Revista interamericana;


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Revista interamericana; revista dedicada al estudio de la cultura iberoamericana ..
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v. : ; 28 cm.
University of Florida -- Institute of Inter-American Affairs
Los Pícaros de Quevedo
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Gainesville, Fla
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Dates or Sequential Designation:
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1939- published by the Institute of Inter-American Affairs, University of Florida, in cooperation with Los Pícaros de Quevedo.
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Full Text

Vol. IV




Publicada por

En Colaboraci6n Con


Fraternidad Honorifica

G'esville, Florida
9/~. '

tif i

Enero de 1943

No. I








Sr. Emesto H. Cassere

Consejo Consultivo

Mr. John F. Martin Dr. O. H. Hauptmann
Dr. Walter J. Matherly Dr. William C. Zellars
Dr. Rollin S. Atwood
(on leave)

VOL. IV ENERO DE 1943 No. 1

John F. Martin ........... Aspects of Chile ................. ....... 1
Pablo Max Ynsfran ......... El Panamerioanismo Como Estruotura Polltioa 6
The Institute of Inter-Amerioan Affairs Shortens its Name ............... 10

Braulio Sanchez-Sdez ...... Ooho Poetas Brasileiros de la
Generaoidn del 1918 *....**...*...*...,*. 11
George Jaffin ............. Selections from "New World Constitutional
Harmony, A Panamerioanadian Panorama": .... 18
Los Picaros de Quevedo Initiate Dr. John J. Tigert Honorary Member ...... 24

William C. Zollars ........"Don Beltran de la Cueva" de Josa
Munoz Maldonado ....................... 25
Daniel Montenegro ......... The "Monroe" or the "Canmiimt" Doctrine ..... 28

Our Contributors ..................................... g....... ....... 40

La REVISTA INTERAMERICANA se edita por el Instituto Intor-Americano de la
Universidad de Florida, Gainesville, Florida, E.E.U.U., y se publioa semes-
tralmente en los idiomas oficiales do las Repdblicas Amerioanas. Dos ndme-
ros complotan cada voldmen.

La REVISTA INTERAMERICANA es enviada a los centros eduoaoionales de las
Americas interesados en el mejoramiento de relaciones educativas y cultu-
rales entire los pauses americanos, y establece canje con cualquiera insti-
tucidn iberoamerioana en el Hemisferio Occidental.

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41 8




Continuing the established custom of dedicating a number of the Revista
Interamericana to one of the Latin American Republics, the Editor takes great
pleasure in saluting with this issue the great and progressive nation of CHILE.
We present, therefore, the following article by Mr. John F. Martin, Loting
Director of the Inter-American Institute, who has used this material in a talk
given on several occasions. Mr. Martin resided in Chile for fifteen years.


by John F. Martin

In these days of political turmoil and social revolution it seems appro-
priate to make a cursory examination of what may ba termed some of the constant
factors and not a few of the imponderables in the structure of our proud and
vigorous sister-Republic, Chile.

Following the example of those engaged in research, I consulted two works
on Chile when I embarked on this assignment, mainly to refresh my memory, but
also from force of habit, like that great mass of people who are too busy
finding out what other persons have thought to think for themselves. In one
book I made the startling discovery that earthquakes in Valparaiso are a matter
of daily occurrence. In the other, I was no less shocked to find that as a
result of the War of the Pacific in 1879 Chile had deprived Bolivia of the
Province of Tarapaco. I immediately closed both books, deciding then and there
that my own fifteen years' residence in Chile, in four instalments, should be
my authority, and that my residence in and knowledge of Spain, as well as
seven other Spanish-American republics, should serve as a basis for comparison*

Thirty-one years ago I sat, cold and dejected, in a day-coach attached to
a train that was entering Chile from Argentina at an altitude of 10,000 foot.
The train was not heated. I carried neither wraps nor lunch, for I had ex-
pected to find a landscape swimming in palm-trees and a good dining car. Out-
side, the snow was banked as high as the tops of the coaches. A Canadian who
sat near me said: "It is easy to see that you are a tender-foot. What you
need for this Transandean trip are an overcoat, some good blankets and warm
food. At 3,700 meters the thing to do is to eat a hearty lunch like the one
I am carrying in this box. If there is any left, I shall be glad to help keep
you alive." Whereupon the gentleman produced two high-powered cigars, lit
one up himself and handed me the other one. In less than five minutes he had
keeled over with "soroche" (mountain sickness). I ate all the lunch.

This bit of luck may have colored my glasses with a rose tint. At any rate,
my introduction to the peerless central valley of Chile was not unlike that
of countless travelers. The bold drop on the Chilean side, as opposed to the
gradual ascent on the Argontine slope, the bottomless gorges, the rushing,
crystal streams, the diaphanous air, the brilliant sunlight, the green fields
and, in that particular region, the brown-skinned, slant-eyed mountaineers
looking more like Japanese than American Indians, all proclaimed: Here is
a fascinating land with boundless individuality. It isn't just the strange,
thick constellations overhead, so different from our own, nor the huge, rugged
back-bone of the Andes boasting 300 peaks higher than our highest in the

United States, that stamp Chile as different from any other land in the world*
Many geographic factors and influences account for this distinction. In Florida
the gulf stream koops us in a swelter. In Chile the cold Humboldt current,
sweeping up from the south polo, prevents precipitation from the west along its
2,600 miles of coast, while the loft Andean chain cuts off all rain clouds from
the east. As the country is almost entirely situated within the temperate zone,
the result is a cold, bracing air, tempered by a warm sun; in fact, a climate so
invigorating that you fool at once about fifteen years younger, and begin to
wonder about the best way of keeping out of trouble. My own experience loads me
to believe that the Fountain of Youth, so widely and persistently advertised by
the Mayor of St. Augustine, is really to be found in that marvellous central
valley of Chile which the national anthem describes as a "Copia foliz del Eden".
Four well-marked seasons, just the reverse of ours and each perfect in its way,
fertile fields, an abundance of water, though not necessarily rain water, and an
absolute absence of electric storms all contribute to the unique character of
the country. It has been suggested that the lack of thunder storms may account
for the prevalence of earthquakes in Chile, but of course not to the degree men-
tioned by the expert I cited earlier. Just the same, they are all too frequent.
Long years of familiarity do not breed the fooling of intimacy roflocted in the
remarks of a friend, the secretary of the legation of El Salvador in Madrid, who
once confessed that there were moments when he missed his country keenly. Whon
asked what it was that he missed most, he replied "the earthquakes"I

A land without water would not be much of a paradise. It does rain in Chile,
usually during a fixed period, but it does not matter much when it rains, as the
Andes act as a savings bank. The true wealth of the country is the snow. In
the barren north the tradition is that it never rains. Actually, it rains about
every fifty years. It is interesting to speculate on what would happen to
Chile's great nitrate deposits if the Humboldt current changed its course.
Heavy, or frequent rains would melt these deposits, which would probably be
washed down into the ocean. In 1930 the roofs of most of the houses of Anto-
fagasta and Iquique caved in after a light rainfall. Millions of dead fish and
birds were found off the coasts of northern Chile. The former had been poisoned
by the salt-petre, or nitrate, washed down from the desert into the sea. They
in turn poisoned the birds. A little water would make this desert region the
most fertile in the world. Antofagasta, a city of 60,000, pipes its drinking
water from San Pedro, a distance of 200 miles. Poor in agriculture, the north
is rich in minerals, furnishing unlimited quantities of nitrate, iodine, sulphur,
copper, silver, and iron ore. Its bold, nude coasts run for 800 miles along a
sparkling sea. Over this parched land Almagro first, and Valdivia later led the
courageous legions that added Chile to the Spanish crown. At La Serena, a charm-
ing old colonial town founded by Pedro do Valdivia, we enter the second of the
three zones that go to make up Chile. The north is much like Arizona; central
Chile resembles California, while the far south has many of the characteristics
of Washington, British Columbia and Alaska.

The second, or central zone is the bread-basket of Chile. The majestic,
snow-covered mountains on the east, and the coast-range on the west together
form the fertile valley which feeds the entire population of the country. This
lovely valley is about a hundred miles wide and approximately six hundred miles
long. The variety of its products is fantastic. Production runs the whole
gamut, from oranges, olives, figs and alligator pears to apples, wheat, oats
and barley, grown on rich, alluvial soil in spots a hundred feet deep. In this
part of the world erosion is no problem. Large sections of this land, only the
surface of which has been scratched, are farmed by irrigation. It will be re-
membered that the Arabs introduced irrigation in Spain and brought it to an im-
pressive degree of perfection. Two apt pupils of old Spain in the now world
are Chile and California, whore irrigation has made incredible strides. All

the lush vegetation of the upper half of the Chilean central valley depends ox-
elusively on irrigation. The great crops of cereals, the countless fruit or-
chards and vineyards, the shade trees and gardens of great cities like Santiago
and Valparaiso are watered with ice-cold water led down from the mountain tops
through ingenious net-works of canals. Further south in the second zone, where
the Andes decrease in height, rain clouds, crossing the mountain from the Argon-
tine side, make irrigation unnecessary on the vast wheat fields and dairy farms.
This is a region of picturesque lakes and dense forests. Their beauty attracts
tourists, as well as trout fishermen, from all parts of the United States and
Europe. At the southern limit-of this zone, in the vicinity of Valdivia, Osorno
and Puerto Montt, the climate changes abruptly. It rains thirteen months a year.

High winds and driving rain swoop the third zone at all seasons of the year.
Although potentially fertile, it produces nothing but timber and sheep. Having
no roads, this densely wooded archipelago's only moans of communication are its
fiords and inlets.

So much for the physical features of this favored land.

With respect to its geographic situation, Chile was linked to Spain and to
Europe prior to 1914, by the Straits of Magellan. Just as Spanish Florida on
the one hand, and Yucatan on the other, controlled the entrance to the Gulf of
Mexico in the interest of Spain, so Chile in colonial days guarded Spain's sea
lanes in the southern hemisphere. This circumstance had a direct bearing on the
character of the people. It made Chile a sea-faring nation. In the days of the
gold rush in California, Chile exported wheat and flour to our west coast in
Chilean boats manned by Chilean crews. But the voyage to California was a mero
pleasure jaunt compared to the hardships involved in the dangerous voyage from
Spain to Chile. No coward ever sailed for Chile and no weakling ever reached
there. As the military, trading and re-fueling center of the southern Pacifio,
Chile received an early influx of English, French and American blood. Yankee
whaling crews and China clipper captains were familiar figures in Conoopcidn
and Valparaiso. Indeed, many Chilean families with English names, erroneously
assumed to be of British origin, are descendants of American traders. Thus,
the Foster, Maguires, Lathams, Jenkins, Stringfellows and many others are of
American descent.

The German and Italian elements wore added much later. Both are now dis-
tinctly and patriotically Chilean. Although most of the Germans emigrated to
southern Chile from Hamburg about 1850, later additions were made after our Civil
War. Thousands of ox-German soldiers, unable to find work after their discharge
from the Union Army, found new homes in Chile,

But, aside from this leavon, what is a Chilean? If he belongs to the upper
class, he is almost certain to be of Basque blood. If he is identified with the
weak middle class, he may trace his ancestry back to Castile, Estremadura or
Andaluca. If he is of the peon class, he is probably a descendant of one of
Valdivia's Andalucian soldiers. Chile never imported negro slaves, but there is
often a strong strain of Indian blood in some of the peones, especially in the
far north, or in the Araucanian territory south of the Bio-Bio, where some 60,000
of these indomitable Indians still survive. In general, it may be said that the
great mass of Chileans is of European descent.

The accomplishments of this homogeneous nation of 5,000,000 inhabitants are
substantial. The successful war of independence waged against Spain for eight-
een long years, the defeat of the Santa Cruz Confederation in 1839, the victory
over the united armies of Peru and Bolivia in the war of 1879, the construction
of lovely cities, modern docks, and the electrification of the more important

railways testify to the energy and courage of the race. Energy and tenacity
are still the corner stone of the Chilean's character, in spite of the
of alcohol, the reckless disregard for the rules of health, and the mal-nutrition
growing out of the devaluation of the peso. The chief victim has boon the "roto",
which means ragamuffin, and not broken man, as is currently supposed. The "roto"
is not only brave, he is tough. Eyo-witnesses of some of the battles fought in
the War of the Pacific recall how Chilean soldiers, shot right through the body,
charged twenty yards into the Peruvian lines and knifed several Peruvians before
falling dead. A man injured for life in an accident, or cut to pieces in a
fight will tell you lightly that he is "embromado". Enough has boon said of the
Chilean's stoical, rebellious nature to arouse the suspicion that he does not
readily submit to discipline. Only in recent years an attempt has been made,
without success, to form waiting lines in railway stations, banks and public
buildings. At all these places one has to buck a football rush. And yet, Chile
has the best disciplined army in South America.

Both the Spaniards and the Argentines are temperate. If you see a drunken
man staggering down the streets of Buenos Aires, the chances are three to one
that he is an Anglo-Saxon or a Swede. A Chilean is always ready for a drinking
bout, or a fight. He is the only Latin who customarily throws his money away on
the same large scale as the American. He is generous in many ways unknown in
our country. One often meets timid, quiet figures at private homes. Upon en-
quiry, one finds that these familiarso" are neither poor relations nor neighbors,
but merely friends in straightened circumstances, who may or may not live with
their more fortunate friends, but who receive their bounty in any case.

Because he is intensely patriotic, the Chilean has built well-paved modern
cities, full of sunny chalets and comfortable apartment houses heated with
Chilean.coal. He has made of the Central Valley a thing of beauty, and will
some day develop the far south.

Reference to the Central Valley would not be complete without mention of
Santiago which in 1941, after 400 years of existence, had a population of almost
a million. One should be both a painter and a poet to describe this gem. Flankec
on the east by lofty snow-covered peaks rising to a height of over 20,000 feet,
and protected on the west from the cold winds of the Pacific by the Coast Range
averaging 5,000 foot, Santiago has no rival anywhere, except possibly Innsbruok,
in the Austro-German Tyrol. A sun-set on the Cordillera, or Andean backdrop of
Santiago, is something to be remembered a life-time. It is worth a trip to
Chile. The secret of the gorgeous hues, in the style of Maxfield Parrish, that
one sees at that time of day, lies in the twilight cast by the Coast Range and
reflected on the tinted rocks of the Cordillera.

Like everything else, the question of climate is relative. Many residents of
Oregon and Puget Sound develop headaches if it does not rain every day. The
point is aptly illustrated by the Australian who, on his return from England, was
asked whether he had not enjoyed the English climate. "Not especially", he said.
But you certainly must have liked the lovely English summer, he was told. "I
can't say," he replied. "I was in bed both days." By whatever standard it is
judged, Santiago has the best climate in the world, as well as the finest scen-
ery. The city will average three hundred days of sunshine a year, with 65 days
of rain scattered over the four winter months.

In such a setting and from a superior people like the Chileans, one would
expect to find a high degree of culture. With very few qualifications, this is
true. Chile boasts to-day a number of world-renowned musicians, excellent poets,
good painters and widely road writers. The Chilean's native wit and hospitality

are proverbial. As on both banks of the Rio de la Plata, there is little or no
inferiority complex in Chile. The Chilean meets the foreigner on a footing of
equality. Students from both Americas attend Chile's five universities. Young
men are seeking technical training in increasing numbers. Women are becoming
fully emancipated at breath-taking speed, taking their cue from the United States,
whore woman smokes her husband's cigarettes, drinks his drinks, attends his clubs,
wears his pants, and finally buries him and collects his insurance.

Corrupt politics and private peculation spoil this picture of progress to some
extent, although good progress in our own country is being made in this direction,
as well. There are as many political parties in Chile as there are religious
sects in the United States, and each one of the former is engaged in milking the
fiscal cow. A propos of the oft-discussed question of personal honesty, a friend
once covered the whole ground by remarking: "En cuanto al robe, la inion difer-
oncia entire el chilono y el gringo os quo ol chileno roba on chico, mientras el
gringo roba on grande."

Whether or not Chile will continue to make progress politically, will depend
on the policies of the new president, Su Excolencia, soeor Juan Antonio Rios.
The bases are there. Chile abolished slavery more than fifty years before our
Civil War. Chile now has more social services than any American country. Its
social legislation dates from 1924, and includes compulsory insurance, retirement
funds, old-age pensions for the laborer, compulsory contracts, both collective
and individual, and special labor courts. The last two governments created a
number of agricultural colonies and built a limited number of model dwellings for

It is a fact that about 500 proprietors own 52% of the arable land. Accord-
ing to some students of social conditions, mainly parlor Bolsheviks, the only
problem in Chile is the agrarian problem, and Chile will immediately achieve the
millennium if it sub-divides the land along the lines of Mexico's socialistic
experiment. For many years the formula in our new American countries wass "To
govern is to populate". This has now been amended to read: "To govern is to
populate, educate, and then to select". Blessed with great natural resources,
and unlimited water-power, Chile has already discerned her destiny* The indus-
trialization of the country began a decade ago. It has made amazing strides
since then. Parallel measures urgently needed arose The inculcation of codes
of hygiene in rural communities. One fourth of Chile's babies die during their
first year. The enactment and enforcement of a pure food and drug law. An
extension of the present excellent educational system. And, finally, the en-
couragemont of immigration of a good type. With more arable land than Italy,
Chile could easily support- a population of twenty millions. Not only would its
now industries profit by such an eventuality, but much of the apathy and irrespon-
sibility permeating the masses would be bred out. Eugenio Gonzalez once wrote
"We can hope for no original culture, since we are westerners whose progress has
been retarded by the dead weight of our Indians." Despite this handicap, Chile,
relying upon its proud and polished aristocrats, its level-headed business-mon,
and its sturdy working population, confidently faces the future with the assur-
ance of holding its place among the most enlightened, prosperous and enthralling
countries of the western world.


por Pablo Max Ynsfran

La noci6n de la necesidad de organizer algdn sistema do aoci6n oomhn on el
continent surgi6 inmediatamente despuds do la omancipaoi6n definitive de las
repdblicas latinoamericanas; poro, tras algunas tontativas indeoisas para
convortirla en inspiracion de una political general, pronto se la desoart6
abiertamento, o se la releg6 a la categoria de una ospoculaoidn acaddmioa. La
magnitude de ciertas dificultados, por un lado, y una falsa sensaci6n de seguri-
dad, por otro, hicieron que se postergara indofinidamonte la oonsidoraoidn de
posibles proposiciones para llegar a una soluci6n clara y concrete.

El problema do la solidaridad del homisferio ha side y todavfa es un proble-
ma. politico. No puede tenor, por consiguiente, sino una soluci6n de igual
naturaleza. Poro precisamento por eso los pueblos do Amdrioa han adoptado
respect a 41 una actitud evasiva. La Unidn Panamoricana nos ofroce un ejemplo
ilustrativo: creada come ndcleo de aproximacion ontro las repdblicas amori-
canas, ost& empero impodida, por su propia carta orednioa, de empronder tra-
bajo politico alguno. Es decir, la gufa un intor6s esencialmonte politioo--
el acercamiento continental--, poro no puode tomar ninguna inioiativa direct
en favor de gl.

El origen de tal paradoja debe buscarse en los rocelos reoprooos, products,
a su vez, de la desigualdad de las situaciones y de la conception egoista del
estado. En un conjunto de pauses profundamento dispares por su estructura,
por sus recursos y por su fuorza, los debiles desoonffan de los fuertos, y
6stos no desean comprometerse on cosas quo pueden orearles complicaoiones no
provocadas por ellos. Es algo asi como una political do "no to metas on lo que
no debes."

Sin embargo, ahora estgn todos repentinamente confrontados por un peligro
comun, y el problema de la solidaridad continental adquiore una importancia
supreme. Vemos con claridad dramttica que no pueda habor seguridad parcial
para las naciones de Am4rica. 0 se dofienden todas o no se defiendon. Ningdn
pueblo americano puede esperar su salvaci6n del aislamiento. Si uno do ellos
cayera, abrirfa con su cafda una brecha fatal para la ostabilidad de los demos.
Para los Estados Unidos la seguridad de estrecho do Magallanes os tan vital
come la del canal de Panama. Para la Argentina el dorrumbamiento dol Canada
puede conducirla al mismo desastre quo la invasion do Patagonia. Nuestros
pueblos son, en otras palabras, solidariamonte vulnorables.

La conflagraci6n actual no deja ninguna duda acerca de este entrolazamionto
casi biol6gico. Tenemos que admitir que vivfamos adormilados per ol ongaio
de una concepci6n anacrdnica do nuestra propia oxistoncia. Creoamos quo la
barrera del mar se encargaria permanentemente do volar por nuestro porvonir.
De la mns poderosa de las potencias martitimas, Gran Bretaja, tonfamos poco
que temer. Ella habfa colaborado on la independencia de las replblicas latino-

* Reproducoi6n con permiso del autor de "Bases Culturales del Entendimiento
Continental" publicado por el Institute of Latin-American Studios, The
University of Texas.

americanas y contribuido a la enunciaoi6n de la doctrine de Monroe. Gran
Brotala, por tanto, pareca ser una garantia del statu-quo continental, antos
quo una amonaza.

Para las repdblicas del sur, el peligro estaba mas bien dentro del con-
tinento--en el poderfo de los Estados Unidos. La expansion territorial de
este pals en la primer mital del siglo XIX; su transformaoidn en pujante
potencia industrial adn antes de la Guerra de Secesion; ol esplritu agresivo
do sus capitanos do industrial; la creaoi6n de la Repdblioa de Panama y la aper-
tura del canal del mismo nombre; sus intervenicones on la Amdrica Central y
on el Caribe; las doctrinas del "manifest destiny" y del "big stick"; la propa-
ganda intoresada de quionos podian desoar la desuni6n continental y, por dlti-
mo, ciorto complejo do inferioridad en los pueblos septontrionales, habian
llevado a engendrar ol ospantajo dol "imporialismo yanqui."

Debe moncionarse tambien ol prejuicio racial. Horedoros do las omocionos
do sus abuolos espoioles, los hispanoamericanos conservaban--y muchos oon-
servan aun--una desconfianza congdnita e instintiva per ol anglosaj6n, no
exonta de envidia. Las guerras colonials, la pirateria contra los galoones
del Roy Cat6lico y el antagonismo religioso ontro Espaia e Inglaterra a partir
de la desastrosa aventura de la Armada Invenciblo, habfan dejado un sedimonto
tenaz en la suboonciencia hispanoamoricana. Cuando el ingles se convirti6
en amigo durante las guerras de omancipaci6n contra Espana, ol prejuioio se
desplaz6 hacia su retono continental, el angloamericano, o, come so dice on
lAm4rica latina con pintorosca inexactitud, hacia ol "yanqui."

En cuanto a los Estados Unidos, tuvieron desde temprano una concopoidn
mas definida de la seguridad del hemisferio, come lo revela la doctrina do
Monroe, pero no la secundaron con una political consocuento y positive, ex-
cepci6n hecha del caso de la Uni6n Panamericana. En los heohos, las demos
repdblicas americanas no recibieron do los Estados Unidos ninguna atenoidn
preforente, inspirada en el deseo de convortir al continent on un conjunto
politico homognneo. Buenas palabras on los discursos y declaracionos, pore,
en las cosas tangibles, un trato estrictamente "businesslike." Si algin
interns material nortoamericano ontraba on juego en una situaci6n dada, los
Estados Unidos no lo juzgaban a la luz de ninguna convenioncia de aproxima-
ci6n continental para asumir una actitud. Se dejaban llevar simplemonte per
la importancia exclusive del intords inmediato.

Se dir& que dsta es una llnea do conduct legitima dontro de un mundo
organizado sobre la base del egoismo national. No lo niogo, pero aquf no
se trata de la legitimidad de un procodimiento, sine dol aciorto do una po-
lftica. No sostengo que los Estados Unidos ostuvieran on el dobor de sufrir
en silencio abuses reprensibles quo pudioran comotor contra ollos otras
ropdblioas americanas. Esto no tendrfa soriodad. Pore quiero significar quo
una polftica do tan vasto alcance como la solidaridad do un hemisforio dobe
acallar interoses menoros quo, sin ser fundamentals para un pals, puodon
apeligrar el objetivo superior quo so tione on vista.

Cuando una nacien alcanza el nivol do potencia mundial de primer magni-
tud, surgeon para ella debores correlativos; y ol primoro es ol de actuar come
potencia de primer magnitude Los Estados Unidos ofrocen el rare ejomplo do
una potencia imperial sin "voluntad do imperio." Lejos do onrostrdrseles su
imperialismo, come hacen los dotractores del imperialismo yanqui," so les
debe reprochar su falta de imperialismo. Esta carencia de espfritu imperial
en los Estados Unidos--de una political de empuje en consonancia con su poderfo
industrial y su posici6n de oje en el equilibrio de todo un continento--es
responsible de quo ahora doban luchar en dos frentes a la vez, en una guerra

de vida o muerte, y de que 4sta los sorprenda con el problema siempro en pie
de la solidaridad del hemisforio.

Al decir que el primer deber de una potencia mundial es aotuar como tal,
me refiero a la necesidad de que sepa clasifioar sus intereses en superiores
y subalternos. Y esta clasificaci6n no puedo haoerse en forma de avaluaoi6n
monotaria, sino en funci6n de algdn objective fundamental. Sabemos quo de la
solidaridad del hemisferio dopende el porvenir do unos 250 millones do series
humans, depositarios de dos grandos cultures cristianas que, lejos do ox-
cluirse, se complementan; hijos de las razas oolonizadoras mas oapaoos de
quo haya memorial; organizados en comunidades democr&ticas quo no podran organi-
iarse de otro mode. El interds primordial consiste aquf on salvar ostas dos
grande cultures hermanas. Y un objetivo semejante no puede formularso en
base a una hoja de cuentas. So lo debe convertir en volici6n, o en polariza-
ci6n del esfuerzo colectivo, poro sin proguntar ouanto cuosta. Porque las
cultures no se compran ni so venden, sine se viven.

Tanto para los Estados Unidos come para la Amdrica latina no puede haber,
nunca ha podido haber, un interns superior al do oompartir arm6nicamento su
patrimonio continental. Mas no basta declarar este interns. Es indispensable
darle un vehfoulo politico, encarnarlo en un sistema, convortirlo en fuerza
motriz de un mecanismo active, elevarlo a la categorfa de aspiraci6n imperial.
Y para eso tenemos que empezar por despojarnos de nuestros h bitos mentales
respectivos. Hasta el estallido de la guerra actual, los nortoamericanos quo
se ocupaban de alguna manera do la Amdrica latina, s6lo pensaban en ella--en
su inmensa mayorfa--como campo de inversiones financieras, ni mAs ni menos
que come pensarian en otros campos, on Europa o on Asia. No se los oourrfa
que las invorsiones en la Amdrica latina tenfan tanta significacidn politioa
come financier. Eso pasaba porquo el "imporialismo yanqui" caroofa do po-
lftica, os decir, careofa de intenci6n imperial. No buscaba roar vinoulos
sino obtener resultados individuals, indiferentes a una finalidad polftica

Tal indiferencia resalta m/s todavfa cuando se recuerdan las invorsiones
norteamericanas en Alemania. Sin parar mientes on la trascendoncia polftioa
del acto, el capital norteamoricano contribuy6 a renovar las instalaciones
industrials alomanas: las mismas de donde ahora salen esos tanques y aero-
planes que tritural los mrs viejos puntalos do nuestra civilizaci6n, y que
amenazan, per consiguiento, a los propios Estados Unidos.

Se present, pues, para los hombres responsables de oste pafs--para sus
directors de opinion, para sus hombres de negocios, para sus estadistas--
la necesidad de contemplar a la America latina, no como a un campo de inver-
siones financieras, sine come a un mecanismo a cuyo funcionamiento regular y
arm6nico est& ligado el porvenir do su propio pafs. Los passes de la America
latina ya no deben ser solamonto los "vecinos del sur," sine los "consocios
del sur."

Por su posici6n de potencia mundial de primer magnitude, los Estados Unidos
tienen a su cargo la part mas delicada do esta tarea de aglutinaci6n continen-
tal. Deben convencer a la Amrrica latina de todas las ventajas nacionalos
recprocas do la acci6n aunada y do todas las desventajas de la disporsi6n; do
que no se trata de arrastrar al continent dentro de una 6rbita political "norto-
americana," sine de organizer una political genuinamente continental; de que
no es cuestidn de amor propio o de hegemonfa, sine de salvaci6n comnn.

En cuanto a la Amdrica latina, su actitud debe tambiln sufrir algunas modi-

ficaciones substanciales. En primer tdrmino, ella dobe oomprender quo su
porvenir esta indisolublemente ligado al de los Estados Unidos. No podrIa
habor error mns peligroso que el career que los Estados Unidos puodon dosplomar-
so y la America latina quedar ilesa. Semejante hip6tesis contradirfa hasta
a la ley fisica de la gravedad. Asf come la emancipacidn de las troce oolonias
angloamericanas del norte sirvi6 de preludio a la dosintegraoi6n del poder
espanol en el sur, asi tambidn una rajadura en los pilaros angloamericanos dol
sistoma continental precipitaria ipso-facto ol cataclismo del hemisferio ontoro.

La America latina por si sola no puede frustrar ninguna agresidn extracon-
tinental. En vastfsima proporci6n sus pueblos son sdlo produotores do matorias
primas. Carecen de industrial posada, pr&oticamento en absolute, y sin indus-
tria pesada no puode habor poderio military on nuestro tiompo. Si so derrumban
los Estados Unidos, lag repdblicas del sur quedarian irromediablomento a mer-
ced de los vencedores.

Aunque ellas no ignoran esto, se encuentran todavia lejos de ponsar en la
solidaridad del hemisferio como en una estruotura politioa. Para dooidirse
por algo mas concrete que las declaracionos de buena voluntad de las canoi-
llerfas, necesitan superar, do una vez por todas, un prejuioio arraigadot
necesitan comprender claramonto que los Estados Unidos no pueden haoerlos nin-
gdn mal. Necesitan comprender que est& en el interns de los Estados Unidos
el mantenimiento escrupuloso del derecho national de las repdblicas latino-
americanas, y que una political do cooperaoi6n organica roforzarg necesaria-
mente la posici6n individual de cada una. Necesitan convencorso do que dontro
del continent no hay nada que temer, pero que fuera de 41 puede temerse todo.

Tanto en el norte como en el sur debemos despojarnos do la conoopoidn "pro-
vincial" de nuestros respectivos intereses morales y materials. Debemos
crear una mentalidad que se habitue a pensar en terminos oontinontales. Y
esta quizes sea la part mas ardua de la tarea. Porquo no s6lo ostamos aoos-
tumbrados a considorar nuostros interests con criteria limitadamento national,
sine, aun dentro do una misma naci6n, con oriterio regional y hasta municipal.

El peligro comun quo nos amonaza a todos, sin embargo, puede apresurar el
cambio do prisma. Vor de pronto ya comprendemos nuostra solidaridad en el
peligro. Bajo esto acicate, empozamos a saber tambidn que para conjurar la
amenaza no queda otro recurso que la action comun; pero no una accidn oiroun-
stancial, sine sistemntica, consecuento y previsora. Es possible, pues, quo
la noci6n de la solidaridad del homisferio se robustezca con la present emer-
gencia y quo el camino se despoje para alcanzar el imporioso desideratum de
dar al esfuerzo continental mancomunado una estructura political.

El esfuerzo que exigir& dicha organizaoi6n sera complejisimo pero no im-
posible. Ningun otro continente--con excopcion de Australia--posee las con-
diciones del nuestro para constituir una unidad. Los hombres quo lo habitan
de un extreme a otro est n agrupados en dos grande cultures entoramonte afinos.
Los recursos naturales del suelo colman todas las exigencias. do nuostra civili-
zaci6n. Con un program rational de explotaoi6n e intercambio, no necositar-
iamos ir a buscar nada fuora del homisferio.

Pero casualmente porque poseomos aquellos recursos--en explotaci6n o on
potencia--necesitamos organizer la defense del hemisforio do acuerdo con una
political mancomunada y positive. El mundo asiste al mas despiadado y cinico
desenfreno de codicia international de la historic humana. Se le disfraza con
varies eufemismos, como ol "lebensraum," la teoria de la division entire "los
que tienen" y "los que no tionen," etc., pero, en el fondo, todo es codicia.

Y frente a ella s6lo cuentan la acci6n teonica y la determinaoidn viril,
porque esta vez la codicia estg servida por toda la experiencia cientifioa
del mundo occidental.

America figure entire "los que tienen." Esto significa quo es uno do los
grandes objetivos de "los que no tionen." Se puede interpreter el actual
estado de cosas come resultado de muchos factores--superproduooi6n y mala
distribuci6n, lucha por los mercados, ineptitud del capitalism para haoer
frente a las condiciones actuales, y otros analogos--pero la palanoa quo mueve
la terrible aplanadora quo tritura a Europa y Asia es la codicia.

Hasta ahora, por lo menos, no vemos ning5n otro impulse detr&s del oleaje
devastador que se viene sobre nosotros. Y la filosoffa do "los que no tionon"
no hace ningun secret de ello. Una de sus caracteristioas ha side siempro
el cinismo; s6lo que nunca se la habia tomado en serio. El nazismo jams
demostrd ningdn prop6sito transaccional, y sin embargo s6lo se lo ha proourado
aplacar con la transacci6n, con la political del apaciguamiento. No reouordo
que Hitler haya mentido una sola vez sobre sus intenciones polftioas, pore
nadie lo ha credo. Se consideraban 4stas tan absurdas, que no se suponia
possible que un hombre on sus cabals pudiera alentarlas. Mas la verdad os
que 41 las alentaba. Estamos en presencia del dnico case de un hombre que
logr6 engaiar con la verdad.

No sabemos qud trayectorias seguird el genero humane despues de esta catas-
trofe. Pero ello no impide saber que unidos podomos sortear mojor oualquier
dificultad que desunidos. El porvenir del hemisferio plantea un problema
politico quo reclama una soluci6n political. Ya no podemos eludir semejanto



Not a product of this war, The Institute of Inter-American Affairs was
founded thirteen years ago by Dr. John J. Tigert, President of the University
of Florida. Keeping pace with the modern need for simplification, the name has
officially been shortened to INTER-AMERICAN INSTITUTE, or INSTITUTE INTER-
AIERIICNO as it appears on the front of this issue of the Revista. Our station-
ery, however, will carry the original name for some time yet.

The shortened version does not imply any change in the fundamental aims of
the Institute announced at its founding in 1930, namely: (1) to foster inter-
national good will between the Amoricas, (2) to promote the teaching of Western
Hemisphere languages and civilizations in schools, colleges and universities,
(3) to encourage the exchange of students and professors between colleges and
universities of the Amoricas, (4) to hold conferences and institutes on Inter-
Amorican affairs, (5) to stimulate specific studies common to the Americas,
(6) to promote an interplay of cultural ideals, (7) to stimulate exchange of
ideas, and (8) to advance Intor-American interests in all fields of human en-


por Braulio S&nohez-Seoz *


Desde mi ilogada a oste Brasil, dfa a dfa, crooo mi asombro, mMs grande,
cuando prenso en el silencio que so mantiono un nombro, ayor no mis, alta-
mente prestigioso. Me refiero a Ronald do Carvalho. Poeta, ensayista, orf-
tico, historiador litorario y sociologico, y sobre todas esas condioiones,
el primer americanista contempornneo, en un tiempo quo era hasta poligroso
hablar do Panamericanismo.

Ronald do Carvalho, est& enterrado literariamonto. No se aouordan do i1,
ni sus propios amigos. Esos amigos de los dias lejanos, onoumbrados hoy on
los altos puestos politicos, oficiales, miembros correspondientos do muchas
instituciones do cultural, acaddmicos, soieores do empresas oditoriales, algunos
ministros: puos bien, ninguno do ellos so aouerda do Ronald de Carvalho. Sue
obras, salvo la "Pequoea Historia de la Literatura Brasileira", no se roditan,
y sus libros do verso, como sus studios, literarios 6 sociolgicos, todo
ollo permanece ignorado, pooo lefdo, por la actual genoraoidn, que,. como todas,
viven un poco de prisa. Por eso insist: es una vordadora injusticia lo quo
sucode con costa notable figure oontompor&nea.

Examinomos la cuestion. Ronald de Cawvalho portonece a esa juventud, quo
con ol advenimionto de la paz "ficticia" del 1918, surgian en estos pueblos
do Lmdrica, un alto espiritu de solidaridad continental. Su entusiasmo, on-
cauz a un grupo de j6venos valiosos, y su actuacidn al lade de las altas es-
foras oficiales, le facility los olomontos indispensables para brillar 6 llamar
simplemento la atencidn ontre sus contempornneos. AquI en Sao Paulo, on Rio
de Janeiro; inoluso on los estados mis lojanos, como on ol Norto; la palabra
y la accidn de Ronald de Carvalho, era como una enseFa trasmitida de unos
j6venes a los rostantos poco activos, a fin de realizar oosas poregrinas.
Graga Aranha, ese gran estota, quo siondo ya un hombre viojo--respetado, hombre
do mundo y do prddica--sintiose incluso fascinado con los ideals do osto jovon
animador, socundando el "credo nuovo", del cual result, aquolla "Somana do
Arto Moderna", do la cual muy pocos do los actuantes, hoy no quieron rooordar.

Ronald de Carvalho, dentro de su goneracidn, era el mejor dotado do todos
ellos. Incluso superior a Montoiro Lobato, pues este, burldn per osenoia, era
incapaz de sumarso a un movimiento, si 6ste no trafa on su base, la "verdadera
transformaci6n social" del pueblo brasileiro...Ronald de Carvalho no aspiraba
a tanto. Para 9l, la polftica, no era digna do sor mezolada con la litoratura,
y much monos con la poosla.

Estos hombres modernos, quo realizaban un sontido diferento do las ostdticas
literarias, eran on el fondo tan consorvadores, come los del 1860, y sus trans-
formacionos, apenas pasaban do unas nuevas formas oxprosivas, mas largo's, o mAs
cortos los vorsos, pore en ol fondo, sucesi6n temAtica y concopci6n biologica
de la raza.

Ronald de Carvalho, siguid la tradicidn, on forma iddntica quo sue contem-
poraneos, por consiguiento no existfo de hecho un vordadero estado de novedad,
y lo moderno de esa somana" apenas pas6, de una eforvocencia juvenile.
* Profesor de la Facultad de Ciencias y Letras de Sao Paulo.

Naturalmente, muchos de esos "modernistas", pasaron con todo sus ontusiasmos
al servicio de lo ya establocido. En literature, todo quodd igual, la trans-
formaoi6n fue political, y on ese sentido, so podria llamar y proclamar oomo
jofe de la "Semana Moderna de arte", al actual president de la Naoi6n el
Dr. Getulio Vargas, quo fue osencialmente el dnico hombre de clara vision, que
facility6 los elements, para quo esta juventud, tomase un dorrotoro nuovot
el sociol6gico.

Por esta raz6n, los hombres actuales no recuerdan a Ronald de Carvalho
porquo comprondon, quo nada nuovo'puede onseRarles, son ollos mismos un poco
de Ronald, y eso, naturalmonto no so confiesa. No obstanto, os prooiso ro-
cordar a Ronald de Carvalho, para toner a la vista, una oonoopoi6n do ontu-


Conoce a este notable poeta y grande historiador, alli en los ya lojanos
dMas del 1924. Era a la saz6n director de una do las mns notables revistas,
de quo so tieno noticia en el Brasil. Mo refiero a "Novissima". Era entonoos,
un joven en plena eferveconcia literaria. Pore, siempre noted on oste hombro,
un cerebro sereno y quo estaba on actitud do acci6n. No habla muoho, media
y piensa. Su gesto os mas bien agrio y no muy factible a la demasiada con-
fianza. Yo creo, quo entro los pootas do esa generaoi6n indicada, Cassiano
Ricardo era el quo m&s esorut6 ol alma del Brasil. Y fu6 tambidn su oxprosi6n
11rica, superior a la de sus contomporaneos, so puedo aquilatan on eso libro
extraordinario que so llama "Martin Ceror/', quo sord dificil de superaci6n,
por los pootas actuales, muy lojos por ciorto do tal calidad lrica. En
Cassiano Ricardo, oncontranmos realmonto una figure do hcnda y franca onorGia
lirica, como esoncialmonte modorno, Su intorprotaci-n dol Brasil, es tan real,
quo podemos considerar su pousi.a, como osencialmanto frsica, dado a lo cabal
y positive dol asunto, sin frasos extranas, sin giros chocantos, pore todo
ello racialmente brasiloiro quo lo distingue do ontre todos los pootas do ayer
y do hoy, Y lo curioso del caso, es quo osto hombre ostK aun on plono desar-
rollo, y os muy factible quo nos d6 obras extraordinarias inosporadamonte.

Lsi como su fuorza do ponotraci6n en el m6dulo racial os tan podorosa, lo
os tambidn en su calidad lirica, rica on matices y ajona por comploto a los
"dengues" romanticoides, do quo so abus6 tanto; 6 per lo contrario, las ind-
tiles salidas do tono, de un modornismo, quo solo era insipido palabroo dificil.
Yo creo que Cassiano Ricardo vale pena de ser analizado, no per oscritores o
criticos de su patria, siompre os poligroso, per muchas razonos, sorfa notable
ser intorprotado on espaeiol, para aquilatarle, sin los compromises inherontes,
que toda figure do posici6n political olevada, rotrotrao a la verdad esencial,
do cada persona. Come poeta confioso quo su libro "Martin Cerord", os la obra
mas bella y rica, quo produjo la poesfa de todos las 4pocas, en tiorras brasil-
oiras, y sind, tiompo al tiempo, porquo no es obra de 6poca, es do perennidad


Para m-, Menotti del Picchia, no os un poota. Rima bien, es agradable,
tieno armonia, os rico en matices, pore no tiene nada de original. Cuantas
ocasiones quise examinar, con la mojor voluntad possible, a fin do gustar do
los verses de ienotti, no logrj', nada mis quo robustecor un concept ya my
arraigado en mi. y cada dia, quo pasa, mAs comprendo porquo esto poota, no es
conside-adc poeta por los hombres de su tiompo. Claro, quo tieno libros bollos
y muy ricos en oxprosionos, mas la poesfa, os otra cosa...

Note much compostura y posicidn de "hacedor de versos", no enoontramos
espontaneidad ni calor humane. Pudo sor un poota, y tal voz lo sea, del 1840.
Poeta modern no lo os, bajo ningin punto do vista y cuantas ocasionos trata
de ser sincere en poesfa, result. ms false que nunca. Claro quo so nos ob-
jetar& quo tiene versos hormosos, incluso libros, pero todos ollos, so rospira
un ambionte de compostura y de habilidad, quo el verso quoda ovaporado de su
pristine gracia.

Yo croo, que Monotti dol Picchia, os mas quo todo, un gran novolista. Sus
obras anteriores, come "El Hombre y la Muerto", "Lais", sus novels cortas,
come "Diento do oro", y muchas mas lo dofinen, come un novelist do garra.
Esto es, sin llegar a su labor modern, que ya es algo considerable. Su dltima
obra "Salomd", creo yo, que es la mas important novola publicada, despdes del
1920. Pero, Monotti del Picohia, quiore sor poota, porquo os muy lindo do quo
lo digan a uno, quo es poeta...Pero no, no os poeta come nosotros consideramos
a los pootas. Tendr& razgos, instantos: bion, pore acaso eso puede justificar
la vida do un oscritor, lo suficiento para sor considerado come poeta. Claro
quo alguno. no ostard de mi part en costa concepci6n, pero comprendamos y
analicemos a fin vor las cosas claras. Yo he facilitado on muchas y diversas
ocasiones libros do poemas de IMonotti a buenos pootas y orfticos, y me dijeroni
"Muy bonitos, pore no es poesia". Quiso star con las nuevas maneras y nos
di6 "Chuva de Pedras", "Repiblica dos Estados Unidos do Brasil", y otras mas,
pore evidenciandoso siompre, lo duro, lo artificial, no apto para la funoi6n,
quo 6l, se imaginaba representar. Sus poomas dramatizados, son mas sinceros,
poro eso no puede portenocer nunca, a lo quo modornamento so donomina poosfa.


Sionto una profunda pena, cuando voo valores tan fines y hondos, quo pasan
casi inadvortidos, per el pdblico. Y no os quo Riboiro Couto, carezoa do pros-
tigio, os incluso do los "inmortalos", es docir, acaddmico. Pore, os un olvi-
dado, mejor dicho, un postergado. Poco poetas de tanta intimidad y bolloza,
con una riqueza do forma impocable, y un sentido rumano do honda y rica fuonte
cristalina. Tione un libro "Noroesto", quo es todo dl, una maravilla de tones
y de matices, quo lloga en muchas ocasiones a toner concomitancias con ol impon-
derable Juan Ramdn Jimenez. Poesia do calidad y do sentimiontos, pootas do
tone menor, de simplicidad, do siloncios y do brumas. Creo yo, quo on esa gan-
eraci6n del 1918, es el quo ras so componotra de osa sentimentalidad luso-
brasiloea, y est& a tone siompre con su coraz6n. Poro, Ribeiro Couto, no os
s6lo un poota, es tambien un cuontista agudo, sarcastico, grotosco; todo lo
diforente que suele sor en su nota l1rica, I Extraea dualidad, la de este
hombre ...

Supo mantenor, do aquollos ya lojanos dias de sus primeras manifestacionos
liricas, come on "Jardin das Confidoncias", guardar ese tone dolicado, hondo,
sentimental, de pura prosapia brasiloira, quo es su mojor timbre de gloria.
Confieso quo es uno de los poetas contompor&noos, que leo con placer, y no me
amargo la oxistencia, come me sucedo con otros, engolados y falsos, quo parecon
censors do moral o titiriteros do foria. En Ribeiro Couto, oxiste concioncia
do poosia y come tal, toda su obra es rica y sincere hasta el grado m&ximo do
la honradez. Es precise buscarlo, insist come cuontista y como novelist.
Su cuentos y narraciones tal "El crime del estudianto Bautista", o su novel
"Prima Belinha", son verdadoros documents on ol gdnero.


En Jorge de Lima hay dos posiciones. La dol poeta do oaracter y densidad
folklorica, y la del poeta mfstioo. En ambas est& bien este hombre. En
la primer manifestaoidn, desde la oual arranca su prestigio, oomo de esta
l1tima faz de poota cristiano. Poro es preoiso aolarar, que su oristianismo,
encuadra bien, con el del ideal francisoano. No podia ser do otra mantra,
en un valor tan significativo, come lo os en realidad Jorge do Lima.

Me liga a esto poeta, una vieja amistad, do aquollos eios de inioioi6n.
Desde esos dfas, on el fuego del entusiasmo, en aquellas manifestaoiones
calidas y hondas, siempro enoontr4 un alto espfritu oreador. Sus poems ro-
corrieron todo el Brasil, porque daban una raz6n esistonoial de algo notamonto
national, pocas ocasiones tratado en poesfa. All on el Norte, Jorge do Lima
y Ascenso Ferreira, oran las voices mas ricas del folklore del Brasil. Por esto,
que sus poemas se popularizaron de tal manera, -quo pasaron del libro, pars
el pentdgrama, en los "modiias" y en otros tdpioos musicales, para luoimiento
do notables oompositoros.

Jorge de Lima, no detenfa en ese grade, su pasi6n por la culture, estaba
su ojo avizorante, en todos los mundos de las oreaociones, y sentfa el mismo
entusiasmo y voluntad, para croar, mas siompre, en los puros y rioos voneros
del arto. Luego, on los aenos ya de madurez, Jorge de Lima, di a su voz, un
nuevo sentidot el mfstico. Tanto on la expresidn de ayer, como en la de hoy,
esta siempre la humanizaoidn sagrada del artist, no meroantilizado y moroed
siempre, de todo ouanto es pure, en el sontido de orear. Es por esto, que
come poeta de raiz popular, oomo ataraceado mistioo, como ensayista o novel-
ista que ha merecido ya el honor de ser traduoido a diversas longuas, siempre
y en todo memento, sera un artist de buena fe y de simplioidad, que no se ha
desviado de su send en busca de temas o posioionos espetables, oomo otros de
su generaci6n, que todos conooemos, por ouya razdn, no vale la pena oitarlos.


Fueron Sorgio Milliet, Adgar Ronault y Raul Bopp, los oreadores de la poosia
modern en Brasil. Quidrase o no, ellos y no otros fueron los implantadores
do esa nueva y rica emanacidn lirica, y por razones extrafias, estos trees poetas,
se alejaron do la poesfa. Renault, en la docenoia, Bopp, en la diplomacia,
Milliet, en la critica ostetica o de literature, poro los tres, lojos de la
poesia, on donde lograron tantos oxitos y entusiasmos. En Sergio Milliot, ten-
emos al intellectual quo haco do las 24 horas que determinan las aotividados
de acoidn y desoanso del hombre, las dedica a la cultural. I Incluso, on suefos,
estarr pendiento do sus maquinaciones ospeculativas, on torno a la belleza 6
a las formas!...

Tipo neto de intelectural, per lo tanto un poco esoeptico y llono de pre-
conceptos. Vive dontro de una atm6sfera de voldmenes y de lineas. Distanoias
entire la luz y las sombras, per ouya raz6n, para entenderle, en muchas ooasio-
nes, es precise tener una idea cabal, de muchas cualidades de imaginero, que
compare y soposa esencia y oalidad.

En su poesfa, notamos eso precisamente. Para poder comprenderlo tenemos
que saber much de distancias entire objeto y realidad. Sus figures podticas,
estan enfocadas, tal come los artfstas pintores lo haoent per volmenes.

Es triste que un valor de esta indole permanezca insensible, para una de
las tareas, en donde se pudo considorar iniciador y pilot foliz. Pero ese

es el destine de muohos notables poetas, dejarse oonduoir per otras obligaoio-
nes, para las cuales, nunoa podr&n adquirir la misma dooenoia, que en aquella
dejada en olvido.


Todos me dioen, que Guilherme de Almeida es un buen poets. Yo trato de quo
me justif*quen tan concept, pero mis interlooutores se limitan a reoitarme
algunos versos, fragmentados on ooasiones, que sdlo definen aspeotos sentimen-
tales o elogiacos, pero sin fuerza de expresidn y mndula lirioa. 8e dird que
es un poota de tono menor, tambidn lo es Carlos Drumond de Andrade, y eso no
es obstaculo para que sea este el poets m&s grande del moment actual) se dire
que Guilherme de Almeida, es fino, autil y delioado, como un tul, yo dirfa,
que tambidn en eso esta la poesaa, pero desgraoiadamentQ, en este poeta, ya algo
viejo, apesai de su atavio juvenile, no siente ni existed on su oorasin, un son-
timiento podtioo, sind un vanidad maxima de poesfa, queo eo lo mismo.

Guilherme de Almeida, es un poets cursi. Como este poeta, poota femenino,
no son de los que reoomidndanse, en esta hora de firms expresiones. Poeta do
una apagada sensaoi6n de sueio, no es una poesfa para perdurar. En la poesia
de Guilherme de Almeida, todo es tenue. Inoluso las ideas, las muy pooas ideas
que aparecen de vez en cuando en la poesia de este hombre. Algunas ooasiones
he querido estimar, comprenderla, sentir un afeoto o una intima pasibn de oon-
suelo, mas todo me fue negado. Cuando presto' los libros de este poets a person-
as que saben penetrar on el sentido interior de todo imaginero, me devolvieron
los libros con desganot les era indiferente la poesia de Guilherme de Almeida.

Lo siento, pero la oosa es ast. Haoe muaho tiempo esoribi un artfoulo lauda-
torio a este poeta, para darme la idea de que me habia agradado, oada vee que
leo tal trabajo, me conduelo de mi insinoeridad.

No niego que es un poeta que gusta much a las mujeres, a dos olases de
mujeres, a las adolescentes y a las ouarentonas, las primeras porque para ellas
todo es nuevo en la vida a las segundas, porque ya todo es viejo pars ellas.
Por lo tanto, no envidio la gloria de este poeta.


Entre un poeta y el otro, media un mnndo. Mientras on Alfonso Sohmidt todo
es fuerza y human sentido, en el otro todo es td oon loohe, oon bisooohos y
servilletitas de enoaje. Nada mas distinto. En esta fortaleza tan repleta de
hondura y oalidad, louanta verdadera poesiat...Pese a ello, auy pooos nos hablan
de Alfonso Sohmidt como poeta, Nos dioen que es un gran periodista, un ouen-
tfsta extraordinario, un comedi6grafo exoelonte, un novelist de primer magni-
tud: pero nada oomo poeta. Las razones? IQuien puede saber las raeones de la
antipatfa, de la mala fe, o de la inoomprensi6nl...Lo que si puedo deoir, es que
Alfonso Schmidt es, como Cassiano Ricardo, como Ribeiro Couto, uno de los tree
poetas de esa generaoidn, que algo nos legaron, para poder deoir, que la poesia
no so perdid, por complete.

Un fondo social, human, un coraztn que late per los triste, per los humildee,
los oprimidos, los ddbiles, los indefensos, los perseguidos, los oastigados, los
arrepentidos, de haber side tan buenos, on esta selva repleta de feroces animals,
que cuando no muerden, es porque estan oomiendose una presa, oazada de improvise

Y olaro, no es possible que se piense on justifioar una olase de poesia, que

tan alto fin cristiano tuvo, para proclamar su existenoia* En verso, no so
puoden decir nada m&s quo frasos bollas "para engatusar a las doncellas", como
ya dijo un poeta de burdel; por costa raz6n, la poesia do Alfonso Sohmidt, os
precise olvidarla, y quo su autor, gooo do un prostigio divers, cualquicra co-
sa, monos quo haga esos versos, porquo podrfan parecornos acusaoiones.

iGran poeta, porque sabe do los sufrimiontos y do las alogrfas de los dos-
heredados, sin que osto quite un tpico a lo hondo duloe y rico de la poosfal

Es por esta raz6n, quo Alfonso Schmidt, es uno do los pootas quo mns ostan
on condi.i6n humana, del sentido l1rico: valo docir, do lo que siompro fu6
poesla: la busqueda dol hombre, para su mojoramionto, el fndolo social do su
oxistoncia, para logran haceor mas sonsatos y nAs d6ciles en el bion. Eso y no
otra cosa, ep lo quo siompre buso6 Schmidt on su poosla.


I. Ronald do Carvalho:

"Luz Gloriosa" poemas 1913.
"Poomas e Sonetos" 1915.
"Pequena Historia da Litoratura Brasiloira" 1923.
"Epigramas Ir6nicos y sentimentalos" 1925.
"El Espojo do Ariel" Ensayos 1927.
"Estudos Brasiloiros" Tros Series 1925-1930.
"Toda Am6rica" poomas, 1928.
"Grabados do MIxico" Viajos.
"El claro sonroir do los modornos".
(Algunas do ostas obras fuoron traducidas al espaonol.)

II. Cassiano Ricardo:

"Dentro da noite" 1915.
"Evangolho do Pan" 1917.
"Jardim das Hospcridos" 1920.
"Atalanta" 1923.
"Martin-Cererd" Diversas Ediciones.
"Iarcha para Ooste".

III. Menotti del Picchia:

"Lais" Novela.
"Juoa jiulato" Poema.
"A Nariz de Cleopatra" Cuontos.
"El Hombre y la Muerto" Novela.
"As MIscaras" Poema.
"Don Juan" Poona.
"Poesias Complotas".
"Salome" Novela.

IV. Ribeiro Couto:

"Jardin das Confidencias" Poosias.
"A Casa do gato cincento" Cuontos.
"O Crimen do Estudanto Baptista" Cucntos.
"Noroeste" Poemas.

"Prima Belinha" Novela.
"Canoionero de don Alfonso" Poemas.
"Largo do Matriz" Novela.

V. Jorge de Lima:

"Poesias ;
"Esta Negra Fuid" Poesias.
"Dos Ens&yos"b
"Calunga" i Novela.
"El Angel" Poesias.

VI. Sergio Milliet:

"Poemas Analogos" 1927.
"Terminup seoo" Ensayos.
"Roberto" Novela.
"Maroha a r6" Ensayos.
"Roteiro do Caf6" Estudio Hist6rioob
"Poemas .- 1938.
"Ensayos" 1938.
"Pintura e Pintores" Est4tica.
"Catalogo de Pintura Francesa' Critica.
"0 Sal da Heresia" Ensayos.
"Dos Cartas on mi destino" Novela.
"Pensamientos, M&ximas y Comentarios" Varias.

VII. Guilherme de Almeidas

"Libro de horas de Sor Dolorosa" Poema,
"Voce" Poemas.
"Nos" Poemas.
"Alvaroz de Acevedo" Pieza Escenica.
"Poesia" 1941.

VIII. Alfonso Sohmidt:

"Janelas Abertas" Poesfas.
"Lusitania" Poesia.
"Evangolho dos lives" Folleto.
"Brutalidade" Cuentos,
"As Levianas" Teatro.
"Carne do Cai6n" Teatro.
"Os Impunos" Novelas.
"El dragon y las v{rgenes" Novela.
"Poosias Completas".
"A Vida de Paulo Eyro" Biografia.
"A Maroha" Novela.
"0 Tesouro da Cananea" Cuentos.
"Colonia Socilia" Novela.
----------- -- -------- -- ----- -- --


by George Jaffin *

The first experiment in constitutional democracy in the history of the
world waS made more than 2000 years ago when the Athenians exercised self-
government under the Constitution of Athens. The unique character of the
Athenian Constitution was well analyzed by the first scholar in the field of
comparative .constitutional law, Aristotle, whose Athenaion Politeia appeared
about 325 B. C. For more than 2000 years Aristotle's work was lost to the
world; it was not discovered until a half-century ago, or 100 years after the
adoption of the American Bill of Rights.

The most extensive experiment in constitutional democracy in the world
was begun in the New World near the close of the 18th century when the American
colonies won their independence from the Old World. In 1776 the new era
began when the united Thirteen Colonies issued the Declaration of Independ-
ence, which was fortified in 1787 by the Constitution and in 1791 by the Bill
of Rights.

Several decades later the example thus set by the North American English
colonies under Washington was followed by the South American Spanish colonies
under Bolivar and others. By 1823 the independence of the new republics of
the Western Hemisphere was guaranteed by the Monroe Doctrine, which deterred
the Holy Alliance from restoring the Old World regime in the Now after the
downfall of Napoleon. Thus the Latin-American republics were enabled to de-
velop constitutional self-government free from trans-Atlantic interference.

With the opening of the 20th century the New World was freed from the Old
and in the process of experimenting with constitutional democracy. Such ex-
periments varied; the oldest was begun in 1791 by the United States; the
youngest, by Brazil in 1891 and Cuba in 1901. The main exception was Canada.

While the American Constitution became the model for the New World, the
legal systems in the Amoricas wore not entirely renovated as a consequence.
Even after winning independence, the American colonies retained the English
Common Law which they had inherited; with the exception of Quebec and Louisi-
ana which followed French law, Americanadian law is still based on the Common
Law. Similarly, the Latin-American colonies of the New World had inherited'
the legal systems of their Mother Countries which were ultimately derived from
Roman Law. Although they unanimously used the American Constitution as the
basis of their constitutional structure, they did not have the slightest in-
tention of going further and transplanting the Anglo-American Common Law south
of the Rio Grande and making it the foundation of their jurisprudence.

In the Old World, due to the failure of the French Revolution, American
constitutional ideas did not succeed in crossing the Atlantic in the 19th
century. However, had it succeeded, Europe might have undergone the consti-
tutional transformation of the Americas during the 19th century.

The outcome of World War I made it possible for the Old World to import

Senior Attorney, Securities and Exchange Commission.

American constitutional ideology in the German Constitution of 1919, the
Austrian Constitution of 1920, the Czechoslovakian Constitution of 1920,
and more recently the Spanish Constitution.of 1931. In France there was a
strong movement for the adoption of the American constitutional system. But
there was only one European county which followed American constitutional
ideas in the 19th century, and that country now constitutes the sole surviv-
ing oasis of constitutional democracy in Europe--Switzerland.

Pan-Americanadian Constitutional Problems

The constitutional developments north and south of the Equator present
interesting problems. How has the American century-and-a-half-old experi-
ment in constitutional democracy compared with those of other republics in
the New World? No doubt all the younger republics have learned much from
us. W hat can we learn from the constitutional experience of our sister

The mere fact that the United States was the pioneer in the modern move-
ment for constitutional democracy is not proof per se that the pioneer has
since continuously kept the original model up-to-date and in all respects
superior to the various imitations. In their infancy the new republics of
the Western Hemisphere tended to imitate the American model, but the junior
republics of the New World have not been content to wait until constitutional
innovations are achieved in America before they adopt corresponding consti-
tutional changes. In the field of Pan-Amerioanadian constitutional law there
is a fertile field for study.

Anglo-American Union and Pan-Hispanic Union

The proposed Anglo-American constitutional union rests upon an appeal to
peoples inheriting a common culture; a union of the English-speaking democ-
racies is contemplated. (32)

(32) The movement is mainly supported by several private organizations in
England and America, notably the Federal Union National Council in England
and Federal Union, Inc., in America. Activities of the English-Speaking Union
and the Pilgrims of the United States are also in this direction. See, e.g.,
New York Times, Jan. 19, 1942, p.4, col.8; Jan 29, 1942, p.12, ool.l.
The most widely disseminated statement of this program in England and
FEDERAL UNION (1940); see also UNION NOW WITH GREAT BRITAIN (1941). In the
original plan it was proposed that there be established a Federal Union of
the North Atlantic or founder democracies including the American Union, the
British Commonwealth (specifically, the United Kingdom, Dominion of Canada,
Commonwealth of Australia, New Zealand, Union of South Africa, Ireland), the
French Republic, Belgium, the Netherlands, the Swiss Confederation, Denmark,
Norway, Sweden and Finland. It was asserted that these few countries include
the worlds greatest, oldest, most homogeneous and closely linked democracies,
the peoples most experienced and successful in solving the problem at hand--
the peaceful, reasonable establishment of effective interstate democratic
world government. It was contended that these democracies have a common con-
cept of the state and that while there are differences in detail, the machin-
ery of government aims to secure the same minimum guarantees of freedom to
the individual, whether called the Bill of Rights, the Rights of Man, or lea

Regardless of the popular plausibility of its appeal, the proposal for an
Anglo-American constitutional union, which has not received official sanction,
is not only one-sided but insufficient. (33) There are, concededly, conspic-
uous similarities in the constitutional history of the English and American

Equally one-sided is the appeal to the Spanish-speaking peoples on both
sides of the Atlantic to draw closer together by reason of their common heri-
tage of a similar culture. More than the Atlantic separates Spain from the
form Hispanic colonies which, in the constitutional evolution of the past
century, have acquired more common roots with the democracies of the Now World
than with the Mother Countries of the Old.

A coimon language, of course, contributes greatly to a common understand-
ing; but it is far from being the controlling criterion for a constitutional
union: otherwise Quebec and Haiti should be joined to France, and Switzerland,
the oldest democracy in the Old World, should be out into three parts,--
part to go to France, part to Italy, and part to Germany.

Pan-Americanadian Constitutional Confederation

In place of such one-sided proposals as Anglo-American Union or the closer
Pan-Hispanic Union following the philosophy of Hispanity, arguments can be
advanced to advocate some form of constitutional cooperation to embrace the
New World. It is not the purpose of this essay to advocate this type of union
but rather., by means of comparative analysis, to accentuate and emphasize the
limitations of the other proposed solutions or universal panaceas that would
dissolve the New World. A Pan-Americanadian constitutional confederation oan
be supported by arguments based on historic, geographic, ooonomio and politic

Droits de 1'Homme. The inaccuracy of this contention, at least as to England
and as to France prior to 1940, is demonstrated infra as notes 90 and 91.
Originally the proposal was in favor of a Federal Union predominantly Anglo-
American; soon thereafter the force of circumstances converted it into one
almost exclusively Anglo-American. For present purposes, our analysis will be
directed to the proposal as if it were exclusively Anglo-American, although
most recently, namely on January 9, 1942, one month after the United Statos
entered World War II, the author of UNION NOW in a speech at a Union Now meet-
ing urged a "world United States." See NEW YORK TIMES, Jan. 10, 1942, p.9,
col. 4, In the last analysis the proposal still seems to be primarily one for
an Anglo-American constitutional union.
(33) Anglo-American union has been widely criticized, but practically all of
the criticism may be summed up in Washington's final warning against foreign
"entangling alliances." Cf. (1942) 214 SATURDAY EVENING POST 26; NEW YORK
HERALD TRIBUNE, Jan. 15, 1942, p.20, col. 6 and 7. The present writer's main
criticism is on an entirely different basis: Why has the proposal of an
English-speaking Anglo-American Union overlooked the rest of the New World.
Attempts at rationalization are to be inferred from several passages in UNION
NOW. It is stated (pp. 78-79) that there is difficulty in inclusion of one
or two Latin-American republics in that this might offend other Latin-American
states and lead inevitably to the inclusion of so many as to bring the number
of founders beyond a practicable maximum.

The main objections to such a confederation seem to rest upon the tradi-
tional differences in language, institutions and laws occasioned by the fact
that the New World was originally colonized by Spanish-, Portugucso-, Fronch-,
and English-speaking peoples; those cultural variations still exist and will
continue to persist in lands originally known as New Spain, New France and
New England. Constitutional history refutes this assumption and two examples,
one in the New World and one in the Old, should suffico--Canada and Switzerland.

In the light of the previous discussion, it is submitted that no study of
the comparative constitutional problems of the Now World can afford to lose
sight of the eventual goal of a union binding the former colonies of the Old
World into a closer regional league.

What type of constitutional union will there be.--this is something for
the future to answer. Will we profit from the experience of the Greek con-
federacios and of the American colonies under the Articles of Confederation,
as the Constitutional Fathers of 1787 attempted to do? Will we learn from
the experiences of Canada, Switzerland, Latin-America and the Union of South
Africa? From the experience of the German Confederation and its predecessor,
the Confederation of the Rhine which Napoleon created. Will we learn from
the lesson of the League of Nations?

Will the eventual union be mainly Anglo-American, Americanadian, Pan-
Hispanic, Pan-Americanadian or a still more extensive organic combination--
the United States of the World to embrace the Old World and the Now?

For the present, we point to the possibilities, not for the purpose of
prophesying the Federation of the Future, but to suggest that Anglo-American
Union versus Pan-Hispanic Union are not the only alternative approaches to
the situation. Confusion generated by these rival ideologies must be clari-
fied before constructive work can be done.

Pan-Americanadian Constitutional Studies

Pending the eventual solution of the constitutional problems of the Now
World, it is fruitful to study the existing constitutions of the Western
Hemisphere. In the event of a Now World union or any union including the
New World, the various constitutions must be analyzed to provide a basis for
a common understanding, so that the constitutional provisions of the compo-
nent states will be in harmony with those of the super-constitution, and vice

Even assuming that a constitutional union embracing the New World is a
Utopian dream, or at best a goal to be attained in the distant future, com-
parative constitutional studios are still valuable since they make it pos-
sible to compare our constitutional experience with recent constitutional in-
novations in the sister republics. In any event the first task is to become
acquainted with the other constitutional charters of the Now World. From
even a casual reading of these documents, it is apparent that they are not
mere replicas of the American Magna Charta. The differences become more con-
spicuous by contrast, especially by reason of significant constitutional
developments in Latin-America during the last decade. An interesting in-
stance is the Uruguayan Constitution of 1934, a pioneer in constitutional
evolution embodying social and economic legislation which, after generations
of controversy, has been widely recognized as necessary to the functioning
of-a constitutional democracy under modern conditions. In this Constitution,
the protection of all inhabitants is extended to "life, honor, liberty,

security, labor and property" without distinctions between citizens and non-
citizens. Citizenship is not prerequisite to suffrage; the right to voto is
given to persons who have lived in Uruguay for 15 yoars. Non-citizens aro
also entitled to the various social and economic benefits assured by the

These pioneer provisions of the Uruguayan Constitution, though recDnt, have
not remained the last word on the subject of social and economic guarantees;
the most comprehensive provisions are to be found in the Cuban Constitution
of 1940.-

In this new field studios of comparative constitutional law are limited
only by imagination and industry. The minimum required for such research is
an appreciation of the diffusion of American constitutional ideology plus a
realization that, after nearly a century of constitutional exporienco, the
younger republics of the Now World may be in a position not only of disciples
but also of teachers.

Secondly, one of the preliminary studies in this field should be concerned
with this question: To what extent do and should constitutions create machin-
ery to protect the Bill of Rights. The Constitutional Fathers did not invent
new constitutional machinery to protect the Bill of Rights. Instead, they
used the old machinery of the Common Law for this purpose. They borrowed the
historic methods used for centuries in England to dispose of litigated dis-
putes between private individuals to provide protection to the Bill of Rights
and other constitutional guarantees. This is one of the anomalies of American
constitutional evolution. England never developed special constitutional ma-
chinery, simply because there was no occasion to provide protection to the
English Bill of Rights, and for nearly a century and a half, the Supreme Court
of the United States has taken the position that constitutional questions
are disposed of only in the course of deciding lawsuits in which the liti-
gants are directly affected by the laws in question. In the simplification
of constitutional litigation and in the development of special machinery for
the protection of constitutional guarantees, America has much to learn from
constitutions south of the Rio Grande.

Nearly a century ago, Mexico devised the amparo for the protection of con-
stitutional guarantees. The amparo is brought against the public officials
interested in the enforcement of the particular law; the question of consti-
tutionality is directly presented to the court. Further, additional types
of machinery for the protection of constitutional guarantees have been made
the subject of experiment. In a number of Latin-American republics there are
variations of the special appeal of unconstitutionality.

The Cuban Constitution of 1940 contains the most comprehensive machinery
for the protection of constitutional guarantees. The youngest republic in
the New World is the first to combine the following two protective mechanisms:
the citizens' action to test the constitutionality of a law, and a special
constitutional tribunal for the protection of constitutional guarantees, the
Tribunal of Constitutional Guarantees. The creation of this court is a re-
markable innovation in the New World.

Pan-Americanadian Babel

In closing this essay it is essential to emphasize the main theme appeal-
ing for broader perspective in studying constitutional problems. The American

Constitution is not a thing apart and sufficient unto itself, but an integral
part of a procession of Magna Chartas portraying the progress of constitu-
tional ideology: Magna Charta in 1215, the Bill of Rights in 1689, the
Declaration of Independence in 1776, the American Constitution in 1787, the
Declaration of the Rights of Man in 1789, the American Bill of Rights in
1791, the French Constitution of 1791, the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and
so on. The American Constitution deserves to be studied with reference to
sister constitutions in the New World.

AmeriCan constitutional ideology has created the common terminology of
constitutional democracy, Nothing seems so foreign as a foreign language,
but common constitutional aspirations transcend differences in language. A
sufficiently international common denominator is provided by the fact that
most constitutions have been inspired by the American. Comparative studies
of constitutions patterned after the imerican are fruitful, whether or not
the United States will become an integral unit in a gigantic constitutional

Barriers separating civilized countries are more easily dissolved when
the initial .obstacles to common understanding, caused by differences in lan-
guage, are overcome. There was a time when Latin was the universal language
of learning. With the decline of Latin and the emergence of nationalisms
and their national languages, the necessity of some international mode of dis-
course became evident. More than three centuries ago Descartes dreamed of
a universal language, a goal that linguists, scientists and others have stead-
fastly endeavored to attain. It would be ideal if one of the competing syn-
thetic international languages gained sufficient international currency to
booome the common coinage for cultural exchange. (121) But the lingual mil-
lenium visioned by Descartes is still far from attainment. Until this goal
is reached, we cannot be deterred by differences in language.

Barriers of language have been easily transcended by that'universal lan-
guage ar excellence--music. It was not long before America adopted the

(121) Various synthetic international languages have been created Volapfk,
Esperanto, Ido, Idiom Neutral, Interlingua or Latino sine flexione, Romanal,
Universal, Occidental, Novial and Basic English are rivals. Those languages
generally undertake to utilize common roots and stems and to minimize deolen-
sions and conjugations.
Comparative analysis of common linguistic elements promises to load nearer
to the goal of an interlanguage. Cf. GUERARD, L SHORT HISTORY OF THE INTER-
GUISTICS (1930). In the attainment of this goal purely national linguistic
elements must yield to more neutral international elements, Cf. Gudrard, Inter
national Language and National Cultures (1941) 10 iMERICAN SCHOLAR 170.
Because of its Romance origin and the simplicity of its grammer, Spanish
has been proposed as the international auxiliary language. Of. Leoerff, El
Castellano como Lengua Universal (Cuba, 1918) 27 REVISTA DE LA FACULTAD Dtr
Tract No. XXXIV of the Society for Pure English. If a living language is to
be chosen, there are many advantages in adopting Spanish for the Old World as
well as the New. Even more promising, however, may be the simplified synthetic
languages, such as Novial, also derived largely from Latin and in many ways
similar to Spanish.

rhythmic importations from lands south of the Rio Grande--the tango, rumba,
conga, samba--and Carmen Miranda. N~ way has as yet been discovered of
making foreign constitutions more intelligible, palatable or digestible by
translating them into rhythmic forms or harmonic configurations. How beauti-
ful would it be if the New World constitutional symphony and the various
movements in which the Latin-Amorican republics have participated could be
composedrwith lyric crescendos and cadenzas to rival the Now World Symphony
of Dvoraki Such transcendental desire may be fantastic. Yet the story of
how the colonies of the Now World were in harmony on constitutional ideology
and shared in the world's classic constitutional symphony may not be entirely
without euphony.



Los Pclaros de Quevedo, ten-year old Honorary Latin American Fraternity
initiated Dr. John J. Tigert, President of the University of Florida, as an
Honorary Member at a banquet held November 17, 1942 in Gainesville, Florida.

At the ceremony. Caudillo Mario Ullivarri of Havana presented Dr. Tigert
with a certificate of Honorary Membership in recognition of his distinguished
contributions to the "furtherance of Spanish culture and bettor understanding
between Spanish and English speaking peoples." The certificate was specially
designed by a Peruvian Picaro, Sr. Augusto Guerra S., of Miraflores, Lima.

On the same occasion two new Associate Members were initiated by Los Pfoarost
Mr. John F. Martin, Acting Director of the Inter-American Institute, and
Dr. Agustin Matallana, of Bogot&, Colombia, resident physician at the University
of Florida.

Los Pfcaros Honorary Fraternity was founded in 1933 at the University of
Florida by a group of students and faculty members "realizing the advantages--
social, cultural and commercial--to be derived through familiarity with and
frequent use of the Spanish tongue." Only three other Honorary Members have
been elected in the past: the late Dr. C. L. Crow of Gainesville, Florida;
Sr. Ernesto Montenegro, Chilean journalist; and Dr. Luis Baralt, Professor of
Philosophy, University of Havana.

Officers of the fraternity serve for an academic year and are elected from
the active membership, which is made up entirely of North American and Latin-
American university students. The officers are: Caudillo (President), Teniente
(Vice-President and Treasurer), Escribano (Recording Secretary) and Capelldn
(Chaplain and Corresponding Secretary). Los Picaros takes its name from the
famous Spanish character of the 16th and 17th centuries; the mother chapter
adopted the name "de Quevedo" after the renowned Spanish writer of the 17th cen-
tury, Francisco do Quevodo y Villegas, while other chapters may take the name of
other distinguished Spanish authors. The emblem is the shield of Sovilla and
the colors are red and black.


por William C. Zellars

La part novelesca de este libro trata de los amores de dona Juana de
Portugal, esposa de Enrique IV de Castilla, y don Beltran de la Cueva, oorte-
sano y favorite del monarca, y de la rivalidad que existfa entire don Beltrin
y el marquis de Villena a causa de sus ambioiones respeotivas.

El marques de Villena ambioiona el puesto de maestre de Santiago pero, a
pesar de sus muohos servicios valiosos en que ha oonduoido a las huestes vio-
toriosas de Castilla en sus batallas, su rival don Beltran reoibe el maestrae-
go y otros honors en recompensa de una breve oampeaa contra los moros.
Result que el marques avisa al rey que su oiego favoritismo resultari en la
ruina de Castila, da al rey un anillo prometiendo volver a ayudarle si el
rey neoesita sus servicios y le envia esta joya, y entonoes se retire de la

Mientras tanto don Beltran y la reina estan enamorados. Una noohe la reina
va al aposento de Beltran quien, para evitar las sospeohas de dofa Guiomar,
concubina del rey, ha tenido que invitar a 4sta al mismo aposento a pesar de
su compromise fijado previamente con dona Juana. El resultado es que doda
Guiomar, enoontrando allf a la reina, se oree oruelmente engafiada y herida en
su vanidad y proyeota la muerte de don Beltrdn.

Desde ahora en adelante el odio de doFa Guiomar por Beltran es el punto
focal de la novel y mientras tanto Beltran rehusa magnificos honorees y ri-
quezas para quedarse al lado de la reina que adora.

Doaa Juana de Portugal da a luz a una prinoesa, Juana, quien llega a ser
la inooente causa de disturbios en el reino por la suoesidn al trono. El
favorite desoubre por oasualidad a un grupo de los conjurados que apoyan al
infante don Alonso porque creen que la prinoesa es hija ilegitima de Beltrin
y la reina y que Beltran arruina el estado. Estos oonspiradores mueren en un
ataque dirigido valientemente por Beltrin, pero pronto estalla de nuevo la

Reoordando la promesa del marquis de Villena de volver a la oorte si el
rey le necesita, dona Guiomar envIa por el marquis, le muestra el anillo y le
informa que el veneno de la disoluoi6n ha cundido r4pidamente por todo el
estado, que todos los habitahtes sufren mientras que Beltrin se ha oonvertido
en despota y ha extendido su ominoso yugo hasta sobre la misma corona y que
el monarca ha mandado venir al marquis. Villena rehusa ayudarla en el arrest
de Beltran a menos que el rey lo ordone, pero doia Guiomar le promote al
marquis que ella le entregard mis tarde la orden del rey.

Beltran, a causa de su amor por la reina y para asegurar el trono a la

(1) Madrid, 1845.
Este artcfulo es el tercero de una series de crftioas de las trees
novelas de Jose Munoz Maldonado, conde de Fabraquer.

princess Juana, a quien el pueblo llama "la Beltraneja", decide oombatir a
sus enemigos. En un bailey celebrado en el palacio real, Beltr&n deolara que
el rey le ha autorizado a proclamar a dona Juana reina de Castilla y de Le6n.
Por esto Beltran intent arrestar al marquis de Villena y sus secuaoes. El
marquis, motivado per su promesa a don Enrique, piensa arrestar a don Beltran
si reoibe una orden del rey. En el interIn muchos confederados ayudan al
marques y Beltran es arrestado.

En las palabras del autor, "Doia Guiomar habfa sido el alma de esta revo-
luci6n...doEa Guiomar triunfaba completamente, habla aproveohado los oortos
mementos que dur6 la lucha del pueblo con los guardias del Alcazar y, bajo la
impresi6n de terror que inspiraban al rey los gritos furiosos de los confedera-
dos y el ruido de los golpes quo con horrondo estrepito haofan caer las
puertas de las regias habitaniones, para rovelar al rey toda su desgraoia,
para arrancarle las ultimas ilusiones do su coraz6n y hacerle firmar las dr-
denes que hipocritamente afectaba necesitar el marquis de Villena para apoderar-
so del poder"..."El rey fij6 sus ojos en doia Guiomar, conoci6 que a su
venganza debia el humillante papel que acababa de reprosentar, quo el fmarques
de Villena habia side llamado per ella, pues vela brillar on el dedo de su
mano el fatal y misterioso anillo que imprudentemente y sin creerla sabedora
del sedreto le habfa confiado, y deseando vengar su afrenta en la unica per-
sona en quien podia hacerlo en aquellos mementos, "Saldrdis, doia Guiomar...
la dijo con rostro airado...inmediatamonte de mi corte; vuestra presonoia me
recordaria sin cesar mi desgracia...vuestros funestos encantos han side la
dnica causa de mi desventura." (1)

Mientras tanto el infante Alfonso ha muerto y las cortes aprueban a la
infant dola Isabel para heredora de la corona. El rey sontencia a la muerte
a don Beltran, pero mAs tarde rovoca esta orden a petici6n del marquis de
Villena, quien ha mandado que no so ejecute al favorite hasta quo 41 mismo
abra cierta ventana. La reina, arrebatado do alegrfa, oye la revocaoidn de
la orden para la muerte de Beltran, grita "voy a salvarle" y abro la ventana
en cuesti6n y la cabeza de su amante cae bajo el cuchillo del verdugo. Doia
Guiomar, la reina Juana y su hija son destorradas do la corte.

MNs tarde la infant Isabel va secretamente a la villa de Duenas y se casa
con don Fernando de AragOn para evitar las tramas do sus enemigos. A pesar de
que este onlace ha side aprobado per las Cortes, el marquis de Villona ahora
esta ofendido e incita al ddbil Enrique a quo declare per un juramonto solemn
la legitimidad de la hija de la reina Juana y la proclame heredera del trono.
Las luchas contindan per varies aoos, pero Isabel suede a Enrique cuando
6ste muero. "La Beltraneja" se casa con el rey de Portugal poro, a causa del
parentesco que existia entire ellos, el papa declare nulo el matrimonio y la
infeliz so hace monja.

MuYoz Maldonado cita a Mariana para puntos de historic (2) y sigue fiel-
monte, por lo general, los hechos veridicos del reinado do Enriquo IV. Los
dos principals elements hist6ricos de la novel sont (a) don Beltr&n fu6
per much tiempo favorite del rey, y (b) Villena vacilaba en su lealtad y tomo
parte en los disturbios que agitaron el reino en cuanto a la sucosidn y la
legitimidad de la hija de la reina y la cuesti6n so decidi6 al fin por el
nombramiento de doia Isabel para suceder a su hermano.

(1) p. 248-249.
(2) p. 263, 264, 265.

La representaci6n de doja Guiomar como una rebelde de suma importancia
es ficticia. La ejecuci6n de don Beltran es product de la imaginaoidn del
conde de Fabraquer. No obstante, se puede decir que estas pequeoas altera-
ciones que se encuentran en la novela no la impiden ser field relate de lo que
paso en el reinado de don Enrique IV.

Como en sus otras novelas, el autor reouerda a Scott en que explioa ouida-
dosamente el fondo hist6rico al principio de la obra. El uso del anillo
para jurar la fe como tambidn el uso del disgraz recuerdan al famoso esooods.

De vez en cuando Muioz Maldonado indioa su opinion acerca de los persona-
jds y los sucosos que forman el fondo del cuento. Por ejemplo, usa un ad-
jetivo fuorte cuando dice quo don Boltran do la Cueva habia desoubierto..."la
atroz conspiraci6n que debia precipitar al rey de su trono y arranoarle a 41
el poder con la vida (1). Aunque no niega el adulterio de don Beltran y la
reina, nos hace career que el rey fug igualmente addltero, pero quo la reina
en su concubinato con Beltran no querfa quedar expuesta sin defense a la vor-
gtenza del trato del roy y su concubina, que la reina sentia remordimientos
por su propia conduct y que ella adoraba entraCablemonte a su hija. Deja
un poco ofuscada la verdad del parentesco de "la Beltraneja" pero implica
que esta desafortunada nija fue hija de don Beltran. El marquis do Villena
es representado come caballero valiente y astute, superficialmento fiel a su
palabra, misericordioso, hombre que secretamento promovla el alzamionto contra
Enrique IV, y que era vacilante, ambicioso, celoso de Beltran.

Describiondo la situaci6n de Enrique IV durante el sitio de su palacio por
sus enemigos, observa, "Triste espectaculo, escandalo inaudito el que pre-
sentaba la majestad real avasallada por un pu~ado de rebeldes..quo alteraban
el orden de suceder en la corona, arrancando esta do las sienes de la hija
de Enrique IV para trasladarla a la de su hermana"(2).

En cambio, no deja de presenter el punto de los conspiradores por boca
de uno de 4stos que dice a Beltran: "Nuestros hermanos los confederados,
despuds de haberse apoderado de los infants Alfonso e Isabel, que con la
reina madre yacian olvidados de Enrique en su destierro de Maqueda, han de-
puesto del trono al opresor de Castilla, al que on su impotenoia abandon las
riendas del trono a un vorgonzoso favorite, al que quiere aseguarar la corona
en las siones de una hija de adulterio con porjuicio de sus hermanos (3).
Por boca de otro "Los pueblos estgn agobiados de gabelas y tributes, la guerra
devasta nuestras propiedades"(4).

No obstante, esta novel no es obra do propaganda. Su author trata do pre-
sentar la historic come era. Se marca un progroso en la tdcnica si compara-
mos Don Beltran de la Cueva con El gabbn del rey, su primer obra de esta
series. Esta tione poca trama y cl cuento de los amores del duque de Benevente
y dona Leonor so verifica en unas pocas piginas. En Don Beltran de la Cueva,
al contrario, encontramos un protagonist en el odio, ol odio imperecedero
que motiva la trama y la lleva a un fin que esti estrechamente unido con la
historic verfdioa.

(1) p. 209.
(2) p. 248.
(3) p. 199.
(4) p. 202.


by Daniel Montenegro


George Canning, Prime Minister of Great Britain, in 1826 made his famous
boast in which he gave himself full credit for the Monroe Doctrinet

"I looked another way I sought compensation in another
hemisphere...I resolved that, if France had Spain, it
should not be Spain with the Indies. I called the New
World into existence to redress the balance of the Old." 1

That George Canning's claim should be accepted as gospel in England
is perhaps only natural, but it is truly amazing that it should be accepted
as such by writers in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. Indeed,
writers in Latin America have often referred to the doctrine as the "Canning

An example of this ready acknowledgment of the claim is the following
statement by Hugh Gordon Miller in his book on the problems of the Caribbeans

"The fact that the principle of tho Monroe Doctrine originated
with Great Britain is, we submit, of farreaching importance." 2

Several documents do seem to give some support to these interpretations
of the origin and motivation of the Monroe Doctrine. For instance, in a
letter to Jefferson written a few days after his historical message to Congress
on December 2, Monroe says:

"When the character of these communications, of that from
Mr. Canning, and that from the Russian minister, is con-
sidered, and the time when made, it leaves little doubt that
some project against the new govts. is contemplated. In
what form is uncertain. It is hoped that the sentiments
expressed in the message, will give check to it. We certainly
meet, in full extent, the proposition of Mr. Canning, and in
the mode to give it the greatest effect. If his govt. makes
a similar deoln, the project will, it may be presumed, be
abandoned. By taking the step here, it is done in a manner
more conciliatory with and respectful to Russia, and the other
powers, than if taken in England, and as it is thought with
more credit to our govt. ... Had we moved in England, it is
probable, that it would have been inferr'd that we acted
under her influence, and at her instigation, and thus have
lost credit as well with our southern neighbors, as with the
allied powers". 3

C. E. Chapman, Hispanic America, Colonial and Republican; Vol. I, p. 317.
2 H. G. killer, The Isthmian Highway; p. 87.
Ibid, p. 89-91.

These statements can be interpreted in more than one way. They may
be so interpreted as to make it appear that the United States government
was the merest tool of George Canning, although attempting to conceal the
relationship so as to "save face". Or they may be interpreted as showing
that the United States acted with complete independence, however closely
certain aspects of its policy may have coincided with that of Great Britain
at the moment.

The exchange of correspondence among Monroe, Jefferson and Madison during
the months just previous to the declaration, would also seem, on the surface,
to give some support to the idea that the United States government was simply
following the leadership of Great Britain. In his letter to Jefferson of
October 17, 1823, Monroo says:

"I transmit to you two despatches, which wore received
from iAr. Rush...They contain two letters from Mr. Canning,
suggesting designs of the holy alliance, against the
Independence of So. America, & proposing a cooperation,
between G. Britain and the U. States, in support of it,
against the members of that alliance...My own impression
is that we ought to meet the proposal of the British govt.,
& to make it known, that we would view an interference on
the part of the European powers, and especially an attack
on the Colonies, by them, as an attack on ourselves, pre-
suming that if they succeeded with them, they would extend
it to us".1

In his reply dated October 24, Jefferson seems to acknowledge British
initiative in the matter when he says:

"...Our endeavour should surely be, to make our hemisphere
(the domicile) of freedom. One nation, most of all, could
disturb us in this pursuit: she now offers to lead, aid and
accompany us in it".2

Madison also contributes to the impression that Great Britain was the
moving force behind the declaration of policy. (Jefferson was requested by
Monroe to forward his letter to Madison.) In his letter to Monroe dated
October 30, Madison says:

"It can not be doubted that Mr. Canning's proposal, though
made with the air of consultation, as well as concert, was
founded on a predetermination to take the course marked out,
whatever might be the reception here to his invitation.
But this consideration ought not to divert us from what is
just and proper in itself. Our co-oporation is due to our-
selves and to the world." 3

However, it must be remembered that this correspondence (with the exception
of the first of Monroe's letters mentioned above), was carried on several
months before the Message to Congress in which Monroe formulated his Doctrine.
In the interim, the idea of making a joint-declaration with Great Britain was

1 J. R. Clark, Memorandum on the Monroe Doctrine, pp. 96, 97.
2 bid., p 97.

SIbid., p. 99.

abandoned, and there was a marked change in attitude toward Canning's proposals.
This change was no doubt influenced by the penetrating observations sent to
Monroe and Adams by Richard Rush, the United States minister to Great Britain,
and by the knowledge of European politics possessed by John Quinoy Adams, then
Secretary of State, who had spent much of his life in European courts, first
with his father, and later as a minister himself.

John Quincy Adams was later given credit by his son, Charles Francis, for
having written the declaration. However influential Adams may have been in
shaping the declaration, it seems likely that President Monroe was not totally
devoid of responsibility to put it mildly whatever Charles Francis may
have claimed through filial affection.

The rapid metamorphosis, which the emerging declaration of policy under-
went, may be observed in a comparison of the main points as formulated by
Canning, then by Rush in his reply to Canning, then by Adams, and finally as
they appeared in the declaration of December 2, 1823. That they did undergo
significant changes is evinced by the fact that Canning was deeply angered
when he received news of President Monroe's message to Congressa

"On the .2d of January, 1824, Mr. Canning told Mr. Rush that
the principle declared in the message, that the American
continents were not to be considered as subjects for future
colonization by any of the powers of Europe, greatly em-
barrassed the instructions he was about to send to the British
ambassador at St. Petersburg, touching the northwestern bound-
ary. He believed that Great Britain would combat this Doolara-
tion of the President with animation." 1


Canning's letter of August 20, 1823, to Richard Rush, in which he.ploaded
for "a declaration on the part of your government and ours", contained five
cardinal principles which Canning hoped would be declared jointly by Great
Britain and the United States. These were:

"1. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain
to be hopeless.
2. We conceive the question of the recognition of them,
as Independent States, to be one of time and circum-
3. We are, however, by no means disposed to throw any
impediment in the way of an arrangement between them
and the mother country by amicable negotiations.
4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them
5. We could not see any portion of them transferred to any
other Power, with indifference." 2

It should be noticed that only the Spanish Colonies are mentioned here.
No mention is made of the American continents, or the Western Hemisphere.

Canning rather impetuously wished to arrive at an immediate agreement with
Mr. Rush, and asked as much in his letter of August 201

1 J A. Kasson, The Evolution of the Constitution of the United States of
America, and History of the Monroe Doctrine; p. 247.
2 Miller, opus oit.,' p. 72.

"Do you conceive that under the power which you have recently
received, you are authorized to enter into negotiation and to
sign any Convention upon this subject? Do you conceive, if
that be not within your competence, you could exchange with me
ministerial notes upon it?" 1

Rush informed Canning three days later, while he accepted in substance
these declarations (excluding the second, since tho United States had
already accorded recognition to several of the South Amerioan States in 1822),
yet he lacked "authority from his government as to the manner of its avowal
of the principles and sentiments involved". 2

Discussing individually each of the points presented by Canning, (but
altering their order so that the second is first discussed) he wrote

"The Government of the United States having, in the most formal
manner, acknowledged the independence of the late Spanish provinces
in America, desires nothing more anxiously than to see this inde-
pendence maintained with stability and under auspices that may
promise prosperity and happiness to these new states themselves,
as well as advantage to the rest of the world. As conducing to
these great ends, my Government has always desired, and still
desires, to see them received into the family of nations by the
powers of Europe, and especially, I may add, by Great Britain.

My Government is also under the sincere conviction that the epoch
has arrived when the interests of humanity and justice, as well
as all other interests, would be essentially subserved by the
recognition of these states.

Making these remarks, I believe I may confidently say, that the
sentiments unfolded in your note are fully those which belong also
to my Government.

It conceives the recovery of the colonies by Spain to be hopeless.

It would throw no impediment in the way of an arrangement between
them and the mother country, by amicable negotiation, supposing an
.arrangement of this nature to be possible.

It does not aim at the possession of any portion of those com-
munities for or on behalf of the United States.

It would regard as highly unjust and fruitful of disastrous
consequences any attempt on the part of any European power to take
possession of them by conquest, or by cession, or on any ground or
pretext whatever." 3

Various modifications of Canning's original principles may be discerned
already in this reply of Rush. The American minister points out that
recognition is not "a matter of time and consequence", but that "the epoch
has arrived" for recognition, a step already taken by the United States 1
He agrees that there is little hope that Spain will recover her colonies.

1 Miller, opus cit., p. 72
2 Kasson, opus cit., p. 232.
3 Clark, opus cit., pp. 94-95.

To the suggestion that no impediment be thrown in the way of an arranftomnt
between the mother country and the colonies, by amicable negotiation, he
gives assent, but adds the significant words: "supposing an arrangement of
this nature to be possible". Another interesting addition is the phrase
"or on behalf of" which Rush inserted in the fourth points "It does not aim
at the possession of any of those communities for or on behalf of the United
States". Canning had not excluded the possibility that Great Britain herself
might gain control of the Spanish colonies through a weaker colonial power,
or through pressure on Spain, allowing Spain to retain nominal sovereignty
over them. As to the last point, whereas Canning says that Great Britain
"could not see any portion of them transferred to any other power with
indifference", a statement which might be interpreted as meaning any power
other than Great Britain, Rush says, "any European power", presumably in-
cluding Great Britain. The phrase "could not see... with indifference" used
by Canning is also far more ambiguous and less forceful than Rush's, "It
would regard as highly unjust and fruitful of disastrous consequences, etc.".
Canning's "not with indifference" might mean with approval as well as with

In a later note, Rush intimated that, should Great Britain recognize the
new republics of Latin America at once, he might be able to assume greater
responsibility himself so that an agreement could be reached immediately.

Impulsive as ever, and probably pressed by the need of Amerioa's backing
to incline the balance in his favor in his dealings with the Holy Alliance at
the time, Canning tried repeatedly in the following few weeks to induce Rush
to enter into an agreement, authority or no authority. However, Canning
would not promise immediate recognition of the South American countries, and
tried to compromise by promising future recognition, an offer which Rush
refused, as he had by that time become aware that Canning was only seeking
to strengthen his position in his negotiations with the Holy Alliance. Of
Britain's policies, Rush wrote on October 10:

"This nation in its collective corporate capacity has no more
sympathy with popular rights and freedom now than it had on the
plains of Lexington in America; than it showed during the whole
progress of the French revolution in Europe or at the close of
its first great act, at Vienna, in 1815; than it exhibited
lately at Naples in proclaiming a neutrality in all other events,
save that of the safety of the royal family there; or still more
recently, when it stood aloof whilst France and the Holy Alliance
avowed their intention of crushing the liberties of unoffending
Spain, of crushing them too upon pretexts so wholly unjustifiable
an enormous that English ministers, for very shame, were reduced
to the dilemma of speculatively protesting against them, whilst they
allowed them to go into full action. With a King in the hands of his
ministers, with an aristocracy of unbounded opulence and pride, with
what is called a house of commons constituted essentially by this
aristocracy and always moved by its influence, England can, in
reality, never look with complacency upon popular and equal rights,
whether abroad or at home. Sho therefore moves in her natural orbit
when she wars, positively or negatively, against them. For their
own sakes alone, she will never war in their favor."

Canning, despite all the enthusiasm he displayed in his first proposals of

1 Miller, opus cit., p. 77.

cooperation to Rush in mid-August, began to back out by the end of tho
month. In a confidential note to Rush, written August 31, he withdrew
"any official and decisive character of his former notes, asking that they
be treated not as a proposition, but as evidence of the nature of a propo-
sition which he would have desired to make if Mr. Rush had been provided
with authority to entertain it". 1

The last interview between Canning and Rush on the matter of a joint
declaration took place on October 10. Coming to no understanding with Rush,
Canning "decided to proceed directly to the Fronch government for an exchange
of views on the subject of Spanish America". 2

The "abrupt" postponement of further conversations led Rush to make the
following comment on British policy:

"It is France that must hot be aggrandized, not South Amerioa that
must be made free." 3

In the meantime, Rush's reports to Monroe and Adams containing Canning's
proposals, made the long voyage to America and were being considered with
much attention.

The reply of the United States to Canning, signed by Secretary Adams, was
dispatched November 29. In the reply, each principle set forth by Canning
is considered separately, and the attitude of the United States with
reference to each is clearly defined:

"The first of the principles of the British Government as set forth
by Mr. Canning is
1. We conceive the recovery of the Colonies by Spain to be
hopeless. In this we concur.
The second is
2* We conceive the question of the Recognition of them as Independont
States to be one of time and circumstances. We did so conceiv it,
until with a due regard to all the rights of Spain, and with a duo
sense of our responsibility to the judgment of mankind and of pos-
terity, we had come to the conclusion that the recovery of them by
Spain was hopeless. Having aimed at that conclusion, we considered
that the People of those emancipated Colonies, were of Right, of all
other Nations and that it was our duty so to acknowledge them in
March, 1822. From which time, the recognition has no longer been a
question to us. We are aware of considerations just and proper in
themselves which might deter Great Britain from fixing upon this same
Time, for this recognition, with us; but vw wish to press it
earnestly upon her consideration, whether, after having settled the
point that the recovery of the Colonies by Spain was hopeless and
after maintaining at the Cannon's mouth, commercial relations with
them, incompatible.with their Colonial Condition while subject to
Spain, the moral obligation does not necessarily result of
recognizing them as Independent States.
3. We are however by no moans disposed to throw any impediment in
the way of an arrangement between them and the mother country by
Nor are we. Recognizing them as Independent States we acknowledge

1 Kasson, opus cit., pp. 232-233.
2 Ibid., p.-44-
3 eillor, opus cit., p. 77.


them as possessing full power, to levy war, conclude poaco, contract
alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things,
which Indepondent States may of right do. Among those an arrangement
botwoon them and Spain, by amicable negotiation is one, which far
from being disposed to impede, we would earnestly desire, and by every
proper means in our powor endoavour to promote provided it should be
founded on the basis on Indopondonco. But recognizing them as
Independent States, we do and shall justly and providedd thoir
accommodation with Spain bo founded on that basis) necessarily claim in
our relations with them political and commercial to be placed on a
footing of equal favour with the most favoured Nation.
4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them oursolvos.
5. We could not see any portion of them transferred to any other
power, with indifference.
In both those positions we fully concur". 1

In general, the Secretary of State backs the position takon tentatively
by his minister in London. However, Adams is much more emphatic in pointing
out that the United States has already granted recognition of the independence
of the South American nations, and that since England acknowledges the fact
that Spain can not recover them, and is trading with them as free countries,
it follows that she should recognize them, if only because of the moral
obligation incurred !

It is in his discussion of the third point that Adams makes his most
significant contribution to the gradually evolving declaration of policy. He
affirms that the United States not only would not "throw any impediment in the
way of an arrangement between the former colonies and the mother country, by
amicable negotiation", but "would earnestly desire and by every means in our
power endeavour to promote such an arrangement....provided it should be
founded on the basis of Independence."

This qualification that the only kind of arrangomont the United States
would accept would be one based on the continued independence of the former
colonies, must have dissolved any fond dreams Canning may have entertained of
returning Spanish America nominally to the Spanish Empire, with a "quid ro
quo" attached in the form of special trade concessions for Groat Britain.
Adams made doubly sure that he punctured any illusions of British or European
trade advantages, when later in his discussion of the fourth point, ho says,
"we do and shall justly and .... necessarily claim in our relations with them
political and commercial to be placed upon a footing of equal favour with the
most favoured nation".

Having once established that the United States stood for the indopendonce
of the Latin American countries, Adams agreed with Canning's fourth and
fifth points without qualification.

It should be pointed out that this reply of Adams to Canning's proposals
was dispatched from Washington on November 29, (only three days before Monroe
delivered his famous message) and could not have reached England until several
weeks later.

In a letter sent to Rush the next day, November 30, in which he further
discusses Canning's proposals, Adams not only reasserts his former "sino qua
non", that Great Britain recognize the Spanish American republics -, but
expresses an attitude of American isolation from Europe which pervades the

1 Miller, opus. cit., pp. 82-85.

whole Monroe Doctrine. Previously, this attitude had boon clearly set forth
by Wiashington in his farewell address, and since then by other American
statesmen. Adams writes to Rusht

"The Observation of Mr. Canning to your remark, that the policy of
the United States has hitherto been entirely distinct and separate
from all interference in the complications of European Politics,
have great weight, and the considerations involved in them, had
already been subjects of much deliberation among ourselves. As a
member of the European community Great Britain has relations with all
the other Powers of Europe, which the United States have not, and
with which it is their unaltered determination, not to interfere.
But American Affairs, whether of the Northern or of the Southern
Continent can henceforth not be excluded from the interference of
the United States. All questions of policy, relating to them have a
bearing so direct upon the Rights and Interests of the United States
themselves, that they cannot be left at the disposal of European
Powers animated and directed exclusively by European principles and
interests. Aware of the deep importance of united ends and councils,
with those of Great Britain in this emergency, we see no possible
basis on which that harmonious concert of measures can be founded,
other than the general principle of South-American Independence. So
long as Great Britain withholds the recognition of that, we may, as
we certainly do concur with her in the aversion to the transfer to
any other power of any of the colonies in this Hemisphere, heretofore,
or yet belonging to Spain; but the principles of that aversion, so
far as they are common to both parties, resting only upon a casual
coincidence of interests, in a National point of view selfish on
both sides, would be liable to dissolution by every change of phase
in the aspects of European Politics". 1

No better refutation could be wished for the claim that the Monrbo
Declaration is in reality the "Canning Doctrine". There is, however, a still
better refutation: the Monroe declaration itself.

In the letter above, Adams establishes a number of interesting points:

1. The United.States has the "unaltered determination not to interfere" in
the relations among the European powers.

2. The United States considers Great Britain a European power.

3. "American Affairs (on the other hand) whether of the Northern or of the
Southern Continent" cannot be "excluded from the interference of the
United States."

4. Nor can they be left "at the disposal of the European Powers, animated
and directed exclusively by European principles and interests", for
they P'have a bearing so direct upon the Rights and Interests of the
United States".

5. The "common aversion" which Great Britain and the United States feel
toward the possible transfer to any other power of the colonies of
Spain is not sufficient as a basis upon which to found a "harmonious
concert of measures" to be jointly declared by the two countries.

1 Miller, opus cit., p. 83.

6. A joint declaration, based upon a "casual coincidence of interests",
such as the "common aversion" mentioned above, "would be liable to
dissolution by every change of phase in the aspects of European

The last of the above conclusions seems an indisputable indication that
the Monroe Doctrine is a purely American determination of high national

President Monroo delivered his famous message on December 2, 1823. The
actual text of the "Doctrine" was in two widely-separated paragraphs of the

J. Reubon Clark, Undersecretary of State in 1930, summarizes the prime
matters covered by President Ionroo's message in his Memorandum on the
subject. They are:

"1. The 'American continents' were not subject to further coloni-
zation by any European power.
2. The United States would consider any attempt on the part of the
'allied powers' to extend their system to any part of 'this
hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety's
3. 'With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power
we have not interfered and shall not interfere.'
4. With reference to Spanish colonies which had declared and
maintained their independence and which we had recognized, the
United States 'could not view any interposition for the purpose
of oppressing them or of controlling in any other manner their
destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United
5. Specifically, the United States declared that it was 'impossible
that the allied powers should extend their political system to
any part of either continent without endangering our peace and
happiness'. It was equally impossible that we should behold
'such interposition' by the allied powers in any form with
6. It was still 'the true policy of the United States' to leave the
parties, that is, the revolted colonies and Spain, to themselves
to adjust their difficulties as they saw fit." 1

Here, then, is the last step in the metamorphosis! In general, the
declaration is closely parallel in principle to the statements made by Adams
in his reply to Canning written three days earlier. Nevertheless, besides
the obvious difference in structure, there are several interesting modifi-
cations in matter and emphasis:

1. Not only does Monroe consider the emancipated colonies as lost to Spain,
a point upon which Canning, Rush, and Adams had all agreed -, but he
stated that the United States would consider as hostile, any attempt by
any European power (including Spain) to controll their destiny".

2. Monroe, like Rush and Adams, points out that the United States has
acknowledged the independence of the former Spanish colonies. Like
Adams he states his conviction that they should speak for themselves,

SClark, opus cit., p. 5.


n.. n.not be subject to decisions as to their fate, arrived at by
conferences of European Powers. But Monroe goes farther; he expresses
his faith that they themselves would reject the European "system".

3. Adams' stand that the United States would not throw any impediment in
the way of an arrangement between Spain and her former colonies,
provided it should be on the basis of independence is implied in Monroe's
statement that it is "obvious that she (Spain) can never subdue them".
His statement that "it is still the true policy of the United States to
leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will
pursue the same course", may be aimed at England as well as at the Holy

4. The avowal of national self-limitation and self-restraint, of which
Rush and Adams made as open declarations as did Canning, is conspicu-
ously absent from Monroe's message. He does not say, "We aim not at
possession of any portion of them ourselves". Beyond a declaration that
"with existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have
not interfered and shall not interfere", Monroe sees no reason to
commit his government to non-expansion.

5. More emphatic and more specific than even Adams, Monroe unequivocably
declares that "the American continents..., are henceforth not to be
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power."


In the foregoing comparisons it can be seen that virtually all of Canning's
principles were entirely disregarded in the Monroe Declaration. Even the
general structure which Canning provided, and which Rush and Adams used, was
omitted. That Rush and Adams should have used Canning's five-point formula
was natural, for they were discussing Canning's proposals. But Monroe was
neither replying to Canning nor acceeding to Canning's wish for a joint
declaration. He was speaking for the United States, and was expressing
American principles of foreign policy i

At the most, Canning might be credited with precipitating an American
declaration of policy with his warnings as to the designs of the Holy
Alliance on the Spanish colonies. But even in this, Canning's initiative
can be credited as being only one among several factors which led Monroe to
determine the moment convenient for a broad declaration of national policy*
Other influencing factors were:

1. The dispute between the United States, Russia, and Great Britain over
the Northwest coast.

2. The rumors that France intended to take Cuba*

3. The rumors that Great Britain intended to take Cuba.

4. France's invasion of Spain.

5. The openly avowed purpose of the Holy Alliance to combat liberalism
and republicanism everywhere.

6. The United States' recognition of the new Spanish-American nations


The principles expressed in the declaration were neither borrowed from
Canning, nor wore they thought up for the declaration at a moment's notice.
They had been expressed on many former occasions by American statesmen.
Says Clark:

"Jefferson, in 1793, sooms clearly to have visualized an Amorioa
with no European political affiliation.

Washington in his Farewell Address (1796) declared we should have
'as little political connection as possible' with Europe; that
Europe had a 'sot of primary interests' with which we had 'none or
a very remote relation', wherefore Europe 'must be engaged in
frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign
to our concerns'; 'Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of
any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils
of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliano6s with any
portion of the foreign world.'

Adams (1797) in a message to Congress declared, 'We ought not to
involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep
ourselves always distinct and separate from it.'

Madison, Secretary of State (1801), informed Pinoknoy at Madrid that
the United States never had favored and could never favor the transfer
to Great Britain of the Spanish possessions on the Mississippi, and
this instruction had the assent of President Jefferson.

Jofferson himself writing to Livingston at Paris (1802) doolared the
cession of the Floridas and Louisiana 'works most sorely on the
United States'; that it 'completely reverses all the political
relations of the United States'; and that by it France 'assumes to
us the attitude of defiance,' and makes 'it impossible that Franoo
and the United States can continue long friends.' Madison writing
Livingston with the approval of Jefferson, at about the same time,
declared that 'mere neighborhood could not be friendly' to the
harmony of France and the United States. Lord Hawkesbury (1802)
inquired of King as to the 'line of policy' which the United States
would adopt if France acquired Louisiana. In a memoir which he
delivered to French authorities (1802) Livingston again spoke of the
dangers of neighborhood; and in the latter part of the year (1802)
Madison wrote to Pinckney in Madrid of the 'injuries' coming to us
on account of the 'colonial officers scattered over the hemisphere,
and in our neighborhood'.
The Congress of the United States in 1811 passed a resolution, which,
while dealing with a restricted territorial area, invoked our
'security, tranquility, and commerce.' This resolution roads

'Taking into view the peculiar situation of Spain, and of her
American provinces; and considering the influence.which the destiny
of the territory adjoining the southern border of the United States
may have upon their security, tranquility, and commorceo Thereforoe

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled, That the United States,


under the peculiar circumstances of the existing crisis, cannot,
without serious inquietude, soo any part of the said territory
pass into the hands of any foreign power; and that a due regard
to their own safety compels them to provide, under certain
contingencies, for the temporary occupation of the said territory!
they, at the same timo, declare that the said territory shall, in
their hands, remain subject to future negotiation.'

In 1820, Secretary Adams instructing Middloton at St. Petersburg,
affirmed that the political system of the United States was
essentially 'extra-European', and 'that for the repose of Europe
as well as of America, the European and American political system
should be kept as separate and distinct from each other as possible.'

Beginning in 1821, Adams continued his correspondence with Russia in
the course of which he developed, as it appears for the first time,
tho anti-European colonization principle, which was crystallized
in his statement on July 17, 1822, that 'wo should assume distinctly
the principle that the American continents are no longer subjects
for any new European colonial establishments'

Later (July 22, 1823) Adams instructed Middloton to say 'frankly and
explicitly to the Russian Government, that the future peace of the
world, and the interests of Russia herself cannot be promoted by
Russian settlements upon any part of the American continent.' 1

In view of the above indications of the American traditional policy, in
view of the international situation existing at the time, and in view of the
marked contrast between Canning's proposals and Monroo's message, it must be
concluded that the Monroe Doctrine is not the product of joint British-
American cooperation, nor is it the simple enunciation of principles provided
by Canning*

The doctrine is most certainly not the "Canning Doctrine". It is a
declaration by President Monroo of American foreign policy vis-a-vis European
foreign policy. It is the Monroe Dootrinel

Ibid,, pp. XI, XII, XIII.

The work of assembling the pages, binding and addressing this issue of the
Rovista Intoramoricana has been done by Latin Amorican Students members of
Los Pfoaros do Quevedo.


Mr. JOHN F. MARTIN is Acting Director of the Inter-American Institute of
the University of Florida. Formerly an Instructor in Modern Languages at
Princeton University, Mr. Martin was appointed secretary of the American
Embassy at Santiago, Chile, in 1915. From then until 1929 Mr. Martin had
important diplomatic assignments in Mexico, Buenos Aires, Havana, Bogotd,
London, Costa Rica, Madrid, Rome and Panama. From 1929 until 1941 he held
high positions with industrial firms in Bolivia and Chile.

Dr. PABLO MAX YNSFRAN is a native of Asunci6n, Paraguay where he taught
in the Colegio Naoional and in the Esouela Normal de Profesores. A member
of the Paraguayan Chamber of Deputies from 1924 until 1928, Dr. Ynsfran was
later Charge d'Affaires of Paraguay in Washingtone During the adminis-
tration of President Estigarribia, 1939-1940, he was Secretary of Public
Works of Paraguay and at present is Visiting Professor at the University
of Texas.

Sr. BRAULIO SANCHEZ-SAEZ is Professor of Spanish and Ibero-American
Literature at the University of Sao Paulo in Brazil. A native of Spain,
Sr. SAnchez-SAez has taught in the Instituto Naoional del Profesorado
Secundario de Buenos Aires. A student of the Portuguese language and Brazilian
culture, he has published many books and articles in this field and on His-
panic-American literature.

Mr. GEORGE JAFFIN is a Special Attorney in the Department of Justice of the
United States Government and Senior Attorney with the Securities and Exchange
Commission. Formerly the Editor of the Columbia Law Review and member of the
faculty of Johns Hopkins University, Mr. Jaffin is the author of several other
Pan-American constitutional studies which have appeared in numerous Latin
American periodicals.

Dr. WILLIAM C. ZELLARS, on leave of absence from Florida Southern College,
is Professor of Spanish at Louisiana College in Pineville, Louisiana.
Dr. Zellars is a Director of the Instituto de las Espaeas en los Estados
Unidos, Secoi6n de Florida and is a member of the Consejo Consultivo of the
Revista Interamericana. The Revista is proud to have published Dr. Zellars
articles in every issue since its founding in 1939.

Sr. DANIEL MONTENEGRO, an alumnus ('42) of the University of Florida, is a
private in the United States Army Air Forces. A citizen of Chile, he was one
of the most outstanding Latin American students at the University of Florida.
Sr. Montenegro has travelled widely in the Western Hemisphere and has lived
in Chile, Argentina, Canada and the United States. An excellent student of
Political Science, Sr. Montenegro has appeared many times before various
groups and on the radio to talk on Inter-American Affairs.

Sr. MANUEL D. RAMIREZ, Secretary of the Inter-American Institute of the
University of Florida, is on leave of absence. His work was carried on
during the first semester of the 1942-1943 year by Sr. ERNESTO H. CASSERES,
student at the University of Florida from Cartago, Costa Rica.