a very general chronology in the events he
describes. The inexactitude would have been enhanced by the reporting
lag between the actual events and their appearance in the journals —
this delay could have been anything from several weeks to several months.
Philip Stewart sees this historical data as part of a plan to create
the illusion of reality in the novel: "Despite the heavy dosage of his¬
torical trappings, the real subject is the private life of the fictional
character; but the world he lives, thinks, and writes in is real"
(pp. 216-17). Certainly Grandchamp seems to try to create the illusion of
reality in the Nouveau Telémaque. Not only does he provide events for
the hero to witness and real personages for him to meet, he provides
extensive documentation and explains at length the chain of events which
led to the novel's publication. It may also be argued that associating
the hero with real events and personages increases the illusion of his
own reality. It should not be forgotten, however, that Grandchamp was
an established compiler and imitator, but not much of an artist. The
assumption that the historical events recounted are part of an effort
to make the novel seem more real implies a unifying artistic vision
which is not at all visible in the work. On the other hand, such accounts
of famous people, places and events were popular and numerous throughout
the century; and it seems reasonable that Grandchamp was merely using the
Marquis' voyages as a pretext for including them in his work. This argu-

112
ment is particularly convincing given the episodic nature of the novel
and the lack of subordination of the historical events and personages
to the fictional episodes.
The explanation of the publication of the novel was yet another con¬
vention of the eighteenth-century memoir form (Stewart, p. 62). This
part of the novel, usually carried as a preface or an introduction, indi¬
cated the source of the manuscript which the "editor" was publishing and
justified his decision to present it to the public. In the "Preface" to
the Nouveau Telemaque, Lambert announces that he acquired the manuscript
of the work from the abbe de Rinville, a close personal friend of the
Comte and the Marquis who had accompanied them during the voyages des¬
cribed in the work. This indirect source justifies the first-person form
of the work, removes the author several degrees from its composition,
since he is now only the editor rather than the creator, and establishes
the abbe de Rinville as a witness to and guarantor of the book's episodes.
The abbe's role is further developed by the inclusion of an introduction
under his name which explains through the biography of the Comte de . . .
the extreme paternal affection which induced the Comte to leave his
affairs for several years to take his son on a tour of the courts of
Europe (v. I, pp. 1-T)• This introduction not only provides background
information, it lends substance to the claim that the manuscript came
to Lambert through the abbe. The Marquis' own reasons for putting his
memoirs on paper are also very conventional and, indeed, echo those given
by Marivaux's Jacob for recording his memoirs: "Le recit de mes aven¬
tures ne sera pas inutile á ceux qui aiment á s'instruiré. Voilá en
partie ce qui fait que je les donne; je cherche aussi á m'amuser moi-
meme."^ The Marquis' first concern is to communicate to young men like

113
himself the lessons which his father had given him in the exercise of
virtue and the control of one's passions; he hopes, however, that in
writing down the story of the time his father spent with him, he will he
able to console himself for the loss of his "Mentor” (v. I, pp. 8-9).
Thus, all of the extensive documentation which creates the "real
world" in which the "author" moves, thinks and writes is completely con¬
ventional: from the specific historical data which can be corroborated
in contemporary journals to the exposition of the "facts" of publication,
these represented tried and true formulae whose success was already
established. Lambert merely gathered as many of them as possible and
sprinkled them through his book. Lambert's work particularly suffers
in this respect when compared to the Telemaque, because Fenelon had used
historical and mythological data in creating his novel, and in the
original Telemaque historical fact was always made to conform to the
fictional, or rather philosophical, demands of the work.
The non-historical aspects of the Nouveau Telemaque do not reveal
any greater originality or independence than the documentation. The
fictional apparatus of the novel takes two forms: the Marquis' own auto¬
biography, which provides the thread which binds all of the various parts
of the novel into one whole, and the biographies of the characters whose
paths intersect his own. Since it is presented as a memoir, the Manquis'
story is presented chronologically, in the first person, unlike the in
medias res, third-person narrative of the original model. The secondary
biographies which are incorporated into the main story-line are presented
more in the manner of the Telemaque. The hero is shown in the midst of
some action which piques the reader's curiosity: a girl disguised as a
young man, an intrepid hero fighting pirates on the high seas, a bandit

llU
chief trying to rob the Comte. The unknown then satisfies the reader's
(and the Marquis') curiosity by relating the adventures which led up
»
to his present condition. These stories show little imagination: the
standard episodes from the novel tradition — seduction, elopement,
kidnapping, rape, bandits, pirates, sudden fortune and Just as sudden
ruin, all the plethora of human emotion, weakness and misfortune as it
appeared in the contemporary novel — occur and recur in the histoires,
arranged in various sequences and yielding various results. In many
cases, moreover, a particular source is evident: the story of Colin and
Minette (v. II, pp. 1-42), for example, is drawn almost directly from the
episode in Manon Lescaut when the young lovers, hiding outside of Paris,
7
are robbed by their servants while in the city attending the theatre.
All of the episodes are presented as having a moral lesson and the Mar¬
quis' adventures are followed by a discussion which underlines the moral
point of the story.
The episodic structure of the work as a whole and the structure of
the Marquis' adventure in particular are illustrated by the novel's first
episode, which precedes the voyage itself and which explains the under¬
taking. After finishing his formal education, the Marquis receives a
governor to guide him during a longer stay in Paris to acquaint himself
with the life of the court and more particularly with certain members of
his family. The tutor, Desplane, introduces him to two musketeers who
serve as his models for the worldly life. Their corrupting influence ends
when one of them dies in a duel over his cheating at cards. The Marquis
is wounded in the same duel, but the dragoon fighting him spares his
life and, after warning him about the company of men like the de Glani,
stops a carriage to take him back to Paris. Even as the Marquis' pas-

115
sion for gambling fades with this episode, he finds himself attracted to
the fair sex in the person of Therese, one of the two passengers in the
carriage which picks him up. The other occupant of the carriage is, by
coincidence, his governor, who introduces his lovely companion as his
"cousine." While Desplane is bandaging his wound, the Marquis tries to
impress the young woman and he has the satisfaction of having her stay
to dinner. His overall efforts are fruitless, however; the governor
keeps him away from the girl. Having failed to win Therese, the Marquis
decides to find another mistress and he chooses La Marivert, the mistress
of the "vieux Due de . . .," because he has heard that she is extremely
beautiful. He hopes that his youth will compensate for the Due's greater
wealth. Not at all put off by the Due's fabled jealousy, he manages to
meet la Marivert and to convince her to leave the Due for him. The
affair ends humiliatingly for the Marquis: fleeing an impending inspec¬
tion by his father, he entrusts his money to Desplane, who abandons him
to go to Amsterdam with Therese; then the old Due discovers his retreat
on the English Channel and sends some of his men to recapture his mis¬
tress. The Marquis' own impetuosity following the abduction leads to
the fall from his horse which has incapacitated him temporarily when his
father locates him in a strange corner of Paris. Their reconciliation and
the Comte's calming influence have already been described (see above,
p. 101); the Comte leads his son in an examination of his actions, which
leads to the youth's repentance for his misdeeds and the forgiveness of
his father.
The first adventure really consists of two autonomous parts: the
adventure with the de Glani and the love affairs with Therese and la
Marivert. These two events have parallel structures which are duplicated

116
in all of the Marquis' fictional adventures. The incident with the
de Glani shows the young man first accepting the leadership of the two
brothers into gambling and ddbauchery until he is confounded by the two
cavaliers who kill de Glani and admonish his disciple to avoid such
companions in the future. The dragoon's generosity wins the young Mar¬
quis' confidence and the latter accepts his adversary's advice. The
second episode, following directly on the first, shows the modern Telé-
maque in "love," first with Thérése and then with la Marivert. There is
a progression between the two sins. The debauchery of the de Glani seems
not to have interfered with the Marquis' fulfillment of familial obliga¬
tions. Love, however, being a consuming passion, causes him to neglect
his powerful relatives who notify his father about his dereliction. His
fear of his father's investigation and the possibility of losing his mis¬
tress induce his flight. This evasion represents an even greater trans¬
gression since he is now defying his father's authority and it leads to
his final humiliation by Desplane and the vieux Due. The greater severity
of the consequences of his action is the result of the greater seriousness
of his error. Nonetheless, when the Comte arrives, he reasons with the
Marquis and pardons his indiscretions after the young man understands why
his actions were wrong and repents of them. This same structure of de¬
bauchery, humiliation and analysis followed by repentance and forgiveness
is repeated in all of the Marquis' fictional adventures — as opposed to
his historical adventures, like participating in the battle of Philips-
bourg. His adventure at Lyon, for example, relates that he joins company
with two men he met in the theatre. After dinner and a short diversion
with two young "avanturieres," he is mortified when he is bound and robbed.
The following morning, his father's remonstrances turn the incident into

117
a lesson on the dangers of the too ready acceptance of people one does
not know and on the evils of drunkenness (v. I, pp. 135-1+6).
Although the autobiography of the Marquis represents the central
theme of the Nouveau Télémaque, almost half the narration of the novel
is done by characters other than the hero. There are ten histoires in
the novel in which the narrator yields the floor to another speaker.
They average 33 pages in length — from the 8 page anecdote about the
marquise de Veraso to the 58 page recitation of the Chevalier de Kemis —
and they are usually told in the first person, although the stories of
the two courtesans are both related by a third party interested in warn¬
ing the Marquis to avoid their traps. The use of the first person in
the histoires complicates the narrative structure considerably — the
Marquis quoting a second narrator who sometimes quotes a third — but the
practice was common during the eighteenth century and was used to add
interest and realism to the récits. Like the adventures of the main
character, the secondary biographies serve to illustrate moral points
and are not infrequently followed by an analysis of the lessons to be
learned from the story — most often a warning about the dangers of
unbridled passion. The heroes of these intercalated stories have led much
more violent lives than the Marquis; their faults have been more serious
and the consequences have been more devastating. By reserving the more
extreme examples of profligacy and recklessness to the sub-stories, the
author could present such material without compromising the Marquis' ideal
character. He could also include stories which stretch the imagination,
like the series of misfortunes which form the biography of the Chevalier
\
de Kemis, without threatening the illusion of reality of the rest of the
novel, since these are related by people other than the narrator.

118
The first of the histoires which the Marquis hears is typical of
this sort of episode in the novel and it demonstrates the variety which
can he achieved through the use of these sub-stories. It is told by a
young woman disguised as a man who interrupts their dinner with the
Cardinal de Saverne, and it is offered as recompense for a long digres¬
sion on the value of studying history: "Mais je m'aperqois que voilá
une digression qui n'a rien de fort intéressant pour mon Lecteur: qu'il
me la pardonne, je vais le dédommager de l'ennui qu'elle a pu lui causer
par le récit d'une Avanture assez singuliere qui arriva durant notre
séjour a Saverne" (v. I, p. 84). The story itself is preceded by several
pages of preliminaries in which the Marquis describes the sympathy which
the young man's grief evoked in him during dinner, his surprise when the
young cavalier turns out to be Sophie, a woman in disguise, and the
conversation which preceded the transvestite's actual recitation (v. I,
pp. 84-87). Sophie tells her own story: her mother died in childbirth
and her stepmother was a classic example of the "Marátre barbare." At
the age of fourteen, the girl was forced to choose between entering a
convent and marrying the stepmother's favorite nephew, whom the girl
completely despised. After several months in the convent, she escaped
with de Marban, whom she had met through another pensionnaire. Unable
to overcome her scruples otherwise, de Marban arranged a clandestine
wedding with a fraudulent priest. Six months later, the cavalier was
called back to his regiment and he left his then pregnant "wife" swear¬
ing eternal fidelity, an early return and frequent correspondence.
After several months of silence, Sophie learned that he had abandoned
her. Destitute, she turned for help to a kindly old woman who took care
of her until the baby was born and then gave her the money and a com-

119
panion for the return to Paris. Sophie, however, escaped from the ser¬
vant sent to accompany her and went to find de Marban with his regiment.
When he refused to return to her, she pulled a pistol from her belt —
being already disguised as a cavalier — and shot the recalcitrant dead.
At the point of her story when the Marquis meets her, Sophie is fleeing
the possible consequences of the murder which she has committed and is
seeking protection and a place of retreat where she can try to forget her
humiliation. The Cardinal grants her request and arranges for her to
enter a convent near Paris under an assumed name (v. I, pp. 87-121).
After announcing the resolution of Sophie’s dilemma, the Marquis muses:
"Le récit que je venois d'entendre me fit faire bien des reflexions sur
les deplorables égaremens oü la violence de la passion entrainent ceux
qui en sont esclaves" (v. I, pp. 121-22).
Sophie's story is a typical variation of the theme which is presented
in all of the histoires of the Nouveau Telemaque. A clandestine love
affair is provoked by circumstances — usually parental authority —
over which the lovers have no control. In about a third of the cases
an illegitimate clandestine marriage is performed in order to overcome
the girl's scruples; then after a brief "honeymoon," the husband leaves
her penniless. Even when the lover does not leave willingly, the family's
intervention separates the pair and the girl survives her abandonment
either by entering the demi-monde or, in the case of Hiérese, by refusing
all offers of assistance until she has established her reputation and is
able to marry a rich young Hollander. Only for Thérese, who saves her¬
self through repentance, and for Colin and Minette, two valets in the
Comte's entourage, do the stories end happily; the rest culminate either
in death — usually for the woman — or isolation in a convent. Sophie's

120
account at thirty-four pages is also of average length, is slightly less
complicated than most of the histoires and expresses the rejection of
passion which is the moral outlook of all of them.
The secondary biographies differ from the Marquis' own story in
that they are usually more violent than his and in that the source of
the actions and misfortunes in all of the histoires is passionate love,
whose consequences are sometimes visited upon succeeding generations
(the Chevalier de Kemis, v. II, pp. 229-87). The Marquis' misadventures,
on the other hand, stem from his too ready acceptance of other people's
sincerity and his willingness to allow others to influence his actions:
only in the tragic loss of his wife does the Marquis really act out of
frustrated passion. The differing sources of inspiration for the actions
are probably the reason for the differing consequences; passion being
more virulent and ingrained than indiscretion, its consequences are more
destructive and it is harder to cure. The moral lessons of the histoires
are left more to the reader's own interpretation than are those of the
Marquis' adventures. The sub-narrator himself frequently exclaims on
the evil to which he was opening himself by the error of his ways, but
the lengthy rational examinations of the hero's errors are greatly re¬
duced. The difference derives logically from the premises of the novel;
since the new Mentor is taking his new Télémaque on a voyage to learn,
it is to be expected that he would spend more time correcting the errors
of his charge than on those of total strangers, particularly since the
latter usually recognize their own faults. Moreover, it would be rude
to pursue too far the discussion of weaknesses and failures of a stranger.
It would be useless to the reader as well, since the consequences of
the heroes' sins speak more eloquently than words of the punishment of vice.

121
Despite vast differences in the structures of the two works, the
Nouveau Telemaque does resemble its model in several significant ways.
Lambert like Fenelon combines elements of several popular literary forms
— travelogues, popular novels, adventure novels and even elements of
the exotic voyage — but where Fenelon succeeds in combining different
genres, Lambert's simple plot serves only as a pretext for a compilation
of episodes drawn from them. In both novels the unifying thread for the
novel's adventures is the life of a young nobleman, but the pretexts for
their adventures differ greatly. The links between Telemaque's adven¬
tures are almost universally disasters: the shipwrecks, capture by
enemies, slavery and so forth which precipitate the Greek into his
adventures are almost entirely absent from the Marquis' account. He and
the Comte are attacked once by bandits and once by pirates, but are not
really delayed by them; they change their itinerary only to succor others.
Such catastrophes do plague the heroes of the substories, but they are
very common in contemporary fiction and show no particular relation to
the Telemaque. Other aspects of the Nouveau Telemaque are no less con¬
ventional. The historical aspects duplicated other accounts in trave¬
logues, journals and gossip sheets while the fictional adventures of the
Marquis and those he meets are drawn from popular contemporary novels.
Even the didacticism which completed each of the Marquis' adventures
with a moral on the Christian virtues necessary to win esteem in society
and which was an ever-present part of the Telemaque was a traditional
pretext, as several authors pointed out in attacking Fenelon. Thus,
Lambert seems to have gathered many different, popular conventions and
to have juxtaposed them in the construction of his novel, so that the
Telemaque played a very minor role in the creation of the structure of

122
the work.
Characterization
The influence of the Telemaque is clearer in the characterization
of the Nouveau Telemaque than in the narration and structure. The
Telemachus and Mentor figures are present and retain not only the depen¬
dency of the one on the other, but something of the ideality of their
characters. Mentor's role as preceptor is expanded by the addition of
the abbé de Rinville, who is responsible for the Marquis' formal educa¬
tion while the Comte maintains Mentor's more practical role of correcting
his son's errors and faults. This addition means that there are three
central characters rather than only two, but the relationship between
Telemachus and Mentor is nonetheless preserved because of the authority
of the Comte and the cooperation of the Comte and abbé. Some parallels
also exist between certain secondary characters of the Telemaque and
of the adaptation, although these are relatively few. The Marquis'
passion for la Marivert recalls Telemaque's infatuation with Eucharis,
while his bride, the comtesse Amélie, shares some traits with Telemaque's
promised Antiope. The evil Venus is also resurrected as the nefarious
Desplane. In presenting his characters, Lambert, like Fénelon, depends
less on portraits and more on action. His introductions to characters
are intended rather to stimulate the reader's interest than to provide
him with an accurate portrait.
The title figure of the Nouveau Telemaque is modeled distantly on
Fénelon's original adaptation of Homer's character. They are both adoles¬
cents at the point of taking their places in society and accepting the
attendant responsibilities. Both are suffering from newly discovered

123
sexuality and from inexperience with the world; both young men exhibit
qualities of generosity, courage, compassion, and sensitivity to the
problems of others and both exhibit the contrary faults of haughtiness
and misunderstanding of other people. They are nonetheless very differ¬
ent: the Marquis' penchant for vice is almost a reversal of Telemaque's
penchant for virtue. Lambert's hero mixes with most kinds of sin: he
decides to start an affair with la Mari vert even before meeting her; he
follows the de Glani into debauchery, especially gambling, and later in
Madrid his father must administer a second lesson on the evils of
gambling; in Lyon, he falls prey to the thieves who relieve him of his
money and his watch after getting him drunk. These are vices with which
Telemaque is never associated. Although the Marquis' errors may be
linked to his youth and evil companions — as the Comte does link them
in forgiving his son — his associates themselves constitute a distinc¬
tion between the two youths. Telemaque seems much less an ingénu than
the Marquis, if only because the men in whom he places his confidence
are of much higher calibre than those of his modern counterpart. Indeed,
even with trustworthy companions, Fenelon's hero does not abdicate his
responsibility; while at Tyr, Narbal tries unsuccessfully to convince
him to lie to Pygmalion in order to protect both their lives; before the
assembled allied kings, Telemaque eloquently dissuades them from taking
the expedient course of deception in fighting Argaste. The Marquis, on
the other hand, willingly adopts the life-style of many of the people
he meets without sufficient consideration of the consequences.
The editor gives a brief and very generalized portrait of the
Marquis in the "Preface" to the work, concentrating on his potential
and the problems involved in realizing his latent qualities:

12U
Le Marquis étoit né avec les dispositions les plus heu-
reuses, pour remplir avec dignité le haut rang oú l'éclat
de sa Naissance l'appelloit. Une Ame grande & généreuse,
un Coeur droit 6 sincere, Ennemi de toute dissimulation
6 de toute artifice, un Esprit vif, joint á une douceur
charmante d'humeur, un Penchant naturel á obliger, une
Pitié tendre 6 compatissante pour les malheureux, un
Courage qui lui cachoit les perils oü son Intrépidité
l'exposoit. Cétoit la, le caractére du Marquis; mais
toutes ces 'qualités étoient misérablement obscurcies
par bien des défauts, dont il étoit d'autant plus dif¬
ficile de le corriger, qu'ils étoient fortifiés par
l'habitude. (v. i)
These traits form the basis for the Marquis' character as it is mani¬
fested in his adventures. The incidents which expose his character can
be divided into those in which his action is the primary interest —
like the opening episode — and those in which the Marquis' action
really serves as the pretext to present something else — like his
participation in the battle of Philipsbourg or the pirate attack which
introduces the chevalier de Kemis. His own adventures show the flaws
in the young man's character and the Comte's efforts to correct them.
The flaws manifested in his own adventures are primarily his suscepti¬
bility to bad example and evil companions, and his susceptibility to
passion and its deleterious side-effects. In the stories where he
plays a peripheral role, the Marquis shows courage, compassion, consi¬
deration and generosity of both time and money. Taken together, the
book's episodes present the Marquis as a very sympathetic adolescent
whose faults are only the marks of a high spirit which can be corrected
by age and experience.
The Marquis' character flaws are graphically demonstrated in the
account of Desplane's seduction which begins the novel (see above, pp.
Ill+-l6). The readiness with which the young man emulates the de Glani
is repeated in Lyon and in Lisbon, while his susceptibility to passion

125
appears in Madrid and in Lisbon. Even though his bad choice of com¬
panions plagues the Marquis all his life, there is a progression in the
people who are able to trick him. In his first adventure, he allows
himself to be led by Desplane and the de Glani, men whose evil charac¬
ter is as apparent as their low station. In Lyon, he joins company
with two young men who bear all of the exterior marks of quality, but
who turn out to be members of a band of thieves which parts him from
his money and his watch in rather humiliating fashion. On the third
occasion, he puts his trust in a young man he had met at the court in
Lisbon. This new friend, don Frequez, takes advantage of the Marquis'
hot temper to instigate a duel between the young Frenchman and don
Lagna, don Frequez's rival for the hand of dona Clara. Only after
both the Marquis and don Lagna have been seriously wounded does the
Marquis realize how he has been used by an unscrupulous lover. After
the incident has been settled, the Comte explains how the application
of reason rather than emotion to the situation would have prevented
him from being duped, even though the supposed friend had all of the
outward signs of being worthy of his confidence. Other incidents,
however, show that the Marquis is much more prone to react emotionally
than rationally to situations. The passions which dominate are not
always love. In Paris, following the de Glani, he is very enthusiastic
about gambling; later, in Madrid, he is again bitten by this craze;
after the Due's abduction of la Marivert, his outrage comes more from
wounded pride than from jealousy, and in Lisbon he shows again that his
sense of honor is stronger than his reason since don Frequez incites
him to attack don Lagna by accusing the latter of spreading uncompli¬
mentary stories about him. After the Lisbon episode, the Comte removes

126
him as quickly as possible from Portugal for fear that he might try to
revenge himself on don Frequez. Although love is not the universal
source of his passion, it is the strongest and most destructive challenge
to his reason. It is his passionate love for la Marivert which causes
him to try to evade his father's authority at the beginning of the story;
and in his overpowering grief at Amelie's death, he stabs the valet who
had accompanied her during the accident which killed her (v. Ill, p. 229).
Only the restraining presence of his servants prevents him committing
suicide, not only after Amelie's death (v. Ill, p. 231), but also after
his father's (v. Ill, p. 2k2).
The secondary stories show that the Marquis' virtues stem from the
same source as his vices: his unreasoned acceptance of emotion. The
Marquis demonstrates his courage on many occasions. He participates
courageously in the siege of Philipsbourg and is wounded in the Italian
wars; he intrepidly attacks bandits who have waylaid the Comte on the
route to Portugal; he defends his father with no thought for himself
during the pirate attack on the way to England. He also shows no hesi¬
tancy in attacking don Lagna in Lisbon. The Marquis is very free in his
donations to those in need of help, taking the time to resolve Genevieve's
problem in England. He also readily forgives both Desplane and Therese
for having abandoned him outside of Paris, and Desplane for having
attacked his father in Spain (v. II, pp. 175-77). These deeds, however,
are instantaneous movements based on emotion, rather than reasoned acts,
and this emotional response is the same trait which makes him vulnerable
to unscrupulous manipulators.
The Marquis' emotional response to situations represents the great¬
est distinction between him and Telémaque; and the difference is most

127
apparent in their display of Télémaque's most consistent virtue, discre¬
tion. Actually, the Marquis lacks this virtue, or at least never has
an opportunity to display. The "editor" states in his "Preface" that
the new Télémaque is an "Ennemi de toute dissimulation & de toute arti¬
fice;." This represents one-half of Telemaque's ability to keep a
secret and derives from his commitment to truth. The Marquis' hatred
of falsehood is never tested, but it would seem to spring from emotional
immaturity. Telémaque, on the other hand, demonstrates both an ability
to conceal what should not be known and an aversion to falsehood, how¬
ever justified. His ability to conceal facts without lying is a mark
of his maturity and understanding, and it demonstrates his ability to
control himself. The source of his aversion to lying, even under the
threat of death or imprisonment, is a philosophical commitment to
truth, not an inability to hold his tongue (see below, pp. I69-70).
Much of the difference between the two heroes derives from the dif¬
ference between their preceptors. As the "editor" points out in the
"Preface": "C'est done un nouveau Mentor qui conduit un nouveau Telé-
maque: e'est un Pere qui, remassant sur un Fils unique toute sa tend-
resse, ne croit devoir se reposer que sur lui seul du soin de son instruc¬
tion" (v. I). Since the new Mentor is not an incarnate god, he does not
have the power to arrange and control his son's adventures in the same
way that Minerve was able to control those of her protege; he simply
utilizes those which occur. A corollary to his lack of control is
that the new Mentor cannot control his charge's actions and associates
as well as his predecessor. His character nonetheless resembles that
of the incarnate Minerve. He displays moderation in all of his deal¬
ings with the Marquis. He is generous and compassionate toward others,

128
recognizing in his actions that his elevation is not for his own
benefit, but to allow him to help others. He is gentle and soft-spoken,
never berating his son for errors, but trusting to his powers of per¬
suasion and the Marquis' conscience to help the youth mend his ways.
Moreover, the Marquis bears his father a respect bordering on devotion
which parallels very closely the relationship between Télemaque and
Mentor.^
In his introduction to the Voyages et avantures du Comte de . . .,
the abbé de Rinville gives a brief biographical sketch of the Comte
which stresses his Christian piety and devotion. The only son of a
very ancient and noble family of Burgundy whose wealth and power were
commensurate with his ancestors' record of service to their kings,
the Comte married early in order to assure the line of succession.
His bride was the daughter of his father's best friend, but their
marriage was nonetheless a union of love, idyllic until the Comtesse
died giving birth to their second child, who did not survive its
mother. Shortly after this tragedy, the death of a favorite uncle
left the Comte with no close family except his son. Rather than remarry,
the Comte devoted all of his love to his son and undertook himself the
child's early instruction to ensure that he would receive a Christian
education which would prepare him for the duties he would face later
in life. The abbé's introduction illustrates the Comte's unusual
attachment to his family, especially his son, and the piety which led
him to accept the deaths of his close family as acts of Providence.
The most striking feature of the Comte's personality is his modera¬
tion and reasonableness. No matter what error the Marquis might have
committed, the Comte allows him time to recover from its effects and

129
then tries to show him the error of his ways. He conducts his lesson
not through flat declarations, hut through questions; indeed, most of
the Comte's discourse takes the form of questions. When he finally
finds his son in Paris, for example, the Comte reassures him of his
love and forgiveness, hy questioning his attitude:
Mon cher Marquis, me dit-il, en me prodiguant les plus
touchantes caresses, loin de vous affliger, pour quoi
ne vous livrez vous pas á la joie? Que doit vous causer
la vue d'un Pere dont vous connoissez 1'extreme tendresse?
Ne croyez pas qu'elle soit ralentie: je sgais qu'il y a
des égaremens que la fougue des passions, que le feu
d'une bouiliante jeunesse, que la contagion du mauvais
exemple rendent en quelque fagon excusables. J'espere
que les fautes que vous avez á vous réprocher seront
des fautes heureuses, par ce qu'elles serviront a vous
armer de defiance contre vous-meme: S, ne serois-je pas
injuste si je vous en faisois un crime impardonnable?
Car je sgais les piéges qui ont été tendus á votre
innocence; la vertu la plus affermie n'auroit-elle pas
été ébranlée? (v. I, pp. 56-57)
Later, as the Marquis' physical condition improves, but his hatred of
the Due still festers, the Comte once again approaches his son on the
issue:
Mais comment done, mon chere Marquis, me dit mon Pere
qui lisoit sur mon visage ce qui se passoit dans mon
Coeur, vous voila. tout émü? Conserviez-vous quelque
sentiment de vengeance contre Monsieur le Due? vous
auriez tort assürément; car rendez vous á vous-meme
justice. Dites moi, je vous prie, qui de vous ou de
lui a droit de se plaindre? N'est-ce pas vous qui
le premier lui aviez enlevé une proye qulil vous a
ensuite ravi? Ce n'est done qu'une restitution for-
cée que vous lui avez faite: £, loin dletre animé
contre lui, ne devriez vous pas lui sgavoir gré de
ce qu'il vous fournit 1'occasion de vous affranchir
de l'esclavage le plus honteux? (v. I, pp. 60-6l).
As these examples indicate, the Comte's questions are largely rhetorical
and he does not even wait for the Marquis to respond — either supplying
the answer himself or leaving it implicit in the question. Despite the
obvious manipulation involved in the questions, this application of the

130
Socratic method forces the student to enter the process and to accept
part of the responsibility for his lesson.
Another primary quality which the Comte exhibits is compassion.
He is very sensitive to the evils which have befallen the secondary
characters of the novel and he rewards their repentance with his own
efforts to help them. Even Desplane when he repents, receives the
Comte's protection so that he might die in peace in the hotel rather
in the jail (v. II, p. 177). The Comte also takes the time to investi¬
gate and intervene in the difficulties of Colin, Genevieve and Thérese.
To help them become re-established in the community and to see them
get a new start, he attends the weddings of both Colin and Therese and
helps Genevieve secure a place in a convent. The Comte's compassionate
response to the people who come before him adds a further dimension to
the lesson of each of the histoires by showing the Marquis the proper
attitude to display toward supplicants who might come before him when
he arrives at court.
These incidents demonstrate that although there is a parallel
between the personages of Mentor and the Comte, the two are very dis¬
similar. Mentor and Telemaque traveled the world without an entourage,
completely at the mercy of the ruler of each of the lands in which they
visited. They were not, therefore, in the position of the Comte and his
numerous company to offer help to individuals either through wealth or
influence, and they are not called upon to help individuals, as the
Comte is. The ancient heroes ameliorated the lot of peoples and civili¬
zations rather than particulars. Telemaque helped bring music and
rejoicing to the shepherds in the Egyptian fields; he and Mentor helped
re-establish the rule of the Laws of Minos in Crete; and Mentor com-

131
pletely restructured Sálente for the edification of his pupil while
the latter was helping the allies defeat Argaste and the Dauniens,
simultaneously freeing the peninsula of the bane of a conqueror and
the Dauniens from the oppression of their own leader. The ancient
Mentor was more concerned with collective welfare and security than
with individual well-being; paradoxically, one might even suggest,
in view of the numbers of sailors killed in shipwrecks during Telé-
maque 's voyage, that Mentor has no concern for any individual but his
charge. Even his reform of Sálente is accomplished solely for the
9
continuing education of his protege. The Comte, by contrast, shows
great concern for individuals and is involved only peripherally,
during the novel at least, in affairs of state. He is preparing the
Marquis to deal with particular citizens from his rank in government
and not with the state as a whole. The sharp contrast between these
two attitudes accurately reflects the difference in the perspective
of the authors — Télémaque after all is preparing for the kingship,
while the Marquis is destined only for a vague high position in the
society.
The third major personage of the work, the abbé de Rinville, com¬
plements the Comte by developing the Marquis' formal education, as
opposed to the practical training provided by his employer. The abbé
first appears when the Comte is making plans for the voyage. The
nobleman wants a tutor to give the Marquis lessons and broaden his
education; he addresses himself to the "Eveque de . . ." who recom¬
mends the abbé:
Monsieur 1'Eveque avoit amené avec lui un Ecclésiastique
de son Diocése, qui avoit remporté plusieurs prix aux
Jeux Fleuraux. A un gout sür et décidé il joignoit une

132
délicatesse, une penetration d'esprit, une erudition, une
étendue de lumieres, qui lui avoit fait un nom illustre
parmi les Sgavans. Mais les charmes de sa conversation,
la politesse de ses manieres, la noblesse de ses sentimens,
la droiture & la probité de son caractére, mille qualités
aimables du Coeur et de 1'Esprit, qui le distinguoient,
lui gagnoient l'amitié & 1'estime de tous ceux avec qui
il avoit quelque habitude. Tel étoit l'abbé de Rinville.
(v. I, p. 67)
The abbé's presence is usually felt in discussions of some learned sub¬
ject — theatre, religion, history — broached to give a lesson to the
Marquis or to provide religious consolation to the secondary characters.
His successive appearances add traits to the portrait of him given at
the beginning of the voyage. Without seeming cowardly, the abbe deems
it unpriestly to take part in violence, so when the Comte and Marquis
join the French army for the siege of Philipsbourg and later in Italy,
the abbe continues to the next point of their itinerary to await them.
Neither is he mentioned as having a part in the combat against the
bandits in the Spanish woods nor in the battle with the pirates off the
English coast. He shows himself to be compassionate and forgiving as
much as his companions. After hearing Desplane's confession, for example,
he comforts him about the guilt of his previous actions: "Monsieur de
Rinville lui repondit, que c'étoit moins par la durée que par la
sincérité d'un vif repentir, que le Seigneur [se] laissoit desarmer, &
il 1'exhorta a ne s'occuper que de l'idée de ses infinies miséricordes,
& á en reclamer le sécours avec confiance" (v. II, p. 175)- After the
battle with the pirates, he tries to comfort the valorous but despondent
Chevalier de Kemis through religion: "Monsieur de Rinville se servit des
motifs de la Religion les plus touchans pour le consoler: il lui parla
de la soumission que nous devons aux ordres de la Providence, qui ne
nous afflige quelque fois, que pour nous faire sentir davantage le prix

133
des faveurs inespérées qu'elle nous prepare" (v. II, p. 228). Thus,
the abhé shows a definite commitment to his role as a priest, not only
as a learned theologian and scholar, but also as the comforting and
compassionate confessor for those in need.
Among the minor characters of the novel there is very little
correlation to the original. The infamous Desplane seems to be a dis¬
tant relative of Venus, since he introduces the Marquis to Thérése, who
stirs the young man's interest in love; later he also helps arrange the
affair with la Marivert. He shares with Fénelon's Venus a penchant for
evil and seduction; and he waylays the Comte and the Marquis on their
way from Spain to Portugal just as Venus causes the shipwreck which
casts Télémaque and Mentor on Calypso's island and then is responsible
for the navigational error that takes them to Sálente. The Comtesse
Amélie, the Marquis' bride, is linked to Télémaque's betrothed Antiope
by the hunting accident in which the former dies. During a last hunt
before leaving Vienna for France, a wounded boar charges Amélie's horse,
which bolts and drags her to her death. She lives only long enough to
bid a final farewell to husband and to take the last rites. In a
similar scene in Book XVII of the Télémaque, the Greek prince saves the
life of the princess Antiope when a boar she has wounded charges her
horse (pp. U75-76). The most significant difference between Amélie and
Antiope is that the Marquis loves Amélie so passionately that her death
drives him temporarily insane, while Télémaque's love is much more
moderate: "C'est goüt, c'est estime, c'est persuasion que je serais
heureux si je passais ma vie avec elle" (Télémaque, p. U68). Another
basic difference, of course, is that Amélie marries her hero and dies
in the boar's charge, while Télémaque saves Antiope:s life, but then

must leave Sálente with only the promise of marriage.
As in the other novels considered, Lambert's closest link to the
Télémaque lies in the main characters, even though, in contrast to the
early works, there is almost no overt connection between them, that is
to say that outside of the "Preface," Mentor is mentioned only once in
the novel (v. I, p. 8) and Télémaque is not mentioned at all. Rather
than such external links, the correlation between the works are more
fundamental aspects of the characters: Telemachus as an ingénu and an
ideal student, Mentor as the ideal, though not divine, preceptor. Even
the addition to the cast of the abbé de Rinville is consistent with the
figure of Mentor considering the revised educational perspective of the
Nouveau Télémaque.
Education
The abbé de Pinville indicates one of the primary distinctions be¬
tween Lambert's system of education and that which appeared in the
Télémaque: the emphasis which Lambert put on learning from books and on
knowing the sciences. Fénelon had simply ignored this kind of learning
for Télémaque, letting him learn entirely through experience or through
accounts of wise men and travelers; but reading and scholarly discussion
constitute a part of the Marquis' schedule in every city he visits. The
increased appreciation of formal learning is apparent in a conversation
which occurred shortly before their departure from Paris. The Comte in
trying to persuade him to accept the services of a tutor stresses the
need to be able to communicate with beaux esprits and the embarrassment
of having to stand silent in any gathering of educated people. He sug¬
gests that the brilliance of a noble birth only enhances the shame of

135
an inadequate exploitation of one's natural talents. According to him,
the respect and honor which accompany birth must be earned or they
demean rather than elevate the holder. It is the abbé de Rinville, how¬
ever, who finally ends the Marquis' resistance to formal instruction by
showing him that true science instills a spirit of humility and makes
one better company rather than worse. Only the pseudo-scientist who
does not fully understand the vastness of knowledge is proud and garru¬
lous. His fears of pedantism relieved, the Marquis takes to his lessons
with increasing enthusiasm and the account of his activities in each
city details the way in which the abbé undertook to instruct him in
history, sciences, languages and especially in esthetics and critical
reading. For some parts of the voyage, the accounts of his lessons are
the only particulars given of that part of the voyage.
On the whole, however, Lambert seems to follow fairly closely
Fenelon's conception of education. In the beginning of the memoirs, the
Marquis first advises the reader that he intends to offer lessons in the
Christian virtues which earn esteem in the world; but he quickly apolo¬
gizes: "Un pareil debut n'est-il pas capable d'éffrayer un Lecteur qui
ne cherche qu'á s'amuser? Mais peut-il me sgavoir mauvais gré si en
l'amusant je tache aussi de 1'instruiré?" (v. I, p. 9)- The expression
of the intent to instruct while amusing reappears at several points in
the novel, especially after digressions obviously intended for the
Marquis' (and the reader's) enlightenment. The story of Sophie and her
misfortunes was offered as a "dedommagement" for a digression on the
value of studying history, for example (see above, pp. 117-119)- More¬
over, the author of the Nouveau Télémaque believed in education by
example rather than precept: "Mais ce fut moins en me faisant l'eloge

136
de ces vertus, qu'en me mettant dans 1'occasion de les pratiquer qu'il
m'en fit connoítre le prix. C'est par ma propre experience qu'il vou-
loit que je fusse instruit, & de l'horreur que je devois avoir du
Vice, & de l'estime que je devois faire de la Sagesse" (v. I, p. 9).
The education received under the Jesuits has in no way prepared the
Marquis for the dangers of the world in which he would live. Without
experience in studying men, he falls easy prey to rogues like the de
Glani and Desplane; his arrival at puberty with no experience of women
leads him to associate himself too readily with women who deserve
neither his trust nor his attention. The Marquis needs, in short,
a wider experience with the world in order to develop his critical
faculties and calm the storms of his passions.
Application of this doctrine of empirical instruction differs
between the two works. In giving Telemaque instruction on his personal
conduct Mentor was not gentle: on Chypre, he appeared to the youth with
a stern demeanor and ordered him to leave the island posthaste; on
Calypso's island, his treatment of the lad is no less rigorous, his
attitude is one of reproof, not reason. The Comte, by contrast, takes
a very gentle manner in correcting his son. After the Marquis' early
experience in Paris, for example, the Comte greets him with all of the
joy and forgiveness of the father of the prodigal. The Marquis, in his
memoirs attests the effectiveness of this approach: "La maniere douce
et insinuante dont-il [sic] s'y prit pour me faire sentir l'horreur de
mes déreglemens, fit bien plus d'impression sur mon Ame que n'en
n'auroient [sic] fait les reproches dont il étoit en droit de m'accabler"
(v. I, p. 59). The Comte's criticism serves as a reorganization of the
experience, showing the young man where his error lay and how to avoid

137
repeating it. As the Comte admonishes after the Lyon adventure: "il
faut qu'elles [vos erreurs] servent a vous faire éviter les occasions
d'en commettre de nouvelles" (v. I, p. 1^3). On this occasion, the
Comte first criticizes his son's habit of trusting everyone who offers
him hospitality without waiting to learn more about them: "L'extérieur
est-il une marque distinctive de l'honnete Homme £ de celui qui ne
l'est pas? Ce n'est pas qu'il soit permis de juger mal de son Pro¬
chain; mais la prudence ne veut-elle pas que l'on suspende son juge-
ment, £ que l'on ne se fie qu'á ceux dont la probité nous est connue,
£ que nous sqavons étre dignes de notre estime?" (v. I, p. lUU). The
Comte allows that such an error in judgment may be excused in a young
man, as might be the error of going into a strange city without at
least a valet for an escort. No such excuse will he allow, however, for
the Marquis' inebriation, on which the Comte blames the complacency
shown in appearing "en un lieu oü vous n'avez pü etre entrainé que par
un esprit de débauche £ de libertinage" (v. I, p. 1^6). Fondness for
wine, he emphasizes, will result in ostracism from good society and in
the loss of consideration for posts of responsibility at court because
it is a weakness which suspends those virtues necessary to win esteem
and to be worthy of recognition (v. I, pp. 1^2-46). Thus, the lesson
which follows the Marquis' second adventure has two dimensions, both
of which are present in all the stories. On a very general level, the
Comte warns that one should be careful of the models he imitates and
of the impression he gives of himself. On a more particular level, he
points out the dangers of alcohol and its effects on reason.
The difference in educational method derives in part from the
premises of the two novels. Fénelon does not actually reject formal

138
education, he merely ignores it because his wave-tossed wanderers could
hardly have been expected to worry with books during their accident-
plagued travels. In the Comte's extensive entourage, however, a tutor
and the other tools of instruction fit very well. Moreover, Télémaque's
voyage was only projected as a short trip to Sicile to inquire about
his father; its successive prolongations were unplanned; while the
Comte and the Marquis plan to spend several years to complete their
tour of Europe. The contrast reflects yet again the differing inten¬
tions of the two authors. Mentor's efforts to prepare an ideal king
for Ithaque call for indoctrination in political morality and exercise
in the practice of virtue. He lectures the young man on governmental,
organization; but he allows Télémaque to test his own strength by resis¬
ting temptation, although he always appears, either as Mentor or in
other guises, just as the youth is about to succumb, so that his pro¬
tege is never overwhelmed by the forces which threaten him. The ComteTs
efforts to instruct his son by experience always come after the fact,
showing him the source of his error after he has committed it. His
reasoned defenses of virtue are consequently less effective than the
stern commands of his predecessor.
This analysis of the Nouveau Télémaque demonstrates that although
Lambert owes very little directly to Fenelon, he manages to capture at
least a part of the spirit of the Télémaque. In substance as well as in
the means of instruction, Lambert's lessons conform to the principles
of the Télémaque, although the emphasis shifts from political to personal
morality. The Comte's actions as well as his statements indicate a
belief that the superiority accorded those of noble birth should be
earned and that it comes as a responsibility to help others, not as a

139
license for self-indulgence. This is consistent with Mentor's efforts
to prepare Télémaque for the kingship by teaching him that a king must
be father to his subjects, protect and guide them at all times and
never forget that all royal actions affect all of the people. In
personal morality as well, Lambert develops his more extensive pre¬
sentation from Fenelon's principles. The Comte's major concern in
preparing the Marquis is to warn him against the hazard of false
friends and evil companions, about the nature of passionate love and
of the necessity to control one's emotions at all times. This is the
same message which Mentor gives Télémaque from his first landing on
Aceste's Sicile to his fight with Pysistrate during the Daunien wars.
Lambert was therefore successful in his effort to adapt Fénelon's
model to a modern setting, using modern characters and modern adventures
to communicate a message very similar to the Archbishop's through the
novel medium. Lambert's presentation of the Telemachus theme omitted
the ancient Greek elements and the mythological atmosphere and reduced
the epic scope of the original Télémaque to a more human scale, preser¬
ving only the basic character of the heroes and the general moral atti¬
tude of the work. In essence, Lambert abstracts from the Télémaque an
idealistic system of educating a young man under the authority of an
elder, very wise preceptor.
Palissot's Apollon Mentor, the last work to appear in the Telema¬
chus tradition before 1750, abstracted the theme even further, elimina¬
ting all aspects of the original work but that of an educational voyage
taken under a divine tutor by an adolescent ahout to enter the world.

Palissot’s L1Apollon Mentor, ou le Télémaque moderne
Charles Palissot's L1Apollon Mentor ou le Telemaque moderne (2 vols.
London: n.p., 17^+8) was a treatise on poetry and the state of the liter¬
ary arts written as an ambigue. It was the first published work by the
aspiring young author-who later became one of the most effective foes
of the Philosophic Movement. The work already shows the character
traits which will later turn him into an anti-philosophe and it demon¬
strates the lack of real talent which his glib polemicism would cover
for a time, but which would finally doom his work to oblivion. Daniel
Delafarge characterized the work as "l'ouvrage d'un écolier qui evite
avec soin le paradoxe et qui tient á montrer qu'il a bien suivi les
legons de ses maitres. La oü l'on espérerait quelques audaces ou
vivacités de jeune homme, on ne rencontre que lieux communs désespe-
rants et que pales jugements critiques."1^
The association of this obviously inferior work with the still
best-seller Les Avantures de Telemaque, fils d'Ulysse was not explained
in the book itself, perhaps because it was not yet finished when it was
published, and passed unnoticéd in contemporary criticism. The several
page announcement of the work which appeared in the Memoires de Trévoux
(March, 17^+8, pp. 159-61) described it as "un de ces voyages au Temple
de Mémoire que le Poetes et les beaux Esprits imaginent pour dire tout
ce qu'ils trouvent a propos sur l'etat present des lettres" (p. l6o).
The obvious reference in the title to the Telemaque was ignored com¬
pletely and the book itself maintained the same silence on the signifi¬
cance of the title. There are several references to Voltaire's Temple
11
du Gout,
which was the masterpiece among the imaginary pilgrimages

to the Parnasse, and the "Avis au lecteur" acknowledges specifically,
if somewhat irreverently, the youthful author's debt to the patriarch.
The archbishop and his celebrated novel are, by contrast, almost
entirely neglected. The esteemed Fénelon was even denied a place in
the Temple; and of the two references to the Telemaque which appear
in the work, neither is extensive or suggests any justification for
the title. The utilization of the Telemachus theme has nonetheless a
definite effect on the book's structure and significance. Rather than
the merely ironic, if not satiric, commentary on contemporary artists
and styles which characterized this type of voyage in earlier authors,
including Voltaire, the Telemaque moderne broadens the scope of the
undertaking so that the author can try to communicate not only his view
of contemporary art, but what he sees, or has learned, as the general
principles of art as well.
The seriousness of the author's purpose did not deter him from
utilizing irony as did most authors of these fantasies. His acknow¬
ledgement of his debt to Voltaire in the "Avis au lecteur" accompanies
an apology for daring to describe "un temple qui ne doit etre connu
qu'aux grands Hommes; mais qu'on songe du moins, que par Modestie, je
n'ai fait le chemin qu'a pied, & M. de Voltaire l'a fait en Carosse"
(v. I, p. viii). The irreverence present in the "Avis" is felt through¬
out the "Preface" which precedes it. The latter begins with the decla¬
ration: "II faut se conformer á 1'usage, tout Livre exige sa Preface,
je dois en faire une en un mot, des que je mets mon Telemaque au jour"
(v. I, p. i). Continuing in this tone, the author ridicules standard
journalistic reviewing practices and apologizes to those who might be
offended to see their faults held up for correction. He insists, how-

ever, that he has throughout maintained a just moderation in his cri¬
ticism, attacking whatever needed to be attacked and praising that which
was worthy of praise. He concludes by dedicating the book "á tous les
Partisans du bon sens, & de la raison qui sont en France s'ils
le refusent, je le renvoye aux Auteurs du Paralélle de la Henriade,
& du Genie Ombre, qui peut-etre 1'accepteront quoiqu'en grondant: il
faut s'attendre a tout dans la vie" (v. I, p. vii).
Irony actually plays a lesser role in the work itself than in the
"Preface" and "Avis." The first-person narrator introduces the story
as a dream which came to him while he was contemplating his future as
a writer: "quand une nuit, en proie á ces reflexions bizarres, je crus
voir Apollon, ou plütot je le vis en effet; les Dieux se plaisent a
se manifester quelquefois aux hommes pour les corriger de leurs erreurs"
(v. I, pp. 5-6). In this case, the god of poetry and art has taken
notice of the sincerity and effort of this young and unknown poet who
aspires to the glory of the Parnasse and has come to help him by show¬
ing him the route to the sacred mountain. From this point, the story
follows much the same course, in outline at least, as Voltaire's Le
Temple du Gout: there transpires a journey beset with "obstacles"
which tend to distract the poet and to discourage his efforts to reach
the exalted goal which he has set for himself. At the end of the
voyage, the poet finally arrives at the Temple where the Muses hold
court over the great men of the ages and the author receives lessons
in art from the most discerning of critics.
Voltaire, making the trip in the company of the Cardinal de Polignac
and the abbé de Rothelin and riding in the Cardinal's carriage, meets
several "obstacles" on the way: first, they are stopped by the pedantic

1U3
scholars who take great care in the documentation of literary works,
but who care nothing for good taste or even for thought. Next, they
encounter a group of artists and architects who have surrounded a rich
man, all of them trying to sell him ideas or talents for the construc¬
tion of a magnificent palace. Again neither the rich man nor the
artists are concerned with good taste, only ostentation and money.
Further down the road, a musical ambush precipitates them into a caca-
phonous symphony without measure or judgment, and they quickly drive
away. Finally, they witness the assault on the Temple du Goñt by the
authors who believe themselves worthy of entry to the shrine despite
the rulings of la Critique. Once inside the Temple, they are treated
to the scene of all of the great artists of the world working together
to improve the Temple which their efforts had constructed. These
artistic "heroes" advise the narrator on the problems of art and give
him examples from among their number. ATter a time spent in these
happy surroundings, the poet prepares to leave and is treated to the
final words of the "Dieu du Goüt" who warns him against the pretensions
of the "Faux Goüt" which has usurped the former's rightful place in
many parts of Paris.
The Apollon Mentor begins with listing of the narrator's accom¬
plishments in poetry and a discussion of his desire to write a poem
celebrating Louis XV's military victories (v, I, pp. 1-5)» The appa¬
rition of the god interrupts his musings on his artistic future and he
begins a guided journey to the Parnasse, symbol of poetic excellence and
glory (pp. 5-8). After a long and difficult trek, during which Apollon
expounds on proper poetic practice, the god leads his protege away from
the road, into a lush and scenic countryside (pp. 9-20). There abides

the small group of poets who, more concerned with their own popularity
than with artistic excellence and accomplishment, never labor at their
work and thus never produce any real art. These are versifiers popu¬
lar in the salons for their wit and for the facility of their verses;
however, they have not even tried to make the difficult climb to the
summit of the Parnasse and are content to linger on the outer approaches
to the sacred mountain (pp. 21-27). Although initially impressed with
the paradise which these mortals inhabit, the poet realizes after a
short exposure to them how shallow and empty they are; so he and his
divine companion continue their journey, leaving the others to their
satisfied mediocrity and discussing the reasons for their failure (pp. 28-
1+2). The next obstacle which the travelers meet is the wide marshes
which lie at the foot of the mountain. Here the poet sees the fate of
those who have attempted to scale the peak's imposing heights without
the inspiration of Apollon. In decasyllabic verses, the narrator des¬
cribes the view of the Parnasse and the bitter virulence of the artists
mired at its foot. Not only poets lie here, but also critics who do not
follow objective rules of reasonable criticism, libellistes and satyr-
istes (pp. 1+3-86). Finally, Apollon leads him across the marshes by a
secret route known only to "les grands Hommes" while the unhappy and
envious crowd sinks beneath the mud, unable to bear the god's presence
(pp. 87-133). The first volume ends with the description of the approach
to the Temple de Memoire on the slopes of the Parnasse and the "grands
Hommes" whom he saw while making his way to it (pp. 133-1+3).
The second volume begins with the description of the Temple and
with Apollon's presentation of his youthful companion to the assembled
greats and to the Muses who inhabit this enchanted spot (v. II, pp. 1-7)-

Ifc5
Inside the Temple are found all of the great artists: Boileau, Moliere,
Rousseau (J.-B.), Crébillon, Voltaire are named among others, past
differences forgotten, working together to improve their work, espe¬
cially by deleting large portions from it and submitting it to the
criticism of the others in their company (pp. 12-18). A short dis¬
cussion of art ensues, after which the Muses insist that the neophyte
read them the poem which he is composing to immortalize Louis XV, so
that the "Au Roi" is reproduced in the text. There follows a short
discussion of the virtues and faults of the work, including a criticism
of the "siecle ingrat" which does not appreciate the work of artists
(pp. 21-60). Then, after the Muses leave, a playwright "trop peu
connu" delivers a long discourse on the problems of modern theatre,
particularly attacking a current play by la Chaussée entitled La
Gouvernante (pp. 73-111). Then the poet takes leave of the Muses and
their entourage to return to write an account of his journey so that
others might also learn from Apollon's generosity and help the poet
prove that "on peut encore voir des Homeres et des Virgiles" (pp. 112-
19).
Parallels between the Apollon Mentor and the Temple du Gout
extend beyond the general plan, significance and philosophy of art which
appeared in each. The two works are alike in using the ambigue form
which intersperses prose and verse in the narration; they treat much
the same poets in usually similar judgments; even the description of the
Temple is approached in the same way in the two works. The Apollon
Mentor is not, however, by any estimation simply a copy of Voltaire's
work. Not only does the modern Telemaque travel with a different
guide, but he follows a different itinerary. Many details in the work

have been changed, of course. The poets trying to gain admission to
the Muses' abode without the approbation of la Critique have similar
personalities, but very different fates. Most visibly, the fifty pages
of Voltaire's pamphlet are swollen to two volumes by the inclusion of
several lengthy discourses on artistic principles. The result is a
work which despite a fundamental similarity with the Temple du Goñt
demonstrates a high degree of independence from the original.
The ambigue form had been recognized for some time as a proper form
for fantasy. La Fontaine's Psyche in the seventeenth century was only
one example of the fragility and beauty which could be attained
through judicious use of the form. In the Apollon Mentor, the mixed
form serves as one of several devices to create an atmosphere of myth
and fantasy; generally, it is used to describe landscapes and conditions.
Verse first appears in the narrative when the travelers leave the road
to enter the lush lands of the parlor poets. It is used again later to
describe the poets themselves:
Autour d'eux les jeux £ les ris
Voltigeoient d'une alie légére,
Avec un des Dieux de Cypris [sic] ,
lis s'egayoient sur la fougére
L'un assis pres de sa Bergére,
De sa flamme, exigeoit le prix,
L'autre sembloit faire un mystere
Du feux dont il étoit épris,
Et par un apparent rnepris,
Trop assure du Don de plaire,
II enflammoit sa Lycoris,
Dont il méritoit la colére. (v. I, pp. 28-29)
Verse is also used to describe the marshes which hold the unsuccessful
poets, and various situations on the Parnasse itself. It is not, how¬
ever, used very frequently in the work, partially because it is never
used as the medium for communicating the lessons in art and poetry which

constitute a major portion of the hook.
Many of the authors who appear in the Apollon Mentor are either
the recognized great poets of the seventeenth century or those who
opposed them. Corneille is used as an example of excellence in
writing; Moliere and Racine are both compared to their competitors,
showing the unfairness of the Cabale and the short duration of fame
based on controversy rather than the understanding and implementation
of the true principles of art. Most of the poets who actually appear
in the work are contemporaries whose positions indicate the author's
estimation of their quality. A particular example is Gresset who
appears among the salon poets with a footnote explaining that this
part was written before the author had seen his Le Mechant, and that
is why he is later seen mounting the Parnasse ahead of the poet and
his guide (v. I, pp. 136-37)- Among the poets whom he names in the
marshes are Gacon, Chapelin, Pradon, Cotin, Pelletier, La Serre and
Colletet. On the Parnasse, he sees Voltaire, Rousseau, Gresset, Cre-
billon fils, Marivaux, M. Linant and Delaplace, to name a few.
Although there are few artists mentioned in both the Temple du Gout
and the Apollon Mentor because of the difference of time when the two
were written, the only significant modification of the treatment given
an author who appears in both works is Jean-Baptiste Rousseau whom
Voltaire's Critique allowed into the Temple only with strong reserva-
12
tions, but who received Apollon's praises, mitigated only by reserva¬
tions about his operas.
Both authors confess their inability to describe the Temple and
both use it to attack contemporary concepts of architecture and of
architectural description. Voltaire in the Kehl edition of the Temple

lkQ
gives a brief history in verse of the edifice in which he compares it
to Versailles to the detriment of the latter. He concludes:
II est plus ais! de dire ce que ce Temple n'est pas que de
faire connaítre ce qu'il est. J'ajouterai seulement, en
general, pour eviter la difficult!:
Simple en était la noble architecture;
Chaqué ornement, a sa place arrete,
Y semblait mis par la nécessité:
L'art s'y cachait sous l'air de la nature;
L'oeil satisfait embrassait sa structure,
Jamais surpris, et toujours enchant!. (ll. 235-^3)
The modern Telemaque approaches the description similarly. At the
beginning of volume II, he recounts: "Si j'ecrivois un Roman, ou
quelqu'autre fadaise de ce genre, ce seroit ici la place d'une descrip¬
tion pompeuse, & magnifique d'un sejour, dont la situation laisseroit
un champ libre a mon esprit" (pp. 1-2). He then proceeds to inform the
reader of all the things which he could say about the Temple, and
concludes: "mais comme je n'ai d'autre but, que de fixer 1'attention de
mes lecteurs, par des idees plus interessantes, je me contenterai de
dire que tout ce qui peut rendre une habitation aimable, se trouve
reuni dans celle de Muses" (pp. 3-^). As these two resumes of the
descriptions show, Voltaire in the relation of the architecture of the
Temple du Gout seized the opportunity to express his opinion of contem¬
porary architecture as well as literary description, comparing the
simplicity of the Muses' home to the ostentation of Versailles, "dont
le connaisseur se raille" (l. 23^). The modern Telemaque amplifies the
description but limits the scope to literature, so that he mocks the
elevated and artificial descriptions of palaces, temples and the like
which appeared in the contemporary romans, but without encompassing
other fields of artistic endeavor.
The description of the Temple is typical of the transformations

wrought in Voltaire's theme by the author of the Apollon Mentor.
Palissot treats the same subjects, generally, as his model, but with
two major differences: first, he limits the interest of his protagon¬
ist's tutor to literature, especially poetry, and secondly, he amplifies
the arguments presented in Voltaire's text. The expansion of these
precepts takes place in the several conversations between the poet
and his divine guide. The first, difficult trek which ends in the
lush lands of the salon poets on the first approaches to the Parnasse
allows the god time to expound on the advantages of natural expression
and the unpleasantness of artificial ornaments. The visit with these
poets gives rise to discussion of the necessity for hard work to attain
the order which is as essential to a great work of art as genius and
inspiration. The view of the fallen poets and authors at the foot of
the Parnasse makes clear the need for objectivity and devotion to artis¬
tic principles and it particularly condemns those who allow self-interest
and pride to color their esthetic judgment.
By contrast with the evident dependence on Voltaire's Temple du
Goüt, Fénelon's Avantures de Télémaque hardly seems to be present at
all, and one might wonder whether the titular reference to the ever-
popular Télémaque was only an effort to increase the circulation of the
work. The first of the two references to Telemachus appears in the
"Préface" where the author uses it as the title of his work: "... des
que je mets mon Télémaque au jour" (v. I, p. i). The second reference
is unmistakably to Fénelon's work: when the poet begins to question his
own worthiness of Apollon's interest and to doubt that the god's support
and protection will continue, he remembers his predecessor: "le jeune
Télémaque eüt mal reconnu les bontés de Minerve, si quand elle se dé-

150
voila a ses yeux, en quittant la forme de Mentor il eüt employe le
peu de momens qu'il jouissoit encore de sa presence, á l'interroger sur
les motifs de cette bonté qui l'avoit engagee á partager, avec lui,
l'esclavage & l'infortune" (v. I, pp. 59-60). This comparison, while
appropriate to the situation, is obviously not an integral part of the
action of the work and there are no other references to Fénelon in the
book.
The lack of explicit references to the Telemaque notwithstanding,
the Apollon Mentor conforms very closely to the basic structure of the
myth. A youth in the process of maturing into a poet is visited by
Apollon, one of the Olympian gods, who takes him on a journey to initi¬
ate him into the society of poetic "heroes." As in Fenelon's account,
the deity takes his charge through a series of adventures in strange
lands where he sees examples of writers, both good and bad, and their
methods of working. Finally when the two arrive at their goal, the
home of the Muses, the god rises in a cloud and disappears in splendor.
The relationship between the characters also fits the model. The poet
is a willing and impressionable adolescent, anxious to learn from his
master and guide, but not always immediately capable of compliance.
His temptation by the apparent paradise of the salon poets corresponds
to Telemaque's conduct both on Chypre and on Calypso's island, because
the neophyte tries without success to conceal from Apollon his attrac¬
tion to the poets and it is only after allowing him to assay the state
of these authors that the god convinces him of the futility and empti¬
ness of their position. Although not incarnate as a human being,
Apollon takes the responsibility for the poet's education and exerts
his influence in a benevolent and gentle manner, leading the young man

151
but not forcing him, just as Mentor had done for Telemaque.
Voltaire inspired this usage of the Telemachus theme, even as he
did the rest of the work. His Temple du Gottt begins: "Le cardinal
oracle de la France,/ Non ce Mentor qui gouverne aujourd'hui,/ Mais ce
13
Nestor qui du Pinde est l'appui." This distinction sets the tone for
the rest of the work by indicating that his guide is no divine tutor
come from Olympus to instruct the narrator in the rules of taste but
rather a mortal, a patron of the arts, and not even an artist himself.
The young Palissot reverses the situation: his guide is none other
than the god of poetry come to earth from Olympus for the sole purpose
of leading the narrator on a journey which will teach him the true laws
of poetic creation. By building his work around this structure, the
poet transformed it from a satire of contemporary artists into an edu¬
cational voyage whose end is not political, as in most of the other
imitations of the Telemaque, but esthetic. This transformation is
signalled several times within the text itself. Apollon himself in¬
structs the narrator to write the account of his voyage: "Profitez des
sages avis de ces Poetes fameux que, deja, vous pouvez appercevoir.
Gravez-les dans votre esprit avec d'autant plus d'attention, que je
vous ordonne d'en faire part au Public, a qui vous devez consacrez
toutes vos lumiéres" (v. I, p. T^)- The promise is recalled both on
the poet's arrival on the sacred mountain and again on his departure.
There is some irony, intended or not, in using the Telemachus theme
which Fenelon introduced into the eighteenth century as the vehicle for
the kind of artistic lesson presented in the Apollon Mentor. Mentor in
the Telemaque inveighs against all nonessential forms of art, leaving
only those which serve as educational deyices to remind the citizens of

152
important events and men in their history, that will inspire them to
serve their country eagerly. Elsewhere, especially in the Lettre a
11Academie, Fénelon attacks the use of verse in French poetry, claiming
that the necessity for rimed lines of equal length subjugates the ideas
of the work to its form. To replace verse as a primary mark of poetry
he suggests the audacity and color of a work's imagery and the musical-
ity of its language.^ The Télémaque moderne reverses Mentor's atti¬
tude and uses verse as part of the narration which deals primarily with
poetic theory. Even in dealing with poetry, however, the young Palis-
sot was neither as audacious nor as perceptive as Fénelon, so that
decades after the Archbishop tried to formulate new criteria for the
art, Palissot is still merely repeating formulae long in circulation.
Palissot's Apollon Mentor ou le Télemaque moderne is, therefore,
a work in the tradition of the fantasy voyages to the home of the Muses
of which Voltaire's Le Temple du Goút represents the finest example.
Unlike its model, the Apollon Mentor dealt primarily with literary and
especially poetic subjects. Despite the profound differences both in
philosophy and in form between the Télémaque moderne and Fénelon's
Télémaque, the contemporary reader would have readily recognized the
Telemachian elements in the work, so that the lack of a defense of the
title is probably justified. This represents, however, a distilling of
the theme to its most basic elements: the educational voyage, the ado¬
lescent being groomed for greatness and the ideal, preceptor. This very
evident configuration at the foundation of the work conforms very
closely to the conception of the theme which Lambert advanced in the
"Préface" to his Nouveau Télémaque. Lambert maintained the original
interest of the Télémaque in morality, even though shifting it from a

153
political to an individual emphasis, more than did Palissot; hut the
two authors have a common approach to the theme itself: abstracting
from it certain elements, more or less basic, and using them as the
foundation for works in totally different genres. This attitude toward
the Telemachus theme contrasts sharply with the early adaptors who
attempted to exploit the fagade of the Telemaque by the use of names
of characters and locations or by the ploy of inserting their own text
into Fenelon's; both of which represent external exploitation of the
novel's popularity. This kind of abstract employment of the theme
also contrasts with Marivaux's treatment of it. The final author to
be considered made the most complete use of all the elements which
appeared in the Archbishop's original novel, even though the irony
which appears in the Telemaque travestí is intentional.
Le Nouveau Telemaque, ou Voyages et avantures du Comte de . . .
et de son Fils, avec des notes historiques, geographiques et critiques
par l'autheur des Memoires d'une Dame de Qualite, 3 vols. (La Haye:
Van Cleef, 17^1).
2
The YPreface" to Lambert's work has no pagination; I will
therefore refer only to the "Preface" despite its twenty-two pages.
3 . . . . .
Philip R. Stewart, Imitation and Illusion m the French Memoir-
Novel, 1700-1750: The Art of Make Believe, Yale Romanic Studies, Second
Series, 20 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), p. 326.
^ 'BiograpMe' Universelle 'jMichaúd) ,wol. - 23, p. ;45»
^ Both the Marechal de Villars and King Victor-Amedee have bio¬
graphies listed in the Michaud which recounts very similar stories. The
Marechal is treated in vol. 43, pp. 417-32, and the King appears in
vol. 43, pp. 307-19.
^ Marivaux, Le Paysan parvenu, ed. Frederic Deloffre, Classiques
Gamier (Paris: Garnier, 1969), p. 6.
7
Lambert's borrowing from Prevost also appears elsewhere in the

154
novel, but it is hardly surprising, since his first novel vas an imi¬
tation of the Memoires d'un homme de qualité.
8 ^
Vickie Neely Gottlob, Non-Conscious Structures in Fenelon's
Fiction (Diss. Florida State University 1973), pp. 96-97.
^ c.f. Alfred Adler, "Fenelon's Telemaque; Intention and Effect,"
Studies in Philology. 99 (1968), 592.
La Vie et l'oeuvre de Palissot (l730-l8l4), These Lettres,
Paris (Paris: Hachette, 1912), pp.5-6.
Voltaire, Le Temple du Gout, publié sous le patronage de la
Société des textes frangais modernes, ed. crit. Eli Carcassonne (Paris:
Droz, 1938). Carcassonne gives both the texts for the Rouen edition
(1733) and the Kehl edition (1784). Although it was published after
the appearance of the Apollon Mentor, I have used the Kehl because
Carcassonne's introduction indicates that few substantial changes were
made in the text after 1742, while many major transformations were made
prior to that date. References to the Kehl will be by line number.
12
Kehl, 11. 335-84. Palissot indicates that Rousseau was denied
entry to the Temple, but this was an error. In fact, Palissot put the
same restrictions on Rousseau's entry as Voltaire (v. II, pp. 15-16).
13
The Rouen edition begins with a more extensive reference to
Mentor:
Le Cardinal oracle de la France,
Non ce Mentor qui gouverne aujourd'hui,
Juste a la Cour, humble dans sa puissance,
Maitre de tout et plus Maitre de lui,
Mais ce Nestor qui du Pinde est l'apuy, ...
(p. 63).
The Mentor of whom he speaks seems to be the Cardinal Fleury, minister
of France from 1726-43. I do not beleive that the presence of a
specific model detracts from the argument about the effect of the dis¬
tinction of Mentor and Nestor which follows; it might even be considered
supportive, since Voltaire made the reference much less specific in sub¬
sequent editions and since Palissot made it much less contemporary.
Lettre a. l'Academie, ed. Ernesta Calderini (Geneva: Droz, 1970),
pp. 62-68. The Lettre was first presented to the Académie in the
spring of 1714 and was first published in 1716 (p. 3).

CHAPTER IV
TELEMACHUS AS LITERARY MODEL: MARIVAUX’S LE TELEMAQUE TRAVESTI
In the preceding chapters, several different adaptations of the
Telemachus theme have been observed and analyzed. Fenelon's Télémaque,
the real source of the legend in the eighteenth century, presented a
didactic work' for the political and moral instruction of the Due de
Bourgogne. Using a form and structure which synthesized the epic, the
contemporary roman and voyage literature, the royal preceptor built upon
the foundation of Homer's Telemacheia a story and characters which cap¬
tured the imagination and loyalty of the French reading public for
over a century. Grandchamp, whose Télémaque moderne appeared shortly
after the Télémaque itself in 1701, claimed to use the already popular
work as a mask which concealed the identity of highly-placed personages
of the court. His Télémaque is an amorous adventurer whose Mentor is
more led than leader; and the novel is a typical nouvelle galante in
memoir form. Fifteen years later, the Loix du roi Minos sought to exploit
the recently deceased archbishop's reputation as a philosopher and enlight¬
ened prince of Cambrai by extending the account of Télémaque's adven¬
tures on Créte into an exposition of a theory of jurisprudence accom¬
panied by a proposal for changes in France's legal and judicial system.
In Le Nouveau Télémaque, Lambert once again tried to use the theme to
convey a moral and ethical ideal. Rather than an ancient epic, however,
his work took the form of a modern memoir and it was addressed to the
155

156
nobility as a class rather than to an heir to the throne. Palissot in
the Apollon Mentor also preserved the concept of the educational voyage,
but he proposed an allegorical dream journey whose goal was indoctrina¬
tion for the poet-author in the intricacies of art, rather than politics.
In utilizing the Telemachus theme and the Telemaque's popularity,
these authors concentrated on several aspects of the novel — scandal,
philosophy or the theme of the educational voyage — but none of them
treated the Télémaque as literature. Marivaux did precisely that in the
Télémaque travestí. His burlesque of the Télémaque explores and ex¬
poses Fénelon's literary technique, becoming a work which is both fun¬
damentally different from and profoundly similar to the original. The
young Marivaux seems to have been very much interested in this kind of
literary focus. Most of his early fiction parodied the heroic romance
literature of the seventeenth century, which was still popular during
the early eighteenth. Les effets surprenants de la sympathie (1712),
La voiture embourbée (1713), and Pharsamon ou les nouvelles folies
romanesques (1714), all take ironic aim at the extravagance of the heroic
romance. In the Effets, Marivaux attacked the form of the romances: the
monotony of their episodes, the uniformity of language and style and the
artificiality of their balanced structures.^ In the other works, he
concentrated more on the artificiality of the works and ridiculed the
enthusiasts of this kind of fiction. As he says in the introduction to
the Télémaque travesti: "II est un certain degré de vertu qui fait le
nec plus ultra de l'homme; ce qui excéde est possible, mais l'expéri-
ence nous montre que cet excédent ne passe point la théorie." The
authors of heroic romances are therefore ridiculous because they univer-

157
sally portray such exemplary conduct and even more so because the motives
for the actions of their heroes — vanity and love — fail to reflect
the elevation of the acts themselves. In his burlesque of the Telé-
maque , Marivaux seems to continue the line of criticism which he main¬
tained in the earlier parodies; however, the brunt of his censure falls
not on the novel itself, but on the disciples who insist on the too
literal interpretation of the archbishop's "Bible" (c.f., Hartwig,
p. 77). In effect, Marivaux's travesty allows him to transform the
original and to create a complement to the Télémaque which expanded
the scope of its criticism and of its ideas at the same time that it
rendered those ideas and criticism less abstract.
The Télémaque travestí had a very unusual publication history,
however; and when it did appear, the burlesque form of his transfor¬
mation alienated most of the critics, stirring much more controversy
than any of the adaptations of the theme since Fénelon. The work
originally received approval for publication from the royal censor in
17ll+, but two decades passed before J. Ryckhoff, fils, published the
novel in four parts, with the first appearing in 1736 (Amsterdam).
Marivaux had in the intervening years attained considerable stature as
a writer, particularly as the author of the Vie de Marianne, and he
found the appearance of his early work embarrassing. Thus, even before
publication of the novel, he issued a denial of authorship which
sparked a rather violent controversy centered around the attribution of
the work. The critical concensus, accepted by Marivaux's defenders as
well as his detractors, condemned the work as fatally flawed by its
language and crudity. The most generous reviewers called it a youthful
work, justly disavowed by the mature author. As a consequence of this

158
critical disdain, the novel was not published in France in complete
form until Frederic Deloffre published a version of the novel based
on the Amsterdam edition (Paris: Textes Litteraires Frangais, 1956),
although the first part was published by Didot in 1737, in the Biblio-
theque des romans in 1775, and included in the 1781 edition of Mari¬
vaux's complete works. The burlesque form seems to have been common
during the first years of the eighteenth century and much of the.unfavor¬
able reaction which greeted the Telemaque travestí in 1736 can be
attributed to growing critical distaste for crude parodie literature
between 171*+ and 1736. Since Deloffre's edition made the work
generally available, it has attracted the attention of modern scholars
primarily for the insight which it promises into the development of the
1+
mature creator of Marianne and Jacob.
Marivaux, like most of the adaptors of the Telemachus theme, uses
it to impose order on a chaotic reality, but his very different objec¬
tive requires a different method of relating the ideal of the Telémaque
to the real world. Fenelon intends the Telémaque to be a reference book
for the Due de Bourgogne where the prince would find all of the lessons
that the archbishop has taught him. As a consequence, while the royal
preceptor wants his lessons to be vivid in order to be memorable, he
cannot really make them ambiguous. He therefore creates a Utopian uni¬
verse set in the ancient Mediterranean where the principles of justice,
morality and reason determine the consequences of men's actions immedi¬
ately, effectively and, most important, obviously. Lambert, in imita¬
ting Fenelon's didactic intentions, is content to impose order on the
world a posteriori through the Comte's admonitions to his son after
each of the latter's adventures. Both authors present a model of an

159
ideal preceptor — Minerve or the Comte — leading a young and willing
protege through the world in order to educate him to the responsibili¬
ties of his class. Marivaux brings the model down to earth by associa¬
ting it with the coarse peasant reality of rural France in the early
eighteenth century. He accomplishes this association through the
dementia of his two heroes: Timante Brideron, commonly known as Brideron
le fils and his uncle Phocion. The conviction of these two bourgeois
that they are a modern-day Telemachus and Mentor leads them to try to
duplicate the adventures which Fenelon's original pair shared while
searching for the long-lost Ulysse. The devotion of the two adventurers
to their "Bible" also encourages them to interpret each of their adven¬
tures according to the Telemaque, thus underlining the relationship
between the two works.
Although the indirect form of parody which associates characters
or situations with characters and situations of a lower station is
less common than the direct -form where -an author preserves-the heroes —
and situations of the original and abases them directly, as Marivaux
does in the Homere travestí (1715)» Marivaux's means of burlesquing
Fenelon's Telemaque is hardly without precedent. Cervantes' Don
Quixote and Sorel's Le Berger extravagant both served as models for the
work'’ and Marivaux himself had, the year before he composed the Tele¬
maque travestí, received royal approval for publication of his Phar-
samon, which employs the same technique to parody the heroic love affair
or romantic novel. The Avantures de Brideron le fils nonetheless rep¬
resents an innovation in that the other works mentioned were all paro¬
dies of a genre rather than of a single work. Whether applied to a
whole genre or to a single work, the indirect method of burlesque

l6o
employed by Marivaux in the travesty of the Télémaque occasions a con¬
frontation between reality and idealism which is much richer and more
forceful than the more direct form.
Marivaux's stated intention in writing the Télémaque travestí was
to produce a work where "on trouvera ... méme liaison et merne suite
d'avantures que dans le vrai Télémaque" (p. 51). He achieved this
parallelism through the creation of two bourgeois heroes who set out to
live the adventures of the original pair and who succeed through their
own imaginative power and the deus ex machina of the author.^ The
presentation of the Avantures de Brideron le fils parallels that of
the Avantures de Télémaque almost exactly: the situations in which
Brideron finds himself and the characters he meets, all relate to the
model by which he lives and all of the characters and episodes of the
model are present in some fashion. In the travesty, however, Marivaux's
interest in psychology and realism brings the principles and characters
of the romantic original into the real world and_ demythologises much of
Fénelon's work. The study of the mechanics of this process will
consider first the characters of the travesty to show how Marivaux re¬
creates Fénelon's models and secondly the methods by which he adapts
the scenes and adventures recounted in the Télémaque to fit the new,
lower-class characters of the Télémaque travestí. The study of the
transformation of the supernatural elements of Fénelon's work will
especially demonstrate that Marivaux reaffirms the human psychology of
characters where the archbishop uses the Greek deities as allegorical
representations of human emotions and qualities and that Marivaux
rejected other aspects of the supernatural. These aspects of Marivaux's
work illustrate his efforts to realize the abstractions of the Télé-

l6l
maque and to humanize Fénelon's political and moral theorizing.
Finally the study of the narration shows how closely Marivaux con¬
formed to the original work in structure and in narrative techniques.
Characterization
The characters of the Telémaque travestí are modeled after those
of the Telémaque and despite the vast differences in rank, position,
and power, they are easily recognizable, even without Marivaux's fre¬
quent use of common French names similar to and possibly derived from
the Latin ones which Fénelon had used and without the comparisons
which the heroes of the novel make at each encounter. The lower class
personages Brideron meets fulfill the same functions at their own
level as the exalted rulers and kings encountered by the prince of
Ithaque; and the vices and virtues of each correspond to his lower
station.
An example of the parallelism of characters is seen in the inci¬
dent which corresponds to Telémaque's release from an Egyptian prison
tower and his subsequent sojourn in Tyr trader the care of Narbal, a
captain in the Phoenician navy. The king of Tyr, Pygmalion, terrifies
his subjects through his suspicion of all strangers to the city, his
jealousy of his mistress, Astarbé, and his not unjustified fear of
assassination by disgruntled subjects, including his own guards (see
above, pp. 33-34). The king's avarice makes him a threat to all his
wealthy subjects; his passion for Astarbé gives her almost complete
control over his decisions and his fear of a premature successor has
made him kill even his own sons. His confidence in Astarbé is somewhat

162
misplaced, however; and her interest in other lovers first saves Telé-
maque from the king's interrogation and later is her motive for poi¬
soning the tyrant. Télémaque and Mentor hear about Pygmalion's death
from Narbal's brother Adoam after the latter has rescued them from
the ocean near Calypso's island. Brideron leaving the Hospital where
he has been imprisoned, embarks on a similar adventure. He meets an
older man from the village to which the freed prisoners have been sent;
the man's name is Nibal and he warns his newfound friend to beware of
the judges in the country, particularly of the one in the bourg to
which they are going. Pymion, the judge, is jealous and greedy. He
has thrown peasants into jail for loitering near his estate because he
feared their designs on his supposed wife Tarbé. He fears assassina¬
tion by his creditors and servants because of his delinquency in pay¬
ing his debts (he owes Nibal, his palefrenier, ten years back salary),
by those whose sons he has sent off to war through his powers of con¬
scription, and even by his own son who is off in the army because "ils
[le juge et son fils] sont mal ensemble" (p. lOU). Tarbé proves her
faithlessness when she spares Brideron the judge's brutal investigation
in order to take revenge on a handsome young peasant who had ignored her.
Pymion's confidence in her later becomes fatal when she decides to poison
him for fear that he will discover her affair with another young man
whom she wants to put in Pymion's place. The dénouement of Pymion's
story comes to Brideron through Noan, Nibal's brother, who rescues the
young man and his preceptor from the river after their escape from Méli-
certe's chateau. The evil king is thus transformed into an evil judge,
whose faults seem to have been typical of country magistrates of the
period; Astarbé, the king's vicious mistress, becomes Tarbé, the judge's

163
equally malevolent "wife"; the captain Narbal becomes the groom Nibal;
his brother Adoam becomes the riverboat captain Noan. In this way the
characters of Marivaux's travesty parallel those of Fenelon's novel
in almost every respect: names, personality traits, relationships to
each other and even individual destinies.
Even when he does not use names derived from the original, Mari¬
vaux's characters are easily recognizable. The Egyptian episode which
precedés Telemaque's stay in Tyr begins with his condemnation by Sesos-
tris' officer Métophis; Marivaux's adaptation of the episode begins
with Brideron's interrogation by the judge Areophage's secretary
Thomas. Thermosiris, the elderly priest who taught Télémaque to play
the flute becomes a nameless, slightly senile retired priest from the
parish who gives Brideron a flute. In these cases where he does not
use French versions of the original names — perhaps because being
borrowed from Egyptian rather than Latin, there were no common French
derivatives—-- Marivaux has his characters emphasize the relationship^
Brideron, in telling Melicerte about his experience with Areophage,
comments: "II me sembloit voir Sesostris, ce Roi devant qui on mena
Télemaque. Mon Juge avoit l'air bonace; & sans sa Robe & son Bonnet
quarré, il eut été un Sesostris tout craché" (p. 90). All of the char¬
acters of the Télemaque appear in the vulgarized form suggested above.
Although they do not completely lose their exemplary value, they are
transformed by Marivaux so as to emphasize the humanity of each of
Fénelon's political archetypes. In order to show the effect of this
transformation, we will deal in depth with three of the characters:
the two major actors, Brideron and Phocion, and the most developed
secondary personage, Mélicerte.

Brideron
Fénelon's hero is supposed to be seventeen years old; but he acts
much older and still paradoxically seems frequently nearer the thirteen
years of the due de Bourgogne. The reason for this apparent contra¬
diction lies in the author's reason for writing. Fénelon is writing
for his charge and wants him to be able to identify with the hero; at
the same time, he wants to give him the experience necessary to produce
a good king, even if the experience is vicarious. Telemaque's immaturity
is manifested in several ways: his dependence on Mentor, his openness
to others — shown in his acceptance of Narbal as counselor and in his
recitation to Calypso—his ignorance of passion and sex and his vanity —
particularly demonstrated when he is trying on the robe left for him by
Calypso. The adult component of his behavior is obviously stressed and
the significance of his actions is underscored, but his immaturity is
nonetheless discernible. Marivaux chooses to emphasize the juvenile
character of his hero's actions, and through the parallel between the
two characters, demonstrate the childishness latent in Telemaque's
actions.
The process of abasing Telemaque's motives begins even in the
introduction. The use of Homer's character gives Fénelon a familiar and
noble biography on which to build his main character (see above, pp. 25-
27). Marivaux presents in an introduction a similar biography for his
unknown bourgeois de village. Brideron le pere had gone off to war in
Hungary leaving his infant son in the care of his wife and his brother;
when the novel begins, he has not communicated with his family for
seventeen years. Brideron was very wealthy, and during his absence his
wife has been beseiged by numbers of suitors who want to help her dis-

165
pose of the family fortune. Arriving at the point of maturity, the
younger Brideron has of the world outside his own district only the
knowledge gained from novels, which his uncle has furnished him, and
reminiscences of the uncle's trip to Paris. So far Brideron's story
is very similar to Telemaque's; but for the purposes of the introduc¬
tion, a penchant for whatever is noble and grandiose replaces in Bri¬
deron the noble qualities and sentiments which made Telemaque valiant
and mature beyond his years. The young Brideron's weakness is the
result both of a natural leaning in the direction of extravagance
(which seems to run in the family) and Phocion's cultivation of that
quality in his charge: "II [Phocion] eleva Timante (c'est ainsi que
s'appelloit le jeune homme son neveu) conformement a ses idees; la
nature, heureusement pour lui, avoit doüé le neveu d'un caractere
propre a etre séduit" (p. 52). It is this susceptibility to the uncle's
desire to imitate heroic adventures which leads the young man to begin
his quest for knowledge of his father's fate.
Brideron's willingness to embark on the voyage is part of his
childlike willingness to play the game of Telemaque. The narrator
signals on several occasions the game-like nature of their enterprise
when he speaks of "les regies d'imitation," but it becomes even more
sensible in Brideron's excitement when referring to their adventures.
While recounting his adventures to Melicerte, he interrupts his story
to exclaim: "car Madame, il faut que vous sachiez que je cherche mon
Pere, tout comme ce jeune Prince cherche le sien; que c'est lui que
j'imite, £ que nous avons les memes avantures.' Eh morbleu, si vous
avez lü sa Vie, n'etes-vous pas Calypso; votre Chateau n'est-il pas la
Grote; £ toutes ces Pucelles-la, ne sont-elles pas vos Nymphes?"

166
(p. 79)- After Noan's relation of Pymion's demise, the young man
once again observes gleefully: "Mon Onde ... est-ce que je ne suis
pas Telemaque page pour page? N'y a-t-il pas dans ma Vie une Astarbé,
un Pygmalion, un Beccazar, & toute la boutique; rien n'y manque, ni
Poivre, ni Sel. Par ma foi, celui qui a fait ma Vie étoit un Maítre
faiseur; il faut qu'il l'ait imprimee sur celle de nótre Prince"
(p. 186). From the mouths of babes, say the Scriptures, and the ironic
truth in Brideron's statement obviously derives from an enthusiasm which
constitutes a large part of his character. His childish enthusiasm
for the game of imitation also surfaces during the very serious con¬
flict with the Fanatiques near the end of the work and lightens the
tone of the accounts of the fighting. One example of his approach to
the situation is his painting a beard on his face to make himself look
more ferocious: "Pour avoir meilleure mine & l'air plus Guerrier, il
se fit une barbe avec de l'Encre" (p. 332). His desire to cremate
the fallen heroes of the "petite troupe" represents a more pertinent
example of his almost blind acceptance of the Telemaque as a guide to
action (pp. 306-308; 340-Ul).
Brideron's childishness is not restricted to his enthusiasm over
his imitation of Telemaque; in other places Marivaux brings out through
Brideron the latent puerility of the prince's actions. The vanity in¬
spired in the young hero by the beautiful robe which Calypso had left
for him is presented in the Telemaque as unworthy of a king; in Mari¬
vaux's recasting, the incident is shown as simple immaturity: "il
[l'habit] n'etoit a la verite pas a la mode; la fagon meme leur en parut
extraordinaire ... il etoit magnifique, & garnie d'une brodure d'argent
que le terns avoit seulement rougie. Brideron, en le voyant, crut qu'il

167
alloit §tre couvert de tout l'or des Indes; 6 ne pouvant modérer son
impatience, il le mit 6 se regardoit alors; il se déboutonnoit, incer¬
tain de la maniere dont il le laisseroit" (pp. 66-67). He seems more
like a child playing in the attic than anything else, and when Phocion
rebukes him for his pride, as Mentor did Télémaque, Brideron's breast¬
beating renunciation of his vanity lacks conviction, especially when it
is followed by his declaration: "mais parlez done: ne sommes-nous pas
nez coeffes? La bonne Dame, que celle chez qui nous sommes! sans elle
nous etions bien bas percez, qu'en dites-vous?" (p. 68).
The brashness which Brideron shows in this instance is almost a
trademark of the young man, who has a child's complete confidence in
his answers to anything. While answering the enigmas during the
country games which correspond to Telemaque's stay on Crete, for example,
he is thoroughly convinced of the justice of his insight. The first two
answers end with: "Voila mon sentiment mort ou vif ... Il ne faut pas
aller par deux chemins. J'ai raison" (p. 139). The third answer begins
with the declaration: "Chut! ... je m'en vais tous vous accorder"
(p. li+0). Brideron's confidence makes him appear childish at a moment
when Telémaque was demonstrating to the fullest his precocious maturity
and understanding of government.
Another episode where Brideron's enthusiasm renders humorous an
accomplishment treated very seriously by Fenelon occurs during his
sentence on the ditches. The model for this episode is Telémaque's
slavery in the Egyptian deserts, caring for Sesostris' flocks. Al¬
though very discouraged at first, the young prince recovers enough to
win the friendship and admiration of the other shepherds and shepher¬
desses; and he finally teaches them a wholly new appreciation of life

168
and brings them a felicity which rivals that of the court. Two events
make Telemaque capable of this achievement. The first is a voice
speaking to him from the depths of the mountain at the moment that he
gives up. The second is his encounter with the ancient Thermosiris,
who gives him the divine flute with which he charms the shepherds.
The significance of the deed is emphasized by Thermosiris' comparison
of Telemaque in the desert to Apollon cast out of Olympus among the
shepherds. Brideron is sent to serve in the ditches by Thomas, Areo-
phage's secretary, and after he pouts for awhile about the hard work
and the cruelty of the guard, a "phantome" appears who restores his
bonhomie and allows him to cheer his comrades with his gaiety and his
*
"fables auquelles ils ne [comprennent] rien" (p. 93). Later, an
elderly retired priest gives him a flute which he uses to amuse the
local peasants and to obtain extra money with which to supplement his
food ration. It also earns him the hearts of many of the region's young
women:
... j'etois regarde comme celui-la de qui provenoit toute
la joie. Toutes les jeunes Paysannes s'amourachoient de
moi, £ me disoient que j'etois beau. Tant mieux, repon-
dois-je, c'est que j'ai de la beaute, car voyez-vous,
Madame, ... boire tant qu'on voudra, ce n'est que du Vin
dans le ventre, il sort de lui-méme quand il y en a trop;
mais 1'amour! Vertubleu, on se couche £ on se leve avec
cela; £ je n'aime pas les passions, mon Onde m'a dit
qu'elles ne valoient rien. (p. 96)
Like Telemaque, Brideron has improved the life of the peasants in the
region with his playing and his example of acceptance of life; but
Marivaux keeps his account down to earth through his hero's childish¬
ness and by adding details of physical gratification — food and atten¬
tion from the girls — which are lacking in Fenelon's version.
Attention to physical detail characterizes Marivaux's work. Where

169
Télémaque seems unconcerned with problems like food, Brideron is always
attentive to the present and particularly attached to the necessities
of food and drink. As he says to Melicerte about his visit to the
Cabaret while in the ditches: "On dirá ce qu'on voudra, ventre content
amene joie ... Oh, qu'alors je devins patient" (p. 96). Brideron is
also more pressed with the necessity to acquire sustenance than is his
model; while staying with Nibal, waiting for a change in the weather,
he must work for a cobbler to earn his daily bread; even though Télé¬
maque did not have to suffer this indignity, "car il est permis de
gagner sa vie quand on ne l'a pas" (p. 107). He also finds that the
cold weather inhibits his investigation of Pymion's bourg in imitation
of Télémaque1s exploration of Tyr and concludes that the prince must
have been traveling during the summer (pp. 106-107). In the incident
in the ditches mentioned above, the detail of the girls and the dining
keeps the scene down-to-earth and weakens the general philosophical
implications of Fénelon's episode. The interest shown by the young— -
women in Brideron is especially interesting since his reply is that of
a complete novice whose only contact with or knowledge of passion comes
from his uncle’s denunciation of it. It also adds a step lacking in
the Télémaque which indicates the reason for his resistance to the
temptation of the women on the lie de Chypre (country ball) and for
his negative attitude toward love while he is on Calypso's island
(Mélicerte's estate). This interest is, finally and moreover, a very
natural reaction of the people to this handsome, goodnatured young man
who entertains them each Sunday.
Télémaque's celebrated discretion — inherited from the wily Ulysse,
cultivated by the absent king's servants, reinforced by the presence of

170
the suitors and mentioned several times in the story of his adventures —
provides another contrast between the Greek prince and his modern, bour¬
geois imitator. Télémaque himself explains the source of his virtue to
Narbal after the Phoenician captain expresses surprise at the presence
of so praiseworthy a quality in one so young (Book III, pp. 103-10^).
When the narrator enlarges on this explanation in comparing the young
man's circumspection to the inability of the older leaders of the allies
to keep a secret, he points out that Télémaque's discretion is not limi¬
ted to not telling all that he knows, but that the prince never gives
any hint of having something to hide. He is always free, natural and
open, even when he is stopping just short of information which might
lead his interlocutor to guess what he wants to know. As the narrator
himself recognizes, this is hardly a typical quality in an adolescent
and requires a high degree of sophistication which in itself reflects
the novel's basic assumption that Télémaque is a member of an elite
class.
Marivaux's hero manifests this quality differently. As he explains
to Nibal on his way to the latter's village: "Quand on soup environs que quelqu'un alloit devenir Cerf; un tel est Cocu, me disoit-
on, n'en parlez-pas. Oh que non, répondois-je; je tenois parole, et je
disois par tout, que quoique cela füt, je n'en sonnerois jamais mot"
(p. 103). Brideron is patently not of the elite and his self-portrait
in this instance establishes the fact once again. His infantile smug¬
ness at knowing a secret and his glib refusal to affirm the truth of a
statement which he has repeated are far removed from Télémaque's sophis¬
ticated evasiveness. Even the form of the presentation reflects the
difference between the two heroes; Brideron is really incapable of the

171
generalized statement which Télémaque makes, and he gives only an
example which is to serve as a statement for the whole.
Despite the difference between the smug secretiveness of Brideron
and Télémaque's adept circumspection, Marivaux links the two traits
through their motives: both Brideron and Télémaque have been encour¬
aged to act the way they do by the acceptance which they gain from
others. Télémaque's own claim to have earned the confidence of his
father's household shows the maturity of the rest of his discourse::
"Ainsi on me traitait des lors comme un homme raisonnable et sur: on
m'entretenait secrétement des plus grandes affaires; on m'instruisait
de tout ce qu'on avait résolu pour écarter ces prétendants. J'étois
ravi qu'on eüt en moi cette confiance: par la je me croyais déjá un
homme fait" (Book III, p. lOU). Brideron's much more direct "Je sa-
vois tout" (p. 103), through its brash enthusiasm, evokes the vanity
which underlies the foundation of this virtue even in the nobler
counterpart. A similar childlike directness forms the burlesque of
the other half of Télémaque's discretion: his devotion to truth. The
advice which Ulysse had left for his son was two-fold: "Quiconque est
capable de mentir est indigne d'etre compté au nombre des hommes; et
quiconque ne sait pas se taire est indigne de gouverner" (Book III,
p. lO^t). Thus, while Télémaque never says what he should not reveal,
he never stoops to lying in order to keep it quiet. His faithfulness
to the truth is most clearly manifested in his refusal to lie to Pyg¬
malion in an effort to protect himself and Narbal from the king's
retribution. His argument stresses the necessity to act according to
one's conscience and to let the gods bear the responsibility for his
safety, if they wish him safe:

172
II suffit — lui disais-Je — que le mensonge soit
mensonge pour n'etre pas digne d'un homme qui parle en
presence des dieux et qui doit tout a la vérité. Ce-
lui qui blesse la vérité offense les dieux et se blesse
soi-meme, car il parle contre sa conscience. Cessez,
Narbal, de me proposer ce qui est indigne de vous et de
moi. Si les dieux ont pitié de nous, ils sauront bien
nous délivrer; s'ils veulent nous laisser périr, nous
serons en mourant les victimes de la vérité, et nous
laisserons aux hommes l'exemple de préférer la vertu
sans tache a une longue vie ... (Book III, p. 115)
Under similar circumstances, Nibal recommends to Brideron that he take
the name of Jacques, in hopes of quieting Pymion's fears, but Brideron,
true to his model, will have none of it:
Bon ... que lui fera mon nom, porte-t-il medecine?
Outre cela, ne me demandera-t-il pas le nom de ma
Ville ou de mon Chateau? Parguienne, je lui dirai:
Je suis Brideron. Ma Mere accoucha de moi dans la
Chambre de notre Fermier. Mon Parrain s'appelle
Jacques Cizier; le Curé, Coulost; la Sage-femme,
Claudine Sarra. II étoit deux heures aprés midi
parce que ma Mere dit-on avoit trop mangé d'un
Paté en pot; voila tout. S'il demande ce que fait
mon Pere, je lui dirai qu'il sert le Roi de son
Epée, quand elle est hors du foureau. (p. 108)
When Nibal supplies all the answers to Pymion's projected questions,
his protege still refuses to accept that course of action:
Peste, que vous étes adroit, Monsieur Nibal, ...I
Non, morguienne; car écoute, quoique nous couchions
ensemble moi & toi, ce n'est pas tout un. Je cours
le Monde pour imiter un Prince, afin que tu le saches?
J'ai mon Chateau, ma Basse-cour, & mon Colombier au
Monde; & il n'est pas digne d'un homme comme moi de
craquer comme toi, qui n'es que du vermine au prix
de moi. (pp. 108-109)
Unlike Télémaque's elevated moral defense of the truth, Brideron simply
sees no alternative to it: facts are facts and cannot be changed. His
responses to Nibal's suggestions show, moreover, a basic flaw in Narbal's
plan to deceive Pymion: it was a very weak alibi which would easily have
been penetrated by a suspicious interrogator.

173
Brideron's argument with Nibal also brings out the element of
vanity which is at least latent in Télémaque's protestations: Brideron
is proud of his station, family, Chateau, etc., and he is not willing
to become a nobody with nothing, even in the face of a possible return
to the Hopital. The same principle might, of course, be applied even
more strongly to Télémaque, who is a prince and not simply a bourgeois
de village and there is a hint of such an interpretation in his admoni¬
tion to Narbal: "Cessez, Narbal, de me proposer ce qui est indigne de
vous et de moi" (p. 90). It is one of several times in the Télémaque
travestí when Brideron evokes those "Héros dont les Vertus ne sont á
vrai dire que des Vices sacrifiés á l'orgueil de n'avoir que des
Passions estimables" (p. U7) whom Marivaux attacked so vigorously in
the "Avant-propos." Another instance of this kind of seeming egotism
occurs when Brideron is comforting the wounded after the battle with
the fanatiques. He is acting, as usual, in imitation of Télémaque,
whose concern for his soldiers was highly praised by his fellow Alliés,
and he tells those around him: "allons mes Enfants, je fais ce que
puis pour que vous disiez du bien de moi; n'y manquez pas, car cela
me fera plaisir" (p. 306). On another occasion, the narrator communi¬
cates throughout the account of Brideron's grief after having defeated
Hidras, that the source of his grief is not remorse over his impetuous
attack on his fellow chieftan, nor even the resulting dissension among
the allied ranks, but an imitation of his hero's feelings after defeating
Hippias: "II ne l'eut pas plutot renversé, que se conformant toujours
a Télemaque, il congedia sa colere; ... Mais Brideron se renferma dans
sa Tente, & comme Télemaque, se haíssoit de sa Victoire: 0 malheureux
Brideron, s'écrioit-il, pour imiter les regrets de ce Prince, ... lis

nk
[Lotéele & Nestor] venoient en effet dans ce dessein; mais notre Jeune
Homme, pour leur montrer une desolation pareille a celle de Telemaque
..." (pp. 29^-95). Saltus comments with reference to Brideron's pre¬
sence among the wounded that "His [Brideron's] 'vanity' is of a good-
natured, unassuming kind, to which the terms used in the avant-propos
— 'Le plus grossier et le plus méprisable' — hardly seem to apply"
(p. 113). In truth, Brideron's conceit seems more the childlike
adherence to the oft-mentioned "regies d'imitation," than vainglory or
self-satisfaction. As the hook progresses, moreover, the young man
has reason to pride himself on his courage, his leadership and even
his independence in addition to his good looks.
Brideron exhibits his courage on several occasions. His decision
to leave his comfortable home may be discounted as extravagance, but
his first adventure leads him into battle. When bandits attack the
Metairie where he and Phocion are being held prisoner, the young man
takes a pitchfork and follows his uncle against the armed "Barbares";
he even kills the son of the chief of the marauders, despite the latter's
greater size and strength (pp. 82-83). Later, in imitation of Tele¬
maque 's killing a lion, Brideron faces and kills a mad dog which
attacks the group listening to him play (pp. 96-97). His bravery is not
inspired in this case by the Telemaque but by his own pride: "Si je
m'enfuis ... adieu l'honneur; non, il ne sera pas dit qu'un Matin me
surmonte; je m'appelle Brideron, & mon Ennemi n'est qu'un Chien"
(p. 97). Later, inspired by the example of the Telemaque, Brideron ral¬
lies the allied armies fighting the fanatiques in the face of what seems
like certain defeat:
... la frayeur vouloit le saisir, mais son imagination

175
echaufée, le soutient & le garantit du malheur de
tourner casaque; il frape á droit & a gauche les
yeux femes, de peur de voir les coups qu'on lui
porte á lui-meme; il apelle córame Télemaque jadis,
tous les Chefs de la Bande, & leur dit, Poltrons,
a moi, ce chien d’Araste n'est pas au bout du
PeMton de fil.
A ces mots, tous les Chefs sentent je ne sai
quelle disposition d'obéissance á la voix de
Brideron, ils le suivent, ils vont oü il commande,
rien ne resiste a ce petit Campagnard ... (p. 302)
Brideron*s courage, if not his prowess, arises from his sense of pride
and identification with Télemaque; the second image, of the young man
going fearlessly into battle cheering on his fellows with his eyes
closed, is comic to the point of farce. But in these actions there is
at once a childlike simplicity which is the result of his unaffected¬
ness in dealing with his enemies and a nobility which derives from his
conquest of himself — shown in the ability to think of his pride and
the Télemaque at a time when most people are panicking.
Nor is the battlefield the only place where Brideron demonstrates
his ability to lead. While serving his time on the ditches, the young
man helps cheer up not only the other workers, but also the guard
watching over them (pp. 92-93). When the inattention of the drivers
causes the wagon carrying him to the country ball to overturn, Brideron
organizes the men and directs the successful effort to put the cart on
its wheels again (pp. 120-21). In the army, he helps keep the peace
among the leaders of the troop (p. 291) and also organizes and disci¬
plines the ten men that Omenée has given him to lead into battle (p. 310).
After he has saved the troupe from certain defeat by rallying them
against Araste, he becomes the principal leader, even though he is much
younger than most of the men in it. Even the enemy recognizes his
value to the Alliés: "Araste ... engagea le Paysan qui aportoit les

176
provisions des Allies, pour empoisonner les principaux Chefs, S sur tout
Brideron, qui étoit 1'unique cause, qu'aux dernier Combat, il n'avoit
éte vainqueur" (p. 329). Brideron's leadership, moreover, is more than
simply martial; using the Télemaque as his guide, he acts as the moral
leader of the group as well. He dissuades the leaders of the Allies
from attacking the house where Araste has left his wife, his provisions
and his money under a light guard (pp. 327-28) and to forego having
Araste assassinated in his sleep (p. 33l). He succeeds also in pro¬
tecting a peasant from a whipping until he has been proven guilty of
selling information to the fanatiques (pp. 332-^33) and, after Araste's
final defeat, he persuades the chiefs of the army to pardon those who
had joined the marauders and to allow them to retain their lands and
other possessions, rather than impoverishing them (pp. 343-4U). His
eloquence on these occasions is always suited to the situation, even
though the ideas which he expresses are borrowed from the Télemaque.
The delination of some of Brideron's leadership roles shows a
definite progression in his willingness and ability to organize his
fellows: from cheering up his fellow workers in the ditches, to organi¬
zing the carters when the wagon overturned, to full leadership in the
small allied army. This development is shown even more dramatically
by the difference between his roles in the novel's two military encoun¬
ters. In the battle with the marauders which occurs near the beginning
of his travels, Brideron accepts the pitchfork offered him and follows
his uncle into battle; in the war with the fanatiques, near the end of
the journey, he proves his intrepidity and establishes his authority in
the first battle, and then becomes the undisputed leader of the group.
The recognition of his maturity, judgment and courage by those who have

177
served with him is a measure of the progress he has made in the course
of his wanderings.
The development of Brideron's leadership capability parallels the
growth of Télémaque's character and, ironically, accompanies a deepening
conviction on Brideron's part that he is indeed destined to live out the
Greek prince's adventures, just as the archbishop of Cambrai had recor¬
ded them. When the novel opens, Brideron's morale is at a particularly
low point; the narrator explains in the introduction that the equiva¬
lent to the shipwreck which tossed Télémaque and Mentor onto Calypso's
island is a robbery which left the two imitators without money or pos¬
sesions. The experience disillusions Brideron to the point that he
cannot even appreciate Phocion's efforts to moralize about their
situation:
Cette Morale déplut un peu á n6tre aprenti Telemaque;
franchement le pauvre gargon sentoit bien que le Tele¬
maque du Livre qu'il avoit 10., étoit plus courageux
que lui, mais il est plus aise d'etre roc dans une
feuille imprimée, d'etre tranquille relié en veau, qu'en
chair et en os plein de santé. Voila ce que le petit
étourdi n'avoit point examiné; peu s'en fallut que dans
la chaleur de son chagrin, il n'envoyat n6tre stolcien
precher aux Petites-Maisons, tant il lui sembloit dé-
raisonnable de trouver la patience un retour suffisant
á 1'argent et aux habits qu'ils venoient de perdre...
(pp. 57-58)
This flash of common sense is short-lived and the mutinous attitude which
Brideron shows here is stronger than at any point in the Avantures
themselves. When the young man recounts his adventures to Mélicerte,
he frequently comments on the correspondence to Télémaque's life, and
several times he mentions the inspiration which Phocion found in the
book, but he always ascribes other motives to his own actions, so
that before this adventure he had not identified with the Télémaque as

178
Phocion has.
Brideron's arrival on Melicerters estate marks, however, the
beginning of a transformation which culminates in his conviction that
he is indeed chosen to relive Télémaque's adventures. As he tells
Phocion while they are trying on the clothes that Melicerte has left
for them: "Je ne le suis pas encore [Télémaque], ... Mais chut! j'en¬
file le chemin de le devenir" (p. 67). The success of the process is
marked by the narrator when Brideron jumps from the window of Omenée's
chateau to join Phocion, who is negotiating with the Huguenots: "ce
Télémaque, car il mérite á present d'etre apellé par ce nom ..."
(p. 219). On the next page, the transformation is reaffirmed: "Télé¬
maque, je veux dire le notre ..." (p. 220). After this, when battling
the fanatiques, Brideron becomes much more zealous in his observance
of the book and his consultations become more frequent. A few times
his enthusiasm overcomes his common sense momentarily, so that, for
example, he calls out to the "Daunéens" when speaking to the defeated
Camisards (p. 338); but most of the time, Brideron is aware that he is
only imitating the ancient Greek youth. When they arrive in Omenée's
district, Phocion cries out that it must be Idoménée's Sálente; Bride¬
ron, somewhat discouraged that it is not his own home, replies to the
uncle: "Si je ne me trompe, nous trouverons ici des Amis; & je gage que
cet Idomenée-ci est auprés d'Orléans, tout comme nous" (p. 195)-
This incident also illustrates Brideron's willingness to substitute
modern approximations for ancient and noble elements. His attitude
derives from a common sense perspective which makes it possible for him
to modify the precepts and discourses of the Télémaque to fit his own
lower-class situations and to accept, in the manner of a child playing

179
a game, an aging country coquette in place of an immortal goddess, a
mad dog in substitution for a hungry lion and a window exit when Ome¬
née's servants refuse to let him use the door. Even at the height of
his "madness" during the battle with the fanatiques, he does not lose
the ability to recognize and adapt to the necessities of a modern situa¬
tion. His attitude fits in very well with that of children imagining
adventures, but it nonetheless leads him to very successful results in
the real world.
The development of Brideron's conviction that he is indeed elected
to imitate the life of Télémaque accompanies a growing independence of
his tutor Phocion and corresponds to a similar weaning of Télémaque as
he internalized Mentor's principles of government. In the early chap¬
ters, Brideron needs Phocion to remind him that he is imitating Télé¬
maque. These reminders produce many comic situations and contribute
to the atmosphere of childishness which permeates the novel because
Phocion most often reminds Brideron of his role through some form of
physical prodding. Before the Maitre of the Métairie, he treads on
the young man's toes: "Phocion, á cet ordre, me marcha doucement sur
le pied & me dit, vous étes a present comme Télémaque, quand, pré-
senté a Aceste, le vieux bonhomme le condamna a l'esclavage" (p. 79).
When they arrived on Mélicerte's estate, Brideron's reticence forces
the old man to use more pronounced means of getting his attention:
Pendant cette courte repartie, Phocion ... pressoit
Brideron le poing dans les reins, de répondre, car
c'étoit a lui a parler; mais le jeune Campagnard dé-
concerté, le dos courbé, les yeux baissez, les deux
mains dans son chapeau, se tenoit aussi immobile qu'
me Statue: Allons done, lui disoit Phocion; 6 le
plus lache de tous les gargons! 6 baudet! 6 souche
et boeuf tout ensemble! Votre langue est-elle a
votre talon. (p. 6l)

18o
From this point on, Brideron embraces with increasing enthusiasm his
image as a modern Télémaque. At first he seems almost incredulous,
exclaiming first to Melicerte and later to Noan over the correspondence
between his adventures and those of the original; by the end of the
novel, however, his conviction makes the Télémaque his ever-present
guide in the battle against the fanatiques. As Brideron becomes more
convinced of the value of the book and needs less prompting to remember
the rules of imitation, he becomes less dependent on his uncle.
Brideron is obviously the principal instrument for teaching the
lesson which Marivaux promises in the "Avant-propos": "Vous y connoit-
rez le néant d'une grandeur profane, & la facilite qu'il y a de donner
une face risible ü des choses qui ... ont pour principe ... la Vanité"
(p. h6). The young country bumpkin turns out to be a poor weapon in the
attack on Homer's heroes, however, because his efforts to imitate Télé¬
maque 's adventures are so free of the egotistical vanity which is
supposed to be the source of their ridiculousness. A truer source of
the humor in the novel lies in the disproportion between the nobility
to which Brideron aspires and his actual condition. This distance is
especially sensible in such nearly farcical scenes as the young man's
charge into the ranks of the almost victorious fanatiques with his eyes
closed out of fear and in the scenes where he tries to cremate his
fallen companions despite the resistance of the rest of the group.
These scenes depend in large part on the contrast between the very
realistic, contemporary rustic society which forms the background for
the novel and the idealistic, noble action to which Brideron relates
all of his adventures.
Marivaux is very successful in creating a character in whom such

l8l
imitation seems possible. Although seventeen, Brideron still acts
much like a child. His uncle has raised him in a world as restricted as
his own district and as unlimited as his imagination and the novels
which he has read. This has retained the youth in a state of immaturity
greater than that of any of the other Telemachus figures which have
been studied and which is only partially alleviated by his travels.
There is nonetheless a fundamental element of nobility and courage in
his character which derives at least in part from his imitation of the
Télémaque, both in copying the adventures of the prince of Ithaque on
the bourgeois level, and in achieving recognition in the real world
for the maturity and value he achieves through the imitation.
Phocion
The instigator and prime mover behind the project to imitate the
adventures of Télémaque and Mentor is Brideron's paternal uncle, Phocion.
The role is accurate since Mentor was the real controlling force behind
all of Télémaque's adventures (see above, pp. 30-33). Even Phocion's
concentration on the imitation itself, to the exclusion of concern for
the welfare of his charge, parallels Mentor's primary interest in the
formation of a king, even if the process of formation threatened his
prince's welfare. Phocion frequently confuses himself with Télémaque's
divine guide, to the point of mistaking his own situation or the people
he meets on his travels with those of the Livre. His confusion never
seriously affects his ability to function, however; and it several times
is justified by events. His error, moreover, causes the old man to rise
above himself to accomplish feats of which he would probably not have
been capable otherwise. He draws from his identification with Mentor

182
such qualities as courage, leadership and even statesmanship. He does
not, of course, exercise over his pupil the complete domination with
which Mentor controlled Télémaque; and he frequently becomes an old
windbag who spouts streams of sententious advice mixed with nonsense
(Hartwig, p. 73). Thus, there is in Phocion a mixture of the comic and
the serious, of the noble and the rustic which points out both the
weaknesses and the strengths of the character of Mentor, at least as
Marivaux perceived them.
In the introduction, Marivaux presents Phocion as an old man whose
imagination has been inflamed during a trip to Paris with "un amour de
la noblesse" which he later cultivated in his nephew. Finding in the
Télémaque "une situation pareille á [celle de Brideron] ," he could not
resist the temptation to "achever la conformité que le hazard sembloit
avoir si bien ebauchée" (p. 53). From the moment that his nephew
accepts or acquires through his own reading of the Télémaque, the
desire to imitate the novel's adventures, Phocion "becomes" Mentor and
"sa plus chere manie fut de l'imiter" (p. 5*0. His imitation is not
without difficulties, however, the primary one having been described
in the introduction:
... ce Mentor de nouvelle fabrique comptoit cinquante
années pour le moins d'usage dans un tour campagnard,
& n'étoit métamorphosé en Mentor que depuis quelques
heures. II avoit pris son pli: L'enthousiasme le re-
dressoit souvent, mais 1'habitude le courboit aussi
fréquemment du coté naturel. Ce discours ne produi-
sit que ce dont ils étoient convenus; il n'étoit
dicté que par un sévere amour de la forme. (p. *+3)
Phocion's love of form leads him into many ridiculous situations.
On one occasion, he throws his nephew, who cannot swim, into the river
to save him from Mélicerte's wiles. He could have walked him out

183
through the forest had not Mentor saved Telémaque from Calypso's island
by throwing him into the ocean. On another occasion, Phocion's severe
reprimand to Brideron for having neglected a point of the imitation
makes him seem totally ungrateful to Noan, the ship gaptain who rescued
them from the river: "Petit Etourdi, s'écria l'Oncle, en se levant en
colere: Vous aprenne qui voudra a devenir Telemaque, je m'en retourne
á pied comme un Chat maigre, si vous menez les choses de cette fagon¬
ia: Est-ce que Noan [sic] vint Syrotter dans la Maison d'Idomenee?"
(p. 20*0. Brideron acquiesces and Noan goes away unrewarded by those
whom he has helped. Phocion's outburst and Brideron's acceptance
underline the rather cavalier fashion in which Telémaque treats Adoam,
who rescued him from the sea, but the incident also demonstrates the
reciprocal nature of Phocion's confusion since, in this case, he con¬
fuses the modern Noan with the ancient Adoam. As here, however,
Phocion's errors in confusing fact and fiction are usually not suffi¬
ciently serious or sustained to inhibit his effectiveness: Omenée
finds his outburst strange and incomprehensible, but continues to
accept his advice.
The impression of Phocion's extravagance is heightened by the
narrator's habit of prefacing the uncle's actions with characteriza¬
tions like: "... par un principe d'égarement ..." (p. 153) or "La
vigueur de 1'extravagance et de 1'imitation, lui donne des ailes ..."
(p. 216). Even when Brideron is relating the history of the adven¬
tures which preceded their arrival on Melicerte's estate, he ingenu¬
ously reminds the reader of the source of his uncle's actions. As
he says in the description of Phocion preparing to battle the marau¬
ders at the Métarie: "Phocion ... se ressouvenant du courage de Men-

181+
tor ..." (p. 82). The Uncle's constant consultation of the "Livre"
also contibutes to this impression.
Phocion's identification with Mentor is not always fruitless.
When he predicts that "Barbares" will attack the Metairie where the
two travelers are being whipped for destroying crops, he bases his
prophecy solely on the events of the Télémaque. When the band of
marauders does indeed attack at the end of:' the three-day period which
Mentor had originally proclaimed, Phocion continues his imitation to
lead the peasants into battle against the bandits (pp. 81-84). On
other occasions, his success is less serious. When, in Melicerte's
cháteau, he recognizes "par un principe d'égarement" that the spaniel
Citron is the rustic analogy to the infant Love which Venus had left
with Calypso, he is right (p. 153). When he cries out to the leader
of the group of citizens gathered for revenge before Omenee's chateau:
"0 sage Nestor!... [the leader answers] Comment savez-vous mon Norn ...?"
(p. 218). The leader's surprise at having a total stranger call him
by name is both natural and funny, but the coincidence which occasions
it fits the pattern through which "le hazard" has dictated a conformity
between the adventures of Télemaque and those of Brideron le_ fils.
Not only does Phocion's extravagance occasionally turn out to be
justified, but it also gives him the courage and the model for several
significant achievements. In the episode at the Metairie, for example,
after having predicted the arrival of the bandits, the old man leads
the peasants in the defense of their homes and possessions (pp. 82-83).
The image of Phocion going out to battle the "Barbares" is very comic
and is even reminiscent of Don Quixote (Saltus, p. 84): "Phocion, a

185
cette violence, se ressouvenant du courage de Mentor, soufle comme un
Sanglier; il enfonce son Chapeau jusqu'aux oreilles, met ses quatre
brins de cheveux dessous; retrousse la manche de son habit, & racco-
mode la jaretiere; S disant, maugrebleu de la Canaille, avec ion air
qui auroit épouvanté le Diable, il s'arme d'un vieux sabre, & me donne
une fourche á trois branches de fer. Qu'ils entrent s'ecrie-t-il;
s'ils nous traitent en Barbares, nous les recevrons en Brideron"
(p. 82). The effect of the description is farcical, especially when
it is compared to the heroic actions of Mentor: "Mentor montre dans
ses yeux une audace qui étonne les plus fiers combattants. Il prend
un bouclier, un casque, une épée, une lance; il range les soldats
d'Aceste; il marche á leur tete, et s'avance en bon ordre vers les
ennemis" (Book I, p. 77). The humorous effect of the description
of Phocion notwithstanding, its humor masks a very serious situation
since marauders were indeed ravaging the countryside, disrupting life
and killing people and animals. From the literary viewpoint the issue
is burlesque; from the perspective of the individual French peasant sub¬
ject to such attacks, it was not at all.
Phocion's actions during the threatened revolt by Qmenee's
neighbors have the same double effect. The would-be Mentor leaps from
an open window in Omenee's chateau because the lieutenant's servants
are understandably reluctant to open the door in the face of a very
hostile force; he runs toward the irate citizenry with an oak branch
in his hand because there is no olive branch handy (p. 2l6). The image
is indeed comical, but it is hard to agree with Janet Saltus that it
is pointless (p. llU), because without Phocion's intervention, the angry
mob would have killed Omenée out of frustration and anger; escalating

186
thereby the violence which already plagued the province.
Since everything that Phocion does is inspired by his extravagant
love of form, it might easily be argued that the beneficial effects of
his actions are only unintended by-products of the imitation. Such an
interpretation neglects, however, other actions by Phocion which indi¬
cate his ability to abandon the rules when faced with real human need.
For example, before leaving the Metairie, Phocion reluctantly agrees
to cure the Maitre of his rhumatism and Claudine, the wife of the
fermier, of a fever. He resists the idea at first because Mentor did
not heal the sick while on Sicile, but he finally allows Brideron to
persuade him to add to the role slightly (pp. 83-85). Phocion's
response to Nestor's surprise at being called by name demonstrates that
while his thinking has been affected by his desire to imitate Mentor,
he has not completely lost contact with the world in which he was
acting: "Bon, s'ecria Phocion en lui-meme, comme il y a des Briderons
et des Phocions, il faut bien qu'il y ait des Nestors. Et continuant
aprés son discours, il dit: Je sai votre Norn; je l'ai 1Ü quelque part"
(p. 2l8). Neither of the two responses make much sense, but the internal
one might be interpreted as: since there are Briderons and Phocions to
imitate Télémaque and Mentor, there must be Nestors to treat with us.
In the ensuing conversation, Phocion vacillates between reality and
his ideal, but he is lucid enough to effect a compromise between the
injured Huguenots and the king's lieutenant, winning the confidence of
both.
Mentor's primary role in his travels with Telemaque was in inter¬
preting his experiences for him: showing him, for example, the advan¬
tages of Sesostris' beneficent reign in Egypte and discussing the

187
basis for the happiness of the people of Cr§te — in general, teaching
him the responsibilities of his future office. Phocion takes care to
exercise this function for his nephew, but suiting his version of
Mentor's advice to the young man's very different station in life.
This process usually preserves the practical while rendering the sub¬
lime nonsensical. An example of his maintenance of the practical is
the transformation of Mentor's explanation to Telemaque of the reasons
for Sesostris' success in building a contented nation:
Heureux — disait Mentor — le peuple
qui est conduit par un sage roi! II
est dans l'abondance; il vit heureux,
et aime celui á qui il doit tout son
bonheur. C'est ainsiajoutaib-il 5—
6 Télemaque, que vous devez regner
et faire la joie de vos peuples,
si jamais les dieux vous font possé-
der le royaume de votre pere. Aimez
vos peuples comme vos enfants; gou-
tez le plaisir d'etre aime d'eux; et
faites qu'ils ne puissent jamáis
sentir la paix et la joie sans se
ressouvenir que c'est un bon roi qui
leur a fait ces riches presents.
Les rois qui ne songent qu'a se faire
craindre, et qu'a abbatre leurs sujets
pour les rendre plus soumis, sont les
fléaux du genre humain. Ils sont
craints comme ils veulent etre; mais
ils sont hais, detestes; et ils ont
encore plus a craindre de leurs
sujets que leurs sujets n'ont a
craindre d'eux. (Book II, p. 83)
Que cela est Beau! s'ecrioit
Phocion; vous ne devineriez
jamais comment tant de rare¬
tes se trouvent ici? Ma foi,
je gage que si, lui répondois-
je [Brideron] c'est qu'elles
y sont mieux qu'ailleurs.
Vous y étes, dit^-il, mais c'est
de cote. Oh bien, pour vous
enseigner suivant ma Charge;
cTest que ceux qui gouvernent
ici, ne s'amusent point a la
bagatelle. Voyez-vous, Bri¬
deron, vous aurez quelque jour
famille, preñez exemple: Si
vous brelandez comme vous
faisiez, tout ira sens dessus
dessous, & la t§te emportera
le cul. Il faut se lever
avant jour. Ne perdre point
de ses deux yeux, ni ses Va¬
lets, ni ses Filies; les uns
vous friponnent, & les autres
vous donnent des Gendres que
vous ne connaissez non plus
que Jean de Vert.
Mais un Pere de Famille iv-
rogne, un paresseux qui ne
songe non plus a lui qu'au
Monomotapa, c'est pitié de
lui, on le plume; ses Enfans
negliges, n'ont que des
sabots & de mechantes chaus-
ses: Vous les voyez morveux,
crasseux, éguenillés, manger
a midi une pauvre doree de
méchant Beurre sur leur
pain. Bref, pour recapituler,

188
c'est qu'il faut de la sagesse
pour faire une bonne Mai son,
comme une bonne Ville. Dieu
vous les bailie: Mentor ne
diroit pas mieux. (pp. 87-88)
Phocion's transformation of Mentor's lecture on kingship into a lecture
on fatherhood is Justified both by the common equivalence made between
the two and because it was inherent in Fénelon's conception of .the king.
It allowed Marivaux to give a human equivalent for the abstract conse¬
quences of Fénelon's admonition to careful and responsible royal steward¬
ship, filling his precepts with concrete results. Despite the sententious¬
ness of Phocion's commonplaces, they provide an object lesson for a young
man who, as a bourgeois de village, is certain to have a household to
maintain and supervise (Saltus, p. 86).
When Mentor's teaching becomes less practical and more sublime,
Phocion's mimicry reduces it to the ridiculous. After having been res¬
cued from sin on the island of Chypre, Telemaque listened to Hasael and
Mentor discuss "cette premiere puissance qui a forme le ciel et la
terre ... cette lumiere simple, infinie et immutable, qui se donne a tous
sans se partager; de cette vérite souveraine et universelle qui eclaire
tous les esprits, comme le soleil eclaire tous les corps. 'Celui —
ajoutait-il — qui n'a jamais vu cette lumiere pure est aveugle comme un
aveugle ne ...' " (Book IV, p. 13*0. Phocion and Mazel, in a similar
situation, discuss "une certaine indifference, qui fait que tous les
plus beaux visages des femmes ne sont que charogne; il [Phocion] disoit
que quand la peau qui couvroit leur beaute n'y étoit plus, il n'y res-
toit que de la chair & des os. Apres, ils parlioent de la tranquillite
de celui qui ne souhaite rien ..." (pp. 127-28). As an interpretation
of the original passage, Phocion's conversation with Mazel shows a

189
profound understanding of the significance of Fenelon's lumiere
naturelle, because the vision of the "lumiere pure et universelle" is
indeed a form of asceticism and it leads to an indifference toward all
worldly things. The accuracy of his interpretation notwithstanding,
Phocion's formulation of the idea treated the subject through its
physical consequences rather than through theory, and rendered Fenelon's
abstraction tangible and ridiculous at the same time (Saltus, pp. 117-
20).
When Phocion's ideas were not ridiculous in themselves, Marivaux
sometimes rendered the uncle ridiculous. The changes which Phocion
effected in Omenee's household routine reflected in their austerity
Mentor's changes in Idoménée's Sálente and they were certainly suited
to the needs of the impoverished lieutenant. After putting Omenee's
house in order, however, Phocion realized that he had nothing more to
teach his host and so he reversed himself in order to have more subjects
on which to give advice:
La-dessus Phocion revoit á son Livre de Telemaque. Franche-
ment il etoit un peu dérouté, & ne savoit comment faire pour
donner autant de conseils & d'enseignemens á son Lieutenant,
que Mentor en avoit donne á son Idomenée. Que diantre, di-
soit-il, cet Homme-ci n'a point de Villes, de Ministres, de
Sujets, ni de Terres; il n'a qu'un Saloir, une Cave, une
Cuisine, des Meubles, des Lieux communs, un Jardin, S trois
ou quatre Domestiques. Jarniguienne, reprenoit-il, j'ai mal
fait de lui 6ter ses Domestiques, cela auroit fait plus de
monde; j'aurois pü parler de bien des choses qu'il faudra
que je laisse; mais je me reprends, un Verre se reprend bien;
il faut lili dire d'augmenter son Train, & de faire courir
apres son Cuisinier. (p. 2UU)
After recounting the effect of these new changes in Omenee's household,
the narrator once again showed the uncle's ridiculous pride and presump¬
tion at having rearranged the lieutenant's life:
Ces Préceptes, quoique de petite valeur, furent un grand
objet dans la tete de nQtre Mentor, il crut avoit contri-

190
bué á l'ordre de l'Univers, £ il s'aplaudíssoit en secret
de se trouver, du moins aussi bien que Mentor, dans une situ¬
ation propre a conseiller ... Le Cuisinier qu'on avoit mis
dehors revint; £ voyant que Phocion possedoit 1'Esprit de
son Maítre, il ne trouva pas d'autre secret pour s'en accomo-
der, que de lui preparer en cachette de petits Mets, qui en
peu de terns lui gagnérent l'amitié de ce Precepteur friand;
chaqué Domestique lui fit la cour a sa maniere; les Servantes
le saluoient plus bas que leur Maítre; tout étoit attentif á
lui plaire; jamais la Maison n'avoit été si reglée. (p. 2^9)
Phocion's self-importance at the recommendations which he has given
Omenée contrasts comically with the preceptor's susceptibility to
flattery on the part of the staff; but the house has nonetheless never
been better run.
The final scene of the novel is yet another demonstration of
Phocion's mania. Just before leaving Telemaque to continue his journey
home to find his father, Minerve had revealed herself to the young man,
casting aside her incarnation as Mentor and rising into the heavens on
a cloud. This transformation was the capstone of the voyage and after
so many coincidences, remained at the end of Marivaux's novel one of
the few adventures which had not been duplicated in some way:
Cétoit ici le moment d'épreuve pour Phocion; c'étoit ici
le moment oü il devoit manifester ce qu'il étoit véritable-
ment; nos deux Avanturiers étoient dans une inquietude
étrange, de savoir comment la chose se passeroit; le moyen
de prendre une nouvelle figure quand on n'en a qu'une.
Voila. pourtant le miracle que devoit montrer Phocion dans sa
personne; il tremboit en lui-meme, £ craignoit de ne pouvoir
sortir a son honneur de cette derniére £ extraordinaire
avanture; le charme de son extravagance, tout fort qu'il
étoit, n'assuroit pas absolument son esprit, de la certi¬
tude de pouvoir se transformer en autre chose qu'il n'étoit;
füt-il devenu souri, il ne s'en soucioit pas; pourvu qu'il
se fit en lui de la Métamorphose, le cas auroit toujours
été nouveau £ digne d'admiration. Dans cette inquiétude,
il avoit toujours quelque chose á dire a Brideron pendant
que celui-ci l'examinoit de tous ses yeux, de peur de le
perdre tout d'un coup de vüe. Comme son Onde lui parois-
soit toujours son Onde, il lui dit, dlons, ne barguignez
pas tant, transformez-vous vitement, car il me tarde de
voir ce Miracle ... (pp. 363-6L)

191
The "miracle" finally takes place when Phocion turns his coat while
Brideron is chasing his hat, revealing a red coat and a cap of black
velvet. This "transformation" suffices for Brideron and the uncle, who
after giving the young man his final counsel races quickly into the
woods, where he disappears "pour aller aparement achever de vivre aux
Petites-Maisons, ou sans doute on l'aura conduit" (p. 36U).
This scene of Phocion racing into the woods to live out the rest
of his days in a madhouse seems to be a final warning from Marivaux that
the reader should not take Phocion, or his wisdom, too seriously. His
clownish appearance as well as his "metamorphosis" serves as a reminder
of the origin and source of the travels and adventures and accomplish¬
ments of the Télémaque travestí, closing the novel on the same note
of madness with which it was begun. On the other hand, these last two
representations of Phocion characterize not only the Mentor-figure of the
Télémaque-4>ravesti, but the work itself. Where Mentor's preachings
have practical application, Marivaux retains them, albeit in an
abased form so that they conform to the bourgeois level of his own
novel. Where the Télémaque's ideas become too esoteric, they are
simply denied a place in Marivaux's realistic universe. This is espe¬
cially the case with Mentor, who, as the incarnation of Minerve, com¬
bined both divine and human qualities. Where they are human, these
traits are preserved in a burlesque and humorous fashion; where Minerve's
divine qualities show through Mentor's humanity, Marivaux parodies
them through Phocion's mad urge to imitate them. In both cases,
Phocion's simple transparency illustrates possible motives for Mentor's
actions which conflicted with the elevated nobility of the goddess'
seeming philanthropy.

192
Secondary Characters
Fenelon's secondary characters serve as political caricatures illus¬
trating the consequences of various options of royal behavior and the
threats which might inhibit the proper execution of royal duties (see
above, pp. 33-37). More interested in humanity than in politics,
Marivaux fills out these uni-dimensional representations to create
flesh-and-blood characters in very realistic situations. He then
explores the psychology of these humbler recastings of the personages
Telemaque had encountered on his travels. The difference between the
originals and their counterparts appears very clearly in the comparison
of Calypso, the beautiful and immortal goddess, to her counterpart,
the aging beauty Melicerte.
Calypso is one of the most developed characters of the Telemaque,
and the island where she reigns attended by her nymphs is the setting
for the first six books of the novel. The opening scenes of the Tele¬
maque show her lamenting the recent departure of Ulysse and when his
son arrives, her sudden affection for him is presented as the trans-
ferral of her love for his father. She reveals a very passionate
nature when a Venus-inspired love charm in the form of an infant causes
the young hero to fall in love with Eucharis rather than the mistress
of the island. She flies into fits of jealous rage and vacillates
between an overriding desire to kill the young man or banish him from
the island and a frustrated need of his presence, even if he does not
stay for her. Despite her emotional outbursts, Calypso always re¬
mains a vague and ideal character, and even cold; her beauty is
superhuman and the mythological atmosphere of the scene obscures the
essential humanity of her actions. In Melicerte, Marivaux renders that

193
latent humanity manifest and gives comprehensible motives to her
actions.
Melicerte is the only secondary character to receive mention in
the introduction, where the narrator describes her as a stout woman
in her forties, still handsome to those who did not know her in her
prime, but who misses the swains who courted her in her youth. The
narrator characterizes her as enamored of her own beauty and as having
acquired from "la lecture d'une infinite de romans ... de ces expres¬
sions de tendresse ... qui distinguent (les Dames de Campagne), &
les ridiculisent meme aux yeux des habitans des Villes" (p. 55)»
Brideron le pere had visited her chateau with his regiment some ten
years prior to the arrival of his son, and although he and the young
Melicerte had been immediately attracted to each other, when he dis¬
covered that the good widow "ne vouloit se rendre que dans les regies ...
[le capitaine] planta-lá l'Amour et 1'Amante, & ... abandonna cette
infortunee aux risques d'une douleur éternelle" (p. 56). Her pain
did not last so long, however, and if she is still lamenting him when
the novel opens over a decade later, it is more the loss of that period
of her life which she regrets them the departure of the man who had
continued his travels when he found her harder to persuade than he had
expected.
This protrayal of Melicerte lays a foundation for her immediate
love of Brideron and for the violence of her jealous frustration when
she sees her niece Charis preferred to herself: Brideron does remind her
of his father whom she did love; but more importantly, he represents a
link to the golden past when she had admirers and he offers a last
chance to reclaim that past. Thus, when Charis "steals" the young new-

comer from her aunt, she literally robs the older woman of what the
latter sees as her last chance at happiness. Melicerte herself recog¬
nizes the motive behind her infatuation with the youth and the ridicu¬
lousness of such an emotion: "0, Vieille folie que je suis! j'ai
bientot cinquante ans, mes Raisins sont cueillis, & mon Vin est trop
vieux pour ennivrer; ne songeons done plus á 1'Amour; mettons plutot
le petit Goinfre hors d'ici par les épaules ... Tu l'aime [sic] ,
eh bien, e'est qu'il est beau; grand miracle d'aimer un jeune Gars
frais 6 dodu!" (pp. l6l-62). As she continues her impassioned solilo¬
quy, she remembers her "Grandmere," who had at sixty years old taken
up with the lackey who had carried her train in her wedding, and notes
that they are cut of the same cloth.
Through insights such as these, Marivaux relates Calypso's emotions
and feelings to the distress of many, if not all, middle-aged women in
France who felt themselves growing old and who looked on love as a
means of slowing the process. He uses a similar image in the old women
at the peasant ball in Book III (p. 122), who try desperately to attract
the attention of young men despite their failing charms. Such a stereo¬
type was not restricted to comedy: Crebillon-fils portrayed two such
women in the Egarements du coeur et de 1'esprit, to choose only one
example. In this way, Marivaux brought out the humanity of Melicerte's
actions and related them to a common difficulty of womankind.
The comparison of the opening scenes of the Avantures de Telemaque
and the Avantures de Brideron le fils illustrates most effectively the
realism of Marivaux's psychology and the difference between it and
Fénelon's:

195
Calypso ne pouvait se consoler du
depart d'Ulysse. Dans sa douleur
elle se trouvoit malheureuse d'
etre inmortelle. Sa grotte ne ré-
sonnait plus de son chant; les
nymphes qui la servaient n'osaient
lui parler. Elle se promenait sou-
vent seul sur les gazons fleuris
dont un printemps éternel bordait
son lie; mais ces beaux lieux,
loin de modérer sa douleur, ne fai-
saient que lui rappeler le triste
souvenir d'Ulysse, qu'elle y avait
vu tant de fois auprés d'elle. Sou-
vent elle demeurait immobile sur le
rivage de la mer, qu'elle arrosait
de ses larmes; et elle était sans
cesse tournee vers le cote oü le
vaisseau d'Ulysse, fendant les ondes
avait disparu a ses yeux. (Book I,
pp. 65-66)
Mélicerte, triste et reveuse,
réflechissoit toujours au bon-
heur dont elle avoit joüi du
terns de ses Amours avec M.
Brideron le Pere; ses chagrins
la reveilloient souvent avant
jour; les fleurettes de ceux qui
lui en contoient lui donnoient
de 1'ennui; elle étoit brusque
avec eux; & le soin de son
teiñt, de sa parure, ne l'occu-
poit plus; coeffée le plus sou¬
vent en mauvais battant-1'oeil,
elle ne dedaignoit plus d'aller
affronter le poudre que s'ele-
voit des tas de Bleds remués;
le Soleil le plus ardent ne
lui faisoit plus peur; elle
couroit les risques du hale pour
aller voir moissonner, ce n'
étoit plus cette beauté déli-
cate, qui redoutoit si fort le
grand air: Des habits de fati- â– 
gue; plus de masques, plus de
brasselets, plus de pendans d'
oreilles; elle ne vouloit plaire
a personne: Souvent elle alloit
réver dans les allées d'un vaste
Jardin, ou bien dans un Verger,
dont chaqué arbre, du tems de
Monsieur Brideron, lui avoit
presenté de ses fruits: De ce
Verger ses yeux suivoient triste
ment la trace d'un chemin creux,
bordé de deux hayes au travers
duquel elle avoit vü son Volage
presser les flanes de son Cour-
sier, S s'éloigner plus vite
qu'un éclair malgré les boués
épaisses & profondes dont il
étoit pour lors rempli. (p. 6o)
Mélicerte's sadness is less intense than Calypso's, but more human.
Calypso is obviously suffering the pangs of a recent loss, but her pain
is expressed in abstract and indirect terms: the regret at being eter¬
nal, the fear she inspires in her nymphs. A primary distinction
between the two mourners is that Mélicerte's captain left ten years
before, so the pain of his departure has had time to subside; while

196
that of her model has not. Unlike the places where Calypso accompan¬
ied Ulysse and which inspired the goddess' sense of despair, the
garden and orchard which evoke Melicerte's feelings of nostalgia
doubtless witnessed her trysts with other lovers than Brideron. The
image of her regret is more concrete than that of Calypso's grief.
Melicerte no longer takes care to protect the beauty which had won
her the suitors she misses; no longer does she rest in bed late to
assure her beauty sleep; no longer does she adorn herself with baubles
to attract attention or fear the adverse effects of the sun and the
open air. This neglect of her beauty shows that her nostalgia for her
youth is no more than that — she has really ceased even trying to
preserve herself and accepts the deterioration of time. Her situation
is that of a woman no longer young or beautiful who regrets the
attention she received when she was both. Her nostalgic frame of mind
makes Melicerte's reaction to the younger Brideron's arrival more
understandable than Calypso's precipitous replacement of the father by
the son, and as such it is more realistic.
The use of concrete detail also produces in Marivaux's character
a sense of solidity which derives from a much clearer image of the
bourgeoise. The difference in the two characters is evident in the
impressions of Télémaque and Brideron of their respective protectresses:
Télémaque suivait la déesse en-
vironnée d'une foule de jeunes
nymphes audessus desquelles elle
s'élevait de toute la tete,
comme un grand chéne dans une
foret eléve ses branches au-des-
sus de tous les arbres qui l'en-
vironnent. II admirait 1'eclat
de sa beaute, la riche pourpre
de sa robe longue et flottante,
ses cheveux noues par-derriere
Aprés ces mots, Brideron suivit
Melicerte, qu'escortoient quatre
jeune Filies, sur lesquelles
elle l'emportoit autant par la
grosseur S la rondeur de la
taille que Calypso l'emportoit
sur ses Nymphes par la hauteur
de la sienne. Brideron fixoit
ses regards sur elle, il adrni---
PÓlt-l’air libre & aisé avec le-
quel elle soutenoit le poids

197
massif de cette taille; l'agi--
liééxle son pied, qu'enfermoit
cependant un épais & large
soulier, 6 qu'un cotillon tres
court, découvroit presque jus-
qu'á demi-jambe; ses bras ronds
et gras d'une couleur de chair
vive; il admiroit enfin sa
beauté, á 1'aspect de laquelle
on remarquoit d'abord les com¬
bats qu'elle soutenoit chaqué
jour contre le Soleil, le
grand air & la poussiére, &
qui, malgré t ant d'as s aut s,
paroissoit toujours triomphante.
(pp. 63-6U)
Calypso is not supposed to be real: as a goddess, albeit a minor one,
she represents an ideal of beauty and a divine temptress rather than a
woman. The indistinct image which Fenelon projects of her therefore
befits her station and her role in the novel — indeed, to have been
more precise would not have been in keeping with her function as an
abstraction of beauty. Everything in the description contributes to a
vague impression of an ideal: the simile to an oak tree with its
spreading branches, the striking quality of her beauty, the long flow¬
ing purple gown which seems to float around her, all blur the lines of
the portrait. Even her hair and eyes express personality characteris¬
tics — nonchalance, grace, vivacity and gentleness — rather than
physical traits; and they are presented by balancing them one against
the other: unseliconscious, but graceful; vivacious, but gentle, which
gives a further sense of approximation to the portrait.
Melicerte to the contrary is a rough, bourgeois farm woman and
Marivaux's description emphasizes both her humanity and the physical
aspects of her appearance. In imitation of Fenelon, he begins his
description with a simile, but by comparing her rotundity to Calypso's
negligemment, mais avec grace,
le feu qui sortait de ses yeux,
et la douceur qui temperait cette
vivacité. (Book I, p. 67)

198
height, Marivaux maintains a human perspective lacking in the original.
He evokes the vivacity which Fénelon had expressed as "le feu qui sor-
toit de ses yeux," by marvelling at the agility with which she moves
the "poids massif de cette taille." Then starting with her foot,
"qu'enfermoit ... un épais & large soulier," Marivaux builds an image
of beauty which is the opposite of Calypso's. A beauty past its prime
in one sense, but which is vibrant, earthy and alive; the color of
living flesh, triumphant over sun, weather and dust — and completely
at odds with the aristocratic pallor of the island deity.
Melicerte's earthliness is really an inversion of Calypso's
abstract divinity. The contrast between the two is felt in the first
scene where Calypso's grief makes her wish for the mortality which is
the source of Melicerte's melancholy. The same process is effected
literarily in the description of Melicerte where Calypso is transformed
from being the object of a simile into the subject of one: rather than
being compared to an oak rising above the other trees of the forest,
her height is used to evoke the farm woman's rotundity. This is
really the image of the Telemaque travestí expressed within its own
first several pages. The abstract and ideal images of the original
Telemaque are inverted and shown to fit situations in the corruptible
real world where the human consequences of governmental policies are
demonstrated graphically. The Telemaque, to be sure, indicated the
results of government policies, but the illustrations were treated at
such a high level of statecraft that they were really devoid of humanity.
Even the civil war which ended Bocchoris' reign in Egypte (Book II, pp.
95-97) seems very abstract because of the lack of detail. Marivaux
fills in this detail and renders the situations funny by the pettiness

199
of the particulars which he selects.
Marivaux therefore portrays in his humble counterpart to Fenelon's
ideally beautiful temptress a character who is both psychologically
comprehensible and physically solid. At the same time, he preserves
the essence of the original in actions which are parallel to those
of the model: Melicerte falls in love with Brideron at first sight be¬
cause he resembles his father; she tries to assure her hold on him by
sorcery and when that fails, she flies into fits of jealous rage.
A more detailed comparison would show that their actions are essen¬
tially equivalent in almost every particular; Marivaux, however, gives
down-to-earth motives to these actions while Fenelon does not. Nor
is this acheivement limited to Melicerte. The other well-developed
personage, the errant king Idoménée, becomes a king’s lieutenant
whose childish irresponsibility causes him to have problems with his
neighbors; the secretary to Sesostris is transformed into Areophage's
secretary Thomas who shares with the original all of his perfidy.
And each of the characters displays on a level consistent with his
station the same actions taken by his more illustrious counterpart;
but with a psychology developed to the limits of his role in the novel.
Narration
Scenes and Adventures
As he recast the Télémaque in characters of a much lower social
station, Marivaux also adapted their environment and adventures to con¬
form to the humbler mold. His characters live in a world drawn to life
from conditions existing in rural France during the waning years of the

200
reign of Louis XIV. Frederic Deloffre points out in the "introduction"
to the Telemaque travestí (1956) that the major events of the novel
can he dated historically. He shows, for example, that there was
indeed a conflict in Hungary which began in 1682 and ended only with
the signing of the treaty of Carlowitz in 1699: "Si cette seconde
hypothese etait la bonne, plusieurs deductions s'ensuivraient. Parti
vers 1683 ou 1685, Brideron le pere n'est pas rentré dix-sept ans
apres. L'action du roman s'engagerait done vers 1700, ce qui concor-
derait avec la date de la publication du Telemaque (l699) et convien-
drait aussi pour dater la guerre contre les "Fanatiques", e'est-a-dire
les Camisards, dont la revolte dura de 1702-1704" (pp. 33-34). The
independent, contemporary testimony of the Loix du roi Minos attests
moreover, to the timeliness of Marivaux's criticism of the abuse of
power by country judges which was the subject of the episodes of Areo-
page and Pymion. Marivaux uses these modern materials to construct an
imitation of the Telemaque in which every episode is represented by a
modern counterpart at the bourgois level. The description of Meli-
certe's chateau, for example, is linked to Calypso's grotto through
the transformation of the pastoral elements of Fénelon's description
into the truly rustic virtues of a French farm. As in other places in
the novel, correlations which might otherwise have been missed are
underlined or supplied by the characters' fertile imaginations. To
duplicate Telemaque's victories at the Cretan games, Marivaux has his
hero participate in the country festival which frequently greeted new
governors to a province. For the ideal land of la Betique, Brideron's
questions to Noan raise the subject, but the impossibility of such a
Utopia in the real world destines it to a quick burial.

201
As befits the home of a divinity, Calypso's domain is a dangerous
and mysterious island in the middle of the ocean, separated from the
ways of men and blessed with eternal spring. Her grotto is located on
a hillside overlooking the sea to one side and an idyllic system of
waterways to the other. It gives an appearance of "rustic simplicity"
without gold, silver, art or any other form of ostentation. It is
bathed by fountains, cooled by zephyrs, perfumed by orange trees
(called "pommes d'or") which bloom in every season, and echoes to
the eternal music of songbirds (pp. 37-38). Melicerte's is a very
different kind of paradise. It is rustic, but its scrubbed and worn
simplicity has little to do with Calypso's simple and immortal ele¬
gance, other than the lack of ostentation. The chamber which she pre¬
pares for her two guests looks out on a bustling farmyard, busy, happy
and coarse. In the center of the courtyard stands a pile of manure
to be used for fertilizer. This last detail especially impressed
Jurgen von Stackelberg as a prime example of realism: "... la ou un
auteur ne se contente pas de mentionner le fumier (ce qui est deja
inoui), mais ajoute que ce fumier sert d'engrais, il ne s'agit plus
de "scenes champetres", il s'agit d'agriculture!" The comparison of
several of the parallel passages will demonstrate Marivaux's technique
in achieving the duplication:
On arriva á la porte de la grotte
de Calypso, oü Telémaque fut sur-
pris de voir, avec une apparence
de simplicité rustique,ttoüt ce qui
peut charmer les yeux. On n'y voy-
ait ni or, ni argent, ni marbre, ni
colonnes, ni tableaux, ni statues:
cette grotte était taillee dans
le roe, en voüte plaine de ro-
cailles et de coquilles; elle
était tapissée d'une jeune vigne
Les Chambres du Chateau brilloient
d'une beauté naturelle qui ne de-
voit presque rien a l'art; l'or,
1'argent & le marbre étoient
exilez de ces lieux; mais la
fraicheur, beaucoup de propreté,
& le sage arrangement des Meubles,
remplagoient une inutile magnifi¬
cence ... Quelques Cadres assez
beaux, quoiqu'enfumez, y tenoient
lieu de tapisserie.

202
En entrant dans ces Chambres, les
yeux, comme dans ces Appartemens
superbes, n'étoient point ébloüis
de ce grand jour qui perce a tra-
vers ces larges croisées; ici la
lumiere et l'obscurite partageoi-
ent la place; ils y lutoient tous
deux, le jour s'y trouvoit obscur-
ci, l'obscurite s'y trouvoit
eclairée; ils restoient aux
prises, & ce combat offroit le
spectacle agréable du jour
de la nuit tout ensemble.
(pp. 64-65)
Later the evocation of the original is continued through Brideron's ima¬
gination: "[Brideron & Phocion] y virent une petite fontaine, dont le
Robinet mal tourné, laissoit échaper de l'eau. Ah! s'ecria notre
jeune Homme, voila la fontaine qui se trouva dans la Grote preparée
a Telemaque. Souvenez-vous de ce doux murmure qui apelloit le sommeil.
Voila le chifflet aussi pour le faire venir a nous" (p. 113). Thus,
what is likely to have been a typical farmyard and chateau of the early
eighteenth century is related to the paradisical retreat of a Grecian
goddess, if not in every detail, at least on a general level. The
same principle of constructing parallel situations, or finding them,
is visible in Marivaux's treatment of the Cretan games.
Telemaque and Mentor arrive on Crete as the islanders are beginning
to sponsor a contest to choose a successor to king Idomenee, whom they
have just dethroned and exiled for killing his son. Telemaque parti¬
cipates in the games and wins them all: wrestling, boxing (la ceste),
chariot racing and the final test of the three enigmas (Book V, pp. l46-
55). Brideron arrives in a town with Phocion and Mazel just at the
moment that the citizens are celebrating the arrival of a new governor.
The new administrator has been appointed by the king to replace a cer-
qui étendait ses branches souples
egalement de tous cdtes.
ce bois semblait couronner ces
belles prairies et formait une
nuit que les rayons du soleil
ne pouvaient percer. (Book I,
pp. 67-68)

203
tain Omenée who had fled the province after accidentally killing his
wife on his return from the Hungarian war. Deloffre notes a propos of
this section that such fetes were frequently given on the occasion of
important events: the arrival of a high official or the signing of an
important peace treaty (Mar. Tél. tr. , p. 132, n. 2). Like his model,
Brideron surprised everyone by winning all of the events: the "turkey
shoot" (tir a l'oie), the "bronco-busting" (montee a cheval) and a
foot race. The last of the physical contests is particularly interes¬
ting because Brideron wins using the same strategy that Télémaque used
in winning the chariot race: holding back and leaving himself energy
in reserve for the end of the race when he passes all of the other con¬
testants; he also needs an accident which eliminates one of the parti¬
cipants in order to win, just as did Telemaque. Finally, the "Academie
des Beaux Esprits," which is once again an authentic detail (ibid.,
p. 135» n. l)» poses a trio of enigmas which the contestants are
expected to answer and which seem to have been common salon-type
questions (pp. 132-Uo).
The first of the questions proposed by the Academie was also asked
of Telemaque, although it was the second question in the original
rather than the first: "... il s'agit de savoir lequel de tous les
hommes est le plus malheureux?" (p. 136). Waiting patiently, as Tele¬
maque did, until the other contestants have given answers, Brideron
finally contributes his own:
Pour moi, qui ne disois mot, S qui me ressouvenois des
leqons de mon Onde Phocion, je parlai comme cela: Le
plus malheureux de tous les malheureux, c'est celui- '
la qui vit sans savoir comme il vit: Le Soleil paroit,
il se léve; le soir arrive, il se couche: Il mange,
il boit, il marche; est-ce-lá vivre? A-t-il envie de
prendre femme? Crac, voila deux jours aprés quatre

20k
pieds & deux tetes dans son lit. N'aime-t-il pas sa
Ménagere; il s'en va muguéter celle de son Voisin:
A-t-il soif, il court au Cabaret. Hoi hoi que ce
Gars-lá est a plaindre! Il vous semble que rien ne
lui manque parce qu'il fait tout ce qu'il veut: &
voilá justement 1'affaire, & la raison qui fait que
je conclus devant tous les gens nés & a naítre, que
celui-la qui ne s'empeche de rien, qui suit sa
passion comme un chien attache suit le Valet qui
tient la ficelle, est le plus malheureux de nous
tous tant mSles que femelles, parce qu'étant
Ivrogne, Infidele & Libertin, il croit vivre agré-
ablement, tandis qu'il pourrit dans la misere du
vice. Voila mon sentiment mort ou vif. (pp. 137-38)
The argument parallels Télémaque's response to the same question very
closely (see above, pp. UO-1+2). The prince speaks in reference to
kings and rulers, rather than to private citizens of the level that
Brideron treats, but the attack on the concept of happiness as the
immediate gratification of momentary desires remains the same. The
answers are especially close in that in both cases the unfortunates
they describe are unaware of their condition. Given Brideron's love
of food and drink, demonstrated particularly in the cabaret while he
was serving his time on the ditches and in Gmenee's kitchen, the
similarity between the two arguments might well be considered ironic,
but Brideron gives a more cogent defense of this kind of abstinence
when he persuades the Allies not to attack the house where Araste has
left his wife and his stores. In the latter cane, he points out that
they will only ruin their reputations by drinking themselves into a
stupor if they take the stores (pp. 327-29).
The answer is almost as interesting for what it does not say as
for what it says. Since the question is a verbatim transcription from
the Telémaque, it seems significant that rather than remembering and
quoting Télémaque's response to the same question, Brideron adapts

205
the principles of the response to the situation which he was facing.
This fitting of the answer to Brideron's own situation is particularly
important in this question since the other two diverge from the ori¬
ginals and become pure nonsense.
The second question resembles the third question which Télémaque
answered: "... de savoir, lequel il vaudroit mieux etre, ou homme ou
femme?" (p. 138). This is a reformulation of Télémaque's choice
between the conqueror and the peaceful king (see above, pp. 42-43).
The prince, after a long discussion qualifying his choice, elected the
peaceful king over the conqueror; Brideron refuses to choose: "Ma foi .
quand on est garqon, il me semble qu'il vaut mieux l'étre que filie,
£ quand on est femelle, de meme. Oh, si avant que d'etre rien, on me
disoit; Brideron, tiens, táte lequel des deux corps tu voudrois choisir
ma foi je prendrois celui qui me chatoüilleroit le plus; il ne faut pas
aller par deux chemins. J'ai raison" (p. 139)- The final question is
another impossible choice: "... lequel des deux est préférable, ou étre
aimé sans aimer, ou d'aimer tout seul?" (p. 139). This was an oft-
debated problem in precieux salons and had nothing to do with the Télé¬
maque (Mar. Tel. tr., p. 139, n. 2). In answering it, Brideron demon¬
strates a degree of rustic finesse by showing that the question was
unanswerable: "Ainsi par toutes mes raisons, vous devez comprendre que
celui la qui n'a point d'amour, £ qui n'en donne á personne, ne peut
juger de cette question. Et qu'á l'égard de ceux qui aiment, ou qui
sont aimés, chacun d'eux se trouvera toujours le plus malheureux; tant
celui a. qui on viendra cracher des douceurs au nez, que celui qui en
crachera sans qu'on lui rende" (p. l4o). Although these questions are
patently nonsensical, Brideron's responses to them show an ability to

206
transform the spirit of moderation which is one of the central themes
of the Telemaque and apply it to the bourgeois level of his own life —
in this case to placate all the parties of the contestants, the judges
and the spectators. As he said himself before beginning his answer to
the last question: "Chut! dis-je a mon tour, je m'en vais tous vous
accorder" (p. lUo).
Just as the answers and the contests are modernized and abased to
a bourgeois level, the prizes are also. Deloffre points out in another
note that the winner of the turkey shoot was designated "roi de l'oiseau,
ce qui constitue encore un equivalent burlesque de 1'election du roi
de Crete" (p. 113, n. l). This aspect is not raised in the text it¬
self, however, and the position of schoolmaster is formally substituted
for the throne. The villagers also offered prizes of "vine paire de
Jaretieres & vine Epee" which Brideron tried to sell back to the gover¬
nor's wife to have the money to continue to the search for his father
(again, an imitation of Telemaque's refusal of the crown). This
effort leads to the relation of his story and starts the chain in which
the position of schoolmaster is offered to Brideron, Phocion and their
companion Mazel, each of whom rejects it according to his proper role
even though Mazel had not been schooled in his. Finally, the position
is offered at Phocion's suggestion to Simon le boulanger, thus comple¬
ting the pattern of the Télémaque with great exactitude (pp. lUl-46).
Although Crete, the earthly paradise could be represented on a
bourgeois, realistic level, the ideal of la Bétique could not. Evén in
Fenelon's portrayal of the ideal pastoral civilization, its other-worldly
character is suggested through the indirect means by which Telemaque
hears of the country: through Adoam and not through his own experience.

207
Since it had no possible earthly equivalent, Marivaux introduces it
through the "regies d'imitation," which is to say, by having Brideron
bring it up and ask Noan questions about this wonderful land of peace
and plenty. Unfortunately, Noan is not very well traveled and the imi¬
tators are forced to accept his description of a city only ten leagues
from their own village in place of news of paradise. To make matters
worse, Télémaque's questions, although appropriate when applied to
a strange people, make no sense at all when applied to a neighboring
village, so that Noan, becoming impatient with Brideron's seemingly
endless questions, emphasizes that life in his village goes on the same
as life everywhere, rather than stressing its particularities:
Eh bien, ces Peuples-la, comment vivent-ils? Par-
guenne, repliqua Noan, par le trou de la bouche
tout comme nous. Je ne demande pas cela, dit Bri¬
deron, je veux savoir seulement leur coütume? Ah,
leur Coütume, reprit Noan? Mais ils ont pour Coü¬
tume ... Oh, par la sanguienne, je n'ai pas étudié
la Chicane ... c'est Coütume de Normandie, si je
ne me trompe. Ce n'est pas encore cela, dit Bri¬
deron, je parle de leur maniere de vivre; sont-ils
gourmands? Boivent-ils du Vin ou du Cidre? Font-ils
la Guerre? Menent-ils par les Champs leur Famille
comme un Troupeau de Moutons? Oui-dea, dit Noan,
dans les bonnes Fetes, ils s'en vont a la Courtille,
& reviennent a moitié gris. Les autres, je veux
dire les gros Seigneurs, vont au Cabaret, aux bons
Logis, chez les Belles Dames: Ils font 1'amour;
chacun va voir sa chacune; II y a des Cocus comme
ailleurs: Les Cabaretiers vendent á fausse mesure;
les Boulangers a. faux poids; les Marchands sont
fripons; les Juges aiment le Cotillon & 1'Argent,
& tout le monde y vit. (p. 190)
Janet Saltus claims of this treatment of Fénelon's ideal society: "Mari¬
vaux allows the real world, with all its gaiety and all its flaws, to
triumph over the bloodless perfection of Utopia" (p. 88). At the very
least, Marivaux's down-to-earth recreation of the Télémaque did not
have enough room for ideal societies which could not exist in the real

208
world.
Thus, the scenes and adventures of Marivaux's novel show, Just
as did the characters, his commitment to a realistic reconstruction of
the Telemaque. Using the techniques of parallel description, evocation
of the characters' imaginations, replacement with common hut parallel
events and occasional rejection of particular episodes, Marivaux
transforms the abstract and lifeless Mediterranean civilization of the
Telemaque into a lusty and contemporary society. The tension between
the idealistic model and the realistic copy remains constantly percep¬
tible, however, and the reader is never allowed to forget the "Livre"
which serves as the guide for the adventures of Brideron and Phocion.
On the other hand, the burlesque representation of Telemaque's adven¬
tures never loses its reality, and even a sense of solidity, which
breathes life into Fenelon's Telemaque.
The Supernatural
Although the mystical atmosphere which permeated Fenelon's text is
absent in the Telemaque travestí, Marivaux's modernization does not
neglect the supernatural elements in the novel. These are of several
types: the first consists of dreams and visions; the second, of pro¬
phecies and interpretations of omens; and the last of the Olympian gods
and godesses. There is additionally Telemaque's descent into Hades
(Book XIV, pp. 38I-I+II), which Marivaux renders as a dream which the
young man had while lying under a tree (p. 312). These occurrences
play a very important part in the Telemaque because they not only fore¬
tell parts of the story, but act as catalysts to influence actions on
the part of the characters, particularly Telemaque. Fenelon's use of
mythological elements, especially Greek gods, conformed to the seven-

209
teenth-century conception of Homer's utilization of them as allegorical
representations of human qualities and emotions or of natural forces
and occurrences. In making them conform to his more realistic and
modern setting, Marivaux emphasized the ironic quality of the visions,
ridiculed the prophecies and internalized the allegorical representations
of motives and emotions.
Dreams and visions represented the simplest supernatural phenomena
to duplicate since Brideron could have dreams as well as Télémaque.
The major difference between the visions which appear to the two heroes
lies in the conformity to social classes which is consistent throughout
the novels. In the first of Télémaque1s visions, a voice erupted from
the earth and mountains seemed to quake in the Egyptian deserts. Bri¬
deron, while in the ditches, saw only a "Phantome" which upbraided him
for his lack of faith and promised
En ce moment, je remarquai que
toute la montagne tremblait;
les chenes et les pins semblai-
ent descendre du sommet de
la montagne; les vents retenai-
ent leurs haleines; une voix
mugissante sortit de la cáveme,
et me fit entendre ces paroles:
"Fils du sage Ulysse, il faut
que tu deviennes, comme lui,
grand par la patience. Les
princes qui ont toujours été
heureux ne sont guére dignes de
l'etre: la mollesse les corrompt,
l'orgueil les ennivre. Que tu
seras heureux, si tu surmontes
tes malheurs, et si tu ne les
oublies jamais! Tu reverras
Ithaque, et ta gloire montera
jusqu'aux astres. Quand tu seras
le maitre des autres hommes, sou-
viens-toi que tu as été faible,
pauvre, et souffrant comme eux;
prends plaisir a les soulager;
aime ton peuple; deteste la
a safe return to his home and parents:
Un jour que j'avois mal passé la
nuit á cause des Puces & des Punai-
ses, qui couchoient pele-mele avec
nous dans nos Cabanes, je m'endor-
mis á ma place de fatigue: Ce fut
un bonheur que je ne fus pas hous-
siné; mon pauvre esprit reva, 6 je
crus voir un Phantome que je ne
connoissois pas, duquel sortit ce
discours:
0 Fils de Brideron le Guerrier, je
viens expres ici pour te parler.
Jeune Homme, béche, sois battu comme
platre, devoré des Punaises, tu ne
le seras jamais du Loup; mais par
ce moyen, tu trouveras la patience;
ne la lache pas si tu la tiens; Je
t'annonce que ta Mere t'attend le
fuseau á la main; que ses Galands
ne tiennent rien: Que tu verras ton
Pere au coin de son feu crachant sur
les tisons, & fumant pipette. Ré-
joüis-toi d'etre malheureux; tu es
bien malotru, mais tu guériras de
tous tes maux aussi aisément qu'un

210
flatterie; et sache que tu ne cheval du farcin: J'ai parlé;
seras grand qu'autant que tu profite. Adieu pauvre Diable.
seras modére et courageux pour (p. 92)
vaincre tes passions. (Book II,
p. 88)
Marivaux's version of the incident emphasizes the idea that it was a
daydream rather than a vision sent from heaven, particularly in the
mention of the possibility of punishment for sleeping on the job and
in the young man's childlike recognition that he did not know the
apparition. The bedbugs, too, although a very realistic detail, tend
to deflate the situation. Apart from these changes, there is also the
translation of the original message into the vernacular. Thus, the
vision is brought into the real world and made to conform to the social
context of the rest of the novel.
Marivaux goes much further with his burlesque of the prophecy of
Théophane, which predicts for Télémaque even greater exploits than
those of his father. In this case his mode of formulation shows his
disdain for the idea of prophecy. At the beginning of their stay
in Sálente,Idoménée proposes a feast to welcome his two visitors.
In the usual Greek manner, the elderly priest Théophane is called upon
to cut open the sacrifical bull which is to be served and to consult
the entrails for omens from the gods. He begins a very propitious
prophecy, telling Idoménée that he has indeed received marvelous
visitors, but he trails off: "II n'est pas permis a une bouche mortelle
d'en dire advantage" (Book IX, p. 227). At this point, another voice
comes from him prophesying a brillant future for Télémaque. When
Brideron and his uncle arrive on Omenée's estate, the king's lieu¬
tenant welcomes them by ordering his cook to prepare a chicken for
their dinner. Since the cook is about to quit work, he is very dis-

211
gruntled and sulks while preparing the fowl. Expecting "un autre Theo-
phane," the two heroes listen very closely to his grumbling: "Oh, que
notre Maítre est bien chanceux, [dit] le Cuisinier, de reteñir ici
deux Nigauds pour croquer ses PouletsJ jarniguienne, qu'ils vont joüer
de la machoire; il me semble que je les vois, cric, croc, & puis sausser
leur marceau dans le jus; ils ont tous deux une bonne avaloire; & le plus
jeune m'a morgue toute la mine d'un Enfant de hazard; & son Pere ... La-
dessus le Cuisinier s'arrete pour jetter la Volaille dans le Chaudron"
(pp. 200-201). Phocion is not pleased with the prophecy, which only
predicts for him a good appetite; but he explains to his nephew: "Notre
Devin est trop gras, 1'Esprit divin l'étouffe, il n'a dit que la moitié
de sa leqon." Omenee quickly provides another interpretation, however;
"mes Amis, leur dit-il, il ne faut pas que vous soyez étonnés de ce qu'a
dit mon Cuisinier, il lui prend quelquefois des Rats qu'il faut qu'il
dégorge" (p. 20l). Both of these incidents show that Marivaux registers
his disbelief in visions and prophecies just as he reveals his scepticism
about ideal societies: by refusing them a place in the real world of
his work.
In the Greek gods Marivaux recognizes a different process at work.
Fenelon's use of the Greek deities, particularly Minerve and Venus, as
allegories of human qualities was very well understood in the seventeenth
g
century and a recognized trait of Homeric poetry. Even while using
Minerve as an allegory of reason and Venus as an allegory of desire,
however, the archbishop christianizes them, so that Zeus takes on the
attributes of God the Father and Minerve of the Holy Spirit, while
Venus resembles in many ways the Christian Satan. These deities are
acceptable and even expected in Fenelon's epic universe, but they
would be out of place in Marivaux's modernization. Since it would be

212
impossible to eliminate them, Marivaux finds several, ways to deal with
them. Where they appear in dreams, like the vision which Télémaque
experiences while on his way to Chypre (Book IV, pp. 125-26), Marivaux
simply abases them as he has everything else in the novel — Minerve's
masculine beauty becomes that of a fishwife and Venus is transformed
into a trollop. In other cases, where Minerve’s divinity is glimpsed
through Mentor's humanity, the trait is copied through madness on the
part of Phocion — he spreads his cloak in order to protect Brideron
from the attack by Hilas, for example (p. 29b) in imitation of Minerve
covering Telemaque with his aegis while he is fighting Hippias (Book
XIII, p. 350). To imitate Venus' temptation of Calypso, which per¬
suaded the latter to accept the services of Love, disguised as a youth
in order to assure herself of Telemaque's continued presence and devo¬
tion, Marivaux transformed the goddess of love into her modern counter¬
part: Satan. This last episode provides the most interesting example
of Marivaux's ability to update the mythological elements which
appeared in Fénelon's work.
The Devil's attitude differs from the goddess' in that rather than
being piqued at Brideron's resistance to the wanton women of the country
ball, he merely seeks another opportunity to do his dirty work, like
any good chasseur after his prey. Melicerte and her girls offer what
seems to be an ideal snare with which to entrap the young man. Satan
calls together his "noire Cabale" to make plans to take advantage of
the situation. Although the scene itself is very faintly reminiscent
of Venus' trip to the council of the Olympian gods, the Devil's
instructions, to his demons resemble those which Venus gives Cupidon
before appearing to Calypso in her garden:

213
Vois-tu, mon fils, ces deux homines
qui meprisent ta puissance et la
mienne? Qui voudra desormais nous
adorer? Va, perce de tes fleches
ces deux coeurs insensibles: des¬
cends avec moi dans cette £le; je
parlerai á Calypso. (Book VI,
p. 172)
Since Venus'
Voilá, dit-il, une Moisson pour
nous qui se presente: Ravageons
les coeurs de ces Filies, de
leur Mere & Tante, & du petit
Fuyard qui m'échapa il n'y a
pas longtems; travaillez de
vdtre cote, pendant que je vais
utilement seconder vos efforts,
(p. 151)
attempted seduction of Mentor and Telemaque disrupted the
lives of the whole island, the Devil's charge to his minions seems
really more appropriate, or at least more perspicacious, than Venus'
admonition to Cupidon, since it envisages the result which his actions
will have.
Venus' seduction of Calypso is very simple: she appears to the
"malheureuse deesse" while the latter is alone, confronts her with the
problem of Telemaque's departure and leaves Cupidon to wreak her ven¬
geance: "Malheureuse deesse — lui dit-elle [Venus] — l'ingrat Ulysse
vous a méprisée; son fils, encore plus dur que lui, vous prepare un
semblable mépris; mais 1'Amour vient lui-meme vous venger. Je vous
le laisse: il demeurera parmi vos nymphes, comme autrefois 1'enfant
Bacchus fut nourri par les nymphes de l'ile de Naxos. Telemaque le
verra comme un enfant ordinaire; il ne pourra s'en defier et II sentirá
bientot son pouvoir" (Book VI, p. 172). In keeping with his greater
interest in realism, Marivaux divides the responsibility for the
presence of Citron, Cupidon's counterpart, between the Devil and an old
witch whom Melicerte calls after being spiritually visited by the demon.
The change has the effect of making the temptation itself a psychologi¬
cal phenomenon and of tying the supernatural aspect to a realistic
figure common in rural areas. The story of the temptation begins when
the Devil leaves his black council and

2lh
vole au Chateau de Melicerte. La, entrant finement
dans la tete de Melicerte, (car de ce cote-la ches
les femmes il trouve toujours la porte ouverte) il
lui parla ainsi:
Malheureuse Melicerte, Brideron le Pere t'a
planté la, son Fils, que tu aime, en pourroit bien
faire autant; oü en serois-tu? Crois-moi, pour le
reteñir absolument, ne fais point difficulté d'em¬
ployer toute sorte de moyens: Tu sais qu'a quatre
pas de ton Chateau, il y a une vieille Rosse de
Femme qui sait de la magie; elle fait retrouver
tout ce qui est perdu; par elle la Baguette court
5 s’arrete oü il faut, peut-étre aura-t-elle des
Secrets pour donner de 1'amour a Brideron, de
maniere qu'il faudra qu'il creve ou qu'il reste.
Quand le Liable eut souffle cette pensée dans
1'esprit de Melicerte, il se tüt s'y tenant tou¬
jours retranché. Le repos & la tranquillité s’y
emparérent du coeur de n6tre Amante; elle est
charmée de ce qu'elle imagine; elle envoye cher-
cher la Vieille 6 lui ouvre son coeur. Celle-ci
d'abord grince les dents, & répond qu'on la prend
pour une autre; qu'elle n'a rien a demeler avec
le Diable; enfin, elle se radoucit par quelque
Monnoye que Melicerte lui glisse dans la main.
Chut, dit-elle alors! n'en dites rien; il est bien
vrai que je sai quelque chose, mais je ne m'en sers
que pour obliger mes Amis. Votre petit Fripon aura
les Jambes bonnes s'il peut courir; prenez-moi ce
petit Epagneul-la qui me suit, & baillez-le a lecher
a ce Polisson; vous verrez si son coeur ne prend pas
comme de l'etoupe? Melicerte embrasse done la Béte
fatale & la tient dans ses bras. Que cela est ad¬
mirable, dit-elle alors! par ma foi, voila un petit
Animal bien extraordinaire, des ce moment, mon
Amour pour Brideron grossit comme un Hydropique.
(pp. 151-52)
The ironic image of Satan entering Melicerte's head and conducting his
campaign from that vantage point utilizes the allegorical representation
of human emotions which appeared in Fenelon as the exterior image of
Venus, but attenuates the mythical atmosphere created by the presence
of supernatural beings in the world itself. The somewhat medieval image
of the Devil hiding in Melicerte's head also reestablishes the real
source of the temptations which are being proposed.
The arguments which each temptor is using to induce his prey to

215
accept the supernatural aid which he is offering are almost identical,
although the language differs greatly. Both Venus and the Devil remind
the lovestruck women that the father had left her empty-handed and
offer a means to prevent the son's similar abandonment. Melicerte's
transaction with the "Vieille Rosse de Femme," illustrates the role
which her own psychology is playing in their actions. After making his
initial suggestions, Satan is able to withdraw and observe the results.
His success is such that he does not even need to encourage this country
woman to bribe the old sorceress when she pretends not to know any kind
of magic.
The episode with the old woman is comic in itself, and it provides
a distant parodie jab at the eternal youth and beauty of Venus, the
original sorceress of the story. The old woman also provides a realis¬
tic explanation of the charm which bewitched all of the island's inhabi¬
tants and bedeviled the residents of Melicerte's chateau. The phenome¬
non itself really needs no explanation: the presence of a handsome young
adolescent in the midst of a group of women relatively isolated from
masculine contact would naturally, almost inevitably, inspire both
passions and jealousies. The young man's adolescence and naivete would
also heighten his susceptibility to the blandishments of the women on
the island or the estate. As in the case of Venus, Fenelon used the
young child Cupidon as an external allegory for natural emotions; and
once again, Marivaux reaffirms the naturalness of the reaction by the
form which he gives to Fenelon's allegory. Even though his actions are
modeled on those of Cupidon, the Spaniel which the old woman gave Méli-
certe acts as any puppy would, jumping around, licking and playing with
anyone and everyone who will pay attention to it. This infectious exu-

216
berance would naturally inspire a relaxation of inhibitions among the
girls and in Brideron, allowing their emotions to come to the surface.
It is even more explicable in Melicerte, in whom the seeds of sugges¬
tion that the spaniel would induce such a reaction had already been
planted by the old woman.
In conjunction with his handling of characterization, setting and
adventures, Marivaux's treatment of supernatural events shows his
commitment to realizing Fenelon's abstract Telemaque in terms of
contemporary bourgeois and rural society. His treatment of mythological
elements, like visions and the Olympian gods, is consistent with his
efforts to focus on the psychology of the characters and to emphasize
the humanity of their actions by making their motives more explicit.
The rejection of prophecy conforms to the overall pattern of utilizing
whatever is practical in Fenelon's novel and rejecting all that is
too idealistic to be implemented in real life.
Structure and Techniques
In contrast to his abasement of the content of the Telemaque,
Marivaux respects, for the most part, the narrative techniques which
attracted so much attention. He maintains the original structure and
largely accepts the point of view which Fenelon used — the only major
exception is the change of point of view of the account of the descent
into Hades. The role of the narrator changes considerably, but com¬
parison with the loquacious narrators of Marivaux's other novels, the
early parodies as well as the mature works, shows that Marivaux res¬
pects the near transparency of the narrator of the Telemaque. It is
essentially, therefore, in style that the reader senses a transforma-

217
tion of Fenelon's narrative technique. The archbishop's flowing grace
and delicate imagery are well suited to an idealistic novel dealing
with the highest levels of society: both kings and gods. Since these
qualities would be totally out of place in a work dealing with the
lower classes, Marivaux transforms Fenelon's précieux language,
replacing the measured rhythm of the prelate's prose with the rough
cadences of peasant speech and the delicate imagery of his metaphor by
the coarse figures of country people. In style, as in all other
aspects of the work, the echo of the Telémaque is unmistakable, even
though Marivaux does not try to maintain a one-for-one relationship
with the original.
The "Avant-propos" and the introduction represent the only devia¬
tion from the original structure. Fenelon's Telémaque was not prepared
for publication by the author and all prefatory material was therefore
added by another author or editor. Marivaux's adaptation, on the con¬
trary, was prepared expressly for publication and the young author
comments on his objectives before releasing the work to the public.
In the "Avant-propos," Marivaux attacks the partisans of Homer,
throwing himself squarely into the camp of the moderns in the most
recent round of the famous "Querelle." He mentions Fénelon only
indirectly and in passing and promises his reader an education in the
"néant d'une grandeur profane, S la facilité qu'il y a de donner une
face risible á des choses qui ... ont pour principe ... la Vanite"
(p. 46). He adds that Homer was great for his time, but has been super¬
seded in the long history of human progress. The first of the intro¬
duction's two parts continues this sally against heroism and the gran¬
deur of the human spirit, claiming that: "Tout ce qu'on rapporte de

218
grand en parlant des hommes, doit nous etre bien plus suspect que ce
qu'on en rapporte de grotesque 6 d'extravagant" (p. 1*8). After this
brief philosophical warning, Marivaux presents the "equivalent de ces
suppositions [de Télémaque]" introducing the main characters, Phocion
and BridéaronqY and the new Calypso, Melicerte. Finally, he recounts the
episode equivalent to the shipwreck which landed Telemaque on Calypso's
island: the robbery which precedes Brideron's arrival on Melicerte's estate.
The structure of the Avantures de Brideron le fils (as divorced
from the Télémaque travestí as a whole) parallels exactly that of the
Avantures de Télémaque. It begins in medias res with the image of
Melicerte (Calypso) regretting the loss of her lover and her youth.
The arrival of the young Brideron is seen through her eyes and at a
distance; but the young man is so much the image of his father that
she recognizes him instantly and welcomes him into her estate. Bri¬
deron then tells her of his adventures: the perilous escape from the
bandits dressed as archers (Trojan fleet); the beatings received at
the Metairie (Sicile)and the Maitre's (Aceste's) gratitude for their
heroismrin leading the fight against the marauders; the judgment of
Areophage (Sesostris); the dangers of Pymion (Pygmalion) and Nibal's
(Narbal's) friendship; the temptations of the country ball (Chypre); and
his success in the provincial games (Crete). Having caught up to the
present through Brideron's recital, the narrator describes the escape
from Melicerte's tender trap; the rescue from the river of Phocion and
Brideron by Uoan (Adoam)l the diplomatic and military successes of their
stay with Omenée (idoménée); Brideron's dream of descending into Hades
(Télémaque's descent) and the final voyage home, marked by Phocion'b
"transformation" and disappearance. These episodes, many of which have
already been discussed, are therefore not only parallel to the original

219
adventures, but the relationships among them are identical to those
linking the originals.
Marivaux imitates Fénelon in the internal construction of the
episodes as well as the structure of the novel. In the Telemaque,
adventures are presented objectively without evaluations by the
narrator. Conversations, deeds and scenes are described and reflec¬
tions on the significance of events are communicated through the
characters' conversations, or dialogues. In the first episode, where
Calypso is shown on the beach of her island bemoaning her immortality
and the loss of Ulysse, the narrator describes both how she feels and
the reasons for her grief; when she encounters the two intruders on
her island, their conversations are recounted directly and fully.
Marivaux uses an identical presentation. The point of view is varied
during the novel by recounting episodes in which a character relates
some of his experiences. This kind of secondary narration occurs only
twice in the Télémaque: when the princely hero relates the adventures
of his voyage to Calypso and when Adoam tells Télémaque about Pygmalion's
fate and about la Bétique. Marivaux uses it three times: when Brideron
tells Mélicerte about his adventures, when Noan finishes the story of
Pymion and when Brideron relates to Phocion the account of his dream
of the underworld. In Fénelon, the descent is treated objectively like
all of the other episodes; Marivaux's shift of the point of view is
doubtless occasioned by his commitment to realism, which would have
proscribed the direct representation of such an event.
The narrator of the Télémaque travestí is much more subdued than
those of Marivaux's other novels. In the Pharsamon, which is similar
in many respects to the Télémaque travestí, the narrator interrupts

220
his relation at several points to answer questions or objections from
a "sérieux lecteur" and a stuffy "Monsieur le Critique"; and these
debates sometimes continue for several paragraphs (Hartwig, p. 66).
In the Télémaque travestí, such loquacious contentiousness on the part
of the narrator appears only in the introduction and the "Avant-propos."
In the rest of the novel, the indications of the narrator's judgment
of events are much briefer and frequently less direct — which is not
to say less clear. One of the more direct signals comes in the
account of Brideron's dream "visit" to the underworld: "II [Brideron]
fit bien de dormir, car sans cela, il couroit un grand risque de ne
voir jamais les Enfers de son vivant" (p. 312). The barbs which he
frequently aims at Phocion constitute another form of short but effec¬
tive intervention (see above, p. l8l). The restraint shown by the
narrator of the Telemaque travestí is modeled on that shown in the
relation of the Télémaque. Never is the latter interrupted by narra-
torial reflections on the words, actions or thoughts of the characters;
or rather, when the narrator does comment on them he does it objectively
When Télémaque's discretion is compared to that of the other allied
leaders, the narrator treats the difference as a factual observation.
The narrator of the Télémaque shows more restraint in evaluating his
characters and events than does his counterpart in the travesty, but his
effect on Marivaux's usually talkative style is nonetheless very evident
In the style of the Télémaque travestí Marivaux faces several
problems. On the one hand, he needs a style which is clearly reminis¬
cent of Fénelon's; on the other, he needs to keep his style consistent
with the social level of his characters or he will risk destroying the
realism with which he wrote the novel. He solves the problem, as De-

221
loffre points out, by writing the novel on two tones: "le recii â–  de
1'auteur pastiche le style de Fénelon, tandis que les personnages
parlent un langage tres familier et d'un caractére souvent populaire."
In scenes like the description of Melicerte's domain (see above, pp.
198-99), the narrator points out the same elements in much the same
way as Fénelon did in the description of Calypso's grotto; at the
same time, the characters of the story are using a language which
would have shocked Fénelon's heroes, if not his audience, with its
directness and its coarseness (c.f., Saltus, pp. 102-107)- Phocion
is the only character who tries to achieve the nobility of language
demonstrated in the Télémaque. His difficulties in this effort have
already been noted by the narrator in the introduction to the Avan-
tures (see above, p. l8o), but his attempts nonetheless contrast
sharply with the more direct communication of the other characters
to produce very comic results."^ The dual level of style provided
Marivaux with yet another means of making his reader aware of the
relation between the Télémaque and the Télémaque travesti, while
maintaining a style appropriate to the level of his characters and
adventures.
Marivaux's manipulation of the narrative techniques employed in
the Télémaque is consistent with his treatment of other aspects of
the novel. The relationships between characters are maintained, as
are their vices, virtues, functions and fates, but their social
status drops and they become human beings acting out of understandable
motives rather than abstract allegorical figures whose actions illus¬
trate political or morad, principles. The sites of the adventures and
the scenes of- the novel likewise have the same relationships to each

222
other, but they are presented as part of a rural bourgeois milieu
rather than of an ancient heroic universe. Melicerte's farm, for
example, is isolated by the forest and the river as Calypso's island
is by the sea; it even takes on something of the same forbidding air
when the stout farmwoman comes out to rebuke the young carter with
whom Brideron and Phocion are momentarily traveling. Brideron's
adventures are copied from Telemaque's by choosing equivalents in
the contemporary world: games are staged to amuse the populace and
welcome a governor, rather than contests destined to choose a king.
Even the supernatural elements play a part where it is possible to
recreate them naturally. This consideration dictates the utilization
of the same structure and point of view as in the original; it also
leads to the debasement of Fenelon's language so that it is appro¬
priate to the new level of the action of the story. The Télémaque
travestí thus reproduces everything which appeared in the original,
but on a very different scale.
Robert J. Hartwig, Marivaux: The Moralist in his Fiction
(Diss. University of Wisconsin, 1969), pp. 26-31.
2 ^ ^
Marivaux, Le Telemaque travestí, ed. Frederic Deloffre, Textes
Üttéraires Frangais (Geneva: Droz, 1956), p. 50. All references
to the Télémaque travestí are to this edition.
Deloffre, "introduction" to Marivaux, Le Télémaque travestí,
p. 22. Deloffre comments on the unusual absence of the Télémaque
travestí in France and speculates that perhaps Marivaux purchased or
otherwise suppressed the Amsterdam edition before it could enter the
country and then blocked publication in France so effectively that
"I'on n'imaginait pas qu'elles [les trois dernieres parties] eussent
existé."
^ Of the several critics who have treated the Télémaque travestí
since 1956, three have particularly influenced the preparation of this

223
chapter. Deloffre, both the "introduction" to the 1956 edition and
"Une oeuvre burlesque en prose: Le Télémaque travestí," in Une pré-
ciosité nouvelle: Marivaux et le marivaudage, 2 ed.(Paris: Armand
Colin, 1967), PP- 104-18; R. J. Hartwig, Marivaux: The Moralist
in his Fiction; and Janet Elinor Saltus, Heroic Idealism and Realism
in the Non-Dramatic Prose of Marivaux (Diss. Vanderbilt University..
1969). The last two works are referred to in the text using the author's
last name and the page numbers of the dissertation.
^ Deloffre, "Introduction" to the Télémaque travestí, p. 25-
^ Deloffre, "Introduction" to the Telemaque travestí, p. 25.
"Le Télémaque travestí et la naissance du réalisme dans le
roman," in La Régence, ed. Centre Aixois d'études et de recherches sur
le dix-huitiéme siecle (Paris: Armand Colin, 1970), p. 212.
8 e
Noémi Hepp, "Les interprétations religieuses d'Homére au XVII
siecle," Revue des Sciences Religieuses, 31 (1957), U0-4l.
q
Marivaux et le marivaudage, p. 106.
"*â– 0 Marivaux et le marivaudage, pp. 106-107.

CONCLUSION
The Telemachus legend, brought into the eighteenth century with
eclat in Fenelon's Avantures de Télemaque, fils d'Ulysse, spawned a
number of adaptations during the first fifty years of the century.
These are largely modernizations of the theme, portraying modern
examples of similar stories, but they manifest great diversity in all
aspects of the work: characterization, form and message. In its most
abstract form, the Telemachus theme portrays the initiatory voyage
of a young man under the care or direction of an elder and wiser pre¬
ceptor. This was the sense of the Telemacheia and Fénelon continued it
in his resurrection of the Homeric hero. Stories of initiation, par¬
ticularly sexual, initiation, were very popular in France during the
Enlightenment; works like Marivaux's La vie de Marianne and Le paysan
parvenu and Crébillon-fils's Les égarements du coeur et de 1'esprit
are but well-known examples of an extensive literary practice. Even so
the Télemaque was unique, both because of its greater popularity and
because the works it spawned were fairly consistent in stressing non-
amorous initiations.
Fenelon's Télemaque offered a tempting model to the authors of the
eighteenth century. It was the most popular novel of the period and it
combined elements of several very popular genres — the amorous novel,
the epic and the voyage. It was a book of education during a period
when education was looked to as the salvation of mankind. Its presenta
22k

225
tion of modern ideas and characters in antique forms appealed to both
sides in the recurrent Quarrel between the Ancients and the Moderns.
It combined successfully politics and sensuality, adventure and ethics,
didacticism and excitement. Fenelon insisted that the work had not been
intended for a mass audience. It was solely for the edification of his
royal pupil and the various elements which some critics attacked as
licentious were considered necessary to prepare the prince for the
temptations of the court. There is really no reason to question the
archbishop's sincerity in denying aspirations to acclaim as an author
or to a larger audience than the Dauphin, but the immediate and con¬
tinuing popularity and prestige of the Telemaque provides a strong
indication that the royal preceptor had given expression to ideals and
problems of the century in a way which transcended class and philosophy.
The authors who followed Fenelon in referring explicitly to the
Telemachus theme aimed their works at larger audiences than his single
reader; but by choosing to exploit only specific elements of the
original novel, they attracted only a fraction of the archbishop's
disciples. Grandchamp, the first author to refer explicitly to the
Telemaque, associated his work with the reputation for sensuality and
scandal which had initially greeted Fenelon's work. His Telemaque
moderne is aimed at the still large audience attracted by the pulp novels
of the period. Fifteen years later, the anonymous author of the Loix
du roi Minos used the recently deceased prelate's prestige as a soap box
to address those who, at the beginning of the Regency, were interested
in reforming the government. He doubtless hoped that the Telemaque's
enormous popularity would win him a more sympathetic hearing for his
theories on jurisprudence and social reform. Marivaux's travesty of

226
the Télémaque, also written during this period, places the young
parodist squarely on the side of the moderns in the perennial Quarrel
through its modernization and debasement of the antique elements of the
original. Lambert, in the Nouveau Telémaque, chose to address the
aristocracy with his own ideas of political and personal morality,
thus copying Fenelon’s intentions more closely than any of the other
adaptors; while Palissot transformed the didacticism of the original by
appealing in his Apollon Mentor to an artistic audience.
Choice of audience obviously has a significant effect on many
aspects of any work, but in the works of the Telemachus tradition, it
is particularly noticeable in the title figure. Fénelon's Telémaque
had served as a model for the duke of Burgundy and as such was an
ideally receptive and tractable pupil, accepting freely the lessons of
his divine companion. All of the Telemachus figures to follow
retained something of the ingénu quality of the original and most are
ideal pupils as well, representing generally the unquestioning accep¬
tance which each of the authors hoped to inspire in his audience.
Grandchamp's modern Telémaque deviates the most from the pattern. His
behavior through the novel is similar to that of the courtiers and
lovers to whom the soldier-author obviously addressed his work. Al¬
though Mentor makes conflicting allegations about Télémaque's sexual
innocence, the young man is presented as being unfamiliar with passion
in the beginning of the story, only to lead his companion Mentor into
the very trials of love which they had both sworn to avoid. The
shadowy figure of the Telemachus in the Loix is no more than a listening
ear for the exposition of the legal system of the fabled lawgiver
Minos, as it is being propounded by the most revered of the judges:

227
doubtless, the reception which the author would like to find in the
reformers of the court. Lambert's Marquis is, like his model, an
aristocrat being groomed by an ideal tutor for future responsibilities
at court. The identification of hero and audience is very explicit in
the Nouveau Telemaque since both the "editor" and the Marquis offer
the adventures as vicarious educational experiences for young men like
the hero. Palissot also makes his poet-author-hero a stand-in for
the artistic audience which he hoped to attract. In keeping with
the tradition begun by Fenelon, his poet is very willing to accept
the offices of Apollon, god of poetry, and to follow him on the
perilous journey to the Parnasse in order to learn the duties of a poet.
Marivaux's Brideron represents an obvious exception to the
identification of audience and main character. Since the Telemaque
travestí is a parody, this divorce is not surprising, but neither is
it final. Brideron's madness is only an extension of the very human
tendency to idolize the classics and to accept them uncritically; it
also caricatures the desire to confuse reality with obvious fiction
and to emulate fictional models which are inappropriate and unreal
merely because they possess an imagined nobility. Like Moliere's
heroes, Brideron presents to the public a trait which the author wishes
to modify or moderate by holding its excesses up to public ridicule.
Although he displays many of the same personality traits as the ori¬
ginal, the young bourgeois de village invests them with a completely
different air than does Fenelon's Grecian prince.
The aim of the travesty also has an effect on the form of the
work. As a burlesque, the Telemaque travestí more nearly duplicates
the structure of the original than any of the other adaptations and

228
Marivaux's pastiche of Fenelon's style makes it the only one which is
at all reminiscent of the Telemaque. The episodes, characters and
adventures of Fenelon's story are all preserved, albeit in a form very
different from the original, and the relationships among them are the
same as in the archbishop's novel. The other authors working with the
Telemachus theme largely abandoned the form which the archbishop had
made famous and presented their own contributions in forms appropriate
to the pretexts of each. The only work whose pretexts would have justi¬
fied the use of the same structure and point of view as the original
was the Loix du roi Minos, which claimed to be a continuation of the
fourth book of the Telemaque. In fact, the Loix shared with its
"parent" only the external details of its presentation — particularly
the summary which introduced each book of the latter — and the author
sacrificed all of the fictional aspects of the original to his lengthy
treatise. In the other works, both Grandchamp and Lambert presented
their modernizations as memoirs of important persons. Although
GrandchampTs is supposedly the account made by a very close friend
and companion of the title figure, while Lambert's hero-narrator
reflects on his own past adventures from the tranquility of retreat
from the world, both relate their stories in the first person, using
a style and a structure very different from Fenelon's. Palissot's
poet also recounts his "dream" in the first person. Like Marivaux,
these authors claimed no ambitions to imitate or continue Fenelon's
work; they presented to the public modern stories which were alleged
to relate to the Telemaque in some way, either superficially or funda¬
mentally. In essence, each of the five adaptors of the Telemachus
theme used it as the pretext for a work in a different genre and each

229
produced a work very different from those of the others.
The great disparity among the forms and styles of the various
treatments of the theme shows how little the original adaptation
influenced the preparation of its successors. With the exception of
Marivaux, the authors borrowing from Fénelon took little from the
original text as far as characters, locations, adventures and scenes
are concerned. There are vague correspondences to the Télémaque
in some of the episodes recounted by Lambert and Grandchamp; and in
Lambert's novel, a few scenes, like Amelie's death, correlate more
specifically to the original; but in general, the works other than
Marivaux's travesty do not appropriate any of Fénelon's characters
or his adventures.
The independence of the adaptors is also manifested in the philo¬
sophical attitudes of their works, although the differences in substance
are not as great as the variations in form. Palissot was the only
author to completely abandon the political, and moral aspects of the
Télémaque: he converted it from a work on ethics to a treatise on
esthetics. Grandchamp borrowed Mentor's vigorous condemnations of
passionate love but allowed the inconsistencies of his characters to
undermine the import of the modern Mentor's homilies. The other
three works are much more respectful of Fenelon's ideals, at least
making their ideas conform to his as much as possible. The Loix du
roi Minos and Lambert's Nouveau Télémaque share many of the attitudes of
the Telemaque, but they transform them by shifting the emphasis of the
work's didacticism. The Loix treats the details of reform and concen¬
trates on the role of the judiciary and the bureaucracy where Fénelon
stresses the role of the monarch or leader; the Nouveau Telemaque

230
largely abandons the global vision of the original Télémaque in favor
of instruction in personal morality and ethics. Even Marivaux's
travesty shows a significant concordance of ideals between the elder
statesman and the young artist, despite the distortions which Fénelon's
expression undergoes in the Télémaque travestí.
The diversity of the adaptations of the Telemachus theme does not,
however, preclude some very basic similarities among them. The
consistency of the Mentor-Telemachus relationship has already been
mentioned and it represents at a visible level a very fundamental
likeness among the several works: the adoption, at least superficially,
of Fénelon's didacticism as a major justification for publication of
the work. All of the authors following Fénelon mentioned the desire
to instruct while amusing as a principal motive for presenting their
work to the public, and only Grandchamp's assertion seems to be
overtly contradicted by the work itself. In the Télémaque moderne,
the insincerity of the book's lesson is signalled by the falsity of
the relationship between Télémaque and Mentor. Mentor tries to appear
as Télémaque's closest friend and confidant; and he indicates in the
beginning his moral responsibility and leadership through his efforts
to deter the young prince from the evil effects of passion. Subsequent
events reveal, however, that Mentor has no moral strength and that he
is sadly lacking in leadership. Just as Mentor's efforts to appear
wise and strong are belied by his actions, so the total effect of
Grandchamp's Télémaque moderne belies the homilies against love which
the author appropriated from Fénelon. Télémaque's deviation from
the pattern of the model contributes to the impression of insincerity
because he behaves more like a courtier interested in love affairs

231
than a prince concerned about his people and a student involved in
learning to execute his future duties.
In the other authors to take up the Telemachus theme, didacticism
was more than just a rhetorical flourish confined to the preface. The
object of the Loix is very obviously bo influence coming reforms and
this desire is reflected in the total subordination of the Telemachus
figure to his "Maitre" — not Mentor, but one of the Cretan judges.
Lambert and Palissot also produced educational works, although of
very different standards. Lambert's Nouveau Télemaque is a history and
geography as well as an object lesson in ethics and morality; Palissot's
Apollon Mentor is a primer of poetic theory, with a few examples and
judgments of contemporary poets. Both authors indicated their inten¬
tions by the ideality of the tutors they gave their title figures and
by the respect which each student manifested toward his mentor. Even
Marivaux claims for his work an educational purpose: the reduction to
human stature of Homer and the demonstration of the emptiness of hero¬
ism. His negative enlightenment is symbolized by the relationship
between Brideron and Phocion: by the leadership of the mad, rather than
wise, mentor.
In summary, the five authors to try to exploit Fenelon's success in
writing the Télemaque produced very diverse works which have little in
common, with each other or with the original, even though they spring
from one source and treat one theme. All of the works have a Telemachus
figure who possesses the traits of discretion, nobility and courage as
well as tractábility and openness to instruction. All present an elder
preceptor, not always Mentor, who usually acts as a spokesman for the
author in presenting an ideal system of some sort. All at least profess

232
to desire to instruct the reader in various ways and on various sub¬
jects, whether Grandchamp's vague example of conduct or Lambert's
explicit lessons in geography, history and morality or Palissot's
lessons in poetics. There is a discernible progression in the manner
in which the five exploitations seek to identify themselves with the
original. The earlier works depend heavily on external details.
Grandchamp's main characters are Télémaque and Mentor, by name at
least, and antique names are given to the cities and people of their
adventures. The Loix links itself to the original by claiming to be
the continuation of the fourth book of the novel and by duplicating the
physical format of its preceding editions. Marivaux's travesty also
uses superficial identification of characters and situations with
those of the Télémaque, although his interpretation of the novel is far
from superficial. Several decades later, Lambert and Palissot did not
need to make the relationship so explicit. They borrow from the original
story only the basic skeleton or pretext — the educational voyage
under an ideal preceptor — as the foundation for their own work. Even
though Lambert took care to spell out the reason for labeling his work
Le Nouveau Télémaque, the reference was certainly unmistakable to the
contemporary public.
This study therefore shows, in the case of one very popular novel
during the first fifty years following its publication, that there is
a movement toward a reduction in the dependence on detail as the work
becomes increasingly a part of the French literary tradition. Among
the many works which may be referred to as imitations of Fénelon's
Télémaque, these five may be assumed to show greater diversity, both
of form and philosophy, than works like Ramsay's Voyages de Cyrus,

233
which copy the novel rather than attempt to exploit its name. They
should therefore provide a more accurate picture of the extent of the
influence of the Telemaque during the first half of the eighteenth cen¬
tury and help to determine what effect, if any, the novel might have
had on the preparation of such masterpieces as the Lettres Persanes
and Zadig.

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CURRICULUM VITAE
Personal: Birthdate: June 2, 19^7
Spouse: : Carol Barten Alfred
Parents : Joseph W. R. Alfred and Marian Bourne Alfred
Education: 1971-7^:
1969-71:
1965-69:
1962-65:
Ph.D., University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
December 197*+-
Major: French
Minor: Philosophy
M.A., Michigan State University, East Lansing,
Michigan. June, 1971-
Major: French
B.A., with Honor, Michigan State University
(Justin Morrill College). June, 1969.
Maj or: French
H. V. Jenkins High School, Savannah, Georgia.
Academic Honors: 1973-7^:
1971-73:
1969-70:
1969-71:
Teaching Assistantship, University of Florida
NDEA Fellow, University of Florida
Graduate School Fellowship (in addition to
assistantship), MSU.
Teaching Assistantship, MSU.
Teaching Experience: Elementary French, both U-skills and reading.
(as T.A.) S-1970: Development of laboratory programs for
elementary reading program, MSU.
Academic Service: Member: Graduate Student Advisory Committee, Depart¬
ment of Romance Languages, MSU, 1969-70.
Member: Executive Board, Graduate Club, Department
of Romance Languages, MSU, 1969-71-
Professional Affiliations: Modern Language Association
South Atlantic Modern Language Association
American Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies
South-East Atlantic Society for Eighteenth-Century
Studies
Sociéte Frangaise d'Etude du Dix-Huitieme Siecle
American Association of Teachers of French
2U0

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Douglas/M. Bonneville, Chairman
Associate Professor of Romance
Languages and Literatures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
Raymond Gay-Crosier
Professor of Romance Languages
and Literatures
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy.
ifV\Qa^
William B. Jones /
Associate Professor(oT Physics and
Philosophy
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Department
of Romance Languages and Literatures in the College of Arts and Sciences
and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
December, 197^
Dean, Graduate School

UNIVERSITY OF FI ORinA




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