Citation
Gardens, wildlife densities, and subsistence hunting by Maya Indians in Quintana Roo, Mexico

Material Information

Title:
Gardens, wildlife densities, and subsistence hunting by Maya Indians in Quintana Roo, Mexico
Creator:
Jorgenson, Jeffrey Paul, 1951-
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xix, 336 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Crops ( jstor )
Forests ( jstor )
Gardens ( jstor )
Hunting ( jstor )
Mammals ( jstor )
Mayan culture ( jstor )
Secondary forests ( jstor )
Species ( jstor )
Taxa ( jstor )
Wildlife ( jstor )
Dissertations, Academic -- Forest Resources and Conservation -- UF
Forest Resources and Conservation thesis Ph. D
Game and game-birds -- Feeding and feeds -- Mexico -- Quintana Roo (State) ( lcsh )
Mayas -- Hunting -- Mexico -- Quintana Roo (State) ( lcsh )
Wildlife management -- Mexico -- Quintana Roo (State) ( lcsh )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1993.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 309-334).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Jeffrey Paul Jorgenson.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
001953335 ( ALEPH )
31303726 ( OCLC )
AKC9911 ( NOTIS )

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GARDENS, WILDLIFE DENSITIES, AND SUBSISTENCE HUNTING
BY MAYA INDIANS IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO
















By

JEFFREY PAUL JORGENSON


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY








































My Best Friend,
My Wife













ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


This project could not have been carried out without the help of numerous people.


Most


importantly, I thank Kent H. Redford and John G. Robinson for suggesting that a study of Maya

subsistence hunters in Quintana Roo, Mexico, would be a wonderful opportunity to mesh my interests


in indigenous peoples and the natural history of Neotropical birds and mammals.


For their suggestions


during the planning stage and for helping me to interpret the data, I would like to thank the members of

my committee: Allan F. Burns, John F. Eisenberg, Kent H. Redford (Chairman), Allyn MacLean


Stearman, and Melvin E. Sunquist.

instrumental in helping me see the


Allyn MacLean Stearman and Allan F. Burns were especially


human side of this project and in appreciating the role indigenous


people play in natural resource use and management.


I thank John Smallwood and Jaime E. Jim6nez


for their guidance on statistical analyses and computer programming.

Funding for this project was provided by World Wildlife Fund-U.S. (Project 6470), World

Nature Association, Organization of American States, Roger and Bernita Jorgenson (my parents),

Centro de Investigaciones de Quintana Roo, and Program for Studies in Tropical Conservation/Tropical


Conservation and Development Program (University of Florida).


The Secretaria de Desarrollo Urbano


y Ecologia kindly granted a research permit to work in Mexico (# 301878, dated 17 October 1990).

My host agency in Mexico was the Centro de Investigaciones de Quintana Roo (CIQRO).

thank Eduardo Sudrez Morales, CIQRO Director, and his staff for their patience and assistance,

especially with respect to purchasing a truck, providing several field assistants, obtaining research

permits, coordinating the identification of scientific specimens, and organizing an airplane


reconnaissance flight over the study area.


I especially thank Alvaro del Campo Parra Lara, Jesus


Palma Guti6rrez, Laura P6rez del Valle-Cunill6, Enrique Montes de Oca, Julio Rafael Castillo Espadas,







former CIQRO biologists, for introducing me to the Maya at X-Hazil Sur and sharing their experiences


about how to conduct fieldwork in Mexico.


Their friendship was a source of inspiration during many


trying times.


Several Mexican counterparts assisted in the identification of scientific specimens.


classification of soil samples, I wish to thank Pedro Macario Mendoza.

I wish to thank Edgar Cabrera Cano and Javier Chavelas Polito. For t

specimens, I wish to thank Hector Arita Watanabe, J. Enrique Escobed


For the


For the identification of plants,


he identification of animal


ko Cabrera, Elsa M. Figueroa,


Hector Flores, Livia Le6n Paniagua, Adolfo G. Navarro Siguenza, and Carmen Pozo de la Tijera.


assistance with Maya soil and vegetation type terminology, I wish to thank Francisco J.


Rosado May


Several Mexican collaborators provided valuable information about the study area and state of


Quintana Roo.


For sharing their vegetation maps and information about forest inventories, I thank


Marcelo Carre6n Mundo and Victoria Santos Jim6nez.


I thank Juan Bezaury Creel and Pedro Ramfrez


Guillen for numerous acts of kindness and for obtaining for me historical information about the area

after I returned to the United States.

My introduction to the Maya of Quintana Roo was greatly facilitated by having met Don


Margar Tuz, his wife Dofiia Mila Novelo, and two of their sons, Alejandro and Margarito.


welcomed me into their home at Rancho Las Palmas, shared with me their knowledge of the forest, and


made my stay in Quintana Roo much more enjoyable.


I will treasure their friendship always.


My stay at X-Hazil Sur was greatly enhanced by the cooperation and generosity of many


people.


I would especially like to thank Modesto Cab Cohuo and his wife, Martha Tuz Novelo, for


receiving me in their home, introducing me to the other village residents, and explaining many


important aspects of Maya culture to me.

my wife and myself by several families.


My stay also was enriched by the special attention afforded

I especially thank Mauro Cab Cohuo and Rosa Pool Tun,


Julio Poot Ake and Gudelia Uc Puc, Graciliano Gomez Puc, Fernando Balam Can, Joaquin Humberto

Balam Xiu, Celestino Chan Cante, their families for their hospitality.







many local residents


For their assistance during the censuses and the identification of stomach


contents, I thank Jacinto Poot Cruz, Julio Poot Ake, Graciliano Gomez Puc, Joaquin Humberto Balam


Xiu, Jesus Cab Can, and Delftno Santos Chan.


For allowing me to study their gardens and construct


animal census transects in their work areas, I thank Simon Yeh Ake, Sotero Yeh Can, Lorenzo Tun


Can, Lorenzo Chac Canul,


Vicente Chan Che, Daniel Cocom Ucan, Domingo Guzman Poot Cruz, and


Martin Cab Ake.


For sharing their perspectives on hunting,


I thank Marcos Aban Noh,


Benito Can


Chi, Jacinto Poot Cruz, and Gilberto Yeb Poot.


For permission to conduct research at Ejido X-Hazil y


Anexos, I thank Delfino Ake Ayala, Comisariado of Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, Juan Yeh Poot, Sub-


delegado of X-Hazil Sur, and the residents of X-Hazil Sur, Uh-May, and Chancah Veracruz.


their patience and understanding, this study would never have been possible.


Without


I hope that I have not


betrayed their trust.

I am especially indebted to my two Maya field assistants, Armando Balam Xiu and Rufino


Ucan Chan.


With great patience, humor, and interest, they processed game kills, conducted hunter


interviews, cleared census transects, and identified game tracks.


Their reliability


honesty,


and ability


to work with the various hunters at X-Hazil Sur were critically important to the success of this project.

Armando and Rufino also became two of my best friends and provided important insights into village

life. I hope that they also benefitted from their association with me.


I would like to thank my friends for their ideas, comments,


and technical support during this


project, especially Jackie Belwood, Marjorie Bingham, Richard Bodmer, Kathy Campbell,


Crawshaw Junior, Sally and Josh Dickinson, Eduardo Ilnigo Elias, Jaime E.


Julia Murphy, Patricia Negreros, Laura Snook,


Peter G.


Jim6nez, Cynthia Lagueux,


Jody Stallings, Wendy Townsend, and Laurie Wilkins.


I especially would like to thank my parents, Roger and Bernita Jorgenson,

law, Alicia Rodriguez de Barrera, for their love and support during this endeavor.


and my mother-in-

While they may not


have understood the technical aspects of the study and certainly would have enjoyed a greater frequency

of calls and letters from me during the research and writing, their patience, encouragement, and







I would like to extend my sincerest appreciation to Sally and Josh Dickinson for making


available to me the resources of Tropical Research & Development, Inc.,


to produce this dissertation.


By permitting access to their computers,


printers, copiers,


and fax machine, Sally and Josh greatly


reduced the stress associated with the technical aspects of producing a dissertation and greatly enhanced

the quality of the final document.

To my wife and best friend, Amanda, I offer my deepest gratitude for her insight and patience


during these trying times.


Her cheerfulness and ability to help out in periods of great stress were


essential to the completion of this study.


I hope that in the future we both will be able to recall fondly


these times and appreciate better the experiences that we shared.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


. .t ft .t .t Il


ABSTRACT


RESUME


CHAPTERS


I. OVERVIEW


f f 944 ff4 ... 5 1


2. NATURAL, CULTURAL, AND SOCIOECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT OF THE MAYA


INDIANS IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO


Introduction


Natural Environment


Study Area .
Cultural and Socioeconomic Environments


. ft 3 f S
* 4 S 4 4 ft
* S 5 9 ft ft f
* ft 5 9 9 5 .
* 5 ft ft S


Closing Comments ........ ... .


3. GAME HARVEST BY MAYA HUNTERS IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO


Introduction .
Methods ..............
Results ...
Discussion .


53


*k ft S S S t ft t ft t ft a S S S S S a S S ft S 4 5 k
...... ...56
* ft t ft S t ft t ft S ft f 9 9 9 a a S 5i 5 6/
. f .. ... ..a S ft9. f a 69
.. ff *5 t f 9 ft f f f f f f S 3 9 5


4. WILDLIFE DENSITIES IN SUCCESSIONAL FORESTS AROUND A MAYA


VILLAGE IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO .


Methods
Results


Discussion .


5. CONSUMPTION OF GARDEN CROPS BY GAME ANIMALS IN QUINTANA
ROO, MEXICO ..


Introduction .


Methods
Results


. a a a e ft 4 ft ft ft 9 4 ft ft S 9 9 5 9 9 ft
a ft S 9 ft ft ft ft ft ft ft S ft S S S S S S ft ft S ft ft


* S S ft ft ft 5 9 5 ft 5 a 9 9 ft 4 5 ft S S a
ft ft S a a a a S 9 5 ft 4 ft 3 5 9 ft ft ft ft a S


Discussion .


6. CHARACTERISTICS OF MAYA GARDENS AND THEIR USE BY WILDLIFE


* S 3 9 ft ft S f 9 9 S S a ft ft S S a f ft 5 ft S


IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO .
Introduction .
Methods .
Results ....... ........


. 120
. 125








7. SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSIONS


S2 223


APPENDICES

A TEMPERATURE (OC) AND PRECIPITATION (MM) AT X-HAZIL SUR, QUINTANA
ROO, MEXICO, DURING JULY 1989-DECEMBER 1990 .... 231

B MEAN BODY MASS (G), DIET CLASSIFICATION, MEAN POPULATION DENSITY
(NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS/KM2), AND GAME STATUS FOR SELECTED
MAMMALS IN QUINTANA ROO .. ... 238


C MEAN BODY MASS (G), DIET CLASSIFICATION, MEAN POPULATION DENSITY
(NUMBER OF INDIVIDUALS/KM2), AND GAME STATUS FOR SELECTED
BIRDS IN QUINTANA ROO. 2


D DATA FORMS USED DURING HUNTER INTERVIEWS. FORM A
INCLUDES SPECIFIC QUESTIONS ABOUT THE OUTING (ONE FORM
PER OUTING), WHEREAS FORM B INCLUDES QUESTIONS ABOUT
THE GAME SPECIES TAKEN (ONE FORM PER PREY ITEM). BOTH
FORMS ORIGINALLY APPEARED IN SPANISH .


E GAME HARVEST INVENTORIES FOR THE SEVEN MAIN HUNTERS (315
PREY WITH WEIGHTS) AT X-HAZIL SUR COMPARED WITH THE
GAME TAKEN BY THE REMAINING 79 HUNTERS (261 PREY WITH
WEIGHTS) THAT REPORTED TAKING GAME (ARRANGED BY
GRAND TOTAL NUMBER OF PREY ITEMS) .... 249


F CATALOGUE OF GAME AND NONGAME ANIMALS COLLECTED AT
EJIDO X-HAZIL Y ANEXOS DURING 1989-1990, INCLUDING
DONATIONS BY LOCAL RESIDENTS, ANIMALS FOUND ALONG THE
ROAD, AND GAME TAKEN BY HUNTERS .... .

G PERCENT FREQUENCY OF THE GAME KILL SITES IN THE FOUR MAIN
VEGETATION TYPES FOR THE GAME TAKEN BY HUNTERS AT X-
HAZIL SUR . .


H SUMMARY OF CENSUS RESULTS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF 12
TRANSECTS IN THREE SUCCESSIONAL STAGES OF FOREST


. 251


S. 254


. 256


CENSUS DATA FORM


MEAN SIGHTING DISTANCES OF WILDLIFE (M), SUMMARIZED BY
SPECIES, GROUPS, AND GAME AND NONGAME BIRDS AND
MAMMALS CENSUSED ALONG 12 TRANSECTS IN THREE
SUCCESSIONAL STAGES OF FOREST AT EJIDO X-HAZIL Y
ANEXOS, QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO, DURING 1990 (D.F. = 2
THROUGHOUT) .


K NUMBER OF SIGHTINGS/100 KM AND TOTAL NUMBER OF SIGHTINGS








L COMMON AND SCIENTIFIC NAMES OF BIRDS AND MAMMALS SIGHTED
AT EJIDO X-HAZIL Y ANEXOS DURING 121 CENSUSES IN 1990 .


M DATA FORM:


. 266


STOMACH CONTENTS ANALYSIS


N PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF PACA
FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENTS OF 36
STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED = 1886.5 ML)
COLLECTED FROM PACAS TAKEN BY MAYA HUNTERS AT X-
HAZIL SUR, QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO, DURING JUNE 1989-
OCTOBER 1990 ...


S. 270


O PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF AGOUTI
FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENTS OF 26
STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED = 1167.5 ML) .. .. ... 273

P PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF COATI
FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENTS OF 129
STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED = 4678.5 ML) ........... 276


Q PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF WHITE-
LIPPED PECCARY FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE
CONTENTS OF THREE STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED =
208.0 ML) 280


R PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF
COLLARED PECCARY FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF
THE CONTENTS OF 29 STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED
1829.0 M L) .


S PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF
BROCKET DEER FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE
CONTENTS OF EIGHT STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED =
446.0 ML) ...

T PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF WHITE-
TAILED DEER FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE
CONTENTS OF 11 STOMACHS (TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED =
601.0 ML) ... .


286


VOLUME (% VOL.) OF THICKET
AN ANALYSIS OF THE
(ESOPHAGUS, CROP,
; TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED


U PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND
TINAMOU FOOD ITEMS BASED ON
CONTENTS OF THREE STOMACHS
PROVENTRICULUS, AND GIZZARD
= 13.0 ML) .. .


S. 293


V PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF GREAT
CURASSOW FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE
CONTENTS OF 13 STOMACHS (ESOPHAGUS, CROP,


. 268


S. 289








W PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF PLAIN
CHACHALACA FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF THE
CONTENTS OF 21 STOMACHS (ESOPHAGUS, CROP,
PROVENTRICULUS, AND GIZZARD; TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED
= 329.5 M L) . .


X PERCENT OCCURRENCE (% OCC.) AND VOLUME (% VOL.) OF
OCELLATED TURKEY FOOD ITEMS BASED ON AN ANALYSIS OF
THE CONTENTS OF FIVE STOMACHS (ESOPHAGUS, CROP,
PROVENTRICULUS, AND GIZZARD; TOTAL VOLUME ANALYZED
= 211.5 ML) . .


Z GAME SPECIES AND MAIN CROP SPECIES AT EJIDO X-HAZIL Y
ANEXOS, QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO, DURING 1989-1990 .

LITERATURE CITED .. .. .


.. 298





. 301


. .. 306


. 309


BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . 335


Y GARDEN INTERVIEW FORM .. ............ 303














LIST OF TABLES


Land uses and vegetation types at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, Quintana Roo, Mexico


Reported number of individuals taken, mean weight (kg),


and total weight (kg) of game


taken by Maya hunters at X-Hazil Sur, Quintana Roo, Mexico, during June 1989-
October 1990 .....................


3-2. Sex and age class of game taken by hunters at X-Hazil Sur


. 72


3-3. Hunter group size and characteristics of successful outings by hunters at X-Hazil Sur

3-4. Mean prey body weight (kg) by type of weapon for game species taken at X-Hazil Sur


Type of hunt and characteristics of successful outings by hunters at X-Hazil Sur


3-6. Combinations of game mammals and birds taken per outing by hunters at X-Hazil Sur


Percent frequency of game kill sites in Late Secondary Forest versus all Combined/Early


Secondary Forest and


test results for the game taken by hunters at X-Hazil Sur


.92


Minimum harvest area (km2) and mean distance (km) between X-Hazil Sur (water tank)
and kill sites of primary game species taken by hunters at X-Hazil Sur .. .. .


3-9. Minimum catchment area (km2) and mean kill site distance (km) from X-Hazil Sur (water


tank),


by hunter, for 315 game animals taken by the seven main hunters versus all


other hunters combined at X-Hazil Sur


Percent frequency of game kill sites in forests


Indians; Bale,


vs. fallows/gardens in Brazil (Ka'apor


1985) and Ecuador (Runa Indians; Irvine, 1987)


. 114


3-11. Catchment areas for various mestizo and indigenous groups in the Neotropics (arranged


size of catchment area)


Comparison of the biomasses of the Cerro Brujo mammals with the biomasses for the


same species at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos.


. 115


. .4 117


4-1. Average sighting frequency (mean number of sightings per 10,000 km) of wildlife,
summarized by species, groups, and game and nongame birds and mammals censused
along 12 transects in three successional stages of forest at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos,


Quintana Roo, Mexico, during 1990 (d.f.


= 2 throughout)


4-2. Population density estimates (individuals/kmin2; total number of sightings [n]) determined


hv King's


Methnod and summarized hv tneriae taxnnnmir forninn and onam and


. .4 87

. 88


. 90


. 136


. 94








4-3. Reported number of individuals taken by Maya hunters at X-Hazil Sur versus number of
sightings during animal censuses (game species only) .


4-4. Estimated population densities of mammals at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos compared with
those at six other study areas in Neotropical forests (summarized from Glanz [1990])


. 144


. 145


Game species and main crop species at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, Quintana Roo, Mexico,


152


during 1989-1990 .


Percent occurrence of major crop species in the stomach contents of game species (n


284 stomach contents analyzed; total volume analyzed
1989-October 1990, excluding the pocket gopher ..


= 12,064.1 ml) during June


. 162


5-3. Seasonal occurrence of major crop species in the stomach contents of game species (g


284 stomach contents analyzed, total volume analyzed


1989-October 1990


, excluding the pocket gopher


= 12,064.1 mil) during June


164


5-4. Seasonal variation of major crop species in (a) paca stomach contents (n


samples, total volume analyzed


= 36 stomach


= 1886.5 mil) and (b) agouti stomach contents (n


26 stomach samples, total volume analyzed
occurrence (% Occ.) and volume (% Vol.)


= 1167.5 ml),


expressed as percent


. 166


Seasonal variation of major crop species in (a) coati stomach contents (n


samples, total volume analyzed


= 129 stomach


= 4678.5 ml) and (b) collared peccary stomach


contents (n


= 29 stomach samples, total volume analyzed


percent occurrence (%


= 1829.0 ml), expressed as


Occ.) and volume (% Vol.)


. 167


6-1. Density of crops (mean number of stalks/m2) planted in the seven selected gardens in


1990.


For crop density,


the plots were surveyed during 7/90-11/90, beginning before


planting and ending when the corn harvest began in the garden.
were conducted through 1/91 to monitor crop phenology .


Additional surveys


. 203


6-2. Frequency of occurrence of wildlife track sets in 18 track slicks (1 m by 20 m) along
gardens and transects in adjacent forest during 1990 ..... .








LIST OF FIGURES


sex.


2-1. Location of Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos (study area),


Distribution of X-Hazil Sur residents by age class and
females during the census of 1992


2-3. Mean monthly temperature and precipitation at X-Hazil Sur,
Mexico, during July 1989-December 1990 .........


2-4. Land uses and vegetation types at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos


Monthly occurrence of subsistence and economic activities in relation to


Quintana Roo, Mexico .


There were 539 males and 501


. 26


Quintana Roo,


temperature and rainfall (Max


and Min


= month with highest average temperatures


= month with lowest average temperatures)


3-1. Reproductive status of female birds and mammals.


gravid, lactating/brooding,


. 47


Animals were categorized as


not gravid/lactating/brooding, or unknown


(abbreviations correspond with scientific name; Ohi


= pocket gopher,


= paca, Dpu


= agouti, Nna


Tta = collared peccary, Mar
Cci = thicket tinamou, Cru


and Aoc


= coati, Tpe


n = brocket deer, Ovi
= great curassow, Ove


= white-lipped peccary,


= white-tailed deer,
= plain chachalaca,


= ocellated turkey,)


. 74


3-2. Reported monthly harvest levels for a) pocket gopher


3-3. Reported monthly harvest levels for a) white-lipped peccary
c) brocket deer, and d) white-tailed deer


3-4. Reported monthly harvest levels for a) thicket tinamou, b) great curassow
chachalaca, and d) ocellated turkey .


3-5. Monthly occurrence of gravid or lactating female mammals


3-6. Monthly occurrence of gravid or brooding female birds


. Number of game birds and mammals taken per hour


b) paca, c) agouti, and d) coati


b) collared peccary,


. .. 76


c) plain


* I I I S S

* S I S S S I I I S S S I .


. 8 1


3-8. Age class (years) distribution of male residents (539 residents based on 1992 census)


and male hunters (84 hunters during 1989-1990 study)


3-9. Number of kills per hunter.
are not shown here


. 8 2


A total of 47 hunters had only one or two kills each and


Take of mammals and birds according to type of weapon used.


mean body mass determined during this study (see
abbreviations) .


4-1. Distribution of 12 transects (ca.


Species arranged by


Figure 3-1 for key to


km long each) used to census wildlife populations


nr Fiidn Y.runriVA v Anme I intana Rnn Mexic dirin lo00O














4-2. Cumulative number of avian (7) and mammalian (16) taxa sighted during 121 censuses


in 1990


Proportion (percent volume) of food items identified from stomach contents of game
species taken by Maya hunters at X-Hazil Sur, Quintana Roo, Mexico, during June 1989-


October 1990.


(Food items: FRUITS/SEEDS


= fruits or seeds, LEAVES


= leaves,


ANIMAL MAT


= animal material


and OTHER


= other [see Methods for further


information].


See Table


5-2 for key to species abbreviations.). .


Percent volume of crops in game stomachs (n


= 284 stomachs analyzed) and percent


occurrence of kill sites in areas categorized as Combined/Early Secondary Forest


= 584 game kills)


. 176


6-1. Annual horticultural cycle at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos during 1989-1990 (Max


highest mean temperature and Min


= month with


= month with lowest mean temperature)


. 193


6-2. Distribution of gardens by size during 1989 (n


= 150 gardens, average size


= 2.1 ha) and


1990 (p


= 40 gardens, average size


= 2.7 ha)


6-3. Distribution of gardens by distance from X-Hazil Sur during 1989 (n


= 150 gardens, average


distance


= 4.0 km) and 1990 (p


= 40 gardens,


average distance


= 3.8 km)


. ... 197


6-4. Frequency with which crops were planted in gardens during 1989 and 1990 (C


= corn,


= squash, KB


= kidney beans, I


= ibes, M


= yam, SP


= sweet potato, CHI


= chile,


= fruits, Y


= yucca, J


= jicama, CHA


= chaya, L


= lentils, and O


= other)


. 198


6-5. Number of crops per garden during 1989 (n


and 1990 (p


= 40 gardens, average


= 150 gardens, average


= 3.9 crops per garden)


= 5.9 crops per garden)
199


6-6. Monthly phenology of corn plants in seven selected gardens during 1990 (p
Plants were categorized as seedlings, with flowers, with immature fruits,


= 7 gardens).
with mature


fruits


and harvested


. 200


Monthly phenology of kidney beans at seven selected gardens during 1990 (n
See Figure 6-6 for key to abbreviations


6-8. Monthly phenology of squash as seven selected gardens during 1990 (n
See Figure 6-6 for key to abbreviations .


= 7).
........ 201


= 7 gardens).


. 202


6-9. Frequency with which wild animals were identified by gardeners as the main crop predators


during 1989 and 1990 (none


= no crop predators, c peccary


= collared peccary, wt


deer = white-tailed deer, gusanos


= various taxa of Gastropods)


4_.-.- iL 1 -- --- --t_- 21? .lflt.. *.............. .\ T -s^ r^- fl..P...A -..4 L^-J IIL nn4 C a ,.


. 204


. 157


. 195


I II/V







(LSF W/ G; 40 track sets during 38 readings), and c) Early Secondary Forest (ESF; 40
track sets during 49 readings) .














Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

GARDENS, WILDLIFE DENSITIES, AND SUBSISTENCE HUNTING
BY MAYA INDIANS IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO

By

Jeffrey Paul Jorgenson


December 1993


Chairman: Dr.


Kent H. Redford


Major Department: Forest Resources and Conservation


Subsistence hunting by Maya Indians was studied at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, Quintana Roo,


Mexico, during 1989-1990.


These highly acculturated Indians have hunted and planted gardens in the


Yucatni Peninsula for several thousand years.


"garden hunting."


The goal of this study was to evaluate the premises of


This kind of hunting is a special mammal harvesting pattern based on interactions


between hunters, who plant gardens and harvest game, and game species that eat crops and have


greater population densities in the vicinity of gardens than in forest areas without gardens.


The specific


objectives included the following: (1) determine game harvest patterns by Maya subsistence hunters; (2)

compare wildlife densities in three forest successional stages; (3) determine the kinds and amounts of


crops consumed by game species; and (4) characterize Maya gardens and their use by wildlife.


hunters harvested eight species of mammals and four species of birds as game.


were harvested by 88 hunters during 17 months.


Maya


A total of 584 animals


The coati (Nasua nasua) and plain chachalaca (Ortalis


vetula) were the most frequently harvested taxa (167 individuals each).


Game was harvested


throughout the year and frequently was taken in areas associated with shifting cultivation.


Wildlife


* -_-_- -llnL A- TSJK -tnt *neflnt /ii#*tnn nw onn ennnr n. ft;ntn







wildlife density among three forest successional stages by species,


taxonomic group, and game or


nongame status generally were not observed.


The average garden size was


2.1 ha in 1989 and


in 1990 (maximum size was 18.0 ha).

crops were consumed by game species.


Sixteen crops were planted by Maya gardeners, of which six

Corn, kidney beans, and squash were most frequently planted.


Corn was the most frequently eaten crop (25.4% of 284 stomach samples).


Four game species were


the primary consumers of crops: paca (Agouti paca),


agouti (Dasyprocta punctata),


coati, and collared


peccary (Tayassu tajacu). These game species were among the most frequently taken taxa by number

of individuals and total body weight. Given that wildlife populations generally were not greater in the


vicinity of gardens,


these results generally do not support the premises of garden hunting.


These


results also suggest that an effective wildlife management program should be implemented in order to

ensure the survival of these wildlife species and the cultural traditions of the Maya hunters.














Resumen de Disertaci6n para la Escuela de Postgrado de la
Universidad de Florida en Cumplimiento Parcial de los
Requisites para el Grado de Doctor de Filosofia

MILPAS, DENSIDADES DE VIDA SILVESTRE Y CACERIA DE SUBSISTENCIA
POR LOS INDIGENAS MAYAS EN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO

Por

Jeffrey Paul Jorgenson


Diciembre de 1993


Director: Dr. Kent H.


Redford


Departamento: Recursos Forestales y Conservaci6n

La caceria de subsistencia por los indigenas mayas fue estudiada en el Ejido de X-Hazil y


Anexos, Quintana Roo,


Mexico, durante 1989-1990.


Esta gente, bastante modernizada, ha cazado y


cultivado milpas en la Peninsula de YucatAn por miles de afios.


El objetivo de este studio fue evaluar


las teorias acerca de la caceria de


"parcela agricola" de subsistencia.


Esta clase de cacerfa de


mamiferos


es un tipo especial de explotaci6n basado en las interacciones entire los cazadores, que


siembran las parcelas, y los animals y species cineg6ticas, que


se alimentan de los cultivos y tienen


densidades poblacionales grandes alrededor de las parcelas en comparaci6n a las Areas forestales sin


parcelas.


Los objetivos especfficos incluyeron:


(1) determinar los patrons de la caza de animals; (2)


comparar las densidades de los animals en tres estados sucesionales del bosque; (3) determinar las

classes y las cantidades de cosechas consumidas por los animals cineg6ticos; y (4) caracterizar las


parcelas agricolas y su uso por los animals.

mamfferos y cuatro species de aves. Un to


durante 17 meses.


Los cazadores mayas cazaron ocho species de


tal de 584 animals fueron cazados por 88 cazadores


El tej6n (Nasua nasua) y la chachalaca (Ortalis vetula) fueron las species cazadas


con mas frecuencia (con 167 individuos cada una).


Hubo cacerfa a lo largo del afio y con frecuencia














animals fueron bajas, comparadas con otras areas forestales neotropicales, y no


se observaron


diferencias significativas en la densidad de los animals por especie, grupo taxon6mico,


cineg6tico o no cineg6tico en tres Breas forestales en estado sucesional diferente.


o estado


El tamafio promedio


de las milpas fue de


1 ha en 1989 y


.7 ha en 1990 (el tamaflo mAximo fue 18.0 ha).


Dieciseis


species de plants fueron cultivadas en las milpas,


de las cuales seis fueron consumidas por las


species de caceria.


El maiz, frijol,


y calabaza fueron los cultivos mis comunes.


El maiz fue el


cultivo mis frecuentemente utilizado por los animals (25.4% de 284 muestras estomacales).


Cuatro


species cineg6ticas fueron los consumidores principles de las cosechas: el tepezcuintle (Agouti paca),


sereke (Dasyprocta punctata),


tej6n y jabali de collar (Tayassu tajacu).


Estas species fueron las mns


cazadas tanto por n6mero de animals como por peso total del cuerpo.


Dado que las poblaciones de


fauna silvestre no fueron mayors alrededor de las milpas, estos resultados en general no apoyan las


teorias acerca de las cacerfa en parcelas agricolas.


Adenms, estos resultados sugieren que un program


efectivo de manejo de vida silvestre debe ser ejecutado para asegurar la supervivencia de estas

poblaciones de vida silvestre y las tradiciones culturales de los cazadores mayas.














CHAPTER 1
OVERVIEW

This dissertation proposes to examine the interrelation between gardens, wildlife densities, and


subsistence hunting in a Maya Indian community in southeastern Mexico.


The Maya are a rural people


and have practiced shifting cultivation for several thousand years.


In many regards,


they subsist today


as they have done for thousands of years by hunting, caring for wild and domestic animals, and by


planting crops in their gardens.


The Maya, however, have undergone rapid cultural change due to


tourism and economic development in the Cancdin area and slowly are being incorporated into Mexican

political and economic activities.

Subsistence hunting as practiced today by the Maya is unusual when compared with hunting by


other indigenous groups in two regards:


One, due to the availability of domestic livestock and canned


meat, hunters are not dependent upon the game they harvest as a source of food.


Two, the Maya have


been able to live in permanent settlements and exploit the local wildlife populations apparently without


exhausting local wildlife populations,


while many other indigenous groups have depleted local wildlife


populations and consequently have had to move their settlements repeatedly or undergo seasonal treks


(Stearman, 1990; Vickers, 1988, 1991; Werner,

able to continue subsistence hunting for so long,


able to do so,


An understanding of how the Maya have been


while indigenous peoples in other areas have not been


will provide important information to biological and social scientists seeking to balance


the issues of conservation and economic development.

The research described here was designed to examine the hypothesis that subsistence hunting


by Maya Indians may be more than a simple game harvest activity.


Rather, Maya subsistence hunting


may be part of a complex game-procurement system composed of gardens, wildlife, and hunters.









Yucatan Peninsula for several thousand years.


If it can be shown that garden hunting is compatible


with sustainable wildlife use, then biological and social scientists will have an important tool in

developing management plans that balance the needs of both the hunters and the hunted.



Uses of Wildlife


The importance of wild animals to the Maya and other indigenous people in the Neotropics is


best appreciated by noting the benefits obtained from their use.


While indigenous groups differ in the


species of game animals they take and taboo (prohibit taking for cultural reasons), several broad


patterns of wildlife use can be identified.


Here I will consider three of the principal uses of game


food, nonedible products, and live animals.

Bushmeat, meat from edible wildlife, is one of the most important uses of wild animals


(Dufour, 1983; Flowers,


1983; Yost and Kelley, 1983).


A wide variety of fishes, birds, mammals,


reptiles, amphibians,


and insects are taken in a multitude of habitats by a broad range of people


(Beckerman, 1980, 1983


Chernela, 1985; Redford and Robinson,


, 1991; Robinson and Redford,


1991a, 1991b, 1991c; Stocks, 1983).


Game taken by indigenous people in the Neotropics usually is for


subsistence (Lugo et al.


; Robinson and Redford, 1991a, 1991b),


but meat and eggs of several


taxa frequently are also taken for commercial purposes and are sold locally or outside the community.

Capybara (Hydrochaeris hydrochaeris) meat, which, because of its aquatics habits is actually considered


" is traded commercially in Venezuela during Lent (Ojasti,


1991),


while eggs from sea turtles


and freshwater turtles (Order Testudines) are taken along the coasts and inland waterways in Brazil and


Honduras and sold in local markets (Cornelius et al.,


1991; Lagueux, 1991; Smith, 1974).


In addition to the nutritional aspects of meat, game is important for social reasons.


Investigators have shown that the type and amount of game obtained is important to a hunter's


prestige


and the social cohesion of the family or village (Balde, 1985,


1989; Paolisso and Sacket, 1985


Siskind,


a "fish,







3

A second important use of game is to provide nonedible products such as leather, skins, hides,


and feathers.


Use of skins and hides initially was limited to that by indigenous people to perform


rituals, conduct trade with other indigenous groups, and manufacture clothing and artifacts.


Today


use of nonedible products has greatly increased in volume and includes indigenous groups, mestizos,

and local and foreign business people.


Much of the trade in leather, skins, hides, and feathers now is for commercial purposes.


of the recent leather trade for example, has been composed of peccaries (Tayassu tajacu,


Most


T. pecari;


Broad, 1984; Hvidberg-Hansen, 1970),


capybaras (Smith,


1981b), and various species of lizards


(Suborder Sauria) and crocodiles (Order Crocodylia; Luxmoore, 1988).


Until recently,


the skin trade


was concentrated on a few species of carnivores taken to satisfy the international demand, including


giant otter (Pteronura brasiliensis),


smaller feline species (Felis spp.


river otter (Lutra longicaudis), jaguar (Panthera onca),


McMahan, 1986).


and several


This trade in skins, however, generally has ended


due to international restrictions such as the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of


Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES).


Trade in feathers has declined markedly, too, but Aztec and Inca


Indians formerly used feathers in capes and artifacts utilized during religious ceremonies (Haemig,


1978).


The feather trade today is limited primarily to feathers from rheas (Pterocnemia pennata and


Rhea americana) that are made into dusters (Cajal, 1988).

Other nonedible products obtained from wild animals include guano from bats and birds


(Haynes,


1987); oil from reptiles, bird eggs, and manatees (Trichechus manatus, and T.


inunguis;


Pereira, 1944; Smith,


1974, 1981a, 1981b); bones, teeth,


and claws for tools


, handicrafts, and


ornamental purposes (March M.,


Parra Lara, 1986; Santana et al.,


1990); and animal parts used


for medicinal and ritual purposes, such as sloth (Bradypus tridactylus and Choloepus hoffmnanni;

Romanoff, 1984) and little spotted cats (Felis tigrina; Jorgenson and Jorgenson, 1991).


A third principal use of wildlife is as live animals.


Both indigenous and nonindigenous people









and Braiitigam, 1991).


Many wild animals originally kept as pets subsequently are eaten, for example,


guanaco (Lama guanaco; Gilmore, 1950),


collared peccary (Tayassu tajacu),


paca (Agouti paca),


agouti (Dasyprocta punctata; Jorgenson, pers. obs.).


Another use of live animals from the Neotropics is for the biomedical and zoo trade.


1961-1965


Between


, for example, 139,000 live primates were exported from Iquitos, Peru (Grimwood, 1969),


and in 1973


, at least 91,662 primates were exported from Iquitos (Castro,


Revilla, and Neville,


1975-


Reptiles and amphibians also were traded for these purposes.


Today,


international trade in these


species for commercial purposes is strictly regulated.

The studies mentioned above show that 1) many taxa of wild animals are used by settlers and

indigenous people, 2) these taxa have many different types of uses, and 3) these uses have occurred


over millennia.


These facts suggest that wildlife can be used sustainably in some cases.


The current


rate of human population growth and corresponding decrease in natural habitat, however, suggest that

many species of plants and animals will become extinct in the near future as the areas where they occur

are converted by humans to areas unable to support the original complement of plants and animals


(Meffe et al.,


1993; Myers, 1987


1989; Robinson, 1993


World Resources Institute, 1990).


challenge as conservation biologists is to identify and promote ways in which wild animals can be used

sustainably.


Sustainable Use


of Wildlife


While studies have shown that some people in the Neotropics appear to use wildlife at


sustainable levels (Dufour, 1990; Stearman and Redford, 1992; Vickers, 1991), there also is evidence

that other people hunt or capture wildlife at levels that may not be sustainable, especially when these


people participate in market economies (Dourojeanni,


Fitzgerald, 1989


Ojeda and Mares, 1984;


Redford and Robinson, 1985; Vickers, 1988).









Fund-U.S.


(WWF-U.S.),


World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), and the International Union for


Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) promote the incorporation of settlers and

indigenous people into the management of natural areas and local populations of plants and animals


(Chicch6n, 1992; Di Castri et al.,


Halffter, 1981


Redford and Stearman, 1989).


However, in


view of the willingness of some people in the Neotropics to deplete local wildlife populations by

overhunting and habitat alteration, it is critically important that studies be conducted that carefully


measure wildlife use and habitat alteration.


The purpose of these studies should be to identify


sustainable uses of the wildlife and the areas where they occur.

Given that the factors affecting local wildlife and habitat communities vary and that local

settlers and indigenous people have different needs, interests, and abilities, several questions need to be


considered in a study of sustained use of wildlife, such as subsistence hunting:


What are the pressures


to overexploit plants and animals?


Could market hunting become a problem?


Are there any cultural


limitations that need to be considered?


The results likely will suggest certain basic principles about the


sustainability of subsistence hunting, but that people and wildlife in different areas are subject to

distinctive factors that affect this activity.

Many anthropological and biological studies about hunting by settlers and indigenous people


have been undertaken recently in the Neotropics.


These studies are of limited value in evaluating the


sustainability of hunting or in generalizing hunting from one site to another because the data were


collected for other reasons.


Recent anthropological studies in the Amazon Basin, for example, have


focused on such topics as wildlife use (Vickers, 1991),


optimal foraging (Hames and Vickers, 1982;


Hill and Hawkes, 1983), protein consumption (Beckerman, 1979; Gross, 1975), hunting strategies


(Paolisso and Sackett, 1985


Saffirio and Scaglion,


1982), and resource availability (Bailey et al.,


1989).


Recent biological studies have examined such topics as food habits and habitat use of game


species (Bodmer, 1989, 1990, 1991), game use by settlers and indigenous people (Ayres et al.


1991;









1986, 1988).


Taken together, these studies provide much useful information about the nature and


extent of human hunting,


but they have limited use in applications to other issues.


In order to overcome the limitations of these anthropological and biological studies about


hunting and to examine critically the issue of the sustainability of subsistence hunting,


are needed.


integrated studies


These studies must provide data on what kinds of wildlife are hunted and, simultaneously,


what kinds of wildlife are potentially available to hunters (Redford and Robinson, 1990).



Garden Hunting


The specific methods of subsistence hunting in the Neotropics vary considerably among groups


of indigenous people with respect to species taken,


technology used, timing and duration of hunts, and


where the hunt is undertaken (cf.,


Hames and Vickers, 1983).


One place where hunting frequently


occurs is in the gardens planted by local residents.


Hunting in gardens has been described for many


indigenous groups, including the Achuara-Jivaro of Peru (Ross, 1978)


the Yanomama (Smole, 1976)


and Ye'kwana of Venezuela (Hames, 1980); the Lacandon Maya of Mexico (Nations and Nigh, 1980)


the Yukpa, along the frontier between Venezuela and Colombia (Ruddle, 1974)


coastal Nicaragua (Neitschmann, 1972, 1973)


the Miskito Indians of


the Sirion6 of Bolivia (Holmberg, 1969); and the


Kayap6 (Posey, 1982, 1985) and Ka'apor (Bale, 1985) of Brazil.


In general, these studies have


quantified hunting or have described game use, but they have not demonstrated that this game harvest is

part a system where the wild animals actually are managed by the local residents.

Linares (1976) was the first to propose that subsistence hunting by indigenous people in the

Neotropics was something more than hunters taking wild animals where the wild animals were


abundant or easy to harvest.


Based on archeological evidence, Linares (1976) proposed that, prior to


the arrival of Columbus, indigenous people at Cerro Brujo, Panama, practiced a type of wildlife

management in which they planted crops in gardens and hunted the wild animals that fed incidentally on









mammals was taken.


Although Linares (1976) did not present information about the occurrence and


relative abundance of the other taxa present at the area, she concluded that the number and kinds of

animals taken by the hunters were affected by 1) shifting cultivation, especially of cultivated root crops,

and 2) the behavioral preadaptation of these mammals to become commensals of people.

Linares (1976) called this hypothetical game-procurement system "garden hunting" and

characterized it (p. 344) from two different perspectives:


"The most abundant animals present are either smallish animals that live in the


underbrush or in burrows, often in the vicinity of encampments or recently cleared fields (the

caviomorph rodents] and armadillo), or larger forms that are not too shy and live-or can

live-in forest-edge conditions (the collared peccary and the white-tailed deer)."


Two,


"The mammals missing altogether or poorly represented are either those that inhabit the


high canopy (monkeys


Cebus, Ateles, Alouatta,


etc.],


sloths [Bradypus and Choleopus] or


those that are fast climbers (coatis [Nasua nasua],


squirrels [Sciurus]) or those that are very


shy and live in forested conditions away from man (the brocket deer and tapir [Tapirus

bairdii]."



The supporting evidence for these characterizations was based on 1) faunal assemblages in

Neotropical forests at Suriname and Barro Colorado Island, Panama (Eisenberg and Thorington, 1973)

and 2) behavioral and ecological traits of the most important mammals hunted by the prehistoric Cerro


Brujo group.


Based on a comparison of mammalian biomasses, Linares (1976) determined that none of


the dominant species (in terms of biomass) at Surinam or Barro Colorado Island was taken by Cerro


Brujo hunters.


Linares (1976) hypothesized that this was due to a difference between faunal







8

assemblage, whereas Suriname and Barro Colorado Island represented natural or undisturbed

assemblages.

Based upon a comparison of behavioral and ecological traits for the terrestrial mammals

harvested at Cerro Brujo, Linares (1976) determined that there were differences between closely related


species that affected the frequency with which they were harvested.


Between peccaries, the white-


lipped peccary needs a large home range and probably a large forest, whereas the collared peccary is


known to live in disturbed conditions and readily eats cultivated crops.


Between deer, the brocket deer


is shy and dwells in the forest, whereas the white-tailed deer occurs in cleared and cultivated fields.

The collared peccary and white-tailed deer were harvested more frequently by Cerro Brujo hunters than


were white-lipped peccaries or brocket deer.


The other mammals taken at Cerro Brujo also ate crops


or used gardens.

Garden hunting has been described for various indigenous people, but the intensity and nature


of these studies has varied.


Perhaps one of the most thorough studies of this practice was conducted by


Irvine (1987) at a site in the Ecuadorian Amazon that was populated by Runa Indians.


Irvine (1987)


quantified the take of game with respect to habitat type (i.e


., gardens, fallow, and forest).


By rank


order of frequency of take, the acouchy (Myoprocta pratti,


25.6% of kills, total number of kills


833),


agouti (14.0%),


paca (13.3%), and squirrels (Sciurus spp.


11.1%) were most commonly taken


by Runa hunters. By

collared peccary (20.4


rank order by weight of kills, the paca (25.8%,


agouti (14.1


total weight


and brocket deer (Mazama spp.,


= 3,439.7 kg),


12.7%) were more


common.


Among the caviomorph rodents and the large mammals, there were differences in the


frequency of game kills by habitat type.


For the rodents


, the paca (20.8% of kills in gardens,


21.7%


of kills in fallows


and 57.5%


of kills in forest) and the agouti (15.8%,


32.4%


, and 51.8%) readily


used gardens and fallows, whereas the acouchy (1


,27.5%, and 70.7%


[corrected values from


Table 4-5 of Irvine]) readily used fallow and forest, but only infrequently used gardens.


For the large







9

With respect to whether the Runa practice garden hunting, these results showed that the agouti


and paca were both numerically important and frequently harvested in gardens.


other hand, was numerically important, but did not use gardens.


The acouchy, on the


Among the large mammals, the


collared peccary and brocket deer were neither numerically important nor harvested in gardens.


species, however, were harvested in fallow areas.


Irvine (1987) concluded that the primary factor


responsible for the occurrence of game kill sites in gardens and fallows was not the availability of


crops, but rather the occurrence of fruiting trees such as churnda (Bactris


gasipaes) and sacha abillu


(species undetermined, Family Sapotaceae).

The present research is the first integrated study of garden hunting to demonstrate the possible


interdependence between hunting,


gardens, and game abundance.


In this study,


I examine


simultaneously wildlife take, wildlife availability


wildlife food habits


, and wildlife use of gardens in a


single area.


Mava Gardens


Maya gardeners today plant two types of gardens: milpa and solar (Caballero, 1992; Forrest,


1991).


The milpa is a relatively large plot of land that is located away from the house.


corn and beans are planted in these gardens.


Milpas are moved to new sites every 1-2 y.


Crops such as

The solar is


a relatively small plot that is located around the house or in the immediate vicinity of the house.


Fruits, herbs, and medicinal plants are planted in these gardens.


Solares are not moved from year to


year. In this dissertation, the term garden will be used to mean milpa.



Research Obiectives


The overall research question of this study is the following:


"Do Yucatec Maya Indians at


Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, Quintana Roo,


Mexico, practice garden hunting?"


If Maya subsistence







10

species of wild animals that used gardens; three, the densities of these wild animals taken as game


would be greater in the vicinity of gardens than in forests without gardens; and four,


the wild animals


taken as game would consume crops from gardens.

In order to evaluate the nature and extent of this hunting, questions were formulated following


suggestions by Redford and Robinson (1985,


1990).


Fieldwork was conducted during 1989-1990.


results form the basis for the remaining chapters of this dissertation.


In Chapter


I discuss the natural, cultural,


and socioeconomic environment of the Maya


Indians in Quintana Roo, Mexico.


This general discussion of the setting will facilitate comparisons


with other sites.


In Chapters 3-7,


I present and discuss specific data collected during the field study.


In Chapter 3,


I discuss wildlife harvest by Mayan hunters in Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos.


specific questions answered are:

How many people in the village hunted?

How many individuals and what kinds of wildlife were taken by hunters?

How much wildlife did individual hunters take?

When, where, and how was wildlife taken?

What was the catchment area of the hunting?

Were there temporal or seasonal differences in the frequency at which wildlife was

taken?

In what kinds of habitat were wildlife taken?

This information on wildlife use will be compared with estimates of wildlife population densities

presented in Chapter 4.

In Chapter 4, I discuss wildlife densities in early secondary forest (current and recent

agricultural areas) versus late secondary forest (areas not used for agriculture for at least 50 y) in the


study area.


The specific questions answered are:







11

Were there temporal or seasonal differences in the frequency at which wildlife was

sighted?

This information will give a measure of the number and kinds of wildlife potentially available to

hunters, and will be compared to wildlife use as described in Chapter 3.


In Chapter 5,


I discuss wildlife food habits and evaluate the importance of gardens and


domestic crops in wildlife diets.


The importance of gardens and crops will be analyzed with respect to


wildlife use by hunters (Chapter 3) and wildlife availability (Chapter 4).


The specific questions


answered are:

What kinds and what parts of plants were eaten by wildlife?

Were there seasonal differences in wildlife diets?

Were cultivated crops important as food to wildlife?

This information will be used to determine if wildlife is attracted to domestic crops or wild plants that

occur in gardens as a result of disturbance (e.g., palms).

In Chapter 6 I discuss characteristics of Mayan gardens and their uses by hunters and wildlife.

The specific questions answered are:

How large were gardens?

What crops were planted in gardens?

In what habitat types and at what distances from the village were gardens located?

When were gardens cleared, planted, and harvested?

This information will be used to explain wildlife availability (Chapter 4) and wildlife food habits

(Chapter 5).

In Chapter 7, I summarize the results of this study with respect to the model of garden hunting


and offer a series of conclusions.


I focus on the main premises of Linares (1976):


one, wild animals


used gardens; two, hunters had to focus their harvest of game on those species of wild animals that









was designed to test each of these premises.


In closing,


I will propose that strong conservation


measures be enacted to protect the wild animals at X-Hazil Sur and the cultural traditions of the Maya

hunters that use these species.


Maya and Spanish Terms


One of the challenges that accompany working in a different culture is being able to translate


specific terms into your native language.


During this study


many Maya and Spanish terms were


learned for gardens, vegetation, and wildlife that did not have equal counterparts in English.


to enhance clarity, maintain the Maya and Spanish sense of the term,


In order


and avoid lengthy and ambiguous


English translations in this paper, several Maya and Spanish terms were retained and italicized (


huaya).














CHAPTER 2
NATURAL, CULTURAL, AND SOCIOECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT
OF THE MAYA INDIANS IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO

Introduction


Subsistence hunting in the Neotropics, whether practiced by Maya Indians, peasants, or tribal


peoples, varies in response to different natural and cultural factors.


wide range of wildlife,


Each group, for example, hunts a


uses different techniques to locate and kill prey, and observes specific traditions


in the use of wildlife and exchange of game.


An understanding of these natural and cultural factors


will help to explain specific hunting methods and results as well as help to analyze the variation in


subsistence hunting practices by these people.


A key additional consideration to understanding hunting


is the nature and extent to which cultural factors break down when the group becomes involved with


market economies.


For this dissertation, I will analyze subsistence hunting by Maya Indians in the


village of X-Hazil Sur, Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos,


State of Quintana Roo, Mexico (the Spanish term


ejido is used to describe a geographic and administrative unit in Mexico,


see below).


The following summary describes published accounts as well as personal observations during

1987 and 1989-1990 of the natural, cultural, and socioeconomic environment of the Maya at the local


(village), state (Quintana Roo),


and regional level (YucatAn Peninsula).


While the personal


observations were made primarily in the village of X-Hazil Sur, trips also were made throughout the


region


The final section of this chapter is an extensive description of the study area.


The term subsistence hunting, as contrasted with commercial hunting, will be used here to


describe hunting by Maya Indians at X-Hazil Sur as game rarely is sold in markets.


However, as many


Maya hunters care for domestic animals or can purchase canned meat, this hunting has more of an

opportunistic quality than, for example, subsistence hunting practiced by Yuqui Indians in Bolivia (cf.,







14

Natural Environment


Quintana Roo (50,843 km2) is located along the east coast of the Yucatan Peninsula, between


17049'-21037'


N latitude and 86044'-89024'


W longitude (Figure


2-1; Escobar Nava, 1986).


To the


east lies the Caribbean Sea, to the west the Gulf of Mexico and the Mexican states of Yucatan and

Campeche, and to the south lie the countries of Belize and Guatemala.


Ecological characterization of Quintana Roo is incomplete.


mammals, birds, reptiles,


Studies have been conducted on


amphibians, vegetation, and soils, but much of this information has not been


updated in 30-50 years.


Recent studies,


however, include a statewide, botanical survey (Cabrera Cano


,1982), an ecological assessment of the southern part of the state (Camarena-Luhrs and Salazar-


Vallejo, 1991),


and an analysis of the biological diversity and economic aspects of the Sian Ka'an


Biosphere Reserve (Dachary and Arnaiz Burne, 1989; Navarro L. and Robinson, 1990).


The following


summary provides information relevant to an understanding of the natural and cultural factors affecting

subsistence hunting by Maya Indians in Quintana Roo.



Geology and Physioiraphy


Quintana Roo is a flat, broad shelf of dolomite and limestone rock jutting north-northeast into


the Caribbean Sea (Lee, 1980; Wilson, 1980).


The YucatAn Peninsula rises gradually to a maximum of


350 m along the western border with Campeche (Paynter, 1955a, 1955b; West, 1964).


Bedrock


deposition began in the Eocene age (50 million years ago) and resulted in limestone and dolomite layers


that are several hundred meters thick (Bonet and Butterlin, 1962 [not seen,


cited in Wilson, 1980]


L6pez Ramos, 1973 [not seen, cited in Wilson,


19801).


Much of the surface limestone is thoroughly


karsted; sinkholes and small caves are common.


Quintana Roo has three physiographic subdivisions (Wilson, 1980).


The CobA District, the


northern half of the state, is a karsted plain with linear depressions, several large lakes, and an




















L'4
*


MEXICO


GULF OF
MEXICO


Cozumel


Canillo


CAMPECHE


QUINTANA ROO


* a aa **

S* -a .... **
a.... .. ***
-S...
al
Sl ~ = go


CARIBBEAN SEA


Study Area
Ejido X-Hazi y Anexos

Sian Ka'an Biosphere Reserve


State Capital


* Cities/Towns


International Boundaries


State Boundaries


Highways


100 Km.
I


GUATEMALA


YUCATAN


BELIZE







16

characterized by low relief and a number of linear fault depressions in which streams, lakes, and lake


beds are located.


This district also includes offshore islands of fault origin.


The Rio Bec District,


encompassing a small portion of the state along the western boundary,


broad, conical hills; and high linear ridges.


is an area of intermittent lakes;


The drainage patterns of this district are poorly developed.


Hvdrology


Due to the low relief and limestone surface of Quintana Roo, rivers and lakes are rare, but the


water table is high.


1980).


Water frequently is found in wells today at depths of only a few meters (Wilson,


In pre-Hispanic times, however, the Maya technology was insufficient for digging wells


through the limestone so people often constructed cisterns to store water during the dry season (Killion


et al., 1989).

year (Wilson,


The Maya located their settlements near sinkholes that contained water during the entire

1980).


Below the rock surface of the Yucatan Peninsula, a layer of freshwater overlies a layer of


saline water (Back and Lesser, 1981).

however, as is the case in Florida. R


Movement of the freshwater is not via underground rivers,


father, due to hydrostatic pressure generated by rainfall, the


freshwater moves along underground rock fractures from the interior of the YucatAn Peninsula to each


coast.


As a result


, the underground freshwater is widely available rather than being found only in


isolated areas.


The wide distribution of underground freshwater also has its drawbacks.


Recently


geologists


have questioned the wisdom of coastal developments for tourism or agriculture that might pierce the


aquifer in the YucatAn Peninsula and allow freshwater and saline water to mix (Perry et al.,


1989,


1990; Smart and Whitaker, 1990).


Such mixing would be deleterious to wildlife, plants,


and humans.


There are few sources of surface water in the state for either people or wildlife.


The only


river in Quintana Roo is the Rio Hondo, which forms the border with Belize and drains into Chetumal









Cenote at Chichfn Itzh, State of Yucattn; Wilson, 1980),


but diameters of 10 m are more common.


Many species of small fish occur in the caves, lakes, and sinkholes (Barrera, 1964; Lipske, 1990).

Shallow depressions (including natural collapse features called aguadas and small pothole features


called sartenejas commonly occur on the surface.


These depressions fill with water during the rainy


season and retain water through much of the dry season, thus providing natural sources of water for

wildlife, plants, and humans.

In response to the difficulties with obtaining drinking water from natural sources, the Maya of

X-Hazil Sur now obtain their drinking water from personal wells near their homes as well as from


underground pipes connected to the village water tank and supplied by a community well.


These two


sources are highly reliable, and water availability no longer is a problem, except during power outages


or due to mechanical problems with the pumps.


Water potability, however, is a separate issue as


chemicals used to purify the water may not always be available or added as necessary to ensure water


purity


As a results, village residents often suffered from diarrhea.


Climate


The climate of Quintana Roo is warm and humid. According to the Koppen terminology, the

main climate category is Aw (Tropical Savanna; Garcia, 1973). There are two, well-developed


The rainy season typically lasts from May through October (SAnchez Crispin,


1980; not seen, cited by Careaga Viliesid, 1990).

than 60 mm precipitation each (Wilson, 1980). d


mean temperature is 20-250C.


study site),


The driest two or three months typically have less


Annual precipitation in the state is 900-1,600 mm and


At the Sian Ka'an Biosphere Reserve (immediately to the east of the


annual precipitation is 1,000-1,200 mm, while about 70 percent of the rain occurs during


May-October (Olmsted and Durdn, 1991).


The maximum temperatures occur during May-September,


while the minimum temperatures occur during December-January.


During the dry season,


cold fronts


seasons; rainy and dry.









usually last only a few days at a time.


Rainfall and temperature vary along a north-south gradient in


the state, with more rainfall and lower temperatures in the south and less rainfall and higher

temperatures in the north (Wilson, 1980; Escobar Nava, 1986).

Hurricanes frequently occur in the Caribbean Sea and strike the Yucatan Peninsula (Walker et


al., 1991).


The impact of these storms on the people, plants, and wildlife depends greatly on the force,


duration, time of year, and the path the storm takes.


During 1952-1978,


46 hurricanes traversed


Quintana Roo (about two per year),


including Janet (striking Chetumal in 1955) and Carmen (striking


Chetumal in 1974; Escobar Nava, 1986).

Hurricane Gilbert, the last major hurricane to strike Quintana Roo, raged over the YucatAn

Peninsula during 14-15 September 1988 and affected the human residents as well as the wildlife and


associated habitats (Anonymous, 1988; Wilder, 1988).


Between Canc6n and Tulum Ruins, the rains,


waves (about 6 m high), and winds (reaching 320 km/h) damaged roads, boats, buildings, beaches,

power lines, and water pipes. Throughout the northern half of the state, lowlands were flooded, leaves


were stripped from branches, and many trees were uprooted.


This destruction was especially critical to


Maya farmers throughout the region because their gardens were destroyed, but many species of wildlife

that were crop predators also suffered due to the loss of crops.

Throughout the northern half of the YucatAn Peninsula, immediate as well as delayed impacts


of Hurricane Gilbert became apparent. In the days following the storm, biologists in Cancan noted

large numbers of dead and dying bats in the streets. They attributed this to the disappearance of


insects, the bats'


main food (J.


Juarez G.


, pers.


comm.).


During the following dry season,


in 1989,


forest and grass fires raged across the Yucatan Peninsula and burned about 135,000 ha during four


months (L6pez-Portillo et al.


,1990).


The impact of Hurricane Gilbert on the local people,


plants, and


wildlife in Quintana Roo has yet to be quantified, but it is considered to be one of the most severe


storms ever (Lynch, 1991


Whigham et al.


,1991).







19

Soils

Soil physical and chemical properties directly affect the vegetation that can grow in an area.

These properties indirectly affect people who plant gardens or harvest natural forest products, such as


lumber.


These properties also affect wildlife species that depend upon this vegetation for food and


cover.

Unfortunately, the classification of soil types in Mexico is problematic, and a new

classification scheme recognizing additional categories, especially in the Yucatan Peninsula, is being


prepared (Dunning, 1989).


Presently,


the soils of Quintana Roo are classified as belonging to the order


Rendzinas, suborder Calcomorfics, according to the FAO classification, while according to the USDA


classification they are categorized as belonging to the order Mollisols, suborder Rendolls (U


Department of Agriculture, 1975).


Rendzina soils are shallow; have low fertility levels; can be red or


black in color; have good structure and drainage; and have a high content of calcium, carbonates,


bicarbonates, and organic matter (Aguilera, 1959).


Soil color can vary greatly between adjacent sites.


Soil physical and chemical changes in gardens in the X-Hazil Sur area are similar to those in


other tropical sites subject to shifting cultivation (Noguez-Galvez, 1991).


In general, after 20 years of


fallow the physical and chemical values of the soil stabilize at levels similar to those of soils in late


secondary forest.


every


X-Hazil Sur residents, however, now practice a short fallow cycle, replanting about


y, and increasingly complain about decreasing crop yields.


Noguez-Galvez (1991) conducted a study of soil characteristics in the same area as the present


study,


and reported the following selected soil chemical and physical properties of garden sites for 1


and 70 y of fallow at 0-5 cm of depth:


Soil chemical properties: Organic matter (8.08%


and 10.49%,


1 and 70 y,


respectively), Total


nitrogen (0.437%


and 0.493%), P04 (12.16 ppm and 16.31 ppm), Ca+"


(59.48 me/100g and










me/100g), K+ (3.11 me/100g and


2.37 me/100g),


pH KC1 (7.20 and 6.60),


and pH H20 (7.78


and 7.32).


Soil physical properties: Field capacity (52.39% and 57.23%),


wilting point (21.59% and


22.55%),


available water (30.77% and 33.54%),


and bulk density (0.86 g/cm3 and 0.76


g/cm3).



These results suggested that the soils of the area can support horticulture, but that the present

period of only a few years that Maya farmers leave the land to fallow will result in serious soil


degradation.


A fallow period of 20 y would allow soil physical and chemical properties to return to


normal levels.


Below the soils of the YucatAn Peninsula there is hard surface limestone (Wilson,


Widespread, especially in the north,

carbonate near the ground surface.


1980).


this rock is formed by solution and precipitation of calcium

Plant roots break up the cemented grains and shell fragments into


large chunks that litter the surface.


A material called sascab occurs below the hard surface layer (Wilson, 1980).


pure calcium carbonate and forms as the surface limestone weathers.


Sascab is nearly


Friable, sascab is commonly


mixed with cement by Mexican workers to make roads and building foundations.



Species Richness


Species richness is the number of species that occur in a specific geographical area without


regard to their density or abundance.


Among Mexican states, the species richness of Quintana Roo is


relatively low, containing only about 20-30% as many species as the states with greatest richness


(Flores-Villela and Gerez Fernandez, 1989).


About 151 species of vertebrates and 1,257 species of









estimated to be high.


Species richness of Quintana Roo is enhanced by the fact that 79% of the natural


habitat is categorized as unaltered and has not been significantly perturbed by recent human activity.



Flora


Several attempts have been made to characterize the vegetation of Quintana Roo.


and classifying the Yucatdn Peninsula, Standley (1930),


In describing


Lundell (1934, 1937), Leopold (1950), Paynter


(1955a),


Cabrera Cano et al. (1982),


and Rzedowski (1986) generally recognized from three to six


vegetation types.


Tropical semi-evergreen forest is the dominant type in the Quintana Roo, occurring


in the south and east, while tropical semi-deciduous forest is less dominant and occurs in the north and


west (Rzedowski and Calder6n de Rzedowski,


1989; Figure 2-1).


Phytogeographically, the Yucatan


Peninsula is more similar to northern Central America than to southern Mexico (Estrada-Loera, 1991).


The flora of central Quintana Roo is characterized by a medium-height forest that is 7-25


tall (Cabrera Cano et al.


,1982).


The forest floor has both woody and herbaceous plants but little soil


or organic matter.


Lianas and epiphytes are abundant and are supported by a large number of trees.


The dominant trees include the following; Brosimum alicastrum, Bursera simaruba,


Manilkara zapota,


Metopium brownei, Psidium sartorianum, and Vitex gaumenri.

The State of Quintana Roo has a long history of logging and shifting cultivation (Edwards,


1986).


Although little information about deforestation rates is available for the state, Flores-Villela and


Gerez Fernandez (1989) determined that only 21%


of the natural habitat had been significantly


perturbed or was in the process of being transformed.


Since 1957


, commercial logging has been


managed through cooperative agreements between the ejidos and the State Forestry Program (see


Snook


,1993).


Fauna







22

Peninsula differs from other areas in that species endemism and diversity are lower than in the rest of


the country.


In addition, species distribution and abundance patterns for mammals and herps suggest


that taxa in the northern part of the peninsula should be grouped into the Yucatin Biotic Province,

while those in the southern part should be included with the Middle America taxa (Lee, 1980; Dowler

and Engstrom, 1988).



Characteristics of Selected Mammals and Birds


Human cultural traditions and the distribution and abundance of animals determine which


wildlife species are considered as game in an area and which are not.


main taxa of interest in this study.


Mammals and birds were the


Excluding bats, insectivores, small rodents, marine mammals, and


endemic species on offshore islands, there are about 40 species of mammals and 15 species of birds


that are potential game taxa for Maya Indians in Quintana Roo (Chlvez


Le6n, 1980, 1983; Gaumer,


Leopold, 1972, 1977


Ramfrez Pulido et al


., 1982; Ramirez Pulido et al.,


Appendices A


and B).


The following summary is based on the literature, my personal observations, and information


provided by Maya hunters.

Marsupials were not taken as game by mestizos or Maya hunters but were killed as they


preyed upon chickens and ate pineapples (Ananas comosus) and other fruits in house gardens.


animals were viewed as pests (M. Cab Cohuo,


These


comm.).


Primates were not taken as game by Maya hunters in Quintana Roo,

females occasionally were killed so that their young could be sold as pets, es


(Ateles geoffroyi).


but in the past, adult


pecially spider monkeys


Spider monkeys and howler monkeys (Alouatta pigra) are uncommon in the forests


and rarely are taken by hunters (Navarro L. et al.,


1990; Watts and Rico-Gray, 1987).


These primates


reportedly were much more abundant and widespread in the past (J.


Edentates were not taken as game.


Poot Cruz, pers. comm.).


Armadillo (Dasypus novemcinctus) meat, although







23

parents and grandparents frequently ate armadillo meat in the past as they knew how to remove the


tumors (J.


H. Balam Xiu, pers. comm.).


Tamanduas (Tamandua mexicana) often were killed by motor


vehicles at night along Mexico Route 307.

The single lagomorph species reported for western Quintana Roo was not present in the study


area (Dowler and Engstrom, 1988; Jones et al.,


1974b).


Three of the six rodents were relatively


common in horticultural areas and regularly were taken as game; paca (Agouti paca; ca. 8.2


agouti


(Dasyprocta punctata; ca. 3.6 kg),


and pocket gopher (Orthogeomys hispidus; ca. 0.4 kg).


The biology


of these species in the Yucatin Peninsula is poorly known (Jones et al.,


1974a).


Several species of carnivores occurred in the study area (Birney et al


Jones, 1975).


., 1974; Genoways and


The coati (Nasua nasua; 3.8 kg) was an important game species as well as a


troublesome crop predator.


Coatis in large groups of up to 30-40 adult females and their young


frequently entered gardens and caused extensive damage to the corn.


Hunters reported taking pumas


(Fells concolor) and jaguars (Panthera onca) for their skins, teeth,


and meat.


The ocelot (Felis


pardalis) and margay (F. wiedii) also were taken for their skins.

kinkajous (Potosflavus) and raccoons (Procyon lotor). Raccoon


Only two hunters reported taking


is often were shot as they consumed


corn seedlings, but the carcass usually was left by hunters to rot.


The tapir (Tapirus bairdii) was the largest mammal in the study area at about


hunters did not report taking this species. Hunters i

thick skin and that the meat was not especially tasty


275 kg, but


indicated that tapirs were hard to kill due to their

. Tapirs occurred in the flooded lowlands in the


eastern part of the study area, but were uncommon in Quintana Roo (Sanchez-Herrera et al.


1986).


There were two species of peccaries and two species of deer in the study area, and all four


taxa of these ungulates were major game species (Birney et al.


Genoways and Jones, 1975).


Both species of peccaries occurred in groups that ranged widely over gardens and forested areas.


collared peccary (Tayassu tajacu; ca. 17


kg) was smaller, but more abundant than the white-lipped










americana; ca. 26.1 kg) and the white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus; ca.


40.0 kg) frequently were


observed in or around gardens.

The main game bird species taken by mestizos and Maya hunters at X-Hazil Sur include the


tinamou (Tinamus spp. and Crypturellus spp.),


vetula),


great curassow (Crax rubra),


and ocellated turkey (Agriocharis ocellata; Griscom, 1926; Leopold,


plain chachalaca (Ortalis

1977; ChAvez Le6n,


1983; L6pez Ornat, 1991; L6pez Ornat et al.


1989; MacKinnon Vda. de Montes,


1989).


Other


species taken for meat, as pets,


or because they are crop predators include the red-billed pigeon


(Columba flavirostris),


scaled pigeon (C.


speciosa


parrots (Amazona spp.), and parakeets (Aratinga


spp.).


The Maya of X-Hazil Sur, like other indigenous people in the Neotropics, take species of


wildlife other than birds and mammals.


For example, the Maya consume honey produced by wild and


cultivated bees (Apidae; Chemas and Rico-Gray, 1991


Roubik et al.


,1990).


Honey is an important


food item for several indigenous groups in the Neotropics (Posey


1984; Posey and Camargo,


1985).


The Maya also consume modest quantities of fish taken from local sinkholes during the dry season.

About 30 species of freshwater fish have been reported from sinkholes in Quintana Roo, but only two

species are important for subsistence purposes (Rhamdia guatemalensis [Pimelodidae] and Astyanax


fasciatus (Characidae; Gamboa-P&ez, 1991


Wilkens, 1982 [not seen, cited in Gamboa-P&ez, 1991]).


Fish also are widely consumed by indigenous groups in the Neotropics (Carneiro, 1970; Chernela,

1982, 1985).

The Maya of X-Hazil Sur, unlike many other indigenous groups in Mexico and throughout the


Neotropics, do not consume insects or


(Ctenosaura similis).


or meat from snakes


, terrestrial turtles, or lizards


This is in contrast to western Mexico, where lizard (C. pectinata)


are consumed by local residents (Parra Lara, 1986; Santana et al.,


1990).


and meat


Maya hunters at X-Hazil


Sur, however, recall that 10-20 years ago, along the east coast of Quintana Roo in what is now known









sea turtles (Chelonia mydas, Eretmochelys imbricata,


and Dermochelys coriacea; J. Cab Can, G.


G6mez Puc, and J.


Poot Ake, pers. comm.).


These wildlife products were sold to intermediaries and


eventually were purchased by tourists or business people who fabricated articles made from these

products.


Study Area


The study area was located on the Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, one of the largest ejidos in


Quintana Roo (Figure


The population of Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos during the study was about


1,680 people distributed in the three villages of X-Hazil Sur, Uh-May, and Chancah Veracruz (Dachary


and Arnaiz Burne, 1989; Dr.


Juan Chi, pers. comm.).


Ejido residents were primarily Maya and lived


in the villages, except for about 10 people who lived on a semipermanent basis at farms or camps


(ranchos and campamentos) in the forest.


The ejido is composed of the direct descendants of the Maya


who fought Mexican soldiers for more than 50 y during the Caste War (Reed, 1964;


see below).


While Dachary and Arnaiz Burne (1989) suggested that the population of the ejido had declined, local


officials (D. Ake Ayala, pers. comm.) indicated that the ejido was growing in population.


At about 3.0


persons/km2, the human population density on the ejido was greater than the density on many other

nearby ejidos. For example, Ejido X-Maben had a density of only 0.8 persons/km2 (Murphy, 1990).


The three villages that compose the ejidos were founded about 1915 after a smallpox epidemic.

Deaths due to this epidemic occurred throughout the region as well and forced many residents to


abandon their homes to seek new places to live (Villa Rojas, 1987:149).


The presence of a few small


stone structures on the ejido suggests that the area was populated by the early Maya, but these


structures have not been studied by archeologists.


Local residents suggested, however, that the area


had a relatively recent occupation dating from the early 1900s when four or five families founded a


small village near the site of Rancho Las Palmas (Kilometer 95,


Route 307


and S.


Yeh Ake, pers.









Due to the large size of the ejido (55


ha) it was decided to focus the study on the


community of X-Hazil Sur (19


023'30"N


,8805'00"W), the largest of the three villages.


In 1992 the


population of X-Hazil Sur was 1,040 (Dr. Norbierto Ramirez Morales, in litt.


539 men and 501


women; Figure


About


of the men and 47%


of the women were between the


of 15 and


59, while only about


5% of the total population was


60 years old.


During 1989-1992 the population


of X-Hazil Sur grew from 950 to 1,040, but this reflected emigration and immigration,


as well as births


and deaths.

Temperature and precipitation were measured at X-Hazil Sur during July 1989-December 1990


(Figure


Appendix C).


The highest temperature recorded was 390C on 28 and 29 May


- 59
- 54
- 49
- 44
- 39
- 34


25-29
20-24
15- 19
10-14


- 9y


1 Males


l Fernm les


Figure


Distribution of X-Hazil Sur residents by age class and


There were 539 males and 501


females during the census of 1992.


II






I +1
w




Efl


I + I


I + I
I + I
I + 1


I + I











TEMPERATURE (C)


PRECIPITATION (MM)


300

250

200

150

100

60

0


J AS O N D J F M A M J JASON


MONTH


MEAN MINIMUM TEMP
PRECIPITATION


Figure 2-3.


--


MEAN MAXIMUM TEMP


* PARTIAL MONTH


Mean monthly temperature and precipitation at X-Hazil Sur, Quintana Roo, Mexico, during


July 1989-December 1990.


1990, while the lowest temperature recorded was 90C on


measured by a thermometer 1CO


27 December 1989 (temperature was


and read daily at 0700 h to obtain the minimum and maximum


temperatures for the preceding 24 h).


Rainfall during 1 January-12 December 1990 was 1


.3 mm,


slightly above average (rainfall was measured by a rain gauge and read daily at 0700 h).


Local


residents reported that during the past several years it had been drier than normal and that the rainy


season had begun 1-2


months later than normal.


The ejido was composed of four major land-use and vegetation types: Plots & Gardens (6.07%


of ejido),


Early Secondary Forest (5.18%), Late Secondary Forest (88.


52%),


and Other (0.


Table


Sites categorized as Plots & Gardens mainly were located near the three villages or along roads,


while sites categorized as forests usually were located relatively far from the roads (Figure 2-4).


E












Table


Land uses and vegetation types at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos, Quintana Roo, Mexico.'


Land uses and vegetation types Area (km2) % Total


Plots & Gardens


33.56


Subtotal


33.56


Early Secondary Forest


Former gardens


26.44


Cattle corrals & pastures


Subtotal


28.62


Late Secondary Forest & Low Moist Forest

Medium height, semi-evergreen forest

Low height, semi-evergreen forest


418.74

63.18


Seasonal wetlands

Ponds & Sinkholes


Subtotal


489.48


88.52


Otherb


Subtotal


Total 552.95 100.00

" The area was determined by using a compensating polar planimeter to measure land uses and
vegetation types on a 1987 map (1:25,000 scale) produced by the Plan Estatal Forestal. The
map was based on aerial photographs (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica Geogrdfica e
InformAtica, February 1985, 1:37,000 scale), topographic maps (Instituto Nacional de
Estadistica Geogrdfica e InformAtica, 1987, 1:50,000 scale).
b The category "Other" was composed of village sites and previously forested areas (rodales)
where logs were sorted, trimmed, and loaded.


road that extended from north to south.


Secondary roads connected X-Hazil Sur and Chancah Veracruz


t ,~, -.,, a I a -- :*t : 4.21 ~


A- \ ^_*- ^ \'


i__, -rLi,,- -^-1


nps-- **_j- __-*. X, ^* -

















SVEGETA-ON TYPES I XQ
* PltsaidGardemns A cahVeraauz 0 1 2 3 49m

Ear Secondary Foret Uh-May

FonmerGardens a X-HanilSur .d

jj CStUe Conals and Pastes -- :: S li
Late Secoinday Forest V* s, ,-::
So oI js .. ............ .,.
oD Melum He igM. SdBEwmeen nst. ...

:3 LOW HeogNt.Semvrgreen Forest V^ *


* Pods an d SindtoMe s/o


OtherRoads ....... "^ 0 f A






: ..... ..





i ^^ i ** ****-* ***^ I ly\-o^ B pc~;^----t----*---
***--; ': :::::s:*;::: l: .^: :::: ::: {




































m_
... ..,_.................. .._....


















I -^i/S \*J--- BSPEEz
Io ..




wc4 cipe

oB me


reM


I



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I


I





I
S



4
I
I
I
a
S
I
S









subdivided by oil exploration roads that were constructed by Pemex about 1980-1982 (D.


Ake Ayala,


pers. comm.).


The Pemex roads greatly facilitated travel in the eastern part of the ejido,


especially to


logging and chicle tapping sites.


Paths, trails, logging roads, and old horse trails


between villages and camps also penetrated the area and frequently were followed by hunters.


summary


probably no part of the ejido was more than 4-5 km from a trail or road.


Forest Successional Sta es


Barrera de Jorgenson (1993) surveyed the trees at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos and compared the

population structure and tree species diversity for areas categorized as Late Secondary Forest versus


Early Secondary Forest.


In Late Secondary Forest, a total of 98 species from 33 families were


recorded (n


= 2850 trees


2 cm dbh).


The most abundant species in Late Secondary Forest were


false lignum vitae (Gymnanthes lucida, n


= 392 trees, dbh range


= 2-31 cm


, dbh


= 8.6 cm),


ya (Nectandra coreacea, n


(Manilkara zapota,


= 244, dbh ran


= 171, dbh range


= 2-47 cm, J dbh


= 2-83 cm, r dbh


= 10.04 cm),


= 19.73 cm).


and sapodilla


In Early Secondary Forest,


a total of 60 species from 26 families were recorded (n


= 808 trees


cm dbh).


The most abundant


species in Early Secondary Forest were nees (Gymnanthes lucida, n_


= 94 trees, dbh range


= 2-10 cm, x


dbh = 5


.3 cm), wild grape (Coccoloba cozumenlensis, n_


= 59, dbh range


= 2-5


cm, j dbh


cm), and white gombolimbo (Dendropanax arboreus,


= 55, dbh range


= 2-16 cm, x dbh


= 4.95


Cultural and Socioeconomic Environments


The Maya of X-Hazil Sur are a highly acculturated people, having changed much over the past









regularly travel by bicycle or motor vehicle to adjacent towns and villages.


However, many of these


same individuals also observe special rituals as they butcher game, construct rudimentary dwellings,


and plant and harvest their gardens.


They also believe in spirits (e.g.,


San Juan and San Miguel),


commemorate their dead, as they have done for hundreds of years.


While some of these practices may


appear to follow the Catholic religion, they have their basis in traditional Maya beliefs.


The result is


that the current cultural environment is a hybrid of traditional and modern beliefs (Careaga Viliesid,

1990).


Information about Maya Indians and the YucatAn Peninsula has been compiled since the early


1500s.


Among the first European visitors who published descriptions about the area were priests,


explorers, and government officials (cf


., Cook, 1769 [cited in Villa Rojas, 1987]; Davila, 1870 [cited


in Villa Rojas, 19871; Landa, 1978; Stephens, 1963,


1969).


While these authors were amazed by the


size and complexity of the large ceremonial centers encountered throughout the region, they considered


the local Maya residents to be backward and ignorant.


With respect to the area itself,


these writers


described the YucatAn Peninsula as an extremely harsh environment.

Accounts about Maya culture published since the early 1900s have described a sophisticated


society.


Linguists and chroniclers, for example, have documented the important role that Maya


cosmology has in Maya oral history and daily conversations, including those between Maya and


foreigners (Burns, 1973,


,1980, 1983


Hanks, 1990; Sullivan, 1987


1989).


For example, a


series of stories may include references to animal spirits, the creation of the world, and an epoch of

miracles when half a kernel of corn was sufficient to make tortilla dough for a meal for 6 or 8 people.

The conversation then could switch to comments about the Queen of England, accounts of slavery in


the United States, and analyses of recent world wars.


From these accounts it is clear that Maya oral


histories and conversations contain a rich mixture of references to past, present, and future events.

History and cosmology also mix references to actual peoples with those to spirits and deities.









Ramos, 1939 [cited in Villa Rojas, 1987]; Lothrop,


1924; Pollock, 1940).


Recent archeological


studies, however, have challenged traditional views of a cultural elite supported by simple farmers and

concluded that the Maya had well-populated cities supported in part by intensive horticulture (Sabloff,

1991).


Anthropologists have described the dynamic nature of Maya daily life.


Maya grammars and


ethnographies, for example, have described a culturally rich people with a written language and

extensive knowledge of useful plants and animals around their villages (Gann, 1918, 1926, 1935;


Morley,


Tozzer, 1907


, 1956; Redfield and Villa Rojas,


1921; Villa Rojas, 1969, 1987).


1962; Steggerda, 1941; Thompson, 1930;


In addition, the Maya have adapted traditional


horticultural practices to new environmental conditions as they occupy new areas (e.g.


Carter, 1969).


Guatemala;


Studies also have shown that Maya women are taking a more active role in the political


and economic aspects of daily life (Elmendorf, 1976).


nature of contemporary


These examples clearly show that the vibrant


Maya daily life.


In spite of the numerous accounts over the past 150 years, research results published during

the past 5 years are forcing investigators to rethink many of their ideas about the historical Maya


described from archeological sites.


The traditional image of Maya culture, as indicated above, is a


series of elaborate ceremonial centers with a peaceful, ruling elite supported by a peasant class


practicing hunting,


gathering,


and shifting cultivation.


New interpretations of hieroglyphic inscriptions


suggest that the Maya engaged in extensive armed conflict (Marcus, 1991; Schele, 1991).


Other


studies have confirmed the presence of complex cities, intensive horticulture, and sophisticated religious


symbolism (Hansen, 1991; Rice, 1991; Tolstoy, 1991).


This has lead to an expanded view of the


historical Maya culture that now appreciates the role and activities of the elite, as well as the nonelite,

in daily life and recognizes that the historical Maya were able to manipulate their environment in order


to sustain intensive horticulture and avoid environmental degradation (Andrews, 1991; Harlow,


1991;











There is some debate about when people first inhabitated Mesoamerica.


While some would


argue that the earliest settlers in Mesoamerica arrived about


25,000 B.C.


(Adams,


1991), others


scientists would contend that about 7,000 B.C.


is more probable (Nesbitt, 1980).


The Maya Indian


civilization developed during 1500 B.C.


- 150 A.D.


(Formative Period).


By about 800 B.C


the Maya


had founded the city of Dzibilchaltin, near M6ida, and several other smaller villages along the coasts

of the Yucatin Peninsula and south to Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador (Andrews, 1960,


Deevey et al.,


1979).


During 150/300-650/900 A.D.


(Classic Period),


the Maya increased in number and developed


an advanced culture that included a calendar, number system, network of roads, written and spoken


language,


trade routes that reached from central Mexico to Panama, and a system of horticulture that


used raised gardens irrigated by canals (Denevan, 1970; Flannery, 1982; Pohl, 1985


Sabloff


, 1991;


Turner and Harrison, 1983).


At the height of their power during 1250-1519 A.D.


(Late Postclassic


Period),


the Maya in the northern part of the Yucatn Peninsula numbered about 800,000 inhabitants


(Clendinnen, 1987


Cook and Borah, 1974).


Perhaps the Maya are best known for their large ceremonial centers, including Tikal


(Guatemala), CobM and Tulum (Quintana Roo, Mexico),


and Uxmal and Chich6n-Itzd (Yucatan,


Mexico; Lothrop, 1924; Stephens, 1963; Thompson,


1966; Thompson et al.,


, 1940).


During


650/900-1250 A.D.


for reasons that still are being debated, the Maya civilization declined in size and


power (cf.


,Adams, 1977


1991; Cowgill, 1962; Culbert and Rice, 1990; Morley


1956; Thompson,


1966; Willey and Shimkin, 1973).


in 1511,


the Maya were first contacted by Europeans-albeit accidentally-when some Spanish


sailors were shipwrecked at a site called Las Viboras along the northern coast of the Yucatdn Peninsula


(Landa, 1978).


Several skirnmshes ensued in the following years as other Spanish sailors attempted to


Historical Setting









During the following 300 years,


the Spanish expanded their power along the northern coast, but various


Maya chiefs retained control in the interior of the Yucatan Peninsula (Reed, 1964; Villa Rojas, 1987).

Due to harsh treatment of the Maya as the Spanish expanded their power and presence in the

Yucatan Peninsula, relations between the two groups were poor, and in 1847 the Maya began a


rebellion


1847 to 1855


, subsequently called "The War of the Castes"


, during which about


(Reed, 1964).


57,000 people perished (about 17%


The severest fighting lasted from

of the total population of the


Yucatan Peninsula; Cook and Borah, 1974).


Maya farmers armed with guns and machetes eventually


held 80% of the Yucatan Peninsula and almost took Merida, by that time the prosperous Spanish capital


of the YucatAn; but these men stopped fighting


"temporarily"


in order to return to their homes and


plant their gardens (Reed, 1964).


This decision by the Maya to postpone fighting was a major error


and allowed the Spanish to regroup.


Eventually the Spanish prevailed, but isolated


cases


of resistance


by the Maya, primarily in the area of Felipe Carrillo Puerto


Quintana Roo),


continued until the early


1900s (Escobar Nava, 1986; Reed, 1964; Sullivan, 1989).

Quintana Roo was declared a territory of Mexico in 1902 and state in 1974 (Escobar Nava,


1986).


According to a 1902 estimate, the population of the Quintana Roo was about


5,000 people


(Dachary and Arnaiz Burne, 1983).


By 1970, just prior to the modern period of growth and


development, the population of Quintana Roo was 88,150 inhabitants, with about


55.4% of the


population born in-state (mostly Maya Indians) and 43.4% born out-of-state (mostly mestizos; Dachary


and Arnaiz Burne, 1984).


Largely ignored by the Government of Mexico until the mid 1950s, the


Maya and mestizos of the state subsisted mainly by hunting,


gardening, extracting lumber from the


forest, and harvesting chicle latex from sapodilla (Manilkara zapota) trees.

The cultural and physical isolation experienced by residents of Quintana Roo lessened in 1955,

after Hurricane Janet struck the Yucatdn Peninsula and caused major damage to the Chetumal area in


southern Quintana Roo.


After receiving the damage reports, government officials and private citizens







35

Eventually several social and economic programs, including the construction of roads, schools, and

hospitals, were undertaken to improve the quality of life in Quintana Roo (Escobar Nava, 1986).


By 1983,


the population of Quintana Roo had increased to 330,813 inhabitants and reflected


much recent growth and development in the state.


Chetumal (75,113 inhabitants),


in the southern part


of the state, has prospered as the state capital and as a thriving commercial center for trade with Belize.

In the north, the cities of Cancdn (about 81,000 inhabitants) and Cozumel (23,224 inhabitants) have

flourished since the mid 1970s as resorts for national and international tourists (Dachary and Arnaiz


Burne


,1984).


Today, less than 40% of the population of Quintana Roo lives in rural areas, in


administrative units called ejidos (described below),


and still practices traditional subsistence activities


(Dachary and Arnaiz Burne, 1984).



Eiido System in Mexico


The village of X-Hazil Sur is a part of Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos and is located about


of Felipe Carrillo Puerto (Figure


25 km S


The ejido system was instituted in Quintana Roo in 1928 to


allow Maya Indians and other rural people to have title to specific tracts of land around their villages in


areas that previously were considered government lands.


These tracts were held in communal


ownership where the residents could live and practice their subsistence activities.


Previously,


government officials sold concessions on these lands to outside business people without compensating


local residents; a great deal of resentment among local residents resulted.


The objective of the new


system was to improve relations between business people, local residents, and government officials by

giving local people control over their lands.

Ejidos are properties, either owned by the government or expropriated from private owners,


where landless campesinos (subsistence farmers) have usufruct to the area (Gordillo, 1988).


In this


system, the residents do not have title to individual plots of land within the ejido; rather, they enjoy









deceased husbands).


If an ejidatario ceases to live on a plot or to work it, other residents are free to


use that site without obtaining permission from any local official or the previous user.

The creation of ejidos resulted in a mechanism that allows residents to manage their timber

resources and distribute among themselves the profits from any contracts with outside business people.

While timber contracts are based on tree inventories conducted by government foresters and approved


by the Ministry of Agriculture (Secretaria de Agricultura y Recursos Hidratilicos, SARH),


residents conduct tree replanting programs and are free to negotiate prices with potential buyers (M.


Carre6n Mundo, pers.


comm.).


Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos is governed by three officials; mayor (comisariado),


secretary/treasurer (secretario), and enforcement officer (inspector).


These officials handle the formal


affairs of the ejido and are selected by villagers at elections every


years.


None of these officials can


be re-elected.


An additional official


, the village delegate (sub-delegado),


handles local legal matters


, the issuance of birth and death certificates) and is selected by state government officials located


in the town of Felipe Carrillo Puerto.


Other local individuals supervise work projects on the ejido,


such as the collection of chicle and the extraction of timber.


These officials also are elected by


ejidatarios and an effort is made to rotate these positions among qualified candidates as the coordinators

organize work crews, oversee projects, and receive a small salary.

An important aspect of the ejido system is that nonresidents are not allowed to exploit ejido


resources, such as timber or game, without the permission of ejido residents.


a majority decision and is rarely given.


Permission depends upon


In this way ejido residents maintain control over their local


resources.

Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos was created by a decree from the state governor in 1941 and enlarged


by presidential decree in 1942 (Dachary and Arnaiz Burne, 1983).


Over the years, areas have been


added or removed from the ejido to accommodate the formation of new ejidos.


The present size of the









Ejido members must be Maya in order to be ejidatarios.


Previously ejido membership at X-


Hazil y Anexos was granted automatically to all young men (about 16-18 years old) upon application to

the comisariado and after fulfilling the requirements of planting a garden, maintaining a residence at the


ejido,


and collaborating on community work projects (faenas).


These members then shared in the


profits of timber sales by the ejido.


Presently


the ejido has about 400 members.


New members no


longer are being accepted because current ejidatarios voted to restrict membership after per capital


profit shares became unacceptably small.


Today, as young men come of age,


they still may live and


work on the ejido but cannot share in any distribution of timber sale profits.



Social Organization


The social organization of indigenous groups is affected by many factors.

factor is the ability to obtain food for personal consumption (Harris, 1974). Man

also share or exchange game for social and nutritional reasons (Stearman, 1989).


One important


y indigenous people

In some cases, these


exchanges extend to all group or village members, while in other instances, the sharing is limited to the


immediate family of the hunter.


Maya hunters are known to share or exchange game, but the


importance of game to Maya social organization has not been studied.


Maya households at X-Hazil Sur today vary in size and composition.

households (husband, wife, and children) are the most common type, compos


Nuclear family


ing about 75% of the


households, and are similar to those described by Redfield and Villa Rojas (1962), Webber (1980),


Villa Rojas (1987).


Multiple family households (each family a separate economic unit; e.g.,


an adult


man and his immediate family living adjacent to his parents with father and adult son working together,

but dividing the crops) and extended domestic families (more than one family constituting a single


economic and social unit; e.g


., an adult man and his immediate family living adjacent to his parents


with father and adult son working together, and sharing the crops) also are common.


The typical









for themselves.


The size and composition of Maya households is important as members engage in the


various subsistence activities necessary for survival.


live at X-Hazil Sur


Family members, regardless of age or where they


, frequently share game and exchange food on special ceremonial days, but are not


bound by tradition to share with nonfamily members.

The close ties between family members affected the layout of the village through the location


of houses.


In X-Hazil Sur, family groups frequently formed neighborhoods composed of adjacent, but


completely separate solares and houses that contained the grandparents,


parents, and adult children.


This close physical proximity of houses to each other facilitated inter-family closeness, but also

increased friction between relatives during family feuds.

Given the cultural traditions of the Maya, with the family and kinship being highly important,

and the great difficulties associated with subsisting in Quintana Roo, it is not unusual for there to be


few unmarried adults or abandoned children at X-Hazil Sur.


During 1989-1990,


there were several


single adult men (primarily young men or widowers),

years old) who was single and unmarried by choice.


while there was only one adult woman (about

There were, however, several adult men and


women who previously had been married, but subsequently had separated or divorced.


Some of these


adults continued to live alone in their houses (usually the men), while others returned to the household


of their parents (usually the women).


In households where a divorce, remarriage, or death of a parent


had occurred, the children often were sent to live with their aunts or uncles, but never abandoned.

Some widows and widowers continued to live with their children, while others returned to live with


their parents or other family members.


Divorced adults frequently found new partners.


Thus, by


being flexible, both children and adults were able to obtain support from friends or relatives.

As young adults mature at X-Hazil Sur, they may continue to live with their parents or leave


and establish new households.


Unmarried adults usually remain with their parents.


After getting


married, an adult male frequently builds a new house for himself.


This house generally is located in a









village.


A young man, recently married, typically will hunt and work with his father, father-in-law,


other adult male relatives for 1-2


years until he accumulates enough resources and experience to


become economically independent.

Maya men and women at X-Hazil Sur and throughout Quintana Roo have separate roles in the


household.


Men hunt, plant gardens, harvest chicle, extract lumber, provide firewood, maintain the


house and yard, and care for goats and cattle in outlying corrals.


Women attend to the house and the


children, tend house gardens (cf.,


Forrest, 1991), and raise and sell domestic animals (e.g.


, pigs,


turkeys, and chickens) in order to supplement family income.


Some of these products are sold locally


while others are sold in the town market at Felipe Carrillo Puerto.


Maya children at X-Hazil Sur often assist their parents with household chores.


may accompany his father to the garden, but will do little manual work (e.g.


harvesting) until he attains 10-15 years of age.


A young boy


planting, weeding,


Young boys, however, often are sent on minor errands,


for example, to find firewood or to scare animals from the gardens.


until about 15


Boys usually don't begin hunting


years of age.


Young Maya girls, on the other hand, experience a vastly different childhood than boys do.

From the time she is about 5 years old, a young Maya girl assists her mother by helping in the kitchen,


caring for younger siblings, and by bringing corn to a local store to be ground into meal.


Girls don't


hunt or clean game, but are expected to cook the meat and prepare tortillas after the men return. I

about the age of 15 years, most Maya girls have learned their adult roles and are able to manage a


house and care for a family


while most boys are just beginning to learn their corresponding roles.


Social structure in Maya communities is YucatAn has been a difficult subject among


anthropologists.


While clear economic differences exist among individuals and families, these have not


resulted in structured hierarchies of social classes.

Maya villages promotes egalitarian relationships.


Redfield (1960) notes that the ideology of Yucatec

At the same time, the history of the 19th century









noticed


however


, is the pervasive importance of factions in village life (Re Cruz, 1992; Redfield,


1960).

In short, village social structure in Quintana Roo sometimes appears to anthropologists as a

classic case of a closed corporate peasant community (Wolf, 1957) where distinctions of wealth and


status are downplayed.


At other times, remnants of the Caste War political leadership system are used


to structure social relations.


Finally,


factions and schisms rise and fall in villages, resulting in the


appearance of economic stratification that might be just an accident of recent history.

The Maya of Quintana Roo are not just Mexican peasants, as Foster (1967) and others


describe.


But neither are they pristine tribal peoples.


They are villagers who have developed systems


of social relations that exhibit community differentiation, but are not mirrors of Western social classes.

The social hierarchy or stratification at X-Hazil Sur can be seen in men who occupy the major


administrative positions and some families that tend to be more prosperous than other families.


AtX-


Hazil Sur and throughout the Yucatan Peninsula, village officials are elected, usually for single terms


of office, by ejidatarios.


Single adult women at X-Hazil Sur are proscribed by community vote from


independent or separate economic activities, such as operating a restaurant or having an individual lot

for a house or garden in Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos.

Although Maya villagers do not have a social hierarchy or stratification that mirrors western


social classes, there are local individuals who perform special functions.


For example, shamans cure


illnesses, midwives deliver babies, and religious officials oversee spiritual matters.


These people have


undergone an apprenticeship locally and continue to serve as long as their services are requested by


village residents


There are no shamans in the village of X-Hazil Sur,


but there are several midwives


(parteras), one male herbalist (yerbatero or curandero), and two men and one young woman who pray


at religious ceremonies (rezador).


appropriate training.


These positions sometimes pass from parent to child after the


Several other men direct specific activities at the church, and usually are assisted









the garden.

misfortunes.


Other men indicated that it was a way to placate the Maya gods and avoid potential

While these actions superficially resemble the practices of cargos (burdens) or promesas


(promises) reported for highland peasant communities (Dumond, 1977), the Maya do not accrue


prestige by these activities (Burns, pers. comm.).

female) also treat various illnesses. While these


In adjacent villages, herbalists (both male and


people are treated with respect by village residents and


receive a small compensation for their services, they are not afforded permanent or formal recognition

and do not accrue prestige or political power over time.


Primary school attendance is mandatory in Mexico.


Students at X-Hazil Sur can attend grades


K-8 locally.


Secondary school attendance is voluntary.


school in Felipe Carrillo Puerto,


about 30 minutes away


Students willing to pay tuition may attend

by bus. In an effort by ejido residents to


reduce the costs of attending secondary school, in 1990 a secondary school was opened at X-Hazil Sur

where instruction takes place via television (telesecundaria).


X-Hazil Sur residents also may attend post-secondary classes in nearby towns.


Technical


courses, such as accounting and hotel management, frequently are taught in Cancun, Chetumal, and


Felipe Carrillo Puerto through various government programs.


Increasingly


young adults are


completing their education and obtaining jobs outside of X-Hazil Sur.



Settlement Patterns


Maya Indians in Quintana Roo presently live in a wide variety of villages, towns, and cities


throughout the state.


Most of the villages, such as X-Hazil Sur, have little commercial activity and are


inhabited almost solely by Maya people.


Since X-Hazil Sur is larger than other nearby villages, it also


has a school, medical clinic, and satellite television system.


Village stores are linked to those in towns


by traveling salesmen who represent specific product lines, such as soda pop, bicycle parts, and


groceries.


The variety of merchandise, however, is limited.


Towns, such as Felipe Carrillo Puerto,







42

centers in the state and have Maya, mestizos, and large numbers of national and international tourists.

Most of the Maya in Quintana Roo live in villages, however.


According to the 1983 census, there were


792 population centers in Quintana Roo,


with 90%


containing fewer than 50 people each (Dachary and Arnaiz Burne, 1984).


centers (


The 11 largest population


2,500 residents) have a combined population of 214,935 inhabitants (65% of the total


population).


Maya at X-Hazil Sur live in two basic styles of houses. The traditional house is composed of

poles and thatch, measures about 4 by 6 m, and is rounded on each end (cf., Redfield and Villa Rojas


[1962],


Webber [1980],


and Villa Rojas [1987]).


About 70-80% of the houses at X-Hazil Sur are of


this type.


Almost all houses have electricity (usually one outlet and one 60 watt bulb per house) and


running water (usually one faucet located outside, near the front door of the house).


may have either a dirt or cement floor,


Traditional houses


while the walls may be of poles or plaster, and the roof may be


of tar paper or palm fronds (including Sabal yapa and Thrinax radiata). The modern house is of

masonry, has windows, is rectangular in shape, and usually has a cement roof. The masonry house


usually is less comfortable than the wooden house because air circulation is limited and the roof and


walls tend to radiate heat after sunset.


Only a few of the masonry houses have modern conveniences


such as indoor plumbing or a kitchen with stove and running water within the house.


Modern and


traditional houses are laid out in a grid pattern, about 50-100 m on a side, and 4-6 families usually


occupy a 1 ha block.


Many households consisting of several nuclear or extended families have both


types of houses.



Subsistence and Economic Activities


The Maya at X-Hazil Sur conduct numerous kinds of subsistence and economic activities. Tt

main subsistence activity is to clear forested areas and plant a garden containing corn (Zea mays; Ho









1987; Webber, 1980).


An important aspect of this practice is that most trees survive the clearing


process and readily resprout (Rewald, 1989).


This ability to resprout helps to facilitate the recovery of


the forest after the garden is placed into fallow.


Gardens typically are about


ha in size, located near the village,


and are tended by adult men


(see Chapter 6 for additional information about gardens).


Women rarely assist the men in tending the


garden, but young boys frequently begin to help when about 10-15 years old.


Gardens usually produce


a single harvest of corn in December-January


but other crops may continue to produce for 1-2


years


., camote [Ipomoea batatas; Is in Mayal and macal [Dioscorea sp.


Macal in Maya]).


occasionally work for wages ($4-5/day) on a temporary basis, tending gardens or building houses

locally.

While tending a garden is not a daily, full-time task at X-Hazil Sur, the work requires careful

planning and must be conducted in a sequence that closely conforms to the weather (Noguez-Galvez,


1991).


The men clear (la tumba) the garden site during January-March and take advantage of the


bright sun during April-May to dry out the bushes, ground litter, and felled trees.


Just before the rainy


season begins, in May or June, the men set fire to the site in a carefully controlled burn (la quema) that


lasts 1-2 h.


The men plant (la siembra) in May-July (depending upon when the rainy season begins)


and weed (el chapeo) the garden one or two times during August-October.


During October-November,


the men double or bend over (doblar) the corn stalks to facilitate drying and avoid predation by birds


and coatis.


The corn harvest (la cosecha) occurs during December-January


Other crops are planted


and harvested throughout the year.

Maya women also engage in subsistence activities (Elmendorf, 1976; Redfield and Villa Rojas,


1962; Villa Rojas, 1987;

pigs, turkeys, or chickens.


ANebber, 1980).


Women at X-Hazil Sur generally care for small numbers of


These animals are butchered by male members of the household.


Some of


the meat is consumed within the household, while the rest is sold locally.


Usually this money belongs









small gardens near the house.


Some of the herbs, fruits, and vegetables are consumed by the


household, while the rest is sold locally,


often door-to-door by small children.


These activities provide


only a limited income to women as these products are commonly produced by most area residents.

X-Hazil Sur men also undertake several economic activities in order to supplement their


subsistence activities and to earn cash and purchase

while others take place in nearby towns and cities.


Some of these activities occur on the ejido,


Within the ejido, the main economic activity for


men is to extract latex from sapodilla trees growing wild in the forest (A. Jorgenson,


1992).


Chicle


latex is used to produce chewing gum, and has been exported to the United States, Japan,


European countries for more than 100 years (Otafilez Toxqui and Equihua Enriquez, 1981


and several


Dachary and


Arnaiz Burne, 1983).

Maya men harvest chicle latex during the rainy season by cutting canals in the bark and


collecting the latex in a bag placed at the base c

members of a formal cooperative, may process

season (Barrera de Jorgenson, 1993). Usually ]


forest for several days before moving on to another site.


Men, working independently but as


5-15 trees daily for 3-5 months and earn about $350 per


men form teams of 2-4 individuals and work an area of


Men usually leave home each morning and


return each afternoon.


Rarely,


men establish camps in the forest and harvest chicle for 7-14 days


before returning to the village.


Men usually bring their guns to the tapping site and frequently shoot


wildlife between the village and the work site.

Another economic activity for Maya men in Quintana Roo and Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos is to


harvest the trees for lumber (Edwards, 1986; Murphy, 1990).


Mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla)


wood is economically valuable and has been harvested primarily for export in the Yucatan Peninsula


since the late 1800s (Negreros, 1991; Snook, 1993).


Mahogany wood is processed overseas and is


used to make items such as furniture, floor tiles,


and wall panels.


Other species of valuable tropical


woods are harvested as contracts are approved by the Government of Mexico.


An especially valuable









Some workers use gasoline-powered chain saws, while others use axes and machetes.


Workers often


harvest game in the forest while processing trees.

For many years, timber harvested on Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos was shipped to private lumber


mills near Chetumal for initial processing before shipping the lumber overseas.


negotiated the siting of a lumber mill in the village of X-Hazil Sur.


local ejidatarios as mill workers,


In 1989 the ejido


The mill owner agreed to train


process ejido timber there, and after 3-4 years turn over the mill


operation to the ejido.


Presently the mill provides part-time employment to about


75 workers.


These


workers cut planks and build tables, chairs, and bee hives.


locally, most are shipped to Chetumal.


While some of these items are purchased


The impact of this mill has not been fully felt by ejido


residents, but already several men have reduced the time spent hunting and in other subsistence

activities.


Maya Indians in Quintana Roo have cared for European domestic livestock (i.e.,


sheep [Ovis


horse [Equus caballus), and cow [Bos taurus]) since about 1519 (Hamblin, 1984,


and Rea, 1985).


Today, about eight teams of men herd cattle on the ejido


small and presently the main focus of the owners is to increase herd


1985; Hamblin


. These herds are relatively

About once a month,


however, a cow is butchered in the village and the meat sold locally for approximately $3.33 per


kilogram.


Goats also are raised.


One man has a herd of about 15 goats and feeds them fresh leaves


from the ramdn (Brosimum alicastrum) tree.


sold in Felipe Carrillo Puerto.


Eventually these goats will be butchered and the meat


Another man has about five domestic rabbits and along with his family


consumes the meat as circumstances warrant.

Men and women at X-Hazil Sur also tend small stores (five stores in the village offer the basic

necessities); weave hammocks from thread bought in stores; sew huipiles, white cotton dresses used by

women; and tend to special garden plots Zonaa frutfcola; 1-3 ha, irrigated, with the land deeded to

specific individuals) where fruits and vegetables are grown to be sold outside the village under a special


aries),









transportation costs are high,


outside buyers usually pay low prices, and other villages in the area also


produce the same crops at the same time.


Some X-Hazil Sur residents work outside of the ejido for wages.


men work in Felipe Carrillo Puerto as masons and construction laborers.


but the work is part-time.


order to maintain their status as ejidatarios.


For example, about


They earn about $7-10 per


These men live on the ejido and tend personal gardens, however, in


In another example, two brothers have completed their


secondary education, learned English, and now work as waiters in an international hotel complex near


Tulum.


These young men visit X-Hazil Sur frequently, but have lost their ejidatario status.


Other men


have attempted to locate employment outside of the ejido,


but generally have been unsuccessful.


However, in view of the limited economic opportunities in the area, young adults-more than ever

before-are graduating from high school, attending technical schools, and obtaining jobs in stores,

restaurants, and shoe factories in the large towns and cities (Thompson, 1974).


There are two important considerations regarding subsistence and economic activities:


these activities occur throughout the year (Figure 2-5). For example, after the end of the chicle

tapping season a man may switch to logging or gardening, only to resume chicle tapping later in the


At no time are these people inactive for an extended period.


engage in several activities at a time.

survey potential garden sites, and gat


Two, X-Hazil Sur residents usually


For example, a man may weed his garden during the morning,


other firewood on his way home.


Subsistence Hunting


Hunting is no longer an important activity for the majority of Maya Indians at X-Hazil Sur in


light of the alternative ways to subsist.


Many men, however, continue to hunt regularly and harvest a


substantial amount of game (J


Jorgenson, 1990).


The nature and extent of this hunting will be


discussed in subsequent chapters.









Ethos


As with many indigenous people, the worldview of the Maya of X-Hazil Sur has been


influenced by many factors, including their history


physical environment economy, and social changes


brought about as these people are confronted with the realities of Mexican and international life.


the Maya, the outside world as well as the immediate environment are a source of uncertainty.

Many of the Maya at X-Hazil Sur believe that the world is filled with evil spirits that must be


propitiated regularly


Appropriate offerings include praying,


lighting a candle, sponsoring a mass, or


preparing a special meal.


Failure to make an appropriate offering may result in any of a series of


unfortunate events, including an accident, crop failure, a sick family member, bad luck while hunting,


or the loss of a valuable tool.


Offerings often are made on a proactive basis in that a person will make


an offering


ACTIVITY:

Chicle
tapping

Logging

Gardening ----Clear -Plant- -Dbl Corn-
Har Burn -- Plant-- Harvest-

Railroad tie
cutting

Hunting

WEATHER:

Temperature Max Min
Rainfall

Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
Month


Figure


Monthly occurrence of subsistence and economic activities in relation to temperature and


W V









in order to avoid potential problems.


While many X-Hazil Sur residents considered themselves deeply


religious, others professed only limited beliefs.


Several important saints are recognized by the Maya at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos.


During some


of these celebrations, especially prior to planting the garden or during an extended dry period, game is


taken on special group hunts (batidas) and consumed as part of the ceremony.


Other saints do not


require game.


San Juan


, for example, is celebrated in June.


For several weeks prior to the


celebration, representatives of the saint visit surrounding villages and gather food that will be cooked


and redistributed during the public ceremony.


corn


, chickens, and other groceries.


with an extensive ceremony that lasts 10 days.


These representatives go from house to house soliciting


San Miguel, another important saint, is celebrated in February


There is a great deal of peer pressure to contribute


valuable commodities such as a pig or a sack of corn to San Miguel.


Failure to meet these personal


promises is viewed by the Maya as an open invitation for revenge by San Miguel.


Religion plays an important role in Maya life.


Of the three villages, X-Hazil Sur and Uh-May


have small churches, while Chancah Veracruz has a larger church that hosts many regional ceremonies.


Separate Catholic masses and traditional Maya ceremonies are held at these sites.


Few residents of X-


Hazil Sur are fervent believers in the Catholic faith, but parents often bring their children to a priest in


order to be baptized.


This baptism will facilitate obtaining legal identification papers by the child that


are necessary in order to attend school.


These Maya see no conflict in adhering to both sets of beliefs


and often incorporate Catholic prayers (in Spanish) in the traditional Maya ceremonies.


At X-Hazil Sur, the Maya


see outsiders as potentially hostile and dangerous.


An adult Maya


man will seek security through economic independence for his immediate family.


he believes, is achieved by hard work and looking out for one's


This independence,


Most X-Hazil Sur residents are


reluctant to give or seek economic aid, or to lend or borrow items from others, and, except for


mandatory village chores (faenas),


they rarely engage in cooperative projects.









already had established friendships with X-Hazil Sur residents over several years of visits.


In order to


undertake my study at X-Hazil Sur, I had to make a formal request at a village meeting (asemblea)


where the issue was discussed and voted upon.


Other outsiders also have been allowed to move into X-


Hazil Sur on the condition that they would leave if their presence became objectionable to a large


number of residents.


This actually occurred a few years prior to my study when an evangelical


minister from the United States was asked to leave after problems developed.


I fortunately was able to


complete my study and left the village on good terms with the residents.

Personal and official relationships for the Maya of X-Hazil Sur operate on a mixture of fear,


respect, and confidence.


Maya usually can count on their immediate family for support and assistance.


Friendships with neighbors and former schoolmates are not as reliable and arguments frequently occur.


Shamans, herbalists, midwives, the elderly


shopkeepers, and people in authority generally are treated


with respect by all.


In dealing with teachers, doctors,


government officials,


and other non-Maya


outsiders, the Maya have a sense of fear and inferiority,


and they frequently are abused by those in


power.


Ejido residents live a tightly controlled life, and their interpersonal behavior is guarded.

men generally are somber and rarely offer important information to other residents or outsiders.


conduct is similar to peasant behavior in Mesoamerica and central Java (Wolf, 1957).

various groups of men form nightly at stores and the church to discuss village matters.


Adult

This


At X-Hazil Sur,

Adult women


primarily remain at home where they visit with friends and family while attending to household chores.


Social relationships are especially difficult for young adults to establish.


After finishing the eighth


grade, young men and women have limited opportunities to date and have a hard time meeting potential


spouses due to a lack of time, money,


and meeting sites.


Children also are guarded in their behavior


and most children do not greet or smile at outsiders.


These behaviors are changing, however, as


children learn about other cultures in school and the adults gain more experience with outsiders through







50

Creativity and artistic expression are not encouraged by the Maya of Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos.


During my study, I was aware of only one local painter and a handful of musicians.


None of these


artists was highly regarded by X-Hazil Sur residents for their talents.


In school


, children frequently


were encouraged to draw, but their parents usually did not appreciate their artwork.


A potential outlet


for artisans is the DIF store in Felipe Carrillo Puerto, where handicrafts such as hammocks,


dresses,


weavings, and carvings, are sold to tourists, but no X-Hazil Sur residents have sold items at this store.

The Maya of Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos show a general lack of concern for the future or for


self-improvement.

they feed in a neigh


Simple matters, such as leaking roofs and losing one's pigs

ibor's field, are addressed long after they become a problem.


for a few days while

Complex problems,


such as the declining abundance of game and the determining the equitable use of land by cattle


ranchers and horticulturalists, generally are ignored.


With respect to self-improvement, only a few


families have encouraged their children to seek further education or employment outside of the village,

and those individuals who leave subsequently are treated as outsiders.

In spite of a general reluctance by ejido residents to ask or seek economic assistance (except


from government officials who usually did not insist that the loans be repaid),


to give loans against personal items left as security.

necessary items such as food, medicine, or clothing.


I was continually asked


Occasionally the money was used to purchase

More often, however, a man would pawn his


wife's


jewelry in order to buy beer.


The local shopkeepers also loaned money or goods against future


earnings by village residents.


Fortunately, my clients were able to clear all of their debts before I left.


While living in the ejido was an interesting experience and my wife and I made many good


friends, we also noted several problems that complicated daily life for all.


Perhaps the major problem


was the immoderate consumption of beer by men and the numerous fights that resulted.


This was


aggravated by the fact that the men often did not receive any pay until the work was completed even


though the job might last several weeks.


Men often received 3-6 months earnings in cash at a time.







51

A second major problem was that the ejido was divided into two main sociopolitical groups.


As a result, many problems that needed cooperation by all in the village were not resolved.


the division was between two groups of families.


Initially


One faction was composed of members of a single,


extended family that had become somewhat more politically and economically powerful than others in


the village.


The other faction was composed of families that wanted to obtain that power.


Jealousy


and animosity often prevented these groups from cooperating in community affairs.


The matter was


further complicated by competing interests in the villages of Uh-May and Chancah Veracruz.

The conflicts between groups and villages has led to difficulties when it was time to elect


village officials, decide on timber harvests, and make work assignments. Usually matters were decided

by a vote of ejidatarios and little thought was given to compromise or being fair. The minority group


always lost and their resentment was apparent as projects were duplicated, poorly completed, or left


undone out of spite for those in charge.


covered the same route.


For example, the village had two bus lines that simultaneously


Likewise, X-Hazil Sur had an unfinished village hall, unchlorinated drinking


water, and volleyball and basketball courts that lacked lights because residents of one village did not


want to pay for recreational activities in another village.


In addition


, village officials often received


complaints from individuals but were unable to organize an effective committee to complain to


municipal officials about village problems, for example,


the local schools.


incompetent teachers and frequent closings of


These problems likely will continue until residents learn how to work together in a


more cooperative manner.


The picture was not completely bleak, however, as many positive activities also occurred.


example, the village had a baseball team that competed with several other villages and towns.


players had uniforms and provided great entertainment on Sunday afternoons.


Village residents also


managed to host several dances with live bands during the past few years with the profits going for


specific village projects.


Further, village officials successfully negotiated the placement of a small







52

program where about 30 residents will receive government loans and subsidies to grow fruits and


vegetables on private holdings.


These projects have improved village life greatly during the past few


years.


Closing Comments


Recognizing the multidisciplinary nature of this study,


I have tried to show the complexity and


interrelatedness of the three basic elements of this project; gardens, wildlife, and hunting.


element can be understood in isolation from the other two.


No single


To appreciate these results, it is also


imperative to consider the natural,

have changed over the past 25,00(


cultural


, and socioeconomic environment of the area, how conditions


)years, and what challenges lie in the future.


During the next


several years, the Maya of Quintana Roo will have to decide what aspects of their culture they wish to


maintain and what will be allowed to fade as the area is further developed for logging,


cattle ranching


tourism, and


If the costs and benefits of the various alternatives are carefully researched by social


and biological scientists and clearly explained to the Maya, I would hope that the Maya would choose

wisely, but suspect that they might not.














CHAPTER 3
GAME HARVEST BY MAYA HUNTERS IN QUINTANA ROO, MEXICO

Introduction


Studies on the nature and extent of hunting have been identified as a critical need to develop


resource management strategies (Posey et al.,


1984).


These alternative strategies are necessary because


traditional approaches used in Europe and the United States have not been successful in response to the

loss of pristine habitats, especially tropical forests, and the unregulated harvests of wildlife, especially


for commercial purposes (Shaw, 1991).


While people have modified their surrounding habitat and


harvested wildlife for millennia, the rates at which these activities presently occur have placed the needs


of many people in conflict with those of wildlife (Redford and Robinson, 1985,


Redford, 1991c).


1991; Robinson and


The challenge for conservationists is to identify instances where the goals of natural


resource conservation and the goals of indigenous people are compatible.

Previous studies about hunting have treated hunters, wildlife, and the environment in which


they occur as separate, independent elements.


Traditionally, anthropologists have studied hunting from


the point of view of indigenous people and their associated cultural factors.


Studies in the Neotropics,


for example, have quantified differences between indigenous groups with respect to hunting technique


(Hill and Hawkes, 1983; Yost and Kelley, 1983),


taboos (McDonald, 1977; Ross, 1978),


use of


gardens and habitat modification (Linares, 1976; Nations and Nigh, 1980),


and hunting regulation


(Bal6e, 1985


Werner, 1983).


Biologists, on the other hand, traditionally have studied hunting from the


point of view of its effects on the wildlife.


Studies in the Neotropics, for example, have quantified


differences between wildlife species with respect to changes in behavior (Crawshaw,


1991; Dallmeier,


1991; Mittermeier, 1991), population density (Freese et al.,


1982; Peres, 1990),


patterns of habitat use


filmnaimr r 10 rnAnrtmr at l


10R2 10RRh


Tf.a 1nn 0 Iflt


and mammal rntnmnnitv tlructnre


i eonen A A r

Jf| Il







54

specific information about the particular species or indigenous group in question, natural resource


managers are still attempting to develop viable, long-term, management strategies.


Additional studies


are necessary that integrate humans, hunting, and conservation.

An analysis of subsistence hunting by Maya Indians may be valuable in understanding how an


indigenous people apparently can exploit wildlife for subsistence purposes.

help understand if this hunting is being conducted in a sustainable manner.


A biological analysis will

Maya Indians have


practiced shifting cultivation and subsistence hunting in southern Mexico and Central America since at


least 1.500 B.C.


(Adams, 1991).


Archaeological evidence from Cerro Brujo,


in northern Panama,


indicates that the species composition and relative abundance of game taken by indigenous people at

that site during 960-985 AD is similar to that taken by Maya subsistence hunters today (Linares, 1976).

Assuming that hunting practices today are similar to those conducted several centuries ago in the

region, and that hunting practices throughout the Maya realm were similar, this suggests that

subsistence hunting by Maya Indians may be sustainable and could be used to develop alternative

resource management strategies.

The evidence that this hunting could be sustainable was based on an examination of the


behavior, species composition,


and relative abundance of wildlife at Cerro Brujo compared with their


current abundance at other forested Neotropical sites.


Linares (1976) noted that certain wildlife species


at Cerro Brujo were relatively more abundant than expected, based on an analysis of bones at a village

refuse site, when compared with their abundance at other forested Neotropical sites that were not


populated by people.


According to Linares (1976),


these relatively abundant species used the gardens


planted by the Cerro Brujo people and benefitted from the interspersion of small gardens in the


surrounding forest.


Although no data were presented, Linares (1976) postulated that the population


density of the species using the gardens was greater because they regularly fed on cultivated crops


planted by the hunters.


These people subsequently modified their hunting practices and began to







55

garden, benefitted from the additional food resources available and the hunters, due to the garden,

benefitted from the additional game available.

The current study was designed specifically to test the relationships comprising garden hunting.

More generally, it was designed to compile information about a highly acculturated group of indigenous


people practicing subsistence hunting. The resu

evaluating the specific model of garden hunting.


Its of this and subsequent chapters will be useful in

These results also will be useful in developing


alternative resource management strategies as the Maya contemplate a shift in subsistence activities


from hunting and horticulture to logging,


cattle ranching and commercial fruit production.


There were three general objectives for this chapter and several specific hypotheses:

First objective.--Describe the composition and characteristics of the game harvested by Maya


hunters at X-Hazil Sur.


Several hypotheses were tested: One, the proportion of male game animals


taken was equal to the proportion of females taken, per species.


and birds was equal among months.


, the monthly take of mammals


Three, the hourly take of mammals and birds was equal among


hours.


Four, the distribution of take of mammals and birds was equal,


among specific time intervals.


Second objective.--Describe the characteristics of the hunters and their weapons.


Several


hypotheses were tested: One, the age class distribution of hunters was equal to the age class distribution


of the general population of males at X-Hazil Sur.

was equal between different-sized groups. Three,


Two, the yield of game per outing and hunter-hour


the mean prey item weight was equal between


different types of weapons and by hunter for the seven main hunters, based on the total number of prey

taken.


Third objective.--Describe the characteristics of the hunt.


Several hypotheses were tested:


One, the yield of game per outing and per hunter-hour was equal for different types of hunts.


Two,


the distribution of kill sites in different vegetation types was equal to the proportion of these types in


the study area.


Three, the mean kill site distance was equal, by game species and by hunter for the







56

Methods


Study Area


The study took place at Ejido X-Hazil y Anexos,


Quintana Roo, Mexico, during 1989-1990


(total area


= 552.95 km2; Figure


Hunting data were obtained from hunters at the village of X-


Hazil Sur (19023'30"N


8805'00"W; population


= 1,040),


the largest of three villages on the ejido


(total population


= 1,680).


The mean annual temperature is about 260C and the area typically has one


dry season (December-May) and one wet season (June-November).


Rainfall during 1 January-12


December 1990 was 1,277.3 mm (Figure 2-4).


About 88


of the ejido was categorized as Late


Secondary Forest, 6.07%


as Plots & Gardens,


as Early Secondary forest, and 0.23%


as Other


(Table 2-3).


Since about 1915


the area has been occupied by Maya Indians,


whose main subsistence


activity has been shifting cultivation, primarily corn.


Prior to 1915


, Maya Indians did not occur in the


area.



General Considerations


The key to the successful completion of this project was obtaining the cooperation of village


residents and individual hunters.


This cooperation was gained over several months and required careful


and continuous attention to many local political and social matters that were indirectly related to the


field research.


These matters were important,


however, because it was difficult to separate personal


and professional relationships in the village.


My ability to obtain hunting data was enhanced by living


full-time in the village and participating fully in local affairs.

The results of this study were composed of data about game species taken during outings by


hunters from the village of X-Hazil Sur.


Reports from hunters in the adjacent villages of Uh-May and


Chancah Veracruz were not included due to time and financial constraints, even though they were part


of the ejido and hunted on areas used by X-Hazil Sur hunters.


The working arrangement with hunters









began within


5-10 min of the notification.


In order to avoid problems among hunters and to guarantee


hunter anonymity, no details of the hunt were divulged to other village residents.


Two unresolvable


problems were that not all hunters agreed to participate in the study and not all participating hunters


reported all the game they took.


These problems will be addressed below.


Another matter to be resolved was how to distinguish between game and nongame species.


Hunters at X-Hazil Sur took a wide range of animal taxa for subsistence purposes.


also captured some species to keep as pets.


However, hunters


Other species were killed because they were dangerous


venomous snakes), killed domestic animals (e.g.,


Didelphis spp.),


possessed valuable skins (e.g


Felidae), or were crop predators (e.g


., birds of the Psittacidae, Columbidae, and Icteridae families).


Although young boys with slingshots frequently killed small animals for target practice, adult hunters


did not kill animals for this purpose.


In order to focus on species taken for subsistence purposes, local


hunters were interviewed to develop a list of primary game species.


Game species were defined as


taxa that were taken regularly by a large number of hunters and whose meat would be socially

acceptable to most X-Hazil Sur residents.

Four taxa were excluded from consideration although they were taken for subsistence purposes


by some hunters.


Doves (Columbidae) and parrots and parakeets (both Psittacidae) were crop predators


and frequently were taken by young boys protecting gardens.

they were not widely consumed by X-Hazil Sur residents. F


These species were excluded because


ish were excluded from this study because


only a few residents went fishing, fish generally were available only during a short period of time each


year (April-June),


and most hunters viewed fishing mainly as a recreational activity where consumption


of the meat was of minor importance.

The project had several phases and not all types of data were recorded during the entire study.


Initially,


data were recorded on hunting outings for game and nongame species.


Subsequently,


nongame species were excluded from consideration.


Effective 31 July 1990, a decision was made to









shifted from the hunting inventory to completing other aspects of the project. Two, it became apparent

that several hunters were taking these species in order to participate in the study. Three, while


frequently taken, these species were of limited value for subsistence purposes, compared with the other

game species, due to their small body weight.



Number of Species and Individuals


Animals usually were examined fresh and

measured according to standard field procedures.


Animals were identified, weighed, and


Scales with different capacities and graduations were


used to weigh the animals; however, the weights presented here have been rounded off to 0.1 kg.


Hunters were queried about the details of the hunt during formal interviews (Appendix D).


usually lasted about 1


Interviews


min and were conducted either at the field station or the home of the hunter.


The primary game identification guides were Leopold (1977) and Peterson and Chalif (1973).



Sex of Game Species


The sex of an animal was determined primarily based on a visual examination of the carcass,


but internal organs also were frequently examined, especially for mammals.


The sexing of birds in the


field was more difficult than sexing mammals, but each species had certain identifying characteristics.

For the great curassow (Crax rubra [Cracidae]), plumage coloration was used as males are black, while


females are reddish-brown (Peterson and Chalif, 1973).


For the ocellated turkey (Agriocharis ocellata


[Meleagridae]), the presence of leg spurs was used to identify males (Leopold, 1977).


chachalaca, the shape and length of the trachea was used.


For the plain


In male chachalacas, the trachea forms a


comparatively long loop that extends over the lower abdomen, while in females the loop is short


(Delacour and Amadon,


1973).


Sexual identification of the thicket tinamou (Crypturellus cinnamomeus


[Tinamidae]) was based on examination of internal organs by museum specialists at the Universidad









Aee Class of Game Soecies


Primary game species were assigned to one of three age class categories: adult, subadult, and


young.


These categories were based on visual examination of the carcass and on information provided


by hunters as strict age class definitions for these species have not been established for Mexico.


general, individuals categorized as adults were defined on the basis of having a large body size; worn


fur, teeth, nails, and feathers; and having well-developed reproductive organs.


Individuals categorized


as young generally were no more than a few months old and were defined on the basis of having a

small body size; unworn fur, teeth, nails, and feathers; and having poorly-developed reproductive


organs


Individuals categorized as subadults were defined on the basis of having intermediate


characteristics.


The information provided by experienced hunters was especially helpful in assigning


the prey to an age class.



Reproductive condition


The reproductive condition of female birds and mammals was noted to identify when they were


gravid or caring for young.


Gravid females were identified by a visual inspection of the reproductive


tract to locate eggs, embryos, and fetuses. Lactating mammals were determined by squeezing the teats.

Brooding birds were determined by having a brood patch. Reproductive tracts also were collected and


preserved in 15%


formalin for microscopic studies, but they have yet to be analyzed.


Distribution of Take by Month and Time of Day


Data were summarized by month and time of day in order to compare the take of game by


hunters.


The monthly take of mammals was compared for 17 months, while the take of birds was


compared for only 7 months because of apparent reporting problems.


At first, most hunters did not


want to report taking birds, and then it appeared that some hunters were shooting birds specifically to










intervals: 0600-0759 h, 0800-0959 h, 1000-1159 h,


1200-1359 h


,1400-1559 h, 1600-1759 h, and


1800-0559 h.


To ensure adequate sample sizes for statistical comparisons, data were combined in


order to have a minimum sample size of five or more individuals per interval.



Aee of Hunters


Information about the ages of hunters was obtained from local medical doctors who had


conducted annual censuses of village residents.


In most cases, ages were obtained from birth


certificates, but in some cases they were based on the memory of the respondent.



Identification of Hunters, Huntin. Group Members, and Tvyes of Weapons


In order to obtain information from the hunters, it was agreed not to divulge their names or


the details of their kills.


Hunters were reluctant to cooperate, at first, for various reasons.


hunting in the study area was a private matter in that game was not considered to be community

property and hunters were not expected to share information about game kills or sightings with other


residents (cf.,


Hames and Vickers, 1983).


Two, much of the hunting was illegal according to national


legislation because some game was taken out of season or in excess of bag limits (cf.,


SEDUE, in


In order to protect the identity of hunters, specific individuals are referred to by number.


In most cases, cooperating hunters readily acknowledged killing an animal.


provided information about their hunting partners and the weapons used.


They also openly


Noncooperating hunters who


were reported to me by third parties often either denied making a kill or only provided limited


information about the outing.


Every attempt was made to encourage hunters to participate in the study,


and anonymity was assured, but the wishes of those who chose not to collaborate were respected.


Seven hunters obtained substantially more game than did the other 77 hunters.


The individual


results for the main hunters were described in the text and in Appendix E to contrast hunters who









each game kill was attributed to a single hunter.


The arithmetic mean prey weight per hunter was


defined as the total weight of the prey divided by the number of individual prey items, for each hunter.


The entire list of specimens obtained during the study is listed in Appendix F


. This list


includes game and nongame species regardless of how obtained.



Tvoes of Hunts


Hunters at X-Hazil Sur used various methods to obtain game.


Based on information provided


by hunters during the interviews, hunts were assigned to one of four categories: tracking/stalking,

stand/platform, trapping, and other.

According to the tracking/stalking method, hunters search for tracks, feathers, or feeding sign


as they quietly and slowly walk through the forest or garden. Periodically the hunter sits on a log or

rock that provides a clear view of the area and listens for animal sounds. Hunters use this technique


during the day and night.


During night hunts, hunters use headlamps.


According to the second method, hunters construct a stand or platform in an elevated location

and begin using the site a few weeks later, after the animals become accustomed to the structure.

Stands and platforms usually are 3-5 m above ground level and include natural forks in trees, free-


standing tripods made from tree trunks, or branches fastened to convenient trees.


Stands and platforms


are located in both the forest and gardens. Structures located in forests usually are adjacent to game

trails or positioned near water holes or fruiting trees (e.g., sapodilla trees [Manilkara zapota]).


Structures located in gardens usually are positioned to take advantage of game trails, garden edges and


topography,


and the distribution of crops in the garden.


Stands and platforms almost always are used


during the night.

Two basic types of traps were used to capture mammals: wire snares and deadfall traps.


Pocket gophers were trapped using a wire snare placed in the tunnel.


Upon activating the snare, the









the stick used as a spring.


Pacas (Agouti paca [Agoutidae]) and agoutis (Dasyprocta punctata


[Dasyproctidae]) were captured using a deadfall trap constructed of rocks and boards at the entrance of


their burrows or caves where they sought refuge.


dogs that accompanied hunters.


Caves and burrows frequently were discovered by


Both types of traps often were set near work sites in the forest or


garden and along trails between the site and the

capture an animal in the absence of the hunter.


Traps have the advantage of being able to


Disadvantages with using traps are many and include a


tendency for the trap to be activated prematurely and the potential for ants, other hunters, and wild and

domestic animals to steal or damage the prey.



Hunting Outings


For purposes of this study,


a hunting outing was defined as any activity that resulted in the


taking of a game animal for subsistence purposes.


Unsuccessful outings were not recorded.


Some


outings were exclusively for hunting,


chicle tapping,


while others also included nonhunting activities such as logging,


tending the garden, and gathering firewood.


This definition of a hunting outing,


several reasons:


based on the taking of a game animal,


One, hunters did not report unsuccessful hunts.


was necessary for


, hunters often engaged in other


activities before or after a hunt.


Three, hunters and nonhunters often carried firearms to the forest or


garden, even though their intent was not to hunt.


firearms to take game as they could use dogs,


Four, hunters did not necessarily have to depend on


traps, rocks, machetes, and heavy branches.


hunters were open to changing their plans to work or hunt in response to changing events.


example,


strong winds or a rain storm could delay or terminate a hunt, while the accidental discovery


of game animals in the garden could convince hunters to initiate a hunt.


For these reasons data were


taken only on successful hunts.

The duration of a hunting outing was defined as the difference between the departure and









local events such as moonrise, sunrise, arrival of the village bus, or a television program that was on

when they departed or returned. Outing duration included travel time to and from the kill site, and any


additional time spent in activities such as resting,


eating,


or preparing a stand or platform while away


from home, but only during that specific outing.


is justified for two reasons:


This definition may appear excessively inclusive, but


One, due to the interspersion of roads, trails, gardens, and forest, game


animals potentially could be taken almost anywhere in the ejido.

encountered while the hunter was engaged in other activities. In


Two, game frequently was


t those few instances when the hunter


indicated that he also engaged in nonhunting activities during the outing and definitely was not able to


hunt or pursue game, the duration time was adjusted accordingly.


In those few cases when a hunter


wounded an animal, returned home, and resumed the search with additional help, the combined hunt,


travel, and search times were considered as a single outing.


The determination of hunting outing


duration was facilitated by the hunter immediately reporting a game kill.



Vegetation Types and Land Uses


According to aerial photograph interpretation and a ground survey conducted by foresters of


the Plan Piloto Forestal (now named Plan Estatal Forestal),

uses on the ejido (Ing. Marcelo Carre6n Mundo, in litt.).


sites for this study


there are six vegetation types and three land

In order to characterize the ejido and kill


these categories were condensed into four land use/vegetation types (Table 2-3;


Figure 2-5):



One, the category identified as "Plots & Gardens" was composed of active gardens


(milpas), home gardens (huertos and hortalizas), and fr

special corridor along the highway (parcelas). These a

near the village and along roads and trails in the forest.


uit and vegetable plots in the

areas generally were located


Gardens generally were








64

1.0 ha in size, included a house site, and are used to grow fruits and vegetables for


commercial purposes on a full-time basis.

in the corridor along Route 307, between


All of the plots were adjacent to each other


the village of Uh-May and the turn-off to X-


Hazil Sur.



Two, the category identified as "Early Secondary Forest" (huamiles and acahuales)

was composed of regrowth areas on sites that had repeatedly been used as gardens


during the past


25-50 y.


This category also included cattle corrals and pastures as


these areas had undergone the same clearing/burning process used to make gardens.

In Early Secondary Forest, the stem density of trees and herbaceous plants was


greater than in Late Secondary Forest (see below), while the basal area was less than

in Late Secondary Forest (Barrera de Jorgenson, 1993). Early Secondary Forest areas


generally were located near roads and trails, but tended to be at greater distances from


the village than were the plots & gardens.


Left undisturbed


, Early Secondary Forest


eventually becomes Late Secondary Forest through the process of succession.



Three, the category identified as "Late Secondary Forest" was composed primarily of

low- and medium-height semi-evergreen forest (monte alto and monte bajo), but also


included sinkholes cenotess),


ponds (bajos and lagunas),


and seasonal wetlands


(sabanas).


The forest in this category had not been used as gardens for at least 50-75


y (if ever at all),


according to the oldest residents of X-Hazil Sur.


In Late Secondary


Forest, the stem density of trees and herbaceous plants was less than in Early

Secondary Forest, while the basal area was greater than in Early Secondary Forest


(Barrera de Jorgenson,


1993).


Ponds, sinkholes, and seasonal wetlands were included









interspersed in the forest.


Areas of Late Secondary Forest typically were located


along the ejido boundary and furthest from the village.



The category identified as "Other" included the three village sites and forest clearings


(rodales) used during logging to sort, trim, and load trees onto trucks.


Sites in this


category generally would not be good game habitat due to repeated use by people and

the substantial nature and extent of the habitat alteration.



Kill Site Locations and Distance from X-Hazil Sur


The location of each kill site was determined after evaluating the information provided by


hunters, including the route taken,


habitat type of the kill site, distances along each road and trail, and


any landmarks (e.g


., trails, gardens, sinkholes, and road markers).


This information was compared


with aerial photographs (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica GeogrAfica e Informntica, February 1985,


1:37,000 scale),


topographic maps (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica Geogrffica e InformAtica, 1987


1:50,000 scale),


and personal knowledge of the area.


Kill sites were plotted on base maps (scale


1:50,000).


The minimum distance between the village and the kill site was measured as a straight line


from the water tank, about 500 m west of the village plaza.


The water tank was used as a landmark


because it was permanent, highly visible, and indicated on topographic maps of the area.

Care must be exercised when interpreting the information about kill site locations because

many of the sites were based on estimated distances or features that could not be clearly located on the


maps or aerial photographs.


kilometer),


Locations within 2-3 km of X-Hazil Sur, along Route 307 (marked every


or near well-known landmarks probably were accurate to within 500 m, while other


locations probably were accurate to within 1-2 km.

The distribution of kill sites in Late Secondary Forest was compared with the combined total







66

as Other and the similarity between Early Secondary Forest and Plots & Gardens, it was decided to


combine these categories.


For the species analyses, the expected number of kills per vegetation type


was determined by multiplying the total number of kills by the proportion of each vegetation type.



Minimum Harvest and Catchment Areas


The minimum harvest area for each taxa was defined as the region encompassing the kill site


locations for that taxa.


The minimum catchment area for each hunter was defined as the region


encompassing the kill site locations of all game taken by that hunter.


was determined only for the seven main hunters.


The minimum catchment area


Since hunters did not always report the entire area


searched, the minimum catchment area reported here is conservative and includes only the region


encompassing the actual kill site locations.


The harvest and catchment areas were determined using the


minimum convex polygon method (Hayne, 1949


Mohr


,1947) and measured using a compensating


polar planimeter.



Use of DoRs


Dogs frequently accompanied hunters to the forest and gardens, and often located or killed


game


Usually this game was collected and brought home to be eaten by the hunters.


The presence of


dogs on hunting outing, the game taken, and the total number of dogs with the hunting party were

recorded.



Statistical Methods


Parametric and nonparametric tests were used to analyze hunting data.


tested against an expected 1:1 (male:female) ratio using the x2 test.


take by month was tested using the


Sex of game taken was


Homogeneity for the distribution of


For mammals, the expected monthly take was equal to 1/17









that the hourly take was equal to 1/24 of the total take.


mammals by time of day was tested using the


The distribution of take of birds versus

The yield of game per outing and per hunter


hour by hunter group size and type of hunt was tested using the Kruskal-Wallis test (x2 approximation).


The actual hunter group size was used to calculate the yields, but data for groups


summarized in the tables.


5 individuals were


For type of hunt, only tracking/stalking and stand/platform were compared


because for the other two types of hunts yield was essentially independent of hunter group size.


distribution of kill sites in Late Secondary Forest versus Plots & Gardens, Early Secondary Forest, and


areas categorized as Other were compared for homogeneity with the X2 test.


The mean kill site


distance was compared among species and hunters for the top seven hunters using the Kruskal-Wallis


test (x2 approximation).


Mean prey body weight by hunter and by type of weapon was compared using


the Kruskal-Wallis test (2 approximation).


The following statistical terms were used: X2


= chi-square


0(2 approximation for Kruskal-Wallis test); x


= mean, SE


= standard error, _n


= sample size, _d.f.


degrees of freedom, and P


= probability-value.


Specific P values were presented, rather than base a


determination of significance on a set alpha-value.


All statistical anal


yses were conducted using SAS


(SAS Institute Inc.,


1988),


and unless stated were two-tailed.


Voucher Specimens


Voucher specimens were deposited at the Museo de Vertebrados (M. en C.


Carmen Pozo


Director),


Centro de Investigaciones de Quintana Roo,


Chetumal,


Quintana Roo, M6xico, and the


Museo de Zoologia (M. en C.


Adolfo G. Navarro Siguenza, Director), Facultad de Ciencias,


Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de M6xico, M6xico, DF


Mdxico.


Specimen identifications were


assisted by J.


E. Escobedo Cabrera, E. M. Figueroa, H.


Flores, A. G. Navarro Siguenza, and L. L.


Paniagua (in litt.).









Limitations of the Data Sets


There are several problems that must be considered in interpreting the data obtained during


this study


Perhaps the most serious problem was the procedure used to obtain game kill reports.


study was based on voluntary reports of game kills provided by hunters. As might be expected, not all

hunters provided reports and not all cooperating hunters reported all of their kills. This problem was


addressed in many ways in order to improve the likelihood of receiving a report, including: employing

local residents as field assistants; living full-time in the village of X-Hazil Sur; maintaining good

relations with hunters and their families; and repeatedly conducting informal, follow-up interviews with


hunters to confirm or clarify information obtained from others.

obtaining timely and accurate reports of game kills. Based on


These practices greatly facilitated


my calculations, conversations with


hunters, and on information provided by village residents, the reported number of game animals taken

probably represents about two-thirds of the total game harvest, by number of individuals, at X-Hazil

Sur during the course of my data collection.


A second problem was with the measurement of time and distance (e.g


hunting outing or the location of the kill site).


duration of the


While in many cases the hunter knew the exact location


and distance to the kill site as well as the time of day when the animal was killed, in other cases these


measures were estimated.


These estimates, however, were probably quite reliable as the Maya at X-


Hazil Sur were very familiar with measuring time and distances while conducting other subsistence


activities, such as logging and working in gardens.

study were constantly checked against maps, aerial


Distance and time estimates recorded during this


photographs, knowledgeable local residents, and by


making site visits to many of the gardens, kill sites, and work areas in the forest.


A third problem was the normality and independence of the data observations.


It rapidly


became apparent during the study that the nature and extent of hunting depended greatly upon the biases


and preferences of the hunters.


For example, some hunters went hunting on a relatively frequent basis,









while others were not as dependent as they had domestic animals (e.g.,


cattle) to supplement their diet.


pigs, chickens, turkeys, and


As a result of these differences, there likely were several types of


hunters and hunting outings at X-Hazil Sur, that when quantified, would not be independent or


normally distributed.


These differences among individuals, however, were not important here as the


research focus was on the ejido as a whole and the patterns exhibited by those hunters.

The assumptions of data normality, independence, and equal variance were avoided by using

the nonparametric, Kruskal-Wallis test when comparing groups of hunters or game species, instead of


the more-rigorous, parametric ANOVA test.


Given that it was not necessary to meet these assumptions


in order to make the various comparisons, the Kruskal-Wallis procedure could test for differences

under the circumstances at X-Hazil Sur.


Results


Composition and Characteristics of the Harvest


Number of species and individuals.


A total of 584 game animals were reported taken by


hunters at X-Hazil Sur during 17 months (June 1989-October 1990; Table 3-1).


Mammals comprised


66% (n


= 385 individuals) of the reported total and birds 34% (n


= 199).


No reptiles, amphibians, or


insects were collected by hunters for personal consumption, except that honey was consumed when


encountered in the forest.


A small number of fish (Cichlasoma urophthalmus [Perciformes, Cichlidae])


were taken by hunters during April-June of each year, but these data were not included here.


This total


also does not include animals collected by local residents for other reasons, harmful or distasteful

animals that were killed and abandoned, or game species found dead on the road (except for three

instances of fresh game that was consumed by hunters).


Eight mammalian and four avian taxa were taken for subsistence purposes.


The coati (Nasua


nasua [Procyonidael; n


= 167 individuals) was the most frequently taken mammal,


followed by the








70

The game taken by hunters provided residents of X-Hazil Sur with a substantial amount of


meat.


The total body weight of the 584 animals was


700.1 kg (Table 3-1).


Of this total


95% was


from mammals and


5% was from birds.


Three mammalian taxa combined, white-tailed deer (


Odocoileus virginianus [Cervidae]; 709.0 kg total weight, x


= 29.5 kg),


collared peccary (Tayassu


tajacu [Tayassuidae]; 618.


kg total weight, x


= 15.5


and coati (504.9 kg total weight, x


= 3.0


kg) provided 68% of the total weight.


This meat was primarily consumed by the individual hunters and


their immediate families (ca.


400 people),


but small quantities were also sold locally


below).


Sex of same species.


Males and females were not taken in equal proportions.


For all


mmmmals combined, significantly more females were taken than males (2


.3150


0.025; Table 3-2).


< 0.005).


However, for birds, more males were taken than females (t2


While mammals and birds were each dominated by a single taxon,


= 11.8128


the patterns these


higher taxa groupings exhibited were generally the same as those exhibited by individual species.


The ratio of males to females taken varied between game species.


For mammals, more


females were taken than males for seven of the eight taxa (Table 3-2).


mammals combined was 1:1.3:0.0 (males:females:unknown).


The mean


For mammals,


sex ratio for all


the greatest disparity


between males and females taken was for the white-tailed deer (1:3.8:0.0;


0.005).


= 8.1667


The ratio of males to females taken also was significantly different for the agouti (1:1.8:0.1


= 1, _P
~-


< 0.10) and pocket gopher (1:1.7:0.1);


= 3.7692, d.f.


< 0.10).


For birds, more males were taken than females for three taxa, but the only significant


difference was for the plain chachalaca (1:0.6:0.1


= 11.7771


= 1, _P


< 0.005; Table 3-2).


The mean sex ratio for all birds combined was 1:0.

there was a significant difference in the harvest by


. This suggested that for the plain chachalaca


sex, while there was no difference for the great


curassow.











Table 3-1.


Reported number of individuals taken,


mean weight (kg), and total weight (kg) of game


taken by Maya hunters at X-Hazil Sur, Quintana Roo, Mexico, during June 1989-October 1990.


Rank Mean Total Rank
Total number order weight weight order
Game species individuals taken (no.)'a (kg) (kg)b (wt.)

a) Mammals
Pocket gopher 53 (51)d 3 0.4 22.3 10
Paca 47 4 5.8 274.8 4
Agouti 35 6 2.8 96.8 6
Coati 167 1 3.0 504.9 3
White-lipped peccary 3 12 31.4 94.3 7
Collared peccary 40 (36) 5 17.2 618.5 2
Brocket deer 16 8 15.6 250.0 5
White-tailed deer 24 (22) 7 32.2 709.0 1

Total mammals 385 (377) 2570.6

% of all game 66 95
b) Birds
Thicket tinamou 13 9 0.4 4.9 12
Great curassow 13 9 3.1 40.1 9
Plain chachalaca 167 1 0.4 64.9 8
Ocellated turkey 6 11 3.3 19.7 11

Total birds 199 129.5

% of all game 34 5

Mammals & Birds 584 (576) 4.7 2700.1

a Rank order based on total number of individuals taken.
b Total weight was determined by summing the weights of the individual prey items. The degree
of precision varied between species as different scales with assorted capacities and graduations
were used.
Rank order was based on the total weight of the individual prey items taken.
d Values in () indicate number of individuals weighed if weight not available for all individuals in
taxa.














































































^ 3*
I EI
I,"
"' '
*dl S^









Age class of same species.


The proportion of adults, subadults, and young taken by hunters


varied between species.


For all mammals combined, adults were taken more frequently than subadults


or young (55% adults, 43% subadults, and 2%


young; Table 3-2).


The greatest difference by species


was with the pocket gopher (87% adult and 13% subadult),


but the percentage of adults versus


subadults and young also were high for brocket deer (Mazama americana [Cervidae]


adult and


subadult) and white-tailed deer (67% adult,


subadult, and 8%


young).


Adult birds also were taken more frequently than subadults or young overall and for each of


the four taxa (83% adults, 17%


subadults, and 0% young (Table 3-2).


Few subadult or young birds


were taken.


Reproductive condition. Reproc

mammals, none of the pocket gophers (n


luctively active females were harvested by hunters.


= 33 females;


Among


see Table 3-2 for numbers of females) or


white-tailed deer that were harvested were determined to be gravid.


Pregnant white-lipped peccaries


(100% with embryos or fetuses),


agoutis (27%),


pacas (20%),


brocket deer (17%),


collared peccaries


and coatis (2%) were noted (Figure 3-1).


About 32%


of the white-tailed deer and 20% of the


pacas taken were lactating.

Among birds, none of the great curassows or ocellated turkeys that were harvested were


determined to be gravid.


Thicket tinamous (25


see Table 3-2 for numbers of females) and plain


chachalacas (5%) with eggs were noted (Figure 3-1).


None of the birds taken had a brood patch.


reproductive condition of many birds and mammals was impossible to determine due to damage that

resulted from stomach shots by hunters.


Distribution of take by month.


The take of game animals by month varied during the study


For both mammals x(2


= 157.54, d.f.


= 16, P


< 0.005) and birds (x2


= 28.56, d.f.


=6, .P


0.005), there were significant differences among months.

Game species generally were taken throughout the year, but the majority of individuals of a
























t 40



20


Obi Apa Dpu


Tta Ham
SPECIES


- eawm


Figure 3-1.


33 UrL/XS ln-imGr4/


Reproductive status of female birds and mammals.


Animals were categorized as gravid,


lactating/brooding, not gravid/lactating/brooding, or unknown (abbreviations correspond with scientific


name; Ohi


= pocket gopher, Apa


Tta = collared peccary, Mami


great curassow, Ove


= paca, Dpu


= brocket deer, Ovi


= plain chachalaca, and Aoc


= agouti, Nna


= coati, Tpe


= white-tailed deer, Cci
= ocellated turkey).


= white-lipped peccary
= thicket tinamou, Cru


coati, for example, was taken primarily during 9/90-10/90 (48% of the take during two months), and to

a lesser extent during 11/89-3/90 (37% of the take during five months; Figure 3-2D).

The brocket deer and white-tailed deer also followed this pattern in that take was relatively high during

a 2-4 months and then low or absent during the remaining months (Figure 3-3C & 3-3D).


Birds were taken primarily during 1/90-7/90 (Figure 3-4).


For the thicket tinamou, great


curassow, and the ocellated turkey take was primarily during one-two month periods that differed


between species.


Take of the plain chachalaca was primarily during 1/90-3/90 (50% of total),


but data


collection for this species was discontinued after 7/90.


I---













INDIVIDUALS


JASONDJFMAMJJASO


MONTH
A) POCKET aOPHER (N. 53)


I I IVIWWUAL8
201


JJASONDJFMAMJJA80
MONTH


B) PACA (N a47)


S1IDIVIDUALI
25i---


J JASONDJFMAMJ


JASO


I INVDIVALDUI
S im--


I, ,, I I In T A
JJASONDJFMAMJJASO


MONTH


C) AGOUi (HN 35)


MOITH


D) COATI (N 167)


Inn H "n n


lllr]Flr














I IMIVIJDUALI


SJ ABOND J FMAMJ J A80
MORNT
A) WHITE-LIPPED PECCARY (N 3)


JJA ONDJFMAM J JABO
MONTH
B) COLLARED PECCARY (N 40)


SIDIVIDUALS
20 --


JJASONDJFMAMJ


JASO


INIOIVIDUAI.
9l-----


I JJA I NDJF AI I
J JAIONDJFMAMJ JASO


MONTH


C) BROCKET DEER (N 118)


MOsTH


D) WHITE-TALED DEER (N 24)


I NMIVIALS


nnnl-














I% IDMDUAL
401----


JJASONDJFMAMJJABO
MONTH
An THICKET TMAMOU R(3)


% IEMDUALS
*5.----


I INHVIDALB
MI----


40


30



10


JJA O8 NDJFMAMJJA80
MONTH
B) GREAT CURASBOW (N 13)


SI IDIVIIDUALSI
N6,---


JJASONDJFMAMJ
C)ONPLAINN167)TH
C) PLAIN CHACHNACA ,N 167)


JA80


JJASONDJFMAMJJASO


MONTD)TED
D) OCELLATED TURKEY (N 8)









recorded during 4 months (November 1989, January, April, and September 1990; Figure 3-5).


females for other species of mammals were recorded only during 1-3 months, each.


Gravid


Among birds,


plain chachalacas were encountered with eggs during 3 months (January, April, and May 1990), while


the thicket tinamou was recorded with eggs during 1 month (May 1990; Figure 3-6).


No eggs were


encountered in the other species of birds.


Distribution of take by time of day.


The distribution of take by time of day for game animals


varied.


For both mammals (X2


= 289.12, d.f.


= 23, _P


< 0.005) and birds (X2 = 444.90, d.f.


= 23,


< 0.005), there were significant differences among hours.


This suggested that there were times of


the day when mammals and birds were more likely to be taken than during other times.


Mammals were taken during


22 of the 24 hours of the day (Figure 3-7). The greatest number


of mammals was taken during 0800-0859 h when 56 (15% of mammals) individuals were taken.


Mammals usually were taken during 0600-1759 h when 325 (84%) individuals were taken.


This period


roughly corresponded to daytime.


Birds were taken during 17 of the 24 hours.


Take of birds occurred


primarily during two periods: 0600-0859 h, when 109 (


1759 h, when 48 (24%) individuals were taken.


late afternoon.


of birds) individuals were taken, and 1400-


These two periods corresponded to early morning and


For the seven intervals, there was a significant difference in the proportion of take by


time interval between mammals and birds


166.17


< 0.005).


This suggested that


the times when mammals were taken were not the same times as when birds were taken.


The distribution of take by time of day varied by species.

primarily at dawn (50% of take during 0400-0659 h). Two specie


The ocellated turkey was taken


es, pocket gopher (100% during 0400-


1659 h) and plain chachalaca (71% during 0400-1159 h), were taken primarily at dawn and during the


The coati, white-lipped peccary, collared peccary, brocket deer, thicket tinamou, and great


curassow, were taken primarily during the day


50% during 0700-1659 h).


One species,agouti, was


taken primarily at dusk and during the day (89% during 0700-1959 h).


The paca (70% during 1700-


(x2 =
































































,~ I~


0










0










0

















O


re c^


4)





cd
:3


a
o
S

I-
I-
Co

00
8


I
0
B


In


Ca


*o .
B Ib
so


























































I



*0
94)
.'U
'4-<


B
o
C






0
'C



'-4
0

O






B
0
0



*o
&0

IC4







t
8






en
ha










NO.


INDS./HOUR


NTERVAL


0001 0203040506070809 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1920 212223??


TIME (

wI MAMMALS (N 385)


Figure 3-7


)F DAY


BIRDS (N 199)


Number of game birds and mammals taken per hour.


Characteristics of the Hunters and their Weapons


Age and identification of hunters.


The 1989 population of X-Hazil Sur was 950 residents, 479


males and 471 females in about 200 households (Dr. Juan Chi and Dr. Norbierto Ramirez Morales, in


A total of 86 hunters (84 men from about 70 households and


women from


households)


reported taking game.


One woman was 16 y old and reported taking only one collared peccary, while


the other woman was 36 y old and reported taking only one agouti.


The male hunters ranged in age


from 10 to 60 y old (r'


= 29.1 y


= 84; median


= 28 y) and constituted 18% of the


male population.


The distribution of hunter's


whole.


ages differed from that of the male population of X-Hazil Sur as a


The age distribution of males at X-Hazil Sur was pyramidal in shape with relatively few men in




Full Text

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