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Sound symbolism in natural languages

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Sound symbolism in natural languages
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Ciccotosto, Nick, 1955-
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Dictionaries ( jstor )
Food ( jstor )
Language ( jstor )
Linguistics ( jstor )
Phonemes ( jstor )
Phonetics ( jstor )
Symbolism ( jstor )
Velar consonants ( jstor )
Vowels ( jstor )
Words ( jstor )
Psycholinguistics ( lcsh )
Sound symbolism ( lcsh )
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non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1991.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-291).
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Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Nick Ciccotosto.

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SOUND SYMBOLISM IN NATURAL LANGUAGES


By

NICK CICCOTOSTO











A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA



1991


i














DEDICATION


I dedicate this work to my Dad, Donald Ciccotosto, also known

as Don Tosta and to my Mom, Irene Ciccotosto, also known as Irene

Tosta. I further dedicate this work to Carol Ciccotosto, my wife, and

Christopher J. Costoff, her son.

These people have immeasurably enriched my life and there is

no doubt I would not have accomplished this study without their

support and inspiration.














ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my warmest gratitude to my committee

members, Dr. Linda D. Wolfe, Dr. Christiana M. Leonard, Dr. Robert

Lawless, Dr. Ronald Kephart, and Dr. Norman N. Markel. They have

all encouraged and graced me with much perceptive criticism about

this topic.

I also would like to thank Dr. Ronald Randles, chairperson of

the statistics department at the University of Florida. He gave

timely insight on the use of nonparametrics applied to linguistic

topics. I thank my friend Dr. Stanley R. Witkowski at Northern
Illinois University for his ever present humor and direction in

staging the entire series of experiments. It was with his help that

the first pilot studies on sound symbolism were carried out.

Finally, I would like to thank my mother, Irene, and father,

Donald, for their love and concern over the years. There are no

greater parents in the world. My wife, Carol, deserves special

thanks for her kind patience, interest, and concern when I was

working too many hours on one facet of human existence. I

especially want to thank my brother, Rick, and sisters, Nita, Angel,

and Dawn, and my friends, Tom McNulty, Jeff Rosenberg, Greg
McKinney, Brian Akers, and Larry Redman, for their interest and

support.














TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKN OW LEDGEM ENTS.........................................................................................iii

A B STRA CT..................................... ................................................................ iv

CHAPTERS

I SOUND SYMBOLISM AND BIO-CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY: TESTING PROTO-LANGUAGE
HYPOTHESES IN NATURAL LANGUAGES.............................

Introduction........................................................................................ 1
Sound Symbolism and Proto-language................................ 6
The Nature of Sound Symbolism..............................................10
Sound Symbolism Hypotheses................................................... 15
Physiological.............................................. ...................18
A natom ical..........................................................................29
Sem antically Ancient........................................................31

II SOUND SYMBOLISM DATA AND ANALYSIS.........................39

The Universe of the Linguistic Data.......................................39
Coding the Linguistic Data......................................................... 41
Hypothesis Testing Using Chi-Square...................................44
Hypothesis Testing Using Rank Ordering...........................63

III SOUND SYMBOLISM AND PROSODY, SOUND SYMBOLISM
TERMINOLOGIES, AND SOUND SYMBOLIC EVIDENCE IN
NATURAL LANGUAGES..........................................................72

Introduction.............................................................. ..................... 72
Sound Symbolism and Prosody................................... .....74
Sound Symbolic Terminologies...............................................80










Evidence of Sound Symbolism in Natural
L anguages.................................................................... ........... 106

IV OTHER SOUND SYMBOLISM EXPERIMENTS........................ 141

Types of Experiments and their Limitations...................141
"Size" Sound Symbolism Experiments...............................146
Artificial Lexicons in Sound Symbolism
Experiments..................................................................................... 155
Natural Lexicons in Sound Symbolism
Experim ents.................................................. ............................ 165
"Goodness-of-Fit" Sound Symbolism
Experim ents............................................................................. 174
Synaesthetic Studies into Sound Symbolism...................180
Summary of Sound Symbolic Experiments......................188

V CONCLUDING REMARKS..........................................................191

Sum m ary....................................................................................... 19 1
Theoretical W eaknesses............................................................195
Future Research.................................................. ..................197

APPENDICES
A WORD LIST FOR 16 CONCEPTS.........................................200
B SUPPORTING DICTIONARY REFERENCES FOR 16
G LO SSES................................................................................... 231
C CODING PARAMETERS FOR ALL GLOSSES.........................252
D INITIAL RANKINGS OF FEATURES AND GLOSSES...........258
E ACTUAL RANKINGS OF FEATURES AND GLOSSES...........261
F PHONETIC CHARACTERS........................................................263

REFEREN CES....................................................................................................... 265

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH............................................................................. 292













Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy



SOUND SYMBOLISM IN NATURAL LANGUAGES

By

Nick Ciccotosto

December, 1991


Chairperson: Linda D. Wolfe
Major Department: Anthropology


A major assumption in modern linguistics is that sounds
composing words arbitrarily associate with meanings. Saussure's

early 20th century arbitrary sound-meaning tenet has been neither

adequately examined nor challenged. This dissertation casts doubt

upon this theory by gathering evidence of sound symbolism from

virtually all known language phyla. Major sound symbolism
experiments are reviewed, and finally, a series of sound symbolism

hypotheses is proposed for a group of basic vocabulary words.
These glottochronological words, of a supposed arbitrary sound-
meaning nature, are routinely utilized by linguists to trace genetic
relationships among language phyla.











Dissertation data are composed of a lexical sample representing

1% of 5000 world languages. Sixteen glosses contain 50 words per

meaning from 50 languages, and are taken from at least 10 of the
17 human language phyla. The set includes: NECK, TOOTH, MOUTH,

NOSE, COUGH, EAT, DRINK, VOMIT, BREAST, SUCK, DOG, SWALLOW,

SPIT, FOOD, WATER, and CHEW. These 800 glosses, taken from a pool
of 229 languages, are tallied according to sub-phonemic distinctive

articulatory and acoustic features such as nasal, stop, spirant,

bilabial, and others.
For the 16 concepts, a total of 63 hypotheses are proposed. Each

hypothesis argues that certain sub-phonemic features are to be

found at higher or lower levels than those in the remaining sample

of 750 words. Chi-square tests run on 63 hypotheses give 23
instances of association at significant levels, p<.05. The application of
the rank-order median test of Kruskal-Wallis to the same
hypotheses gives similar results. For the ordered alternative
Jonckheere-Terpstra test, all predicted features based on three k-

samples are highly significant.
Such synchronically extensive sound symbolism is striking.
Sound symbolism, within the basic behavioral and physiological
meanings of these words, shows a heirarchy of sub-phonemic
features. Their evolutionary adaptive value may allow conspecifics
facile entry into a communication network.














CHAPTER I
SOUND SYMBOLISM AND BIO-CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY:
TESTING PROTO-LANGUAGE HYPOTHESES
IN NATURAL LANGUAGES


Introduction


Sound symbolism, a nonarbitrary, one-to-one relation between

acoustic and motor-acoustic features and meaning, is an important

study for anthropologists because its accurate delineation may shed

light upon an underlying nature of the human language faculty.

Additionally, understanding its mechanics may render a fuller

explication of the lexicon possessed by humankind in pre-sapiens

times. This dissertation examines sound symbolism and argues that

it relates to primitive cognitive levels such as those required of

neonates and early and pre-sapiens society. The crux of this type of

examination is that:

"There will always be layers of the vocabulary, representing a
more primitive stage of language in which the relation between
sound and meaning is partly motivated. there is a need for a
systematic investigation of this vocabulary in various languages,
supplemented by psycholinguistic tests, in order to find out what is
universal in the expressive function of these partly motivated
signs." (Fischer-Jorgensen 1978:80)

In this chapter, I sketch sound symbolism and present a series

of hypotheses about motivated meanings and their representations










with nonarbitrary linguistic features. The language data are
discussed in Chapter II and it represents 800 words taken from 229

languages. The data set includes 16 semantic categories (i.e., words
and their meanings) which are hypothesized to contain sound

symbolic elements. These words are part of the glottochronological

list devised by Swadesh (1971) and refer to basic and proto-typical
ethnoanatomical, physiological, and culturally specific semantic
domains. My word sample includes: (ethnoanatomical) BREAST,
TOOTH, NOSE, NECK, MOUTH; (physiological) COUGH, VOMIT, SUCK,
EAT, DRINK, CHEW, SWALLOW, SPIT; (culturally specific) WATER,
DOG, FOOD.

The data set exposes semantically basic words and as such, the
categories may reflect universally unmarked domains. That is,
unmarked domains contain words of short form, phonetically
archaic in shape, which are basic in meaning, and which are learned
earliest by language speakers (Battistella 1990:23-68).
This data set is admittedly minimal, though for a number of

reasons. Presently, world culture exhibits at least 5,000 separate

languages. Given an upward limit on the actual size of a particular

language lexicon, an overestimate would be that any language
contains more than 1,000,000 words. Even so, 5,000 languages with
1,000,000 words each, means that 5 billion words are spoken on
earth. Clearly this demonstrates an expansion of lexicons
everywhere at a distant time when phonemes, through a changing

neuro-physiological morphology, became disentangled from primate
call structures (Hewes 1983).










Statistically speaking, greater than two-thirds or 70% of all
languages contain a phonemic inventory of between 20 and 35
phonemes. Even so, the range of phonemes actually produced in all
human languages is at least 500 (Pullum and Ladusaw 1986).
Phonemic inventories range in size from 11 (Hawaiian-Austronesian
Phyla) to 141 (!Kung-Khoisan Phyla) (Maddieson 1984:7).

In turn, each phoneme is a mental construct of a given cultural

group, composed of binary distinctive articulatory and motor-
acoustic features (Sapir 1929). This suggests that languages are
largely composed of arbitrary sound-meanings. The impetus for
accepting the view that there is an arbitrary connection between
signifier and signified comes from the work of the great structural
linguist Saussure (1959). In his groundbreaking work, he held that
a word is composed of sounds and reference to a concept. If the
association between sound and concept were not predominantly
arbitrary, languages would cease to change (Saussure 1959:67-71).

While languages are endlessly changing bio-cultural entities
and completely replace their lexicon approximately every 100,000
years (1&-5% per 1,000 years) (see Gudchinsky 1964, for example),
would it be unusual to find more than 1,000 sound symbolic words

in any given lexicon? For the supposed maximal 1 million words per
language, this would represent a negligible one tenth of 1% of a
language's lexicon. Still, although any language might contain
1,000,000 items, scholars generally agree that an average speaker
might command behavioral and physiological mastery of 10,000-
30,000 words actively (Durbin 1969). For the neonate, child,










mentally handicapped, or the emerging bilingual speaker the total

can be considerable smaller. Taking the latter figure as more

realistic would mean a large sound symbolic system could command

more than 3% of a language's lexical system. This may have already

been demonstrated for Japanese (Hamano 1986), and I argue this

for English in Chapter III. However, exactly how a language's sound

symbolic lexicon should be measured is still a matter of some

debate (Ultan 1978; Malkiel 1990a).
The importance of these statistical assumptions is that if a

number of basic glottochronological words are compiled from a

geographically and genetically distanced sample of world languages,
the expectation is that, not being in contact for more than 100,000

years, then only 1% of the terms should be similar. Otherwise, since

contact and borrowing is ruled out, internal and cross-culturally
parallel forces are at work. This more reliable intuition means that

sound symbolic words should appear significantly above limits set

by glottochronologists in many languages. Further, there is nothing
"primitive" about a vocabulary rich in sound symbolic words versus

one appearing less so. Sound symbolism may rank more as a
creative force in producing "new" words, than as a label for

aberrant morphological words.
At as yet uncovered levels of cognition and bio-mechanics,

sound symbolic processes approach "least moves" theories, that is,

they express exceedingly close association between sound and

concept. Contrary to what Saussure and disciples argued, sound

symbolic words are linguistically pervasive, proto-typical, and if









5
time frames must be given, at least hundreds of thousands of years

old. As LeCron Foster points out, the "arbitrary relationship between

phonological representation and meaning becomes questionable
once motivation is discovered for assignment of a particular
meaning to a particular phonological unit" (LeCron Foster 1978:83).

The subconscious levels of language use are yet to be fully

explicated because the extent and importance of sound symbolism
in world languages. The function of sound symbolism as a citadel of

special word-meaning formations is not well studied. Much
speculating and many poorly designed studies have been done, to

be sure, and few scholars suggest sound symbolism can expose
primordial words, for fear of reiterating some variation of the
disdained "bow-wow," "sing-song," "ding-dong" language origin
theories. Additionally, linguists have omitted sound symbolism as
an arena of attention because of a focus upon sound changes and
the etymological primacy of words (Jespersen 1921/1947:410).

Among the few to propose nonarbitrary sound meanings for

primordial words are Mary LeCron Foster (1978) and Gordon W.
Hewes (1983).

So far, historically documented languages attest sound
symbolism examples from 12 of the 17 language phyla. There is
little doubt much more evidence of sound symbolism is forthcoming
from the lesser studied language phyla. Just as easily, one can see a
sub-field emerging to be labelled "generative phono-semantics" or
"psycho-semiotics" (Markel 1991) to deal with the under studied










mental structures which imbue language its affective use within

socially dynamic contexts.

Psycholinguists, linguists, and anthropologists have

implemented numerous types of experiments upon sound

symbolism. Their investigations involve textual analysis and the

psychological testing of differing linguistic groups with the creation

of artificial lexicons and the use of sound symbolic words. This

research has never been incorporated into anthropological theories

about language origins. Below, sound symbolism is placed back into

this context.


Sound Symbolism and Proto-language


The evolutionary advantages of vocal communication in

primates are considerable. Calls warn others away from danger or

toward food. It is no small observation that they confer "life-

lengthening" advantages to select individuals capable of their

efficient production and understanding (Bickerton 1990:147). This

most basic tenet of communicative function, when placed in the

context of human bio-social evolution, witnesses humans as

paragons of communicative efficiency. Humans are the only species

producing a vocal communication allowing themselves defense

outside of real evolutionary time. This is to say, they can warn each

other about dangers which are unknowable through the immediate

senses, such as cancer and global warming (Pinker and Bloom

1990:712).










Among current speculation on language origins is the endless

though necessary reiteration that language evolution has had many
causes; bipedality (Washburn 1960), vocal-morphological

restructuring (Lieberman 1984), increased brain size (Jerison 1976),
neural-reshuffling (Falk 1990), gestural-motor enhancement

(Ojemann and Mateer 1979), gender differences (Jonas and Jonas

1975), use of fire (Goudlsbom 1983), increasing face to face
interaction (Tanner and Zihlman 1976), and so forth. Beyond this,

however, most language origin arguments splinter into gradualist
versus punctuated scenarios. Stephen Jay Gould's school argues
language is an "exaptation," a combination of otherwise spurious
physiological events coalescing into a remarkably sudden
referential system (Pinker and Bloom 1990). The classical school of
language origin antedates even Wallace's and Darwin's ideas on the
subject. This school presents evidence of a gradualistic "language

design" apparent in nature, even at the expense of efficiently eating,
drinking, breathing, and swallowing (Hockett and Ascher 1964;
Lenneberg 1967; Lieberman 1984).

Scholars like to quibble over which selective pressures resulted
in early hominids leaving the forest. Our distant ancestors,
Bickerton argues, used their proto-words most likely in alarm calls,

animal imitations, expressive grunts, and chance associations
(Bickerton 1990:156). Arising as a representational system,

language was adaptable because it described nature. The only real
intent of proto-words was "to get the point across," says Bickerton,

and this echoes Wittgenstein's philosophy of language (C.H.Brown










1976). Wittgenstein states, "Whereof one cannot talk, one is silent."

Simply put, this means that where there is no selection pressure to

produce a sound, there is not one there. Chomsky claimed that
humans developed a sudden and apparent "linguistic organ"

through the evolving neural tissue (Chomsky 1968). The more

typical Wittgenstein attitude must prevail. Instead of the "rules" of
language being innate, Wittgenstein argues that the capacity to form

rules of language is innate. This view more closely follows the
findings of Ojeman and Mateer (1979), that syntax could have

developed in concert with increasing fine motor control.

The primary function of language is to represent nature, and

as intrinsically connected to animal communication as a whole, this

function is crucial to the intent of all humanly produced words. The

meanings which words contain are only to be found within a range

of human behaviors as an animal species. More basic meanings may

be inseparable from the sounds composing them because they

consistently "get the point across." Whether these basic meanings

are called 'flee', 'fight', 'mate', or 'feed' versus 'run', 'hate', 'love', or

'food' is a moot point. This is exactly what LeCron Foster proposed

when she derived even more distant proto-words from the proto-

words of reconstructed language phyla (1978). She writes:

"Early linguistic symbols (phonemes), apparently parental to all
present-day languages, are reconstructed from a group of languages
whose genetic relationship to one another is extremely remote. The
reconstructed symbols are found to be nonarbitrary. Their
motivation depends upon a gestural iconicity between manner of
articulation and movement or positioning in space which the symbol
represents. Thus, the hypothesis presented here implies that early









language was not naming in the conventional sense but
representation of one kind of physical activity by means of another,
displaced in time but similar in spatial relationship" (LeCron Foster
1978:78).


If a handful of proto-words or sound-symbols can be

manipulated so as to generate elementary propositions, a language

system can emerge with conspecific vocal partners. The advantage

of merely being able to indicate "THERE"+"FOOD" would be

tremendous to our early hominid relatives. Evidently, this capacity

to relate to (or to name) objects and delay enactment of behavioral

rote is well within the range of abilities demonstrated by our closest

genetically and morphologically expressed cousins Pan (Gardner and

Gardner 1971), Bonobo (Boehm 1989; Mori 1983), Pongo (Miles

1983), and Gorilla (Patterson and Linden 1981).

Bickerton's presentation of proto-language assumes the lexicon

of a Homo habilis or Homo erectus to be like a "miser's shoebox,"

each proto-word containing a meaning according to neccessity's

rankings (Bickerton 1990:158). Proto-language also may have

contained a proto-syntax, including negators, question words,

pronouns, relative-time markers, quantifiers, modal auxiliaries, and

particles indicating location (Bickerton 1990:185).
The necessary semantic concepts identified for any human
time before 100,000 years ago are, in Wittgenstein's views,
synonymous with selective pressures. Without recourse to a sound
symbolism element in a language origin scenario, language origin
theories fail to show how any sound is ever connected to any
meaning. This is an absurdity because in order to be at an










overwhelming level of arbitrary sound-meaning, all the present

languages had to have undergone immensely long parallel

traditions.

The trouble with a cursory dismissal of sound symbolism is

that in order to have arrived at fully arbitrary language now,

humans would have had to have totally foregone all emotion and

neccessity from their utterances. This is clearly not the case with

any language.

I propose that the arbitrary sound-meaning hypothesis is an

unreachable end for all languages and that sound symbolism

mechanisms underlie naming processes.


The Nature of Sound Symbolism


Why should scholars of such differing ages as Socrates,
Aristotle, Plato, Condillac, Swift, Darwin, Wallace, Tylor, and Freud

(Jakobson and Waugh 1979) agree that some facets of words carry

meaning in and of themselves? The attractiveness of a sound

symbolism is that it provides a bridge between extrinsic and inner
realities in hominids. Such plausibility has come into and out of

vogue. Presently, it is becoming increasingly important as an arena
holding vital answers about language origins.

Take the largely autonomic, primate vegetative process of

coughing, as an illustration. Here, coughing is a reflex integrated
neurally at the medulla and is initiated by irritation of the
bronchio-alveolar, tracheal, laryngeal, or pharyngeal mucosae










(Geoffrey, Bernthal, Bertozini, and Bosma.1984). Additionally,

auricular nerve stimulation can initiate the coughing reflex and it

can be produced voluntarily as a discrete sign, a diagnostic event, or

unconsciously with symbolic meaning (Leith 1977:547). During a

cough, as the glottis closes, strong intrapulmonary pressure builds

with the respiratory muscle contractions, and finally, the glottis

suddenly opens to release an explosive discharge of air, mucous,

water, and foreign bodies (Ganong 1983:180). The sound of a cough

varies from animal to animal, being species, age, sex, and in some

manners disease specific (Leith 1977). Nevertheless, the sounds of a

cough in all species take place within a few frequency bands of

acoustic energy, not all of them. Any animal who mimics, duplicates,

or reiterates a cough would create the description of the autonomic

process through the sympathetic nervous system.
There are miles of neural circuitry between the autonomic and

sympathetic nervous system, but what makes sound symbolism

attractive is just that it "gets the point across" as Bickerton would

say. In hominid neural evolution, it points to a "least moves"

pathway inexorably trained upon language development. Sound

symbolism is known to provide a "least moves" route in a variety of

ways, the least of which is that it provides a mnemonic assist to
peripherally included vocal partners such as neonates, other Homo

erectus individuals, or foreign language learners (Wescott 1971b,

Jakobson and Waugh 1979). If language is to include a wide range

of individual genotypes and intelligence, and still incorporate a list

of symbolic elements, it certainly needs mnemonic assists.










In contemporary linguistics, there are arguments for "weak"

sound symbolism. That is, finding one peculiar and necessary
meaning, say "size," diverse languages will all utilize one feature
type to represent it (Durbin 1969). To date, evidence shows this
type of a sound symbolism argument only as a general proposition.
Among the more interesting "weak" though universal sound
symbolism examples include the observation that for most
languages the normal declarative order is Subject-Verb-Object (e.g.
English, "I Do It"). This word order represents better than any other
the actual order of transitive events (Greenberg 1966:76). In regard
to social relationships, terms for male/father and female/mother
universally appropriate labial consonants to the female and apical
consonants to the male ([mama] vs. [dada]) (Jakobson 1960).
A stronger sound symbolism argument supposes that all
humans share a common pool of semantically and evolutionarily
important events. In this case, the phonological, semantic, or
syntactic language universals are linked through sound symbolism

on a language by language basis (Durbin 1969:8). That the front
vowel [i] represents "smallness" in most language is an example of a
semantic-phonological sound symbolism("tiny">"teeny," Bob>Bobbie,
e.g.). Depending upon how the [i] vowel is used, it might also connect
with syntax. A clearer example of this syntax-phonological
symbolism is a connection between [FRICATIVE] and a pluralized
noun (in English [-s] or its voiced counterpart [-z]). Here, the sound
symbolism expresses the concept of "more" with continued sound










instead of plosive and brief sound (use of an [-s] instead of a [-p],

e.g.).

Since sound symbolism is probably universal in language use, it
is necessary to regard the wider scope of language universals for

comparisons. Although language universal research focuses upon

the regularities of syntax, phonology, and lexicon, the lexical domain

was ignored until the late 1960s (Witkowski and Brown 1978).

Since then, implicational universals have been found in folk color

terminology (Berlin and Kay 1969), folk botanical (Berlin 1972; C.H.

Brown 1977), folk zoological life-forms (C.H. Brown 1979), kinship

(Witkowski 1972), ethnoanatomy (McClure 1975), and ethnobiology
(Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1973). An implicational universal is

apparent when the occurrence of an item in widespread languages
implies the occurrence of another item or items, but not vice versa
(Witkowski and Brown 1978:428).

As an illustration, an ethnobotanical lexical scheme is in order.

First, no language exists which does not contain at least one word

involving the name of a plant. Hence, naming the botanical universe

is certainly part of the human evolutionary cognitive experience.

But, many languages contain more than one term for plants. Some

languages spoken by pre-literate hunting-gathering societies
contain thousands of such terms. An implicational universal might

read then that if any languages have two words for botanical items,
at least one will be a term for "tree"(e.g., large plant). If any

languages have three terms, the third term will be a "grerb," a small
plant relative to the botanical inventory of a particular










environment, whose parts are chiefly herbaceous. Given four

botanical words in a language, the fourth will be either "bush" or
"vine" or "grass" (Witkowski and Brown 1978:434). One always gets

a term for "tree" before one for "vine", "grass", "grerb" an so on.

Biconditional universals are known as well for human language
speakers. Using the semantic-differential approach, Osgood, May,

and Miron (1975) found that people use the same qualifying

framework in applying connotation or affective meaning to words.
This biconditional universal implies that all human speakers rank

their emotional response to words and their sounds according to
evaluative (good/bad), potency (strong/weak), and activity

(active/passive) dimensions. For a biconditional universe, the

presence of one concept or term will always indicate the other.

With regard to sound symbolism, language universals expose

ancient human avenues of naming behavior. Like the proto-words
of Wescott and Bickerton, sound symbolic words may rank concepts

according to the earliest hominid survival necessities. Hence, the

more basic, primitive, or universal a word may be, the more sound

symbolism may be influencing emotional evaluations about such a

word. In other terms, basic words may represent the activities,

dimensions, or senses of primary sensory and survival value to
early language users with sound symbolism. Strictly speaking, early
naming behavior should contain a close connection between the

signifier and the event to be signified.










Sound Symbolism Hypotheses


The vocalizations of primate communication are dynamic

physical events. Their many complicated muscular and acoustic

productions include imploded fricatives, exploded grunts, coos,

screams, cries, hoots, gobbles, songs, clicks, geckers, whines,

whistles, growls, barks, pants, laughs, twitters, chirps, and "words."

The varied anatomies capable of such diverse modes of producing

sounds among primates point strongly that evolution selected for

vocalization effects in differing environments (Waser and Brown

1984).

Among humans, physiological parameters of vocalization are no

less complex. Voluntary production of sound requires coordination

of seven of twelve pairs of cranial nerves, seven major paired

muscles groups in the larynx alone, widely integrated brainstem,

midbrain, and cortical areas, and numerous recurrent thoracic and

lumbar nerves and muscles (Chusid 1970).

However, humans produce sound within acoustical physics laws

as would any other primate. Namely, a rarified and condensed

stream of air is modulated through modification of ventilatory

resonance chambers. Human oral anatomy consists of three

resonance chambers: the laryngeal, the oral, and the nasal. Sound

frequency and intensity is mainly a function of the vocal folds

located in the glottal region. An increased muscle elasticity or a

tracheal air pressure elevation can cause a rise in pitch. Conversely,

a decrease in the vocal folds elasticity or an increased tracheal air










pressure elevation can cause an increase in intensity (Judson and

Weaver 1942:77).
The voluntary act of phonation in humans is so extraordinary

that an accomplished singer can effect over 2,100 variations of pitch
by varying the length of the glottal folds 1-1.5 micrometer (Wyke

1967:5). Additionally, humans alter the post-glottal sound wave by

movements of the tongue, mandible, lips, and velum with

astonishing speed and articulatory proficiency. John F. Kennedy, for

example, held the world record for an articulatory rate of 327 word

per minute in an outburst in a December of 1961 speech

(McWhirter 1978:48). One can assume the topic was emotionally

loaded.

Although initiated voluntarily, the act of speaking is based

mechanistically upon the precise subconscious integration of a large

number of feed-back reflexes which constantly adjust the large
numbers of muscles required with any type of phonation (Wyke

1967:3-4). Three phonatory reflexes derive from mucosal, articular,

and myotatic mechanoreceptors. The first, presented above in the

cough reflex, produces occlusive glottal effects. Articular reflexes

occur very rapidly when the glottis is opened and closed. For the

key of middle C, a human glottis opens 256 times per second. The

articular reflexes produce what is called phasicc tuning." Finally,
much slower and phylogenetically older myotatic mechanoreceptors
produce stretching adjustments, tonic tuning reflexes, allowing a

consistent frequency emission (Wyke 1967:13).










Considering the many vegetative requirements of humans,

breathing, eating, drinking, swallowing, vomiting, coughing,

chewing, sucking, biting, and so on, it is doubtful every muscle and

nerve combination now existing would exist wholly because of such

vegetative functions (Judson and Weaver 1942:37). Of importance

here is what anatomical, neurological, and physiological differences

distinguish the speech mechanism from the vegetative mechanisms.

Unfortunately, this may never be possible to do considering the soft

tissue nature of the vocal apparatus in primates. Instead, it can be

argued that vegetative functions must have been closely connected

to the earliest semantic conceptions of hominids and these

conceptions are still present, though at a psycho-semiotic level, in

everyday language.
Below, I present three categories of sixteen words. For each

word present in Table l.a., there are 50 instances of this particular

meaning taken from at least 10 of the world's 17 language phyla. I

shall propose about each semantic gloss a number of hypotheses

arguing a nonarbitrary, though motivational, connection between

manners of articulation or places of articulation and meaning. (The

phonetical transcription of these 800 words and the languages they

are from are presented in Appendix A. Their supporting references

are presented in Appendix B. All phonetic characters utilized in

these words are presented and defined in Appendix F for easy

review.)









Tablel.a.
Testing Glosses and Categories

Physiological Ethnoanatomical Semantically

Ancient

COUGH BREAST WATER

VOMIT TOOTH FOOD

SUCK NOSE DOG

EAT NECK

DRINK MOUTH

CHEW

SPIT

SWALLOW


The manners of articulation to be coded for in these words

include: a. stops, b. fricatives, c. affricates, d. nasals, e. resonants, f.

glides, and g. approximants. The places of articulation and their

involvement with various muscle groups and cranial nerves include:

a. bilabial, b. dental-alveolar, c. palatal, d. labio-velar, e. velar, f.

glottal, g. fronted vowels, and h. backed vowels. Mechanically

speaking, consistent modes of production for semantically similar

concepts across distant language phyla should not be expected

unless the glossary represents the proto-language constraint of

sound symbolism.

Physiological

It must be assumed there was some importance to face-to-face

social interaction as some species of Australopithecines evolved into

early Homo erectus lineages (Tanner and Zihlman 1976:474).










Because of this, the association between highly physiologically

hedonistic activities, such as chewing and swallowing, and socially

expressive ones of emotional value through the face and the mouth

cannot be ignored (Dellow 1976:9).

A physiological sound symbolism origin is based upon the

assumption that part of the sound-producing mechanism is closely

involved in the activity which is named. Wescott (1980b) goes so

far as to state that a study of non-primate phonation and human

speech suggests that labiality was initially prominent in language
origins. The reason for the early focus upon lip sounds is the

behavioral reinforcement produced by synesthetic experience:

"[B]ecause the lips are the outermost speech-organs, they are, for
a speaker, the most touchable of his own speech-organs and, for a
hearer, the most visible of another's speech-organs. When the
senses of touch and sight overlap the sense of hearing, they not only
reinforce the latter but ease the evolutionary transition from a non-
auditory to an auditory channel of preferential information-
transfer." (Wescott 1980b:105)


Wescott's attitude is nothing less than a reworked version of

the gesture-speech origin of language. Its most important
proponents have included Darwin, Wallace, Tylor, Paget, and

Johannesson (Critchley 1967:27-38). In one manner or another,

each of these scholars proposed that meaningful gesture and
language arose together in a mutual type of synergism (Hewes

1973). Wallace, in particular, held that a wide variety of languages

utilized lip-pointing to express ideas such as coming and going, self

and other, up and down, and inwards and outwards.










At the center of gesture-speech origin theories is the

assumption that the shape of the physiological components

constituting certain sounds (tongue placement, lip protrusion, teeth

baring, extreme exhalation, etc.) may be sufficiently close in manner

to provide a shorthand synonymy for other important behaviors.

The gesture-speech language origin theory is better labelled

physiologically constrained sound symbolism. Two assumptions

underlie the following hypotheses: First, that these words, COUGH,

VOMIT, SUCK, EAT, DRINK, SPIT, SWALLOW, and CHEW, are

physiological necessities for all primates; second, when they became
semantic entities as words, they still represented affective arenas of

behavior. Therefore, I assume that, as it became necessary for these

physiological processes to become words, they became so in
response to intense evolutionary selection.
Cough. A cough is one member of a larger class of respiratory

maneuvers in which respired gas acts as a fluid coupling which

transmits energy from the respiratory muscles to other sites in the

respiratory system. This class contains three functions the energy of

the respiratory muscles may be used for: 1. Ventilation, including

breathing: gas exchange, panting: thermoregulation, sniffing:

olfaction; 2. Sound production, including phonation and singing,
whistling, snorting, and Bronx cheer; 3. Moving material outward or

inward, including coughing: lower airways, larynx, forced expiration:

lower airways, larynx, clearing throat: hypopharynx, spitting:
mouth, sneezing: upper airways, nose-blowing: nasopharynx,

paranasal sinuses, nose, sniffling: retaining secretions in the nose,










snuffling: nasopharynx, nose, paranasal sinuses (Leith 1977:545-
546).

Coughing appears rare when an animal possesses good health,

and it is likely the appearance of coughing increasingly became a

diagnostic sign to hominid groups as they improved upon other

social integration behaviors. If this is true, it should not be unlikely

that in most languages the distinctive features naming COUGH could

also have a polysemic relation to words and concepts such as SICK,

HOT, DISEASE, and so on.
While this suggestion has not yet been tested, the null
hypotheses for COUGH are: Ho: stops, velars, back vowels, and

glottals find chance/normal distribution in the sample. The
alternate hypotheses are: Ha: stops, velars, back vowels, and

glottals find higher than chance/normal distribution in the sample.

The alternate hypotheses suppose that because a cough is such an
invariant autonomic process, it provides reference to itself through

sound symbolism.
Vomit. There are numerous mechanisms which protect an

animal from ingested toxins. These include, in decreasing order of

temporal effectiveness: 1. The smell or taste of potential foodstuffs

which may be avoided by innate or learned behaviors, 2. The
detection of toxins by the receptors in the gut followed by a central
reflex triggering appropriate responses; nausea to prevent further
consumption, inhibition of gastric motility to confine the toxin to the
stomach, and vomiting to purge the system of ingested, though not










entirely absorped toxin (Davis, Harding, Leslie and Andrews

1986:66).
Vomiting is of great importance in human evolution considering

the vagaries of diet and health in a pre-scientific era. It is a

powerful reinforcer of memory and behavior for all primates.

Armelagos and Farb remark that back vowels are noticed in world
languages for foods which can cause nausea (Farb and Armelagos

1980) It can be suggested, therefore, that when selection pressures
developed a word for VOMIT, its features closely related to other
words for dangerous food items and visceral sensations, POISON,
ROTTEN, RANCID, ACRID, PUNGENT, NAUSEA, QUEASY, and so on.
Emetic responses to emotionally charged events also occur and
humans can speak of "sickening sights" and "nauseating fights"
(Ganong 1983:180). Likewise, it can be suggested that because of
the inflammatory contexts they are found within, taboo words,
especially derogatory insults, contain features which are
synonymous with VOMIT. Wescott reports that for English, at least,

swear words about all manner of topics, include velar and labial
consonants ("kike," "mick," "dyke," "nigger," "bugger," fuckerr,"
"wop," "polack," "gook," "mex," "spic," "canuck," "redneck" e.g.)

(Wescott 1971a:124). This back and front pattern relates at least
superficially with what could be considered fitting sound symbolic
phonetic features naming VOMIT.
Vomiting is a complex muscular event creating many points of
stress and noise, so presupposing features universal to the world's
examples of VOMIT is difficult. Its complexity can be noted in its










sequence of motor actions: 1. the elevation of the soft palate, 2.
larynx and hyoid drawn forward, 3. salivation and opening of the
mouth, 4. closure of glottis, 5. relaxation of the esophagus, 6.
opening of the cardia, 7. flaccid relaxation of the stomach, 8.
constriction of the lower end of the stomach, 9. inhibition of normal
respiration, 10. forced inspiration, 11. sharp contraction of
diaphram and abdominal muscles, and 12. characteristic posture,
bent at waist, clenched fists, strained face, and so on.
The null hypotheses about VOMIT are: Ho: velars, glottals,

nasals, stops, and back vowels find chance/normal distribution in
the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: nasal features should

be found at low frequency because the velum is shut when
vomiting, so as to prevent vomitus from entering the nasal
passageways. Glottals, velars, and back vowels should be at high
frequency in the glosses for VOMIT because they correspond to
crucial areas of the process. Stops should be high frequency because
they imitate the suddenness and acoustic manner of vomiting.
Spit. Though spitting is generally thought of as a voluntary
activity, it is much like coughing and is present at birth in neonates.
The normal person secretes about 1.5 liters of saliva per day, which

contains a number of digestive enzymes, provides some measure of
anti-bacterial action, and lubricates and cleans the mouth (Ganong
1983:392).
It can be assumed that early hominids possessed some degree
of proficiency with spitting, and also put the secretion to important
bio-medical uses. Saliva is known in early and present cultures as










the means to cause fermentation of various grains for the
production of alcoholic drinks. In various human cultures, the act of
spitting can also be a segment of a threat display.
The bio-mechanisms of SPIT are much like COUGH. The
exception is that the liquid globule is usually gathered higher in the
airways. The null hypotheses assume: H o: fricatives, stops, dental-

alveolars, and affricates should have a chance/normal distribution.
The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: stops, fricatives, dental-alveolars,

and affricates should find higher rates in the distribution. They
recapitulate the articulatory points in the act of spitting and the
sounds which are made in the course of violent and abrupt
exhalation.
Eat. Although a great deal is now known about eating centers of
the nervous system, this is of little aid in determining what
semantic intent a proto-language word such as EAT might contain.
The reason for this is that even though EAT refers to ingesting food,
the steps involved are diverse and complex. Eating involves
chewing, sucking, and swallowing. Each is in turn a behavior whose
foundations are largely autonomic.
It would appear that EAT may have become a word when
selective pressure announced a need to identify the good or bad
qualities of foodstuffs whose properties were not transparent to any
sensory detection. Proto-typically, EAT may mark an occasion
where non-poisonous foodstuffs might be ingested.
Of all the physiological words proposed here, EAT is the most
mysterious. Exactly what does it refer to? I propose these null








25
hypotheses: Ho: fricatives, dental-alveolars, stops, and front vowels
should have chance/normal distribution. Alternately, I propose: Ha:

fricatives, stops, dental-alveolars, and front vowels should have a
higher rate of distribution. The words for EAT may refer to getting
food to the front of the mouth (front vowels), the tools of eating
(dental-alveolars), sounds of chewing food fricativess), or mechanics
of glottal closure in swallowing (stops).
Drink. The behavior of drinking is closely related to swallowing.
The difference between the two is that whereas a normal swallow

occurs in one-thirtieth of a second, drinking can occur for durations
exceeding one second (Fink 1975:109). Otherwise, when a person
drinks, a liquid is introduced into the oral cavity and the larynx is
elevated and glottis closes just as with swallowing.
The null hypotheses are: Ho: velars, palatals, resonants, and

stops should be at chance/normal distribution. The alternate
hypotheses are: Ha: velars, stops, palatals, and resonants should

find higher than chance/normal distribution in the sample. Velars
are elevated because the manipulation of the velum prevents liquid
from entering the naso-pharynx. Palatals represent the kinesthetic
sensations of a mouthful of liquid. Stops indicate the necessary
glottal shutting. Resonants mime the action of the tongue while
drinking.
Chew. As mentioned earlier, chewing is a hedonistic event for
hominids. Evidently, the pattern of mastication is generated by a
pool of motoneurones in the brainstem and is not proprioceptive in
nature (Lund 1976:145). The ability to gently crack a peanut or








26

crush a tiny blackberry seed arises from other proprioceptive facial,
oro-pharyngeal, and laryngeal motoneurones.
Since chewing is a reflex present at birth, its similarities to

features in the production of speech have not gone unnoticed. In
fact, one scholar recently stated that in the production of vowels

and consonants,


"incorporating noncylcical gestures at specific points in an
ongoing cycle of movements closely resembles the incorporation of
food transport and swallowing movements into the cyclical jaw
movements of chewing, suggesting that the pattern in speech is
taken over from eating, with modifications specific to manipulating
the shape of vocal tract resonators in place of ingesting food"
(Kingston 1990:738-739).


Chewing is only one stage in a series of behavioral steps to eat

food. Not only does chewing involve many cranial nerves and
muscles, it appears that humans chew soft foods more slowly than

hard foods (Lund 1976:146). With these bits of information on
chewing, the following null hypotheses are made: Ho: features

found at chance/normal rates, dental-alveolar, front vowels, velars,
and fricatives. The alternate hypotheses are made: Ha: features

found at above chance/normal rates, dental-alveolar, front vowels,
velars, fricatives. These hypotheses are made because chewing
involves articulation of the two dental arcades, in the anterior
portion of the oral cavity, bordered by the velum posteriorly, and
with sufficient force to cause breaking noises to be routinely heard.
Suck. There is little doubt that sucking is crucial in the early
post-natal period for primates. Some studies suggest that "sucking is










a functionally adaptive response that may be influenced by

nutritive reinforcement contingencies in the feeding situation"

(Siqueland and DeLucia 1969:1145).
A child may have tactile, muscular, and gustatory stimuli

initiate sucking, at first by triggering a flow of saliva to assist in the

labial seal on the nipple. The thrusting and closure of the infantile

lips and gum pads upon the peri-areolar tissue is responsible for
milk removal, and importantly, the true physical sucking is a
minimal factor in milk secretion (Dellow 1976:14).
Surprisingly, the effective reinforcement of sucking can be

achieved with a wide variety of stimuli including visual, auditory,

tactile, olfactory, and kinetic (Siqueland and DeLucia 1969:1146). In
other words, humming or rocking an infant may be used to
reinforce feeding behavior in a neonate over and above more
autonomic controls of the nervous system. It can be suggested,

therefore, that sucking reinforcement in early hominids was related

to direct communication with an infant with multi-modal sensory

elements, the ultimate purpose being to train and exercise effective

motions of the facial and oral musculature.

Sucking behaviors are also an important part of healing

procedures practiced by shamans and doctors in widespread
cultural areas. When SUCK was coded finally into word form, sound
symbolism could have set the limits to the features appropriate to
its reference. The null hypotheses are: Ho: palatals, fricatives,

affricates, and nasals should find chance/normal distribution in the
sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: palatals, nasals,










fricatives, and affricates should find a higher rate in SUCK glosses.
The act of sucking creates a negative pressure inside the oral cavity,
explaining the palatal features chosen. Fricatives and affricates
mimic the sounds made in sucking. Nasals are hypothesized at a
higher rate because an infant can breathe and suck simultaneously
and the nasally produced consonants may have reinforcing and
calming qualities.
Swallow. When a swallow is initiated by the voluntary action of
collecting oral contents on the tongue and propelling them
backwards into the pharynx, a wave of involuntary contractions of
the pahrynegeal muscles push the material at a rate of about 4
cm/s into the stomach. Inhibition of breathing and glottal closure
are vital parts of the swallowing reflex (Ganong 1983:393).
Swallowing is present in utero and the amount of amniotic fluid
swallowed shortly before birth closely corresponds to that of
mother's milk shortly after birth (Dellow 1976:7). This behavior is
such a major portion of human experience that even when fasting,
the normal human swallows approximately 2,400 times per day
(Ganong 1983:393).
Since SWALLOW refers to a virtually autonomic process, parts
of its sequence could be coded into the phonetic rendition of a word
with sound symbolism. The null hypotheses are: Ho: glides, velars,

and glottals should be at chance/normal distribution. The
alternative hypotheses are: Ha: glides are also known as semi-

vowels since the acoustic energy and articulatory form splits vowel
and consonant definitions. So, because of the similarity to










swallowing, glides should be found at higher than chance/normal

distribution. Velars and glottals should also be found at higher rates

because the act of swallowing inhibits respiration and closes the

glottis. Humans must manipulate both the glottis and velum to

prevent food or water from entering the nasal pharynx or the

trachea.

Anatomical

The universal presence of words labelling parts of the human

anatomy in all languages strongly suggests that ethnoanatomical

terms are members of a proto-lexicon. Which body parts were

named first in response to selection pressures is a mystery. One

function of body terms might have been to represent associated

behaviors with specific areas of the anatomy. Another function

might have been to extend self-reflective reference upon the outer

world. Widespread occurence of this type of metaphor is seen in

world languages. Such extensions include "mouth of the river", "neck

of the woods", "shoulder of the road", "foot of the mountain", and so

on (Lehrer 1974:135). In some languages the more basic body

terms extend to name even more specific bodily locations, such as

"the neck of the hand" for "wrist" and "neck of the leg" for "ankle."

The basis for sound symbolic naming of anatomy rests in the

physical similarity with place of articulation and part so named.

This naming behavior presents a "least moves," allowing memory

and activity of an area to be the same.

Breast. For neonates, the human breast is an active area of
behavior. The null hypotheses about BREAST are: Ho: nasals,










bilabials, front vowels, and stops should have chance/normal
occurence in the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: nasals,

bilabials, and front vowels should be higher than chance/normal in
the sample because they are found in the same area most used in
suckling. Since feeding is a continuous process, less than
chance/normal distribution of stops should be seen.
Tooth. The properties of human teeth include hardness,
smallness, and presence in the front of the mouth. Wescott argues
that terms for TOOTH also contain dental-alveolar elements
(Wescott 1971:424). With this in mind, the null hypotheses are: Ho:

dental-alveolars, stops, and bilabials should find chance/normal
distribution in the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha:

dental-alveolars and stops should be higher in rate than
chance/normal distribution. Bilabials should be less than
chance/normal distribution in the sample. Though covering teeth,
the lips clearly are not teeth. I assume that the softness of the lips
versus the teeth also made this dichotomy obvious.
Nose. The nose is an anatomical center of unceasing air
turbulence. It contains the third resonance chamber necessary to
create nasal sounds. Likewise, it is the prominent structure of the
face for humans. The null hypotheses are: Ho: nasals, resonants,

and bilabials should find chance/normal distribution in the sample.
The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: nasals and resonants should find

higher than chance/normal rates because the nose is also part of
their place of articualtion. Bilabials should be higher in frequency










than chance/normal distribution because they represent the nose
visually similar to the protruding possible with the lips.
Neck. Many activities take place in the neck. It is the most
obvious source of phonation, coughing, hiccuping, choking,
swallowing, and drinking. The null hypotheses are: Ho: velars,

stops, and back vowels should find chance/normal distribution in
the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: velars, stops, and

back vowels should find higher than chance/normal occurrence in
the sample. These features are the most representative of the more
autonomic processes in the neck. In addition, it must be assumed
than since the paleolithic hunter era, humans have realized the
crunching cracking sound a neck makes as it is broken.
Mouth. It is not so clear what MOUTH refers to in many
languages. Though it is generally thought of as the cavity after the
lips and before the neck, its meaning is variable cross-culturally
like so many things. The null hypotheses are: Ho: stops, dental-

alveolars, bilabials, and velars should find chance/normal
distribution in the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: Stops,

because they inflate the oral cavity, should be found at higher than
chance/normal distribution. Dental-alveolars, velars, and bilabials
circumscribe the mouth and also should be present at higher than
chance/normal rates.
Semantically Ancient
Any "once upon a time" theory about human language origins
must include the necessities of finding water, food, and defense
against predators. If sound symbolism did play a pivotal part of the








32

proto-language naming system in early hominids, it did so because
of transforming a number of sensory data into consistent acoustic
form. Semantically ancient examples of sound symbolism are based
upon the connection between the most distinctive feature attribute
of the object named and a referent acoustical metaphor. For
example, WATER is soft and fluid, so it would not be expected that it
be named with stops or dental-alveolars.
Water. A human cannot live for more than a week without
water. There is little doubt than the earliest savanna dwellers
became proficient in finding hidden water as a matter of survival
necessity. The null hypotheses are: Ho: labio-velars, dental-

alveolars, approximants, glides, front vowels, and stops should all
find a chance/normal distribution in the sample of world languages.
The alternative hypotheses are: Ha: dental-alveolars and stops

should be less than chance/normal distribution for WATER. Both
represent distinctness in oral gesturing and are incongruous with
water as a fluid. The labio-velars, approximants, glides, and front
vowels should be higher than chance/normal frequency since they
mime drinking behaviors.

Food. It is hard to imagine what actual food, FOOD represents as
a semantic universal in world languages. Does it mean something
that is merely eaten, and thereby include medicinal herbs? Or does
it mean something that is eaten every day and carries an

appropriate set of preparative behaviors about itself? Although it
could be hypothesized that the taste of a food might determine its








33
name, it is hard to invent or even imagine any one food that might
taste the same for millions of genetically variable individuals.
Nonetheless, if a very sweet food like honey were to be named,
it might be named more for the front of the mouth where those
taste receptors are found, rather than the back of the mouth. For
example, the English "honey" and Greek "mellis" both contain front
vowels and nasal consonants. If a food were bitter or used to induce
vomiting, like the gourd called "kolosinth" by the English, a front
and back consonantal symbolism might be produced (Norwood
1978:9).
For FOOD in general, the null hypotheses are: Ho: nasals and

front vowels should find chance/normal distribution in the sample.
The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: nasals and front vowels should

find a higher rate than chance/normal in the sample. I argue here
that humans identified FOOD in much the same way as BREAST.
Dog. It is uncertain when the wolf was domesticated by early
humans. It can be assumed that since the use of fire and the
production of lancelate tools, the wolf ceased to be a threat to
human communities. Importantly, wolves are like humans in having
spread to all continents. Human cultures almost universally contain
myths concerning wolves. Dogs are important to humans because
when domesticated they also eat feces and reduce levels of
contamination in the immediate human environment. In various
cultures they are food, servant and work horse, pet and family
member, scientific subject, and god.










A DOG is most readily identified by the sounds it makes. The
null hypotheses are: Ho: velars, stops, back vowels, and glottals

should find chance/normal distribution in the sample of world
languages for DOG. The alternative hypotheses are: Ha: velars, back

vowels, glottals, and stops should find higher than chance/normal

distribution in the sample. The proto-word for DOG may have

synonymy with NECK, the place of the bark is near the NECK.

Below are tables 1.b., 1.c., and 1.d. which recapitulate these
unwieldy hypotheses. Each table presents the 16 glosses and the

types of hypotheses argued about each. There are 63 predictions

away from an average feature frequency for all 16 glosses.


Table 1.b.
Glosses and Consonantal Articulation Hypotheses
Features: Bilabial Dental- Palatal Labio- Velar Glottal
Alveolar Velar
Predicted H M L H M L H M L HML HM HML

Glosses:

Breast + + + + + +

Tooth + + + + + +

Nose + + + + + +

Neck + + + + + +

Mouth + + + + + +

Cough + + + + + +

Vomit + + + + + +

Suck + + + + + +










Table 1.b. continued
Features: Bilabial Dental- Palatal Labio- Velar Glottal
Alveolar Velar

Predicted H M LH M L H M L HML HM HML

Glosses:

Eat + + + + + +

Drink + + + + + +

Chew + + + + + +

Swallow + + + + + +

Spit + + + + + +

Water + + + + + +

Dog + + + + + +

Food + + + + + +

Totals: 3 12 1 5 10 1 2 14 0 1 15 0 8 8 0 4 12 0


Table 1.c.


Glosses and Consonantal Manner Hy otheses

Features: Affricates Fricatives Stops Nasals

Hypotheses: H M L H M L H M L H M L

Glosses:

Breast + + + +

Tooth + + + +

Nose + + + +

Neck + + + +

Mouth + + + +

Cough + + + +

Vomit + + + +


--










Table I.c. continued

Features: Affricates Fricatives Stops Nasals

Hypotheses: H M L H M L H M L H M L

Glosses:

Suck + + + +

Eat + + + +

Drink + + + +

Chew + + + +

Swallow + + + +

Spit + + + +

Water + + + +

Dog + + + +

Food + + + +

Totals: 2 14 0 4 12 0 9 5 2 4 11 1


Glasses and


Table 1.d.
Vowel and Semi-Vowel


Hypothe::es


Features: B. Vowels Fr. Vowels Glides Approx. Reson.

Hypotheses: H ML H M L H M LH MLH ML

Glosses:

Breast + + + + +

Tooth + + + + +

Nose + + + + +

Neck + + + + +

Mouth + + + + +










Table 1.d. continued

Features: B. Vowels Fr. Vowels Glides Approx. Reson.

Hypotheses: H M L H M L H M LH M LH M L

Glosses:

Cough + + + + +

Vomit + + + + +

Suck + + + + +

Eat + + + + +

Drink + + + + +

Chew + + + + +

Swallow + + + + +

Spit + + + + +

Water + + + + +

Dog + + + + +

Food + + + + +

Totals: 5 11 0 6 10 0 2 14 0 1 15 0 2 14 0


With the presentation of the hypotheses completed, Chapter II

will provide the tally and analysis of this language data. Three

types of statistical tests are made upon these 63 hypotheses. These

include the standard Chi-Square test, the Kruskal-Wallis median

test, and the Jonckheere-Terpstra ordered alternative test. These

tables are used when Kruskal-Wallis median-rank and Jonckheere-

Terpstra testing is done in Chapter II.

Following Chapter II, I discuss the incorporation of prosody as a

subset of sound symbolism in Chapter III. In Chapter III, I also










identify and discuss more than a dozen synonymous sound

symbolism terms and introduce some order to such references

found scattered in the literature. Finally, Chapter III presents

natural language examples of sound symbolism for world languages.

These are illustrative of the extent of sound symbolism throughout

the world, types of sound symbolism, and functions of sound

symbolism.

Chapter IV critically discusses the most important sound

symbolism experiments carried out over the past 70 years. The

diversity of these experiments is not easily compared with the

results from Chapter II. Nevertheless, the concurrence they lend is

impressive.

Finally, a summary and concluding remarks are given in

Chapter V. Weaknesses of the dissertation design are outlined and

promising areas of future research are listed.














CHAPTER II
SOUND SYMBOLISM DATA AND ANALYSIS


The Universe of the Linguistic Data


The hypotheses proposed in Chapter I regard human language as

a unitary event, though as an entity expressed as over 5,000 regional
languages. To test the depth of the hypotheses outlined in Chapter I, a

representative sample of the 5,000 languages spoken among humans

is necessary. When testing any gloss of this sample, one major

assumption becomes apparent. This is that the presence of any

predicted feature or pattern of sound and meaning becomes

significant to a universal domain when its frequency falls above or

below chance levels of occurence. In short, the arbitrary sound-

meaning hypothesis holds that both words and their sounds should

only find average levels of association regardless of meaning.

The data base consists of 800 monolexemes for 16 concepts. The

categories include: BREAST, TOOTH, NOSE, NECK, MOUTH; COUGH,
VOMIT, SUCK, EAT, DRINK, CHEW, SWALLOW, SPIT; WATER, DOG, and

FOOD. Each contains 50 examples or words, and each word comes from
a different language. For each category of 50 words, no more than 5

languages come from one of the 17 language phyla considered. So, for

each meaning and its 50 instances of globally sampled words, at least










10 language phlya of 17 language phyla are represented. The

language phyla considered include: 1. Afro-Asiatic, 2. Australian, 3.

Austro-Asiatic, 4 Austronesian, 5. Eskimo-Aleut, 6. Indo-European,

7. Dravidian, 8. Indo-Pacific, 9. Niger-Khordofanian, 10. North

Amerind, 11. South Amerind, 12. Uralic, 13. Nilo-Saharan, 14.

Khoisan, 15. Austro-Thai, 16. Sino-Tibetan, and 17. Altaic. Language

phyla such as Na-Dene, Paleo-Siberian, Georgian, Basque and others

were excluded from this list because of the lack of representative

sources and ambiguities surrounding their phyletic assignments.

The creation of this data base assumes that a balanced sample

of geographically or historically separated languages should

demonstrate languages composed of varying structural components.

That is, their differences should show apt use of the "language"

category because, by definition, languages are changing entities

never possessing the exact phoneme usage frequencies or phonetic

inventory. This should be so even though they use the same

distinctive features in recognizing and creating their phonemic

inventories. All told, what Saussure (1959) argues should be

present; namely, there should be few strong connections between

sounds and meanings, their signifiers and the concepts they signify.

The fragmentary documentation of geographically separated

languages made collection of all 800 words from 50 languages

impossible. This would have been ideal because a range could have

been obtained for total numbers of phonemes present in the

sample. Unfortunately, the data set holds words from 229 sampled

languages, with no one language providing more than a total of 16










words for all 16 concepts. Thus, no single language's phonemic

range and sound frequencies could influence decisions very much.

By sampling from 229 languages and phonologies instead of 50, any

association between sounds and the meanings would be impressive.
In point of fact, less than one percent of the words were

identical in all possessed features with others. These words were

from the same language phyla and it is uncertain whether they

represented loans or cognates from a mother language. Clearly,

there is plenty of distance between the sounds used to represent
meaning in different cultures, especially when comparing across

phyletic boundaries. However, when predicted patterns of sound-

meaning relationships are consistently observed, the arbitrary

sound-meaning hypothesis is not supported.


Coding the Linguistic Data


Each word in the sample (N=800) was coded in a variety of

descriptive ways. (The entire set of words is presented in Appendix

A and each specific language's supporting reference is in Appendix

B.) First, all phones were tallied. A mean word length for each

category was found. Interestingly, the shortest word was EAT (3.6

phones per word) and the longest was SWALLOW (5.2 phones per

word). Perhaps the longer average reflects the less cultural and

more autonomic behavior "swallowing". In addition, over 90% of all

words contained between 4-5 phones. Below is table 2.a.:












Table 2.a.

Data Sample Descriptive Tallies
Words: Sample Word Phones Consonants Vowels
Length

Eat 50 3.6 181 98 83

Water 50 3.7 186 91 95

Drink 50 3.9 196 106 90

Dog 50 4 204 104 100

Breast 50 4.1 208 108 100

Nose 50 4.2 212 120 92

Tooth 50 4.3 219 120 99

Mouth 50 4.4 220 118 102

Suck 50 4.4 223 127 96

Neck 50 4.5 226 125 101

Cough 50 4.7 237 129 108

Vomit 50 4.7 238 127 111

Spit 50 4.8 245 144 101

Food 50 5 250 124 126

Chew 50 5.1 258 142 116

Swallow 50 5.2 263 141 122

Totals 800 4.4 3566 1924 1642


Here, it is unclear what role word length plays with regard to
specific meaning. It is intriguing that EAT, WATER, and DRINK are
the shortest three words and FOOD, CHEW, and SWALLOW are the










longest three. It might be hypothesized that the longer words

represent longer or slower phenomena, the reverse might be true

for the shorter terms. It would be interesting to test such a guess by

simply replicating the same size sample with new languages. If true,

a length and meaning connection as a human language universal

could be analogous with examples in alloprimate communication

systems. These conjectures will undoubtedly be tested further

because this data is not significantly different. The standard

deviation of this sample is a large 1.6. So, one standard deviation

from the standard mean (4.4) easily contains both the shortest word

EAT (3.6) and the longest SWALLOW (5.2).

Analysis of the data set was done further for a comprehensive

number of articulatory and acoustic features. Each sound, whether

consonant or vowel, is identified according to its distinctive

features. Tallying is a binomial decision. A language and its word

either: a). Yes, contain or b). No, does not contain a feature. Hence,

the maximum number of words for each category possessing any
given feature is 50, or 100%. The gloss COUGH, for instance, gives 49

out of 50 languages with an obstruent in that meaning. These coding

parameters for vowels included all rounded or unrounded front,

central, back vowels distinguished by high, middle or low tongue
height. Consonantal coding was done for the following front to back

places of articulation: bilabial, labio-dental, interdental, dental-
alveolar, palatal, labio-velar, velar, uvular, and glottal. Consonants

were also coded for the following manners of articulation: stop,

fricative, affricate, nasal, glide, trill, lateral, approximants,










obstruent, and resonant. These six coding tables are given in

Appendix C according to ethnoanatomical, physiological, and cultural

glosses. Not all the coding parameters were used in testing

hypotheses. The vowels, for instance, are tested only according to

whether they are front or back. The extra coding parameters are

available to demonstrate the full scope of the data and for further

testing by interested scholars.


Hypotheses Testing Using Chi-Square


In Chapter I, 63 hypotheses contrasted sound symbolism and

arbitrary sound-meaning relations. The arbitrary-meaning

hypothesis is the null hypothesis. It argues that in the pantheon of

5,000 known languages, all phones will be randomly represented

over all meanings. There should be no particular agreement among

separate languages and the sounds in meanings attached to sounds.

Further, when a single category of words is compared among

languages, the interlanguage similarity should be as small.

My 800 word data sample is synchronic. It takes words from

languages as they are known this century. No words represent the

proto-forms of any phyla. The statistical tests necessary are

nonparametric because the underlying population distribution of a

sample is not uniform (Wynne 1982:330). The 800 word data set

represents 229 languages and therefore, 229 distinct phonetic

inventories. The little information available about most makes

normality assumptions difficult to test.








45
However, the 800 word sample does represents 229 languages

and the phonetic range for this sample probably reaches 90% of the

possible phonetic variation known for human language in its
entirety. Then, by obtaining frequency counts of categories (words)

for certain qualitative variables (distinctive features), a two-by-two
contingency table or Chi-square can measure significance of any
relationship.
In the 63 Chi-square tests below, a test word, (e.g. COUGH), is

compared to all other words (15 other glosses) according to a
qualitative feature. That is, as a sample, COUGH might contain a total
of 50 examples of a certain feature for its 50 languages. This
number is compared to the total number of other languages and

features, which might total 750 features for 750 languages. Chi-

square results from the calculation of Phi shown below (Driver
1966:322-324):


ad-bc
4(a+b) (a+c) (b+d) (c+d)


2
X=02 N



Since the degrees of freedom equalled 1, the Yates correction

was applied for distribution skewing. There is some debate recently
over whether the Yates correction for continuity is necessary. In our

case, the N is so large (800), that applying this correction lowers Chi
values very little. The nature of Chi-square only allows non-










directional associative findings. Although the hypothesis about

COUGH predicts it will contain more STOPS than average, deviation

in either direction will result in a significant Chi-square.

All 63 hypotheses discussed in Chapter 1 contain the same

predictions:

Null Hypothesis:

Ho: u=U, (given a word of n=(50) and u occurence of a feature, a

larger sample N (800)-n(50)=(750) and U occurence of a feature

should be similar);
Alternate Hypothesis:

Ha: u is not equal to U.

The test statistic is Chi-square, and the corrected Yates value is

given. The significance level sought is p<.05. At this level, the null

hypothesis asks that if the true correlation between a feature and
meaning is zero, what would be the probability of obtaining, by an

error of sampling, a value as high or higher than that obtained from

the observed sample. Since there are repeated tests being made, the

results must be qualified. If 100 tests were made with Chi-square

at a .05 probability level, 5 cases would be likely to be significant or

insignificant by chance factors. In the tests presented below, for 63

hypotheses about 3 cases should be expected to yield results solely
according to chance associations. As the results will show, this error

is negligible due to the dramatic number of significant tests. Below

are the 16 glosses and the Chi-square tests for each:









Table 2.b.1.
Breast


Breast


All-


Yates


p<.05


Breast

+Stop 23 506 Phi=.11 _

-Stop 27 244 Chi=9.6 .001 8 .003 *****


+Bilabial 2 1 232 Phi=.05

-Bilabial 29 518 Chi=2.6 .10 2.1 .14


+Nasal 26 334 Phi=.03

-Nasal 24 416 Chi=1.0 .3 .77 .37


+F. Vow 24 337 Phi=.01

-F. Vow 26 413 Chi=.17 .67 .07 .78


For BREAST, distribution of the stop is significantly predicted

by the alternate hypothesis. Of 50 languages contributing to the

BREAST sample, only 46% contain one or more stops while 67% use

one or more stops for the 15 other concepts.










Table 2.b.2.
Tooth


Tooth


All-


Yates


p<.05


Tooth_ _

+Dental 42 507 Phi=.08

-Dental 8 243 Chi=5.8 .01 5.1 .02 ****


+Stop 30 499 Phi=.03

-Stop 20 251 Chi=.89 .34 .65 .42


+Bilabial 32 329 Phi=.14

-Bilabial 18 421 Chi=16.1 .0001 14.9 .0001 ****


+F.Vowel 32 329 Phi=.09

-F.Vowel 18 421 Chi=7.6 .005 6.8 .008 ****


These results demonstrate that world languages use dental-

alveolars and front vowels, not bilabials to name TOOTH. A linguist

should find the teeth named with sounds like, ne, si, se, zi, chi, and

so on, but not mo, ma, ka, ta, duh, pu, po, ba, bo, and so on.









Table 2.b.3.
Nose


Nose


All-Nose


Yates


+Nasal 40 320 Phi=.18

-Nasal 10 430 Chi=26.3 .0001 24.9 .0001 ****


+Resonant 42 496 Phi=.09

-Resonant 8 254 Chi=6.7 .009 6.0 .01 ****


+Bilabial 27 226 Phi=.12

-Bilabial 23 524 Chi=12.3 .0004 11.2 .0008 ****


For NOSE, nasals, resonants (which include nasals and

approximants), and bilabials are favored features, presumably

because of iconic or gestural similarity. The NOSE sample shows 80%

of its languages choosing nasal, versus 43% for the other 15

concepts. For resonants, NOSE carries 84% to 57%, and for bilabial

54% to 30%.










Table 2.b.4.
Neck


Neck


All-Neck


Yates


p<.05


+Velar 35 286 Phi=.15

-Velar 15 464 Chi=19.8 .0001 18.5 .0001 ****



+Stop 42 487 Phi=.09

-Stop 8 263 Chi=7.6 .005 6.7 .009 ****


+B.Vowel 30 402 Phi=.03

-B.Vowel 20 348 Chi=.7 .37 .5 .46


Highly significant associations for velars and stops are seen for

NECK. The velar feature may be used in NECK with iconic or

kinesthetic origin. The velar articulation is at the level of the neck

in proximity. The significance may also be because so many

vegetative processes occur in the neck involving the same processes

of phonatory stopping. Some evidence is seen for this below for

COUGH and VOMIT. Both contain significant levels of stops like NECK.









Table 2.b.5.
Vomit


Vomit


All-Vomit


Yates


p<.05


+Nasal 15 345 Phi=.07

-Nasal 35 405 Chi=4.8 .02 4.2 .03 ****


+Stop 40 489 Phi=.07

-Stop 10 261 Chi=4.5 .03 3.9 .05 ****


+Glottal 1 3 113 Phi=.07

-Glottal 37 637 Chi=4.2 .03 3.4 .06


+Velar 23 298 Phi=.03

-Velar 27 452 Chi=.7 .38 .52 .46


+B.Vowel 26 406 Phi=.01

-B.Vowel 24 344 Chi=.08 .76 .02 .88


For VOMIT,


significance is found with nasal and stop features.


Presumably, nasals are not favored because the velum is usually

closed during vomiting. Stop features describe convulsive mechanics
of vomiting. The glottal features approach significance with p=.06.
Surprisingly, back vowels and velar consonants find an average
distribution. The most common VOMIT vowels are /a,a/.










Table 2.b.6.
Cough


Cough


All-Coug


p


Yates


p<.05


+Stop 41 488 Phi=.08

-Stop 9 262 Chi=6 .01 5.2 .02 ****


+Velar 2 8 265 Phi=.l

-Velar 22 485 Chi=8.6 .003 7.7 .005 ****


+Glottal 1 3 113 Phi=.07

-Glottal 37 637 Chi=4.2 .03 3.4 .06


+B.Vowel 3 1 401 Phi=.04

-B.Vowel 19 349 Chi=1.3 .24 1 .3


Like the word NECK, the gloss COUGH contains significant

numbers of stops and velars. The glottal feature is suggestive at

p=.06. COUGH does carry features commonly known for most coughs,

namely velar stops. Back vowels are just as likely to be found as

front vowels in names for cough. Of all vowels, the most common for

COUGH is Back Mid Round /o/, at 36%.












Mouth


Table 2.b.7
Mouth


All-Mouth


Yates


p<.05


+Bilabial 19 234 Phi=.03

-Bilabial 31 516 Chi=l .31 .7 .39


+Dental 35 514 Phi=.007

-Dental 15 236 Chi=.04 .82 .003 .95


+Stop 32 497 Phi=.01

-Stop 18 253 Chi=.1 .74 .03 .86


+Velar 22 299 Phi=.02

-Velar 28 451 Chi=.3 .56 .18 .66


None of the hypotheses for MOUTH is significant. Apparently

there is no commonality among what feature used to name MOUTH.

When the frequencies of all the features are ranked, as is done

below in the next analysis section, MOUTH is average for all features

except one. It is tied for last place, out of 16 rankings, for the use of

fricatives. Why MOUTH stands out among anatomical terms may

have something to do with the semantic vagueness of MOUTH itself.
What is the MOUTH? Where does it begin and end? Its vagueness

may aid in its arbitrary sound-meaning form.









Table 2.b.8.
Suck


Suck


All-Suck


Yates


o<.05


+Palatal 17 1 15 Phi=.12

-Palatal 33 635 Chi=11.8 .0006 10.5 .001 ****


+Affricate 5 3 7 Phi=.05

-Affricate 45 713 Chi=2.4 .11 1.5 .21


+B.Vowel 39 393 Phi=.12

-B.Vowel 1 1 357 Chi=12.3 .0004 11.3 .0008****


+Fricative 21 280 Phi=.02

-Fricative 29 470 Chi=.4 .50 .25 .61


+Nasal 25 335 Phi=.02

-Nasal 25 415 Chi=.5 .46 .3 .55


For the gloss SUCK, palatals and back vowels are significant.

This duplicates the mechanics of suction whereby the tongue is

depressed due to negative ingressive pressures. Other features as

nasal, fricative, and affricate are insignificant. Apparently, there is
little acoustic mimicry found in words for SUCK.









Table 2.b.9.
Eat


Eat


All-Eat


Yates p


p<.05


+Fricative 12 289 Phi=.07

-Fricative 38 461 Chi=4.2 .04 3.6 .057


+Dental 30 5 19 Phi=.04

-Dental 20 231 Chi=1.8 .17 1.4 .23


+Stop 27 502 Phi=.06

-Stop 23 248 Chi=3.5 .06 2.9 .08


+F.Vowel 16 345 Phi=.06

-F.Vowel 34 405 Chi=3.7 .05 3.1 .07


The gloss EAT is an enigma. No feature appears at


levels above


average. Surprisingly, the rotory action of chewing and its intra-oral

noise must not contribute to the choice of this feature for CHEW

words. Fricative frequency is 24% versus 38% for all other glosses.

Possibly the reason for this is that EAT, like MOUTH, is a culturally

more malleable word because of its semantic vagueness. Like

MOUTH, what does EAT refer to? Is it chewing, swallowing,

consumption, sipping, gulping, or slurping? Each culture approaches

EAT differently and this is paramount in its form.









Table2.b.10.
Drink


Drink


All-Drink


Yates I


p<.05


+Velar 12 309 Phi=.08

-Velar 38 441 Chi=5.7 .01 5 .02 ****


+Palatal 11 1 21 Phi=.03

-Palatal 39 629 Chi=1.1 .27 .7 .37


+Resonant 34 504 Phi=.0004

-Resonant 16 246 Chi=.01 .90 .001 .96


+Stop 3 1 498 Phi=.02

-Stop 19 252 Chi=.4 .52 .2 .62


Only velar features are significant for DRINK. Since drinking

mechanics conspire to keep fluid from the nasal sinuses, velars are

less than the mean frequency for the other words. It may be that

physiological words tend to reject the very features that would

indicate a poor enactment of the named event. When velars are in a

word, movement of the velum draws attention to the border area

between the mouth and nose at the soft palate. Choking on a drink
or morsel of food involves the velum and the glottis and accurate
drinking behavior may be named to contrast with this.









Table 2.b.11.
Chew


Chew


All-Chew


Yates p


p<.05


+Velar 22 299 Phi=.02

-Velar 28 451 Chi=.3 .56 .1 .66


+Fricative 24 277 Phi=.05

-Fricative 26 473 Chi=2.4 .11 1.9 .15


+F.Vowel 36 341 Phi=.02

-F.Vowel 14 409 Chi=.5 .45 .3 .54


+Dental 36 513 Phi=.01

-Dental 14 137 Chi=.2 .59 .1 .7


Like the words EAT and MOUTH, CHEW is semantically


inscrutible because none of the tested features are significant. CHEW

may not be comparable in its failure to MOUTH and EAT and may

involve other senses. For nasals, CHEW ranks second among 16 for

frequency of such phonemes. Chewing may be tied to the

stimulation of the cranio-facial musculature and enhancement of

olfactory detections. Or, the act of chewing reduces food mass and
may reflect this in a front, small to back, large vowel apophony in

each word for CHEW. For CHEW, 30 of 50 languages show a vowel

apophony.









Table 2.b.12.
Swallow


Swallow


All-Swallow


Yates D


p<.05


+Glide 15 109 Phi=.l1

-Glide 35 641 Chi=8.5 .003 7.4 .006 ****


+Velar 23 298 Phi=.03

-Velar 27 452 Chi=.7 .38 .5 .46


+Glottal 9 117 Phi=.01

-Glottal 41 633 Chi=.2 .6 .06 .8


SWALLOW contains glides at significant levels. Glides mime the

motion of the tongue as it propells a bolus of food toward the

esophagus. This result was predicted. Glottal and velars are random

and perhaps for reasons similar to why DRINK lacks velar features

at significant levels. Ideally, swallowing is a continuous and

autonomic process and glottal and velar articulation features stand

in the way of this. When swallowing goes awry it becomes choking,

and it is possible CHOKE would use features which are only random

in SWALLOW, much like DRINK.












Spit


Table 2.b.13.
Spit


All-Spit


Yates


p<.05


+Fricative 32 269 Phi=.14 _

-Fricative 18 481 Chi=15.8 .0001 14.6 .0001 ****


+Stop 4 1 488 Phi=.08

-Stop 9 262 Chi=6 .01 5.2 .02 ****


+Dental 39 510 Phi=.05

-Dental 11 240 Chi=2.1 .14 1.7 .18


+Affricate 9 3 3 Chi=1.4

-Affricate 41 717 Chi=17.4 .0001 14.8 .0001 ****


SPIT contains significant levels of affricates, fricatives, and

stops. All these features are present in the mechanics and acoustics

of spitting. This is, again, predicted. The dental-alveolar frequency
of SPIT ranks third of 16 words. Even so, such a frequency is only

average. As for the vowel a SPIT word tends to contain, though no

predictions were made, the SPIT sample contains the highest

number of High Back Round vowels of the data set. The vowel is /u/
and in 23 of 50 languages SPIT contains this vowel. It would be

interesting to see whether the finding holds up in a larger sample.









Table 2.b.14.
Food

Food All-Food p Yates p p<.05

+Nasal 27 333 Phi=.04

-Nasal 23 417 Chi=1.7 .18 1.3 .24


+F.Vowel 24 337 Phi=.01

-F.Vowel 26 413 Chi=.1 .6 .07 .78


FOOD is not labelled with any predicted feature at significant

levels. This may be due to poor feature choice or the semantic

variability of FOOD across cultures. One culture's food is another's

waste. However, FOOD leads the category of central, unround

vowels, showing 39 of 50 languages with the vowel /a/. The

significance of this is unclear, but next most common for this vowel

is CHEW (36) and then EAT (33). Interestingly, these three terms

had the fewest successfully predicted features. Also pertinent is the

observation that FOOD contains the most dental-alveolars features

of any gloss. It tops even the TOOTH gloss. This suggests FOOD may

have polysemic overlap with TOOTH as the start of the eating
process.









Table 2.b.15.
Dog


Doe


All-Dog


Yates Ip


p<.05


+Velar 22 299 Phi=.02

-Velar 28 451 Chi=.3 .55 .19 .66


+B.Vowel 25 407 Phi=.02

-B.Vowel 25 343 Chi=.3 .56 .18 .66


+Stop 3 9 490 Phi=.06

-Stop 1 1 260 Chi=3.3 .06 2.8 .09


+Glottal 7 119 Phi=.01

-Glottal 43 631 Chi=.12 .72 .02 .88


The gloss DOG is insignificant for

popular belief, the word for DOG is not


all tested features. Contrary to

similar across widely


disparate linguistic areas for stops, velars, glottals, and back vowels.

Other features may be similar but have not been measured. For
instance, DOG ranks third for labio-velars, front vowels, and

approximants. It may also display vowel apophony.









Table 2. b.16
Water


Water All-Water


Yates p


p<.05


+Labio-Velar 8 46 Phi=.09

-Labio-Velar 42 704 Chi=7.2 .007 5.7 .01 ****


+Approximant 16 238 Phi=.001

-Approximant 34 512 Chi=.001 .96 .01 .9


+Stop 1 8 511 Phi=.16

-Stop 32 239 Chi=21.6 .0001 20.1 .0001 ****


+F.Vowel 22 339 Phi=.005

-F.Vowel 28 411 Chi=.02 .86 .003 .98


+Glides 1 3 1 11 Phi=.07

-Glides 37 639 Chi=4.4 .03 3.6 .05 ****


+Dental 27 522 Phi=.004

-Dental 23 428 Chi=.01 .89 .002 .98


Like SWALLOW, the gloss WATER contains significant

association with glides. This was predicted. Labio-velars are also

significant in the words collected for WATER. This is interesting

because this type of phoneme is produced at both ends of the oral

cavity and perhaps duplicates the wide oral area which water










contacts. Finally, WATER does not tend to use stops as naming

features. In this way, it is much like BREAST.
It would be interesting to compare terms for water from

cultures which are aware of ice and those which have had little

knowledge of ice. If there is a reference to water because of its
liquidity, would the cultures with knowledge of ice include more

stop features than average for their water term? (English contains a
stop in its water term, /t/, but also a labio-velar /w/).


Hypothesis Testing Using Rank Ordering


Since an 800 word sample is large and bulky, more than one

type of statistical analysis is useful to bring out significance. A large

number of ranking nonparametric tests are available to test the null
hypothesis for social scientists. One of the most widely used is the
Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance by ranks. This test is

useful when there are more than two categories comparing more

than two populations or samples. When only two categories and two
populations are given, the Kruskal-Wallis test is equivalent to the
Mann-Whitney test and equates the Chi-square distribution tables

(Daniel 1990:226).
Another nonparametric test useful to the types of data
considered here is known in the literature as the Jonckheere-
Terpstra test for ordered alternatives (Terpstra 1953) (Jonckheere
1954). In the Kruskal-Wallis test, as in the Chi-square, the deviation
in a particular direction from the null hypothesis cannot be










measured (Holander and Wolfe 1973:122). With the Jonckheere-
Terpstra test, the alternative hypotheses are ordered and at least

three samples drawn. Since this test is used with three or more

samples of observations, the distinction between one-sided and

two-sided tests is not maintained (Daniel 1990:235). It is, therefore,
a very powerful alternative nonparametric test which creates

simplified results available to any researcher with a rudimentary

understanding of z-score and normal distribution statistics (Odeh
1972:471).
In Chi-square analysis, each of the 16 word categories has a

number of hypotheses. Presumably, each word as a category (n=50)
has a mean average different from the mean average of a larger
number of words (N-n=750) drawn from the same universe of

words (U=800). In nonparametric ranking analysis, each word
category is ranked against each other according to each of the 15
tested features; bilabial, dental-alveolar, palatal, labio-velar, glottal,
affricate, fricative, stop, nasal, back vowels, front vowels, glides,
approximants, and resonants. The initial ranking needed for both
tests in given in Appendix D. The actual rankings are given in

Appendix E. Actual rankings average the ties between categories
and are not merely 1 through 16 rankings found in the initial
rankings.
Kruskal-Wallis Testing. The Kruskal-Wallis test is a median-
rank test. Any null hypothesis formed with it assumes that the k
sums of ranks (that is, the sums of the ranks in each sample) to be

about equal when adjusted for unequal sample sizes (Daniel










1990:227). According to the 63 hypotheses outlined in Chapter 1
and tested according to Chi-square in this chapter, we can only say

that each Chi-square test shows or fails to show significant

association between word and feature frequency. In the case to

follow, the testing feature (e.g. bilabial, velar, et cetera), not
individual hypotheses about words is considered. In testing median,

not mean, the Kruskal-Wallis test can tell whether the hypotheses,
as grouped by feature, are significant or not.
In order to test using the Kruskal-Wallis design, the hypotheses

outlined at the end of Chapter I must be used. This time, as the

tables 1.a., 1.b., and 1.c. show, each feature is predicted to be High,
Mid, or Low in frequency in each of the 16 glosses. The 63

hypotheses now become 240 hypotheses, with the 177 unstated
Middle or average values considered hypotheses. Further, in using

this test, some of the features have only Mid and High values
predicted, while four, bilabials, dental-alveolars, stops, and nasals
have three values predicted. Below are the predictions made for 16

glosses and 15 features on two and three values (k=2, k=3 e.g.).

The Kruskal-Wallis test statistic is given below. In summary, it

is a measurement that is a weighted sum of the squares of

deviations of the sums of ranks from the expected sum of ranks,
using reciprocals of sample sizes as weights (Daniel 1990:227).
2
12 k Ri
H= -NN ) -3(N+1)
N i=l ni
i'n


The use of this test statistic involves making the null










hypotheses that given nl, n2, or n3 population comparisons (Hi,
Mid, or Lo samples, i.e.), their medians will be identical. The
alternate hypotheses argue the medians are different from one
another in the predicted manners. There are 63 High or Low
frequency medians predicted for my data set. The remaining 177
are Mid predictions. When k=3, the degree of freedom is 2, for k=2,
the d.f. score is 1. The significance tables are the same as those used
for Chi-square. The table below gives the computed Kruskal-Wallis
test statistics:


Table 2.c.
Kruskal-Wallis Results and Significance


k sample I


Test-Stat (H)


Ip<.05


Features Tested:

Bilabial 3 6.5 ****

Dental-Alveolar 3 1.7

Palatal 2 3.4

Labio-Velar 2 2.1

Velar 2 8.4 ****

Glottal 2 -.6

Affricate 2 4.7 ****

Fricative 2 .5

Stop 3 5.9 ****

Nasal 3 5.1

Back Vowel 2 1.2

Front Vowel 2 .09









Table 2.c. continued

k sample Test-Stat (H) p<.05

Features Tested:

Glide 2 4.1 ****

Approximant 2 -.12

Resonant 2 .8


In these results, the predictions for bilabials, velars, stops,

affricates, and glides are significant. This represents one-third of

the feature categories tested. In comparison, about one-third of the

Chi-square scores of the 63 individual hypotheses were significant

at the same levels of probability. The concurrence speaks well of
the overall success of the hypotheses and the internal data

reliability.

Given usual pronouncements of the arbitrary sound-meaning

hypothesis, a sample, such as has been created here with this data
set, should contain about 5% shared cognate set per 100,000 years
contact. The levels of associations for features and meanings are

entirely too high, almost 6 times more than expected. This exposes

either a serious flaw in linguistic reconstructionist arguments or

evidence that sound symbolism is present within many languages,
regardless of phyletic grouping.
Alternately, it might be argued the significance is due to a

sub-set of languages within the sample concurring. This seems
unlikely given that 229 languages provide the 800 words in the

data set. If there is actually an agreement among a subset of








68

languages, it would have to be remarkably obvious to create such a

strong showing.
Jonckheere-Terpstra Testing. While the Chi-square and
Kruskal-Wallis test statistics measure differences between selected

samples of words or features, neither indicates whether the

difference is in the predicted direction Though there are many
ranking tests, one useful test is the little known Jonckheere-

Terpstra test for ordered alternatives. With this test, at least three
populations are required. In it, the null hypothesis predicts all
populations equal, but the alternate hypothesis predicts an

inequality in a particular direction. For the alternate hypothesis, nl

is lesser or equal to n2 which is lesser or equal to n3. In short, the
Jonckheere-Terpstra test is a one-sided Mann-Whitney or Wilcoxon

test. The advantage of this test is that it takes into account the
partial prior information in a postulated previous ordering.
In the tables listing the hypotheses in Chapter 1, it can be seen

that only bilabial, dental-alveolar, stop, and nasal features contain a

k=3 and qualify for this type of testing. Additionally, all the

hypotheses of the dissertation can be summed and a grand score of
hypothesis efficacy can be figured. This type of test creates a J-

score, which given probability tables, elicits a significance level.
Entering such a table, the p-level desired is matched with the k-
score, and the k-score's three or more sample sizes. For instance, the
k-score for bilabial is 3, their sizes are 3, 12, and 1. The probability
level can be less than .05.








69
The formula for obtaining the Jonckheere-Terpstra test is given

below. It tallies all pairwise comparisons from each population,
giving a score of 1 when one population element is greater than that
in another, and one-half point in the case of a tie. It measures
whether at least one of the population means is less than at least
one of the other population means (Daniel 1990:234).


J= jUij
i

The k-scores for each of the five tests are non-symmetrical and

unusual. As a result, tables do not exist which can translate the J-
score into a probability statement. This is unfortunate, but not
devastating. When sample size is large enough, the J-score can be
converted quite readily into the standard z-score, which carries a
normal distribution. In the z-score, the mean is always 0 and the
variance 1. The formula to convert using the obtained J-score is
given below.


J- (N2-i=lni )/4

Z=
2 k 2
[N2(2N+3)-i=1ni (2ni +3)]/72




This test is useful because it relates the ability of the
hypotheses to predict order in a data set, which according to
arbitrary sound-meaning tenets, should not have order.










The scores are given below in Table 2.d. with their significance
levels.


Table 2.d.


Jonckheere-Terpstra Results for Feature Hyp otheses (k=3)

J-Score Z-Score p p<.05

Feature(s) Tested:

Bilabial 47 3.5 .0002 ****

Dental-Alveolar 47 9.5 .0001 ****

Stop 56.5 9.7 .0001 ****

Nasal 51 8.9 .0001 ****

All Hypotheses (63); 8751 6.3 .0001 ****

(58)Hi<( 177)Mid<(5)Lo


These strikingly significant results indicate that when enough

information warranted three predictions as to the direction of the
means of three populations about certain features, the hypotheses

were all significant. Further, the results show that as a whole, the
63 hypotheses proposed initially, when modified into 240
hypotheses by including populations which are merely considered

average, are highly significant. Succinctly, this indicates order can
be predicted for sound-meaning associations for a geographical and
genetical distant sample of world languages utilizing classical ideas
about sound symbolism. To date, such a simple design has never
been done by scholars researching the limits of the sound
symbolism phenomena.








71
The following chapter places these results into the context of

widespread sound symbolism examples from world languages.
Given such comparison, the unusually marked results of this

chapter appear so only due to lack of structured research into sound

symbolism phenomena.














CHAPTER III
SOUND SYMBOLISM AND PROSODY, SOUND SYMBOLISM
TERMINOLOGIES AND SOUND SYMBOLIC EVIDENCE IN
NATURAL LANGUAGES


Introduction


Within this chapter, three related areas are examined.

They are important to consider because they shed light upon

the difficulties which arise when scholars choose to specialize
research domains and forget the overall unity of linguistic
phenomena. First, evidence suggesting sound symbolism

encompasses prosody is viewed. As a long labelled "supra-

segmental" feature of linguistic pattern, prosody is essential to
all languages. Philosophers from Plato to Freud and linguists

from Ben Johnson to Roman Jakobson have held that prosodic
functions are intrinsic to the lineal nature of sound use in

communication purposes. Prosody not only occupies a pivotal
role in the language play during language acquisition for

children, it is basic in allowing meaning transfer between

speakers. Yet, until recently, prosody has received little
serious attention by language scholars.
Many works have scratched out schemes which place

prosody within a sound symbolic domain or sound symbolism










within prosodic one. Each paradigm reaches vastly different

conclusions. Among the more notable include: Fonagy (1979),

La M6taphore en Phon6tique, Genette (1976), Mimologiques:

Voyage en Cratylie. Ertel (1969) Psychophonetik, Jakobson
and Waugh (1978) The Sound Shape of Language, Wescott

(1980c) Sound and Sense: Linguistic Essays on Phonosemic

Subjects, and Thass-Thienemann (1967) The Subconscious

Language.

Second, prosody is vast and its literature has not been

adequately reviewed anywhere. Neither has its body of

knowledge ever been trully compared with sound symbolism

studies. So, even though this cannot be done here, I will list

and define a plethora of sound symbolism terms, currently

used without much agreement among scholars. In recognizing

this immense arena claimed by the numerous sound
symbolism researchers, I propose that prosody is a sub-set of

a much tighter grouping of sound symbolism rules. I predict

that when the elements of a universal prosody are identified

and codified, they will be indistiguishable from sound

symbolic ones.

Lastly, evidence of sound symbolism from 12 of the 17
major language phyla is presented. I claim research will

expose sound symbolism in all known language phyla. Its

absence is due to lack of published research data, though

certainly it appears present in scans of relevant dictionaries.










Sound Symbolism and Prosody


The bio-acoustic universe is composed of environmental

sounds, animal calls, and human speech. Sounds have always

carried emotive meanings for humans. Any survey of the

cultural metaphors ascribed and debated about sounds in

particular languages demonstrates this pervasiveness. Each

one of these domains is described in all cultures with varying

numbers of semantically polar adjectives. A far from

exhaustive list includes the following contrasting beliefs about

bio-accoustically perceived sound: A sound may be described

and thereby taught to be understood as small or large, dry or

wet, light or dark, lightweight or heavy, fast or slow, hard or

soft, smooth or rough, weak or strong, sharp or dull, female or

male, quiet or loud, angular or round, clear or abstruse, near

or far, empty or full, gay or sad, pure or mixed, short or long,

few or many, sweet or sour, even or odd, squat or tall, high or

low, thin or wide, major or flat, tonal or atonal, nervy or calm,

and so on (Fonagy 1979). Even so, evidence remains anecdotal

that any sounds innately evoke emotions.

Though the acoustic features lending themselves to such

binary description are not well understood, there is general

acceptance among scholars that prosody plays a major part in

this and it carries "sound suggestiveness" and "intrinsic value"

(Jakobson and Waugh 1978:198). In most definitions, prosody
refers to a suprasegmental manipulation of the forms of










utterance. So defined as suprasegmental, the prosodic process

takes place on a level which overlies a basic structure, usually

the phoneme. Any number of suprasegmentals can be created

and labelled prosodic. However, the most commonly cited ones

function such that the pitch, loudness, tempo, duration, and

rhythm are linked, either innately or voluntarily, to

connotative meaning (Barry 1981:321).

Prosody has at least four functions. First, the "globally

rhythmic" and tonal pattern direct a hearer's attention and act

as semantic guides (Barry 1981:337). Prosodic tonality and

tempo modulation aid in dividing acoustically inseparable
"connected speech" into semantic units. "Connected speech" is

common to all languages and involves the ordinary blending

of one word into another. This phenomenon is witnessed in

the difficulty of aurally learning a foreign language, when it is
more easily learned literally.

A second prosodic function is known as speaker attitude

signalling. For this function, a person hears and discerns

whether a speaker is agitated, angry, calm, seductive, happy,

sad, or despondent, by voice quality. Though the prosodic
elements processed to achieve this aim can include pitch,

tempo, and loudness, an accurate discernment of speaker
attitude by conspecifics has been shown to interact within

social context. That is, even though emotional states are
broadly comparable for all humans, the traits used to identify

each are highly malleable to change according to particular










instance. Nevertheless, keeping a social situation qualifier in

mind, for English speakers, it has been shown that mild anger

produces an increased tempo of speaking, whereas depression

produces a decrease (Markel, Bein, and Phillis 1973). When
listeners rate emotions of speakers according to "softness" or

"harshness", it has been evident that soft, empathetic

emotions such as grief and love are expressed through peak-

pitch profiles. The harsh, hostile emotions, such as anger and
contempt, are expressed through peak-loudness profiles
(Costanzo, Markel, and Costanzo 1969:269). Additionally,

length of utterance seems connected to an expression of

friendship (Markel 1988). Consequent to these studies, no one
now doubts social context and prosodic elements

synergistically interact to convey speaker attitude.
Third, perceptual focussing is a function of prosody.

Localization in the tonal accent, determined by pitch

movement, forces a centralization upon the type of
information being conveyed (Barry 1981:330). With this
prosodic function, for example, most languages utilize high

and/or rising intonations to mark questions and the converse
to indicate statements (Bolinger 1964). Otherwise, a speaker

such as an irritated parent might indicate the imperative in a
command to a child such as "Get in this house NOW!" Focussing
acts as a double function in that it determines the
communicatively most important elements within the sense










unit and at the same time links the unit to its context (Barry

1981:337).
Finally, experiments show that when subjects are

presented with syntactically ruptured binaural sentences, the

listener's attention follows the prosody, while the syntacto-

semantic switch merely caused hesitations and omissions

(Darwin 1975)(Barry 1981). This "guide" function of prosody

is suspect in the emergence of proto-syntax. This is to say, in

the earliest language scenario, prosody may have been the

syntax. Consequently, conspecific sound meant emotion and
meaning emplacement within a social context. Certainly, vocal

pauses marked an upward physiological constraint of vocal

length utterance and must have played a part in semantic
"guidance."

Cross-cultural similarity in the use of the fundamental

frequency to convey affect, intention, or emotion is well
known in anecdotal and experimental evidence (Ohala

1984:2). Neonates prefer their own mother's voice over others

(DeCasper and Fifer 1980). "Baby-talk" or "motherese"

consistently occupies higher and harmonic regions of

frequency and amplitude (Ferguson 1964)(Fernald and Kuhl

1987). Perhaps one of the oldest perceptions in any hominid
proto-language may be that MOTHER is FEMALE and SMALLER

and TONALLY HIGHER in acoustical production. If this

conjecture is extended, the earliest human culture and










language began with mother-infant interaction communicating
affective intent.

It is little secret all mammalian orders communicate

emotional activity with tonality and other prosodic features.

Within humanly conceived sound symbolic words, high tone

tends to be associated with words connoting or denoting small,
diminutive, familiar, near, familiar, near, or narrow, and the

reverse meanings for low tone (Ohala 1984:4). In phonemic

terms, for vowels, this means the front vowels represent the

higher frequency versus the back vowels. For consonants, this

means the voiceless ones represent the higher versus the

voiced ones. As shown further, this is an important focus of

testing in sound symbolism experiments.
In humans, vowels are most easily recognized and are

always intonated. Intonation of utterance is universal, if only

because Nature creates animals of differing shapes and

capacities and possibly intonation is the most common

denominator (Bolinger 1964). For example, an evolutionary

pattern producing, accepting, and perceiving a high front

unrounded /i/ vowel by a female or male, child or adult, of
differing size and health is too widespread to be explained by

borrowing, descent from a common linguistic source, or chance

(Ohala 1984:2). Indeed, Liebermann pointed out that this

group of articulatory parameters forming this intonation be

called the "supervowel" because it is identified with unerring










accuracy among a pantheon of cultural groups and actors

(Lieberman 1984:158-161).
Intonation is thusly deemed partly an innate and
evolutionarily selected behavior. It is so because evidence

shows it is crucial to the socialization processes in alloprimates

by allowing the inherent variability of the individual a place
in communicative adaptiveness. Over-specialization gets a

genera wiped out and no species can perfectly create high

frequency vowels invariably. A process entailing the use of
sound for communication of affective intents must include a
multitude of constraining factors. Some of these include the
health of the animal, a social context, an age of the animal, a
sex for the animal, and an emotional state of the animal. Any

one of these can alter the formation of a vowel intonation. Too
often, language or communication schemes assume "once upon
a time" that animals created a sonal frequency, and that this

became an auditory frequency. All this, the assumption goes,
without the slightest variability.

Prosody is not yet a subset of any sound symbolic
scheme. Partly, this is due to lack of cross-cultural data on

prosody and the lack of a unifying framework with which to
study sound symbolism. Even so, all vowels are intonated.
Any two phrase utterance occurs within a temporal and
commonly iconic scheme. Plus, the use of prosody is linked
with intent within a social context, and the use of sound
symbolism is connected with clarifying intent within a social










context containing shared perceptual routines. In any case, it

seems absurd to argue that when small front vowels indicate
semantic "smallness" in a particular culture, this be labelled
"sound symbolism," while claiming the use of a high frequency

register, including the same vowels, and evincing affective
connotations, belongs for study within prosodic subfield. The

troublesome blur between sound symbolism mechanics and

prosodic ones belongs in part to faulty logic. Use of sound
symbolic phonetic devices implies a shared cognitive tradition.

This tradition owns functions identical to those of prosody.

Often, sound symbolism is treated as if it must only occur
within a vacum, something a categorical definition of prosody

could never sustain.


Sound Symbolic Terminologies


Sound symbolism is labelled with a swath of terms

including: "iconic symbolism" (Wescott 1971b), "psycho-
morphism" (Markel 1966), "phonosymbolism" (Malkiel

1990a), "phonetic symbolism" (Sapir 1929) (Newman 1933),
"synaesthesia" (Karkowski, Odbert, and Osgood 1942), "sound-

meaning correlation" (Heise 1966), "onomatopaeition" (Kahlo

1960), "vocal-gestural symbolism" (Paget 1930),
"phememism" (Foster 1978), "animal talk" (Langdon 1978),

"ideophone symbolism" (Samarin 1970), "magical imitation"
(Fisher 1983), "mimicry" (Bladon 1977), "expressiveness"










(Henry 1936; Fudge 1970), and "holestheme-phonestheme

symbolism" (Wescott 1987).

Such colorful nomenclature regards types of sound and

meaning within language mechanics as sometimes partially

and entirely motivated. These terms can refer to types of

sound symbolism: lexical, syntactic, morphic, psychological,

and phonological. Otherwise, they can appear as combinations

of two or more types. I delimit most below. A simple

organization on a expressive scale ranging from minimally to

maximally arbitrary is difficult to construct cross-culturally,

though it has been done for a single language elsewhere

(Bladon 1977). Even in the case of the least arbitrary,

mimicry, the given definitions are paradoxical. Nevertheless, in

comparison, each possesses semi-inclusive functions enabling

communicative intent to be interpreted among conspecifics in

a manner more certain than in purely arbritary sound-

meaning units.

Mimicry. Mimicry is the least arbitrary form of language

use and generally the best possible imitation of a particular

sound source by a conspecific (Bladon 1977). Individuals

always vary in their capacity to mimic with vocal dexterity
fluctuating widely among a speaking groups. An important

difference exists, however, between imitating a cat using a
high-toned rasping falsetto voice and reporting a name for

what a cat says. The former can use vocal pitch, amplitude,
delivery speed, staccattoed presentation, reduplication, and so










on (in English, [miauw], [hesss] i.e.]. The latter are described

below as onomatopes and represent an abbreviated recall of

an obvious auditory feature of the thing described (in English,
[kaet], [pus] i.e.).

Mimicry is not easily transcribed orthographically.for

linguists, poets, and speech therapists. Consequently, it is not

well studied scientifically. Still, it is extensive in the collective

psyche and oral history of a culture's forms of dramatic

recitation. The great art to mimicry, whether of human voice,

activity, or emotion, is well known among primates.
Evidence abounds that humans possess extraordinary

mimicry capabilities and talents. Widespread communities

astound the public yearly by hosting pig-calling, eagle-calling,

alligator-calling, duck-calling, or turkey-calling festivals. The

only requisite for a person to become a rich and famous

performer in Western soicety is an uncanny ability to

duplicate other people's voices and say something which is

semantically inappropriate to that persona's voice.

One of the few studies done on this topic reports on a

speaker's ability to create onomotopoetic words so to describe

auditory phenomenon. Wissemann (1954) asked subjects to
describe various sounds which included rattling chains,

snapping wood, sploshing water, shattering glass, clanging
bells, and the like. Interestingly enough, the longer sound did

not necessarily elicit the longer name. Instead, the number of
syllables corresponded to the number of divisions heard in










the noise. Syllables created expressed the sound's
differentiation and stress highlighted important sonal

dimensions (Brown 1958:116). Abrupt onset of sound, such as

in snapping, breaking, pounding, and the like, usually was
named with a voiceless stop consonant (e.g., [p], [t], [k])

Gradual onset noises became labelled with fricative
consonants (e.g., [s], [z], [h], ) (Brown 1958:117). Further,

Wissemann's subjects agreed upon a common scheme for

vowel utilization in labelling colors and sizes. Vowels
produced frontally were used to refer to bright small noises,

low back vowels the reverse (Brown 1958:118).
This study raises the possibly that mimicry or a process

similar to echoism underlies naming principles for sensory
experiences. Roger Brown inquired: "Is it possible that primal
man created his first words in accordance with these same
imitative rules and that these rules, being "natural" to all men,
made translation of the first words easy?" Such an earliest

language scenario presents mimicry as only part of a creative

manipulative naming system in a dynamic communicative
order, loaded with changing social needs, for numerous

primate genera. For example, higher rank in early hominid
vocalizations, in comparison with other alloprimate
observations, might have been signalled by greater than
normal use of vocalizations given and received from
conspecifics (Gouzoules, Gouzoules and Marler 1986).










Onomatopes. Onomatopes are "words" and not mere

acoustical imitations. As qualified "words," they seldom

possess unchanging spelling forms and show considerable

difference in dictionary definitions. They represent a sound

source and are phonemically characterized speech sounds. For

example, sonogram comparisons could show that the English
voiced alveolar-palatal fricative /z/ resembles the sound of a

bee buzzing. The /z/ and the sounds of the word "buzz" are
phonemes in English. In Yucatecan Mayan, there is no /z/

phoneme to use in an onomatope for the sound a bee makes
and their /b/ is imploded, the feature reversal of the English

/b/. If Mayan children make a word for what a bee says, it

will not contain a /z/ if it is an onomatope. The codification of

phonemes into those "words" for a speaking group varies

cross-culturally. Onomatopic production is distinct from

mimicry, though, and languages contain rules for compressing

an imitation of what an animal/process actually emits into a

shared word. This acoustical compression phenomenon of

languages is little studied and few statements can be made

regarding it.

"Morpho-phono-symbolics" or similarly, "phono-

semantics" are empty jargon. No one knows how speakers go
from imitating the bark of a dog, for example, to creating a
word for its bark. To give some examples from the Indo-
European family, English speakers' dogs can say [wufl,

Germans' [vaul, Frenchs' [wal, Icelandics' [gelta], Rumanians'










[latra], Croatians' [lajatil, Lithuanians' [lotil, and Palis'
[bhussatil. In the Altaic language family, a Turkish dog says

[haul, and a Japanese [wi~g. For the Niger-Khordofanic
language Mbukushu a dog says [kudha]. Tahitian, an

Austronesic language, allows dogs to say [aoa]. North Amerind

languages differ as well for dog barking. In Hopi it is [waha],

Crow [bahuk], Ojibwa [miki], and Micmac ['psagagwl. Finally,

for Mon, an Austro-Asiatic language, a dog's bark is [ki?]

(Bladon 1977:162; for others see dictionaries in Appendix B).

The common sense adage that dogs bark the same world

round is untrue. Even among packs of the same sub-species

barks may differ. Which types of dogs and what area of the

geographic world do the dogs bark in are two variables

influencing onomatopic construction of "bark." All this quickly

dismisses a tidy summary of a mechanical dog bark. In short,

simply naming the vocalization of an animal is a complex

event.

Other onomatopes relate to sounds that a culture

recognizes as emotionally significant. In English these include
"tee-hee," "boo-hoo," "ugh," "tut-tut," "no-no" and so on.

Certain onomatopes also have echoic reference to speech
styles, such as "blah-blah," "la-dee-dah," "hem and haw,"
"yammer," "stammer," "babble," "stutter," "mutter," "sputter,"

and so on. Of particular importance to this dissertation is a

group of onomatopes regarding vegetative process such as

hiccuping, sneezing, coughing, laughing, and so on. Cross-










cultural onomatopic similarities expose the operation of sound

and gestural symbolism. In the experiments following, this
"semantic" compression of sound value is further examined. It

should be noted that even with the most automatic event, say

coughing, the cross-cultural expressions are non-identical in

some ways, but identical in other, predictable, ways.

Synaesthesia. Synaesthesia labels a subject's connotative

regard for sounds as they associate with unusual senses. In

early Greece, Homer equated colors, emotions, and sounds

(Pecjak 1970:625). More modern subjects, in response to

music, report major chords "wet" and minor "dry" (Karkowski,

Odbert and Osgood 1942). Similarly, Naval submarine

radiomen during World War 2, in response to the need to

share information about sonar recordings, developed a

specialized lexicon. In this creative vocabulary sounds were

called "bright" "shiny" and "dark". Large objects, explosions, or

processes were given low frequency phonemes. When events

approached the ship, they were called small, bright, and high

(Solomon 1958,1959).
Sapir (1929), discussed at length in Chapter IV, using

nonsense CVC words (i.e. words created of consonant+ vowel+
consonant), demonstrated that the more anteriorly produced
the vowel, the smaller in relative perceived size (1929). Other

tests have associated high tones with sharp objects, and low
tones with round objects (Davis 1961). Bilabial phonemes (e.g.
/b/,/p/,/m/,/3/,/6/ ) associate with rounded shapes and










velar stops (e.g. /k/,/g/,/g/ ) with angular shapes in English

(Firth 1935).

Synaesthesia experiments are described in detail in the

next chapter. Compared with sound symbolism, synaesthetic

definitions are fuzzy because they were formulated upon

archaic conceptions of sense perceptions and sound dynamics.

Just as any neurologist would say there are more than five

sense receptors, any audiologist would says sound perception

includes transduction of mechanical energy through air, water,

bone, chemical, and electrical mediums. Sound lends itself

synaesthetically with light, touch, space, and the like

presumably because of somatosensory overlapping modes of

sensory processing in the brain.

Phonaesthetics. Phonaesthetics label an emotional nature

to sounds. Good or bad, hot or cold, fast or slow, dangerous or

safe are varied affective connotations which types of sounds

can acquire in orderly fashion within a culture. Examples
include: a.) [-~~s] found in words (such as dash, gash, clash,

lash, flash, etc.) associates with violence, b.) low mid back
unrounded sound ,/A/, (in mud, dud, cud, e.g.) associated with

an unspecified heaviness and dullness, c.) [sm -] cluster carries

a pejorative connotation for English speakers (Markel 1966).
Ideophones operate in Niger-Khordofanian languages to label

"big" or "harmonically ideal", and "thin" or "discordant"

speaking styles (Wescott 1980a; Samarin 1967; Sapir 1975).










Phonaesthetic devices vary considerably between

cultures. Nonetheless, no comparative studies have been done

upon universal world poetry, song, or recitation trope. The

crucial value of an idea of linguistic "beauty" in any language

is underestimated. Language speakers are critically directed

to vary their speaking registers from earliest utterances. That

each of these registers carries its own rules of appropriateness

is well known. The ability to interact successfully within a

social milieu is tied with knowing the rules of the "pleasant"

speech game (Farb 1974). Perhaps because the rules are so

fluid or perhaps because they are so subjective, scholars have

failed to develop a scheme appropriate for the study of

phonaesthetics. Still, phonaesthetic devices are little different

from sound symbolic ones. Sounds which are made during

pleasant activities become synonymous with pleasantness.

Many of these include sucking, making love, smacking, and so

on, and are described in the following section upon sound

symbolism in natural languages.

Linguistic icons. Linguistic iconism denotes the use of

sounds as icons, nonarbitrary intentional signs acting as

designations bearing an intrinsic resemblance to the thing it

designates (Wescott 1971b:416). Instances highlighting

linguistic iconism in the world's languages include: a.)

quickness--in English, stop consonants convey the iconic

impression of brevity and discontinuity as in the contrast

between "chirp," "yelp" versus chirrr," "yell". The rapidity with










which they are made, iconically recapitulates their rank as

"quick". In terms of meters per second, they are the fastest

produced sounds humans can make.; b.) quietness--voiceless

consonants imply inaudibility or a vocal incapacity and are

most effective when coupled with high front vowels to imply

smallness. Such English exemplars include "tick," "hiss,"

"sizzle," "whistle," "whisper," and "shush". Again, diminished

volume with speech terms parallels diminished activity of a

referent process; c.) temporality--later events are reflected

later in the naming event. This is evident in the commonality

of suffixing for past tense morphemes (Greenberg 1964); d.)

commonality--frequently used terms are shorter than average

when referent importance rises. These short basic terms are

also learned earliest by children (Brown and Witkowski

1982:73).

Such a list of linguistic icons is hardly complete. An

exhaustive study of their pervasiveness has not been done. As

a whole, they demonstrate that vocal behavior parallels non-

vocal behavior as far as some semantic intents are concerned.

Iconism is abbreviated behavior display. As such, it is very

similar to sound symbolism devices. Like behaviors and
meanings get like expressions, albeit in greatly reduced forms.

Vocal icons. Vocal iconism is not strictly linguistic iconism.
Instead, it refers to the use of gestural specificity of vocality.
For example, dentality can be a vocal icon. Since this

consonantal feature involves articulation with the teeth, it










connotes steady projection of something from a base. Many

world languages contain names of various projections from

the earth or the body utilizing dental consonants. Instances
include Proto-Indo-European *ed- "to bite" and *dent- "tooth;"

Effik -ot "head," eto- "tee;" Mixtec tu- "tail," thuk "horn," t'e

"woods," and duti- "mountain" (Wescott 1971b:422).
Following this conjecture about vocal icons and the teeth,

Hockett proposed that the rise of the labiodental phonemes

[f, v] were caused by the advent of agriculture (Hockett
1985:284). He remarked that these phonemes diffused from

nascent agriculture centers and represented the shift to the
chewing configuration required of grinding cereals instead of

the scissor-bite required for cutting meat. Such a shift became

iconic and presumably, the terms for grains of all types should
overlap significantly with those of teeth, at least as far as
sharing phonemes.
In some languages, minimal articulatory shifts indicate

minimal semantic shifts. For English, instances include "this-
that," or "six-seven," or "four-five". In proto-Semitic (*Oinay)
and (Oala:Ou) "three-four" and (Sid0u) and (Sab'u) "six-seven"

(Wescott 1971b:421)
Names for body parts often include just those parts so
named. I have compiled evidence that hundreds of languages
name "tooth" with dental consonants made with the teeth.
Similarly, "lip" is named with labial consonants. Vocal icons
are necessarily redundant. For example, the word for tongue










in all languages will include movement of the tongue. What

would be of interest is to test through electro-mylography
whether muscles of named anatomical parts invariably

respond when so named. If so, vocal iconism may be

considered an adjunct to other identified synergistic body

languages (Argyle 1973).

Psycho-morphs. A Psycho-morph is "a non-morphemic
unit of one or more phonemes for which a connotative

meaning can be established, but, this connotative meaning

may not accompany all occurrences of the unit" (Markel

1966:2). Non-morphemic units for English can include the

phoneme clusters /sm-/ and /gl-/, for example. The speaker

associates, with cognitive mechanisms not well understood,
the identified psycho-morph with a select attitude. For

instance, English speakers negatively regard the /sm-/ cluster

(Markel and Hamp 1960).

The mechanisms for Markel's psycho-morphs are not
inherited, appearing culturally and language specific.

However, like so many speech behaviors, the active processes

of the psycho-morph occur below the normal level of speaker

awareness. Unconscious attitudes toward psycho-morphs
influence speaker selection of appropriate word choice when
given competing alternatives (Markel 1966).

Psycho-morphs impute linguistic units, other that at the
level of the word, actively disturbing a level of word retreival

in a speaker's cognitive mind. Within a culture, psycho-










morphs demonstrate a culture's self-reflexive processes,

injected into actual language use. Attitude is use and use is

iteration of attitude. For Markel, the psycho-morph is only one

of a number of processes expressing the inner psychic world

of a speaker. Even the selection of large groups of vocabulary,

expressive words, of negative and positive connotation, link

up in frequency of use in hypertense speakers (Markel 1990).

Feelings reiterate use, use reiterates feelings. In itself, these

findings recapitulate views of virtually every mentalistt"

ethologist. Animals, including humans, overlay their inner

worlds upon extrinsic reality.

Ideophones. Ideophones are linguistically marginal units,

their exact definition being a matter of some debate.

Africanist Clement Doke first described a group of

grammatically deviant expressive forms common to Bantu

languages and conveying sensory impressions as ideophones

(Doke 1935:118-119). He argued ideophones were a separate

part of speech much as an adjective or adverb. Since then,

their special lexical status has been largely dismissed (Wescott

1980a).

Other linguists have added to the growing corpus of the
ideophone. Samarin reports that at least twenty-five terms

synonymous with ideophony (Samarin 1971). Westermann

labels it Lautbild,"a word that depicts a reaction to sensory

impressions and expresses a feeling in a suitable acoustic

form"(Smithers 1954:73). Linguist Gerard Diffloth










characterizes ideophones as grammatical units which can

function by themselves as complete sentences. Their

morphemic constituents are phonic features (Diffloth 1972).

Ideophones contain unusual sounds, form exceptions to

the rules of length, tone, and stress applying to other

elements, and are commonly reduplicated (Smithers 1954:83).

Two examples are illustrative: a.) intensity--English

ideophones can involve consonantal doubling [mm, tt, dd, gg,

pp, ss, 11, etc.] to indicate intensity such as in "puff," "yell,"
"guffaw," "chatter," "sluggish," and "quarrel". Verbs with

voiced consonantal doubling are rare in Old English and as

well as Old Norse. There are six known in each language. But

when their usage increases in Middle English, they are used in

words expressing actions, gestures, or movements of a

sluggish, inert, or vacillating kind, or those that are repeated

(Smithers 1954:85); b.) sound duplication--another event of

ideophony is palimphony or sound-repetition. Types abound

in English including "pop," "crack," "plop," "boob," "dud," and so

on. Disyllable examples are also well represented in "hot-

head," "tid-bit," "kick-kack," "sad-sack," "sing-song," "rag-tag,"

and "hobo". Echo-compound words can be seen as well in

"hodge-podge," "hurly-burly," "pell-mell," and "tootsy-

wootsy"(e.g. bilabial series); "rag-tag," "super-duper," "willy-
nilly," and "ding-a-ling," "chit-chat"(e.g. apical series); and

"hootchy-kootchy" and "hurdy-gurdy"(e.g. velar series)

(Wescott 1980a:200-202).




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SOUND SYMBOLISM IN NATURAL LANGUAGES
By
NICK CICCOTOSTO
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1991

DEDICATION
I dedicate this work to my Dad, Donald Ciccotosto, also known
as Don Tosta and to my Mom, Irene Ciccotosto, also known as Irene
Tosta. I further dedicate this work to Carol Ciccotosto, my wife, and
Christopher J. Costoff, her son.
These people have immeasurably enriched my life and there is
no doubt I would not have accomplished this study without their
support and inspiration.
11

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my warmest gratitude to my committee
members, Dr. Linda D. Wolfe, Dr. Christiana M. Leonard, Dr. Robert
Lawless, Dr. Ronald Kephart, and Dr. Norman N. Markel. They have
all encouraged and graced me with much perceptive criticism about
this topic.
I also would like to thank Dr. Ronald Randles, chairperson of
the statistics department at the University of Florida. He gave
timely insight on the use of nonparametrics applied to linguistic
topics. I thank my friend Dr. Stanley R. Witkowski at Northern
Illinois University for his ever present humor and direction in
staging the entire series of experiments. It was with his help that
the first pilot studies on sound symbolism were carried out.
Finally, I would like to thank my mother, Irene, and father,
Donald, for their love and concern over the years. There are no
greater parents in the world. My wife, Carol, deserves special
thanks for her kind patience, interest, and concern when I was
working too many hours on one facet of human existence. I
especially want to thank my brother, Rick, and sisters, Nita, Angel,
and Dawn, and my friends, Tom McNulty, Jeff Rosenberg, Greg
McKinney, Brian Akers, and Larry Redman, for their interest and
support.
iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
ABSTRACT iv
CHAPTERS
I SOUND SYMBOLISM AND BIO-CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY: TESTING PROTO-LANGUAGE
HYPOTHESES IN NATURAL LANGUAGES 1
Introduction 1
Sound Symbolism and Proto-language 6
The Nature of Sound Symbolism 10
Sound Symbolism Hypotheses 15
Physiological 18
Anatomical 29
Semantically Ancient 31
II SOUND SYMBOLISM DATA AND ANALYSIS 39
The Universe of the Linguistic Data 39
Coding the Linguistic Data 41
Hypothesis Testing Using Chi-Square 44
Hypothesis Testing Using Rank Ordering 63
III SOUND SYMBOLISM AND PROSODY, SOUND SYMBOLISM
TERMINOLOGIES, AND SOUND SYMBOLIC EVIDENCE IN
NATURAL LANGUAGES 72
Introduction 72
Sound Symbolism and Prosody 74
Sound Symbolic Terminologies 80

Evidence of Sound Symbolism in Natural
Languages
106
IV OTHER SOUND SYMBOLISM EXPERIMENTS 141
Types of Experiments and their Limitations 141
"Size" Sound Symbolism Experiments 146
Artificial Lexicons in Sound Symbolism
Experiments 155
Natural Lexicons in Sound Symbolism
Experiments 165
"Goodness-of-Fit" Sound Symbolism
Experiments 174
Synaesthetic Studies into Sound Symbolism 180
Summary of Sound Symbolic Experiments 188
V CONCLUDING REMARKS 191
Summary 191
Theoretical Weaknesses 195
Future Research 197
APPENDICES
A WORD LIST FOR 16 CONCEPTS 200
B SUPPORTING DICTIONARY REFERENCES FOR 16
GLOSSES 231
C CODING PARAMETERS FOR ALL GLOSSES 252
D INITIAL RANKINGS OF FEATURES AND GLOSSES 258
E ACTUAL RANKINGS OF FEATURES AND GLOSSES 261
F PHONETIC CHARACTERS 263
REFERENCES 265
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 292
v

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
SOUND SYMBOUISM IN NATURAU UANGUAGES
By
Nick Ciccotosto
December, 1993
Chairperson: Linda D. Wolfe
Major Department: Anthropology
A major assumption in modern linguistics is that sounds
composing words arbitrarily associate with meanings. Saussure's
early 20th century arbitrary sound-meaning tenet has been neither
adequately examined nor challenged. This dissertation casts doubt
upon this theory by gathering evidence of sound symbolism from
virtually all known language phyla. Major sound symbolism
experiments are reviewed, and finally, a series of sound symbolism
hypotheses is proposed for a group of basic vocabulary words.
These glottochronological words, of a supposed arbitrary sound¬
meaning nature, are routinely utilized by linguists to trace genetic
relationships among language phyla.
vi

Dissertation data are composed of a lexical sample representing
1% of 5000 world languages. Sixteen glosses contain 50 words per
meaning from 50 languages, and are taken from at least 10 of the
17 human language phyla. The set includes: NECK, TOOTH, MOUTH,
NOSE, COUGH, EAT, DRINK, VOMIT, BREAST, SUCK, DOG, SWALLOW,
SPIT, FOOD, WATER, and CHEW. These 800 glosses, taken from a pool
of 229 languages, are tallied according to sub-phonemic distinctive
articulatory and acoustic features such as nasal, stop, spirant,
bilabial, and others.
For the 16 concepts, a total of 63 hypotheses are proposed. Each
hypothesis argues that certain sub-phonemic features are to be
found at higher or lower levels than those in the remaining sample
of 750 words. Chi-square tests run on 63 hypotheses give 23
instances of association at significant levels, p<.05. The application of
the rank-order median test of Kruskal-Wallis to the same
hypotheses gives similar results. For the ordered alternative
Jonckheere-Terpstra test, all predicted features based on three k-
samples are highly significant.
Such synchronically extensive sound symbolism is striking.
Sound symbolism, within the basic behavioral and physiological
meanings of these words, shows a heirarchy of sub-phonemic
features. Their evolutionary adaptive value may allow conspecifics
facile entry into a communication network.
Vll

CHAPTER I
SOUND SYMBOLISM AND BIO-CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY:
TESTING PROTO-LANGUAGE HYPOTHESES
IN NATURAL LANGUAGES
Introduction
Sound symbolism, a nonarbitrary, one-to-one relation between
acoustic and motor-acoustic features and meaning, is an important
study for anthropologists because its accurate delineation may shed
light upon an underlying nature of the human language faculty.
Additionally, understanding its mechanics may render a fuller
explication of the lexicon possessed by humankind in pre-sapiens
times. This dissertation examines sound symbolism and argues that
it relates to primitive cognitive levels such as those required of
neonates and early and pr e-sapiens society. The crux of this type of
examination is that:
"There will always be layers of the vocabulary, representing a
more primitive stage of language in which the relation between
sound and meaning is partly motivated. . . there is a need for a
systematic investigation of this vocabulary in various languages,
supplemented by psycholinguistic tests, in order to find out what is
universal in the expressive function of these partly motivated
signs." (Fischer-Jorgensen 1978:80)
In this chapter, I sketch sound symbolism and present a series
of hypotheses about motivated meanings and their representations
1

2
with nonarbitrary linguistic features. The language data are
discussed in Chapter II and it represents 800 words taken from 229
languages. The data set includes 16 semantic categories (i.e., words
and their meanings) which are hypothesized to contain sound
symbolic elements. These words are part of the glottochronological
list devised by Swadesh (1971) and refer to basic and proto-typical
ethnoanatomical, physiological, and culturally specific semantic
domains. My word sample includes: (ethnoanatomical) BREAST,
TOOTH, NOSE, NECK, MOUTH; (physiological) COUGH, VOMIT, SUCK,
EAT, DRINK, CHEW, SWALLOW, SPIT; (culturally specific) WATER,
DOG, FOOD.
The data set exposes semantically basic words and as such, the
categories may reflect universally unmarked domains. That is,
unmarked domains contain words of short form, phonetically
archaic in shape, which are basic in meaning, and which are learned
earliest by language speakers (Battistella 1990:23-68).
This data set is admittedly minimal, though for a number of
reasons. Presently, world culture exhibits at least 5,000 separate
languages. Given an upward limit on the actual size of a particular
language lexicon, an overestimate would be that any language
contains more than 1,000,000 words. Even so, 5,000 languages with
1,000,000 words each, means that 5 billion words are spoken on
earth. Clearly this demonstrates an expansion of lexicons
everywhere at a distant time when phonemes, through a changing
neuro-physiological morphology, became disentangled from primate
call structures (Hewes 1983).

3
Statistically speaking, greater than two-thirds or 70% of all
languages contain a phonemic inventory of between 20 and 35
phonemes. Even so, the range of phonemes actually produced in all
human languages is at least 500 (Pullum and Ladusaw 1986).
Phonemic inventories range in size from 11 (Hawaiian-Austronesian
Phyla) to 141 (\Kung-Khoisan Phyla) (Maddieson 1984:7).
In turn, each phoneme is a mental construct of a given cultural
group, composed of binary distinctive articulatory and motor-
acoustic features (Sapir 1929). This suggests that languages are
largely composed of arbitrary sound-meanings. The impetus for
accepting the view that there is an arbitrary connection between
signifier and signified comes from the work of the great structural
linguist Saussure (1959). In his groundbreaking work, he held that
a word is composed of sounds and reference to a concept. If the
association between sound and concept were not predominantly
arbitrary, languages would cease to change (Saussure 1959:67-71).
While languages are endlessly changing bio-cultural entities
and completely replace their lexicon approximately every 100,000
years (l&-5% per 1,000 years) (see Gudchinsky 1964, for example),
would it be unusual to find more than 1,000 sound symbolic words
in any given lexicon? For the supposed maximal 1 million words per
language, this would represent a negligible one tenth of 1% of a
language's lexicon. Still, although any language might contain
1,000,000 items, scholars generally agree that an average speaker
might command behavioral and physiological mastery of 10,000-
30,000 words actively (Durbin 1969). For the neonate, child,

4
mentally handicapped, or the emerging bilingual speaker the total
can be considerable smaller. Taking the latter figure as more
realistic would mean a large sound symbolic system could command
more than 3% of a language's lexical system. This may have already
been demonstrated for Japanese (Hamano 1986), and I argue this
for English in Chapter III. However, exactly how a language's sound
symbolic lexicon should be measured is still a matter of some
debate (Ultan 1978; Malkiel 1990a).
The importance of these statistical assumptions is that if a
number of basic glottochronological words are compiled from a
geographically and genetically distanced sample of world languages,
the expectation is that, not being in contact for more than 100,000
years, then only 1% of the terms should be similar. Otherwise, since
contact and borrowing is ruled out, internal and cross-culturally
parallel forces are at work. This more reliable intuition means that
sound symbolic words should appear significantly above limits set
by glottochronologists in many languages. Further, there is nothing
"primitive" about a vocabulary rich in sound symbolic words versus
one appearing less so. Sound symbolism may rank more as a
creative force in producing "new" words, than as a label for
aberrant morphological words.
At as yet uncovered levels of cognition and bio-mechanics,
sound symbolic processes approach "least moves" theories, that is,
they express exceedingly close association between sound and
concept. Contrary to what Saussure and disciples argued, sound
symbolic words are linguistically pervasive, proto-typical, and if

5
time frames must be given, at least hundreds of thousands of years
old. As LeCron Foster points out, the "arbitrary relationship between
phonological representation and meaning becomes questionable
once motivation is discovered for assignment of a particular
meaning to a particular phonological unit" (LeCron Foster 1978:83).
The subconscious levels of language use are yet to be fully
explicated because the extent and importance of sound symbolism
in world languages. The function of sound symbolism as a citadel of
special word-meaning formations is not well studied. Much
speculating and many poorly designed studies have been done, to
be sure, and few scholars suggest sound symbolism can expose
primordial words, for fear of reiterating some variation of the
disdained "bow-wow," "sing-song," "ding-dong" language origin
theories. Additionally, linguists have omitted sound symbolism as
an arena of attention because of a focus upon sound changes and
the etymological primacy of words (Jespersen 1921/1947:410).
Among the few to propose nonarbitrary sound meanings for
primordial words are Mary LeCron Foster (1978) and Gordon W.
Hewes (1983).
So far, historically documented languages attest sound
symbolism examples from 12 of the 17 language phyla. There is
little doubt much more evidence of sound symbolism is forthcoming
from the lesser studied language phyla. Just as easily, one can see a
sub-field emerging to be labelled "generative phono-semantics" or
"psycho-semiotics" (Markel 1991) to deal with the under studied

6
mental structures which imbue language its affective use within
socially dynamic contexts.
Psycholinguists, linguists, and anthropologists have
implemented numerous types of experiments upon sound
symbolism. Their investigations involve textual analysis and the
psychological testing of differing linguistic groups with the creation
of artifical lexicons and the use of sound symbolic words. This
research has never been incorporated into anthropological theories
about language origins. Below, sound symbolism is placed back into
this context.
Sound Symbolism and Proto-language
The evolutionary advantages of vocal communication in
primates are considerable. Calls warn others away from danger or
toward food. It is no small observation that they confer "life¬
lengthening" advantages to select individuals capable of their
efficient production and understanding (Bickerton 1990:147). This
most basic tenet of communicative function, when placed in the
context of human bio-social evolution, witnesses humans as
paragons of communicative efficiency. Humans are the only species
producing a vocal communication allowing themselves defense
outside of real evolutionary time. This is to say, they can warn each
other about dangers which are unknowable through the immediate
senses, such as cancer and global warming (Pinker and Bloom
1990:712).

7
Among current speculation on language origins is the endless
though necessary reiteration that language evolution has had many
causes; bipedality (Washburn 1960), vocal-morphological
restructuring (Lieberman 1984), increased brain size (Jerison 1976),
neural-reshuffling (Falk 1990), gestural-motor enhancement
(Ojemann and Mateer 1979), gender differences (Jonas and Jonas
1975), use of fire (Goudlsbom 1983), increasing face to face
interaction (Tanner and Zihlman 1976), and so forth. Beyond this,
however, most language origin arguments splinter into gradualist
versus punctuated scenarios. Stephen Jay Gould's school argues
language is an "exaptation," a combination of otherwise spurious
physiological events coalescing into a remarkably sudden
referential system (Pinker and Bloom 1990). The classical school of
language origin antedates even Wallace's and Darwin's ideas on the
subject. This school presents evidence of a gradualistic "language
design" apparent in nature, even at the expense of efficiently eating,
drinking, breathing, and swallowing (Hockett and Ascher 1964;
Lenneberg 1967; Lieberman 1984).
Scholars like to quibble over which selective pressures resulted
in early hominids leaving the forest. Our distant ancestors,
Bickerton argues, used their proto-words most likely in alarm calls,
animal imitations, expressive grunts, and chance associations
(Bickerton 1990:156). Arising as a representational system,
language was adaptable because it described nature. The only real
intent of proto-words was "to get the point across," says Bickerton,
and this echoes Wittgenstein's philosophy of language (C.H.Brown

8
1976). Wittgenstein states, "Whereof one cannot talk, one is silent."
Simply put, this means that where there is no selection pressure to
produce a sound, there is not one there. Chomsky claimed that
humans developed a sudden and apparent "linguistic organ"
through the evolving neural tissue (Chomsky 1968). The more
typical Wittgenstein attitude must prevail. Instead of the "rules" of
language being innate, Wittgenstein argues that the capacity to form
rules of language is innate. This view more closely follows the
findings of Ojeman and Mateer (1979), that syntax could have
developed in concert with increasing fine motor control.
The primary function of language is to represent nature, and
as intrinsically connected to animal communication as a whole, this
function is crucial to the intent of all humanly produced words. The
meanings which words contain are only to be found within a range
of human behaviors as an animal species. More basic meanings may
be inseparable from the sounds composing them because they
consistently "get the point across." Whether these basic meanings
are called 'flee', 'fight', 'mate', or 'feed' versus 'run', 'hate', 'love', or
'food' is a moot point. This is exactly what LeCron Foster proposed
when she derived even more distant proto-words from the proto¬
words of reconstructed language phyla (1978). She writes:
"Early linguistic symbols (phonemes), apparently parental to all
present-day languages, are reconstructed from a group of languages
whose genetic relationship to one another is extremely remote. The
reconstructed symbols are found to be nonarbitrary. Their
motivation depends upon a gestural iconicity between manner of
articulation and movement or positioning in space which the symbol
represents. Thus, the hypothesis presented here implies that early

9
language was not naming in the conventional sense but
representation of one kind of physical activity by means of another,
displaced in time but similar in spatial relationship" (LeCron Foster
1978:78).
If a handful of proto-words or sound-symbols can be
manipulated so as to generate elementary propositions, a language
system can emerge with conspecific vocal partners. The advantage
of merely being able to indicate "THERE'VFOOD" would be
tremendous to our early hominid relatives. Evidently, this capacity
to relate to (or to name) objects and delay enactment of behavioral
rote is well within the range of abilities demonstrated by our closest
genetically and morphologically expressed cousins Pan (Gardner and
Gardner 1971), Bonobo (Boehm 1989; Mori 1983), Pongo (Miles
1983), and Gorilla (Patterson and Linden 1981).
Bickerton's presentation of proto-language assumes the lexicon
of a Homo habilis or Homo erectas to be like a "miser's shoebox,"
each proto-word containing a meaning according to neccessity's
rankings (Bickerton 1990:158). Proto-language also may have
contained a proto-syntax, including negators, question words,
pronouns, relative-time markers, quantifiers, modal auxiliaries, and
particles indicating location (Bickerton 1990:185).
The neccessary semantic concepts identified for any human
time before 100,000 years ago are, in Wittgenstein's views,
synonymous with selective pressures. Without recourse to a sound
symbolism element in a language origin scenario, language origin
theories fail to show how any sound is ever connected to any
meaning. This is an absurdity because in order to be at an

overwhelming level of arbitrary sound-meaning, all the present
languages had to have undergone immensely long parallel
traditions.
The trouble with a cursory dismissal of sound symbolism is
that in order to have arrived at fully arbitrary language now,
humans would have had to have totally foregone all emotion and
neccessity from their utterances. This is clearly not the case with
any language.
I propose that the arbitrary sound-meaning hypothesis is an
unreachable end for all languages and that sound symbolism
mechanisms underlie naming processes.
The Nature of Sound Symbolism
Why should scholars of such differing ages as Socrates,
Aristotle, Plato, Condillac, Swift, Darwin, Wallace, Tylor, and Freud
(Jakobson and Waugh 1979) agree that some facets of words carry
meaning in and of themselves? The attractiveness of a sound
symbolism is that it provides a bridge between extrinsic and inner
realities in hominids. Such plausibility has come into and out of
vogue. Presently, it is becoming increasingly important as an arena
holding vital answers about language origins.
Take the largely autonomic, primate vegetative process of
coughing, as an illustration. Here, coughing is a reflex integrated
neurally at the medulla and is initiated by irritation of the
bronchio-alveolar, tracheal, laryngeal, or pharyngeal mucosae

(Geoffrey, Bernthal, Bertozini, and Bosma.1984). Additionally,
auricular nerve stimulation can initiate the coughing reflex and it
can be produced voluntarily as a discrete sign, a diagnostic event, or
unconsciously with symbolic meaning (Leith 1977:547). During a
cough, as the glottis closes, strong intrapulmonary pressure builds
with the respiratory muscle contractions, and finally, the glottis
suddenly opens to release an explosive discharge of air, mucous,
water, and foreign bodies (Ganong 1983:180). The sound of a cough
varies from animal to animal, being species, age, sex, and in some
manners disease specific (Leith 1977). Nevertheless, the sounds of a
cough in all species take place within a few frequency bands of
acoustic energy, not all of them. Any animal who mimics, duplicates,
or reiterates a cough would create the description of the autonomic
process through the sympathetic nervous system.
There are miles of neural circuitry between the autonomic and
sympathetic nervous system, but what makes sound symbolism
attractive is just that it "gets the point across" as Bickerton would
say. In hominid neural evolution, it points to a "least moves"
pathway inexorably trained upon language development. Sound
symbolism is known to provide a "least moves" route in a variety of
ways, the least of which is that it provides a mnemonic assist to
peripherally included vocal partners such as neonates, other Homo
erectus individuals, or foreign language learners (Wescott 1971b,
Jakobson and Waugh 1979). If language is to include a wide range
of individual genotypes and intelligences, and still incorporate a list
of symbolic elements, it certainly needs mnemonic assists.

In contemporary linguistics, there are arguments for "weak"
sound symbolism. That is, finding one peculiar and neccessary
meaning, say "size," diverse languages will all utilize one feature
type to represent it (Durbin 1969). To date, evidence shows this
type of a sound symbolism argument only as a general proposition.
Among the more interesting "weak" though universal sound
symbolism examples include the observation that for most
languages the normal declarative order is Subject-Verb-Object (e.g.
English, "I Do It"). This word order represents better than any other
the actual order of transitive events (Greenberg 1966:76). In regard
to social relationships, terms for male/father and female/mother
universally appropriate labial consonants to the female and apical
consonants to the male ([mama] vs. (dada]) (Jakobson 1960).
A stronger sound symbolism argument supposes that all
humans share a common pool of semantically and evolutionarily
important events. In this case, the phonological, semantic, or
syntactic language universals are linked through sound symbolism
on a language by language basis (Durbin 1969:8). That the front
vowel [i] represents "smallness" in most language is an example of a
semantic-phonological sound symbolism("tiny">"teeny," Bob>Bobbie,
e.g.). Depending upon how the [i] vowel is used, it might also connect
with syntax. A clearer example of this syntax-phonological
symbolism is a connection between [FRICATIVE] and a pluralized
noun (in English [-s] or its voiced counterpart [-z]). Here, the sound
symbolism expresses the concept of "more" with continued sound

instead of plosive and brief sound (use of an [-s] instead of a [-p],
e.g.).
Since sound symbolism is probably universal in language use, it
is necessary to regard the wider scope of language universals for
comparisons. Although language universal research focuses upon
the regularities of syntax, phonology, and lexicon, the lexical domain
was ignored until the late 1960s (Witkowski and Brown 1978).
Since then, implicational universals have been found in folk color
terminology (Berlin and Kay 1969), folk botanical (Berlin 1972; C.H.
Brown 1977), folk zoological life-forms (C.H. Brown 1979), kinship
(Witkowski 1972), ethnoanatomy (McClure 1975), and ethnobiology
(Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1973). An implicational universal is
apparent when the occurrence of an item in widespread languages
implies the occurrence of another item or items, but not vice versa
(Witkowski and Brown 1978:428).
As an illustration, an ethnobotanical lexical scheme is in order.
First, no language exists which does not contain at least one word
involving the name of a plant. Hence, naming the botanical universe
is certainly part of the human evolutionary cognitive experience.
But, many languages contain more than one term for plants. Some
languages spoken by pre-literate hunting-gathering societies
contain thousands of such terms. An implicational universal might
read then that if any languages have two words for botanical items,
at least one will be a term for "tree"(e.g., large plant). If any
languages have three terms, the third term will be a "grerb," a small
plant relative to the botanical inventory of a particular

environment, whose parts are chiefly herbaceous. Given four
botanical words in a language, the fourth will be either "bush" or
"vine" or "grass" (Witkowski and Brown 1978:434). One always gets
a term for "tree" before one for "vine", "grass", "grerb" an so on.
Biconditional universals are known as well for human language
speakers. Using the semantic-differential approach, Osgood, May,
and Miron (1975) found that people use the same qualifying
framework in applying connotation or affective meaning to words.
This biconditional universal implies that all human speakers rank
their emotional response to words and their sounds according to
evaluative (good/bad), potency (strong/weak), and activity
(active/passive) dimensions. For a biconditional universe, the
presence of one concept or term will always indicate the other.
With regard to sound symbolism, language universals expose
ancient human avenues of naming behavior. Like the proto-words
of Wescott and Bickerton, sound symbolic words may rank concepts
according to the earliest hominid survival necessities. Hence, the
more basic, primitive, or universal a word may be, the more sound
symbolism may be influencing emotional evaluations about such a
word. In other terms, basic words may represent the activities,
dimensions, or senses of primary sensory and survival value to
early language users with sound symbolism. Strictly speaking, early
naming behavior should contain a close connection between the
signifier and the event to be signified.

Sound Symbolism Hypotheses
The vocalizations of primate communication are dynamic
physical events. Their many complicated muscular and acoustic
productions include imploded fricatives, exploded grunts, coos,
screams, cries, hoots, gobbles, songs, clicks, geckers, whines,
whistles, growls, barks, pants, laughs, twitters, chirps, and "words."
The varied anatomies capable of such diverse modes of producing
sounds among primates point strongly that evolution selected for
vocalization effects in differing environments (Waser and Brown
1984).
Among humans, physiological parameters of vocalization are no
less complex. Voluntary production of sound requires coordination
of seven of twelve pairs of cranial nerves, seven major paired
muscles groups in the larynx alone, widely integrated brainstem,
midbrain, and cortical areas, and numerous recurrent thoracic and
lumbar nerves and muscles (Chusid 1970).
However, humans produce sound within acoustical physics laws
as would any other primate. Namely, a rarified and condensed
stream of air is modulated through modification of ventilatory
resonance chambers. Human oral anatomy consists of three
resonance chambers: the laryngeal, the oral, and the nasal. Sound
frequency and intensity is mainly a function of the vocal folds
located in the glottal region. An increased muscle elasticity or a
tracheal air pressure elevation can cause a rise in pitch. Conversely,
a decrease in the vocal folds elasticity or an increased tracheal air

pressure elevation can cause an increase in intensity (Judson and
Weaver 1942:77).
The voluntary act of phonation in humans is so extraordinary
that an accomplished singer can effect over 2,100 variations of pitch
by varying the length of the glottal folds 1-1.5 micrometer (Wyke
1967:5). Additionally, humans alter the post-glottal sound wave by
movements of the tongue, mandible, lips, and velum with
astonishing speed and articulatory proficiency. John F. Kennedy, for
example, held the world record for an articulatory rate of 327 word
per minute in an outburst in a December of 1961 speech
(McWhirter 1978:48). One can assume the topic was emotionally
loaded.
Although initiated voluntarily, the act of speaking is based
mechanistically upon the precise subconscious integration of a large
number of feed-back reflexes which constantly adjust the large
numbers of muscles required with any type of phonation (Wyke
1967:3-4). Three phonatory reflexes derive from mucosal, articular,
and myotatic mechanoreceptors. The first, presented above in the
cough reflex, produces occlusive glottal effects. Articular reflexes
occur very rapidly when the glottis is opened and closed. For the
key of middle C, a human glottis opens 256 times per second. The
articular reflexes produce what is called "phasic tuning." Finally,
much slower and phylogenetically older myotatic mechanoreceptors
produce stretching adjustments, tonic tuning reflexes, allowing a
consistent frequency emission (Wyke 1967:13).

Considering the many vegetative requirements of humans,
1 7
breathing, eating, drinking, swallowing, vomiting, coughing,
chewing, sucking, biting, and so on, it is doubtful every muscle and
nerve combination now existing would exist wholly because of such
vegetative functions (Judson and Weaver 1942:37). Of importance
here is what anatomical, neurological, and physiological differences
distinguish the speech mechanism from the vegetative mechanisms.
Unfortunately, this may never be possible to do considering the soft
tissue nature of the vocal apparatus in primates. Instead, it can be
argued that vegetative functions must have been closely connected
to the earliest semantic conceptions of hominids and these
conceptions are still present, though at a psycho-semiotic level, in
everyday language.
Below, I present three categories of sixteen words. For each
word present in Table l.a., there are 50 instances of this particular
meaning taken from at least 10 of the world's 17 language phyla. I
shall propose about each semantic gloss a number of hypotheses
arguing a nonarbitrary, though motivational, connection between
manners of articulation or places of articulation and meaning. (The
phonetical transcription of these 800 words and the languages they
are from are presented in Appendix A. Their supporting references
are presented in Appendix B. All phonetic characters utilized in
these words are presented and defined in Appendix F for easy
review.)

Tablel .a.
Testing Glosses and Categories
Physiological
Ethnoanatomical
Semantically
Ancient
COUGH
BREAST
WATER
VOMIT
TOOTH
FOOD
SUCK
NOSE
DOG
EAT
NECK
DRINK
CHEW
SPIT
SWAULOW
MOUTH
1 8
The manners of articulation to be coded for in these words
include: a. stops, b. fricatives, c. affricates, d. nasals, e. resonants, f.
glides, and g. approximants. The places of articulation and their
involvement with various muscle groups and cranial nerves include:
a. bilabial, b. dental-alveolar, c. palatal, d. labio-velar, e. velar, f.
glottal, g. fronted vowels, and h. backed vowels. Mechanically
speaking, consistent modes of production for semantically similar
concepts across distant language phyla should not be expected
unless the glossary represents the proto-language constraint of
sound symbolism.
Physiological
It must be assumed there was some importance to face-to-face
social interaction as some species of Australopithecines evolved into
early Homo erectas lineages (Tanner and Zihlman 1976:474).

Because of this, the association between highly physiologically
hedonistic activities, such as chewing and swallowing, and socially
expressive ones of emotional value through the face and the mouth
cannot be ignored (Dellow 1976:9).
A physiological sound symbolism origin is based upon the
assumption that part of the sound-producing mechanism is closely
involved in the activity which is named. Wescott (1980b) goes so
far as to state that a study of non-primate phonation and human
speech suggests that labiality was initially prominent in language
origins. The reason for the early focus upon lip sounds is the
behavioral reinforcement produced by synesthetic experience:
"IBJecause the lips are the outermost speech-organs, they are, for
a speaker, the most touchable of his own speech-organs and, for a
hearer, the most visible of another's speech-organs. When the
senses of touch and sight overlap the sense of hearing, they not only
reinforce the latter but ease the evolutionary transition from a non-
auditory to an auditory channel of preferential information-
transfer." (Wescott 1980b:105)
Wescott's attitude is nothing less than a reworked version of
the gesture-speech origin of language. Its most important
proponents have included Darwin, Wallace, Tylor, Paget, and
Johannesson (Critchley 1967:27-38). In one manner or another,
each of these scholars proposed that meaningful gesture and
language arose together in a mutual type of synergism (Hewes
1973). Wallace, in particular, held that a wide variety of languages
utilized lip-pointing to express ideas such as coming and going, self
and other, up and down, and inwards and outwards.

20
At the center of gesture-speech origin theories is the
assumption that the shape of the physiological components
constituting certain sounds (tongue placement, lip protrusion, teeth
baring, extreme exhalation, etc.) may be sufficiently close in manner
to provide a shorthand synonymy for other important behaviors.
The gesture-speech language origin theory is better labelled
physiologically constrained sound symbolism. Two assumptions
underlie the following hypotheses: First, that these words, COUGH,
VOMIT, SUCK, EAT, DRINK, SPIT, SWAULOW, and CHEW, are
physiological necessities for all primates; second, when they became
semantic entities as words, they still represented affective arenas of
behavior. Therefore, I assume that, as it became necessary for these
physiological processes to become words, they became so in
response to intense evolutionary selection.
Cough. A cough is one member of a larger class of respiratory
maneuvers in which respired gas acts as a fluid coupling which
transmits energy from the respiratory muscles to other sites in the
respiratory system. This class contains three functions the energy of
the respiratory muscles may be used for: 1. Ventilation, including
breathing: gas exchange, panting: thermoregulation, sniffing:
olfaction; 2. Sound production, including phonation and singing,
whistling, snorting, and Bronx cheer; 3. Moving material outward or
inward, including coughing: lower airways, larynx, forced expiration:
lower airways, larynx, clearing throat: hypopharynx, spitting:
mouth, sneezing: upper airways, nose-blowing: nasopharynx,
paranasal sinuses, nose, sniffling: retaining secretions in the nose,

snuffling: nasopharynx, nose, paranasal sinuses (Leith 1977:545-
546).
Coughing appears rare when an animal possesses good health,
and it is likely the appearance of coughing increasingly became a
diagnostic sign to hominid groups as they improved upon other
social integration behaviors. If this is true, it should not be unlikely
that in most languages the distinctive features naming COUGH could
also have a polysemic relation to words and concepts such as SICK,
HOT, DISEASE, and so on.
While this suggestion has not yet been tested, the null
hypotheses for COUGH are: Ho: stops, velars, back vowels, and
glottals find chance/normal distribution in the sample. The
alternate hypotheses are: Ha: stops, velars, back vowels, and
glottals find higher than chance/normal distribution in the sample.
The alternate hypotheses suppose that because a cough is such an
invariant autonomic process, it provides reference to itself through
sound symbolism.
Vomit. There are numerous mechanisms which protect an
animal from ingested toxins. These include, in decreasing order of
temporal effectiveness: 1. The smell or taste of potential foodstuffs
which may be avoided by innate or learned behaviors, 2. The
detection of toxins by the receptors in the gut followed by a central
reflex triggering appropriate responses; nausea to prevent further
consumption, inhibition of gastric motility to confine the toxin to the
stomach, and vomiting to purge the system of ingested, though not

22
entirely absorped toxin (Davis, Harding, Leslie and Andrews
1986:66).
Vomiting is of great importance in human evolution considering
the vagaries of diet and health in a pre-scientific era. It is a
powerful reinforcer of memory and behavior for all primates.
Armelagos and Farb remark that back vowels are noticed in world
languages for foods which can cause nausea (Farb and Armelagos
1980) It can be suggested, therefore, that when selection pressures
developed a word for VOMIT, its features closely related to other
words for dangerous food items and visceral sensations, POISON,
ROTTEN, RANCID, ACRID, PUNGENT, NAUSEA, QUEASY, and so on.
Emetic responses to emotionally charged events also occur and
humans can speak of "sickening sights" and "nauseating fights"
(Ganong 1983:180). Likewise, it can be suggested that because of
the inflammatory contexts they are found within, taboo words,
especially derogatory insults, contain features which are
synonymous with VOMIT. Wescott reports that for English, at least,
swear words about all manner of topics, include velar and labial
consonants ("kike," "mick," "dyke," "nigger," "bugger," "fucker,"
"wop," "polack," "gook," "mex," "spic," "canuck," "redneck" e.g.)
(Wescott 197la: 124). This back and front pattern relates at least
superficially with what could be considered fitting sound symbolic
phonetic features naming VOMIT.
Vomiting is a complex muscular event creating many points of
stress and noise, so presupposing features universal to the world's
examples of VOMIT is difficult. Its complexity can be noted in its

23
sequence of motor actions: 1. the elevation of the soft palate, 2.
larynx and hyoid drawn forward, 3. salivation and opening of the
mouth, 4. closure of glottis, 5. relaxation of the esophagus, 6.
opening of the cardia, 7. flaccid relaxation of the stomach, 8.
constriction of the lower end of the stomach, 9. inhibition of normal
respiration, 10. forced inspiration, 11. sharp contraction of
diaphram and abdominal muscles, and 12. characteristic posture,
bent at waist, clenched fists, strained face, and so on.
The null hypotheses about VOMIT are: Ho: velars, glottals,
nasals, stops, and back vowels find chance/normal distribution in
the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: H a: nasal features should
be found at low frequency because the velum is shut when
vomiting, so as to prevent vomitus from entering the nasal
passageways. Glottals, velars, and back vowels should be at high
frequency in the glosses for VOMIT because they correspond to
crucial areas of the process. Stops should be high frequency because
they imitate the suddenness and acoustic manner of vomiting.
Spit, Though spitting is generally thought of as a voluntary
activity, it is much like coughing and is present at birth in neonates.
The normal person secretes about 1.5 liters of saliva per day, which
contains a number of digestive enzymes, provides some measure of
anti-bacterial action, and lubricates and cleans the mouth (Ganong
1983:392).
It can be assumed that early hominids possessed some degree
of proficiency with spitting, and also put the secretion to important
bio-medical uses. Saliva is known in early and present cultures as

the means to cause fermentation of various grains for the
production of alcoholic drinks. In various human cultures, the act of
spitting can also be a segment of a threat display.
The bio-mechanisms of SPIT are much like COUGH. The
exception is that the liquid globule is usually gathered higher in the
airways. The null hypotheses assume: H o: fricatives, stops, dental-
alveolars, and affricates should have a chance/normal distribution.
The alternate hypotheses are: H a: stops, fricatives, dental-alveolars,
and affricates should find higher rates in the distribution. They
recapitulate the articulatory points in the act of spitting and the
sounds which are made in the course of violent and abrupt
exhalation.
Eat. Although a great deal is now known about eating centers of
the nervous system, this is of little aid in determining what
semantic intent a proto-language word such as EAT might contain.
The reason for this is that even though EAT refers to ingesting food,
the steps involved are diverse and complex. Eating involves
chewing, sucking, and swallowing. Each is in turn a behavior whose
foundations are largely autonomic.
It would appear that EAT may have become a word when
selective pressure announced a need to identify the good or bad
qualities of foodstuffs whose properties were not transparent to any
sensory detection. Proto-typically, EAT may mark an occasion
where non-poisonous foodstuffs might be ingested.
Of all the physiological words proposed here, EAT is the most
mysterious. Exactly what does it refer to? I propose these null

25
hypotheses: Ho: fricatives, dental-alveolars, stops, and front vowels
should have chance/normal distribution. Alternately, I propose: Ha:
fricatives, stops, dental-alveolars, and front vowels should have a
higher rate of distribution. The words for EAT may refer to getting
food to the front of the mouth (front vowels), the tools of eating
(dental-alveolars), sounds of chewing food (fricatives), or mechanics
of glottal closure in swallowing (stops).
Drink. The behavior of drinking is closely related to swallowing.
The difference between the two is that whereas a normal swallow
occurs in one-thirtieth of a second, drinking can occur for durations
exceeding one second (Fink 1975:109). Otherwise, when a person
drinks, a liquid is introduced into the oral cavity and the larynx is
elevated and glottis closes just as with swallowing.
The null hypotheses are: H o: velars, palatals, resonants, and
stops should be at chance/normal distribution. The alternate
hypotheses are: H a: velars, stops, palatals, and resonants should
find higher than chance/normal distribution in the sample. Velars
are elevated because the manipulation of the velum prevents liquid
from entering the naso-pharynx. Palatals represent the kinesthetic
sensations of a mouthful of liquid. Stops indicate the necessary
glottal shutting. Resonants mime the action of the tongue while
drinking.
Chew. As mentioned earlier, chewing is a hedonistic event for
hominids. Evidently, the pattern of mastication is generated by a
pool of motoneurones in the brainstem and is not proprioceptive in
nature (Lund 1976:145). The ability to gently crack a peanut or

26
crush a tiny blackberry seed arises from other proprioceptive facial,
oro-pharyngeal, and laryngeal motoneurones.
Since chewing is a reflex present at birth, its similarities to
features in the production of speech have not gone unnoticed. In
fact, one scholar recently stated that in the production of vowels
and consonants,
"incorporating noncylcical gestures at specific points in an
ongoing cycle of movements closely resembles the incorporation of
food transport and swallowing movements into the cyclical jaw
movements of chewing, suggesting that the pattern in speech is
taken over from eating, with modifications specific to manipulating
the shape of vocal tract resonators in place of ingesting food"
(Kingston 1990:738-739).
Chewing is only one stage in a series of behavioral steps to eat
food. Not only does chewing involve many cranial nerves and
muscles, it appears that humans chew soft foods more slowly than
hard foods (Lund 1976:146). With these bits of information on
chewing, the following null hypotheses are made: H o: features
found at chance/normal rates, dental-alveolar, front vowels, velars,
and fricatives. The alternate hypotheses are made: Ha: features
found at above chance/normal rates, dental-alveolar, front vowels,
velars, fricatives. These hypotheses are made because chewing
involves articulation of the two dental arcades, in the anterior
portion of the oral cavity, bordered by the velum posteriorly, and
with sufficient force to cause breaking noises to be routinely heard.
Suck. There is little doubt that sucking is crucial in the early
post-natal period for primates. Some studies suggest that "sucking is

27
a functionally adaptive response that may be influenced by
nutritive reinforcement contingencies in the feeding situation"
(Siqueland and DeLucia 1969:1145).
A child may have tactile, muscular, and gustatory stimuli
initiate sucking, at first by triggering a flow of saliva to assist in the
labial seal on the nipple. The thrusting and closure of the infantile
lips and gum pads upon the peri-areolar tissue is responsible for
milk removal, and importantly, the true physical sucking is a
minimal factor in milk secretion (Dellow 1976:14).
Surprisingly, the effective reinforcement of sucking can be
achieved with a wide variety of stimuli including visual, auditory,
tactile, olfactory, and kinetic (Siqueland and DeLucia 1969:1146). In
other words, humming or rocking an infant may be used to
reinforce feeding behavior in a neonate over and above more
autonomic controls of the nervous system. It can be suggested,
therefore, that sucking reinforcement in early hominids was related
to direct communication with an infant with multi-modal sensory
elements, the ultimate purpose being to train and exercise effective
motions of the facial and oral musculature.
Sucking behaviors are also an important part of healing
procedures practiced by shamans and doctors in widespread
cultural areas. When SUCK was coded finally into word form, sound
symbolism could have set the limits to the features appropriate to
its reference. The null hypotheses are: H o: palatals, fricatives,
affricates, and nasals should find chance/normal distribution in the
sample. The alternate hypotheses are: H a: palatals, nasals,

28
fricatives, and affricates should find a higher rate in SUCK glosses.
The act of sucking creates a negative pressure inside the oral cavity,
explaining the palatal features chosen. Fricatives and affricates
mimic the sounds made in sucking. Nasals are hypothesized at a
higher rate because an infant can breathe and suck simultaneously
and the nasally produced consonants may have reinforcing and
calming qualities.
Swallow. When a swallow is initiated by the voluntary action of
collecting oral contents on the tongue and propelling them
backwards into the pharynx, a wave of involuntary contractions of
the pahrynegeal muscles push the material at a rate of about 4
cm/s into the stomach. Inhibition of breathing and glottal closure
are vital parts of the swallowing reflex (Ganong 1983:393).
Swallowing is present in útero and the amount of amniotic fluid
swallowed shortly before birth closely corresponds to that of
mother's milk shortly after birth (Dellow 1976:7). This behavior is
such a major portion of human experience that even when fasting,
the normal human swallows approximately 2,400 times per day
(Ganong 1983:393).
Since SWALLOW refers to a virtually autonomic process, parts
of its sequence could be coded into the phonetic rendition of a word
with sound symbolism. The null hypotheses are: H O: glides, velars,
and glottals should be at chance/normal distribution. The
alternative hypotheses are: H a: glides are also known as semi¬
vowels since the acoustic energy and articulatory form splits vowel
and consonant definitions. So, because of the similarity to

29
swallowing, glides should be found at higher than chance/normal
distribution. Velars and glottals should also be found at higher rates
because the act of swallowing inhibits respiration and closes the
glottis. Humans must manipulate both the glottis and velum to
prevent food or water from entering the nasal pharynx or the
trachea.
Anatomical
The universal presence of words labelling parts of the human
anatomy in all languages strongly suggests that ethnoanatomical
terms are members of a proto-lexicon. Which body parts were
named first in response to selection pressures is a mystery. One
function of body terms might have been to represent associated
behaviors with specific areas of the anatomy. Another function
might have been to extend self-reflective reference upon the outer
world. Widespread occurence of this type of metaphor is seen in
world languages. Such extensions include "mouth of the river", "neck
of the woods", "shoulder of the road", "foot of the mountain", and so
on (Lehrer 1974:135). In some languages the more basic body
terms extend to name even more specific bodily locations, such as
"the neck of the hand" for "wrist" and "neck of the leg" for "ankle."
The basis for sound symbolic naming of anatomy rests in the
physical similarity with place of articulation and part so named.
This naming behavior presents a "least moves," allowing memory
and activity of an area to be the same.
Breast. For neonates, the human breast is an active area of
behavior. The null hypotheses about BREAST are: Ho: nasals,

30
bilabials, front vowels, and stops should have chance/normal
occurence in the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: nasals,
bilabials, and front vowels should be higher than chance/normal in
the sample because they are found in the same area most used in
suckling. Since feeding is a continuous process, less than
chance/normal distribution of stops should be seen.
Tooth. The properties of human teeth include hardness,
smallness, and presence in the front of the mouth. Wescott argues
that terms for TOOTH also contain dental-alveolar elements
(Wescott 1971:424). With this in mind, the null hypotheses are: Ho:
dental-alveolars, stops, and bilabials should find chance/normal
distribution in the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha:
dental-alveolars and stops should be higher in rate than
chance/normal distribution. Bilabials should be less than
chance/normal distribution in the sample. Though covering teeth,
the lips clearly are not teeth. I assume that the softness of the lips
versus the teeth also made this dichotomy obvious.
Nose, The nose is an anatomical center of unceasing air
turbulence. It contains the third resonance chamber necessary to
create nasal sounds. Likewise, it is the prominent structure of the
face for humans. The null hypotheses are: H o: nasals, resonants,
and bilabials should find chance/normal distribution in the sample.
The alternate hypotheses are: H a: nasals and resonants should find
higher than chance/normal rates because the nose is also part of
their place of articualtion. Bilabials should be higher in frequency

than chance/normal distribution because they represent the nose
visually similar to the protruding possible with the lips.
Neck. Many activities take place in the neck. It is the most
obvious source of phonation, coughing, hiccuping, choking,
swallowing, and drinking. The null hypotheses are: H o: velars,
stops, and back vowels should find chance/normal distribution in
the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: velars, stops, and
back vowels should find higher than chance/normal occurrence in
the sample. These features are the most representative of the more
autonomic processes in the neck. In addition, it must be assumed
than since the paleolithic hunter era, humans have realized the
crunching cracking sound a neck makes as it is broken.
Mouth. It is not so clear what MOUTH refers to in many
languages. Though it is generally thought of as the cavity after the
lips and before the neck, its meaning is variable cross-culturally
like so many things. The null hypotheses are: Ho: stops, dental-
alveolars, bilabials, and velars should find chance/normal
distribution in the sample. The alternate hypotheses are: Ha: Stops,
because they inflate the oral cavity, should be found at higher than
chance/normal distribution. Dental-alveolars, velars, and bilabials
circumscribe the mouth and also should be present at higher than
chance/normal rates.
Semantically Ancient
Any "once upon a time" theory about human language origins
must include the necessities of finding water, food, and defense
against predators. If sound symbolism did play a pivotal part of the

proto-language naming system in early hominids, it did so because
of transforming a number of sensory data into consistent acoustic
form. Semantically ancient examples of sound symbolism are based
upon the connection between the most distinctive feature attribute
of the object named and a referent acoustical metaphor. For
example, WATER is soft and fluid, so it would not be expected that it
be named with stops or dental-alveolars.
Water. A human cannot live for more than a week without
water. There is little doubt than the earliest savanna dwellers
became proficient in finding hidden water as a matter of survival
necessity. The null hypotheses are: Ho: labio-velars, dental-
alveolars, approximants, glides, front vowels, and stops should all
find a chance/normal distribution in the sample of world languages.
The alternative hypotheses are: Ha: dental-alveolars and stops
should be less than chance/normal distribution for WATER. Both
represent distinctness in oral gesturing and are incongruous with
water as a fluid. The labio-velars, approximants, glides, and front
vowels should be higher than chance/normal frequency since they
mime drinking behaviors.
Food. It is hard to imagine what actual food, FOOD represents as
a semantic universal in world languages. Does it mean something
that is merely eaten, and thereby include medicinal herbs? Or does
it mean something that is eaten every day and carries an
appropriate set of preparative behaviors about itself? Although it
could be hypothesized that the taste of a food might determine its

name, it is hard to invent or even imagine any one food that might
taste the same for millions of genetically variable individuals.
Nonetheless, if a very sweet food like honey were to be named,
it might be named more for the front of the mouth where those
taste receptors are found, rather than the back of the mouth. For
example, the English "honey" and Greek "mellis" both contain front
vowels and nasal consonants. If a food were bitter or used to induce
vomiting, like the gourd called "kolosinth" by the English, a front
and back consonantal symbolism might be produced (Norwood
1978:9).
For FOOD in general, the null hypotheses are: Ho: nasals and
front vowels should find chance/normal distribution in the sample.
The alternate hypotheses are: H a: nasals and front vowels should
find a higher rate than chance/normal in the sample. I argue here
that humans identified FOOD in much the same way as BREAST.
Dog. It is uncertain when the wolf was domesticated by early
humans. It can be assumed that since the use of fire and the
production of lancelate tools, the wolf ceased to be a threat to
human communities. Importantly, wolves are like humans in having
spread to all continents. Human cultures almost universally contain
myths concerning wolves. Dogs are important to humans because
when domesticated they also eat feces and reduce levels of
contamination in the immediate human environment. In various
cultures they are food, servant and work horse, pet and family
member, scientific subject, and god.

34
A DOG is most readily identified by the sounds it makes. The
null hypotheses are: H o: velars, stops, back vowels, and glottals
should find chance/normal distribution in the sample of world
languages for DOG. The alternative hypotheses are: Ha: velars, back
vowels, glottals, and stops should find higher than chance/normal
distribution in the sample. The proto-word for DOG may have
synonymy with NECK, the place of the bark is near the NECK.
Below are tables l.b., l.c., and l.d. which recapitulate these
unwieldy hypotheses. Each table presents the 16 glosses and the
types of hypotheses argued about each. There are 63 predictions
away from an average feature frequency for all 16 glosses.
Table l.b.
Glosses and Consonantal Articulation Hypotheses
Features:
Bilabial
Dental-
Alveolar
Palatal
Labio-
Velar
Velar
Glottal
Predicted
H
M L
H M L
H
M L
H M L
H M L
H M L
Glosses:
Breast
+
+
+
+
+
+
Tooth
+
+
+
+
+
+
Nose
+
+
+
+
+
+
Neck
+
+
+
+
+
+
Mouth
+
+
+
+
+
+
Cough
+
+
+
+
+
+
V omit
+
+
+
+
+
+
Suck
+
+
+
+
+
+

Table l.b. continued
Features:
Bilabial
Dental-
Alveolar
Palatal
Labio-
Velar
Velar
Glottal
Predicted
H
M L
H
M
L
H
M
L
H M L
H M L
H
M L
Glosses:
Eat
+
+
+
+
+
+
Drink
+
+
+
+
+
+
Chew
+
+
+
+
+
+
Swallow
+
+
+
+
+
+
Spit
+
+
+
+
+
+
W ater
+
+
+
+
+
+
Dog
+
+
+
+
+
+
Food
+
+
+
+
+
+
Totals:
3
12 1
5
10
1
2
14
0
1 15 0
8 8 0
4
12 0
Table l.c.
Glosses and Consonantal Manner Hypotheses
Features:
Affricates
Fricatives
Stops
Nasals
Hypotheses:
H M L
H M L
H M
L
H M L
Glosses:
Breast
+
+
+
+
Tooth
+
+
+
+
Nose
+
+
+
+
Neck
+
+
+
+
Mouth
+
+
+
+
Cough
+
+
+
+
V omit
+
+
+
+

Table l.c. continued
Features:
Affricates
Fricatives
Stops
Nasals
Hypotheses:
H M L
H M L
H M L
H M L
Glosses:
Suck
+
+
+
+
Eat
+
+
+
+
Drink
+
+
+
+
Chew
+
+
+
+
Swallow
+
+
+
+
Spit
+
+
+
+
Water
+
+
+
+
Dog
+
+
+
+
Food
+
+
+
+
Totals:
2 14 0
4 12 0
9 5 2
4 11 1
Table l.d.
Glosses and Vowel and Semi-Vowel Hypotheses
Features:
B. Vowels
Fr.
Vowels
Glides
Approx.
Reson.
Hypotheses:
H M L
H
M L
H M L
H M L
H M L
Glosses:
Breast
+
+
+
+
+
Tooth
+
+
+
+
+
Nose
+
+
+
+
+
Neck
+
+
+
+
+
Mouth
+
+
+
+
+

Table l.d. continued
3 7
Features:
B. Vowels
Fr. Vowels
Glides
Approx.
Reson.
Hypotheses:
H M L
H M L
H M L
H M L
H M L
Glosses:
Cough
+
+
+
+
+
V omit
+
+
+
+
+
Suck
+
+
+
+
+
Eat
+
+
+
+
+
Drink
+
+
+
+
+
Chew
+
+
+
+
+
Swallow
+
+
+
+
+
Spit
+
+
+
+
+
W ater
+
+
+
+
+
Dog
+
+
+
+
+
Food
+
+
+
+
+
Totals:
5 110
6 10 0
2 14 0
1 15 0
2 14 0
With the presentation of the hypotheses completed, Chapter II
will provide the tally and analysis of this language data. Three
types of statistical tests are made upon these 63 hypotheses. These
include the standard Chi-Square test, the Kruskal-Wallis median
test, and the Jonckheere-Terpstra ordered alternative test. These
tables are used when Kruskal-Wallis median-rank and Jonckheere-
Terpstra testing is done in Chapter II.
Following Chapter II, I discuss the incorporation of prosody as a
subset of sound symbolism in Chapter III. In Chapter III, I also

identify and discuss more than a dozen synonymous sound
symbolism terms and introduce some order to such references
found scattered in the literature. Finally, Chapter III presents
natural language examples of sound symbolism for world languages.
These are illustrative of the extent of sound symbolism throughout
the world, types of sound symbolism, and functions of sound
symbolism.
Chapter IV critically discusses the most important sound
symbolism experiments carried out over the past 70 years. The
diversity of these experiments is not easily compared with the
results from Chapter II. Nevertheless, the concurrence they lend is
impressive.
Finally, a summary and concluding remarks are given in
Chapter V. Weaknesses of the dissertation design are outlined and
promising areas of future research are listed.

CHAPTER II
SOUND SYMBOLISM DATA AND ANALYSIS
The Universe of the Linguistic Data
The hypotheses proposed in Chapter I regard human language as
a unitary event, though as an entity expressed as over 5,000 regional
languages. To test the depth of the hypotheses outlined in Chapter I, a
representative sample of the 5,000 languages spoken among humans
is necessary. When testing any gloss of this sample, one major
assumption becomes apparent. This is that the presence of any
predicted feature or pattern of sound and meaning becomes
significant to a universal domain when its frequency falls above or
below chance levels of occurence. In short, the arbitrary sound¬
meaning hypothesis holds that both words and their sounds should
only find average levels of association regardless of meaning.
The data base consists of 800 monolexemes for 16 concepts. The
categories include: BREAST, TOOTH, NOSE, NECK, MOUTH; COUGH,
VOMIT, SUCK, EAT, DRINK, CHEW, SWALLOW, SPIT; WATER, DOG, and
FOOD. Each contains 50 examples or words, and each word comes from
a different language. For each category of 50 words, no more than 5
languages come from one of the 17 language phyla considered. So, for
each meaning and its 50 instances of globally sampled words, at least

40
10 language phlya of 17 language phyla are represented. The
language phyla considered include: 1. Afro-Asiatic, 2. Australian, 3.
Austro-Asiatic, 4 Austronesian, 5. Eskimo-Aleut, 6. Indo-European,
7. Dravidian, 8. Indo-Pacific, 9. Niger-Khordofanian, 10. North
Amerind, 11. South Amerind, 12. Uralic, 13. Nilo-Saharan, 14.
Khoisan, 15. Austro-Thai, 16. Sino-Tibetan, and 17. Altaic. Language
phyla such as Na-Dene, Paleo-Siberian, Georgian, Basque and others
were excluded from this list because of the lack of representative
sources and ambiguities surrounding their phyletic assignments.
The creation of this data base assumes that a balanced sample
of geographically or historically separated languages should
demonstrate languages composed of varying structural components.
That is, their differences should show apt use of the "language"
category because, by definition, languages are changing entities
never possessing the exact phoneme usage frequencies or phonetic
inventory. This should be so even though they use the same
distinctive features in recognizing and creating their phonemic
inventories. All told, what Saussure (1959) argues should be
present; namely, there should be few strong connections between
sounds and meanings, their signifiers and the concepts they signify.
The fragmentary documentation of geographically separated
languages made collection of all 800 words from 50 languages
impossible. This would have been ideal because a range could have
been obtained for total numbers of phonemes present in the
sample. Unfortunately, the data set holds words from 229 sampled
languages, with no one language providing more than a total of 16

words for all 16 concepts. Thus, no single language's phonemic
range and sound frequencies could influence decisions very much.
By sampling from 229 languages and phonologies instead of 50, any
association between sounds and the meanings would be impressive.
In point of fact, less than one percent of the words were
identical in all possessed features with others. These words were
from the same language phyla and it is uncertain whether they
represented loans or cognates from a mother language. Clearly,
there is plenty of distance between the sounds used to represent
meaning in different cultures, especially when comparing across
phyletic boundaries. However, when predicted patterns of sound¬
meaning relationships are consistently observed, the arbitrary
sound-meaning hypothesis is not supported.
Coding the Linguistic Data
Each word in the sample (N=800) was coded in a variety of
descriptive ways. (The entire set of words is presented in Appendix
A and each specific language's supporting reference is in Appendix
B.) First, all phones were tallied. A mean word length for each
category was found. Interestingly, the shortest word was EAT (3.6
phones per word) and the longest was SWALLOW (5.2 phones per
word). Perhaps the longer average reflects the less cultural and
more autonomic behavior "swallowing". In addition, over 90% of all
words contained between 4-5 phones. Below is table 2.a.:

Table 2.a.
Data Sample Descriptive Tallies
Words:
Sample
Word
Length
Phones
Consonants
Vowels
Eat
50
3.6
181
98
83
W ater
50
3.7
186
9 1
95
Drink
50
3.9
196
106
90
Dog
50
4
204
1 04
100
Breast
50
4.1
208
108
1 00
Nose
50
4.2
212
1 20
92
Tooth
50
4.3
219
1 20
99
Mouth
50
4.4
220
1 1 8
1 02
Suck
50
4.4
223
1 27
96
Neck
50
4.5
226
125
101
Cough
50
4.7
237
1 29
108
Vomit
50
4.7
238
1 27
1 1 1
Spit
50
4.8
245
1 44
101
Food
50
5
250
1 24
1 26
Chew
50
5.1
258
1 42
1 16
Swallow
50
5.2
263
141
1 22
Totals
800
4.4
3566
1924
1 642
Here, it is unclear what role word length plays with regard to
specific meaning. It is intriguing that EAT, WATER, and DRINK are
the shortest three words and FOOD, CHEW, and SWALLOW are the

longest three. It might be hypothesized that the longer words
represent longer or slower phenomena, the reverse might be true
for the shorter terms. It would be interesting to test such a guess by
simply replicating the same size sample with new languages. If true,
a length and meaning connection as a human language universal
could be analogous with examples in alloprimate communication
systems. These conjectures will undoubtedly be tested further
because this data is not significantly different. The standard
deviation of this sample is a large 1.6. So, one standard deviation
from the standard mean (4.4) easily contains both the shortest word
EAT (3.6) and the longest SWALLOW (5.2).
Analysis of the data set was done further for a comprehensive
number of articulatory and acoustic features. Each sound, whether
consonant or vowel, is identified according to its distinctive
features. Tallying is a binomial decision. A language and its word
either: a). Yes, contain or b). No, does not contain a feature. Hence,
the maximum number of words for each category possessing any
given feature is 50, or 100%. The gloss COUGH, for instance, gives 49
out of 50 languages with an obstruent in that meaning. These coding
parameters for vowels included all rounded or unrounded front,
central, back vowels distinguished by high, middle or low tongue
height. Consonantal coding was done for the following front to back
places of articulation: bilabial, labio-dental, interdental, dental-
alveolar, palatal, labio-velar, velar, uvular, and glottal. Consonants
were also coded for the following manners of articulation: stop,
fricative, affricate, nasal, glide, trill, lateral, approximants,

44
obstruent, and resonant. These six coding tables are given in
Appendix C according to ethnoanatomical, physiological, and cultural
glosses. Not all the coding parameters were used in testing
hypotheses. The vowels, for instance, are tested only according to
whether they are front or back. The extra coding parameters are
available to demonstrate the full scope of the data and for further
testing by interested scholars.
Hypotheses Testing Using Chi-Square
In Chapter I, 63 hypotheses contrasted sound symbolism and
arbitrary sound-meaning relations. The arbitrary-meaning
hypothesis is the null hypothesis. It argues that in the pantheon of
5,000 known languages, all phones will be randomly represented
over all meanings. There should be no particular agreement among
separate languages and the sounds in meanings attached to sounds.
Further, when a single category of words is compared among
languages, the interlanguage similarity should be as small.
My 800 word data sample is synchronic. It takes words from
languages as they are known this century. No words represent the
proto-forms of any phyla. The statistical tests necessary are
nonparametric because the underlying population distribution of a
sample is not uniform (Wynne 1982:330). The 800 word data set
represents 229 languages and therefore, 229 distinct phonetic
inventories. The little information available about most makes
normality assumptions difficult to test.

However, the 800 word sample does represents 229 languages
and the phonetic range for this sample probably reaches 90% of the
possible phonetic variation known for human language in its
entirety. Then, by obtaining frequency counts of categories (words)
for certain qualitative variables (distinctive features), a two-by-two
contingency table or Chi-square can measure significance of any
relationship.
In the 63 Chi-square tests below, a test word, (e.g. COUGH), is
compared to all other words (15 other glosses) according to a
qualitative feature. That is, as a sample, COUGH might contain a total
of 50 examples of a certain feature for its 50 languages. This
number is compared to the total number of other languages and
features, which might total 750 features for 750 languages. Chi-
square results from the calculation of Phi shown below (Driver
1966:322-324):
ad-bc
a+b) (a+c) (b+d) (c+d)
2 9
X =02
N
Since the degrees of freedom equalled 1, the Yates correction
was applied for distribution skewing. There is some debate recently
over whether the Yates correction for continuity is necessary. In our
case, the N is so large (800), that applying this correction lowers Chi
values very little. The nature of Chi-square only allows non-

46
directional associative findings. Although the hypothesis about
COUGH predicts it will contain more STOPS than average, deviation
in either direction will result in a significant Chi-square.
All 63 hypotheses discussed in Chapter 1 contain the same
predictions:
Null Hypothesis:
Ho: u=U, (given a word of n=(50) and u occurence of a feature, a
larger sample N (800)-n(50)=(750) and U occurence of a feature
should be similar);
Alternate Hypothesis:
Ha: u is not equal to U.
The test statistic is Chi-square, and the corrected Yates value is
given. The significance level sought is p<.05. At this level, the null
hypothesis asks that if the true correlation between a feature and
meaning is zero, what would be the probability of obtaining, by an
error of sampling, a value as high or higher than that obtained from
the observed sample. Since there are repeated tests being made, the
results must be qualified. If 100 tests were made with Chi-square
at a .05 probability level, 5 cases would be likely to be significant or
insignificant by chance factors. In the tests presented below, for 63
hypotheses about 3 cases should be expected to yield results solely
according to chance associations. As the results will show, this error
is negligible due to the dramatic number of significant tests. Below
are the 16 glosses and the Chi-square tests for each:

Table 2.b.l.
Breast
4 7
Breast
All-
Breast
P
Yates
P
pc.05
+Stop
23
506
Phi=. 11
-Stop
27
244
Chi=9.6
.001
8
.003
*****
+Bilabial
2 1
232
Phi = .05
-Bilabial
29
5 1 8
Chi=2.6
.10
2.1
.14
+Nasal
26
334
Phi = .03
-Nasal
24
416
Chi=1.0
.3
.77
.37
+F. Vow
24
337
Phi=.01
-F. Vow
26
413
Chi=.17
.67
.07
oo
For BREAST, distribution of the stop is significantly predicted
by the alternate hypothesis. Of 50 languages contributing to the
BREAST sample, only 46% contain one or more stops while 67% use
one or more stops for the 15 other concepts.

Table 2.b.2.
Tooth
48
Tooth
All-
Tooth
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Dental
42
507
Phi=.08
-Dental
8
243
Chi=5.8
.01
5.1
.02
+Stop
30
499
Phi=.03
-Stop
20
251
Chi=.89
.34
.65
.42
+Bilabial
32
329
Phi=.14
-Bilabial
1 8
421
Chi=16.1
.0001
14.9
.0001
+F. Vowel
32
329
Phi=.09
-F. Vowel
1 8
421
Chi=7.6
.005
6.8
.008
These results demonstrate that world languages use dental-
alveolars and front vowels, not bilabials to name TOOTH. A linguist
should find the teeth named with sounds like, ne, si, se, zi, chi, and
so on, but not mo, ma, ka, ta, duh, pu, po, ba, bo, and so on.

Table 2.b.3.
Nose
4 9
Nose
All-Nose
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Nasal
40
320
Phi=.18
-Nasal
1 0
430
Chi=26.3
.0001
24.9
.0001
+Resonant
42
496
Phi=.09
-Resonant
8
254
Chi=6.7
.009
6.0
.01
-(-Bilabial
27
226
Phi=.12
-Bilabial
23
524
Chi=12.3
.0004
11.2
.0008
****
For NOSE, nasals, resonants (which include nasals and
approximants), and bilabials are favored features, presumably
because of iconic or gestural similarity. The NOSE sample shows 80%
of its languages choosing nasal, versus 43% for the other 15
concepts. For resonants, NOSE carries 84% to 57%, and for bilabial
54% to 30%.

Table 2.b.4.
Neck
50
Neck
All-Neck
P
Yates
P
pc.05
+Velar
35
286
Phi-.15
-Velar
1 5
464
Chi=19.8
.0001
18.5
.0001
-i-Stop
42
487
Phi=.09
-Stop
8
263
Chi-7.6
.005
6.7
.009
+B.Vowel
30
402
Phi-.03
-B. Vowel
20
348
Chi=.7
.37
.5
.46
Highly significant associations for velars and stops are seen for
NECK. The velar feature may be used in NECK with iconic or
kinesthetic origin. The velar articulation is at the level of the neck
in proximity. The significance may also be because so many
vegetative processes occur in the neck involving the same processes
of phonatory stopping. Some evidence is seen for this below for
COUGH and VOMIT. Both contain significant levels of stops like NECK.

Table 2.b.5.
Vomit
5 1
Vomit
All-V omit
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Nasal
1 5
345
Phi=.07
-Nasal
35
405
Chi-4.8
.02
4.2
.03
+Stop
40
489
Phi-.07
-Stop
1 0
261
Chi-4.5
.03
3.9
.05
+Glottal
1 3
1 13
Phi-.07
-Glottal
37
637
Chi-4.2
.03
3.4
b
os
+Velar
23
298
Phi-.03
-Velar
27
452
Chi-,7
OC
m
.52
.46
+B.Vowel
26
406
“T3
M •
H
b
-B. Vowel
24
344
Chi-08
.76
.02
oo
oo
For VOMIT, significance is found with nasal and stop features.
Presumably, nasals are not favored because the velum is usually
closed during vomiting. Stop features describe convulsive mechanics
of vomiting. The glottal features approach significance with p=.06.
Surprisingly, back vowels and velar consonants find an average
distribution. The most common VOMIT vowels are /a,a/.

Table 2.b.6.
Cough
5 2
Cough
All-Cough
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Stop
4 1
488
Phi=.08
-Stop
9
262
Chi=6
.01
5.2
.02
-i-Velar
28
265
Phi= 1
-Velar
22
485
Chi=8.6
.003
7.7
.005
+Glottal
1 3
1 1 3
Phi=.07
-Glottal
37
637
Chi=4.2
.03
3.4
.06
+B.Vowel
3 1
401
Phi=.04
-B. Vowel
1 9
349
Chi=1.3
.24
1
.3
Like the word NECK, the gloss COUGH contains significant
numbers of stops and velars. The glottal feature is suggestive at
p=.06. COUGH does carry features commonly known for most coughs,
namely velar stops. Back vowels are just as likely to be found as
front vowels in names for cough. Of all vowels, the most common for
COUGH is Back Mid Round /o/, at 36%.

5 3
Table 2.b.7.
Mouth
Mouth
All-Mouth
P
Y ates
P
p<.05
+Bilabial
1 9
234
Phi=.03
-Bilabial
3 1
516
Chi=l
.31
.7
.39
-i-Dental
35
5 14
Phi=.007
-Dental
1 5
236
Chi=.04
.82
.003
.95
-i-Stop
32
497
Phi=.01
-Stop
1 8
253
Chi=.l
.74
.03
.86
+Velar
22
299
Phi=.02
-Velar
28
451
Chi=.3
.56
.18
.66
None of the hypotheses for MOUTH is significant. Apparently
there is no commonality among what feature used to name MOUTH.
When the frequencies of all the features are ranked, as is done
below in the next analysis section, MOUTH is average for all features
except one. It is tied for last place, out of 16 rankings, for the use of
fricatives. Why MOUTH stands out among anatomical terms may
have something to do with the semantic vagueness of MOUTH itself.
What is the MOUTH? Where does it begin and end? Its vagueness
may aid in its arbitrary sound-meaning form.

Table 2.b.8.
Suck
54
Suck
All-Suck
P
Yates
P
pc.05
+Palatal
1 7
1 15
Phi = .12
-Palatal
33
635
Chi=l 1.8
.0006
10.5
.001
+Affricate
5
37
Phi=.05
-Affricate
45
7 13
Chi=2.4
.11
1.5
.21
+B.Vowel
39
393
Phi=.12
-B. Vowel
1 1
357
Chi=12.3
.0004
1 1.3
.0008
+Fricative
2 1
280
Phi = .02
-Fricative
29
470
Chi=.4
.50
.25
.61
-fNasal
25
335
Phi = .02
-Nasal
25
415
Chi=.5
.46
.3
.55
For the gloss SUCK, palatals and back vowels are significant.
This duplicates the mechanics of suction whereby the tongue is
depressed due to negative ingressive pressures. Other features as
nasal, fricative, and affricate are insignificant. Apparently, there is
little acoustic mimicry found in words for SUCK.

Table 2.b.9.
Eat
5 5
Eat
All-Eat
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Fricative
1 2
289
Phi=.07
-Fricative
38
461
Chi=4.2
.04
3.6
.057
+Dental
30
519
Phi=.04
-Dental
20
23 1
Chi=1.8
.17
1.4
.23
+Stop
27
502
Phi = .06
-Stop
23
248
Chi=3.5
.06
2.9
b
OO
+F.Vowel
1 6
345
Phi=.06
-F. Vowel
34
405
Chi=3.7
.05
3.1
.07
The gloss EAT is an enigma. No feature appears at levels above
average. Surprisingly, the rotory action of chewing and its intra-oral
noise must not contribute to the choice of this feature for CHEW
words. Fricative frequency is 24% versus 38% for all other glosses.
Possibly the reason for this is that EAT, like MOUTH, is a culturally
more malleable word because of its semantic vagueness. Like
MOUTH, what does EAT refer to? Is it chewing, swallowing,
consumption, sipping, gulping, or slurping? Each culture approaches
EAT differently and this is paramount in its form.

Table2.b.l0.
Drink
56
Drink
All-Drink
P
Yates
P
pc.05
+Velar
1 2
309
Phi = .08
-Velar
38
441
Chi=5.7
.01
5
.02
****
-(-Palatal
1 1
121
Phi = .03
-Palatal
39
629
Chi=l.l
.27
.7
.37
+Resonant
34
504
Phi = .0004
-Resonant
1 6
246
Chi=. 01
.90
.001
.96
+Stop
3 1
498
Phi = .02
-Stop
1 9
252
Chi=.4
.52
.2
.62
Only velar features are significant for DRINK. Since drinking
mechanics conspire to keep fluid from the nasal sinuses, velars are
less than the mean frequency for the other words. It may be that
physiological words tend to reject the very features that would
indicate a poor enactment of the named event. When velars are in a
word, movement of the velum draws attention to the border area
between the mouth and nose at the soft palate. Choking on a drink
or morsel of food involves the velum and the glottis and accurate
drinking behavior may be named to contrast with this.

5 7
Table 2.b.ll.
Chew
Chew
All-Chew
P
Y ates
P
pc.05
+Velar
22
299
Phi = .02
-Velar
28
451
Chi=.3
.56
.1
.66
+Fricative
24
277
Phi = . 05
-Fricative
26
473
Chi=2.4
.11
1.9
.15
+F.Vowel
36
341
Phi-.02
-F. Vowel
1 4
409
Chi=.5
.45
.3
.54
+Dental
36
5 13
Phi-.01
-Dental
1 4
137
Chi-.2
.59
.1
.7
Like the words EAT and MOUTH, CHEW is semantically
inscrutible because none of the tested features are significant. CHEW
may not be comparable in its failure to MOUTH and EAT and may
involve other senses. For nasals, CHEW ranks second among 16 for
frequency of such phonemes. Chewing may be tied to the
stimulation of the cranio-facial musculature and enhancement of
olfactory detections. Or, the act of chewing reduces food mass and
may reflect this in a front, small to back, large vowel apophony in
each word for CHEW. For CHEW, 30 of 50 languages show a vowel
apophony.

Table 2.b.l2.
Swallow
58
Swallow
All-Swallow
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Glide
1 5
109
Phi = .l
-Glide
35
641
Chi=8.5
.003
7.4
.006
+Velar
23
298
Phi=.03
-Velar
27
452
Chi=.7
.38
.5
.46
-(-Glottal
9
117
Phi=.01
-Glottal
4 1
633
Chi=.2
.6
.06
.8
SWALLOW contains glides at significant levels. Glides mime the
motion of the tongue as it propells a bolus of food toward the
esophagus. This result was predicted. Glottal and velars are random
and perhaps for reasons similar to why DRINK lacks velar features
at significant levels. Ideally, swallowing is a continuous and
autonomic process and glottal and velar articulation features stand
in the way of this. When swallowing goes awry it becomes choking,
and it is possible CHOKE would use features which are only random
in SWALLOW, much like DRINK.

Table 2.b.l3.
Spit
5 9
Spit
All-Spit
P
Y ates
P
pc.05
+Fricative
32
269
Phi=.14
-Fricative
1 8
481
Chi=15.8
.0001
14.6
.0001
+Stop
4 1
488
Phi=.08
-Stop
9
262
Chi=6
.01
5.2
.02
+Dental
39
5 10
Phi=.05
-Dental
1 1
240
Chi=2.1
.14
1.7
.18
+Affricate
9
33
Chi=1.4
-Affricate
4 1
717
Chi=17.4
.0001
14.8
.0001
SPIT contains significant levels of affricates, fricatives, and
stops. All these features are present in the mechanics and acoustics
of spitting. This is, again, predicted. The dental-alveolar frequency
of SPIT ranks third of 16 words. Even so, such a frequency is only
average. As for the vowel a SPIT word tends to contain, though no
predictions were made, the SPIT sample contains the highest
number of High Back Round vowels of the data set. The vowel is /u/
and in 23 of 50 languages SPIT contains this vowel. It would be
interesting to see whether the finding holds up in a larger sample.

Table 2.b.l4.
Food
60
Food
All-Food
P
Yates
P
pc.05
+Nasal
27
333
Phi=.04
-Nasal
23
417
Chi=1.7
.18
1.3
.24
+F.Vowel
24
337
Phi=.01
-F. Vowel
26
413
Chi=.l
.6
.07
.78
FOOD is not labelled with any predicted feature at significant
levels. This may be due to poor feature choice or the semantic
variability of FOOD across cultures. One culture's food is another's
waste. However, FOOD leads the category of central, unround
vowels, showing 39 of 50 languages with the vowel /a/. The
significance of this is unclear, but next most common for this vowel
is CHEW (36) and then EAT (33). Interestingly, these three terms
had the fewest successfully predicted features. Also pertinent is the
observation that FOOD contains the most dental-alveolars features
of any gloss. It tops even the TOOTH gloss. This suggests FOOD may
have polysemic overlap with TOOTH as the start of the eating
process.

Table 2.b.l5.
Dog
6 1
Dog
All-Dog
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Velar
22
299
Phi=.02
-Velar
28
45 1
Chi=.3
.55
.19
.66
+B.Vowel
25
407
Phi=.02
-B. Vowel
25
343
Chi=.3
.56
.18
.66
-i-Stop
39
490
Phi=.06
-Stop
1 1
260
Chi=3.3
.06
2.8
.09
+Glottal
7
1 1 9
Phi=.01
-Glottal
43
63 1
Chi=.12
.72
.02
.88
The gloss DOG is insignificant for all tested features. Contrary to
popular belief, the word for DOG is not similar across widely
disparate linguistic areas for stops, velars, glottals, and back vowels.
Other features may be similar but have not been measured. For
instance, DOG ranks third for labio-velars, front vowels, and
approximants. It may also display vowel apophony.

Table 2. b.16
W ater
6 2
Water
All-Water
P
Yates
P
p<.05
+Labio-Velar
8
46
Phi = .09
-Labio-Velar
42
704
Chi=7.2
.007
5.7
.01
+Approximant
1 6
238
Phi = .001
- Approximant
34
512
Chi=.001
.96
.01
.9
-i-Stop
1 8
5 1 1
Phi=.16
-Stop
32
239
Chi=21.6
.0001
20.1
.0001
+F.Vowel
22
339
Phi=.005
-F. Vowel
28
41 1
Chi=.02
.86
.003
vO
oo
-i-Glides
1 3
1 1 1
Phi=.07
-Glides
37
639
Chi=4.4
.03
3.6
.05
+Dental
27
522
Phi = .004
-Dental
23
428
Chi=.01
.89
.002
.98
Like SWALLOW, the gloss WATER contains significant
association with glides. This was predicted. Labio-velars are also
significant in the words collected for WATER. This is interesting
because this type of phoneme is produced at both ends of the oral
cavity and perhaps duplicates the wide oral area which water

63
contacts. Finally, WATER does not tend to use stops as naming
features. In this way, it is much like BREAST.
It would be interesting to compare terms for water from
cultures which are aware of ice and those which have had little
knowledge of ice. If there is a reference to water because of its
liquidity, would the cultures with knowledge of ice include more
stop features than average for their water term? (English contains a
stop in its water term, /t/, but also a labio-velar /w/).
Hypothesis Testing Using Rank Ordering
Since an 800 word sample is large and bulky, more than one
type of statistical analysis is useful to bring out significance. A large
number of ranking nonparametric tests are available to test the null
hypothesis for social scientists. One of the most widely used is the
Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance by ranks. This test is
useful when there are more than two categories comparing more
than two populations or samples. When only two categories and two
populations are given, the Kruskal-Wallis test is equivalent to the
Mann-Whitney test and equates the Chi-square distribution tables
(Daniel 1990:226).
Another nonparametric test useful to the types of data
considered here is known in the literature as the Jonckheere-
Terpstra test for ordered alternatives (Terpstra 1953) (Jonckheere
1954). In the Kruskal-Wallis test, as in the Chi-square, the deviation
in a particular direction from the null hypothesis cannot be

64
measured (Holander and Wolfe 1973:122). With the Jonckheere-
Terpstra test, the alternative hypotheses are ordered and at least
three samples drawn. Since this test is used with three or more
samples of observations, the distinction between one-sided and
two-sided tests is not maintained (Daniel 1990:235). It is, therefore,
a very powerful alternative nonparametric test which creates
simplified results available to any researcher with a rudimentary
understanding of z-score and normal distribution statistics (Odeh
1972:471).
In Chi-square analysis, each of the 16 word categories has a
number of hypotheses. Presumably, each word as a category (n=50)
has a mean average different from the mean average of a larger
number of words (N-n=750) drawn from the same universe of
words (U=800). In nonparametric ranking analysis, each word
category is ranked against each other according to each of the 15
tested features; bilabial, dental-alveolar, palatal, labio-velar, glottal,
affricate, fricative, stop, nasal, back vowels, front vowels, glides,
approximants, and resonants. The initial ranking needed for both
tests in given in Appendix D. The actual rankings are given in
Appendix E. Actual rankings average the ties between categories
and are not merely 1 through 16 rankings found in the initial
rankings.
Kruskal-Wallis Testing. The Kruskal-Wallis test is a median-
rank test. Any null hypothesis formed with it assumes that the k
sums of ranks (that is, the sums of the ranks in each sample) to be
about equal when adjusted for unequal sample sizes (Daniel

6 5
1990:227). According to the 63 hypotheses outlined in Chapter 1
and tested according to Chi-square in this chapter, we can only say
that each Chi-square test shows or fails to show significant
association between word and feature frequency. In the case to
follow, the testing feature (e.g. bilabial, velar, et cetera), not
individual hypotheses about words is considered. In testing median,
not mean, the Kruskal-Wallis test can tell whether the hypotheses,
as grouped by feature, are significant or not.
In order to test using the Kruskal-Wallis design, the hypotheses
outlined at the end of Chapter I must be used. This time, as the
tables l.a., l.b., and l.c. show, each feature is predicted to be High,
Mid, or Low in frequency in each of the 16 glosses. The 63
hypotheses now become 240 hypotheses, with the 177 unstated
Middle or average values considered hypotheses. Further, in using
this test, some of the features have only Mid and High values
predicted, while four, bilabials, dental-alveolars, stops, and nasals
have three values predicted. Below are the predictions made for 16
glosses and 15 features on two and three values (k=2, k=3 e.g.).
The Kruskal-Wallis test statistic is given below. In summary, it
is a measurement that is a weighted sum of the squares of
deviations of the sums of ranks from the expected sum of ranks,
using reciprocals of sample sizes as weights (Daniel 1990:227).
2
1 2 k
H=N(N+1).^ -3(N+1)
t-l n-
The use of this test statistic involves making the null

66
hypotheses that given nl, n2, or n3 population comparisons (Hi,
Mid, or Lo samples, i.e.), their medians will be identical. The
alternate hypotheses argue the medians are different from one
another in the predicted manners. There are 63 High or Low
frequency medians predicted for my data set. The remaining 177
are Mid predictions. When k=3, the degree of freedom is 2, for k=2,
the d.f. score is 1. The significance tables are the same as those used
for Chi-square. The table below gives the computed Kruskal-Wallis
test statistics:
Table 2.c.
Kruskal-Wallis Results and Significance
k sample
Test-Stat (H)
pc.05
Features Tested:
Bilabial
3
6.5
Dental-Alveolar
3
1.7
Palatal
2
3.4
Labio-Velar
2
2.1
Velar
2
8.4
Glottal
2
-.6
Affricate
2
4.7
Fricative
2
.5
Stop
3
5.9
Nasal
3
5.1
Back Vowel
2
1.2
Front Vowel
2
.09

Table 2.c. continued
6 7
k sample
Test-Stat (H)
pc.05
Features Tested:
Glide
2
4.1
Approximant
2
-.12
Resonant
2
.8
In these results, the predictions for bilabials, velars, stops,
affricates, and glides are significant. This represents one-third of
the feature categories tested. In comparison, about one-third of the
Chi-square scores of the 63 individual hypotheses were significant
at the same levels of probability. The concurrence speaks well of
the overall success of the hypotheses and the internal data
reliability.
Given usual pronouncements of the arbitrary sound-meaning
hypothesis, a sample, such as has been created here with this data
set, should contain about 5% shared cognate set per 100,000 years
contact. The levels of associations for features and meanings are
entirely too high, almost 6 times more than expected. This exposes
either a serious flaw in linguistic reconstructionist arguments or
evidence that sound symbolism is present within many languages,
regardless of phyletic grouping.
Alternately, it might be argued the significance is due to a
sub-set of languages within the sample concurring. This seems
unlikely given that 229 languages provide the 800 words in the
data set. If there is actually an agreement among a subset of

68
languages, it would have to be remarkably obvious to create such a
strong showing.
Jonckheere-Terpstra Testing. While the Chi-square and
Kruskal-Wallis test statistics measure differences between selected
samples of words or features, neither indicates whether the
difference is in the predicted direction Though there are many
ranking tests, one useful test is the little known Jonckheere-
Terpstra test for ordered alternatives. With this test, at least three
populations are required. In it, the null hypothesis predicts all
populations equal, but the alternate hypothesis predicts an
inequality in a particular direction. For the alternate hypothesis, nl
is lesser or equal to n2 which is lesser or equal to n3. In short, the
Jonckheere-Terpstra test is a one-sided Mann-Whitney or Wilcoxon
test. The advantage of this test is that it takes into account the
partial prior information in a postulated previous ordering.
In the tables listing the hypotheses in Chapter 1, it can be seen
that only bilabial, dental-alveolar, stop, and nasal features contain a
k=3 and qualify for this type of testing. Additionally, all the
hypotheses of the dissertation can be summed and a grand score of
hypothesis efficacy can be figured. This type of test creates a J-
score, which given probability tables, elicits a significance level.
Entering such a table, the p-level desired is matched with the k-
score, and the k-score's three or more sample sizes. For instance, the
k-score for bilabial is 3, their sizes are 3, 12, and 1. The probability
level can be less than .05.

69
The formula for obtaining the Jonckheere-Terpstra test is given
below. It tallies all pairwise comparisons from each population,
giving a score of 1 when one population element is greater than that
in another, and one-half point in the case of a tie. It measures
whether at least one of the population means is less than at least
one of the other population means (Daniel 1990:234).
J=ZUij
i The k-scores for each of the five tests are non-symmetrical and
unusual. As a result, tables do not exist which can translate the J-
score into a probablity statement. This is unfortunate, but not
devastating. When sample size is large enough, the J-score can be
converted quite readily into the standard z-score, which carries a
normal distribution. In the z-score, the mean is always 0 and the
variance 1. The formula to convert using the obtained J-score is
given below.
jT(N2-l(_|Ii?)/ 4
z—
This test is useful because it relates the ability of the
hypotheses to predict order in a data set, which according to
arbitrary sound-meaning tenets, should not have order.

70
The scores are given below in Table 2.d. with their significance
levels.
Table 2.d.
Jonckheere-Terpstra Results for Feature Hypotheses
(k=3)
J-Score
Z-Score
P
p<.05
Feature(s) Tested:
Bilabial
47
3.5
.0002
Dental-Alveolar
47
9.5
.0001
Stop
56.5
9.7
.0001
Nasal
5 1
8.9
.0001
All Hypotheses (63);
(58)Hi<(177)Mid<(5)Lo
875 1
6.3
.0001
These strikingly significant results indicate that when enough
information warranted three predictions as to the direction of the
means of three populations about certain features, the hypotheses
were all significant. Further, the results show that as a whole, the
63 hypotheses proposed initially, when modified into 240
hypotheses by including populations which are merely considered
average, are highly significant. Succinctly, this indicates order can
be predicted for sound-meaning associations for a geographical and
genetical distant sample of world languages utilizing classical ideas
about sound symbolism. To date, such a simple design has never
been done by scholars researching the limits of the sound
symbolism phenomena.

The following chapter places these results into the context of
widespread sound symbolism examples from world languages.
Given such comparison, the unusually marked results of this
chapter appear so only due to lack of structured research into sound
symbolism phenomena.

CHAPTER III
SOUND SYMBOLISM AND PROSODY, SOUND SYMBOLISM
TERMINOLOGIES AND SOUND SYMBOLIC EVIDENCE IN
NATURAL LANGUAGES
Introduction
Within this chapter, three related areas are examined.
They are important to consider because they shed light upon
the difficulties which arise when scholars choose to specialize
research domains and forget the overall unity of linguistic
phenomena. First, evidence suggesting sound symbolism
encompasses prosody is viewed. As a long labelled "supra-
segmental" feature of linguistic pattern, prosody is essential to
all languages. Philosophers from Plato to Freud and linguists
from Ben Johnson to Roman Jakobson have held that prosodic
functions are intrinsic to the lineal nature of sound use in
communication purposes. Prosody not only occupies a pivotal
role in the language play during language acquisition for
children, it is basic in allowing meaning transfer between
speakers. Yet, until recently, prosody has received little
serious attention by language scholars.
Many works have scratched out schemes which place
prosody within a sound symbolic domain or sound symbolism
72

within prosodic one. Each paradigm reaches vastly different
conclusions. Among the more notable include: Fonagy (1979),
La Métaphore en Phonétique. Genette (1976), Mimologiques:
Voyage en Cratvlie. Ertel (1969) Psvchophonetik. Jakobson
and Waugh (1978) The Sound Shape of Language. Wescott
(1980c) Sound and Sense: Linguistic Essays on Phonosemic
Subjects, and Thass-Thienemann (1967) The Subconscious
Language.
Second, prosody is vast and its literature has not been
adequately reviewed anywhere. Neither has its body of
knowledge ever been trully compared with sound symbolism
studies. So, even though this cannot be done here, I will list
and define a plethora of sound symbolism terms, currently
used without much agreement among scholars. In recognizing
this immense arena claimed by the numerous sound
symbolism researchers, I propose that prosody is a sub-set of
a much tighter grouping of sound symbolism rules. I predict
that when the elements of a universal prosody are identified
and codified, they will be indistiguishable from sound
symbolic ones.
Lastly, evidence of sound symbolism from 12 of the 17
major language phyla is presented. I claim research will
expose sound symbolism in all known language phyla. Its
absence is due to lack of published research data, though
certainly it appears present in scans of relevant dictionaries.

Sound Symbolism and Prosody
The bio-acoustic universe is composed of environmental
sounds, animal calls, and human speech. Sounds have always
carried emotive meanings for humans. Any survey of the
cultural metaphors ascribed and debated about sounds in
particular languages demonstrates this pervasiveness. Each
one of these domains is described in all cultures with varying
numbers of semantically polar adjectives. A far from
exhaustive list includes the following contrasting beliefs about
bio-accoustically perceived sound: A sound may be described
and thereby taught to be understood as small or large, dry or
wet, light or dark, lightweight or heavy, fast or slow, hard or
soft, smooth or rough, weak or strong, sharp or dull, female or
male, quiet or loud, angular or round, clear or abstruse, near
or far, empty or full, gay or sad, pure or mixed, short or long,
few or many, sweet or sour, even or odd, squat or tall, high or
low, thin or wide, major or flat, tonal or atonal, nervy or calm,
and so on (Fonagy 1979). Even so, evidence remains anecdotal
that any sounds innately evoke emotions.
Though the acoustic features lending themselves to such
binary description are not well understood, there is general
acceptance among scholars that prosody plays a major part in
this and it carries "sound suggestiveness" and "intrinsic value"
(Jakobson and Waugh 1978:198). In most definitions, prosody
refers to a suprasegmental manipulation of the forms of

utterance. So defined as suprasegmental, the prosodic process
takes place on a level which overlies a basic structure, usually
the phoneme. Any number of suprasegmentals can be created
and labelled prosodic. However, the most commonly cited ones
function such that the pitch, loudness, tempo, duration, and
rhythm are linked, either innately or voluntarily, to
connotative meaning (Barry 1981:321).
Prosody has at least four functions. First, the "globally
rhythmic" and tonal pattern direct a hearer's attention and act
as semantic guides (Barry 1981:337). Prosodic tonality and
tempo modulation aid in dividing acoustically inseparable
"connected speech" into semantic units. "Connected speech" is
common to all languages and involves the ordinary blending
of one word into another. This phenomenon is witnessed in
the difficulty of aurally learning a foreign language, when it is
more easily learned literally.
A second prosodic function is known as speaker attitude
signalling. For this function, a person hears and discerns
whether a speaker is agitated, angry, calm, seductive, happy,
sad, or despondent, by voice quality. Though the prosodic
elements processed to achieve this aim can include pitch,
tempo, and loudness, an accurate discernment of speaker
attitude by conspecifics has been shown to interact within
social context. That is, even though emotional states are
broadly comparable for all humans, the traits used to identify
each are highly malleable to change according to particular

instance. Nevertheless, keeping a social situation qualifier in
mind, for English speakers, it has been shown that mild anger
produces an increased tempo of speaking, whereas depression
produces a decrease (Market, Bein, and Phillis 1973). When
listeners rate emotions of speakers according to "softness" or
"harshness", it has been evident that soft, empathetic
emotions such as grief and love are expressed through peak-
pitch profiles. The harsh, hostile emotions, such as anger and
contempt, are expressed through peak-loudness profiles
(Costanzo, Markel, and Costanzo 1969:269). Additionally,
length of utterance seems connected to an expression of
friendship (Markel 1988). Consequent to these studies, no one
now doubts social context and prosodic elements
synergistically interact to convey speaker attitude.
Third, perceptual focussing is a function of prosody.
Localization in the tonal accent, determined by pitch
movement, forces a centralization upon the type of
information being conveyed (Barry 1981:330). With this
prosodic function, for example, most languages utilize high
and/or rising intonations to mark questions and the converse
to indicate statements (Bolinger 1964). Otherwise, a speaker
such as an irritated parent might indicate the imperative in a
command to a child such as "Get in this house NOW!" Focussing
acts as a double function in that it determines the
communicatively most important elements within the sense

unit and at the same time links the unit to its context (Barry
1981:337).
Finally, experiments show that when subjects are
presented with syntactically ruptured binaural sentences, the
listener's attention follows the prosody, while the syntacto-
semantic switch merely caused hesitations and omissions
(Darwin 1975)(Barry 1981). This "guide" function of prosody
is suspect in the emergence of proto-syntax. This is to say, in
the earliest language scenario, prosody may have been the
syntax. Consequently, conspecific sound meant emotion and
meaning emplacement within a social context. Certainly, vocal
pauses marked an upward physiological constraint of vocal
length utterance and must have played a part in semantic
"guidance."
Cross-cultural similarity in the use of the fundamental
frequency to convey affect, intention, or emotion is well
known in anecdotal and experimental evidence (Ohala
1984:2). Neonates prefer their own mother's voice over others
(DeCasper and Fifer 1980). "Baby-talk" or "motherese"
consistently occupies higher and harmonic regions of
frequency and amplitude (Ferguson 1964)(Fernald and Kuhl
1987). Perhaps one of the oldest perceptions in any hominid
proto-language may be that MOTHER is FEMALE and SMALLER
and TONALLY HIGHER in acoustical production. If this
conjecture is extended, the earliest human culture and

language began with mother-infant interaction communicating
affective intent.
It is little secret all mammalian orders communicate
emotional activity with tonality and other prosodic features.
Within humanly conceived sound symbolic words, high tone
tends to be associated with words connoting or denoting small,
diminutive, familiar, near, familiar, near, or narrow, and the
reverse meanings for low tone (Ohala 1984:4). In phonemic
terms, for vowels, this means the front vowels represent the
higher frequency versus the back vowels. For consonants, this
means the voiceless ones represent the higher versus the
voiced ones. As shown further, this is an important focus of
testing in sound symbolism experiments.
In humans, vowels are most easily recognized and are
always intonated. Intonation of utterance is universal, if only
because Nature creates animals of differing shapes and
capacities and possibly intonation is the most common
denominator (Bolinger 1964). For example, an evolutionary
pattern producing, accepting, and perceiving a high front
unrounded /i/ vowel by a female or male, child or adult, of
differing size and health is too widespread to be explained by
borrowing, descent from a common linguistic source, or chance
(Ohala 1984:2). Indeed, Liebermann pointed out that this
group of articulatory parameters forming this intonation be
called the "supervowel" because it is identified with unerring

accuracy among a pantheon of cultural groups and actors
(Lieberman 1984:158-161).
Intonation is thusly deemed partly an innate and
evolutionarily selected behavior. It is so because evidence
shows it is crucial to the socialization processes in alloprimates
by allowing the inherent variability of the individual a place
in communicative adaptiveness. Over-specialization gets a
genera wiped out and no species can perfectly create high
frequency vowels invariably. A process entailing the use of
sound for communication of affective intents must include a
multitude of constraining factors. Some of these include the
health of the animal, a social context, an age of the animal, a
sex for the animal, and an emotional state of the animal. Any
one of these can alter the formation of a vowel intonation. Too
often, language or communication schemes assume "once upon
a time" that animals created a sonal frequency, and that this
became an auditory frequency. All this, the assumption goes,
without the slightest variability.
Prosody is not yet a subset of any sound symbolic
scheme. Partly, this is due to lack of cross-cultural data on
prosody and the lack of a unifying framework with which to
study sound symbolism. Even so, all vowels are intonated.
Any two phrase utterance occurs within a temporal and
commonly iconic scheme. Plus, the use of prosody is linked
with intent within a social context, and the use of sound
symbolism is connected with clarifying intent within a social

context containing shared perceptual routines. In any case, it
seems absurd to argue that when small front vowels indicate
semantic "smallness" in a particular culture, this be labelled
"sound symbolism," while claiming the use of a high frequency
register, including the same vowels, and evincing affective
connotations, belongs for study within prosodic subfield. The
troublesome blur between sound symbolism mechanics and
prosodic ones belongs in part to faulty logic. Use of sound
symbolic phonetic devices implies a shared cognitive tradition.
This tradition owns functions identical to those of prosody.
Often, sound symbolism is treated as if it must only occur
within a vacum, something a categorical definition of prosody
could never sustain.
Sound Symbolic Terminologies
Sound symbolism is labelled with a swath of terms
including: "iconic symbolism" (Wescott 1971b), "psycho¬
morphism" (Markel 1966), "phonosymbolism" (Malkiel
1990a), "phonetic symbolism" (Sapir 1929) (Newman 1933),
"synaesthesia" (Karkowski, Odbert, and Osgood 1942), "sound¬
meaning correlation" (Heise 1966), "onomatopaeition" (Kahlo
1960), "vocal-gestural symbolism" (Paget 1930),
"phememism" (Foster 1978), "animal talk" (Langdon 1978),
"ideophone symbolism" (Samarin 1970), "magical imitation"
(Fisher 1983), "mimicry" (Bladon 1977), "expressiveness"

(Henry 1936; Fudge 1970), and "holestheme-phonestheme
symbolism" (Wescott 1987).
Such colorful nomenclature regards types of sound and
meaning within language mechanics as sometimes partially
and entirely motivated. These terms can refer to types of
sound symbolism: lexical, syntactic, morphic, psychological,
and phonological. Otherwise, they can appear as combinations
of two or more types. I delimit most below. A simple
organization on a expressive scale ranging from minimally to
maximally arbitrary is difficult to construct cross-culturally,
though it has been done for a single language elsewhere
(Bladon 1977). Even in the case of the least arbitrary,
mimicry, the given defintions are paradoxical. Nevertheless, in
comparison, each possesses semi-inclusive functions enabling
communicative intent to be interpreted among conspecifics in
a manner more certain than in purely arbritary sound¬
meaning units.
Mimicry. Mimicry is the least arbitrary form of language
use and generally the best possible imitation of a particular
sound source by a conspecific (Bladon 1977). Individuals
always vary in their capacity to mimic with vocal dexterity
fluctuating widely among a speaking groups. An important
difference exists, however, between imitating a cat using a
high-toned rasping falsetto voice and reporting a name for
what a cat says. The former can use vocal pitch, amplitude,
delivery speed, staccattoed presentation, reduplication, and so

on (in English, [miauw], fhesss] i.e.]. The latter are described
below as onomatopes and represent an abbreviated recall of
an obvious auditory feature of the thing described (in English,
[kaet], [pus] i.e.).
Mimicry is not easily transcribed orthographically.for
linguists, poets, and speech therapists. Consequently, it is not
well studied scientifically. Still, it is extensive in the collective
psyche and oral history of a culture's forms of dramatic
recitation. The great art to mimicry, whether of human voice,
activity, or emotion, is well known among primates.
Evidence abounds that humans possess extraordinary
mimicry capabilities and talents. Widespread communities
astound the public yearly by hosting pig-calling, eagle-calling,
alligator-calling, duck-calling, or turkey-calling festivals. The
only requisite for a person to become a rich and famous
performer in Western soicety is an uncanny ability to
duplicate other people's voices and say something which is
semantically inappropriate to that persona’s voice.
One of the few studies done on this topic reports on a
speaker's ability to create onomotopoetic words so to describe
auditory phenomenon. Wissemann (1954) asked subjects to
describe various sounds which included rattling chains,
snapping wood, sploshing water, shattering glass, clanging
bells, and the like. Interestingly enough, the longer sound did
not necessarily elicit the longer name. Instead, the number of
syllables corresponded to the number of divisions heard in

the noise. Syllables created expressed the sound's
differentiation and stress highlighted important sonal
dimensions (Brown 1958:116). Abrupt onset of sound, such as
in snapping, breaking, pounding, and the like, usually was
named with a voiceless stop consonant (e.g., [p], [t], [k] )
Gradual onset noises became labelled with fricative
consonants (e.g., [s], [z], [h], ) (Brown 1958:117). Further,
Wissemann's subjects agreed upon a common scheme for
vowel utilization in labelling colors and sizes. Vowels
produced frontally were used to refer to bright small noises,
low back vowels the reverse (Brown 1958:118).
This study raises the possibly that mimicry or a process
similar to echoism underlies naming principles for sensory
experiences. Roger Brown inquired: "Is it possible that primal
man created his first words in accordance with these same
imitative rules and that these rules, being "natural" to all men,
made translation of the first words easy?" Such an earliest
language scenario presents mimicry as only part of a creative
manipulative naming system in a dynamic communicative
order, loaded with changing social needs, for numerous
primate genera. For example, higher rank in early hominid
vocalizations, in comparison with other alloprimate
observations, might have been signalled by greater than
normal use of vocalizations given and received from
conspecifics (Gouzoules, Gouzoules and Marler 1986).

Onomatopes. Onomatopes are "words" and not mere
acoustical imitations. As qualified "words," they seldom
possess unchanging spelling forms and show considerable
difference in dictionary definitions. They represent a sound
source and are phonemically characterized speech sounds. For
example, sonogram comparisons could show that the English
voiced alveolar-palatal fricative hi resembles the sound of a
bee buzzing. The hi and the sounds of the word "buzz" are
phonemes in English. In Yucatecan Mayan, there is no hi
phoneme to use in an onomatope for the sound a bee makes
and their /b / is imploded, the feature reversal of the English
/b /. If Mayan children make a word for what a bee says, it
will not contain a hi if it is an onomatope. The codification of
phonemes into those "words" for a speaking group varies
cross-culturally. Onomatopic production is distinct from
mimicry, though, and languages contain rules for compressing
an imitation of what an animal/process actually emits into a
shared word. This acoustical compression phenomenon of
languages is little studied and few statements can be made
regarding it.
"Morpho-phono-symbolics" or similarly, "phono-
semantics" are empty jargon. No one knows how speakers go
from imitating the bark of a dog, for example, to creating a
word for its bark. To give some examples from the Indo-
European family, English speakers' dogs can say [wuf],
Germans' [vau], Frenchs' [wa], Icelandics' [gelta], Rumanians'

[iátrá], Croatians' [lajati], Lithuanians' [loti], and Palis'
[bhussati]. In the Altaic language family, a Turkish dog says
[hau], and a Japanese [war)]. For the Niger-Khordofanic
language Mbukushu a dog says [kudha], Tahitian, an
Austronesic language, allows dogs to say [aoa]. North Amerind
languages differ as well for dog barking. In Hopi it is [waha],
Crow [bahúk], Ojibwa [miki], and Micmac [‘psagagwl. Finally,
for Mon, an Austro-Asiatic language, a dog's bark is [ki?]
(Bladon 1977:162; for others see dictionaries in Appendix B).
The common sense adage that dogs bark the same world
round is untrue. Even among packs of the same sub-species
barks may differ. Which types of dogs and what area of the
geographic world do the dogs bark in are two variables
influencing onomatopic construction of "bark." All this quickly
dismisses a tidy summary of a mechanical dog bark. In short,
simply naming the vocalization of an animal is a complex
event.
Other onomatopes relate to sounds that a culture
recognizes as emotionally significant. In English these include
"tee-hee," "boo-hoo," "ugh," "tut-tut," "no-no" and so on.
Certain onomatopes also have echoic reference to speech
styles, such as "blah-blah," "la-dee-dah," "hem and haw,"
"yammer," "stammer," "babble," "stutter," "mutter," "sputter,"
and so on. Of particular importance to this dissertation is a
group of onomatopes regarding vegetative process such as
hiccuping, sneezing, coughing, laughing, and so on. Cross-

cultural onomatopic similarities expose the operation of sound
and gestural symbolism. In the experiments following, this
"semantic" compression of sound value is further examined. It
should be noted that even with the most automatic event, say
coughing, the cross-cultural expressions are non-identical in
some ways, but identical in other, predictable, ways.
Svnaesthesia. Synaesthesia labels a subject’s connotative
regard for sounds as they associate with unusual senses. In
early Greece, Homer equated colors, emotions, and sounds
(Pecjak 1970:625). More modern subjects, in response to
music, report major chords "wet" and minor "dry" (Karkowski,
Odbert and Osgood 1942). Similarly, Naval submarine
radiomen during World War 2, in response to the need to
share information about sonar recordings, developed a
specialized lexicon. In this creative vocabulary sounds were
called "bright" "shiny" and "dark". Large objects, explosions, or
processes were given low frequency phonemes. When events
approached the ship, they were called small, bright, and high
(Solomon 1958,1959).
Sapir (1929), discussed at length in Chapter IV, using
nonsense CVC words (i.e. words created of consonant+ vowel+
consonant), demonstrated that the more anteriorly produced
the vowel, the smaller in relative perceived size (1929). Other
tests have associated high tones with sharp objects, and low
tones with round objects (Davis 1961). Bilabial phonemes (e.g.
/b/,/p/,/m/,/(>/,/6/ ) associate with rounded shapes and

velar stops (e.g. /k/,/g/,/¿7 ) with angular shapes in English
(Firth 1935).
Synaesthesia experiments are described in detail in the
next chapter. Compared with sound symbolism, synaesthetic
definitions are fuzzy because they were formulated upon
archaic conceptions of sense perceptions and sound dynamics.
Just as any neurologist would say there are more than five
sense receptors, any audiologist would says sound perception
includes transduction of mechanical energy through air, water,
bone, chemical, and electrical mediums. Sound lends itself
synaesthetically with light, touch, space, and the like
presumably because of somatosensory overlapping modes of
sensory processing in the brain.
Phonaesthetics. Phonaesthetics label an emotional nature
to sounds. Good or bad, hot or cold, fast or slow, dangerous or
safe are varied affective connotations which types of sounds
can acquire in orderly fashion within a culture. Examples
include: a.) [-aes] found in words (such as dash, gash, clash,
lash, flash, etc.) associates with violence, b.) low mid back
unrounded sound , /a/, (in mud, dud, cud, e.g.) associated with
an unspecified heaviness and dullness, c.) [sm-] cluster carries
a pejorative connotation for English speakers (Markel 1966).
Ideophones operate in Niger-Khordofanian languages to label
"big" or "harmonically ideal", and "thin" or "discordant"
speaking styles (Wescott 1980a; Samarin 1967; Sapir 1975).

Phonaesthetic devices vary considerably between
cultures. Nonetheless, no comparative studies have been done
upon universal world poetry, song, or recitation trope. The
crucial value of an idea of linguistic "beauty" in any language
is underestimated. Language speakers are critically directed
to vary their speaking registers from earliest utterances. That
each of these registers carries its own rules of appropriateness
is well known. The ability to interact successfully within a
social milieu is tied with knowing the rules of the "pleasant"
speech game (Farb 1974). Perhaps because the rules are so
fluid or perhaps because they are so subjective, scholars have
failed to develop a scheme appropriate for the study of
phonaesthetics. Still, phonaesthetic devices are little different
from sound symbolic ones. Sounds which are made during
pleasant activites become synonymous with pleasantness.
Many of these include sucking, making love, smacking, and so
on, and are described in the following section upon sound
symbolism in natural languages.
Linguistic icons. Linguistic iconism denotes the use of
sounds as icons, nonarbitrary intentional signs acting as
designations bearing an intrinsic resemblance to the thing it
designates (Wescott 1971b:416). Instances highlighting
linguistic iconism in the world's languages include: a.)
quickness—in English, stop consonants convey the iconic
impression of brevity and discontinuity as in the contrast
between "chirp," "yelp" versus "chirr," "yell". The rapidity with

which they are made, iconically recapitulates their rank as
"quick". In terms of meters per second, they are the fastest
produced sounds humans can make.; b.) quietness--voiceless
consonants imply inaudibility or a vocal incapacity and are
most effective when coupled with high front vowels to imply
smallness. Such English exemplars include "tick," "hiss,"
"sizzle," "whistle," "whisper," and "shush". Again, diminished
volume with speech terms parallels diminished activity of a
referent process; c.) temporality--later events are reflected
later in the naming event. This is evident in the commonality
of suffixing for past tense morphemes (Greenberg 1964); d.)
commonality--frequently used terms are shorter than average
when referent importance rises. These short basic terms are
also learned earliest by children (Brown and Witkowski
1982:73).
Such a list of linguistic icons is hardly complete. An
exhaustive study of their pervasiveness has not been done. As
a whole, they demonstrate that vocal behavior parallels non¬
vocal behavior as far as some semantic intents are concerned.
Iconism is abbreviated behavior display. As such, it is very
similar to sound symbolism devices. Like behaviors and
meanings get like expressions, albeit in greatly reduced forms.
Vocal icons. Vocal iconism is not strictly linguistic iconism.
Instead, it refers to the use of gestural specificity of vocality.
For example, dentality can be a vocal icon. Since this
consonantal feature involves articulation with the teeth, it

connotes steady projection of something from a base. Many
world languages contain names of various projections from
the earth or the body utilizing dental consonants. Instances
include Proto-Indo-European *ed- "to bite" and *dent- "tooth;"
Effik -ot "head," eto- "tee;" Mixtee tu- "tail," thuk "horn," t'e
"woods," and duti- "mountain" (Wescott 1971 b:422).
Following this conjecture about vocal icons and the teeth,
Hockett proposed that the rise of the labiodental phonemes
[f, v] were caused by the advent of agriculture (Hockett
1985:284). He remarked that these phonemes diffused from
nascent agriculture centers and represented the shift to the
chewing configuration required of grinding cereals instead of
the scissor-bite required for cutting meat. Such a shift became
iconic and presumably, the terms for grains of all types should
overlap significantly with those of teeth, at least as far as
sharing phonemes.
In some languages, minimal articulatory shifts indicate
minimal semantic shifts. For English, instances include "this-
that," or "six-seven," or "four-five". In proto-Semitic (*0inay)
and (0ala:0u) "three-four" and (sid0u) and (sab'u) "six-seven"
(Wescott 1971 b :421)
Names for body parts often include just those parts so
named. I have compiled evidence that hundreds of languages
name "tooth" with dental consonants made with the teeth.
Similarly, "lip" is named with labial consonants. Vocal icons
are necessarily redundant. For example, the word for tongue

in all languages will include movement of the tongue. What
would be of interest is to test through electro-mylography
whether muscles of named anatomical parts invariably
respond when so named. If so, vocal iconism may be
considered an adjunct to other identified synergistic body
languages (Argyle 1973).
Psvcho-morphs. A Psycho-morph is "a non-morphemic
unit of one or more phonemes for which a connotative
meaning can be established, but, this connotative meaning
may not accompany all occurrences of the unit" (Market
1966:2). Non-morphemic units for English can include the
phoneme clusters /sm-/ and /gl-/, for example. The speaker
associates, with cognitive mechanisms not well understood,
the identified psycho-morph with a select attitude. For
instance, English speakers negatively regard the /sm-/ cluster
(Markel and Hamp 1960).
The mechanisms for Markel's psycho-morphs are not
inherited, appearing culturally and language specific.
However, like so many speech behaviors, the active processes
of the psycho-morph occur below the normal level of speaker
awareness. Unconscious attitudes toward psycho-morphs
influence speaker selection of appropriate word choice when
given competing alternatives (Markel 1966).
Psycho-morphs impute linguistic units, other that at the
level of the word, actively disturbing a level of word retreival
in a speaker's cognitive mind. Within a culture, psycho-

morphs demonstrate a culture's self-reflexive processes,
injected into actual language use. Attitude is use and use is
iteration of attitude. For Markel, the psycho-morph is only one
of a number of processes expressing the inner psychic world
of a speaker. Even the selection of large groups of vocabulary,
expressive words, of negative and positive connotation, link
up in frequency of use in hypertense speakers (Markel 1990).
Feelings reiterate use, use reiterates feelings. In itself, these
findings recapitulate views of virtually every "mentalist"
ethologist. Animals, including humans, overlay their inner
worlds upon extrinsic reality.
Ideophones. Ideophones are linguistically marginal units,
their exact definition being a matter of some debate.
Africanist Clement Doke first described a group of
grammatically deviant expressive forms common to Bantu
languages and conveying sensory impressions as ideophones
(Doke 1935:118-119). He argued ideophones were a separate
part of speech much as an adjective or adverb. Since then,
their special lexical status has been largely dismissed (Wescott
1980a).
Other linguists have added to the growing corpus of the
ideophone. Samarin reports that at least twenty-five terms
synonymous with ideophony (Samarin 1971). Westermann
labels it Lautbild,"a word that depicts a reaction to sensory
impressions and expresses a feeling in a suitable acoustic
form"(Smithers 1954:73). Linguist Gerard Diffloth

characterizes ideophones as grammatical units which can
function by themselves as complete sentences. Their
morphemic constituents are phonic features (Diffloth 1972).
Ideophones contain unusual sounds, form exceptions to
the rules of length, tone, and stress applying to other
elements, and are commonly reduplicated (Smithers 1954:83).
Two examples are illustrative: a.) intensity--English
ideophones can involve consonantal doubling [mm, tt, dd, gg,
pp, ss, 11, etc.] to indicate intensity such as in "puff," "yell,"
"guffaw," "chatter," "sluggish," and "quarrel". Verbs with
voiced consonantal doubling are rare in Old English and as
well as Old Norse. There are six known in each language. But
when their usage increases in Middle English, they are used in
words expressing actions, gestures, or movements of a
sluggish, inert, or vacillating kind, or those that are repeated
(Smithers 1954:85); b.) sound duplication--another event of
ideophony is palimphony or sound-repetition. Types abound
in English including "pop," "crack," "plop," "boob," "dud," and so
on. Disyllable examples are also well represented in "hot¬
head," "tid-bit," "kick-kack," "sad-sack," "sing-song," "rag-tag,"
and "hobo". Echo-compound words can be seen as well in
"hodge-podge," "hurly-burly," "pell-mell," and "tootsy-
wootsy"(e.g. bilabial series); "rag-tag," "super-duper," "willy-
nilly," and "ding-a-ling," "chit-chat"(e.g. apical series); and
"hootchy-kootchy" and "hurdy-gurdy"(e.g. velar series)
(Wescott 1980a:200-202).

Discussions of ideophony present an interesting dilemma
for scholars. In order to define ideophony, an assumed
learned and homorganically (i.e. same place of articulation for
same meaning) ascribed form of sound symbolism must be
present. This has never been seriously investigated. Linguists
debate sound symbolism as a learned or inherited universal,
but its mechanisms can exploit verbs, suffixes, infixes,
prefixes, and other distinctive phonological features as
linguistic tools for the speaker. These tools are identical in
scope with ideophonic types. Ideophones might best be
subsumed as sound symbolic systems, instead of distinctly
different types of sound symbolism.
Vocal-gesture. With vocal-gesture,human communication
is shorthand for complex of bodily gestures. Proponents argue
the vocal apparatus became pre-adapted as an ancillary body
language syntax (Hewes 1973). The result was that sounds
representing events in the real world would be formed in
sonally produced gestures representing those events. For one
scholar, vowels are called posture sounds because they
indicate the emotional state of the speaker. Consonants are
sounds of movement (Johannesson 1952:10). A process such
as choking would mimic the sound and muscular event of
choking itself. Indeed, the velar sound made by /k/, /g/, /q/,
and so on is attached to the primitive meaning 'to eat', 'to
catch', 'to hold in mouth', and 'to close' (Johannesson 1952:18).

The term articulatory gesture is discussed by Schuchardt
(1897), Grammonts (1901), and Jespersen (1918). An
elaborate examination of this form of sound symbolism is
found in Paget (1930). His studies of Polynesian, Semitic and
Sinitic languages produced many intriguing examples. The
word [gar] was considered appropriate to the verb to devour
because it contained a swallowing motion. For the English
word roll, the sounds fit because they rolled .
Sound-gesture paradigms are tautological. Words are
posited to be gestures because gestures must have preceded
complex vocality. Even so, the theory might predict
velarization of sounds describing a physiological act such as
vomiting, where the velum must be closed during the actual
process. It could predict labial sounds for processes involved
with sucking, eating, drinking. Much like the hypotheses
argued in this dissertation, the sound gesture hypothesis
argues that certain behavioral routines find analogy in other
behavioral expressions.
Johannesson continued Paget's work, but arbitrary
reasoning emerged in his articulatory premises when one
tracks a large list of root morphemes for six distantly related
languages compiled as evidence. For example, he first argues
velar+vowel-1-/1/ or /r/ described a rolling or curved motion
for primitive hominids. Then, in the same paragraph insists,
however, "it was therefore very natural that Homo sapiens in
his attempts to describe the surrounding nature also made use

of the lips or teeth as starting point instead of the throat or
the palate" (Johannesson 1952:15).
There is no doubt that gestural value found in some
speech registers presages sound symbolism. It is argued that
at least five or more "languages" exist simultaneously
alongside vocal language (Argyle 1973). Wild speech is
certainly wildly articulated and prosaic oratory can be likened
to the "ballet of the tongue." Nevertheless, a theory as
intuitively sensible as vocal-gesture leaves no room for
understanding because there is little left to understand. By
explaining everything, nothing is explained. Gordon Hewes
remarks on this point, "mouth-gesture theory and sound
symbolism research still leave most of the postulated
transformation from a gestural to a vocal language
unexplained" (Hewes 1973:10).
Sound-meaning correlation. Correlations occur with the
statistical comparison of one event, incident, or behavior to
another. They are not proof of causality. Evidence of
interaction that correlations present are valid only so far as
certain measuring constraints are constant. For linguistics,
statistical measurement can be a dubious affair.
One type of measurement scheme designed explicitly to
examine the "meaning of meaning" is known as the "semantic
differential." Published in the book The Measurement of
Meaning (Osgood, Suci, Tannenbaum 1957), the semantic

differentia] has been used as the basis of hundreds of social
science experiments.
Briefly, the semantic differential offers the subject of an
experiment the choice to describe a word with 20 scaled
antonymic adjectives. For example, asked to describe father a
subject could choose the conceptual side of the scale indicating
"happy" instead of "sad", "hard" instead of "soft", and so on. In
order to investigate every possible pairing of n scales it is
necessary to generate a test consisting of n(n-1)/2 items. The
measurement of relationship is simply the percentage of
agreement in direction of alignment.
The interaction among these 20 concepts ("good-bad,"
"weak-strong," and others.) creates clustering by factor
analysis. Eight dimensions of meaning analysis are identified
and described. These are called evaluative, potency, oriented
activity, stability, tautness, novelty, receptivity, and
aggressiveness dimensions. "The three prime factors--
evaluation, potency, and activity—are also identified in
studies where the "concepts" are not words or anything
linguistic, but rather such things as underwater sonar signals
and representational pictures in an art gallery" (Carroll
1959:67).
The authors of the semantic differential argue evaluation,
activity, and potency are pervasive in adjectival
characterization because they correspond to fundamental
attributes people hold and to the organization of basic

perceptual and conceptual processes. Evaluation concerns an
individual's approach or avoidance of a stimulus to the extent
it is negative or painful and positive or pleasant. Activity
refers to the necessity or nonnecessity of making movement
in regard to the stimulus. Finally, potency suggests the
amount of adjustment needed to deal with the concept in
question (Carroll 1959:74-75).
A number of sound symbolism studies have used
adjectival scaling so subjects rank sounds in words with the
use of the semantic differential. These studies lend insight
into the prelinguistic basis for a certain classes of linguistic
behavior, presumably because such behaviors are founded
upon perceptions of reward value, of demands for certain
kinds of adjustment to stimuli and of the transmission of
information about such perceptions (Carroll 1959:75). One
study involved 342 males in the U.S. Navy rating the 1,000
most commonly used English words on 8 semantic differential
scales. Ratings were averaged for each visually presented
word. Factor scores of the three dimensions of evaluation,
activity, and potency were found with regression equations
(Heise 1966:16). The study did find that words in which
certain phonemes occur tended to have attitudinal meanings
and that the attitudinal meanings predicted from their
phonemic content correlate significantly with the actual
attitudinal meanings (Heise 1966:14). However, the results did
not match those of other tests which involved "artificial"

words constructed of separate phonemes. This study is
discussed in more detail in the next chapter.
In the case of this test, the use of the semantic
differential is only as good as the experimental design.
Drawing the test list from a single frequency stratum
presented results not generalizable beyond frequently used
words. Since word length is inversely related to frequency,
the results may also be specific to relatively short English
words. It is also likely that a phoneme may have more that
one attitudinal meaning depending upon the influence of
other linguistic events. For example, the stressed /i / phoneme
is seen in more "active" words than the unstressed schwa /o/
(Heise 1966:26).
Sound meaning correlations are powerful as evidence of
semantic intentions for words, sounds, phonemes, and
features. They are as strong as the experimental designs
which produce them. They also imply that sound symbolism
events are causal. Most tests do not follow up such unstated
implications. For this reason, sound symbolics are considered
specific types of sound and meaning associations.
Animal talk. Most languages include a special set of words
for use with animals playing important cultural roles. In
Cocopa, a Yuman language spoken in Arizona and Mexico,
animal talk is the kind of speech humans attribute to animals,
and which in turn is used by humans to address animals
(Fangdon 1978:10). American English and Yucatec Mayan

follow similar themes about animal talk: (1) it does not
normally function as a means of communication between two
or more adult members of the speech community except
perhaps in narrative exchanges between actors playing the
roles of mythic animals (Burns 1983), and (2) it includes
unique linguistic features which do not occur in the normal
language (Chandola 1963:203).
Animal commands often imitate the vocal repertoire of a
directed animal. The involvement of mimicry, reduplication of
phonemic segments, unusual phonological vocalizations, and
imperative or denotive intonations lead some scholars to
propose that animal talk marks an important stage in
preconditions for the development of complex language. Such
preconditions include: a) the tendency for early hominids to
vocalize more than the great apes, b) human ability and desire
to imitate environmental sounds, c) a hominid tendency to
magical behavior and to act under frustration to create the
illusion that a difficult goal is nearly or already achieved.
Thus, the imitation of the sounds of a desired phenomena
could be one form of magic, d) the tendency of many animals
to approach on hearings human imitations of their sounds, of
the sounds of their own, or other unusual, non-threatening
sounds, and e) the conscious production of such sounds by
hunters to attract prey (Fischer 1983:313).
Superficially, animal talk sounds have meaning in the
speaker's phonological inventory as functional tools for extra-

species communication. Nonetheless, the logic underlying
animal talk represents an ancient interplay between
environment and culture, cause and effect. An example is the
imploded lateral affricate (e.g.,"chick-chick-chick") which is
made to cause a horse to turn and trot in a higher order
behavior sequence, but initially merely causes it to move.
Hooves make sharp sounds when striking against rocks buried
in the soil. Sharp sounds cause most animals to reflexively
move. Another example is a staccatoed and sharply intonated
whistle to cause a dog to return. Again, the animal talk
imitates the canine "whine" call it uses to establish contact
with conspecifics.
Involving mechanisms of sound symbolism, the words of
animal talk also create a psychological distance between the
animal world and the human world by defining both
according to roles and expectations. Sounds purposely used to
move animals to action are different from combinations that
move humans. Animal talk is expressive, not heavily
referential. A dog can learn to fetch the newspaper with a
command but not balance a bank statement. Everyday speech,
as part of social parody, uses animal talk on an expressive
level. No one says "giddy-yap" to a person, but a staggering
fool might be called "giddy", someone who seems to have four
legs. The "wolfs whistle" associates sex on a physical and not
romantic level in miming another species' contact call. Military
orders are growled out with commands of animal talk under

dramatized physical settings. Male fighting identity, closely
modeled after the animal world, makes men "grunts", "squids",
or "sea-bees." Physical sports like wrestling, football, and
boxing create staged animal talk names (Raging Bull La Matta,
King Kong Bundy, Boom-Boom Mancini, Bronco Nagurski, et
cetera), commands (Kill 'em, Get 'em, Hut-Hut, e.g.), and the
mythic identity with animal totems (Rams, Bears, Eagles, and
so on).
Identity with the human facets of animal origins across a
swatch of mass society occurs utilizing this manner of sound
symbolism. Say the sound and an actor becomes as if the
animal. Qualities of sound and behavior are marketed and
modeled for children as the source of inspiration for
competition. Is this so different from the manner in which
complex language began? While animal talk is useful to
control animals, it also serves in a larger metaphor defining a
conceptual and cultural boundary for humans. As a specific
type of sound symbolism, it may or may not be the origin for
all sound symbolism.
Phememism. At present, numerous scholars are engaged
in lively debate about the earliest historical forms of proto¬
languages. The earliest linguistic symbols are still considered
phonemes, and are posited as parental to modern languages,
whose genetic relationship to one another is extremely
remote. Still, reconstructed symbols tend to be nonarbitrary
and their motivation depends upon a gestural iconicity

between manner of articulation and a movement or a
positioning in space, which the symbol represents. Here, some
scholars propose that early language was not naming in the
conventional sense but representation of one kind of physical
activity by means of another, displaced in time but similar in
spatial relationship.
Based upon LeCron Foster's work with primordial
language, the phememe is defined as a minimal unit
combining distinctive features of sound and meaning (LeCron
Foster 1978:78). A phememe is taxonomically organized
according to features of a sounds articulation. For example,
sounds involving lip movements carry meanings including
peripherality, while sounds articulated with tongue and teeth
interaction between the alveolar ridge bring forth internality
with their meanings (LeCron Foster 1978:111). This concurs
with results of Chapter II and the association between NOSE,
BREAST and bilabiality. Compared with phonemes, phememes
carry nonarbitrary connotations. Phonemes are structurally
much larger than phememes as a result. A phoneme might
contain 10 or more structural units necessary for its
perception, a phememe only a few.
Importantly, phememes are the deduced result of LeCron
Foster's comparative skills with linguistics, not the result of
more intuited hypotheses proposed by Paget (1930). Her
reconstruction of proto-language claims 103 ancient forms of
primordial language (i.e. PL) and these words, morphs, or

reflexes plausibly existed 50,000 years ago. The phememic
argument says that just as a phonemic transition is an
articulatory feature shift rather than substitution of a
completely distinct articulatory configuration,(Teutonic /d/
into ft/ in Old English e.g.), so semantic transitions eliminate
or replace particluar features rather than whole meaning
configurations. New meanings, then, like new phonemes, are
both similar and different from those which they replace
(LeCron Foster 1978:86). With an expanded and changed
language arising somewhere after the Mid-Pleistocene, 50 to
75,000 years ago, primordial language's semantic and
syntactic base increased enormously in sophistication and
intricacy. The phonological base changed, as it is forever
doing, but it no longer expanded because the separation of
meaning from sound meant phonological expansion was
unnecessary (LeCron Foster 1978:86).
Sound symbolism, under the phememic hypothesis, is
based upon gestural cues. Sound carries meaning insofar as it
references motor sequences within the hearer's mind,
iconically representative of expressed behavior and activity.
Conceivably, there is a substratum of this cognitive process
present today in all languages. In addition, language learning
could be activated with the aid of the partly innate and
acquired knowledge of the phememe.
Phonesthemes. A phonestheme is defined as a phoneme
or sound cluster shared by a group of words which also have

in common some element of meaning or function. Generally,
phonesthemes are not found within words which are
etymologically linked (Householder 1946:83). Etymologic
provenance is limited when words are traced to proto-forms
through hundreds of feature shifts and reflexes. So, a
phonestheme must be regarded more as a form of a psycho-
morph than as a distinct entity. This term is rarely used.
Summary of sound symbolic terms. In brief, the elements
in this set of terms each refer in some way to intrinsic "hard
wired" connections between sound and meaning through
unspecified neural pathways. Some are merely structural
suggestions of the avenues language travelled in order to have
expanded its lexicon. Others indicate culturally prescribed
modes of connecting sound with meaning. Still, others identify
facile or minimal units containing meaning and sound.
All societies contain language arts, revered and
traditionally transmitted, as part of humankind's distant
evolutionary past. Poetry is ubiquitous in human cultures. It
is difficult to imagine language not containing rhymes,
tempoed insights, and verbal games. The ultimate sonal,
acoustic, or phonetic "quanta" of meaning, according to
Jakobson, has never been identified by any scholar. Sound
symbolism describes an innate propensity to express meaning
and sound together in nonarbitrary manners. Though
certainly elaborated upon in every culture, this propensity is
misunderstood. The scholars presented above have attempted

to describe the transition from a mandatory, genetically
evolved connection of sound and intentional content to
arbitrary language as human culture expanded geometrically
over the last one million years.
Below, I consider the factual evidence for sound
symbolism in present languages. In all fairness, sound
symbolism requires considerably more research and a
unifying framework as a mechanism of proto-language, which
still acts as structural support for the human super¬
communication known as language.
Evidence of Sound Symbolism in Natural Languages
Of the 17 major language phyla, published evidence of
sound symbolism for at least 12 exists. Unfortunately, like the
discussions of sound symbolism terminologies presented
above, this evidence is neither exhaustive nor systematically
comparable from study to study. I present studies of each of
these language phyla and discuss the types of sound
symbolism pointed out by their researchers. Future research
should document sound symbolism in all language phyla.
However, since my audience in English speaking, the largest
discussion of sound symbolism evidence will involve English.
In this regard, I attempt to show that English, like Japanese,
contains a vast sound symbolic system. This system is yet to
be analyzed sufficiently.

There are a variety of reasons for presenting this
evidence of sound symbolism here. First, in describing the
diverse kinds of sound symbolic words and concepts used
throughout the world, a clearer picture of the affective intent
of language is seen. Second, the widespread existence of sound
symbolism negates the adage that it is spurious. Third, the
many cultural differences and similarities of languages and
their relations to the physical world are exposed in presenting
their sound symbolic examples. Language is a selective
process. Sound symbolic words often involve sensory events
that are both universal and sometimes specific to culture. By
focussing upon how a certain language partitions its sensory
environment into word units, important facets of human
perception are highlighted.
Afro-Asiatic. As a language phylum, the Afro-Asiatic
languages number about 250. They are spoken by about 175
million people across Northern Africa, the Middle East, and the
Northwest corner of Central Africa. Important sub-divisions
include Egyptian, Semitic, Chadic, Berber, Omotic and Cushitic.
Hausa, like many African languages, contains ideophones
and utilizes a tonal system. These linguistic events interact
with a variety of reduplication types to create sound symbolic
meanings (Newman 1989:248). For example, the Hausa verb
'to become dim' is [dúsee 1; the Hausa adverb 'nearly blind' is
[düsí-dúsí]. Other adverbial ideophones have a light-heavy
rhythmic pattern and low-low tone: 'movement with big

gown': [büyáa-b üyáa]; bustling about': [háyáa-háyáal; 'noise of
two objects rubbing together': [káyáa-káyáa], and so on
(Newman 1989:251-252).
Austro-Asiatic. This language phylum is comprised of
numerous language groups spoken in Southeast Asia. The
largest of the group is Mon-Khmer, containing Vietnamese.
Other familiar languages include Cambodian, Laotian, Malay,
and Mon.
Expressives are known from a variety of Southeast Asian
and Malaysian languages. These are described in some detail
by Diffloth (1979). For the language of White Hmong,
expressives are created by reduplicating the verb, adding a
sentence final intensive particle, or adding a post-verbal
morpheme (Pederson 1986:472). White Hmong expressives
are used in image-rich and flowery language. While used in
normal conversation, they are more frequently utilized in
literature (Pederson 1986:479).
The meaning of a particular expressive is dependent upon
the specific verb with which it is combined, though, the total
meaning of the V+PVE is seldom decomposable (Pederson
1986:481). For example, the cluster [pi-] is used in the
following White Hmong expressives: [plig plawg]; 'a bird rising
from its nest on the ground', [plig plog]; 'someone jumping into
the water', [plib pieb]; 'wood crackling', [plij plej]; 'a little
popcorn popping in a big pan', [plij ploj]; 'bullet impact,

bamboo bursting', and [plij plooj]; 'heavy raindrops' (Pederson
1986:481).
It is clear that the White Hmong [pi-] cluster represents
suddeness, but also, that the use of expressives entails a
syntactic extension of meaning with the use of sound
symbolism This is an event long considered essential to the
formation of proto-syntax in proto-language.
Another Austro-Asiatic language showing a type of sound
symbolism is Gta? or Dideyi, of the South Munda grouping. In
this language, echo-words are used, chiefly among the speech
of women (Mahapatra 1976:815). Echo-words are formed
usually by duplicating a stem and inserting an alternate
vowel. This lexical class broadly designates thing, manner,
quality, or action of a general nature in relation to the specific
idea of the base word (Mahapatra 1976:823). From a semantic
point of view, echo-forms derivable from a single base form
can be classed into four types: 1.) [a-] forms, indicating gross
variety, 2.) [i-] forms, indicating diminutive or tender forms,
3.) [u/a-] forms, indicating variety different from a related
category, and 4.) [a-] or [i-] forms, indicating an inferior
quality compared to original form (Mahapatra 1976:823-824).
Some unsurprising examples of echo-words in Gta?
include: [kitiq], 'a small and weak ghost’ versus [kitoq], 'a
larger and stronger ghost'; [kisi], 'a small piece of cloth' versus
[kesa], 'a large thick piece of cloth'; [bala], 'a main dish' versus
[bill], 'a snack' (Mahapatra 1976:424). In other uses, echo-

words are formed to indicate a sense of vagueness and
uncertainty: [cog], 'to eat' and [cog-cag-e], 'he will eat and the
like'; [ko], 'to sit' and [ko-ka ce], 'after sitting, etc.' (Mahapatra
1976:827). These examples are identical to what Sapir found
in his 1929 studies.
Austronesian. Members of this language phylum stretch
half-way around the world, from islands in the Indian ocean
to the far reaches of the Eastern Pacific. At least 20% of the
world's languages are Austronesian. Such diversity is due to
the geographical isolation imposed by island culture.
Javanese has the largest number of speakers, (over 60
million), the longest literary tradition (+1200 years), and is
one of the major literatures of Asia. It also contains a large
number of unusual morphic structures for words involving
expressives, nick-names, hortatives, plants, animals, and
krama -courtesy words (Uhlenbeck 1950:265).
Malagasy is spoken upon the isle of Madagascar and as a
language it contains an extensive sound symbolic system.
Bernard-Thierry outlines four major categories of sound
symbolic words: 1.) cries of animals, their names, and verbs
describing their actions; 2.) noises made from natural forces
and noises made from physical properties inherent in common
objects; 3.) patterns of peculiar speech registers including
stuttering, muttering, sobbing, blabbing, crying, yelling, and so
on; and 4.) physically and emotionally loaded words such as

shivering, shaking, anger, excitement, gaiety, sadness, and so
on (Bernard-Thierry 1960:241-242).
Single syllable sound symbolic words are a rarity in
Malagasy (Bernard-Thierry 1960:243). Most often, words of
this sort are suffixed, infixed, prefixed, or reduplicated.
Examples of interest include: 'dog bark' [vovó]; 'crying of
hounds' [kinaonáona]; 'tiger roaring' [kaonkaona]; 'housecat
mewing' [méo]; 'death cry of cattle in a slaughterhouse'
[réhoka]; 'light rain' [dadadáda]; 'heavy rain' [dradradrádral;
'stomach growling' [goraráika]; 'howling winds' [popopópo];
'baby cries' [jája]; 'laughing' [hehihéhyl; 'giggling' [kikikfky];
'babbling' [bedidédy 1; 'fury' [afonáfona]; 'heart pounding
fright' [tepotépo] (Bernard-Thierry 1960).
Dravidian. Dravidian languages are centered in South
India and claim 175 million speakers. As a whole, this
language phylum is not well studied. Among the more
important languages include Tamil, Malayalam, Kota, Telegu,
and Tulu. Dravidian languages show an extensive system of
sound symbolism. Their forms involve reduplicative morphs
including identical repetition, vowel alternation, consonant
apophany, tonal contrast, and interfixal replacement in
various cases (Emeneau 1978:204-205).The extent of sound
symbolism is such that it is a diagnostic trait defining the
whole of the Indian continent. There is increasing evidence
that many sound symbolic forms spread from Dravidian to
neighboring Indo-Aryan languages (Emeneau 1969:274).

For Kota, the sound symbolic forms are a basic CVC shape
with only a few derivative suffixes. In other ways the roots
may be modified non-systematically with vowel nasalization,
added phoneme length, or a CV instead of CVC pattern
(Emeneau 1969:275). Some of the more interesting examples
of sound symbolism in Kota include: 'noise of lamenting'
[dododo]; 'lullaby' [jo-jo-]; 'suddenly' [kavakn]; 'to become limp
with fatigue' [danak in-]; 'death rattle' [kor kor]; 'noises of
bumping in sexual intercourse' [dop dap]; 'heart beating
furiously' [titk titk]; 'smack lips while eating' [mak mak];
twitter' [civk civk]; 'to laugh' [gilgil]; 'to talk secretly, in a
whisper' [gucgucn]; 'to pour water' [bodbodn]; dog bite'
[labakn] (Emeneau 1969).
Niger-Khordofanian. Languages of the Niger-Khordofanian
phylum are found in sub-Saharan Africa. Over 100 million
speakers share at least 500 hundred languages spread from
Senegal to South Africa. Well known languages in this phylum
are Yoruba, Zulu, Xhosa, Kikuyu, Fula, Dyola, Mande, Dogon,
Igbo, Igala, Ewe, and Tiv.
A large number of Niger-Khordofanian languages are
tonal in nature and utilize vowel contrast in sound symbolism.
Consonants are used in sound symbolism as well, and when
both are joined, ideophones result. Ideophones were discussed
previously and are noted in a large number of languages.
Among these include Bini, Diola-Fogny, Zulu, Akan, Gbeya, Ijo,
Igbo, and others (Doke 1935; Samarin 1967; Samarin 1970;

Samarin 1971;Wescott 1980a; Wescott 1980d). Unfortunately,
each ideophone may be defined differently according to each
language.
Though scholars disagree about ideophonic structure and
have created at least 25 types to describe this sound symbolic
event there are notable similarities. Ideophone words display
an amazing tendency to play with the phonological inventory
of the language they are within. They display reduplication,
they contain a special phonological inventory, and they reflect
specific meanings of a dazzling variety (Samarin 1970:160).
Ideophones are found in large measure with the
narrative register of social discourse (Shanks and Velanti
1990:10). Phonologically, they seem to provide a mirror image
in the minds of the speakers of the sound of that word in
Nature. Again, as a mnemonic bridge, the use of ideophonic
words brings sensations into juxtaposition with meanings in
iconic fashion.
Ideophones are not confined to the Niger-Khordofanian
phylum. The other African language phyla Afro-Asiatic and
Nilo-Saharan contain ideophones, but it may be that they are
lacking in the Khoisan languages (Samarin 1970:159).
"Africanized" creoles based upon European languages also
show ideophonic structures. These include: Sierra Leone Krio,
West African Pidgin, Gullah, Jamaican, Saramacan, Ndjuká, and
Sranan based upon English; Crioulo based upon Portuguese;

and Haitian based upon French (Samarin 1970; Shanks and
Velanti 1990).
Some examples of ideophones include: (Ndjuká) 'shaking
tail' [fífífíl; 'relatively fast movement with respect to a slow
moving creature' [híll(l..)l; 'action of grabbing tightly'
[gwáá(á..)l; 'hyperactive' [fafa]; 'quick pinch or twist' [kúwów];
'limping walk' [kátá kátá] (Shanks and Velanti 1990); (Bini)
'blabbermouth' [ogbée^éenó]; 'bush ghost' [éz izá]; 'way up high’
[gólótól; 'cowering' [kpükpükpü]; 'pipe' [épípd]; 'jingle-jangle'
[jojojo]; 'to follow' [lele]; so begins the tale' [s'ies'ies'ie];
sounding like the wind in the trees' [titititi] (Wescott 1980a)
North Amerind. Paleo-indians first entered the North
American continent anywhere from 35,000 years to 125,000
years ago depending upon which of numerous disputed
archeological sites one recognizes. Among these include Sandia
Cave, Calico and its alluvial fan, and Del Mar. Regardless, the
peoples which became the North American Indian created
hundreds of languages, including Iroquois, Lakota, Navaho,
Hopi, Salish, Kwaikiutl, Winnebago, Menomini, Cree, Cherokee,
Tzeltal, Yucatec, Porno, Algonquian, and Blackfoot.
Sound symbolism is linguistically expressed in a variety
of ways in many languages in the North Amerind phylum.
Some include consonantal symbolism, reduplication, feature-
specific symbolism, and vowel contrast symbolism or vocalic
ablaut. In the Coeur D'Alene language vowel symbolism is
highly developed. When a word stem contains the vowels /i a

or o/, the subject has been made or caused to act, or to assume
a condition by an outside agent. In the case that the stem
contains /a u u or a/, the thing has a quality or is in a given
condition automatically or without an outside force or agent
(Reichard 1945:49).
These examples in Coeur D'Alene are suggestive of the
same in other languages. Also, the work of Osgood, Suci, and
Tannebaum (1957) and their "potency" and "activity"
dimensions of connotative evaluation of words comes to light
in view of this. Some examples are: 'milk' [pay] versus
'squeeze, press' [piy]; 'cough up' [teal] versus 'be nauseated'
[tcil’]; 'scare' [xat] versus 'fear' [xit]; 'rub' [man] versus 'smear
grease’ [min]; 'jerk' [fatk°°’] versus 'cause to jerk' [Title00’]
(Reichard 1945).
In addition to using vowel contrasts to indicate semantic
value, Coeur D'Alene uses a series of consonant shifts to create
the diminutive. These are: /tc/>/ts/; /tc/>/ts/; /gw/>/w/; and
/c/>/s/. Examples include: 'be low, below' [gwiiant] versus
'just below level' [want]; 'be long' [tsic] versus 'be slender'
[tsis]; 'wait' [catc] versus 'be firm, solid' [cats] (Reichard 1945).
A Siouan language, Dakota, expresses an interesting
correspondence between back points of articulation and
increasing intensity in activity (Boas and Deloria 1941:17).
Reduplication is found in Coeur D'Alene, Tzeltal, Cocopa,
Yucatec, Mohawk, Oneida, Seneca, Cayuga, and Algonquian
languages. For all of these, reduplication functions to indicate

augmentation, intensification, and and continuation (Berlin
1963:211; Crawford 1978:20-220; Durbin 1969; Cowan 1972).
Reduplication probably will be recognized in other North
Amerind languages, but to date it has been poorly studied.
With consonantal symbolism, the substitution of one or
several specific consonants with others causes a change in
connotative meaning (Haas 1970:86). For Wiyot, 'two small
roundish objects' [dícack] > 'two large roundish objects'
[dícack]; 'he sings’ [lóliswii] > 'he hums' [róriswocii]; and so on
(Haas 1970:88). Yurok uses suffixes much like the English
suffix /-is/, which means 'in a general manner akin to' (as in
"seven-ish" to describe time of arrival, or "moppish" to
describe a hairdo). More streamlined consonantal symbolism
is found in Yurok where /1/ > /c/ in 'ashes' [pontet] > 'dust'
[poncoc]; 'heart of salmon' [tek°°sa?r] > 'heart of human' [cek^s],
where /l/ > /r/ in 'hair' Plep] > 'eyebrow' Prep], If both sets of
the changeable consonants occur in the same word, both will
be replaced: 'to scrape off mud' [se?let] > 'to whittle wood'
[se?rec] (Haas 1970:89).
Consonantal symbolism is seen in many North Amerind
languages including Yuman, Iroquois, Yucatec, Hupa, Yurok,
Karok, Wiyot, Yokuts, Nez Perce, Miwok, Lower Chinnok,
Salish, Wishram, and others (Nichols 1971; Mithun 1982;
Gamble 1975; Haas 1970; Sapir 1911).
Expressives, as defined by Fudge (1970), are also present
in many North Amerind languages. For Mohawk, Oneida,

Cayuga and Seneca: 'buzz' [tsi:]; 'hello' [kwe:]; 'oh dear!' [aké];
'crow call' [ká:ka?]. More interestingly, /r/ does not occur in
Seneca except in expressives and taboo words. For instance,
'croak of a frog' [krokrok]. The same is true for /l/ in Cayuga,
Seneca, and Mohawk; 'fat legs slapping together' [blasts]
(Seneca); 'croak' [mblao] (Cayuga); ’glug glug' [klukluklukl
(Cayuga). Labials occur in expressives as well: 'pow' [bo?ks]
(Mohawk); ’plop’ [phlo?ts] (Seneca) (Mithun 1982:50-53).
A far-reaching study of sound symbolism in North
Amerind is Marshal Durbin's "Sound symbolism in the Mayan
language family" (1969). He demonstrates Yucatecan Maya a
richly sound symbolic language, and one suspects other
Mayan languages may be as well. For Yucatec, palatal features
signify a plasticity of physical properties, alveolars signify
breaks in direction, glottals refer to completion of events,
labials indicate long, narrow, and round things, high tones
incorporate states and qualities, and low tones are used for
nick-names (Durbin 1969:19).
Durbin also compares dozens of roots from the amply
documented Yucatecan Mayan language to their semantic
counterparts or cognates in Proto-Indo-European. The results
are striking because they question rife assumptions of
arbitrary sound-meaning connections, usually found as
disclaimers at the beginning of most introductory linguistic
textbooks. Durbin states that these...

"examples illustrate the fact that in many cases where the
English lexicon derives from the same PIE root we can also
expect the semantic counterparts in Yucatecan Maya to be
phonological similar to each other. This indicates that the
same historical processes found in Indo-European languages
resemble those in Yucatec Maya, a not very surprising fact.
But it also indicates that the cognitive processes (i.e. the
selection and placement of semantic features for a given
object or event) are comparable for the two languages. For
example, there is no linguistic reason why [drying] should be
associated with [flat open place] in both languages" (Durbin
1969:46).
English and Yucatec could not have been in contact at
any time earlier than at least 100,000 years ago. With such a
span of time separating these languages, any semantic
similarities should be mystifying, but are instead instructive if
one wishes to examine sound symbolism as a normal
mechanism through which human senses become coded into
sound values.
Some of the more interesting examples include: 'cold'
(English) vs. 'shiver with cold’ (Yucatec) [kuy]; 'to fill,
abundance' (PIE) [*pel] vs. 'fat' (Yucatec) [poll; 'to throw' (PIE)
[ *b held - ] vs. 'to throw' (Yucatec) [pul]; 'to wind, twist' (PIE)
[*sner], 'to snare' (English) vs. 'to stretch a rope' (Yucatec)
[sin-]; 'sand' (English) vs. 'sand' (Yucatec) [sa’am]; 'to cook’
(Yucatec) [c’aak-] vs. 'to cook, char' (English); 'crooked'
(Yucatec) [koy] vs. 'crooked' (PIE) [*ger]; to toast' (Yucatec)
[póok] vs. 'to dry' (PIE) [*ters], 'toast' (English); 'put something
to the lips' (Yucatec) [nos] vs. 'nibble' (English); 'to slip' slide'
(Yucatec) [nil] vs. 'slimy' (PIE) [*lei]; 'to press out liquids'

(Yucatec) [pic] vs. 'to mash' (English); 'to place, put' (Yucatec)
[peh] vs. 'position, place' (English), 'off, away' (PIE) [*apo]; 'dog'
(Yucatec) [peek’] vs. 'dog' (PIE) [*kwon]; 'dust resulting from
sawing' (Yucatec) [ma’ay] vs. 'saw' (English).
These comparisons cannot be used to reconstruct genetic
or phonological origins, but they are important in building a
semantic base for the reconstruction of human proto¬
language. In both Indo-European and North Amerind phyla,
proto-words are extended in similar manners. For example, in
Yucatec the word 'root' also is associated with [base, shrink,
closing up, folding, curling] and in English is associated with
[abstract, essence, contracting, drawing, dragging,
moving](Durbin 1969:47).
South Amerind. The phyla encompassing the South
American continent has not been well studied. Hundreds of
languages exist south of Meso-America and few have been
described in any detail. Better known languages of this phyla
are Quechua, Aymara, Tupi, Guarani, Lenca, Huitoto,
Amahuaca, Jivaro, Arawak, Mayoruna, and Siriono.
Sound symbolism has been identified in Santiago de
Estero Quechua. Reduplication is seen in many words and this
feature refers to actions done intensely or excessively
(DeReuse 1989:61). This language exhibits meaning inside the
phonological feature for various semantic domains and this
contradicts transformations identified as it emerged from
proto-Quechua. The palatal feature in Santiago del Estero

Quechua [s], refers to the diminutive in a variety of suffixes
(DeReuse 1989:58). Whenever a word stem appears with
[-sapa] or [-lu], the [-sapa] has the more augmentative
meaning (DeReuse 1989:59). Finally, consonantal contrasts of
/s/ > /s/ > /x/ correspond to increasing degrees of stench
(DeReuse 1989:62). De Reuse suggests that this contrast
parallels other North Amerind languages in which back point
of articulation corresponds to intensity of phenomenon.
Nevertheless, it is one instance of negative visceral precursors
to vomiting, and hence negative connotations, taking value in
sounds produced in the back of the oral cavity.
Apalai is an Amazonian language that contains
ideophones. These particles of meaning and sound act as a
finite verb form. They can be used as a direct object, a
separate sentence, an infinite verb substitute, and can be
reduplicated up to 10 times (Koehn and Koehn 1986:124).
Finno-Ugric. This language phylum is located in
Northwestern and Northern Asia. Its best known languages
are Hungarian, Finnish, and Estonian. These three languages
are spoken by about 22 million people. A number of
Samoyedic languages are included in this group, the best
known of which are Lapp, Saam, Yurak, Ostyak-Samoyed, and
Nenets.
Few of the Finno-Ugric languages have been studied with
any thoroughness by any but Finnish linguists. However, in
the second largest language, Finnish, sound symbolism

appears in for a large verb class involved with affective and
phonesthetic concepts (Austerlitz 1967:26). The presence of
sound symbolism as a mechanism, per se, violates the normal
Finnish rules of morpheme distribution.
Affective vocabulary was examined in Finnish by Antilla
(1975). He found a variety of phonological instances where
the semantic properties of nouns were amplified. A double
stop could be found in proper names of people. The suffix
/-ari/ and infix /-sku-/ appear in an increasing frequency in
a variety of affective terms, including verbs. Vowel shortening
is also noted. Antilla remarks that these phonological
regularities of affective nouns act as phonaesthemes, growing
from minor coincidental identifications between a few words
to larger patterns (Antilla 1975:18). He notes as well that
other Urgic languages show similar unifying phenomena.
Austro-Tai. The Austro-Tai languages are located in South
East Asia and the more well studied languages include Tai,
Black Tai, White Tai, Siamese, Lao, Lue, Phuthai, and Phuan.
Approximately 37 million people speak dialects of Tai.
Thai uses an extensive variety of reduplications to
express words and meanings sound symbolically. Three major
forms of Tai reduplication include reduplication of the base,
ablauting reduplication, and reduplication with a change of
tone (Hudak 1990:767)
In the first, reduplication of a base serves to soften a
quality, 'good' [dii] vs. 'rather good' [diidii]; intensify meaning,

'to be true' [cirj] vs. 'really true' [cigcig 1; and indicate plurality,
'child' [dék] vs. 'children' [dékdék]
For the second, 'vowel/consonant oppositional pairing,'
reduplication can form a qualitative or quantitative meaning.
Examples include: a.) the pairing of a back rounded vowel
with its corresponding front unrounded, /u ~ i/, in
'mutteringly' [mubm'ib]; ’sleepy’ [quaqia]; ’wrinkled, mussed’
[ju?jí ?]; ’in tatters, in shreds' [kr a?r ur)?kr a?rir)?]; /o~ e/ in
'leaning to one side or the other' [jó?jr?l; 'scanty' (as in
foliage) [ró qré q]; 'limpingly' [p'lógp'lég]; /o ~ e/ in 'tottering,
wobbly' [to?te?]; 'not firm, unsteady' [qon?qen?]; 'stammeringly'
[?3 ??z ?]- b.) the pairing of any vowel with /a/, /i ~ a/ in 'very
far away' [líb 1 áb 1; 'stridently' [w'i dwá d]; /e ~ a/ in 'radiant,
glowing with health' [pléqpláq]; 'gangling' [ke q?ka q?]; /£ ~ a/
in 'doubtingly' [neqnaq]; /i ~ a/ in 'mumblingly' [p ip'am];
/a ~ a/ in 'clumsily' [ta?t‘a?]; /u ~ a/ in 'roaringly' [su ?sa ?];
/o ~ a/ in 'scatteringly' [pro ypra y]; and finally /a ~ a/ in
'sadly, lamentingly' [maqmaq] (Haas 1942: 2).
The final type of sound symbolic reduplication found in
Tai involving reduplication with a tonal change is used often
for emphasis. In addition, it is used more in woman's speech
than man's speech. Generally, such words carry the changed
tone in the first syllable and this tone is higher in pitch and
longer than the normal tone (Hudak 1990:767). Examples
include 'good' [dii] vs. 'really good' [dT idiil; 'forward, bold' (of a

woman) [krá?dé?krá?d£-]; 'whisperingly' [krásí bkrá?sá b]; and
'flickering' [wábwáb] (Haas 1942:3).
Thai has numerous other, though rarer, examples of
sound symbolic reduplication. These are important to notice
because in largesse they are semantically identical with
English meanings for the same activities, nouns, or qualities.
Some of them include: 'beating of a drum' [tumtum] (Tai)
vs.'rum-pa-pum’ (English); 'trivially' [y I my im ](Tai) vs. 'so-so'
(English); 'aimlessly' [k'wé q?k‘wá l(Tai) vs. 'willy-nilly'
(English); 'jokingly' [p'lump'lam]; 'awkwardly' [rjüm?qá m?];
'hearty laughter' [he ha ]; 'bright and smiling' [yém?yím?];
'much' [yá?yé?]; and 'rippingly' [c' igc'é g] (Haas 1942:2).
In comparison to Tai, Haas remarks that English is very
similar, but uses both consonantal and vowel ablaut. Examples
include: hodge-podge, mamby-pamby, shilly-shally, pitter-
patter, ding-dong, wishy-washy, tick-tock, chit-chat, dilly¬
dally, slipslop, sing-song, criss-cross, mish-mash, riff-raff,
zigzag, fuzzy-wuzzy, bigwig, hubbub, helter-skelter, honky-
tonk, razzle-dazzle, humdrum, hobnob, hurly-burly, hocus-
pocus, humpty-dumpty, fuddy-duddy, and others (Haas
1942:5).
Sino-Tibetan. More than 1 billion people speak Sino-
Tibetan languages. Its major languages include Mandarin,
Lahu, Cantonese, Burmese, Classical Newari, Hakka, Fu-Chow,
Tibetan, Miao-Yao, Kachin, Bodo, Min, Wu, and Garo. Despite
the numbers of people speaking these languages, little work

has been done on sound symbolism, again, oustide works by
Chinese linguists.
One paper describes a comparison between various Sino-
Tibetan languages and Uto-Aztecan languages (Shafer 1964).
Surprisingly, a number of basic vocabulary items were
virtually identical between various languages of each phylum.
This should not happen unless for chance or borrowing
reasons. Still, the correspondences are for basic vocabulary
items, and were chance mechanism at work, any vocabulary
should have the same likelihood of being similar. For these
reasons an underlying parallel sound symbolic system for
each can be suggested
Though Shafer explains the similarities as archaic and
stationary words of a macro-phylum (Sino-Aztecoid), I think a
more reasonable explanation would be to propose that these
words represent semantically vital concepts for proto¬
language. Sound symbolism is suspected for each. The words
are worth a closer look: 'cloud' [námu] (Yaqui) vs. 'cloud' [nam]
(Old Bodish); 'rain' [yüu] (Papago) vs. 'rain' [yu] (Kukish);
'wind' [hwe-li] (Papago) vs. 'wind' [*li-] (Karenic); 'father' ['a‘-
ps] (Shoshone) vs. 'father' [a-p‘a] (Garo); 'mouth' [kamatl]
(Nahuatl) vs. 'mouth' [-kam] (Rai); 'breast' [pipil (Cahita) vs.
'nipple' [pipil] (Newari); 'elbow' [tsiku] (Huichol) vs. 'joint'
[ts(‘)ik] (Burmish); 'buttock' [kirp-tca] vs. 'backside' [kup]
(Dandézongka); 'belly' [wo 'k] (Papago) vs. 'belly' [vok]
(Banpara); 'stomach' [pó-no] (Hopi) vs. 'stomach' [po] (Kukish);

'belly, breast’ [to-mal (Cahita) vs. 'belly' [lto-ba] (Old Bodish);
'urine' [sisi] (Cahita) vs. [si-] (Yano); 'hear' [na-ka-] (Comanche)
vs. 'ear' [*krna] (Sino-Tibetan), 'deaf [naká-p] (Heve); 'bear'
[tyó-tum] (Papago) vs. 'bear' [ta-hum] (Taying); 'mouse'
[puwe-tsi] (South Fork) vs. 'bamboo rat' [*bwi| (Burmish); 'to
spit' [tuhi-] (North Fork) vs. 'spittle' [t‘u] (Karenic); 'call' [ko]
(Papago) vs. 'to call' [k‘o] (Middle Burmese); 'sing' [ka a] (Ute)
vs. 'sing, song’ [ka 1 (Mandarin); 'see, know' [mati] (Nahuatl) vs.
'think, consider' [hmat] (Middle Burmese) (Shafer 1964:104-
105).
Sino-Tibetan and Uto-Aztecan languages separated more
than 100,000 years ago. The arbitrary sound-meaning
hypothesis seems absurd here. Chance and borrowing
hypotheses must also be ruled out. To make this point even
more forcefully, Sapir and Jespersen initially pointed out an
encoding of 'near-far' meaning which was expressed with
vowel ablaut in widespread languages. This is discussed more
at length in Chapter IV, but briefly, it holds that 'near' or
'here' or 'this' concepts be represented with small front
vowels and the vice versa. For 'this', Uto-Aztecan languages
show: [Ti-] (Papago), [T’i] (Hopi), [T i] (Yaqui), [ivi] (Cahuilla);
and Sino-Tibetan languages show: [i] (West Himalayish), [ i]
(West Bodish), [’H (Mandarin), [f ] (Sgaw) (Shafer 1964:105).
Altaic. The Altaic languages stretch from Western Turkey
to Outer Mongolian and Japan. Well known Altaic languages
include Japanese, Turkish, Mongolian, Azerbaijani, Kurdish,

Korean, Manchu, Ainu, Yakuts and Sibo. As a whole, the Altaic
languages may take sound symbolism as a diagnostic trait.
Recent work on Japanese shows an extensive spread of sound
symbolic markers which will be discussed further below
(Hamano 1986). Korean is reported to have thousands of
sound symbolic roots (Martin 1962). Finally, I have noticed, at
the very least, hundreds of sound symbolic words in both
Kurdish and Manchu dictionaries in the course of acquiring
test words.
Hamano's study (1986) of Japanese exposes a wealth of
sound symbolic phontactic, syntactic, and idiomatic markers.
For a native speaker, the language of 'giongo' or 'mimetic'
words and 'gitaigo' or 'modal' words is apparent from
childhood. However, until Hamano's dissertation, most scholars
did not even remotely suspect the extensiveness of Japanese
sound symbolism.
It is entirely possible that sound symbolic words and roots
make up more than 3% of the average Japanese speaker's
vocabulary. The 'giongo' dictionary of Asano (1978) lists more
than 1,450 words (Hamano 1986:3). This is striking for two
reasons. First, it shows a major language can contain a massive
sound symbolic system that can be overlooked for decades by
scholars. Second, it demonstrates that sound symbolism can
act as a powerful generator of meanings within a given
language rather than serving as an "archaic" and quasi¬
stationary or static linguistic remnant.

Japanese contains two main sound symbolic structures.
The first is a class of 'mimetic adverbs,' and is concerned with
actions and sounds. The second is a class of 'mimetic nominal
adjectives' and deals with qualities more often than actions
(Hamano 1986:32) It seems that more 'synaesthetic' meanings
are present in the second class. These structures have at least
five types of sound symbolic expressions. These include: 'p-
forms,' which are sound symbolic words beginning with the
consonant /p-/; consonantal doubling; CVC groups; CVCV-
CVCV groups; and finally, irregular forms of sound symbolism
(Hamano 1986:13-31). Additionally, vowels express sound
symbolism.
Some interesting examples are: 'crisp' [pari-pari];
'crunchy' [pori-pori] 'surprised' [bikkuri (to suru)]; 'startled'
[gikuu (to suru)]; 'enraged' [kaa (to suru)] (Here, [to suru] is
the verb 'to do' which the mimetic adverb modifies.);
'splendid' [rnpa (da/desu)]; 'shaky' [gata-gata (da/desu)];
'tight' [gyuu-gyuu (da/desu)]; 'spirally' [kuru-kuru (da/desu)]
( The nominal adjectives here are CVCV-CVCV. The copulas
[da/desu] are added and act as the verb 'it is' or 'the way it is'
or 'just so'.)
Other types include monosyllabic, CVC, with a small or
absent verb marker: 'wailing' [ween to]; 'drunken sighs of
contentment' [wit to]; 'small bell or insect sound' [rim riin to];
'very excitedly' [run-run]; also 'hi' [yoo]; 'a call' [yaa];
bisyllabic, 'meagerly, exacting' [kookiri]; 'exactly' [kaakiri];

'vividly' [kuukiri]; 'tasting rich' [kookuri]; and others, 'sound of
wooden clogs' [ka ra-koro]; 'small object knocking about in a
box' [ka'ta-koto]; 'sound of dry leaves' [ka'sa-kosol; 'sound of
trains' [ga ta-goto]; 'being sullen' [ mu'sya-kusyal; 'with bumps'
[de’ko-boko]; 'being flustered' [do'gi-magi]; 'noisily' [zya'ka-
suka]; 'toiling' [e’etira, o’otira] (Hamano 1986:28-32).
Japanese also exhibits a system of consonantal
symbolism, which is paralleled in diverse language phyla
noted earlier (Indo-European, North Amerind, and Dravidian,
e.g.). Some of the nonarbitrary sound-meaning connections in
Japanese involve: 'explosion, breaking, decisiveness' /p,b/;
'hitting of a surface, coming into close contact, complete
agreement' /t/; 'opening, breaking up, swelling, expanding,
puffing out, emission from inside, surfacing=inward/outward
movement' /k/; 'softness, haziness, faintness' /w/; 'soft
contact, friction' /s/; 'sounds from many sources, childishness,
haziness' /y/; and 'rolling, fluid movement’ /r/ (Hamano
1986:226).
It can be readily assumed that such an impressive sound
symbolic vocabulary as possessed by Japanese, also must
contain some words with which to test my numerous
hypotheses This is the case: 'dog' [wa’n-wan]; 'fox or the act of
coughing' [ko’n-kon]('physiological and culturally specific
homonymity’ e.g.); 'tummy, or the sound made rapping the
stomach’ [po'n-pon] ('ethnoanatomical' e.g.); 'A-bomb blast,
describing its sounds and flashes' [pi’ka-don]('culturally

specific' e.g.); 'breast' [boi’n][mune] ('ethnoanatomical' e.g.);
'baby rattle' [gara-gara]('baby-talk' e.g.); 'small dots' [putu-
putu]; 'dry, rough place on the skin’ [kasa-kasa]
('ethnoanatomical' e.g.) (Hamano 1986:49)
Indo-European. The Indo-European languages are
probably the most well described and analyzed of all language
phyla. Most of these languages need no introduction: English,
French, Latin, Pali, Persian, German, Polish, Spanish,
Portuguese, Hindi, Bengali, Greek, Sanskrit, Italian, Rumanian,
Bulgarian, Croatian, Russian, and so on. Many Indo-European
languages show diverse types of sound symbolism. Not
surprisingly, a number of these include consonantal
symbolism, vowel ablaut or alternation, phono-morph
clusters, and reduplication.
Shields provides an interesting theory for the origin of
reduplication in Indo-European languages (1976). At some
stage, Proto-Indo-European carried words which were CV-
with either an amplified or augmented ending. Ultimately, this
conjecture follows the ubiquitous start of language in a human
child. First a child begins with vegetative process and those
physiologically constrained sounds. Vowels and their prosodic
manipulation are mastered next. Then, CV sounds are made in
a 'babbling' stage. Finally, because of the Bernoulli effect and
other constraints upon length of vocalization, a child learns its
CV- utterances can 'go out like a lion' or 'go out like a lamb'.
This is precisely what Wescott (1980b), and Swadesh (1971)

proposed as a feature in Proto-Unified-Language: (Biologically
contained vocals)>(V+)>(CV)>(CV+)>(CV+(SOFT-UNMODULATED)
or (HARD-MODULATED)>(Cl VC1), (C1VC2) et cetera.
For Proto-Indo-European at least, Shields says that the
widespread CV forms became affected by numerous dipthong
shifts (or prosodic breakage of a single vowel). Then the entire
pool of CVC classes split into two groups. One prefered dental-
alveolar nasal /-n/ as the second consonant, the other the
dental fricative /-s/ (Shields 1976:37). This theory argues /-
n/ and /-s/ as marked forms and when they appear, the
meanings they serve appear to mime other reduplicative
functions. For example: CV-N; 'average, norm' [báli] (Sanskrit)
vs. 'strong' [balin]; 'name' [nama] (Sanskrit) vs. 'THE name'
[naman] (Sanskrit); 'carry' [épher] (Attic-Ionic Greek) vs. 'he
was carrying' [épheren] (Attic-Ionic Greek); 'be' [ésti] (Attic-
Ionic Greek) vs. 'he is’ [estin] (Attic-Ionic Greek); CV-S;
'sneeze' [nava] (Sanskrit), [niesen], and [sniz] (English) (Shields
1976:37).
Though it is unclear how true Shield's hypothesis be, he
may have uncovered a transformation taking place more
distantly than Proto-Indo-European. Assuming the /-s/ and /-
n/ phones make 'sneeze' doubly sound-symbolic, it would be
interesting to see what other language phyla label the process.
Although the following examples are not balanced by
phyletic numbers of languages sampled, they suggest
frequencies of /-s/ and /-n/ in 'sneeze' and greater use of

fricative and nasal than an arbitrary sound-meaning theory
could explain as normal variation. They include: Afro-Asiatic;
Arabic 1‘atsah], Hausa [atisawa], Burji [hat’is], Amharic
[anattasa], Somali [hindísayya], Austronesian; Hawaiian
[eki’he], Tonga [mafatua], Pascuense [téhi], Maori [matihe],
Tahitian [tihe], Eskimo-Aleut; Aleut [asukuqip], Eskimo
[tagiortorpok], Indo-European; Croatian [kihanje], Danish
[nysenl, Gaelic [sraiartec], Hindustani [chi nkl, Icelandic
[hnerva], Lithuanian [ciaudéti], Pali [khipital, Portuguese
[espiro], Rumanian [stránut], Italian [starnuto], Niger-
Khordofanian; Mbukushu [yá0imi0a], Swahili [cafya], Shona [-
hotsira], Xhosa [-0imla], Zulu [0imula], Ndebele [0imula], North
Amerind; Blackfoot [wa'sLyl], Crow [a pi oxi], Hopi [aasi],
Micmac [ejgwit], South Amerind; Cashibo [?atisanki], Cavine~na
[hacil, Chama [ at i 1, Marinahua [átisi], Mayoruna [atisun],
Shipibo-Conibo [hatisain], Uralic; Finnish [aivastaa], Nilo-
Saharan; Miza [o-si], Ojila [tsé], Logo [syá], Lugbara [tsd], Lokai
[tso], Sino-Tibetan; Cantonese [dá hak ci], Tibetan [hoptikop],
and Altaic; Japanese [kusami], Turkish [aksirma], Korean
[caejae], Kurdish [pijme],(/s/=19/50 /n/=n/50 /fricative/=48/50
/nasal/=23/50).
Languages arising later than Proto-Indo-European show
consonantal symbolism. The dental/alveolar voiceless stop /t/
apparently has a long history as the carrier of the meaning
'stubborn resistance' among Slavic, Russian, Old High German,
Latin, Old French, Old Spanish, Greek, Castilian, Old Portuguese,

Czech, and others (Malkiel 1990c:69-80). Malkiel argues that
it would be usual NOT to label the most easily observable
deliberate obstruction or occlusion of the breath passage—
"namely the one effected by pressure of the tip of the tongue
against the teeth, the gums, or the hard palate"—with
meanings about 'resistance', 'strength', 'firmness', 'toughness',
and 'stiffness'(Malkiel 1990c:71).
Although Latin is a generally commended scholarly
language, it reveals a wealth of sound symbolism. Evidently,
its people highly prized birds for some 315 terms are known.
Not counting the more ancient Greek loans, Latin names at
least 107 species with 232 terms. More than 20% of these
names are sound symbolic (André 1966:146). Latin people did
not only name a bird for its call because it was noisy animal
that could not be labelled on sight very easily. The same
species of bird might have a differing song according to
breeding group. Many Romance languages emanating from
Latin labelled many of the same birds by picking out differing
parts of its tonal vocabulary. In French, a plover was named
[vano], the Sanskrit word for 'sneeze'. Meanwhile the French
description of the plover's song, 'li huit', somehow became the
English name 'litweet' (André 1966:148).
Echo-words are found in Bhojpuri, an Indo-Ayran
language. The basic type of this word form is similar to
conjectures of Shields, Swadesh, and Wescott. In it, (CV + any

C) is added a duplicated initial (C + either /o/ or /u/) (Tiwary
1968:32).
For Gujerati and Marathi, the most commonly reported
echo-word begins with /b/. The most favored in Hindi is /w/
(Tiwary 1968:38). In Bhojpuri examples, the echo-words can
also act as verbs or nouns. However, since the root really
implies the echo, and not the reverse, echo-words are far from
being a unified sound symbolic system with specific and
precise functions (Tiwary 1968:35).
Echo words and their reduplication can serve as a
sarcastic speaking register and point out status distinctions
according to role and capital accumulation. Like 'emotional' or
'affective' words, echo-words load semantic meaning into
words. Tiwary comments that this sociolinguistic function for
reduplication is highly developed as part of the behavioral
manipulation of young-old social strategy(Tiwary 1968:36).
Sound symbolism is best thought of as a process of
negotiating relations between the world's sensory potentials
(hardness, softness, et cetera) and mental and acoustic reality.
It is not merely a single group of un-regenerate words which
echo loud phenonmena. If so, affective connotations and sound
symbolism may be intrinsically linked within a species
selecting complex acoustical exchange of information.
Recently, it has been suggested that substantial proportions of
the 'emotional' vocabulary of ordinary speech contains sound
symbolic markers as well as intricate prosodic schemes.

(Markel 1990). Wescott regarded this as the reason for an
anger-context connection to labio-velarity and derogation in
English (Wescott 1971a). Presumably, the quickening pace of
the physiology in social conflict would produce short biting
sounds with articulatory sweeps of sound.
English is well studied, though generally it has been
refered to as an 'un-sound-symbolic' language. Below a word
list is created to show that English contains a substantial
number of sound symbolic words. These words either contain
an etymological primary form of sound symbolism, or show
associated cluster because of semantic cohesion (Malkiel
1963).
This list was compiled using the data reported by
Marchand (1959) Wentworth and Flexner (1960), Malkiel
(1963), Smithers (1954), Wescott (1980c). Over 1,000
suspected or attested sound symbolic words are given. The list
presented in table 3..a. is unanalyzed and, though far from
being comprehensive, it is presented as a synchronic picture
of American English. It suggests that the "un-sound symbolic"
language of English may be as sound symbolic as other
languages and that English is well equipped to provide its
everyday speaker, (i.e. with an average 24,000 word
vocabulary), a vocabulary consisting of 3% sound symbolic
words. This extraordinary amount should warn against
cursory dismissal of sound symbolism in English.

Table 3.a.
English sound symbolic words
VC suffix forms
Words:
1. -ab
stab, jab, blab, fab, dab
2. -ack
crack, brack, snack, smack, thwack,
quack, whack, flack
3. -addle
paddle, straddle, addle, waddle
4. -am
lam, clam, slam, jam, flam, ram,
wham, bam
5. -amp
stamp, tramp, champ
6. -amble
famble, wamble, scramble, scamble,
amble, bramble, shamble
7. -ang
pang, bang, twang, tang, clang, spang,
sprang, whang
8. -ank
clank, spank, crank
9. -ap
clap, tap, chap, rap, snap, swap, slap,
yap, plap
10. -arl
snarl, gnarl, marl
11. -ash
dash, lash, flash, pash, crash, slash,
gnash, clash, swash, squash, gash,
bash, splash, smash
12. -at
bat, pat, chat, rat-tat, spat, splat
13. -atter
clatter, chatter, batter, patter, hatter,
smatter, splatter, yatter
14. -attle
rattle, tattle, prattle, twattle
15. -awl
sprawl, scrawl, spawl, drawl, yawl,
brawl, bawl
16. -eep
cheep, peep
17. -eer
sneer, jeer, cheer
18. -eeze
sneeze, wheeze, sleaze
19. -ick
pick, prick, tick, flick, nick, click,
snick, crick, lick, stick, kick, dick,
brick, chick, hick, mick, sick, slick,
wick, yick,
20. -iddle
fiddle, piddle, tiddle, twiddle, quiddle,
diddle
21. -iff
sniff, whiff, tiff, miff, biff,

Table 3.a. continued
22. -iggle
wiggle, squiggle, wriggle, jiggle,
sniggle, scriggle
23. -ing
(excluding the
grammatical
suffix forms)
ring, sing, ding, whing, swing, sling,
fling, ping, zing, wing
24. -ingle
jingle, tingle, dingle
25. -ink
tink, clink, chink
26. -ip
clip, whip, hip, skip, nip, tip, gnip, flip,
snip, zip
27. -irl
whirl, chirl
28. -irr
whirr, skirr, chirr, squirr
29. -irt
squirt, flirt, spirt
30. -isk
whisk, frisk, flisk
31. -iss
hiss, siss, kiss, piss, miss,
32. -it
spit, slit, flit, hit, skit, jit, dit, fit, bit,
quit, chit,
33. -itch
twitch, hitch, pitch, stitch, scritch
34. -iver
quiver, shiver, flivver
35. -izz
whizz, fizz, sizz, frizz, blizzard,
grizzled,
36. -oan
groan, moan,
37. -ob
sob, throb
38. -od
plod, prod, dod, pod, clod, trod,
39. -odge
hodge-podge, stodge
40. -oil
stoll, toll, knoll, stroll, loll, roll, joll
41. -omp
stomp, romp,
42. -onk
honk, cronk, conk,
43. -oom
boom, zoom, doom,
44. -oop
whoop, roop, cloop, droop, scroop
45. -op
pop, whop, flop, plop
46. -ore
blore, gore, snore
47. -ouch
couch, crouch, slouch, grouch
48. -ough
cough, rough, tough
49. -ounce
bounce, trounce, jounce, pounce
50. -udder
shudder, dudder
51. -uddle
cuddle, fuddle, muddle, nuddle,
huddle

Table 3.a. continued
52. -udge
grudge, drudge, trudge, smudge,
sludge, fudge, pudge, nudge
53. -uff
huff, puff, buff, bluff, snuff, fluff, guff,
chuff, cuff
54. -uffle
ruffle, shuffle, scuffle, muffle, snuffle
55. -ug
tug, shrug, lug, rug, hug, chug, glug
56. -um
hum, bum, thrum, strum, turn
57. -umble
mumble, rumble, humble, grumble,
stumble, bumble, drumble
58. -ump
hump, bump, stump, lump, dump,
thump, slump, wump, clump, plump,
jump, crump
59. -unch
crunch, bunch, hunch, lunch, munch,
punch,
60. -unk
funk, punk, spunk, flunk, stunk, bunk,
dunk, hunk,
61. -urry
hurry, scurry, curry, flurry
62. -urt
spurt, blurt, hurt
63. -ush
flush, lush, rush, blush, tush, push
64. -ustle
rustle, bustle, hustle
65. -utter
utter, stutter, flutter, clutter, mutter
66. -uzz
fuzz, buzz,
Consonantal
suffixes
Words:
67. -1
warble, yell, trill, yodle, purl, chirl,
wail, roll, rile, brawl, bawl, call,
68. -z
buzz, whiz, wheeze, sneeze, frizz, sizz
69. -sh
mash, dash, flash, flush, gush, crush,
splash, splosh, smash, squish, squash,
quash, whoosh, rush, lash, bash, hash,
stash, slash, swish, wash, gosh
Initial
consonants and
clusters
Words:
70. b-
bark, bellow, belch, bell, bumble,
boom, buzz, boo, bang, bump, burble,
bob, bib, bab, besmirch, babble

Table 3.a. continued
71. p-
puff, poof, poom, pud, puddle,
72. g-
guzzle, gush, gargle, gag, gut, gust,
gasp, gaggle, gurgle, gullet, guff,
grunt, gruff, growl, gong, gob, gab,
giggle, gaggle, gobble, gulp, gunk,
goop, glop, gulch, guffaw
73. t-
tip, titter, toddle, totter, tush, trash,
tot, tiff, tipple, teeter-totter, tinkle,
tick, tittle, toot, tuck, tickle, tum-ti-
tum, ta-da,
74. k-
cock, kiss, cackle, coo, cuff, cow, kick,
quick, cut,
75. s-
sizzle, sap, sip, seep, sop, sup,
76. st-
stand, stumble, step, stamp, stomp,
stuff, stash, stop, stodge
straddle, stride, strode, stroll,
struggle, strike,
77. sk-
skip, skit, shirt, scud, scuttle, scrawl,
skedaddle, scamper, scoot, scope,
scour, scurry, scuffle, squeak, skiff,
skid, skarf, scatter, scat,
78. skr-
scratch, scream, screech, scritch,
scrape, screw, scrunch,
79. pr-
prate, prattle, prig, prim, prayer,
prow, priss,
80. tr-
tramp, trod, troll, trudge, trap, trot,
trip, tread, trim
81. dr-
dribble, drop, drive, droop, dregs,
draught, draw, drain, draggle,
drabble, drown, drink, drum, drawl,
drool,
82. kr-
crow, crick, creak, crush, crash,
crinkle, crank, crumb, crimp, cramp,
crisp, crack, crackle, crouch,
83. gr-
gripe, grimace, grumble, grope, grasp,
grapple, growl, grouse, grit
84. gl-
glimpse, glance, glare, gleam,
glimmer, glitter, glint, glisten, glow,
gloss, glib, glut, glug, glum

Table 3.a. continued
85. kl-
clink-clank, clang, clutter, clump,
clamor, clomp, clack, clamor, cluck
86. fl-
flop, flap, flab, flash, flit, flee, flow,
fly, fleet, fling, fledge, flag, flak, flare,
flat, flick, fleck, flinch, flog, floss, fluff,
flute, fluster, flout, fluctuate
87. pi-
plop, plump, plunge, plash, plaster,
plea, plod, plosive, plush, plunder,
plow, pluck,
88. bl-
blam, blur, blunt, blot, blip, bleep,
blast, blaze, bleat, blend, bleed, blight,
blink, blister, blob, blow, bluster,
blush, bluff, blurb, blunder, blubber,
bloat, blather, blare, blatter
89. Reduplication
pop, dad, mom, sis, pup, pip, tit, tot,
tat, babble, bobo, puppet, peep, pap,
dodo, dum-dum, boo-hoo, tee-hee,
hurly-burly, hustle-bustle, go-go,
boo-boo, lu-lu, gobbledy-gook,
mumbo-jumbo, fiddle-faddle, huff-
puff, chug-a-lug, hubbuh-hubbuh,
zig-zag, yum-yum, yuk-yuk, yo-yo,
woof-woof, tum-tum, tweet-tweet, ta¬
ta, pooh-pooh, rah-rah, pee-pee,
boogie-woogie, bow-wow, ducky-
wucky, fuddy-duddy, hanky-panky,
heebie-jeebies, hoddy-toddy, hokey-
pokey, honky-tonk, hotsie-totsie,
humpty-dumpty, itsy-bitsy, jeepers-
creepers, okey-dokey, razzle-dazzle,
super-duper, wham-bam, teeny-
weeny, fancy-schmancy, chit-chat,
90. high tone
hiss, swish, click, clip, clink, tick, ting,
titter
91. low tone
blob, knock, plop, flop, plod, roar,
snore, caw, moan, groan, hoot, toot,
boom, coo, whoop, croon,

Since English is an important world language, violation of
the arbitrary sound meaning hypothesis is a major event. That
a language can contain such a bevy of sound symbolic terms is
important because it demonstrates sound symbolism is crucial
to certain registers of semantic intent. The above words are
notoriously evident in poetry, children's books, works of
fiction, and any communicative activity in which emotional
activity is at a premium. One need only listen to the
vocabulary of a sports broadcaster, a preacher, a politician, or
a salesman to hear large numbers of these words. Much work
is neccessary to disentangle a disregard for sound symbolic
words from their function as affective vocabulary markers.
The next chapter examines dozens of sound symbolism
experiments. In unique ways, these experiments were
designed from perplexing questions posed by sound
symbolism events every speaker is aware of from birth.

CHAPTER IV
OTHER SOUND SYMBOLISM EXPERIMENTS
Types of Experiments and their Limitations
This chapter investigates the findings of various sound
symbolism experiments. These fall broadly into three types of
classes. First, psychological tests can utilize a linguistic medium
called an artificial lexicon. With this technique, linguists construct
entirely meaningless words from a phonological range. Linguistic
researchers can thereby present foreign and native phonemes in
nonsense words for evaluation by subjects.
By presenting 'nonsense' phono-morphs or 'unrealized words'
to speakers, scalar connotative evaluation of specific phonemic,
phonetic, acoustic, or prosodic qualities may be viewed. Otherwise,
the language's own phonemic distribution, in its own word
frequency, would bias association between sound and meaning. Put
simpler, the a priori assumption for the artificial lexicon is that
"nonsense" or "neutral" words can be constructed. In the most
evident language evolution scenario, non-affective vocalizations
were unlikely to be the first of these communicative vocal
behaviors to emerge.
141

142
Other sound symbolic inquiries use a natural lexicon. In these
experiments, words of specific languages are presented to
speakers. Again, various measurements can be made concerning a
speaker's connotative evaluations of groups of antonymic,
synonymic, homonymic words. Lists are also made which purport
to contain "unrelated" words or words argued to contain meanings
arbitrarily.connected with phonemes.
There are major drawbacks to both these types of
experiments. As every linguist knows, numerous perceptual
parameters exist on which speakers could rate and rank words
connotatively. Deciding which boundaries connect which meaning
is a complex problem posed to neurolinguists, physiologists, and
cultural anthropologists. Some perceptual borders are shared
widely among mammals, such as the categorical distinction of VOT
(voice-onset-timing, i.e.). In contrast, many physiological routines
are not so widely shared, such as the ability to make imploded
grunts.
Simply deciding which perceptual categories a species has a
potential for or describing that species' physiological production
range does not easily lead to awareness of which motor routines a
species connects with which meanings. This is a widely realized
difficulty for ethological studies of alloprimates as well as language
acquistion studies of children. A similar bent is true for human
languages. If languages can be compared at all, it is because there
is general acceptance that semantic categories are more
overlapped than phonological ones. Even when two languages

143
contain a word which carries the meaning "up," their ultimate
semantic boundaries for "up" could be culturally dissimilar.
Certainly, the meanings offered to a speaker by his language
can never divorce themselves from those sounds they use to
convey information. Longer words are learned later in life than
shorter words. In longer words more sounds and motor routines
are involved. To functionally use words, a speaker ascends through
many layers of neuro-motor practicing. Nevertheless, the speaker
enters into the functional use of words on a basic sound-meaning
level.
Language is, by definition, a shared associational phonology
system. The paradox in sound symbolism experiments is that they
cannot control the amount of regularity and associative input a
language bestows upon its speakers and this is what they presume
to measure. The results they garner are to a considerable extent
influenced by age, intelligence, gender, and dialect group of their
subjects. So, for any language experiment the greater number of
perceptual events provided for subjects by their language might
easily influence the smaller number of features to be studied. For
example, any speaker might note longer words are rarer in speech
than shorter words. Even words of a specific semantic type, such as
expressives, interjections, or exclamations, might easily be
recognized by a speaker as carrying unusual phonological
structures and elements.
As a final type of sound symbolism research, there are
experiments proposing sound symbolism hypotheses about natural

144
languages modeled upon types of analysis which sometimes
exclude speaking subjects. This type of analysis is crucial in order
to synthesize differently written and sporadically published
research. My dissertation is an example of this genre of sound
symbolism research.
Of all three types, only for the last can sound symbolism's
identified sound-meaning morphs enable reconstruction of the
distant historical contacts between world languages or expose their
internal sound shift stages (Malkiel 1963; Hamano 1986; Malkiel
1990). It also can allow investigation into the treatment of sound
symbolism as a language universal. Finally, with steadily
improving language samples worldwide, it can elucidate the
vocabulary use by human culture in a pre-sapiens era.
Sound symbolic experiments typically produce a list of the
linguistic features associated with semantic meanings reported by
speaking subjects. Viewed with inferential and nonparametric
statistics, as associations, their occurences violate boundaries of
normal distributions of all other sounds and meanings within and
between languages. Often, these experiments use non-equivalent
or biased language samples. One experimenter could choose two
Altaic and one Sino-Tibetan languages to compare with English, an
Indo-European language. Another might choose to study three
Indo-European languages with a Finno-Urgic tossed in.
In addition, functional or operational definitions of sound
symbolism are hazy (witness the preponderance of terms and
overlapping meanings discussed in Chapter III). Experimental

145
methodoligies often do not investigate equivalent linguistic and
cognitive structures. Some measure associations between entire
phonemes and meanings, features and meanings, words and
meanings, and other more involved variants. The data results
issuing from such mixed definitions and testing elements make
fully comparable sound symbolic experiments rare.
Needless to say, the conclusions of most sound symbolism
experiments are not easy to compare with one another. Beyond
this, however, sound symbolism studies have yet to be
comprehensively reviewed. While Fonagy's work is a an admirable
melange of documented sound symbolism ideas and conjectures, it
eventually presents a neo-Freudian explanation for sound
symbolism (Fonagy 1979). Freudian theory when applied to bio-
cultural anthropology and linguistics is hardly without objection.
More recent and systematic effort is forcing sound symbolism
again into serious linguistic study (see especially Malkiel (1990)
and Hamano (1986)). Below I review some highlights of the last 70
years of experiments into sound symbolism. They rate a close look
because they demonstrate the difficulties for postulating meanings
for human words at any date 100,000 B.P. without recourse to
nonarbitrary sound-meaning processes. Sound symbolic words are
one of the plausible bridges connecting present language to proto¬
language. The experiments also corroborate numerous individual
findings presented in Chapter II and bear witness that this
dissertation stands upon solid theoretical ground.

146
"Size" Sound Symbolism Experiments
Otto Jespersen and Edward Sapir are responsible for early
20th century interest in the search for a linguistic gesture
representing a size concept. To justify their search, they theorized
on the structure of sound symbolism. Of such, Jespersen says
sound symbolism is a natural correspondence between sound and
sense (Jespersen 1921/1947:396). There is no logic to an extreme
denial of sound symbolism in any language (Jespersen
1921/1947:397). Since there are words a majority of speakers
would argue are instinctvely adequate to meanings, Jespersen
says, it should be important to study what ideas lend themselves
to sound symbolism (Jespersen 1921/1947:378).
In further study, Jespersen outlines an early "front-back"
hypothesis centralized about the value of the vowel /I/. He collects
numerous detailed examples from Indo-European languages
including those for 'little', child', 'young animal', 'small thing', and
'diminutive endings'. For all these categories, the /I/ vowel, a lax
high, front unround phoneme, would be regarded in names of
small, slight, insignificant, and weak meanings (Jespersen
1922/1949:557).
For Indo-European, Jespersen argues that sound symbolism
makes some words more fit to survive and gives them strength in
their struggle for existence. This manner of sound symbolism is not
necessarily one present in distant language origins and there might

147
be progressive tendencies towards fuller and more adequate
expressions (Jespersen 1922/1949:559).
Sapir tested the conjecture of Jespersen in his classic series of
experiments (Sapir 1929). His experimental orientation launched
the challenge: "can it be shown, that symbolisms tend to work
themselves out in vocalic and consonantal contrasts and scales in
spite of the arbitrary allocations of these same vowels and
consonants in the strictly socialized field of reference?" (Sapir
1929:226).
In measuring sound symbolism, Sapir suggests that languages
contain "expressive" and "referential" classes of vocabulary (Sapir
1929:226). Preferential tendencies for "expressive" vocabularies
might include greater use of phonological contrast.than
"referential" ones. It is presumed the referential vocabularies
would be less bounded by innate trends than the expressive ones.
Since whatever innate tendencies exist for sound symbolism
might be expressed in sound contrasts rather than merely one
phoneme, Sapir devised a number of artifical lexicons to represent
the range of high-low and front-back vowels for English. In one
list, 60 pairs of nonsense words were constructed using all English
vowels in a lineal inventory. For the first 30, this meant the vowels
/a, se, £, e, i/ were used. In the second half, non-English vowels
were also used. Each pair was presented aside an arbitrarily
chosen meaning, for example, [mil] versus [mal] 'table'. The subject
was asked to indicate the term for the larger 'table' or if both
words were equal to omit a mark (Sapir 1929:227).

148
Another list had 100 pairs and were tested on 500 subjects of
ages varying from 11-21, and including English and a smaller
number of Chinese speakers (Sapir 1929:229). In these two runs
and for two other experimental variations, Sapir found that
"symbolic discriminations run encouragingly parallel to the
objective ones based on phonetic considerations" (Sapir 1929:238).
Put more simply, the subjects weighted their responses on a
continuum of size in response to scalar frequency levels from the
lowest vowel /a/ to the highest vowel /i/. When vowel contrast
included vowels in the middle levels, the objective responses to
size differences were minimal (Sapir 1929:230). Additionally, the
Chinese subjects' evidence was in the same direction as that of the
English speaking ones (Sapir 1929:231).
In these few experiments, Sapir sought to measure
connotative evaluations, as socially constructed and bordered by
age and speaking group, and to distinguish from that innate
tendencies to symbolism of a presumed and increased use of sound
contrasts. Many other works build upon this theme. Sapir's
student, Stanley Newman restudied the size-sound symbolism
problem (Newman 1933). He asked 606 students of varying ages
to rank nonsense words according to size value. Youngest subjects
produced the most widely varying rankings, then the older, and
the oldest showed the most consistent rankings (Newman
1933:59).
Even though age affect choices, all age groups consistently
rank front to back vowels on a scale of small to large. He argues

149
acoustic, kinesthetic, and visual signals influence the associations.
A repeated experimental series tested small-large and dark-bright
with other phonemes. Dark consonants appeared to be /br/, /gr/,
and /m/, large consonants /br/, /gr/, /gl/, and /r/, small
consonants /p/, /n/, /d/, and /s/, and bright consonants /s/, /k/,
and /l/ (Newman 1933:63).
Newman also did a word search in English for evidence
indicating size-sound symbolism and had each word rated by a
series of judges according to fitness. His evidence was inconclusive.
While Newman's results were not surprising, his statistical
reasonings were abstruse and unclear. Additionally, he fails to
separate among causal explanations. Which causes an idea of
"small", small oral size or high frequency or tongue height or
kinesthetic constriction upon the tongue?
As soon as Newman's study was published, another restudy
was made. Bentley and Varón (1933) found that high pitch was
associated with "small", low pitch with "large". Front vowels tended
to be thought small and back vowels large (Bentley and Varón
1933:86).
Since their test words were pronounced behind a cloth screen,
they effectively deduced that the connotative rankings, largely
duplicating Newman (1933) and Sapir (1929), were not
neccessarily based upon visual stimuli from mouth configuration
(Bentley and Varón 1933:85). Later researchers tested further
upon this note in the manner described below for Brown, Black,
and Horowitz (1955). Siegel, Silverman, and Markel (1967) found

150
the results found for auditory presentations significantly increased
with a combined visual and auditory presentation.
Thorndike and Orr measured languages for antiphony and
front-back vowels in certain semantic fields also sought by Sapir
and Jespersen (Orr 1944; Thorndike 1945). Orr gathered examples
showing opposition of vowels relating to "roughly" the same
semantic field (tip-top, slit-slot, strap-strop e.g.) Thorndike,
meanwhile, conducted an impressive collection of 1,970 English
words and ranked them according to smallness/largeness ratios.
Thorndike's results are worth a closer look simply because
they corroborate Sapir, Jespersen, and Orr. The systematic
collection of data entailed collecting as many words as possible for
each of the following 17 categories of English vowel sounds: [I] as
in bit', [i] as in 'machine', [I] or [i], [el as in 'bet', [el] as in 'bait', [e]
or [el], [ae] as in 'bat', [o] as in 'box', [ou] as in 'bone', [o] or [ou], [u]
as in 'bush', [u:] as in 'fool', [u] or [u: 1, [a] as in 'but', [al] as in 'bite',
[yu] as in 'beauty', [u], [u:] or [yu:l (Thorndike 1945:11).
Each sound was then coded for number of words suggesting
smallness, probable smallness, largeness, and probable largeness.
The final smallness/largeness ratio was twelve times larger for [ I ]
and [t] as it was for [o] and [o]. He states succinctly, "the theoretical
chance that the difference of +0.046 between the percentage of
'small' words in [I] or [i] and the percentage of 'small' words in [o]
and [o] could occur by chance is about 1 in 1700 (.0005 i.e.) and
the corresponding chance for the difference of -0.051 in the
percentage of 'large' words is about 1 in 16,000 (.00006 i.e.) The

chance for joint occurence is less than 1 in 250,000,000"
(Thorndike 1945:10).
Thorndike also notes that at least for English, German, Russian,
Greek, Finnish, and Hungarian certain phoneme clusters are found
more frequently in words connotating pleasantness than in ones
for unpleasantness (Thorndike 1945:12). In tallying similar size-
phoneme word lists from Greek, Hungarian, and Finnish, Thorndike
showed there is some association between front-back vowels and
small-large meanings. The evidences were much weaker than for
English, however, and it is possible that the size-sound symbolism
utilizing [i] or [I] is a special case for English.(Thorndike 1945:13).
Máxime Chastaing expounded upon these speculations of
Thorndike and others. In a review of the significiation of the vowel
/i/, she remarks that when considering a sound's motivation, it is
not only determined by circumstance, text, context, but also its
phonetic uniqueness and what it is actually used to name
(Chastaing 1958:413).
In considering the vowel /i/, she notes it is used in at least a
dozen Indo-European languages to represent smallness, clarity,
height, quieter forms of talking, birds, stages of breathing,
sharpness, narrowness, quickness, lightness, and rapidity. It
obtains its meaning largely from its use, but importantly, its
meaning is a function of its relation to other sounds. The /i/ vowel
has value also as a structural or gestural event in the articulatory
musculature.

152
Her interest in the qualities of meaning assigned to the vowel
/il led to seven experiments (1962). The first had 30 French
speaking students list a vowel series in order of lightest vowel to
darkest vowel. The more frontal and higher the vowel, the brighter
it was reported. Next, 20 students rated 4 words, Kig, Kag, Kog, and
Kug, according to whether they were bright, neutral, or dark. The
nonsense word Kig was brightest, Kag was neutral, and Kug was
darkest (Chastaing 1962:2).
Chastaing asked 168 elementary students to replace the vowel
in the word, Pab, with one befitting the dawn, the day, dusk, and
twilight. Most common for dawn was /e/, for day /i/, for dusk /o/
and twilight /u/ (Chastaing 1962:3). Thirty-five students were
asked to replace the vowel in the word, Grum, to best indicate
clarity. 66% replaced the /u/ with /i/. Another experiment asked
41 students to modify words so as to darken or lighten their
meanings. The vowels /i/ and /e/ lightened, vowels /o/ and /u/
darkened. Word pairs were presented next to students and they
were asked to choose the light or dark pair. The vowel /i/ was
lightest as compared with /u/ for 91% of the subjects. Finally,
elementary students were shown pictures of night and day, and
large objects and small objects. Over 75% connected HI with day
and /u/ with night. The same percentages held true for small and
large (Chastaing 1962:5).
The results of these experiments upon French speaking
subjects are far from surprising. What they do not show, however,
is whether sound symbolism is innate, learned, or a combination of

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both. Chastaing remarks on this and suggests certain sounds carry
more non-arbitrary meaning than others because they are created
during essential behaviors. Her list contains some of the words
discussed and examined in this dissertation: vomit, suck, cough,
and drink
Most linguists believed sound symbolism experiments lacking
in hard cross-cultural results. One attempt to answer the /i/
vowel-size controversy was Ultan (1978). His study gathered data
from 137 languages. It coded for the existence of various phonemic
and morphic structures carrying meanings involving size, distance,
quantity, force, intensity, pejorativeness, time, age, gender, sweet-
good, sensation, and so on.
Ultan finds size symbolism represented by a number of sonal
forms in 27% of his languages. This result is obtained with
reservation though. Of 137 languages sampled, over 40 are from
North Amerind. For the otherló language phyla, only the following
have an N=5 for their sample: Austronesian (9), Indo-European
(15), Afro-Asiatic (5), Altaic (13), Niger-Khordofan (14), South
Amerind (9), and Dravidian (11). This sample exemplifies the
difficulties of obtaining data on language phyla distant to Indo-
European.
He reports 33% of the 137 languages contain distance
symbolism. The overwhelming favorite feature representing
nearness is front or high vowels (Ultan 1978:546). This
corroborates many earlier sound symbolism experiments. It also
suggests that distance symbolism is a proto-language conceptual

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fragment because it exists both between disparate languages and
within the mental frameworks of the language speakers.
Another sound symbolic tendency was the presence of a
short-long, one-many, part-whole conceptual overlap. Short sounds
represented shorter events or singular instances, or few instances.
Long sounds represented many or more than one instance, longer,
whole events (Ultan 1978:547).
In regard to Sapir's "affective" words, Ultan finds many
languages set the emotions of a verbal praising or hyporcoristic
and pejorative nature into words with the use of ablauting devices
(Ultan 1978:547). In "emotional" speech, this means speakers can
change distinctive features, vowels, articulations, and consonants
within a word or phrase to enhance connotative intent. For
example, in hypocoristic speech, I can call my friend Bobby-Lee,or
in the pejorative I can trivialize an event by saying "it can do a
flip-flop over the mish-mash about the hub-bub". In each
italicized phrase a front-back ablaut is present.
Ultan remarks that it is not odd to find that the pejorative,
hypocoristic, and affective speech registers share the same formal
features (Ultan 1978:547). Extending this thought, it appears that
sound symbolism is a mechanical system possessed by speakers
which transcends various speaking styles. If the numerous sound
symbolism definitions of Chapter III are labelling entirely separate
events, this could not be true. But it might be easier for speakers
to recognize a brief list of sound symbolic axioms to apply to
varied conceptual styles of speech than to construct similar

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linguistic rules when changing speaking registers. As a fact, the
least we do know is that speakers do recognize a series of sound
symbolism axioms and apply them appropriately when within
settings where connotative intent is to be amplified.
Artificial Lexicons in Sound Symbolism Experiments
Artifical lexicons were designed to find connotative value for
individual sounds. Interesting variants of Sapir's nonsense words
sometimes included the use of the semantic differential test
(Osgood, Suci, and Tannebaum 1957). Oyama and Haga (1963) ran
three tests which provided a semantic profile of nonsense words
and visual figures. Their students rated 14 line drawings and 16
phonetic items of 35 semantic scales.
Not surprisingly, they found certain sounds, /t/, /k/, and /z/
were likely to be named sharp and angular. Others as /m/, /u/,
/r/, /o/, /l/, /b/, and /n/ were pinned to round figures (Oyama
and Haga 1963:141). Their results duplicated Miron (1961) and
Newman (1933) in that /u/ and /o/ vowels were felt to be deeper,
farther, fuller, softer, heavier, hotter, wetter, more smooth, stable,
and unreal than /i/ and /e/ (Oyama and Haga 1963:138). The front
high vowel /i/ was considered brighter than /o/, and on a scale of
/i,a,e,u,o/ vowels varied according to size. Finally, consonants /k/
and /r/ were felt happier than /1/ or /m/, and consonant /k/ was
stronger than /m/, and vowels /u/ and /a/ were more sober yet
happier than /i/ and /o/ (Oyama and Haga 1963:139).

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Lack of information upon how subjects rank nonsense words
compelled Weiss (1964) to measure stimulus meaningfulness and
its efficacy to sound. Here, 88 female undergraduates ranked
contrasted "high" and "low" meaning nonsense words on scales of
magnitude, brightness, and angularity. Weiss argued that a variety
of schemes are used to "decide" connotative regard of nonsense
words. Some subjects reportedly would think of Latin, others
related to their understanding of "baby language" to make a choice
(Weiss 1964:261). He believed early negative experimental results
with nonsense words and figures is due to the fact that a direction
of evaluation must be introduced for the subjects before they will
achieve significant agreement as a group.
His results showed the brightness dimension increased in
response to requesting this particular judgement (Weiss
1964:262). He comments that Brown's learning theory appeared
closer to the truth than the Gestalt theory of physiognomic
perception. In other words, speaker agreement increased with age
for sounds and meanings merely because the linguistic associations
in a particular language have had more time to become known to a
speaker.
Important data fueling a disconfirmation for universal sound
symbolism is seen in Taylor and Taylor (1962). Their method was
to present 144 nonsense CVC words to speakers from four
unrelated languages. These words were composed of all consonants
and vowels common to the English, Japanese, Korean, and Tamil
languages. Speakers rated the nonsense syllables according to

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warmth, size, movement, and pleasantness. They found the
"meanings associated with any particular sound were different
from language to language and there was essentially zero
correlation between the symbolism scores found in any pair of
languages" (Taylor and Taylor 1962:356).
They also note that Korean and Japanese responses were the
most similar due to being the most similar cultures (Taylor and
Taylor 1962:356). This is not surprising considering both have
sound symbolism systems and are from the Altaic language
phylum (Martin 1962)(Hamano 1986). The major problem with
Taylor and Taylors’ study is that it fails to account for the
possibility of prosodic-meaning or feature-meaning sound
symbolism. A phoneme is a large mental event and is constructed
by the speaking group which uses it. Further, the phoneme and
many prosodic markers do not exist in a non-mentalist reality.
This is to say, when a sonogram is utilized to distinguish the
structures contained in a phoneme for a speaking group, the
features often physically do not exist (Snowdon 1986:496). Their
experimental design may have entirely missed common or
universal regard for sound and meaning. Voicing, vowel length, or
front consonants might each be regarded on a similar semantic
pole, but with the experiments, the phoneme is the least divisble
unit of sound. Further, merely because test phonemes are chosen
because they intersect all four languages is no guarrantee they
represent the features used in sound symbolism.

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In a critical review of then recent sound symbolism
experiments, Taylor (1963) entirely dismisses its case as universal.
Some experiments may have been biased by researchers choosing
foreign equivalents which mimed English words. At least it is clear
linguists also use the adage that "something is lost in the
translation" as well as common people. Other experiments did not
control for consonantal effects. As such, it is argued, Sapir's "mil-
mal" nonsense pair may have returned different results if it were
"vig-vag" instead. Similarly the mode of the stimulus presentation,
kinds of verbal subjects, and subject tasks may have been
incorrectly controlled (Taylor 1963:205).
Insup Kim Taylor remarks that sound symbolism is probably
entirely learned, and that "if we obtain phonetic symbolism
patterns in English, German, Russian, and one non-Indo-European
language, there should be a heirarchy in the degree of relatedness
among those languages as reflected in phonetic symbolism" (Taylor
1963:209). She restates a tenet of Saussure; "a new hypothesis
must be found that accounts not only for the fact that people
associate certain sounds with certain meanings, but also the fact
that people speaking different languages associate the same
sounds with different meanings" (Taylor 1963:206).
Contrarily, researchers continued to find data disputing a
more relative language specific sound symbolism. In 1961, Davis
found British children tended to place the word TAKETE with
angular pictures and ULOOMU with rounded ones. They did this
much like African children who had never been exposed to English.

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Johnson, Suzuki, and Olds (1964) tested deaf and hearing high
school and college students. In rating 14 pairs of artificial words
with polar adjectives, the two hearing groups established
significant correlation. The deaf group matched neither hearing
group nor matched each other within their group (Johnson, Suzuki,
and Olds 1964:236).
Mixed results were found in a test of 60 Navaho speakers
(Atzet and Gerard 1965). Using the list of antonyms known from
Brown, Black, and Horowitz (1955), subjects were to guess the
meanings of Hindi and Chinese pairs. For twenty antonym pairs,
only Chinese many-one, smooth-rough, thin-fat, and Hindi many-
one, hard-soft examples were significant.
From these results, the authors state "the amount of overlap
between a given pair of non-cognate languages of such images
called forth by similar-sounding words is probably minimal and if
it does occur it will often be coincidental" (Atzet and Gerard
1965:528). The numbers of these words must be very small, they
aver, and are localized to imitative words such as "cricket" and
"sizzle" (Atzet and Gerard 1965:527).
Their comments pay homage to the arbitrary principle, again,
without much comparative language data. How, for example, would
they explain the fact that in the 50 language sample for COUGH
seen in Chapter II, obstruents are present in 98% of the examples?
Or that a presumably quiet noun like NECK should show 70% velar
features? Worse, for a much quieter noun like FOOD, why should
over 80% of a balanced language sample show it carrying a nasal

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feature? For both Taylor (1963) and Atzet and Gerard (1965), the
denial of feature-meaning association between distant languages is
argued with little supporting research.
Antonyms were eliminated in a retest by Weiss (1966). 318
subjects were presented with 28 word sets, with two English
words and one Japanese equivalent to one of the two words. The
mean percent agreement was 60.8, significant beyond the .001
level (Weiss 1966:99). The correct English choices were; frosty,
twitch, stun, gnaw, cut, sting, ache, grope, rub, lick, kiss, wince,
bleed, whip, itch, tickle, sweat, scald, moist, thud, vibrating, tick,
whisper, harmonious, howling, hoarse, wheezy, splendid (Weiss
1966:100-101). This list is given to demsonstrate that most of the
words chosen are of a sensory nature and most do not carry easily
accepted antonyms. The semantic difficulty is easily seen. What is
the antonym of "tickle" for example? Is it "torture" or "pain" in the
imperative second person case?
While Weiss provides evidence that high agreement may be
obtained in guessing choices, the results are not easy to analyze.
Many of his translations of English words into Japanese directly
evoked the Japanese vast sound symbolism system. "Wheezy", for
example, is translated into Japanese as "Zei-zei (Suru)" (Weiss
1966:101). As Hamano noted (1986), the lack of reference to the
existence of such a Japanese sound symbolic system at all,
undermines the results.
Taylor did not appreciate the Weiss word list either (1967).
She noted many of the words were sound symbolic in Japanese

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and that this consideration along with the factor of word length
influenced choice more than sound (Taylor 1967:237). Again, she
denies universal phonetic symbolism (then known as UPS) (Taylor
1967:238).
Taylor's criticism brought more experiments, but her
counterpoint mostly failed on one point. It merely substituted
"imitative" words as causal to "better than chance" guessing and
added in word length as a paralinguistic bonus. It failed to explain
how each culture manufactures words, which even when all agree
are onomatopoetic, are still less than duplicates of one another. One
only need to read the list of COUGH terms in the Appendix A to see
the truth of this statement. It seems clear that "onomatopoeia" or
"imitative" labels have been used as a garbage bin for words
linguists have refused to analyze.
A creative investigation into the antonym problem was
carried out by Gebels (1969). Fifty Australian students were asked
to rate 22 pairs of antonyms according to semantic poles ranging
from -12 to +12. They were given runs consisting of an antonym
set translated into 5 languages: Old Hebrew, South Malaita, Kiwai,
Tongan, and Finnish. Subjects were not told that any of the words
were antonyms nor what were their meanings when asked to sort
a given sequence of 10 words of 5 languages.
He found that matching occured beyond the .05 chance level
and argued that a positive relation existed between the structure
of the language and cognitive processes. The only requirement for
the antonym class was that it carried words of a sensory nature

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because, as predicted, "sense-expressing antonyms would arrange
themselves around opposite semantic poles on a phonetic scale"
(Gebels 1969:311).
Gebels also notes that each sound symbolism experiment is
incomplete in itself because the data it purports to explain has not
been fully described. He says, "only with a large number of cross-
linguistic cultures which are supposed to perceive the world
differently (Whorf), can the hypothesis of the existence of phonetic
symbolism across two or more contrasting linguistc communities
be supported." (Gebels 1969:312).
One such study was done by Crockett (1970). Two hundred
Russian subjects were asked to rank phonotactically Russian
nonsense forms to semantic scales involving brightness, size, and
mood. Diffuse vowels were associated above chance with
smallness, compact vowels with voluminosity. Acute vowels
carried bright and gay meanings, grave vowels possessed dark and
unhappy connotations. Finally, the voiced velar stop phoneme /g/
was considered universally to be large and dark (Crockett
1970:112).
Crockett remarks that it would be better to regard imitative
words as primary sound symbolism and the values deriving from
word associations within a specific language as secondary sound
symbolism. In some cases, the value of the sounds from the first
domain mute those from the second. Crockett also argues that
these secondary associations may become linguistically diffused
(Crockett 1970:113).

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Where the secondary sound symbolism might lie within the
pool of features perceived by speakers is unclear. An interesting
experiment touched upon this and retested college students with
23 pair of Brown, Black, and Horowitzs' (1955) antonym list
(Kunhira 1971). Japanese antonyms were presented visually, in a
monotone voice, and with an expressive voice. Correct pairing was
significant in all cases, but also significantly greater for the
expressive voice mode of presentation. Interestingly enough, for
the expressive voice the happy-sad, up-down, and good-bad
antonyms were guessed above 79%. For the monotone, above 79%
was fast-slow, and this was true for the printed form as well
(Kunhira 1971:428).
This study indicated that prosodic elements play a parallel
role to structural phoneme elements in directing cognition toward
sound-meaning associations. While suggesting such, the
experiment again uses a word list full of sound symbolic words
from Japanese. The English words are never considered for their
sound symbolic value, as I suggest should be done for English as a
whole, by sheer word volume in Chapter III. Further, it does not
compare a false set of antonyms with contrasting phonemes as a
control for the results it does obtain. Again, the results are difficult
to further analyze.
Contrasting antonym word list experiments are seen in other
studies examining specific contrasting antonymic concepts to
sounds. Tarte and Barritt (1971) ran three forced choice
experiments consisting of a number of CYC English trigrams and

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elliptical or angular drawings. They found that the vowel /i/ was
most often preferred for triangles, /a/ next most preferred, and
/u/ least preferred. The vowel /u/ was also most preferred for
round figures. Not surprisingly, the vowel /i/ was preferred for
smaller items and the vowel /a/ for larger ones. Consonants were
not consistently tagged to either type of figure.
They remark that there seems to be "some, as yet,
undetermined, factor which permits monolingual adult native
American speakers of English to agree on the assignment of vowel
sounds to figures of different size" (Tarte and Barritt 1971:168).
Tarte and Barritt chose the continua of vowels from /a/ to /u/ to
lil to represent large-to-small oral cavity size, low back-to-high
front in terms of tongue position, and compact/grave to
diffuse/acute in terms of distinctive features theory for their
experiment (Tarte and Barritt 1971:168). Their results suggest that
with this method, the vowel continua was shown associated with
the size dimension. Therefore, they argue, the phonetic continuum
/a-u-i/ are also related for native speakers of English They
astutely remark, "what is not clear is whether any or all of these
factors are causative in producing these results" (Tarte and Barritt
1971:168).
A follow up study was undertaken by Tarte (1974).
Monolingual English and Czech speakers were asked to rate 252
trials of CVC nonense words and geometrical figures. In this case,
both English and Czech subjects chose the vowel /a/ for large
figures, l'\l with small, /u/ with ellipses, and /i/ with triangles

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(Tarte 1974:92). In a quick retest, Tarte replaced one phoneme
within his 9 word nonsense trigram. By replacing /s/ with /g/, the
same results were obtained except that the size dimension was
muted and the shape dimensions amplified (Tarte 1974:94). His
experiments suggest it should not be unusual to obtain agreements
of these sorts from related languages. Both English and Czech are
Indo-European.
Natural Lexicons in Sound Symbolism Experiments
The works of Sapir and Jespersen sparked a flurry of
experiments in the early 1930's. Few included natural lexicons as
phonemic stimuli. In Tsuru and Fries study (1933), 25 pairs of
English words were paired with their corresponding words in
Japanese. Only a few of these words were antonyms, however, and
the entire list included: 1. bird-worm, 2. red-green, 3. peace-war,
4. sweet-bitter, 5. fast-slow, 6. white-black, 7. square-circle, 8.
good-evil, 9. praise-deprecate, 10. far-near, 11. soft-hard, 12.
smart-dull, 13. high-low, 14. kite-boat, 15. old-young, 16. hot-cold,
17. are-are not, 18. blue-yellow, 19. thick-thin, 20. big-small, 21.
clear-muddy, 22. enemy-friend, 23. crooked-straight, 24. right-
wrong, 25. sharp-dull (Tsuru and Fries 1933:283).
In their presentation of 2 English and 2 Japanese words to
their subjects, Tsuru and Fries found that up to 75% of the
meanings could be correctly translated. Of itself, this result caused
a tremor in the arbitrary hypothesis for linguists of the day. Later

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criticism showed that "marked" terms in the vocabulary of
Japanese and English corresponded and that perhaps subjects were
only guessing according to overall word length. In binomial choice
tests, merely using word length could easily allow guessing at rates
higher than 50% or chance levels.
Probably the most cited sound symbolism study using natural
lexicons was done in 1955 by Brown, Black, and Horowitz. In their
study, 21 pairs of words were matched with corresponding words
from Hindi, Chinese, and Czech languages. The list was formed
under two conditions: the words had to be of a sensory nature, and
two, their frequency had to be at least 100 in one million words
used (Brown, Black, and Horowitz 1955:389).
Eighty-six subjects correctly guessed meanings of three
foreign language groups of antonyms twice as often as they were
wrong. The highest rate was for English-Hindi, followed by English-
Chinese and English-Czech. In further analysis, it was shown no
significant difference existed between male and female responses.
However, introducing expressive quality of voice when
pronouncing test items did make a difference. Somehow,
pronouncers could iconically introduce haste into the "fast" word,
or sharpness into the "sharp" word (Brown, Black, and Horowitz
1955:391). For the monotone condition, choices correct above a
chance level of guessing at .01 include: Eng-Czech, Eng-Hindi
(blunt-sharp), Eng-Chinese, Eng-Hindi (bright-dark), Eng-Hindi
(down-up), Eng-Chinese, Eng-Czech (fast-slow), Eng-Chinese, Eng-
Czech (hard-soft), Eng-Chinese (light-heavy), Eng-Hindi (one-

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many), Eng-Czech (thunder-lightning), and Eng-Chinese (wide-
narrow) (Brown, Black, and Horowitz 1955:391).
These experiments raised more questions than they answered.
For one, the idea that sound symbolism effects should be apparent
in antonyms is supposed, but is not proven. Word length, while
apparent earlier to Tsuru and Fries (1933), cannot be controlled
when using a natural lexicon data set. Exactly what makes various
categories more liable to correct guessing is unclear, though
expressive voice in a vocal presentation does enact augmenting
influence. Finally, their list is considered non-auditory and non-
onomatopoeic, but many of the pairs are indicated in types of
sound symbolism outlined in Chapter III. Regardless, the authors
argue that sound symbolism is an important sub-segment of all
languages. They argue it can either be decreasing or actually
increasing in its scope in present languages.
Another similar series of experiments were run by Maltzman,
Morrisett, and Brooks (1956). Their scheme was to test the correct
guessing of 25 English-Croatian, English-Japanese, and Japanese-
Croatian words. The list was the same noted above in Tsuru and
Fries (1933). In the English-Japanese and English-Croatian trials,
significant choices above chance were obtained at .001 probability.
The results "clearly indicated the English equivalents of Croatian
words can be selected with a frequency significantly beyond
chance expectancy, and quite as effectively as the selection of
English and Japanese equivalents" (Maltzman, Morrisett, and
Brooks 1956:250). However, Croatian-Japanese and Japanese-

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Croatian presented pairs were far below any statistical significance
level.
Their results called them to doubt the "gestalt organization of
trace systems, and the physiognomic language" (Maltzman,
Morrisett, and Brooks 1956:251). Once again, the experimental
method is flawed because the word list chosen does not clearly
reflect the subject of study. Are the concurrence due to gestural or
auditory or synaesthetic or kinesthetic associations? With the
Tsuru and Fries' list, extrapolation is impossible.
Retests of experiments by Brown, Black, and Horowitz (1955)
and Maltzman, Morrisett, and Brooks (1956), were done by
researchers Brackbill and Little (1957). Essentially duplicating
earlier experimental designs, they asked subjects to guess the
meanings of word pairs of English-Japanese, English-Chinese,
English-Hebrew, Chinese-Japanese, Chinese-Hebrew, and Japanese-
Hebrew items.
The subjects were able to guess at better than chance rates of
.01 for English-Hebrew (53%), Japanese-Chinese (54.8%), and
Japanese-Hebrew (52.3%) (Brackbill and Little 1957:318). Unlike
the other studies, subjects guessed chance rates for English-
Japanese (50.3%), English-Chinese (49.9%), and below chance rates
for Chinese-Hebrew (48.1%). Visual presentation of word pairs
aided English-Foreign guessing, the same for Foreign-Foreign word
pairs made no difference.
Though their study used auditory, visual, and audio-visual
modes of data presentation, and this is commendable, the

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experiments return weak inference for strong data. Exactly what
allows better than chance guessing on word pair testing is unclear.
They note that word lengths, vowel and consonantal types, spacing
of compound words, and connotation markedly influenced the
agreement of subjects as to the sameness of meaning of word pairs
(Brackbill and Little 1957:318). This remark implicates prosody,
consonantal and vowel distinctive features, and even graphically
iconic factors as causal to the results of their guessing behaviors.
Other researchers did not view these results with equal
disfavor. Brown and Nuttal (1959) regarded the Maltzman,
Morrisett, and Brooks 1956 word list with suspicion. It included
non-antonym items, such as "when", "first", "this" and others.
Consequently, a 36 item antonymic list was created for English,
Chinese, and Hindi. Their subjects matched correctly at levels
significantly above chance for all groups. They also achieved
extreme significance when the native language English was paired
with foreign words versus foreign-foreign pairs (Brown and Nuttal
1959:445).
A different nonparametric approach was used by Wertheimer
(1958) to get at word-meaning fitness. Ten words were presented:
1. break, 2. clean, 3. cool, 4. cut, 5. rush, 6. belong, 7. knee, 8. sun,
9. teach, and 10. write. Each was ranked on two scales: a semantic
differential scale according to whether it contained sounds which
fit its carried meaning and on a bipolar scale as to whether its
connotative meaning was angular-rounded, weak-strong, rough-

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smooth, active-passive, small-large, cold-hot, good-bad, tense-
relaxed, wet-dry, fresh-stale (Wertheimer 1958:413).
Not surprisingly, "on each of the ten scales, the fitting words
were rated more extremely. Whether measured by the í-test, U-
test, or binomial expansion, the difference is significant beyond the
.01 level. Apparently fitting words have more clear-cut emergent
qualities than non-fitting words" (Wertheimer 1958:413). Subjects
were also asked to indicate when a particular word lost its
meaning after being continuously shown on a screen. The fitting
words all took longer for their implicit cultural meaning to
disappear in a condition of saturation (Wertheimer 1958:414).
This study suffers in that it fails to measure precisely what
allows a word to be rated more fitting to a group of assigned
sounds than another. Sensory words apparently carry more
information than other kinds of words, but all sorts of qualities
and meanings might be assigned objects and concepts according to
the activities or contexts in which they are found. For example,
would the word "key" be considered "fitting" because as a metal
object it often causes a clicking sound when used, and therefore
should contain a stop? Or should the sounds be fitting because a
"key" is a small object and, following regard in other sound
symbolism studies, it should carry a small front vowel /i/?
Even so, the delay of loss of meaning evaluation of a word
stimulus is interesting. It should be possible, if it is so, to measure
with PET scans whether different or more long term memory areas
of the brain are utilized for various sound symbolic vocabularies.

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Further, such PET scans may enable researchers to note whether
the brain channels the memory of "affective" and "referential"
vocabularies to different areas.
Another interesting experiment, similar to Wertheimer
(1958), is Miron (1961). Here, 76 American monolinguals and 41
Japanese speaking bilinguals were asked to rank nonsense CVC
words created from a consonant and vowel matrix on 16 semantic
differential 7 point scales. A great many of these CVC combinations
are actual words, and for this reason, I consider this experiment
involving a natural lexicon for both groups.
Using rank order correlations to determine similarity of
groups, he found that Japanese and English speakers agreed most
heavily for the evaluative dimension (.89), the potency dimension
(.74), and the activity dimension (.64). All correlations are
significant at the .01 level. Miron remarks that this reliable means
the "two language groups use similar semantic dimensions"(Miron
1961:626).
To note Miron's findings: A.) the highest ranked evaluative
vowel and consonant were; English, /a/ and /p/; Japanese /i/ and
/p/: the least highly ranked evaluative vowel and consonant were;
English /u/ and /g/; Japanese /e/ and /g/; B.) the highest ranked
potency vowel and consonant were; English /a/ and /g/; Japanese
/a/ and /g/: the least highly ranked potency vowel and consonant
were; English /i/ and /p/; Japanese /e/ and /s/ and; C.) the highest
ranked activity vowel and consonant were; English /u/ and /n/;
Japanese /a/ and /n/: the least highly ranked activity vowel and

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consonant were; English /i/ and /c/; Japanese /a/ and / p/ (Miron
1961:628-629).
Miron's study can be criticized for the choices it made in
selecting constituents for its consonant and vowel matrix. He chose
the vowels [i, e, a, o, u], which is fine because Japanese only
contains 5 vowels, but the consonant choices are problematic. He
includes two affricates [c and s], two stops [p and g], and one dental
nasal [n]. What exactly makes any of the phonemes significantly
evaluated is unclear through this design.
More clearly, both Japanese and English subjects rank the
voiced velar stop /g/ as "bad" or "undesirable". What makes it
"uglier" than both their highest picks, the voiceless bilabial stop
/p/? Is it the voicing distinction? Or is it the position in the oral
cavity, the /g/ being back and the /pi being front? Miron's study
suffers due to an assumption that the phoneme is the significant
unit of sound symbolism mechanics. This is problematic because
the phonemes are not systematically chosen. Affricates are the
rarest consonantal phonemes universally, and here, he includes
two in his ten phoneme list. This is probably 5 times larger a
frequency than occurence in real world languages. The means the
results cannot be easily viewed through a universal perspective in
the face of vast numbers of affricateless tongues.
Nevertheless, he states the front vowels and consonants seem
to refer to "pleasant" and "weak" things, the back vowels and
consonants to "unpleasant" and "strong" things for Japanese and
English speakers (Miron 1961:630). In itself, these remarks concur

173
with trends seen in a large number other languages. His remarks
lead toward a hypothesis that a vocabulary of purgatives and
emetics compiled from any language in any culture should contain
back features with "unpleasant" and "strong" sound-meaning
connotations.
In an ingenious experiment, 48 English speaking Hawaiian
four-year olds were tested for sound symbolism (Roper, Dixon,
Ahern, and Gibson 1978). Researchers compiled words for loud,
soft, large, and small categories from Hawaiian, French, Spanish,
and English. These words were pronounced to each subject and he
or she was allowed to take a small black, large black, small white,
or large white token to represent what was heard.
Their results indicate a relationship between token choice and
word category. All subjects associated a large token with loudness
denoting words. Interestingly, males preferred black as soft and
large where the reverse was true for females. Although white
tokens were associated with small and soft words, the results were
opposite for Hawaiian words (Roper, Dixon, Ahern, and Gibson
1978:95).
This study is significant in that it demonstrates gender
differences of sound and color/size associations for specified word
categories. It is weakest in not having created a series of nonsense
CVC words to measure token choice against. As it stands, the word
is the unit of perception and it is unclear which linguistic features
boys and girls choose in labelling a certain color or size or
loudness.

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"Goodness-of-Fit Sound" Symbolism Experiments
Subjects in sound symbolism experiments often made choices
between a diverse array of phonetic and semantic examples. Even
when their choices indicated selective meaning-sound associations
must be taking place, their reasons for success were unclear. Many
experiments were designed with this problem in mind. They
wished to explicate those cognitive arenas encasing the linguistic
selection procedures of sound symbolism.
An early study into the perceptual processes underlying
choice was labelled "The fitness of signs to words" (Hall 1952).
Thirty-four males and female subjects were to rank sets of 5 signs
to 50 words. The words included examples such as: fear, madness,
art, energy, help, tradition, visionary, and so on. Each set of 5 signs
was composed of two or three conventional signs with meanings
associated with the test word and two or three which were
purposely vague. For example, the test word, energy, had one sign
choice that was a line drawing of the sun.
Results showed that while there was great agreement upon a
particular sign for a word, there was "no absolute and consistent
grounds for popularity" (Hall 1952:23). He remarked that "almost
any figure that is not purely arbitrarily connected with a word
may, by some subjects, be likened to some associated object, but it
was considered, from the evidence, that it was not always the
capacity of the figure to suggest an object that was primary in
influencing choice" (Hall 1952:23).

175
Hall's study is important with respect to sound symbolism, but
not because it connects any sounds to any clear-cut types of
concepts. Instead, the results lead to a suggestion that subjects use
a variety of schemes in fitting qualities for concepts, signs, and
words. There appears also to be quicker responses from subjects
where less apprehension is present about choices. He states that
"for several words, the agreement in choice of a sign as the most
appropriate is high, but the type of fittingness varies. While some
signs of obvious conventional significance are chosen, it seems
probable that those signs which combine the formal qualities of
simplicity and regularity of design with a familiar structural
appropriateness to the verbal setting are both the quickest choices
and the "best symbols" (Hall 1952:31).
Sound symbolic words may be the "best symbols" par
excellence. If this is true, quicker retrieval times for sound
symbolic words would be predicted. Unfortunately, this has not yet
been done and Hall's study reaches only general conclusions. The
sign drawings are not applicable to any other sound symbolic
visual figure-sound experiments.
In a slightly more streamlined retest of Hall, McMurray
(1958) tested 37 college students on a sign-word test using the
semantic differential. A ten word list was created; rhythm, wrong,
justice, serene, storm, philosophy, visionary, crisis, peace, and
enthusiasm. Each of these words was paired with two sign drawing
modified after Hall (1952). Subjects were then asked to pick one or
the other signs to best represent the word.

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The 10 words and the 20 drawings were then rated with 15
polar adjectives on 7 point intervals to obtain the semantic
differential scores. Subjects described a word or sign as angular-
rounded, weak-strong, rough-smooth, active-passive, high-low,
cold-hot, good-bad, tense-relaxed, heavy-light, kind-cruel, fast-
slow, hard-soft, ugly-beautiful, green-red, or sick-healthy.
McMurray concluded "the mean ratings of the chosen signs were
found to be closer to the mean ratings of the word than were those
of the non-chosen signs" (McMurray 1958:312).
This brief experiment demonstrated that connotative
meanings for words and signs can overlap when there is similarity.
The kinds of similarity cannot be deduced from this experiment.
Part of the reason is the choice of signs and the other part is choice
of words. It would be no surprise to find worldwide consensus in
representing a basic term with a distinct sign and parallel semantic
connotations. For instance, given the test word, snake, I believe a
high probability exists that most subjects would not choose a circle
over an S to represent it. Further, I predict that in using the
semantic differential adjective scales, no one would be surprised if
snakes assumed connotations including ugly, cruel, cold, green,
angular, fast, active, and sick.
Another test use of the semantic differential had 15 men and
15 women rank 360 words upon 20 bipolar adjectival scales
(Jenkins, Russell, and Suci 1958). The same test was regiven to 540
subjects later as a measure of coding reliability. These tests were
largely designed to test the use of the semantic differential for

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solving word association problems. As such, its importance to
sound symbolism is unstated. Results indicate that all words do not
have equal connotative value and that meanings and sound cluster
on occasion. The manner of these occasions awaits further
investigation.
For example, one of the bipolar adjectival pairs of the
semantic differential was cruel-kind. When over 500 subjects
ranked 360 words on a scale where l=cruel to 7=kind, interesting
evaluative similarity was seen for certain words but not others.
The following words had mean rankings below 2, (or a "very cruel"
connotative judgement): abortion (1.6), anger (1.8), bad (1.6), cold
(1.8), criminal (1.6), deformed (1.9), devil (1.3), discomfort (1.9),
fraud (1.8), grief (1.9), hate (1.2), heartless (1.2), hurt (1.4), mad
(1.8), nasty (1.6), pain (1.7), putrid (1.9), rage (1.9), scalding (1.5),
severe (1.8), sin (1.9), starving (1.4), sword (1.7), thief (1.8),
tornado (1.3), trouble (1.9), war (1.2) (Jenkins, Russell, and Suci
1958:695-699).
By itself, the list only leads one to note that subjects use
words according to the meanings they perceive them to contain.
But if "cruel" words are analyzed, do they carry certain features
that their opposites the "kind" words do not?
The opposite pole words ranked above 6, (or very kind) on the
cruel-kind scale include: baby (6.3), beautiful (6.1), calm (6.3),
clean (6.1), comfort (6.3), doctor (6.3), faith (6.3), farm (6.0), flower
(6.3), god (6.1), happy (6.6), heal (6.1), holy (6.5), home (6.3), joy
(6.2), lenient (6.2), loveable (6.7), mild (6.0), minister (6.1), mother

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(6.5), music (6.2), nice (6.5), nurse (6.4), peace (6.7), puppies (6.4),
relaxed (6.0), sister (6.0), sky (6.2), sleep (6.1), sunlight (6.3),
sweet (6.1), and trees (6.2) (Jenkins, Russell, and Suci 1958:695-
699).
A very simple hypothesis about these two groups is
immediately desirable in the fashion of this dissertation. It can be
suggested the "cruel" words should contain more back consonants
and stops than the "kind" words. Other experiments have found
this tendency, so the hypothesis is conservative. Conversely, it can
be supposed front consonants should be found more in "kind"
words than "cruel" ones.
A tally of the 26 "cruel" words find that 6/26 (23%) words
contain back consonantal velars and 3/26 (11%) contain glottals,
22/26 (85%) contain stops, and finally 8/26 (31%) contained
frontal bilabial consonants and 25/26 (96%) contained dentals.
Contrarily, of the 32 "kind" words; 7/32 (22%) words contain
velars, 4/32 (13%) contain glottals, 21/32 (66%) contain stops,
15/32 (47%) contain bilabials, and 26/32 (81%) contain dentals.
For this cursory further analysis of Jenkins, Russell, and Suci data,
the emergent "cruel" word category carries twice as many stops as
the "kind" words. Also, "kind" words contain more frontally
produced bilabials than "cruel" words. Back consonant appear in an
even frequency for "cruel" and "kind" word lists.
This type of quick analysis of semantic differential testing
results is flawed because the phoneme groups composing the
words are not mutually exclusive. A follow-up test to correct this

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was performed on 342 male enlistees in the U.S. Navy by Heise
(1966). Subjects ranked 1000 English words on a number of
bipolar scales. The test items included frequently used and short
words of English. Each word contained one of the 45 phonemes of
English. Each was opposed in comparison with a list of words which
did not contain that one phoneme. As a result, ratings according to
connotative potency, evaluation, and activity were derived for
every phoneme in English.
Unlike previous experiments done by Miron (1961), Heise
found /g/ was considered both "good" and "soft" (Heise 1966:23).
Nevertheless, much of the data corroborated earlier sound
symbolism studies. The following phonemes were agreed upon as
being potent: [s,a, k, r, s]. The "un-potent" ones were: [‘a, or, g, i, y].
Highly active phonemes were [v, r, a]. "Un-active" phonemes were:
[l,o]. The phonemes connotatively responded to as "good" were:
[g,p,vl. Phonemes most indicated as "bad" were: [au, d] (Heise
1966:18-19).
This study fails to identify which distinctive sound features
associate with which meaning evaluations. Since the unit of testing
is the printed word, word length and rhyming effects cannot be
controlled. For example, because /g/ is considered "soft" and /k/
"hard", is the deciding factor the voicing feature? Using natural
words makes it impossible to answer this question. It could just as
easily be a connotation created by the angles found in the
orthographic /k/ and lacking in the /g/.

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Finally, Heise's subjects were a select group. They were all
male and their situation as inductees may have influenced their
decisions on which sounds were to be most important in their
impending indoctrination into the U.S. Naval Corps. As such, this
study can be used as illustrative of a speaking group's connotative
assignments of meaning to sound. It is not clear how phonemes act
in real language examples versus artificial language examples,
though they differ in the results they produce.
Svnaesthetic Studies into Sound Symbolism
Scholars since antiquity have noted sound is easily associable
with various sensory perceptions. Synaesthesia is a type of sound
symbolism in which words, phonemes, and their structural
elements attach to identities involving colors, smells, shapes,
tastes, and even temporal perceptions. Like other sound
symbolism experiments, a debate rages over whether the
capacities to consistently categorize sounds according to widely
disparate senses is universal or culturally and language specific.
There is evidence pointing in both directions.
An early study was done by Odbert, Karwoski, and Eckerson
(1942). For this study, 243 students listened to 10 selections of
various classical works including Stravinsky's Sacre du Printemps,
Wagner's Fafnir, Sibelius' Second Symphony, and so on. The
students were to rate each piece according to 10 sets of adjectives.
These categories included, for example, category A; spiritual, lofty,

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awe-inspiring, dignifies, sacred, solemn, sober, serious or category
F; merry, joyous, gay, happy, cheerful, bright.
Once subjects had rated these 10 selections they were asked
to imagine that each selection was a color. Responses were divided
according to whether the subjects reported seeing colors, thinking
colors, feeling colors, or forced their color-sound choice (Odbert,
Karwoski, and Eckerson 1942:157).
Color was rated on three continua. Subjects could report
spectral characteristics, such as red, orange, yellow, green, blue, or
purple. They could also indicate intensity of brightness through
white, gray, gray and black, and black. Finally, hue saturation
could be described with light mixture, medium mixture, or dark
mixture responses.
Their most striking result was that the peaks on all three
measures of vision that were reported varied systematically with
the mood of the selection (Odbert, Karwoski, and Eckerson
1942:161-163). The classical music selections matched sound-color
as follows: tender-blue, leisurely-green, gay-yellow, exciting-
orange, vigorous and exciting-red, solemn and sad-purple (Odbert,
Karwoski, and Eckerson 1942:163).
They indicate their study was limited because of the small
musical selection number. One selection of "sad" music did not
cover the range of somber tone, nor did a couple of lively pieces
cover all "happy" musical possibilities. Also, it seems unclear what
tonal features lead toward which color association. What makes a

182
certain piece of music "leisurely"? Why can people not only agree
upon the mood of the piece, but also its color?
Even so, their data corroborate Berlin and Kay's system of
color term universals (Berlin and Kay 1969). In Odbert, Karwoski,
and Eckerson's study, subjects use basic color terms at higher
levels than color terms which are peripheral to languages
worldwide. For example, red, blue, and yellow use as descriptors
were much commoner than purple, orange, and pink. In the
schemes outlined by Berlin and Kay and modified by Witkowski
and Brown (1977), the pink, brown, purple, and orange color terms
are the last words for basic colors added to a language's lexicon.
Another synaesthetic study measured this sensory-sound
association differently. Since it was evident to researchers from
the start that some subjects were vivid "photistic" visualizers, one
experiment exploited this phenomenon. Karowski, Odbert, and
Osgood (1942) collected drawings from subjects who were good
visualizers during the presentation of music and from a control
group.
The first group was given colored pencils and the control
group merely one gray pencil. Essentially, both groups drew the
same types of figures (Karwoski, Odbert, and Osgood 1942:212).
This strikingly apparent event led them to test further upon the
notion that culture contains and transmits common analogies
relating both to sight and sound.
Their testing created a Group Polarity Test which compared
musical moods with visual adjectives. The music moods of bad,

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depressing, heavy, happy, bass, alive, relaxed, loud, fast, and
harmony were rated on semantic differential scales for large,
down, thick, angular, blurred, dark, far, crooked, background, and
moving adjectives. They remark, "in almost every case the
majority of subjects related the words in the same way that
photisitc visualizers had related the qualities" (Karwoski, Odbert,
and Osgood 1942:213).
In their discussion, these researchers point out that from the
standpoint of this particular experimental design, synaesthetic
causality remains unclear. Individuals may acquire mood-music-
color associations from their cultural experiences, as a result of
natural associations (bass tones from large animals, treble from
small, and so on), or from some sort of "unity of the senses" neural
network (Karwoski, Odbert, and Osgood 1942:213).
What they do present is a set of 5 principles helpful in
describing the synaesthetic phenomenon. These are instructive
because many later tests reinspect their claims. First, there is the
Principle of Polarity. They state that "in color-hearing every
quality of sound or sight implies its opposite" (Karwoski, Odbert,
and Osgood 1942:216). The "Janus-like" words so noted by
linguists, "those that look at once in both directions", are part of
color and hearing perceptions. When color or auditory adjectives
are used in any language, the existence of one implies the other. In
order to know light, dark must be understood.
Next, the Principle of Gradients argues that "in color-hearing a
pair of opposites may come to represent extremes of a continuum,

184
in which intermediate steps are represented" (Karwoski, Odbert,
and Osgood 1942:217). This is especially true, they note, when
fuzzy polar adjectives, such as those describing mood or inner
imagery, are used.
Third, the Principle of Parallel Polarities and Gradients states
"in color-hearing a linkage of an auditory pole with a visual pole
implies a linkage of their opposites. Gradations along an auditory
continuum may be paralleled by gradations along a visual
continuum" (Karwoski, Odbert, and Osgood 1942:217). Music which
starts off in high pitch may be represented as bright, but as it
slows down, the photism becomes darker. Effects such as this can
be confounded by overlapping polar associations. For example, a
connection between thick and heavy might be linked with one
involving thick-heavy, heavy-deep, and deep-dark (Karwoski,
Odbert, and Osgood 1942:218). In comparison, English shows
homonymic polysemy for some of these synaesthetic events. The
word light means happy, lightweight, and bright depending upon
its context.
Fourth, the Principle of Alternate Auditory Polarities and
Gradients states that "in color-hearing not all aspects of the music
need be represented in the visual response" (Karwoski, Odbert, and
Osgood 1942:219). Some subjects, they note, respond to the entire
selection of music where others refer only to individual items
within it.
Finally, the Principle of Alternate Visual Polarities and
Gradients avers that in color-hearing, any of a number of visual

185
polarities may be paralled with a given auditory polarity"
(Karwoski, Odbert, and Osgood 1942:219). A soft-loud gradient can
be referred to as thin-thick, bright-dark, or fast-slow. When
reporting about a soft-loud gradient, subjects can also refer to loud
as near, soft and far.
These five principles have been listed because they
demonstrate the complexity of disentangling cross-modality events
within human psychology from real cultural backgrounds. Further
experiments on synaesthesia attempted further analysis along
these lines. In a series of interviews with German, Czech, Serbian
informants, and data from Russian and Dakota speakers, Reichard,
Jakobson, and Werth (1949) showed that color-audition was very
uneven between cultures. Jakobson noted that the sound-color
equation might be expected to be particularly vivid and regular in
languages with a high degree of sound symbolism (Reichard,
Jakobson, and Werth 1949:230). To date, no study of this has been
done. This did nothing to stop speculation. Masson suggested that
there exists in the brain a map of color contours part of which is
similar topographically to a map of acoustic frequencies there
(Masson 1952:41). To date, there is little evidence for this.
A review and retest of cross-cultural visual-verbal
synaesthetic tendencies was carried out by Osgood (1960). Testing
took place upon 40 Navaho, 10 Mexican-American, 27 English, and
20 Japanese speakers. Subjects were presented a word such as
"heavy" and asked to choose whether the term meant up-down,
vertical-horizontal, and so on.

186
Results were an interesting mix. English speakers felt "heavy"
was down, colorless, thick, dark, concentrated, and near; Spanish
speakers saw "heavy" as down, horizontal, hetereogeneous, thick,
dark, crooked, hazy, and large; Navaho speakers saw "heavy" as
thick, dark, crooked, blunt, and near; Japanese speakers saw
"heavy" as down, colorless, thick, dark, crooked, hazy,
concentrated, large, near, and blunt (Osgood 1960:149).
Such an example does not display what Osgood actually
discovered. For the data, "when 28 verbal concepts are judged
against all 13 different visual alternatives in all possible
combinations (364 items), approximately half of the items yield
evidence for consistent intra-cultural synesthesia" (Osgood
1960:152). His cross-cultural significance reached .05 for all
language pairings. Anglo vs. Navaho speakers agreed 65%, Anglo
vs. Spanish 72%, Anglo vs. Japanese 78%, Navaho vs. Spanish 61%,
and Navaho vs. Japanese 69% (Osgood 1960:152).
These data are striking because they highlight both cultural
differences and similarities. For example, all three speaking groups
agreed "calm" was bright, but differed as to whether it was large
(English) or small (Navaho). All agreed 'heavy" was down, thick,
dark, and near, but differed as to whether it was crooked (English)
or straight (Navaho and Japanese) (Osgood 1960:153).
Osgood's conclusions are merely the form of more hypotheses
about synaesthesia. He argues that there is a common connotative
framework for humans, and this is buried under the weight of the
denotative, structural requirements of symbolic language as we

187
know it. One type of synaesthesia may be innate, the common
reference to the red spectrum and warm and the blue spectrum as
cold, for example. Another may be learned, such as the loud
dimension with large, which is simply a characteristic of the
physical world that as any noise-producing object approaches or is
approached, its increases in visual angle are correlated with
increases in loudness (Osgood 1960:168).
The semantic differential was used to test Osgood's remarks
by Pecjak (1970). Subjects included Americans, Hungarians, Turks,
Italians, Belgians, Dutch, Germans, and Japanese. He tested ratings
for gray, red, yellow, blue, green, and white with emotions and
days of the week. He found results which led him to conclude that
some general variables extend beyond specific culture influence to
verbal synaesthesiae. These can be of two kinds: a), the common
environment determines the nature of the world, e.g. night is dark,
cold or blood is warm, red, and b). cultural conventions crossing
large ethno-graphic ranges (Pecjak 1970:625). Evidence for the
second is noted in that for Belgians, Dutch, Germans, and Italians
the day Sunday also meant white. This was not the case for
Americans, Japanese, Turks, and Yugoslavs (Pecjak 1970:625).
Pecjak's study hardly disentangled innate from learned
synaesthesia. He even remarked that the denotative meaning of
words may influence synaesthetic effects more than had been
thought because the different methods of measuring meaning
(semantic differential, similarity judgements, and association
techniques i.e.) do not correlate very highly (Pecjak 1970:626).

188
Still, his study showed that an astonishing amount of association
between sound and other senses regularly occurs without much
conscious decision among speakers.
Further research by Marks (1975) has led researchers to
believe that only 10% of the population has vivid color-sound
perceptions. His retests led him to argue that the natural world
does bend cognition along parallel metaphoric paths among
differeing subjects and senses. Loudness in amplitude and higher
pitch are categorized as brighter than their polar contrasts (Marks
1982). He argues that this emanates from phenomenological
similarity in the make-up of sensory experiences of different
modalities (Marks 1982:177).
Williams took a different approach to synaesthesia. In
undertaking an analytic study of English over the past 1200 years,
he uncovered semantic laws which regulated sensory modal shifts
(Williams 1976). He argued that English, as well as other
languages, regularly moves metaphors from one domain of sensing
to another. For example, what was once touch (warmth) can
become taste (hot/spicy) later on. To date, his impressive work has
received scant attention or corroboration.
Summary of Sound Symbolic Experiments
Sound symbolism experiments are never strictly about sound
symbolism. Each is an attempt to view the cognitive nature of
language use. As a whole, they have presented a loose behavioral

189
and social scheme to explain results which strain the well-worn
arbitrary sound-meaning hypothesis. This "arbitrary" sound¬
meaning assumption cloaked the beliefs about insufficiently
studied languages for decades.
A real synthesis has not been done for the maze of sound
symbolism experiments or hypotheses known this century.
Nevertheless, their intent was clear. These experiments, whether
studying speakers of foreign or native languages and their
responses to real or imaginary words, were designed to show
"structural similarity in historically unrelated words of the same
meaning" (Weiss 1964:456). The reason for this is that "the theory
of phonetic symbolism does not specify that a single meaning
becomes associated with a single sound, but rather that many
meanings may become heirarchically associated with a sound, and
vise versa, the heirarchies established by different cultural groups
may differ" (Weiss 1964:456).
Such testing intents led sound symbolism experiments this
century to come to these conclusions: a.) "the basic and inescapable
principle of the arbitrariness of language symbols is neither
absolute nor inviolable" (Ultan 1978:551), b.) semantic concepts of
a basic sensing (light-dark, small-large sweet-sour, windy-calm,
and so on) and orientating nature (up-down, fast-slow, in-out,
near-far, and so on) are regularly identified with phonetic
contrasts universally, c.) some amount of sound symbolism is
learned in early childhood universally, at least as part of
"motherese" and its affective bonding regime, d.) the degree to

190
which sound symbolism expresses innate or genetically inherited
perceptions is unknown, e.) its presence is expressed as large
numbers of words in some languages, f.) the scope of sound
symbolism events is large and is pervasive in many languages.
These observations disallow independent invention or diffusion
explanations to account for its presence globally and, g.) finally, no
one disputes sound symbolism is a meta-language process, and
cross-culturally and bio-culturally it allows various phono-
semantic decisions to be reached, allowing a speaker to find a best
mental "fit" for sounds and communicative intents.

CHAPTER V
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Summary
This dissertation began by raising questions about the
Saussurean arbitrary sound-meaning hypothesis. Its general
acceptance has been based upon anecdotal rather than rigorous,
systematically produced evidence. Sound symbolism, it was
argued, should be examined carefully because of its importance to
an understanding of proto-languages and language origins. It
violated the bounds of Saussure's linguistics because it holds that a
human communication system should find adaptive value in a
close association of meaning with signs. The more signifiers that
can be placed in a referent symbol, such as a word, the more easily
any member is able to recognize that which is signified.
This simple argument has been revived recently in the works
of Hewes (1983), LeCron Foster (1978), Wescott (1980c), and
Malkiel (1990a). Sound symbolism, they argue, is the logical bridge
between what must have been a rudimentary and highly gestural
language of Homo erectus and a more arbitrary sound-meaning
language of Homo sapiens. For these reasons, a conservative set of
63 hypotheses about sound symbolism was proposed in this
dissertation. They were tested upon a geographically and
191

1 92
genetically distanced sample of languages in Chapter II and
measured with three nonparametric statistical tests.
These tests were supplemented by a search for examples of
sound symbolism in world languages, this detailed in Chapter III.
Sound symbolism was present in virtually all language phyla. Its
absence in some phyla was due to lack of research data and also
imprecise sound symbolism definitions. Sound symbolism tests
were scrutinized next in Chapter IV. Their findings were found
more supportive of sound symbolism as a cognitive universal than
they were negative. As a whole, sound symbolism experiments
have not been incorporated into a unified sound symbolic scheme.
The inclusion of sound symbolism as part of the cognitive
adaptation in human evolutionary history is incomplete because
these experiments use a disparate methodology.
In contrast, my sound symbolism experiment held that the
sub-phonemic unit carried meaning, not the utterance as with
prosody nor the word or phoneme as with most other sound
symbolism experiments. Using the Chi-square test, 23 of the 63
hypotheses about 16 glosses were significant at pc.05. The results
broken into gloss category showed ethnoanatomical words,
BREAST, TOOTH, NOSE, NECK, and MOUTH, the easiest to predict a
significant association between feature and meaning. There were
18 predictions made for this group of words and 9 or 50% were
significant. The physiological words were next easiest to predict.
They included: COUGH, VOMIT, SPIT, SUCK, EAT, SWALLOW, CHEW,
and DRINK. Thirty-three hypotheses were made for this group and

193
11 or 33% were significant. The final group, semantically ancient,
were the most dificult to predict. For the words WATER, FOOD, and
DOG, 12 hypotheses were made and 3 or 25% were significant.
These results cause reflection upon the use of ethnoanatomical
words when reconstructing distant language families. A large
number of the glottochronological words commonly used in
comparative linguistics are words for body parts. The high degree
of association between feature and meaning found here for
ethnoanatomical terms should be a warning to linguists that more
than one feature and one gloss is necessary to indicate a
relationship between two languages, especially when that word
involves the ethnoanatomy.
In regarding features, each feature tested was significant at
least one time. The easiest to predict feature-meaning association
was stop, followed by velar. The incidence significance for features
tested with Chi-square goes: (6) stop, (3) velar, (2) glide, (2) nasal,
(2) bilabial, (1) palatal, (1) back vowel, (1) fricative, (1) affricate,
(1) labio-velar, (1) resonant, (1) front vowel, and (1) dental-
alveolar. These results indicate sound symbolic effects are not
limited to one or few features as some researchers have suggested,
although some features are more liable to use as sound symbolic
features. This tally also speaks well of the testing design because it
shows that the hypotheses offered sound symbolism as a broad
phenomenon, not one restricted to a few sub-phonemic features.
These 63 hypotheses were also combined into 240 hypotheses
so to run the Kruskal-Wallis and Jonckheere-Terpstra tests. For the

1 94
Kruskal-Wallis test, bilabial, velar, affricate, stop, and glide
features were predicted at significant levels. These results were
important in suggesting the features primary in the reconstruction
of a unified proto-language spoken by Homo erectus. Two of the
significant features are place of articulation, bilabial and velar. It is
logical that, owing to the largely binary nature of human language,
proto-language was binary as well. Sounds most easily contrast in
front, bilabial articulations with back, velar articulations. Further,
as manners of articulation, stops, glides, and affricates were
predicted at significant levels. All three are recognized features in
countless mammalian vocal repertoires. However, if they are
indeed at the basis of the elaborate mental and phonemic
distinctions made in present languages and emanating from proto¬
language, more research is necessary to show this. Affricates, for
instance, are the rarest type of consonantal phoneme. They might
be better known as "complex phonemes" because they contain a
stop feature joined with a fricative feature. Affricates could either
be arising or diminishing in regard to a proto-language era
according to this data, but their rarity remains unexplained.
Finally, the use of the Jonckheere-Terpstra test showed that
my 63 hypotheses predicted an astonishing amount of order upon
a data set that should have only shown random sound-meaning
associations.
Two strengths are evident about the dissertation. The first is
that the design is simple, though it has never been done before by
other scholars. Second, the design is easily replicable. Skeptics only

195
need to put up their hypotheses, find the dictionaries, and tally the
features they predict.
Theoretical Weaknesses
Research designs are limited because they explore the
unknown to a degree corresponding to existing knowledge. Until
this century, few languages were known adequately, least of all to
enable a study of this type to be done. One fault in this research is
that the data sample is small. The universe of human languages is
vast and at least 5,000 languages have been described. Besides, the
extent and intricacy of individual languages virtually defies
complete description.
In the past thirty years linguistics has demonstrated the scope
of language and communication is no less small. Splintering
specialties have arisen including child language, language
development, language origins, psycholinguistics, paralinguistics,
sociolinguistics, ethnolinguistics, semiotics, and zoosemiotics. The
range of information transfer among individual speakers of
specific languages is unknown, though as vast. Likewise, the range
of phonetic variation in individually described languages is
incompletely known. This study draws from a pool of 229
languages, only 10 of the 17-24 debated language phyla, and 16
semantically basic, though culturally intended nonidentical words.
The extrapolation of results to the 5,000 present languages and to
proto-language phenomena is a manner of statistical faith.

196
The periods of human development are large. Presumptory
conclusions about what was of importance at anytime in distant
eco-zones and within differing neurological templates are easy to
reach. Nevertheless, this study contradicts a cherished belief of
modern linguistics. That is, a major Saussurean tenet is that the
word is an amotivational construct and is largely unconnected in
its connotation and denotation. The assumption that sounds and
meanings are entirely disconnected is doubtful. The extent that
sounds or features of sounds carry meaning in themselves is now
an open discourse. Larger samples than the one presented here
should corroborate the conclusions I reach.
Another weakness of the dissertation is the lack of a unified
sound symbolic scheme upon which to rank languages, or
individual instances of sound symbolism. As I pointed out in the
discussion of hypotheses in Chapter I, sometimes a sound-meaning
metaphor is formed because of visual similarity (NOSE and
bilabiality, i.e.), gestural iconism (TOOTH and dentality, i.e.),
acoustic mimicry (COUGH and stopping, i.e.), or kinesthetic
metaphor (WATER and labio-velarity, i.e.). Which metaphor is used
by which cultural group probably varies as does which events
become labelled in such fashion. The similarities exposed in my
conclusions point to complex naming schemes in each individual
language. Yet, no researcher has compiled a complete listing of
sound symbolic words, events, or guidelines for their recognition.
Indeed, the norm in most dictionaries is that the editor identifies
such words according to principles known only to his own design.

197
Future Research
Children enter human society probably sensitive to a variety
of human specific vocalization. There is evidence that as they
acquire mastery of their language, they use a number of sound
symbolic words, features, and techniques to enhance the
connection of meaning and sound inside their memory. Though it is
not entirely clear why children reach about the same levels of
language competence at the same ages worldwide, part of the
reason must be that they are exposed to language in structurally
similar ways in all societies.
It may be, as Bickerton (1990) suggests, that a type of proto¬
language mechanism exists within all humans and this is more
obvious in children than in adults because of the incomplete neural
development. If so, sound symbolism is part of the birthright of all
children and they recapitulate their phylogeny through verbal
play with sounds and meanings in order to achieve mastery within
a much larger predominantly arbitrary sound-meaning language.
It might also be that humans contain a tacit level of language
awareness which enables choices to be made on a less than
conscious level. Such a level, indicated in numerous language
experiments, suggests the cognitive use of language engages an
inner Gestalt to achieve parsimony.
Sound symbolic use and a sound symbolism vocabulary
deserve increased focus by scholars because they signal a doorway
into an understanding of rudimentary language, language

198
development, and human cognition. Given this impetus, it would be
interesting to determine a sound symbolic vocabulary, along lines
similar to this dissertation, and apply it to a setting in which a
number of mentally handicapped individuals need to develop a
working vocabulary. A sound symbolic vocabulary is one in which
the sounds are rich in cues about the semantic intent of the words.
Such a vocabulary might be more successful in providing access to
language for such handicapped individuals than other traditional
methods.
There is the possibility that the brain is organized in such a
way to provide different retrieval times for different vocabulary
items. Research with positron emission tomography (PET) might
elicit evidence that sound symbolic words cluster in various
specialized regions of the brain, or that they are a bilateral
phenomenon. Again, research in this area may also be usefully
applied to the mentally handicapped in order to develop a working
vocabulary.
There is increased interest in alloprimate communication
systems. It would not be surprising to find sound symbolism
elements in any of these systems. It is already known that contact
calls often involve high frontally produced sounds and threat or
danger warnings the reverse, back harshly produced sounds. Given
an more unified scope of the vast alloprimate communication
systems, sound symbolism may be seen vindicated as a form
intermediate between call and phoneme structures.

199
Finally, as stated previously, studies into sound symbolism can
unlock proto-language and indicate semantically important
concepts of early humans. Until modern instrumentation, early
humans used their sensory abilities as "scientific" probes. Sound
symbolism relates closely to the "doctrine of signatures", where the
traits of an object imbued that object with its powers. In
identifying vital concepts in the distant past for humans, and
identifying them with the help of sound symbolic vocabularies, a
better recognition of their ability to cognitively parse events can
emerge. This may provide insight into the nature of mental
evolution which has taken place among our ancestors.

APPENDIX A
WORD LIST FOR 16 CONCEPTS
1 Language gloss "breast" of female, n.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [tut]
lArabic [0adi]
lBurji [uniina]
lHausa [mama]
ISomali [naaske:du]
4. Austronesian
4Maori [rei]
4Palauan [tut]
4Tahitian [u ]
4Tolai [au]
4Tonga [fatafata]
7.Dravidian
7Gondi [bomi]
7Kolami [pom:e]
7Manda [may]
7Pengo [may]
7Tamil [mey]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Hiri Motu [rata]
8Siane [ami]
8Fore [nono]
8Gadsup [naami]
8Tairora [maama]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Bini [ewuere]
200

201
9Bini [ewúére]
9Ife [ómu]
9Igbo [ára]
9Mbukushu [dyere]
9Yula [ñyf le]
10.North Amerind
lOApache [ipé ]
lOBlackfoot [mon lkls]
lOCakchiquel [fuml
lOMicmac [pesgun]
10Hopi [pi:hu]
11.South Amerind
llQuechua [coco]
llAmahuaca [xoci]
llCashibo [soma]
11 Chama [soma]
llChaninahua [pa?oti]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Kanuri [tégam]
13Kaure [yíre]
13Erenga [juud]
13Mararit [slid]
13Tama [ójut]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóCantonese [nin]
lóLahu [cüne?]
lóMandarin [rufág]
lóTibetan [nlims]
lóNewari [dudu]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [muñe]
17Korean [cut]

17Mongolian [oeboer]
17Turkish [gogus]
17Manchu [hunhun]
202
2 Language gloss "chew" v.t.a., v.t.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [ahnaka]
¡Arabic [yamdag'u]
lBurji [lek’ans]
lHausa [tauna]
ISomali [alalinaya]
4. Austronesian
4Hawaiian [mama]
4Palauan [meríget]
4Tahitian [mama]
4Tanga [ug]
4Tonga [lamu]
6.Indo-European
6Croatian [zvakati]
ólcelandic [tygyu]
6Pali [cabati]
óRumanian [rumega]
6Spanish [maskar]
7.Dravidian
7Kannada [avudu]
7Kui [muht]
7Kuwi [hok-]
7Pengo [muh-]
7Telegu [nemarueu]
8Hiri Motu [ania]
8.Indo-Pacific
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Mbukushu [tahuna]

203
9Nyanga [kutafuna]
9Shilluk [nyam]
9Swahili [tafuna]
9Xhosa [hlafuna]
10.North Amerind
lOChontal [di^ij'ma]
lOMicmac [alisgopg]
lONavaho [‘as]
lOOjibwa [sa:sa:kom]
lOZoque [wyajsu]
11.South Amerind
llAymara [turula]
llCavinena [nako]
llChaman [naka]
llJaqaru [cakca]
llTacanan [hobo]
12.Uralic
12Finnish [pureskela]
15.Austro-Tai
15Khmer [d.lár]
15Pearic [ke:t]
15Thai [k'io]
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Cantonese [jiuh]
16Gurung [qeba]
16Lahu [be]
lóMandarin [jiáo]
16Newari [tap]
17. Altaic
17Japanese [sosaku]
17Korean [s:“ipda]
17Manchu [nlyaq]
17Mongolian [za^iah]

17Turkish [eigne]
204
3 Language gloss "cough" v.t.,v.i.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [sal]
1 Arabic [su’aal]
lBurji [k’ufay]
lHausa [tari]
ISomali [qufá'aya]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [vu]
4Indonesian [batuk]
4Nukuoro [kobe]
4Tahitian [mare]
4Tikopia [tare]
6.Indo-European
óCzech [kálati]
óHindustani [khánsí ]
óNorwegian [hoste]
óPolish [kaszlek]
óPortuguese [tose]
7.Dravidian
7Pengo [kroki]
7Malto [inqe]
7Kurukh [iükhna]
7Manda [kruk-]
7Konda [kok-]
S.Indo-Pacific
8Bagupi [doro-]
8Bikol [abó]
8Garus [dalu?-]
8Hiri Motu [huahua]
8Kare [dagAl-]

9.Niger-Khordofanian
205
9Fula [d’oya]
9Igbo [í kwá]
9Mbukushu [dikohwéra]
9Shona [kosora]
9Swahili [kohoa]
10.North Amerind
lOBlackfoot [sals:klna:]
lOChoctaw [hotilhko]
lOHopi [oho]
lOMicmac [nógég]
lONavaho [dikos]
11.South Amerind
llAymara [k’ajaña]
llCashibo [?oko]
llChacobo [?oko]
llChama [oho]
11 Guarani [hu’ü]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóCantonese [kát]
lóLahu [ci]
lóLisu [tssctt]
lóMandarin [késóu]
lóTibetan [lókop]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [seki]
17Korean [kic’im]
17Mongolian [xanad]
17Turkish [oksuruk]
17Kurdish [qoz]

206
4 Language gloss "dog, "jaguar", "fox", "animal", "deer"
1 .Afro-Asiatic
1 Arabic [kalb]
lBurji [woccóo]
lHausa [kare]
lHebrew [kalab']
ISomali [él]
3.Austroasiatic
3Alak [coo]
3Lawa [so?]
3Mon [kls]
3Souei [?acoo]
3Vietnamese [k'uyen]
4. Austronesian
4Fijian [koli]
4Hawaiian [ílio]
4Indonesian [anjig]
4Kemak [asu]
4Tolai [pap]
7.Dravidian
7Gondi [nai]
7Konda [nukuri]
7Mayalam [náy]
7Pengo [neku.r]
7Tamil [náy]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Amele [pa]
8Kare [kui]
8Mawan [kwA:r]
8Sihan [pAy]
8Silopi [wAy]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Basa [gbe]

207
9Ife [adsa]
9Igala [abla]
9Mbukushu [tnbwá]
9Yoruba [adsa]
10.North Amerind
lOBiloxi [cuhki]
lOCrow [biegyé]
lOHopi [puko]
lOMenomini [ti hseh]
lOTzotzil [$’i?]
11.South Amerind
llAmahuaca [paihega]
llJaqaru [haF q’u]
1 lLenca [aguingge]
llTarascan [axuni] "deer" "animal"
llTotonac [kuri]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Erenga [wui]
13Fongoro [bisi]
13Sinyan [bisi]
13Tama [wi]
13Yulu [bisi]
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Atsi [khüi]
lóBurmese [khüi]
16Cantonese [gáu]
lóMandarin [dou]
lóTibetan [c’F]
5 Language gloss "drink" v.t.i.,v.i., n.i.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [tatta]
1 Arabic [yasrabu]

208
lBurji [d’uw]
lHausa [sa]
ISomali [aba]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Cambodian [phak]
3Lawa [nu?]
3Muong [?ar)]
3Thin [?ook]
3Vietnamese [?üep]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [gunuva]
4Indonesian [minumam]
4Nukuoro [unu]
4Pascuense [ünu]
4Tonga [inu]
6.Indo-European
6Albanian [pi]
6Bengali [panlo]
6French [bwar]
6Gaelic [dyoc]
6Lithuanian [gerti]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Mbukushu [künwa]
9Ndebele [-na9a]
9Shona [cekunwa]
9Swahili [nywa]
9Zulu [p'uza]
10.North Amerind
lOBlackfoot [si ml]
lOCakchiquel [kum]
lOHopi [hiiko]
lOOjibwa [minikwe:]

lOSquamish [taq’j
209
11.South Amerind
llHuitoto [yirode]
llQuechua [upiana]
llReséigaro [-i?dü]
llTotonac [k’ota]
llTupi [uü]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Erenga [lifo]
13Fongoro [auw]
13Kara [aya]
13Merarit [fa]
13Mileri [liyo]
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Cantonese [yarn]
16Gurung [0uba]
16Mandarin [he]
lóNewari [twone]
lóTibetan [tun]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [nomu]
17Korean [masi]
17Manchu [omlmbl]
17Mongolian [o:‘r]
17Turkish [ic]
6 Language gloss "eat" v.t.a., v.i.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [baila]
lArabic [ya’kulu]
IBurji [it-]
lHausa [ci]
1 Somali [‘naya]

3.Austro-Asiatic
210
3Cambodian [sii]
3Chaobon [caa?]
3Lawa [som]
3Mon [cea?]
3Vietnamese [arj]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [kai]
4Indonesian [makan]
4Kemak [a]
4Maori [haupa]
4Tonga [kai]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Awa [nono]
8Bena Bena [na-]
8Fore [na-]
8Kamano-Yagiria [no-]
8Rao [mi]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Mbukushu [küdya]
9Ndbele [-d 1 a]
9Shona [-dya]
9Xhosa [-tya]
9Zulu [dla]
10.North Amerind
lOBlackfoot [o:wat]
lOChorti [we’]
lOHopi [noosa]
lOKwakiutl [hemx?í d]
lOOjibwa [miximaw]
11.South Amerind
llAmahuaca [cócoquín]
llGuarani [u]

21 1
HJaquaru [palu]
UTotonac [huá]
llTupi [umbaii]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Erenga [ggAn]
13Fongoro [usa]
13Merarit [sin]
13Mileri [g An]
13Tama [gan]
15.Austro-Tai
15Chrau [sa]
15Katu [ca]
15Mon [ge’l
15Pearic [ca]
15Sedang [ka]
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Cantonese [sihk]
lóGurung [caba]
lóMandarin [cr]
lóNewari [khan]
16Tibetan [see]
7 Language gloss'Tood"
1 .Afro-Asiatic:
lAmharic [mabsl]
lArabic [ta‘a:m]
lHausa [abinsi]
1 Somali [unto]
lBurji [itay]
2. Australian
2Aranda [amirna](vegetable only e.g.)
2Diyari [puka](vegetable only e.g.)
2Gumbaynggir [yul'a]

2Dhuwal [n’a0a]
2Wailbri [magari]
212
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Mon [kona?]
4. Austronesian
4Hawaiian [hiai]
4Indonesian [makanan]
4Tagalog [pagkain]
4Tolai [nian]
4Tonga [kai]
6.Indo-European
6Czech [potrava]
óFrench [alima]
6Hindi [k‘ áná]
óLithuanian [maistas]
óRussian [eda]
7.Dravidian
7Telegu [era]
7Tamil [unti]
7Toda [u n]
7Tulu [uta]
7Brahui [irag‘]
9.Niger-Kordofanian
9Ewe [nudiidu]
9Ndebele [ukudla]
9Bobangi [boli]
9Swahili [cakula]
9Xhosa [ukutya]
10. Amerind-North
lOBlackfoot [ao:wahsIn]
lOChontal [gal^ejuaw]
lOCrow [ba:ru:k]
lOHopi [nuva]

lOMicmac [maman]
213
11 .Amerind-South
llAymara [mankka]
11 Guarani [tembi’u]
llTupi [mill]
HHuitoto [écagoi]
UTotonac [tahuá]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóMandarin [sí rwü]
lóTibetan [saja]
lóNewari [ann]
lóCantonese [caan]
17Altaic
17Japanese [sokumotsu]
17Turkish [y e]
17Korean [ ümsik]
17Uzbek [owkat]
17Azerbaijaini [xuraek]
8 Language gloss "mouth"
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Jehai [tanod]
3Kensui [han]
3Mon [pair)]
3Semaq Beri [konüt]
3Vietnamese [miep]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [gusu:na]
4Kemak [i:borro]
4Malayan [mulut]
4Ponapean [ahu]
4Tagalog [bibíg]

7.Dravidian
214
7Kannada [kattu]
7Konda [gadli]
7Malayalam [karuttu]
7Tamil [karuttu]
7Tulu [kantelu]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Hiri Motu [uduna]
8Kare [kase-]
8Manit [egere-]
8Rao [dotomo]
8Silopi [owe-]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Bobangi [munye]
9Igbo [6nu:]
9Mbukushu [kánwál]
9Shona [muromo]
9Sango [yángá]
10.North Amerind
lOCakchiquel [ci’]
lOHopi [mo’a]
lOKwakiutl [sems]
lOMenomini [to:n]
lOMixtec [yuhu]
11.South Amerind
11 Aymara [laka]
11 Jaqaru [simi]
llOuyana [yipota]
llBotocudo [himpma]
1 llnga [sim ]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Erenga [kul]
13Fongoro [tara]

13Kara [tá]
13Merarit [?awl]
13Nubian [ágil]
215
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Tibetan [k’a]
16Lisu [manÁ]
16Lahu [mags]
16Akha [mobo]
lóBurmese [méiséi]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [kuci]
17Korean [ip]
17Kurdish [de m]
17Turkish [agiz]
17Uzbek [orgz]
9 Language gloss "neck"
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [angat]
1 Arabic [unuq]
lBurji [marmári]
lHausa [wuyu]
ISomali [lukunta]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Khmu? [kák]
3Kuy [takaog]
3Mon [ka?]
3Souei [takoag]
3Vietnamese [ko?]
4.Austronesian
4Fijiian [domo]
4Hawaiian [a:i]
4Indonesian [léhér]

4Maori [hakii]
4Ponapean [kasarj]
7.Dravidian
7Konda [gadli]
7Kota [kartl]
7Kuru>k’ [k’es]
7Mayalam [karutu]
7Tamil [karutu]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Girawa [p etu]
8Munit [ha]
8Murupi [gumara]
8Nake [ía:-]
8Rao [bagro]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Mbukushu [0ípgo]
9Mvumbo [tsiurj]
9Shona [mutsipa]
9Swahili [ku]
9Zulu [Iggila]
10.North Amerind
lOJacaltec [nuk]
lOKwakiutl [k’úk’un’a]
lOMicmac [jhagan]
lONavaho [ákós]
lOZoque [kAkA]
11.South Amerind
llAymara [kunka]
llCavinena [e:piti]
llChama [e:piki]
11 Guarani [ajü]
llHuitoto [kimaigo]

15.Austro-Tai
217
15Bríou [takog]
15Chrau [gko]
15Katu [tuar]
15Pearic [ko:k]
15Sedang [krók]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóBurmese [lé]
lóCantonese [gérj]
16Lisu [kátsi]
lóMandarin [bwódz]
lóTibetan [emgul]
10 Language gloss "nose" n., n.i.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [afanea]
lArabic [manahir]
lBurji [siina]
lHausa [hansi]
ISomali [san]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Alak [muh]
3Cambodian [cramoh]
3Vietnamese [muy]
3Muong [muy-]
3Lawa [maah]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [uku:na]
4Hawaiian [ihu]
4Indonesian [hidurj]
4Maori [ihu]
4Tagalog [ilorj]

8.Indo-Pacific
218
8Gal [no-]
8Gumalu [mete-]
8Kare [neme-]
8Rao [ra:ta]
8Sihan [mede-]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Ewe [rjoti ]
9Igbo [Í mi]
9Shona [mhuno]
9Swahili [pua]
9Xhosa [impumlo]
10.North Amerind
lOSquamish [ma'qsn]
lOQuiche [txa’m]
lOHopi [yaqa]
lOMicmac [sigon]
lONavaho [ áci Í h]
11.South Amerind
1 lHuitito [dofo]
HQuechua [singa]
llReséigaro [-hitákó]
llTotonac [quincán]
llTupi [tin]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Erenga [misi]
13Tama [am.it]
13Runga [m and Ü]
13Bora Mabang [boji]
13Mileri [misi]
15.Austro-Tai
15Chrau [muh]
15Katu [moh]

15Pearic [mstot]
15Sedang [moh]
15Thai [ya:lmuk]
219
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Newari [nas]
lóTibetan [nókuü]
lóMandarin [bí dz]
lóCantonese [beih]
lóBurmese [hná]
11 Language gloss "spit" v.t. or v.i. etc.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
1 Arabic [busaaq]
lBurji [tuf]
lHausa [tofa]
ISomali [andúuf]
lAmharic [taffa]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Vietnamese [fün]
3Kensiu [bej]
3Kintaq [bej]
3Bateg [tsf]
3Temoq [0oh]
4. Austronesian
4Hawaiian [kuha]
4Indonesian [ludah]
4Manam [mwaqo]
4Tahitian [tuha]
4Tonga [a'a'nu]
6.Indo-European
óHindustani [0úk]
ólcelandic [spyta]
6Lithuanian [yiesmas]

6Pali [bhuhesike]
óRumanian [pámlnt]
220
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Mbukushu [Qipa]
9Ndebele [k'afula]
9Shona [-p f ir a]
9Swahili [tema]
9Zulu [p'umisa]
10.North Amerind
lOCrow [0ús]
lOHopi [toha]
lOKwakiutl [kwís?id]
lOMicmac [lusgwatign]
lOSquamish [pa'x n]
11.South Amerind
llGuarani [udqvü]
llHuitoto [tuánote]
llQuechua [tucana]
llReséigaro [chóo]
llTotonac [cujmak’án]
12.Uralic
12Finnish [sylkea]
12Hungarian [pokni]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Twampa [t‘ak ]
15. Austro-Tai
15Bríou [kucóh]
15Chrau [choh]
15Katu [katwiq]
15Pearic [chu:s]
15Sedang [ka’ców]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóCantonese [tou]

lóMandarin [tütán]
lóTibetan [lupa]
221
17.Altaic
17Japanese [^íubaki]
17Korean [c’impaet’]
17Turkish [tukur]
17Azerbaijaini [tupur-]
12 Language gloss "suck" v.t., v.i. etc.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [mattata]
1 Arabic [yamussu]
lBurji [t’unt ']
lHausa [cotsa]
ISomali [núugayya]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Kensiu [johud]
3Temiar [jod]
3Semai [no:?]
3Semaq Beri [sok]
3Bateq Nong [jot]
4. Austronesian
4Kemak [mus]
4Manam [siq]
4Maori [momi]
4Tahitian [ote]
4Tonga [huhu]
6.Indo-European
ólcelandic [syüga]
óLithuanian [ciulpti]
601d English [sucan]
6Pali [cusati]
óRumanian [suge]

7.Dravidian
222
7Toda [ixc-]
7Tamil [un]
7Kota [un]
7Telegu [kuducn]
7Kuwi [ündali]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Igbo [Irá]
9Mbukushu [yamwa]
9Shona [svetu]
9Swahili [fyondu]
9Xhosa [ncanca]
10.North Amerind
lOBlackfoot [s:ta:]
lOCrow [dá ci]
lOIxil [yi'ub’]
lONavaho [’eesto’t]
lOWinnebago [wi:kom]
11.South Amerind
llCashibo [cucuka]
llMarinahua [coco]
1 IShipibo-Conibo [?oyo]
llTacanan [coco]
llChacobo [coco]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Miza [o-ndr6]
130jila [ndro]
13Logo [ndro]
13Lugbara [ndru‘]
13Lokai [ndro]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [suu]
17Korean [bal]

17Manchu [jembe]
17Turkish [em]
17Uzbek [simip]
223
13 Language gloss "swallow" v.t.,v.i.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lArabic [yabtalíu]
lHausa [ha’diya]
1 Somali [líquaya]
lBurji [deem-]
lAmharic [wata]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [tiloma]
4Hawaiian [íale]
4Indonesian [teguk]
4Nukuoro [holo]
4Tahitian [horomii]
6.Indo-European
6Albanian [kaptoy]
6Bengali [khoao]
6Croatian [gutati]
6French [avaye]
óLithuanian [ryti]
7.Dravidian
7Tamil [virukku]
7Kodagu [mugg-]
7Telegu [mringu]
7Konda [erg-]
7Toda [irk-]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Hiri Motu [hadonoa]
8Kare [ar¡gAn-]
8Girawa [ni?ans-]

224
8Munit [kurüys-]
8Kamba [unub-]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Ewe [minu]
9Igbo [í lo]
9Mbukushu [mina]
9Shilluk [mwoni]
9Zulu [gwlga]
10.North Amerind
lOChoctaw [balakaci]
lOCrow [ap áhik(y)]
lOTzotzil [bik']
lOMohawk [atskahu]
lOYokuts [meeki]
11.South Amerind
UGuarani [mokó]
llQuechua [miypuna]
llHuitoto [cicode]
1 lTupi [umocóne]
UTotonac [huá]
12.Uralic
12Finnish [niela]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóNewari [gras]
lóCantonese [tan]
16Tibetan [mfkeuu taan]
16Gurung [k’lxyoba]
lóBurmese [myóu]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [nomikamu]
17Turkish [yutma]
17Korean [samk’i]
17Manchu [nurj]

14 Language gloss:
tooth
lAmharic [tars]
1 Arabic [asnaan]
lBurji [irk’a]
lHausa [hak’ora]
1 Somali [Ilig]
3Alak [canañ]
3Cambodian [tmiñ]
3Kuy [kaneey]
3Mon [né]
3Vietnamese [náñ]
4Hawaiian [naniho]
4Indonesian [gigi]
4Tonga [nifo]
4Palauan [uí ngel]
4Tahitian [niho]
8Angoram [sisig]
8Hiri Motu [isena]
8Kare [ogo-]
8Munit [ai-]
8Rao [traga]
9Bobangi [linó]
9Dogon [tónu]
9Mbukushu [dyegho]
9Zulu [izinyo]
9Swahili [jino]
1 .Afro-Asiatic
3.Austro-Asiatic
4.Austronesian
8.1ndo-Pacific
9.Niger-Khordofanian

10.North Amerind
226
lOZoque [tAjo]
lONavaho [awo]
lOMenomini [pet]
lOChontal [lahay]
lOBlackfoot [mohI:kIn]
11.South Amerind
llAymara [k’aci]
llHuitoto [izido]
llQuechua [quiru]
llTotonac [tatzan]
llTupi [ainha]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Bora Mabang [sat~ik]
13Masalit [kAcíné]
13Merarit [gogod]
13Runga [sXdi]
13Tama [gift]
15.Austro-Tai
15Briou [kaneig]
15Chrau [se‘c]
15Katu [kaniág]
15Pearic [kho:y]
15Sedang [haneq]
1 6.Sino-Tibetan
lóBurmese [swé]
lóCantonese [gáh]
lóMandarin [yá]
lóMaru [tsói]
lóTibetan [so]

227
15 Language gloss "vomit" v.t., v.i.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [asmalasa]
1 Arabic [qay’]
lBurji [huusad ’]
lHausa [amai]
1 Somali [yux(w)at]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Vietnamese [ói]
3Kensiu [ko?]
3Semai [ke:?]
3Temoq [ku?]
3Sre [ha?]
4. Austronesian
4Indonesian [muntah]
4Manam [kulena]
4Nukuoro [hagaku]
4Tagalog [sumuka]
4Tahitian [tu:tu:]
6.Indo-European
6Czech [zvraseti]
6Dutch [braksn]
6French [vomir]
6Nepali [okeunu]
óNorwegian [kaste]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Bagupi [pa-]
8Girawa [?esc-]
8Kare [pasa-]
8Panim [buhade-]
8Hiri Motu [mumuta]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Bobangi [lua]

228
9Ndebele [hlanza]
9Swahili [kokomoa]
9Mbukusu [ruQal
9Ewe [dexé]
10.North Amerind
lOBiloxi [kno]
lOCrow [kará]
lOKwakiutl [gokwaia]
lOOjibwa [sikakowe:]
lOTzotzil [k’eb]
11.South Amerind
llReséigaro [i?kapu]
llTotonac [líp'atlánán]
UGuarani [gue’é]
llHuitoto [cicuede]
llJaqaru [ahri]
15.Austro-Tai
15Briou [kuta]
15Chrau [hoq]
15Katu [kata]
15Pearic [c ho gut]
15Sedang [héa]
16.Sino-Tibetan
16Atsi [phat]
lóCantonese [gáu]
lóLisu [pe?]
lóMandarin [tu]
lóTibetan [clikps]
16 Language gloss "water" n.i., n.
1 .Afro-Asiatic
lAmharic [wsha]
1 Arabic [maa’]

229
lBurji [wáa]
lHausa [ruwa]
1 Somali [bíyyó]
3.Austro-Asiatic
3Brao [daak]
3Bru [dos7]
3Mon [dac]
3Muong [dák]
3Vietnamese [nísk]
4. Austronesian
4Fijiian [wai]
4Kemak [bi:a]
4Manam [dar)]
4Tahitian [vai]
4Tolai [tava]
8.Indo-Pacific
8Bemal [ze]
8Bena Bena [nagami]
8Fore [wani]
8Gende [nogoi]
8Sihan [va]
9.Niger-Khordofanian
9Igbo [mmí rí ]
9Shona [mvura]
9Swahili [maji]
9Ndebele [amanzi]
9Xhosa [amanzi]
10.North Amerind
lOChoctaw [ficak]
lOChorti [ha ]
lOHopi [paahu]
lOMicmac [samgwan]

lOKwakiutl [wa:p]
230
11.South Amerind
llHuitoto [jainoi]
llJaqaru luma]
1 lQuechua [yacu]
llTotonac [c’ucut]
llTupi [i]
13.Nilo-Saharan
13Bongo Bagirmi [mane]
13Erenga [káal]
13Fongoro [mAn]
13Kara [mana]
13Logo [yí]
16.Sino-Tibetan
lóBurmese [yéi]
lóCantonese [séui]
lóGurung [kyu’]
lóMandarin [swéi]
lóNewari [na]
17.Altaic
17Japanese [mizu]
17Korean [muí]
17Manchu [muke]
17Mongolian [us]
17Turkish [su]

APPENDIX B
SUPPORTING DICTIONARY REFERENCES FOR 16 GLOSSES
1. Afro-Asiatic
1 -Amharic-Semitic::Leslau, W. 1976. Concise Amharic Dictionary:
Amharic-English: English-Amharic. Weisbaden: O. Harrassowitz.
1 -Arabic-Semitic::Shaikh, S. 1983. Handbook of English-Arabic for
Professionals. Bombay: Oxford University Press.
l-Burji::Sasse, H.J. 1982. An Etymological Dictionary of Burji.
Hamburg: H. Baske.
l-Hausa-Chadic::Bargery, G.P. 1934. A Hausa-English Dictionary
and English-Hausa Vocabulary. London: Oxford University Press.
1 -Hebrew-Semitic::Ben-Yehuda, E.&Weinstein, D. 1964. Ben
Yehuda’s Pocket English-Hebrew, Hebrew-English Dictionary. New
York: Washington Square Press.
1-Somali-Cushitic::Abraham, R.C. 1966. Somali-English, English-
Somali. London: University of London Press.
2. Australian
2-Aranda::Yallop, C. 1977. Alywarra, An Aborigine Language of
Central Australia. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal
Studies.
2-Dhuwal::Holmer, N.M. 1983. Linguistic Survey of Southeastern
Queensland. Sydney: Australian National University.
2-Diyari::Austin, P. 1981. A Grammar of Diyari South Australia.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

232
2-Gumbaynggir::Dixon, R.M. 1979. Handbook of Australian
Languages. Canberra: Australian National University Press.
2-Wailbri::Reece, L. 1979. Dictionary of Wilbri Language. Sydney:
University of Sydney.
3. Austro-Asiatic
3-Alak::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Bateg::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-BateqNong::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Brao::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171-198.
3-Bru::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Cambodian::Jacob, J.M. 1974. A Concise Cambodian-English
Dictionary. London: Oxford University Press.
3-Jehai::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Kensui::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited

233
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta.S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Khmer::Huffman, F.E.&Proum, I. 1978. English-Khmer Dictionary.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
3-Khmu?::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Kintaq::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Kuy::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Lawa::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Mon::Shorto, H.L. 1962. A Dictionary Of Spoken Mon. London:
Oxford University Press.
3-Muong::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Semai::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-SemaqBeri::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.

234
3-Souei::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Sre::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Temiar::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Temoq::Benjamin, G. 1976. Austroasiatic subgroupings and
prehistory in the Malay Peninsula. In Austroasiatic Studies. Edited
by P. N. Jenner Thompson,L.C., and Starpsta,S. 37-128. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
3-Thin::Huffman, F.E. 1977. An examination of lexical
correspondences between Vietnamese and some other Austro-
Asiatic languages. 43 :171 -198.
3-Vietnamese-Vietmuong::Dinh-Hoa, N. 1966. Vietnamese-English
Dictionary. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company Publishers.
4, Austronesian
4-Fijian::Hazelwood, D. 1979. A Fijian and English and an English
and Fijian Dictionary. London: Sampson, Low, Marston, and
Company.
4-Hawaiian::Pukui, M.K.&Ebert, S.H. 1957. Hawaiian-English
Dictionary. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
4-Indonesian::Eschols, J.M.&Shadily, H. 1975. An English-
Indonesian Dictionary. Ithaca: Cornell University.
4-Kemak::Stevens, A.M. 1967. Kemak: An Austronesian Language.
:32-38.

235
4-Maori::Biggs, B.&Reed, A.H.&Reed,A.W. 1966. English-Maori
Dictionary. Sydney: Wellington.
4-Nukuoro::Carroll, V.&Soulik, T. 1973. Nukuoro Lexicon. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press.
4-Palauan::McManus, E.G. 1977. Palauan-English Dictionary.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
4-Pascuense::Fuentes, J. 1960. Diccionario y Gramática de la lengua
de la Isla De Pascua, Pascuense-Castellano Castellano-Pascuense.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
4-Ponapean::Rehg, K.&Sohl, D.G. 1979. Ponapean-English Dictionary.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
4-Tagalog::deGuzman, M.O. 1966. An English-Tagalog, Tagolog-
English Dictionary. Manilla: G.O.T. Publishers.
4-Tahitian::Davies, J. 1978. A Tahitian and English Dictionary.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
4-Tanga::Bell, F.L.S. 1977. Tanga-English English-Tanga. Sydney:
University of Sydney.
4-Tikopia::Firth, R. 1985. Tikopia-English. Auckland: Auckland
University Press.
4-Tolai::Franklin, K.J. 1962. Tolai Language Course. Ukarumpa,
Territory of Papua New Guinea: Summer Institute of Linguistics.
4-Tonga::Churchward, C.M. 1959. Tongan Dictionary. London:
Oxford University Press.
6. Indo-European
6-Albanian::Mann, S. 1957. English-Albanian Dictionary. London:
Cambridge University Press.

236
6-Bengali::Dabbs, J.A. 1962. A Short Bengali-English, English-
Bengali Dictionary. Austin: A&M College of Texas, Department of
Modern Languages.
6-Croatian::Bogadek, F.A. 1944. Cassell’s New English-Croatian,
Croatian-English Dictionary. New York: MacMillian Publishing
Company.
6-Czech::Cermak, A. 1963. English-Czech, Czech-English. New York:
Saphrograph Company.
6-Dutch::PrickvanWely, F.P.H. 1971. Cassell's English-Dutch, Dutch-
English Dictionary. London: Cassell and Company Ltd.
6-French::Girard, D. et al. 1973. The New Cassell's French
Dictionary. New York: Funk and Wagnall's.
6-Gaelic::Macalpine, N. 1955. A Pronouncing Gaelic-English
Dictionary. Glasgow: Alexander MacLaren and Sons.
6-Hindi-Urdu-Iranian::Craven, T.&Chitambar, J.R. 1932. The New
Royal Dictionary: English into Hindustani and Hindustani into
English. Lucknow: Methodist Publishing House.
6-Icelandic::Bogason, S.O. 1966. Icelandic-English and English-
Icelandic Dictionary. Reykjavik: Isafoldarprentsmaija H. F.
6-Lithuanian::Lalis, A. 1915. A Dictionary of English and Lithuanian
Languages. Chicago: Leituva.
6-Nepali::Burrow, Y.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
6-Norwegian-Germanic::Scavenius, H.&Berulfsen, B. 1979. McKay's
Modern English-Norwegian Dictionary. New York: McKay Company.
6-01dEnglish::Jember, G.K. 1975. English-Old English, Old-English-
English Dictionary. Boulder: Westview Press.
6-Pali::Mahathera, A.P.B. 1955. English-Pali Dictionary. Colombo,
Ceylon: The Pali Text Society.

237
6-Polish::Stanislawski, J. 1988. McKay's English-Polish Polish-
English Dictionary. New York: Random House.
6-Portuguese::Avery, C.B.&Houaiss, A. 1964. The New Appleton
Dictionary of the English and Portuguese Languages. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts.
6-Rumanian::Schonkrok, M. 1961. Rumanian-English and English-
Rumanian Dictionary. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing.
6-Russian::Katzner, K. 1984. English-Russian, Russian-English. New
York: John Wiley and Sons.
6-Spanish::Williams, E.B. 1962. Spanish-English Dictionary, Inglés y
Español Diccionario. New York: Holt, Rhinehart, and Winston.
7. Dravidian
7-Brahui::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Gondi::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Kannada::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Kodagu::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Kolami::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Konda::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Kota::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.

238
7-Kui::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Kurukh::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Kuwi::Burrow, T.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary. Oxford: At The Clarendon Press.
7-Malto::Burrow, Y.&Emeneau, M.D. 1961. A Dravidian Etymological
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APPENDIX C
CODING PARAMETERS FOR ALL GLOSSES
Table C-l
Ethnoanatomical Glosses anc
Vowel
Coding Tallies
Glosses:
Breast
Tooth
Nose
Neck
Mouth
Vowel Types and Classes:
Front High Round
0
0
0
0
0
Front Mid Round
1
0
0
0
1
Front Low Round
1
0
0
0
0
Central High Round
0
0
0
0
0
Central Mid Round
0
0
0
0
0
Central Low Round
0
0
0
0
0
Back High Round
20
3
1 5
1 6
1 4
Back Mid Round
1 1
1 7
1 1
9
8
Back Low Round
0
0
3
3
1
Front High Unround
1 0
25
1 8
1 3
1 3
Front Mid Unround
1 3
9
4
7
8
Front Low Unround
0
0
0
0
0
Central High Unround
0
1
0
0
1
Central Mid Unround
0
2
5
3
4
Central Low Unround
1 8
20
20
22
23
Back High Unround
0
0
0
0
0
Back Mid Unround
0
2
0
2
1
Back Low Unround
0
0
0
1
0
Front Vowels
24
32
23
1 8
22
Back Vowels
29
22
26
30
23
252

253
Table C-2.
Ethnoanatomical Glosses and Consonantal Coding Tallies
Glosses:
Breast
Tooth
Nose
Neck
Mouth
Consonant Articulations
and Manners:
Bilabials
21
3
27
1 1
1 9
Labio-Dentals
2
1
1
2
0
Interdentals
1
0
0
1
0
Dental-Alveolars
33
42
34
32
35
Alveolar-Palatals
5
2
2
1
3
Palatals
8
9
6
2
5
Labio-Velars
1
2
0
2
3
Velars
7
20
1 1
35
22
Uvulars
0
1
3
1
0
Glottals
4
1 0
1 5
5
5
Stops
23
30
24
42
32
Fricatives
1 4
26
28
1 4
1 1
Affricates
4
2
2
1
2
Nasals
26
26
40
22
26
Glides
7
7
4
1
7
Trills
7
5
3
9
7
Laterals
1
4
2
7
7
Approximants
1 2
1 5
8
1 4
1 9
Obstruents
30
44
44
46
43
Resonants
33
38
42
32
40

Table C-3.
Physiological Glosses and Vowel Coding Tallies
Glosses::
Cough
Vomit
Suck
Eat
Drink
Swallow
Spit
Chew
Vowels:
Fr. Hi Ro.
1
1
0
0
0
0
3
0
Fr. M. Ro.
2
0
0
1
0
0
2
0
Fr. Lo Ro.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Ce. Hi Ro.
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Ce. M. Ro.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Ce. Lo Ro.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Bk. Hi Ro.
8
1 9
22
8
20
1 8
23
1 9
Bk. M. Ro.
1 8
7
1 1
5
1 1
1 1
8
7
Bk. Lo Ro.
0
0
7
1
2
1
1
0
Fr. Hi Unr.
1 2
8
1 0
1 0
1 3
26
1 2
1 3
Fr. M. Unr.
9
1 4
6
5
6
1 2
8
9
Fr. Lo Unr.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Ce. Hi Unr.
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
Ce. M. Unr.
2
4
1
0
3
0
2
0
Ce. Lo Unr.
25
3 1
1 4
33
2 1
25
28
36
Bk. Hi Unr.
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Bk. M. Unr
1
0
0
2
0
1
0
0
Bk. Lo Unr
0
1
1
1
1
2
2
1
Fr. Vowels
23
2 1
1 6
1 6
1 9
32
2 1
20
Bk. Vowels
3 1
26
39
1 6
33
3 1
30
27

Table C-4.
Physiological Glosses: Consonantal and Manner Codings
Glosses:
Cough
Vomit
Suck
Eat
Drink
Swallow
Spit
Chew
Features:
Bilabials
6
1 6
1 2
1 0
1 7
22
1 8
20
Labio-Den.
3
1
2
0
1
2
9
4
Interden.
0
1
0
0
2
0
3
0
Dent-Alve.
33
32
37
30
32
38
39
36
Alveo-Pal.
2
2
6
4
2
2
8
6
Palatals
3
4
1 7
1 1
1 1
1 3
8
1 1
Labio-Vel.
2
3
2
3
8
3
5
1
Velars
28
23
8
1 4
1 2
23
1 6
22
Uvulars
3
2
0
1
1
1
1
0
Glottals
1 3
1 3
4
7
8
9
1 1
7
Stops
4 1
40
37
27
3 1
38
4 1
34
Fricatives
28
22
2 1
1 2
1 3
1 1
32
24
Affricates
1
1
5
3
2
2
9
2
Nasals
9
1 5
2 5
1 9
23
25
1 6
28
Glides
5
4
7
8
1 4
1 5
8
6
Trills
9
6
6
0
5
8
3
7
Laterals
7
5
3
5
2
9
5
8
Approx.
2 1
1 4
1 0
1 2
1 7
27
1 3
1 8
Obstruents
49
46
44
38
36
42
48
4 1
Resonants
29
24
30
30
34
43
26
35

Table C-5.
Culturally Primary Glosses and Vowel Coding Tallies
Glosses:
Water
Dog
Food
Vowel Types and Classes:
Front High Round
0
0
0
Front Mid Round
0
0
0
Front Low Round
0
0
0
Central High Round
0
0
0
Central Mid Round
0
0
0
Central Low Round
0
0
0
Back High Round
1 2
1 6
20
Back Mid Round
3
5
4
Back Low Round
0
0
0
Front High Unround
1 8
23
1 8
Front Mid Unround
6
9
7
Front Low Unround
0
0
0
Central High Unround
2
0
0
Central Mid Unround
2
1
1
Central Low Unround
28
1 8
39
Back High Unround
0
0
0
Back Mid Unround
2
3
0
Back Low Unround
0
0
1
Front Vowels
22
28
24
Back Vowels
1 8
25
26

Table C-6
Culturally Primary Glosses and Consonatal
Glosses:
Water
Dog
Food
Consonant Articulations
and Manners:
Bilabials
1 8
1 4
1 9
Labio-Dentals
5
0
1
Interdentals
0
0
1
Dental-Alveolars
27
26
43
Alveolar-Palatals
4
1
4
Palatals
7
1 0
7
Labio-Velars
8
7
4
Velars
1 1
22
1 9
Uvulars
0
1
0
Glottals
4
7
4
Stops
1 8
39
32
Fricatives
1 9
1 3
1 3
Affricates
2
2
2
Nasals
2 1
1 2
27
Glides
1 3
1 0
8
Trills
3
5
8
Laterals
1
6
7
Approximants
1 6
20
1 8
Obstruents
35
42
38
Resonants
3 3
27
42
Tallies

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
1 O
1 1
1 2
1 3
1 4
1 5
1 6
APPENDIX D
INITIAL RANKINGS OF FEATURES AND GLOSSES
Table D-l
Consonantal
Raw Score
banking for
16 Glosses
Bilabial
Dental-
Alve
Palatal
Labio-
Velar
Velar
Glottal
Nose (27)
Food (43)
Suck (17)
Water (8)
Neck (35)
Nose (15)
Swallow
(22)
Tooth (42)
Swallow
(13)
Drink (8)
Cough (28)
Cough (13)
Breast
(21)
Spit (39)
Eat (11)
Dog (7)
Swallow
(23)
Vomit (13)
Chew (20)
Swallow
(38)
Drink (11)
Spit (5)
Vomit (23)
Spit (11)
Food (19)
Suck (37)
Chew (11)
Food (4)
Dog (22)
Tooth (10)
Mouth
(19)
Chew (36)
Dog (10)
Vomit (3)
Chew (22)
Swallow
(9)
Water (18)
Mouth
(35)
Tooth (9)
Mouth (3)
Mouth
(22)
Drink (8)
Spit (18)
Nose (34)
Breast (8)
Eat (3)
Tooth (20)
Chew (7)
Drink (17)
Cough (33)
Spit (8)
Swallow
(3)
Food (19)
Dog (7)
Vomit (16)
Breast
(33)
Food (7)
Neck (2)
Spit (16)
Eat (7)
Dog (14)
Vomit (32)
Water (7)
Suck (2)
Eat (14)
Mouth (5)
Suck (12)
Neck (32)
Nose (6)
Tooth (2)
Drink (12)
Neck (5)
Neck (11)
Drink (32)
Mouth (5)
Cough (2)
Water (11)
Water (4)
Eat (10)
Eat (30)
Vomit (4)
Breast (1)
Nose (11)
Breast (4)
Cough (6)
Water (27)
Cough (3)
Chew (1)
Suck (8)
Suck (4)
Tooth (3)
Dog (26)
Neck (2)
Nose (0)
Breast (7)
Food (4)
258

259
Table D-2
Manner ol
Articulation
law Score Ranking for 16 Glosses
Stop
Fricative
Affricate
Nasal
Glide
1
Neck (42)
Spit (32)
Spit (9)
Nose (40)
Swallow (15)
2
Cough (41)
Cough (28)
Suck (5)
Chew (28)
Drink (14)
3
Spit (41)
Nose (28)
Breast (4)
Food (27)
Water (13)
4
Vomit (40)
Tooth (26)
Eat (3)
Breast (26)
Dog (10)
5
Dog (39)
Chew (24)
Water (2)
Tooth (26)
Spit (8)
6
Swallow (38)
Vomit (22)
Tooth (2)
Mouth (26)
Food (8)
7
Suck (37)
Suck (21)
Nose (2)
Suck (25)
Eat (8)
8
Chew (34)
Water (19)
Mouth (2)
Swallow (25)
Breast (7)
9
Food (32)
Breast (14)
Drink (2)
Drink (23)
Tooth (7)
1 0
Mouth (32)
Neck (14)
Dog (2)
Neck (22)
Suck (7)
1 1
Drink (31)
Food (13)
Chew (2)
Water (21)
Mouth (7)
1 2
Tooth (30)
Dog (13)
Food (2)
Eat (19)
Chew (6)
1 3
Eat (27)
Drink (13)
Swallow (2)
Spit (16)
Cough (5)
1 4
Nose (24)
Eat (12)
Neck (1)
Vomit (15)
Vomit (4)
1 5
Breast (23)
Mouth (11)
Cough (1)
Dog (12)
Nose (4)
1 6
Water (18)
Swallow (11)
Vomit (1)
Cough (9)
Neck (1)

Table D-3
Vowel and Semi-Vowel Raw Score Ranking for 16 Glosses
Front Vowels
Back Vowels
Approximants
Resonants
1
Tooth (32)
Suck (39)
Swallow (27)
Swallow (43)
2
Swallow (32)
Drink (33)
Cough (21)
Food (42)
3
Dog (28)
Cough (31)
Dog (20)
Nose (42)
4
Food (24)
Swallow (31)
Mouth (19)
Mouth (40)
5
Breast (24)
Neck (30)
Chew (18)
Tooth (38)
6
Nose (23)
Spit (30)
Food (18)
Chew (35)
7
Cough (23)
Breast (29)
Drink (17)
Drink (34)
8
Water (22)
Chew (27)
Water (16)
Water (33)
9
Mouth (22)
Vomit (26)
Tooth (15)
Breast (33)
1 0
Vomit (21)
Nose (26)
Vomit (14)
Neck (32)
1 1
Spit (21)
Food (26)
Neck (14)
Eat (30)
1 2
Chew (20)
Dog (25)
Spit (13)
Suck (30)
1 3
Drink (19)
Mouth (23)
Breast (12)
Cough (29)
1 4
Neck (18)
Tooth (22)
Eat (12)
Dog (27)
1 5
Eat (16)
Water (18)
Suck (10)
Spit (26)
1 6
Suck (16)
Eat (16)
Nose (8)
Vomit (24)

APPENDIX E
ACTUAL RANKINGS OF FEATURES AND GLOSSES
Table E-l
Actual Rankings of 16 Glosses on 15 Tested Features (1-8)
Bilab.
Dent-
Alve.
Pal.
Lab-
Vel.
Vel.
Glot.
Front
Vowel
Back
Vowel
Breast
3
9.5
8.5
14.5
1 6
13.5
4.5
7
Nose
1
8
1 2
1 6
13.5
1
6.5
1 0
Mouth
5.5
6
1 3
7.5
6
11.5
8.5
1 3
Tooth
1 6
2
7
11.5
8
5
1.5
1 4
Neck
1 3
1 2
1 6
11.5
1
11.5
1 4
5.5
Dog
1 1
1 6
6
3
6
9
3
1 2
Water
7.5
1 5
10.5
1.5
13.5
13.5
8.5
1 5
Food
5.5
1
10.5
5
9
13.5
4.5
10
Cough
1 5
9.5
15
11.5
2
2.5
6.5
3.5
Spit
7.5
3
8.5
4
1 0
4
10.5
5.5
V omit
1 0
1 2
1 4
7.5
3.5
2.5
10.5
1 0
Drink
9
1 2
4
1.5
1 2
7
1 3
2
Suck
1 2
5
1
11.5
1 5
13.5
15.5
1
Eat
1 4
1 4
4
7.5
1 1
9
15.5
1 6
Swallow
2
4
2
7.5
3.5
6
1.5
3.5
Chew
4
6
4
14.5
6
9
1 2
8
261

262
Table E-2
Actual Rankings of 16 Glosses on 15 Tested Features (8-15)
Stop
Fric.
Affr.
Nasal
Glide
Res.
Approx.
Breast
3
9.5
3
4.5
9.5
8.5
13.5
Nose
1
2.5
9
1
14.5
2.5
1 6
Mouth
5.5
15.5
9
5.5
9.5
4
4
Tooth
1 6
4
9
4.5
9.5
5
9
Neck
1 3
9.5
1 5
1 0
1 6
1 0
10.5
Dos
1 1
1 2
9
1 5
4
1 4
3
Water
7.5
8
9
1 1
3
8.5
8
Food
5.5
1 2
9
3
6
2.5
5.5
Cough
1 5
2.5
1 5
1 6
1 3
1 3
2
Spit
7.5
1
1
1 3
6
1 5
1 2
Vomit
1 0
6
1 5
1 4
14.5
1 6
10.5
Drink
9
1 2
9
9
2
7
7
Suck
1 2
7
2
7.5
9.5
11.5
1 5
Eat
1 4
1 4
4
1 2
6
11.5
13.5
Swallow
2
15.5
9
7.5
1
1
1
Chew
4
5
9
1 2
1 2
6
5.5

APPENDIX F
PHONETIC CHARACTERS
Table F-l
Vowel Coding Phonetic Characters
Front High Round
u, U
Front Mid Round
0, 0
Front Low Round
oe, o
Central High Round
tt
Central Mid Round
0
Central Low Round
0
Back High Round
u, U
Back Mid Round
0
Back Low Round
0
Front High Unround
I, i
Front Mid Unround
e, e
Front Low Unround
32
Central High Unround
i
Central Mid Unround
S
Central Low Unround
a, a
Back High Unround
i, I
Back Mid Unround
A, *
Back Low Unround
á, ae
263

Table F-2
Consonant Phonetic Coding Characters
Bilabials
p, p‘, p', b, b’, b‘, m, 6, |3,
Labio-Dentals
f. v, tg
Interdentals
e,a
Dent-Alveolars
t, t', t, t, d, d’, d, d, s, s, z, z, 1, r, 0, n, n, cf, ...
Alveo-Palatals
s, z, i c, ñ, ji
Palatals
c, j, c, y, c’, Á, t
Labio-Velars
w, w’
Velars
k, k’, g, g’, x, y, g, g, i, g1
Uvulars
q, q’, G, G’, \, k, n, r
Glottals
?, b, fi
Stops
t, t’, t, t, d, d’, d, d, p, p‘, p’, b, b’, b‘, k, k’, g, g’,
q, q’, G, G’, ?, c, j,
Fricatives
f, v, 0, 5, X. b, fi, b, 4>, s, s, z, z, i, c, s, z, j, x,
y, g, k, ?,
Affricates
X, A, c, \
Nasals
m, tr), g, n, ñ, n, ji, n, n
Glides
(Semi-vowels)....w, w, y
Trills
r, r, r, r
Laterals
(Liquids) 1, 1 , 1
Approximants
(Frictionless Coninuants)....l, y, w, r, ...
Obstruents
(Non-Resonant) Stops + Fricatives + Affricates
Resonants
(Sonorant) Nasals + Approximants

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Nick Ciccotosto was born in Elmhurst,Illinois in 1955. His
parents are Donald Tosta and Irene Tosta of Ingelside, Illinois. He
received his B.A. in cultural anthropology from Northern Illinois
University in 1978 and his M.A. from the same university in 1984.
He was married to Carol P. Costoff in June 1989. His current
interests include languages origins, bio-cultural evolution, trance
states, primate vocal communication, educational techniques for the
mentally handicapped, comparative religion, improved methods of
bilingual education, and sound symbolism. He has recently
translated J.P. Sarte's timely play, Les Mains Sales, into English.
292

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
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Professor of Anthropology
r-
I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
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degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
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I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
iobert Lawless
Associate Professor of
Anthropology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Ronald Kephart '
Assistant Professor of
Foreign Languages
University of North Florida
This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the
Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and
Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy.
December 1991
Dean, Graduate School





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