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The development of a cultural identity in colonial America

Material Information

Title:
The development of a cultural identity in colonial America the Spanish-American experience in La Florida
Creator:
Hoffman, Kathleen S
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiii, 281 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
British culture ( jstor )
Colonies ( jstor )
Decorative ceramics ( jstor )
Excavations ( jstor )
Franciscan Order ( jstor )
Hispanics ( jstor )
Native Americans ( jstor )
Pottery ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Anthropology thesis, Ph. D
Dissertations, Academic -- Anthropology -- UF
City of St. Augustine ( local )

Notes

Thesis:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Florida, 1995.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 259-280).
General Note:
Typescript.
General Note:
Vita.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Kathleen S. Hoffman.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
Copyright [name of dissertation author]. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Resource Identifier:
028237234 ( ALEPH )
34679163 ( OCLC )
AKS5513 ( NOTIS )

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THE


DEVELOPMENT OF
THE SPANISH


A CULTURAL IDENTITY
-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE


COLONIAL AMERICA:
LA FLORIDA


KATHLEEN


HOFFMAN


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


number


institutions


and


individuals


contributed,


both


various


directly


and


aspects


indirectly,


this


study


this


was


research.


provided


Funding


State


Florida


Department


Military


Affairs,


Augustine


Preservation


University


Museum


Board,


Florida


Natural


Augu


Graduate


History,


stine


Student


and


Historical


Council,


Charles


Society,


Florida


Fairbanks


Scholarship


Fund.


The


Department


Anthropology


Florida


Museum


Natural


History


also


contributed


providing


me with


numerous


graduate


assistantships.


also


acknowledge


State


Florida


Department


Military


Affairs


and


Florida


National


Guard


recognizing


importance


their


property


site


Franciscan monastery,


and for their


cooperation during


our


excavations


on their


property.


The


enthusiasm


and


assistance


their


staff


as well


that


of Bob


Matthews


Construction,


particular


Bill


Dugan,


ensured


timely


completion


project.


Others


who


provided


invaluable


help


on that


project


included


members


of the


Augustine Archaeological


Advi


sory


I C


m









screening


artifacts


Historic


Augustine


Preservation


Board


who


provided housing


and


utiliti


field


team,


and


extremely


competent


field


crew


am also


indebted


to the


many


veterans


of St


Augustine


archaeology


who


preceded


, and


whose


diligent


and


capable


work


is represented


these


pages


. In addition


, Bruce


Piatek


and


Stan


Bond


Augustine


Preservation


Board


gracious


allowed


access


their


computer


collections


, and archaeological


data


from their excavations at


the Cofradia site


Susan Parker


freely


shared her


considerable


expertise


regarding


cofradias


Augustine


and


other


aspects


community


es' colorful


past.


Page


Edwards


generous


provided


me with


photographs


Boazio


map


, and


only


known


17th


century


depictions


Augustine


Page


enthusiasm


about


archaeology


support,


and


kindness


always


made


feel


like


welcome


member of


the very


special


Augustine historical


community


also


acknowledge


Ken


Barrett,


. for


his


photographs


historic


maps


along


with


Payne


, Greg


Cunningham,


and


Kelly


Evans


Office


Instructional


Resources


Univers


Florida


for


their


excellent


photographic


and


graphic


work


Myrna


Sulsona'


assistance


with


Spani


names


and


words


also


appreciated.


committee


members


have


each


made


invaluable


, hi









Murdo MacLeod have guided my


interpretations


the historical


record,


and


have


helped


clarify


difference


between


history


and


historical


archaeology.


. Gannon


has


also


been


a source

William


solid


Marquardt


advi


throughout


and


Jerald


graduate

Milanich


training

Shave


Dr.

been


exceedingly


helpful


and


supportive


every


way.


Milanich


enthusiasm


helping


truly


appreciated.


Clearly


, the


most


influential


member


committee


was


. Kathleen


Deagan


. Her


guidance


and


rigorous


training


have


helped


make


me a better


storical


Archaeologi


. Dr. Deagan


generously


allowed


free


access


to her


Augustine


data


base


and


library


, always


willingly


shared


her


considerable


expertise


, and presented me with important


field opportunities


Augustine


and


Dominican


Republic


. Her


knowledge


Spanish colonial


archaeology


truly impressive


, and


to study


with


her


was


a truly


enlightening


experience


Mention


also


needs


made


fellow


graduate


students


and


staff


Florida


Museum


Natural


History


Billy


Ray


Morris


, Donine


Marlow


, Mary


Herron,


LeCompte


Baer


, Ruth


Trocolli,


Donna


Ruhl


, Darcie


McMahon,


Jim


Cusick,


Maurice


Williams


, and Ann


Cordell


. They are


responsible


always


lively


and supportive work environment


am especially


grateful


Ruth


, Darcie,


Jim


, Donna,


Maurice


and


Ann


, who


helped


me in more


ways


than


they


know


. Jim's


perspective


, in









am extremely


grateful


to Ann


helping


me format


table


, for


excellent


coffee


breaks


, and


her


sense


humor


Donna'


insights


, encouragement,


helpfulness,


and


readiness


discuss


research


were


extremely


helpful.


Mauri


support


and


constant


friendship


helped


through


more


than


one


"rough


spot"


They


are


cTOOd


colleagues


friend


and


people


Finally


am deeply


appreciative


parents


and


rest of .

perspective


family

. Ben,


who

Jill


helped

, Rudy,


me keep


Bess


entire


and Robert not


process


only


helped


keep


priorities


order


, but


provided


unbelievable


atmosphere


of support


and


encouragement,


mention


great


beach


getaway


weekends


Robert,


especially,


earned


degree


almost


as much


did.


He knows


what


mean.









TABLE


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS


OF CONTENTS


LIST

LIST


OF TABLES.

OF FIGURES


* S 0 4 4 5 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 IX

* S S S S 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 5 5 5 0 0 .,ci.


ABSTRACT.


S S S S S S S 0 0 5 5 5 5 0 5 xii


CHAPTERS


THE


QUESTION


OF COLONIAL


CULTURAL


DEVELOPMENT


Introduction. .
The Problem of the Middle Period. .
Previous Research Into the Nature of
European-American Cultural Development.


* S 2.
* S 5 2

* 5


THE COLONIAL
PERIOD .


ATLANTIC


WORLD


DURING


THE


MIDDLE


S 0 4 4 5 0 5 0 0 0 0 S S 4 0 5 5 3~0


Economic
Atlant
Economic
The Grow
At plant
The Demo
Intera
Popula
Span
Popula


Church


and Political Challenges
ic World Monopoly. .
Problems in Spain and th
th of Intercolonial Trade


i

g
c
t
i
t


c .
raphic
tions


Char
of th


ion and Int
sh-America.
ion and Int


and


State


acter and
e Colonial
eraction i


in the


to Spain's


* S 4 0
Atlantic
in the


Social
Atlantic


tion in Anglo-Ameri
Atlantic World .


. 11
. 14


. 19


World.


. 2
ca. 3
3


MODELS


OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN


CULTURAL


DEVELOPMENT.


0 5 0 0 0 5 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 5 5 40


Models
The
The
The
Models
The
The


of Development


Decl
Stru
Deve
of
Crys


ension Model
ctural Model
lopmental Mo
Development
tallization


Acculturation


for Anglo-American 4
* 4
*del 5
twcieL J
for Spanish-America. 5
Model. 5


Model.


. 0 58


THE "MIDDLE
mt* jK 4rx^ j *jif


PERIOD"


IN ST.
-~qt0c


AUGUSTINE. .


. 6
C


44
9 0 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 9 5 5 0 0 5 5 Ii.










Economic Diversi
Haciendas. .
Intra-colonial
Other Economic
Demographic Chara
of the Colonial
The African Popu
Origins and Ro
The Native Ameri
The Repartimie
Relocation of
Augustine. .
The Spanish and
Gender Ratios
European Worn
Intermarriag
The Importance an
Church. .
Ecclesiastical S
Social, Cultural
Influences .
Summary .


ficatio

trade
Activi
cter an
Atlant
lation
les in
can Pop
nto Sys
Mission


. Augustine


. 83


.. 83
* a a a a a a a 83 <
* 4 0 85
ties. 87


a Social
ic World


the Community
ulation .
tem .
Indians to St


S S S S S
European Population
and Intermarriage.


* S
. Augu
of the


structure
and Int


a


* .
tine
Catho


reaction


. a 8
* 4 9
* 9
. 9
. 9


. a .1
. 4 1.
. .1
. .12
* .1 a
Lic


S 107
* .1L07
1lectual


. .* S L08
1 .14


ARCHAEOLOGICAL


STRATEGY


AND


METHOD


S .a .115


Sample
The
The


Sites


and


Convento de
Lorenzo Jos


Archaeological
San Francisco
ef Lorenzo de


Contexts .
Site (SA42A)
Le6n Site


(
The
The
The
The
The


6-1)
inity
menez
lm Ro
ifradi


* a
Ep
-Fa
w S
a S


O'Reilly


Hous


opal
Hous
(SA3
(SA3
e Sit


a
Chu
e S
6-4
0-3
e (


t a a J
rch Site (SA34-1) .1
ite (SA34-2). .1
) 1 .
) 1 .
SA35-1) .1


THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY
ST. AUGUSTINE SITES


CHARACTERIZATION


MATERIAL


OF THE


ASSEMBLAGE


FROM


. a .142


Characterization


Early


Seventeenth-


Centur
Manuf
Charact
Centur
Manuf
Faunal
Sites


y As
actu
eriz
y As
actu
Rema
a .


semb
ring
atio
semb
ring
ins


iage
Loc
n of
lage
Loc
from


- n


nations of
the Late


S* a a a a
Pottery .
Seventeent]


* S S S S ft
nations of Pottery .
Seventeenth-Century


4 4 S S S S S S
- a A-. -


. 144
. .156
h-
. 158
. ..165


a 4 S
S.- A- -~ ~,


. .173


I.









COLONIAL
AND IN
MIDDLE


CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
THE ATLANTIC WORLD
PERIOD. .


IN ST
DURING


. AUGUSTINE
THE


4 ).89


APPENDICES


SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY


PROVENIENCE


GUIDE


. 207


INVENTORY
CENTURY

INVENTORY
CENTURY


OF ITEMS
CONTEXTS


OF ITEMS
CONTEXTS


FROM
BY


FROM
BY


EARLY
GROUP

LATE
GROUP


SEVENTEENTH-
AND BY SITE.

SEVENTEENTH-
AND BY SITE.


. 217


. 236


GLOSSARY


OF SPANISH


TERMS


. 256


REFERENCES C

BIOGRAPHICAL


ITED.

SKETCH


S. 258

H .280















LIST


OF TABLES


Table


Chronology of Key
Atlantic World


Events


Seventeenth-Century


pig~


Principal
Cultural


Models


European


Development


-American


Colonial


. a a a 42


Culture


Regions


Proposed


Colonial


America


Chronology


Florida


of Key


Events


Seventeenth-Century


S S S S S S S 5 0 0 0 5 63


Comparative Li
Franciscan and


Secular


sidy Payments
Communities i


Received
St. Augu


tine,


1617-1651


Summary


The


Cent


of St.


Augustine


Frequency of "Mix
ury St. Augustine


Summary of
Seventeenth-


ed"


Occupation


Century


Population:


Marriages


and


Sample


Excavation


Site


1600-1702


Seventeenth-


History


S a a a a a a a a


Characterization
by Functional Ca

Distribution of
Seventeenth-Cent


of Early
tegories


17th


Utilitarian
ury Contexts


Century


Wares


Ass


emblages


from


Distribution


Native


American


Pottery


from


Seventeenth-Century


Contexts


Distribution


Majolica


from


Seventeenth-


Century


Contexts


Distribution of


Tablewares


from Seventeenth-Century


Contexts


. 46









Distribution


Seventeenth-Century


Architectural


Artifacts


from


Contexts


Distribution


Items


from


of Non-Kitchen


and


Seventeenth-Century


Non-Architectural


Contexts


Origins


Ass


Pottery


from


Early


emblages


17th


Century


Origins


of Native


American


Pottery


Charact


erization


Late


17th


Century


Ass


emblages


Functional


Categories


Origins


Ass


Pottery


from


Late


17th


Century


emblages


Summary


of Faunal


Data


from Seventeenth-


Augustine


Century


Ranked


Order


to Proportions
Pottery .


Early


17th


of Majolica


Century


and


Sites


Native


According


American


Ranked


Order


Late


to Proportions
Pottery .


17th


Majolica


Century


and


Sites


Native


According


American


Summary


Middle


Period


Assemblages


Summary of
the Middle


Manufacturing
Period .


Locations


Pottery


from


Origin


of Ceramics


from


Middle


Period


. 1640-1700)


Plantation,


British


Virginia


Colonial


from


Kelso


Site
1984


s at Kingsmill
:213) .


Compare


son


Kingsmill
Florida


of Origin


Plantation,


Ceramics


Virginia


and


from
St. Augustine,














LIST


OF FIGURES


Figure


Augustine


17th


and


Colonial


Century


p~g~


World


C 0 0 0 0 S S 0 16


Colonial


Augustine


ca.


1764


Boazio


Engraving


of St.


Augustine


1586


. 67


Anonymous

Anonymous


Engraving

Engraving


Augustine,

Augustine,


1671

1683


Location
Relation


Excavated


to the


1586


17th


Century


Sites


Townsite


Lead
17th


Fishing
Century


Weight,
Contexts


Straight


Pin,


and


Aglet


from


Examples


of Bordado


from


17th


Century


Contexts


. 164


Examples
Century


of Grog-Tempered


Pottery


from


Contexts


17th


. 0 169


Examples


17th


of Non-local


Century


Native


American


Pottery


from


Contexts


Glass


from


17th


Century


Contexts














Abstract


Dissertation


Presented


to the


Graduate


School


:he University
Requirements fi


of Florida


in Partial


Degree


Doctor


Fulfillment


Philosophy


DEVELOPMENT


OF A CULTURAL


IDENTITY


IN COLONIAL


AMERICA:


THE


SPANISH


-AMERICAN


EXPERIENCE


IN LA FLORIDA


Kathleen


December


Hoffman

1994


Chairp
Major


person:


Kathleen


Department


Deagan


: Anthropology


The


primary


purpose


study


to contribute


to and


refine


a general


understanding


forces


involved


emergence


unique


European-American


cultural


traditions


the Atlantic world


a multi-disciplinary


historical


. Thi


accomplished


-archaeological


through


approach


and


a comparative


assessment


process


ses


associated


with


development


cultural


identity


Spanish


and


Anglo-


American


colon


of the Atlanti


world.


In particular


study


emphasis


zes


choices


made


European


-American


colonists


during


seve


nteenth


century.


Archaeological


and


historical


data


from


Spani


colony


Augu


tine


and


British


colon









ways


which


European-American


colonists


adjusted


the Americas.


In both


colonial


situations


, the


colonists made


choices


that


recognized local


realities and emphasized


the use


and


reliance


American


goods


and


resources.


These


choices


, which were limited by environmental


constraints


, also


growing


separation


from


their


homeland


and


increasingly


local


and


regional


orientation.


archaeological


evidence


indicates


that


although


general


process


European-American


adjustment


and


identity


development


followed


same


path


Spanish


and


Anglo


colonies,


specific


manifestations


this


process


were


different.















CHAPTER


THE


QUESTION


OF COLONIAL


CULTURAL


DEVELOPMENT


One


most


profound


consequences


European


exploration and settlement


of the Americas


was


the development


distinctive


European-American


cultural


traditions


(Hartz


1964)


process


The


nature,


varied


timing,


between


(and


and


outcome


possibly


this


within)


development


colonial


areas


dominated


different


European


nations


and


resulted


varied


mosaic


of American


society


today.


The


character


effects


study,


these developments


which


define


contribute


primary


and


focus


refine


this


general


understanding


processes


involved


emergence


unique


European-American


cultural


traditions


in the


Atlantic


World

and s


. The


Spanish


eventeenth


colonial


centuries


experience


will


used


late


to provide


sixteenth


a case


study


these


processes


during


critical


"middle"


era


between


initial


encounters


and


emergence


well


established


colonial


identity.


The


middle


period


generally


regarded


formative


period in


the development


of colonial American society


because


*- -* .. -I 1.I










also


represented


time


when


colonists


made


choices


about


retention


and


change


both


European


and


American


traits


and


traditions


and


devised


new


syncretic


solutions


cope


with


special


circumstances


life


post-


Columbian


Americas.


This


period


of Spanish


colonial


social


development


will


studied


and


characterized


through


multi


-disciplinary


historical-archaeological


approach


and


comparative


assessment


general


Spanish


patterns


with


those


associated


with


Anglo-American


colonies


during


a comparable


period.


understanding


both


range


choices


made


within


colonial


society,


and


the consistencies and differences


across


societal


boundaries


can


contribute


more


comprehensive


model


post-contact


cultural


development


Americas.


The


Problem


"Middle"


Period


generally


accepted


that


initial


years


contact


and


settlement


witnessed


cataclysmic


change


European


world


came


into


contact


with


radically


different


Native


American


cultural


systems


and


unfamiliar


natural


environment.


Since


beginning


European


colonization


Americas


1492,


scholars


have


been


fascinated


impact


this


momentous


intermingling


Europe an













Americas


work r

focuses


regardingg

on the


the European co

sometimes fantastic


lonizatic

initial


adventures


European


explorers,


demise


native


populations,


and


European


political


and


economic


institutions


colonization.


Somewhat less attention has been


directed


to understanding


emergence


European-American


colonial


societies


(Deagan


1985;


Deetz


1977;


Greene


1984;


McAlister


1984


These


latter


efforts


have


tended


concentrate


either


initial


encounter


established


colonial


society


(Falk


1991


Thomas


1989


1990


, 1991),


leaving


much


immediate


post-contact


period


adjustment


ignored.


This


particularly


true


from


perspective


Spanish


colonial


archaeology.


In contrast


to the


rather


exciting


and


somewhat


colorful


exploits


that


took


place


during


initial


period


colonization,


middle


period


Spanish


settlement


was


not


a time


of world changing


events.


The


experimental


and


conquest


phase


colonization


had


drawn


end,


effective


adaptations


had


been


worked


out,


and


basic


cultural


patterns


had


already


been


established


(Handlin


1967,


King


1984,


Lockhart


during


and


late


Schwartz


1983


sixteenth


Consequently,


and


seventeenth


Spanish


centuries


America


often


been


characterized as an


"inwardly pulsating"


time of


relative










which


the basic


framework


or pattern


established


during the


initial


years


settlement


was


expanded


and


became


more


elaborate.


What


remains


unclear,


however,


are


processes


their


associated


archaeological


patterns


which


characterized


that


stage


Spanish


colonial


cultural


development


between


initial


settlement


and


established


society.


Using


archaeological


and


historical


data


from


Spanish


colonial


Augustine,


change


Florida,


in Spanish


this


colonial


study


culture


will


evaluate


during


nature


the middle


period


settlement,


and


compare


what


known


similar


processes


in British-American


colonies of


a comparable period.


Augustine


particularly


appropriate


colonial


setting


for


investigating


ces


involved


transformation


European


cultures


this


case,


Spanish)


into


European-American


traditions


reasons.


almost


two


hundred


years


continuous


Spanish


occupation--beginning


1565


and


ending


1763--provide


essential


temporal


control


tracing


change


through


time.


addition,


extensive


comparative


archaeological


(Deagan


1983,


1985


historical


(Lyon


1983;


Waterbury


1983;


TePaske


1964,


1975


data


base


relevant


sixteenth


and


eighteenth


century


occupations


exists


from which


assess


change during


late











multi


-disciplinary


perspective


and


access


to multiple


categories


Deagan


1988


and


contexts


data


Schuyler


1977


. The


use


and


application


of these


"multiple


categories"


this


archaeological


understanding of


case,


historical


records


the nature


allow


of cultural


, archaeobiological


more


development


, and


complete


during the


late


sixteenth


and


seventeenth


centuries


than


either


perspective


alone


can


render.


The


multi


-disciplinary


perspective


historical


archaeology


assumes


a particularly


significant


in this


study


because


unexplored


and,


at times


, "lost"


record


nature of


Augustine


seventeenth-


, and


because


century documentary


access


comparatively


sizeable


archaeological


data base


Perhaps


more


importantly


though,


historical


archaeology


provides


glimpse


into


"everyday


life"


and


behavior


and


lives


of the


common


people


who


represented


essential


component


colonial


society.


Previous


Raesarc... h


into


Nature


European-American


Cultural


Development


Spain,


Portugal,


England,


Scotland,


Sweden


, Denmark,


France


, and


Holland


established


settlement


Atlantic


world,


but


Spain


and


England


comprised


dominant


- --


.,.-% r j-' r- t~' ~ t~* a ~ I ~'-9 I- U V ,n I 1~ a -I ri (If-' 1' -at- ~ n r A '7 --- -a


T


^ *


-t


A J


*


I-











summaries


and


reviews


this


work


see


Greene


1991;


Kicza


1974;


Weber


1992


Thomas


1989


, 1990,


1991)


. As


noted


above,


majority


environmental


this


, social


research


, and


addresses


political


either


adjustments


immediate


made


colonists


during


initial


years


colonization


or focu


ses


on the already


-es


tablished eighteenth century


colonial


world.


Those


studies


that


deal


with


cultural


development


during


middle


period


have


focused


British


colonial


experience


Deetz


1977


Greene


1988


Miller


and


King


1988


they have


approached


this


issue


from an exclusively


historic


perspective


(Boyer


1977;


Bushnell


1981;


Leonard


1959)


. With


the exception

1993), which r


research


presented


Spanish


a specialized


segment


missions


of the


McEwan


Spanish


world


, relatively


few


studi


concerned


with


formation


Spanish


-American


tradition


have


been


archaeological


in nature


(Deagan 1983


, 1985


, 1994


Ewen


1991)


Those


that


have


addressed


nature


Spanish


colonial


culture


have


focused


only


on the


sixteenth


century.


Only


one


previous

explored


endeavor

Spanish


(King 1

colonial


981) ,


conducted


culture


during


over

the


a decade

middle p


ago,


period


from


multi-disciplinary


perspective


and


integrative


approach


of historical


archaeology.


Juli


King


s preliminary


research


into


nature











population movements


, and changing economic patterns


As such,


King'


research


represents


notable


contribution


understanding


patterns


Spanish


adaptation


Florida.


However


, it


did not


encompass


entire


middle


period


was


limited


then-available


data


base


only


three


seventeenth-century


occupation


sites


Augustine.


addition,


King'


Florida-specific


focus


did


include


Augustine'


participation


a larger


Atlantic


world,


and


did


place


seventeenth-century


Augustine


within


a model


colonial


cultural


development.


In the


twelve years


that


have


passed since


completion


of King'


research,


additional


seventeenth-century


sites


have


been


excavated,


and


Spanish


colonial


archaeology


been


increasingly


cast


in a global


perspective.


In light


these


considerations,


following


chapters


will


re-evaluate


expand


our


knowledge


this


critical


period


of settlement


incorporating


these


"newer"


contexts


with


those


included


Juli


King'


earlier work,


and by placing


seventeenth-century


Augustine


within


context


of both


the middle


period and


larger


American


colonial


world.


Researchers


investigating


development


European-


American


colonial


culture


have


attempted


identify


factors


that


to a growing


independence


from


their


parent










include:


country


origin,


economic


organization,


demographic


composition


colony,


structure


degree


interaction


between


Native


American,


African,


and


European


peoples,


and


religious


traditions


European


colonists


(Greene


1988;


1991


Meinig


1986


. Because


these


aspects


have


been


studied


and


documented


wide


sample


and


colonial


ideological


societies,


aspects


and


incorporate


adaptation,


they


both


will


material


used


organize a


comparison between


Spani


sh and British


colonial


experiences


in the


Atlantic


world.


Chapter


will


consider


historical


and


social


contexts


colonial


Atlantic


world


that


provide


general


cultural


milieu


which


developments


middle period occurred.


Particular


emphasis


will


be placed


character


dominant


presence


Spanisi

in the


and


colonial


English s

Atlantic


ettlemeni

world.


Chapter


reviews


existing


models


Anglo


and


Spanish-American


colonial


cultural


development as


a basis


for understanding


development of distinctive European-American traditions


in the


Americas.


Chapter


examines


specific


economic,


demographic,


social


and


religious


circumstances


of the


middle


period


Augustine


and


provides


setting


interpreting the archaeological


record


. Chapter 5


outlines










Augustine.


The


final


chapter,


Chapter


assesses


immediate post


contact


period of


development


inSt


Augustine,


and


compares


to a similar


period


British


colonies.















THE


CHAPTER


COLONIAL


ATLANTIC


WORLD


DURING


THE


MIDDLE


PERIOD


The


middle


period


cannot


understood


without


some


reference to


the political,


social,


and economic circumstances


that


both


preceded


and


characterized


Shortly


after


initial

bulls a


Columbian


ranted


voyage


dominion


to the

! the I


West


[ndies


Indies


to the


a series


Crown


of papal


of Castile.


These


bulls


, along


with


subsequent


Treaty


Tordesilla,


constituted


Spain'


legal


claim


to the


lands


and


resources


Americas


Parry


and


Sherlock


1971


:6-7)


Spain'


interest


Americas


was


fueled,


in part


, by


mercantile


policy


that


prevailed


in Spain


and


throughout


Europe


(Braudel


1979


:544)


. This


policy,


which


economic


interests


metropolis


whole


were


more


important


that


those


of its


individual


parts


, placed


great


value


on and


defined wealth by the


accumulation of


precious metals


(Braudel


1979


:544;


Gibson


1966


:105


protect


Spain'


economic


interests,


colonies


were


permitted


import


from


export


Spain


alone


(Andrew


1978


Beginning











Silver,


particular,


represented


important


commodity


(Hamilton


1970)


, and


for


almost


years


Spain


maintained


commercial


and


territorial


monopoly


Americas.


Economic


and


Political


Challenges


to Spain


Atlantic


World


This


century


monopoly


northern


importance


was


challenged


European


Indies


and


powers


throughout

recognized


struggled


the

the


secure


sixteenth

economic


their


share


natural


wealth


(Hoffman


1980


; Lang


1975


. In order


obtain


resources


portion


wealth


the Americas


, England,


emanating


Holland,


from


mineral


and France


had


break


Spain


economic


and


territorial


monopoly.


One


method


used


to accomplish


this


goal


included


sanctioning


raids


Spanish


ships


and


settlements


northern


European


governments.


Contracts,


called


letters


marque,


were


negotiated


with


individuals


, and


allowed


them


legally


attack


and


take


goods


return


payment


respective


Crowns.


English


and


French


privat


eers


and


pirates


targeted


Spain'


treasure


ships


and


attacked


, looted,


and


burned


coastal


ports


and


settlements


throughout


Caribbean


(Lang


1975


:105


response,


Spain


initiated


fleet


system


, which


consisted


of two


convoys


ships


sailing


twice


a year


between










were established


in Havana,


Cartagena,


Santo Domingo,


Santiago


Cuba,


San


Juan


Puerto


Rico


and


Augustine,


Florida


(Hoffman


1980


:144;


Parry and Sherlock 1971


:36)


. The


settlement


of Florida


1565


strengthened


Spain


territorial


interests


Indies


, and


, at least


until


1670,


effectively prevented


French and English


settlement


along


coast


of Florida


Lyon


1983


:55)


Although


this


defensive


plan


did


protect


treasure


eets,


did


litti


anything,


to halt


raids


on towns


and


local


shipping


Caribbean.


Especially


hard


were


remote


and


isolated


regions


outside


boundaries


treasure


fleet


shipping


lanes


, such


Augustine


Puerto


Real


Deagan


1994


Parry


and


Sherlock


1971


:37-


English


pirates


, such


as Sir


Francis


Drake


and


John


Hawkins


burned and looted


coastal


ports


and settlements


throughout


Indi


, seized


silver


convoys,


stole


from


treasury,


and


forced


settlers


engage


rescate,


form


illegal


trade


transaction


(Andrews


1978


74-80,258;


Lynch


1984


:191


McAlister


1984:91


One


of the most


infamous


raids


took


place


during


1585


1586


when Drake


systematically


attacked


the major


seaports


land


bases


associated


with


treasure


routes,


including


Santo


Domingo,


Cartagena,


Nombre


de Dios


and


Havana


. The


town











England


(Parry


and


Sherlock


1971


:42)


Additional


acts


piracy

result


occurred

Spanish


throughout

towns,


include


seventeenth

ng St. Au<


-I


t


century


justine,


and


suffered


economically.


1627


, Piet


Heyn,


admiral


Dutch


West


India


Company


, captured


entire


Fleet


Indies


Matanzas


Bay


Parry


and


Sherlock


1971


:50)


The


fleet


carried


treasure


and


subsidies


(situados)


intended for


Augustine


and


other


Caribbean


settlements


(Bushnell


1983


:48)


Another


particularly


disa


strous


attack


on St.


Augustine


took


place


1668


English


pirate


, Robert


Searles.


In that


raid,


60 townspeople


were killed and


town


looted.


A small


band


of English


another


group


pirates


attacked


threatened


1685


town


Waterbury


again


1983


1683


:59)


The


success


piracy,


along


with


establishment


1607


Virginia


America,


weakened


Colony


Spain's


along


eastern


hold


Indies


coast


and


of North


allowed


England,

mainland,


France

and t


and


Holland


:hen


to slowly


island


gain


a foothold


communities


on the

Lesser


Antilles


Bailyn 1967


:262;


auer


1980


Watts


1987


:127)


. During


seventeenth


century,


French


settled


Quebec


1608


Dutch


explored


Hudson


Bay


region


(1609),


established


Fort


Orange


1614),


and


settled


New


York


(1620)


a small


group


Swedes


and


Finns


settled


Delaware


River


Valley










Charles Towne,


South Carolina


1670),


and settled Pennsylvania


(1681)


Gradually,


throughout


1600s,


Spain


hold


over


Indies


eroded


and


Americas


became


"mosaic"


(Axtell


1992


:218)


various


European settlements


Table


Figure


Economic


Problems


SDain


and


Atlantic


The


seventeenth


century


often


characterized


as a time


of economic


crisis


in Spain


(Hamilton


1970)


. This


suggested


have


been


result


reduction


silver


imports,


soaring


naval


expenses


, an eroding


power


base


Indies


warfare


Europe,


and


ever-increasing


need


protect


Spain'


territories


Caribbean


against


growing


northern


piracy.


European


Throughout


threat


late


form


sixteenth


both


century


settlement


and


and


early


years


of the


1600s


, Spain had become


increasingly


dependent


silver


from


mines


Peru


and


Mexico


to meet


expenses


home,


and


finance


Phillip


military


and


naval


expenditures


both


Spain


and


mdi


(Hamilton


1970;


Haring


1947;


Sauer


1966


. These


war


expenses


were


a result


conflict between Spain and


Protestant


countries


of France,


England,


and


Netherlands


. They


escalated


1621


when


truce


with


Dutch


expired


Netherlands


mounted


aggressive


campaign


territorial


and


economic


power


in the











Chronology of Key
Century Atlantic


1605:


Spain
Cristi
attempt
Englan
Company
Nether
Englan
Nether


and
to
set
of
ands
set
ands


Yagu
stop
tled
New
exp
tled


Events
World


settlers


ana to move
smuggling.
Jamestown.
France estab
lored Hudson
Bermuda.


established


Albany


Puerto


lished
Bay.


Fort


Orange,


Fort


Monte
coast


Quebec


Nassua


Plymouth
Dutch We
truce wi
England
seized B
New Amst
England
England
Massachu
England
Spain pr


1632
1634
1635
1640


1648:



1652:
1655:


1660:


France
Dutch s
France
Portuga
between
of Braz
Spain's
Munster
Martin,
between
Dutch-E
English
Jamaica
around
Acts of
sugar,
goods t
France
Treaty
Anglo-S
title t<
establi


1665
1667
1670


g
e
s
1


SCol
st I
th N
sett
ahia
erda
and
sett
sett
sett
ohib
aine
ized
ettli
sec


ony
ndi


d
n
e
t.
d
B
d
s
cc
u

e4
a:


ar


Spain
il.
80 ye
recog
Saba,
Dutch
english
attem
; Engl
Belize


Tra
toba
o En
seiz


f Bred
anish
terri
hed.


de


establish


a Company
erlands ex
St. Kitts
Brazil, b
established
herlands s
Nevis.
ay Company
Antigua a
trade bet
control of
racao.
Guadeloupe
d from Spa
nd Portuga


war


with


SDutch
St. Eus
Spanish
began.
to seiz
oggers


Navigati


on,
Eng
1 o
d S
of
in


la ende
Treat
stories


Espafola
established

on limited


indigo, ginger
lish colonies
f the island o
second Dutch Wa
Madrid recogni
the Indies; Ch


and.
Spain's


dos;
d by


Dutch
Spanish;


Croix.


chartered.
nd Montserrat
ween Mexico and
Acadia.


Peru.


and Martinique.
in; Battle of Itamaraca
1 fought off coast


St


and captured
themselves


export


O
0
f


or dry
nly.
Tortuga.


r.
zed
arl


English
es Towne


- -* a -. -. -' a S


Table


ordered


Seventeenth-


Plata,
south


base


1624:


ed by Engl
chartered;
pired.
and Barba
ut repelle

ettled St.


ended;


Dutch
title
tatius
Indie


Treaty


nized
and
and
war
pted
ish 1
and
and


Curacao,
but trade
forbidden.


cco, cott
gland or
ed control


*






















Atlantic Ocean


Virginia & Maryland


harleston


t. Augustine


Gulf of Mexico


BAHAMAS


Havana


Pacific Ocean


Merid


o ESPANOLA


racruz


RICO


r Territory occupied or claimed by
Spain in the 17th Century
EW1 Territory occupied or
" claimed by Northern European


powers


in thel17th Century


Antil~~


Acapu


Domingo


Caribbean


Figure


Augustine


and


Coloni


World


17th


Century


a BERMUDA










1650s,


and Spain


was


faced


with


an ever


increasing


need


protect


Caribbean


against


this


growing


threat


(Elliott


1987


:104;


Goslinga


1971;


Haring


1966


The


decline


silver


exports


Spain


contributed


only


to a continual


shortage


of silver,


but


also


fueled


inflation


and


devaluation


Spanish


currency


(Davis


1973


:145


Silver


and


silver


coinage


was


major


export


product,


and


Spain


had


become


dependent


on American


silver


finance military operations


(Hamilton 1970


:44-45


Because of


these


rising debts


, inflation,


and exploding defense expenses,


Spain


was


often


unable


provide


basic


commodities


and


supplies


, such


oil


, flour,


and


wine,


colonies


(Andrews


1978


:57)


Several


Spain's


circum-Caribbean


colonies,


such


settlements dependent


Augustine,


on a


Florida


regular annual


royal


were


subsidy


military


called


situado.


They


often


received


little


financial


support


during


1600s


and


were


forced


to look


elsewhere


their


financial


and subsistence needs


(Bushnell


1981


Sluiter


1985


These


situado


problems


can


with


related


arrival


several


and


factors,


payment


least


which


was


Spain'


dwindling power


in the emerging world


system


(Elliott


1987,


1989;


Lang


1975;


Parry


and


Sherlock


1971;


Wallerstein


1974


, 1980


The


unreliability


situado










Florida


situado,


also


faced


economic


and


political


problems,


which


precluded


timely


payments


subsidy.


With


renewal


global


war


between


Spain


and


Netherlands


1621


, the


powerful Dutch


West


Indies


and East


Indies


companies


mounted


offensive


naval


campaign


against


Spain.


Their


presence


Atlantic


and


Pacific


greatly


disrupted


both


Indies


and


Manila


galleon


trade.


Dutch


corsairs


threatened


and attacked


shipping


and


coastal


communities


, and


their


presence


settlement


Atlantic


other


European


helped


powers.


open


These


area


assaults


Dutch


brought


hardship


to the


merchant


of Mexico


City


, which


were


only


compounded


Spain


s prohibition


trade


between


Mexico


and


Peru


1648


. Natural


disasters,


such


a major


flood


1629


Boyer


1977


:477


and


heavy


livestock


mortality


also


contributed


Mexico'


economic


problems


Elliott


1987


:103


However


more


central


to Mexico'


problems,


terms


long-term


economic


impact,


was


drop


silver


production


from


mines


both


Mexico


and


Peru.


Various


arguments


attribute


this


decline


labor


shortages


resulting


from


decreasing


Indian


population


(Borah


1951


MacLeod


1973


:375-


, 1987


:315-360),


problems


with


credit


Bakewell


1975


depl


etion


major


silver


depo


sits


(Elliott


1987)


, or











ultimate


causes


were,


result


was


a decline


trans-


Atlantic


and


Manila


trade.


Consequently,


smaller


less


economically


important


colonies,


such


Augustine,


received


less


financial


support


from


Spanish


Crown


and


were


forced


become


more


self


-sufficient


and


reliant


local


resources


or goods


imported


from


other


regions


Atlantic


world


order


to meet


their needs


Consequently,


economic


relationship


between


Spain


and


her


American


colonies


egan


weaken


during


time


and


new


patterns


erc


olonial


trade


and


local


economies


developed


(Elliott


1987


:95)


The


Growth


Intercolonial


Trade


Atlantic


Concomitant


unwillingness


with

send


Spain


inability


provisions


and


Americas


frequent


was


emerging inter-colonial


trade network and


the establishment


colonial


economies


(Lang


1975


:54)


Trade restrictions


, piracy,


profiteering,


and


Spain


s dwindling power


acted


as a stimulus


an increase


during


in trade


seventeenth


among


century


various


(Elliott


Europ


1987


ean


colonies


:107;


Lang


1975


:54;


Lockhart


and


Schwartz


1983


:153)


, and


been


suggested


that


colonies


were


growing


less


dependent


both


Europe


and


Native


American


population


for provi


sions











regulations


prohibiting


(Lang


1975


:156-161;


Parry


and


Sherlock


1971)


Colonial


merchants


New


England


shipped


fish,

with

(Lang


lumber,

France,

1975: 1


and


tobacco


Holland

.56-161)


to other


Spain


. Dutch


and

salt


British


their

ships


colonies


colonies

to the Ve


and

the


inezuelan


traded

Indies

Coast


carried


European


goods


which


were


sold


Indies


exchange


hides,


tobacco,


and


dyewoods


(Parry


and


Sherlock


1971


-48;


Sluiter


1948


:178-180


Spanish


America


, much


silver


from


great


mines


Zacatecas


and


Potosi


never


reached


ended


European


market.


Instead


went


Pacific


(Elliott


1987


:97)


where


was used


to purchase


silk


, satin


, porcelain,


spices,


perfume,


and


jewelry


(Lynch


1984


:245


. These


goods


arrived


in Acapulco,


via


Manila


trade,


then


went


overland


to Veracruz


export.


Peru


was


forbidden


direct


access


Asia,


so Mexico


became


entrepot


re-exportation


Asian


goods


Peru


(Lynch


1984


:245


The


Crown


tried


unsucces


sfully


stop


this


intercolonial


trade


1631


prohibiting


trade


between


Mexico


and


Peru


(Elliott


1987


:97)


but


this


met


with


only


limited


success.


As a result,


much


silver


produced


Spanish


colonies


remained


Americas


and


never


reached


European


market


(Elliott


1987


Lang


1975;,


Lynch


1984)










Initially,


trade


between


various


British


colonies


was


allowed as


long


as it


was


conducted by


subjects


of the


British


crown


(Lang


1975


:152


. However,


as English


settlement


in the


Atlantic


expanded


and


colonial


agricultural


production


increased,


Crown


attempted


to limit


coastwise


trade


with


passage


Navigation


Acts


1660,


1663


, and


1673


(Table


These


acts


not


only


prohibited


trade


with


other


European


colonies


, but


they


also


banned


trade


certain


important


colonial


agricultural


products,


such


dyewoods,


sugar,


tobacco,


and


cotton


(Lang


1975


:153


England,


like


Spain,


operated


under a


trade


policy that


attempted


to channel


American


raw


materials


through


ports


England.


colonies


were


to supply


metropolis


with


raw


materials


agricultural


products


in the


case


of England and


silver


case


Spain


which


then


acted


entrepot


distribution


manufactured


goods


their


respective


colonies


However,


Europe'


inability to meet


colonial


demands


grew


during


seventeenth


century,


and


colonial


trade


network


expanded


and


commercial


agricultural


endeavors


also


intensified.


A measure of


the emergence


colonial


economies


was


development


examples


local


include


enterprises


creation


and


mints


production.


New


Some


Spain











shipbuilding


operations


in many


coastal


settlements


both


British


and


Spanish


America


McCus


ker


and


Menard


1985


McAlister


1984


:366-367)


addition,


iron


forges


and


blacksmith


shops


were


establi


shed


several,


most


Atlantic


community


order


to produce


weaponry,


tack,


and


construction hardware


, such as hinges


, spikes


, nail


, staple


screws


local


use


Deagan


1987


:24;


Hudson


1980


:22-26


Glasshouses


and


pottery


works


were


also


established


Atlantic


colonies


. The


type


and


amount


glass


produced,


and


success


seventeenth-


century


ventures


in gl


ass


making


British


colonies


, such


those


Jamestown,


Salem,


and


Philadelphia


remains


uncertain


No~l


Hume


1969


1970


Spillman


1976)


Considerably


more


known


about


glassmaking


Spanish


colonies


. The


documents


note


presence


of glassblowers


and


glass


furna


ces


Puebla


Angel


as early


as 1542


(Toussaint


1967


:270)


. By


1547


, gl


ass


produ


ced in


Puebla


was


being


exported


to Guatemala


, Peru


, and


possibly other regions of


Spanish America


Puebla


remained


center


of the glass


industry


throughout


late


sixteenth and


seventeenth


centuries


(Frothingham


1963:58;


Toussaint


1967


:270


At least


three known


classes


glass


were


produced


in the


glasshouses


of Puebla


: "white


crystal


" "green


ass


and


"blue


glass"


Toussaint


1967


:270











were


probably


potteries


other


colonial


regions.


"white


and


Chiney ware"


was manufactured


at a pottery near modern day


Burlington


, New


Jersey


, at


least


early


1684


pargo


1974:55,59)


This


pottery


, which


been


identify


possible


white


salt-glazed


stoneware


, was


produced


export


to Barbados


and


Jamaica


Spargo


1974


:59)


Although


unglazed


pottery


was


produced


Spanish


colonies


early


1493


Cruxent


1990,;


Deagan


and


Cruxent


1993)


, pottery


making


became


special


1500s,


important


centers


production


emerged


Barnes


1980


; Deagan


1987


: Lister


and


Lister


1982)


. The


most


notabi


centers


were


Mexico


which


City


and Puebla


produced


ster


majolicas,


and


and Lister


possibly


1974,


1987)


unglazed


both


and


lead-


glazed


coarse


earthenwares


, that


were exported widely to other


Spanish


colonies,


including


Augustine,


late


sixteenth


century


Deagan


1987


early


1600


, obral


or textil


workshops


New


pain


Wineri


supplied


and


cloth


olive


Indies


orchards


Peru


(McAlister

produced


1984


suffi


cient


quantiti


wine


and


export


to other


regions


of New


Spain


McAlister


1984


Smith


1991)


.Haciendas


Mexi


Peru


and


Colombia


were


supplying


maj or


areas


panish


America


with


stapl


such


wheat


, potatoes


, maize


, cattle










growing


export


trade


both


within


Atlantic


and


with


Europe


(McCusker


and


Menard


1985)


The


Democraohic


Character
Colonial


and


Socic


Atlantic


al Interactions
World


European settlement


the Atlantic world represented


catalyst


meeting


three


distinct


groups


of people


Europeans,

interaction


Native

among


Americans


these


and


different


Africans.


groups


The

people


forms

played


critical


Patterns


role


development


of interaction varied and


were


colonial


influenced by


culture.


a number


factors.


These


included


immigration


policy


European


power


(Haring


1947:


29-35)


, the


economic


base


religious


background


European


colony


McAlister


1984


Native


:334-345)


Americans


settlement


(Gibson


1966


patterns


:113-115


and


density


Fitzhugh


1985),


the

and


attitudes


about


racial


mixture


(Breen


1984


:198;


Morner


1967)


In the


case


of Spain,


these


attitudes


were


shaped,


part,


700-year


occupation


Spain


Moors,


and


coexistence


during


that


period


of multiple


ethnic,


religious,


racial,


and


cultural


groups.


also


important


note


that


much


Native


American


population


Atlantic


World


had


already


av-n r, _a r' aA_


A at r~ e 4- a 4-.; nn Fan 4-n a ~- A ~ t~ -% ~I a *-. a 4- n a a -


T-- F-% L:


J


b











disappeared


1548


(Crosby


1972


:45)


. Disease


contributed


demise


most


native


population


Antilles


(Crosby


1972


:38) ,


and


many


Indians


what


today


known


coastal


epidemics


during


southeastern


sixteenth


United States

century and


succumbed


seventeenth


centuries


(Milner


1980


:44)


. It


also


been


suggested


that


pandemics


swept


Americas


during


1500s


Dobyns


1983


Population


and Interaction SnRni qh Am0ri n~
-------.---.----. -- w- a a a a a...


Spanish


immigration


policy


"formally


excluded"


non-


Iberians


and


Non-Catholics.


Although


Jews


and


other


ethnic


groups,


such


as Asians,


existed


Spanish


colonies,


they


did


comprise


(McAlister


1984


significant


:338


proportion


. Spanish policy also


population


favored single males


and


been


estimated


that


"probably


90%"


of the


migrants


to the Americas


consisted


men


(Gibson


1966:


112-113


. Wives


and


other


female


relatives


were


encouraged


to emigrate


to the


colonies


with


their male


sponsors,


but


single


women


often


had


difficulty


obtaining


required


licenses


raising


money


pay


passage.


Although


a few


women


travelled


alone,


either to


join


their


husbands


or as servants,


most


came


with


their


(McAlister


husbands


1984


:97-98)


, parents,


. Consequently,


other


single


family


European


members


women











In general,


Spanish settlement


was


concentrated


those


areas


Atlantic


World


with


dense


Native


Amern


can


populations.


Interaction


with


Indians


was


structured


formal


policies


designed


to apply


Christian


principles


to the


their


governance,


and


fulfill


economic


motives


settlement


Deagan


1985


:282


. This


was


due,


in part,


need


for


large


labor


pool


work


mines


and


various agricultural


settlement.


endeavors


, and


Consequently,


the evangelical


primary


spheres


motive


formal


eraction


between


Spaniards


and


Indians


included


religious


missions


and


economic


arrangements.


Conversion


native


peoples


was


an integral


part


the colonization process


Large-scale mission efforts began in


1520s


Mexico


(Gibson


1987


:376


and


continued


into


seventeenth


century.


The


structure


mission


system


involved


"reduction"


of the native


population


to permanent


settlements


overseen


resident


VIS


iting


friar


, who


conducted


religious


services,


offered


instruction


basic


Catholic dogma


and ritual,


and managed any


farming


or bu


siness


ventures


conducted at


the mission settlement


Because of


their


location


on the


missions


frontier

provided


or on the

only ]


outskirts

limited o


of Spanish


pportunitieE


towns,

3 for


interaction


between


colonists


and


Indians.










primarily


structured


through


encomienda-re artimiento


system,


which


was


formally


established


West


Indies


during


early


years


sixteenth


century


(Gibson


1987


:366


The


encomienda


was


a system


that


granted


Spanish


colonists


jurisdiction


over


a particular


region,


and


"gave"


them


grants


Indians


native


received


labor


protection


tribute


and


exchange,


religious


instruction.


Although


encomienda


survived until


the end of


colonial


period


some


regions


Spanish America


(MacLeod


1987


:321)


Caribbean,


gradually


gave


way


repartimiento


or labor


draft.


The


renartimiento


consisted


paid


labor


draft


which healthy,


male


Indians


were obligated


to provide


labor


services


Spanish


officials.


Those


chosen


serve


labor


draft


travelled


from


their


villages


work


assigned


project


specific


places,


and


for


specified


amount


of time


. Most


of these


obligatory


assignments


involved


public


works


projects,


such


construction


forts


and


monasteries


agricultural


chores


, considered


vital


welfare


colony


(MacLeod


1987


:321)


native


American


population


dwindled


from


ravages


of di


sease,


African


slaves


were


brought


into


parts


Spanish America,


primarily


to the


tropical


coastal


regions










form

the


slavery


Native


and


American


various

is with


other

whom


labor

Spain


arrangements.


had


Unlike


experience,


Africans


their pr

eleventh


had been


esence


century


a part


in Spain


Spanish


probably


(M6rner


1967


society


dates

:16).


for


back

Some


centuries


least


Africans


and


the

were


enslaved,


Moslem


while


armies


others


and


served


intermarried


as soldiers


with


and


couriers


people


southern


Spain.


result,


system


dealing


with


Africans


slavery


had


long


been


established


time


America


was


colonized.


Slavery was


rationalized


concept


of a "just


war"


which


meant


that


Spain


was


justified


enslaving


those


Africans


who


rejected


Spain's


attempts


convert


them


Christianity.


There


was


also


a legal


code


that


protected


them


from


cruel


members,


masters


and gave


, prohibited


them


right


separation


to hold and


family


transfer property


initiate


Africans


were


lawsuits.


still


But,


viewed


despite

inferior


these


legal


Spain


rights,


and


colonies


(Landers


1990


:315-328)


third


and


informal


arena


interaction


included


intermarriage


and


concubinage.


Miscegenation


among


Spaniards


and Native Americans


and Africans


began


early


years


settlement


and


continued


throughout


seventeenth


century


(Gibson


1966


:115)


. Although


encouraged


initial










Despite


these


efforts,


Spanish,


Indian,


and


African


intermarriage


and


concubinage


continued,


and


late


sixteenth


century,


when


Spanish


settlement


Indies


was


almost


one


hundred


years


old,


creole


population had already


emerged.


The


seventeenth


century,


therefore


, witnessed


birth


and


maturation


fourth


through


eighth


generation


native-born


colonists.


Although


some


these


creoles


represented


offspring


parents


~1


Iberian


descent,


many


people


identified


as creole


were


in fact


some


combination


Spanish,


Indian,


and


African


(McAlister


1984


:338-339;


M6rner


1967)


The


creole


and


racially


mixed


population


increased


through


character

regional


seventeenth


variation


century


and


Spanish colonial

(McAlister 1984


specific


world


:339


often


For


"ethnic"


exhibited


instance,


those


areas


Atlantic


World,


such


West


Indies,


where

contact


the

witi


Native An

1 European


erican r

diseases


population


(Crosby


died


1972


rapidly


after


demographic


character


consisted


of a Spanish


minority


and


an African


mulatto


person


African


and


European


heritage)


majority


(McAlister


1984


:339


1650


, population


estimates


Antilles


indicate


a Spanish


to African


ratio


of roughly


, or 80


Spaniards











places


such


as Mexico


which


had


a large


indigenous


population


(McAlister


1984


:344


. In presidios


, such


as Spani


sh Florida,


where


Native


American


population


was


completely


decimated


and


whose


military nature


did


necessitate


large


numbers


African


slaves,


creole


population


was


more


mestizo


person


of Indian


and


European


heritage


than


mulatto


character


In general


(Bushnell


1983:55;


characteristic


Deagan

Spanish


1973


colony


: Dunkl


was


1958


Catholic


Iberian


and


predominantly


mal


was


also


one


which


Spaniards


politically


dominated Native Americans


and Africans


(Gibson


1966:


112)


Whatever the


specific ethnic


heritage of


creol


was


these


native


-born


Americans,


unlike


their


parents,


shared


"New"


World


upbringing.


Most


likely


they


also


became


increasingly


aware


of their


separateness


from Europe


Leonard


1959


Pagden


1989


:51-94)


. During


seventeenth


century


Spani


h Florida,


evidenced


their


creol


rose


securing


to positions


important


of authority


treasury


positions


previously


held


only


those


born


Spain,


they


were


still


prohibited


from holding


highest


offices


n colonial


government


(Bushnell


1981:


31-36;


Shephard


1983


:68-69)


Example


first


generation


Anglo-Americans


sing


positions


power


have also


been


documented among


British


.










Population


and


Interaction


Anglo-America


difficult


generalize


about


demographic


character


European


population


Anglo-American


colonial


world


except


to note


"extraordinary


demographic


diversity"


(McCusker


and


Menard


1985


:235)


Unlike


Spain,


England


did


impose


restrictive


immigration


policy


their Atlantic


colonies,


and


European population exhibited


more


national


and


religious


diversity


than


that


found


Spanish


colonies.


In addition,


other


Europeans


, such


French,


Dutch


, and


Swedes,


established


communities


adjacent


and


sometimes


within


various


British-American


colonies.


close


proximity


of these different


communities,


along with


diverse


social


and


economic


motivations


settlement


contributed


to the


development


"complex


regional


mosaic


of colonial


life"


that


scholars


are


just


beginning


to define


Mitchell


1987


:111)


The


British


Crown,


unlike


Spanish,


did


limit


colonial


case


migration


Anglican


to members


or Church


official


England.


church,


Instead,


this


members


different


denominations


and


religious


dissenters,


such


as the


Puritans


Society


and


in New


of Friends


wnorshi n


England,


Catholics


Pennsylvania,


r nl1 rnn-i oca


were


ill I II~ --'I


Maryland,


rmitted


1 QA7


and


to migrate


mr~n n


!


^ "^ I










children,


and


worked


communal


family


farms


(McCusker


and


Menard


1985


:217)


other


parts


Anglo-American


colonies,


contrast,


immigration


plantation


based


colonies


Virginia


males


and


, many


West


whom


Indies


arrived


consisted


indentured


primarily


servants


single


Potter


1984


:149)


. These


colonies were


founded by mercantile companies


interested


making


a profit


by producing


export


crops


, such


tobacco,


sugar,


and


cotton.


When


initial


attempts


follow


futile


Spain


, they


s example


turned


using


first


Native


to European


American


indentured


labor


proved


servants


and


then


to African


slaves.


The


presence


African


slave


dramatically


altered


ethnic


composition


these


colonies.


ca.


1660,


Afri


cans


comprised

colonies


more


than

West


Indies,


the p

11.5%


population


British


population


Middle Atlantic


colonies


, and 5


southern


colonies


Virginia,


Maryland,


and


Carolina


(McCusker


and


Menard


1985:


-227)


. In


comparison,


Africans


accounted


"for


only


handful"


ca.


1670


population


of New


England


(McCusker


Menard


1985


:227


general,


economics


also


shaped


nature


interaction


between


Anglo


colonists


and


Indians










colonist


survival


some


regions,


these


early


interactions


were


also


marked


military


subjugation


native


peoples


as the


colonists


sought


to acquire


land


control


natural


Eventually,


however,


resources.


a more entrepreneurial relationship,


and one


that


often been


characterized as


a "patron/broker-


client


relationship"


(Thomas


1985


:140)


, developed


that


was


based


trade.


Beaver


represented


most


sought


after


because


layer


soft


hair


next


skin


that


was


felted for


hats


and


cloth


fashionable


in Europe


(Wolf


1982


:159)


Furs


were


acquired


through


one


three


means


local


hunters,


local


villager


who


acted


middleman,


directly


from


distant


areas


via


overland


trade


routes


. By


late


1600s,


trading


posts,


especially


New


England,


became


primary


sphere


interaction


between


Indians


coloni


(Zuckerman


1989


:141-155


Although


officials


Virginia


and Massachusetts


colonies


proclaimed


importance


of proselytizing


among


native


population,


no concerted


effort


to convert


Indian


ever


developed.


Some


colonial


groups,


primarily


Puritans


New


England


and


Jesuits


Maryland


attempted


convert


Native


Americans


, but


these


efforts


represented


informal


undertakings


, not


formal


institutions


sanctioned










1985


:141) ,


even


in those


colonies


with


shortages


European


women.


Likewise,


concubinage


was


not


sanctioned,


and


been written


that


"English pioneers prided


themselves


from


first


on their


self-denial"


(Zuckerman


1989


:145


Church


and


State


Atlantic


World


The

influenced


development


of .the


relationship


Atlantic

s between


colonies

church


was

and


also


state.


Church


and


state


in all


areas


colonial


Latin


America


were


inextricably


linked


virtue


Patronato


Real


(Royal


Patronage)


. As


forth


series


papal


bulls


issued


between


1501


and


1543,


Catholic


church


with


king


secular


1947


head


:167


constituted


Greenleaf


a branch


1971


of royal


Spanish


government


monarchy


(Haring


exercised


authority


over


ecc


lesiastical


matters


colonies


except


religious


doctrine


and


discipline


(Haring


1947


:167;


McAlister


1984


:194


outlined


representative


1501


crown


bull,


royal


collected


treasurer


tithes


under


condition


that


they be


used


to maintain


church


and


clergy.


This


included


missions,


construction


support


church


clergy,


buildings


purchasing


of olive


oil,


wine


, and


wheat


celebration


of the


mass


, and










ecclesiastical


leaders


and


establish


churches


and


monasteries.


Archbishops


and


bishops


were


nominated


king


and


installed


pope,


while


appointees


lower


offices,


parish


such


priest),


parish


or sacristan


priest,


(the


curate


person


(assistant


responsible


maintenance


selected by viceroys


sacristy,


church


or governors


and


and


content)


inducted


into


were


office


bishop


(Gannon


1983


:37-38;


Gibson


1966


:76-78;


McAlister


1984


:194-195;


Scholes


1971


:21-22


The


crown


acquired


even


more


control


with


1543


bull


which


gave


monarchy


right


to establish


office


bishop


and


to define


boundaries


diocese


under


jurisdiction


a bishop.


addition


these


fundamental


powers,


monarchy


Council


Indies


representative

missionaries,


also


to obtain a


required


royal


clergy,


license


prior


including


to emigrating


the colonies,


and mandated


that


church officials


swear


loyalty


Crown.


The


Council


Indies


also


examined


and


certified


church


correspondence


(McAlister


1984


:194


-195)


One


of the


more


important


means


of maintaining


religious


orthodoxy


and


guarding


royal


patronage


was


Holy


Office


Inquisition.


This


powerful


and


well-


known


tribunal


was


instituted


Spain


during


reign


sabela










American


tribunals


existed in


the viceregal


capitals


of Mexico


City

Peru


Lima,


and


and


New


Cartagena


Granada


with


respectively


jurisdiction


(Lockhart


New


and


Spain,


Schwartz


1983


:157-158


. St.


Augustine


fell


under


jurisdiction


court


Mexico


City.


Although


Inquisition


was


not


active


many


peripheral


areas


of the


Spanish


world,


such


as St.


Augustine,


influence


judge, Father

emissary to St


was


Don


still


evident.


Francisco


Soto


1991


jongoc

:34)


an ecclesiastical


served


. The


Inquisition


operated as


an independent


agency


that


could defy


and


overrule


both


civil


and


secular


authorities.


exerted


control


over


non-Indian


population


and


dealt


primarily


with


such


religious


offenses


blasphemy,


heresy


, apostasy,


bigamy,


lack


respect


ecclesiastical


authorities,


and


uttering


"evil


sounding


words"


(Lockhart


and


Schwartz


1983


:157-158;


Scholes


1971


:28-29


. It has


also


been


suggested


that


some


regions


Spanish


America


, the


Holy


Office


Inquisition


functioned


as a powerful


means


of controlling


both


civil


authorities


at odds


with


clerical


community


and


clergy


itself


(Scholes


1971


:29)


Unlike


Spain,


England


was


not


united


under


one


religion


and


did


share


same


link


between


church


and


state.


1672,


Augustine


(Kapitzke










1988


:18-19)


This


religious


diversity


can


traced


Protestant Reformation,


a sixteenth century religious movement


that


questioned


"worldliness"


Catholic


Church,


rejected papal


authority,


and resulted


the establishment


disparate


religious


denominations


and


more


secular


orientation


(Parrinder


1971


:436-444)


This


trend


towards


diversity


extended


colonial


world.

members


Most


Sthe Virginia

Anglican church,


colony

the c


1607)


olonists


was

who


settled


established


Plymouth


Colony


(1620


were


Puritan


Separatists,


more


moderate


group


of Puritans


migrated


Massachusetts


Colony


1629),


followers


Catholic


faith


founded


Mary


s City


Maryland


colony


(1634) ,


and


members


of the


Society


Friends


settled


Pennsylvania


1681


(Lemon


1987


:126


,132;


Mitchell


1987


:96)


. By the end


of the


seventeenth


century,


Middle


colonies


eastern


seaboard


(Pennsylvania,


New


Jersey,


and


New


York)


contained


a mixture


religious


groups


that


included


Reformed,


Anglicans,


Presbyterians,


Lutherans,


Baptists,


and


Huguenots


Greene


1988


:49)


Although


Anglican


Protestantism


was


faith


British


Crown


and


predominant


religion


British-


American


colonies,


relationship


between


Church


and


State











dominate


settlement,


and


general,


British


colonial


settlement


was


a more


secular


enterprise


(Greene


1988


:11)


been


suggested


that,


least


Chesapeake,


"intensity


religious


conviction


was


never


sufficient


constitute


primary


shaping


influence"


and


religious


diversity,


not


orthodoxy


, was


rule


(Greene


1988


:16)


summary,


British


and


Spanish


colonial


systems


differed


three


important


respects:


economic


basis


settlement;


relative


characters


demographic


colonies


and


, religious,


nature


and


and


national


degree


ethnic


interaction.


general,


Spanish


colonization


represented


uniform


effort


secure


mineral


wealth


Spain,


and


to Christianize


native


peoples


. The


Crown


Church


controlled


aspects


colonization,


including


immigration


policy


and


treatment


of Native


Americans


Africans.


contrast,


British


colonization


was


more


entrepreneurial


in nature


, and


Crown


exerted


less


central


control.


The


British


colonial


system


also


differed


relative demographic


, religious


, and national


diversity


of the


European


migrants;


lack


a uniform


mission


effort;


apparent


absence


widespread


miscegenation


between


Europeans,

remote fr


Native


ontier.


Americans,


The


and


"creole"


Africans,


except


population


le British










The


economic,


demographic,


and


religious


conditions


highlighted


this


chapter


provide


framework


understanding


seventeenth-century


Atlantic


world.


They


also


furnish


context


within


which


Spanish-American


British-American


colonial


cultures


developed.


The


specific


archaeological


and


historical


models


used


explain


nature


Spanish


and


British


cultural


development


Atlantic


world


are


discussed


next


chapter.
















CHAPTER


MODELS


OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN


CULTURAL


DEVELOPMENT


This chapter reviews existing models of


European American


cultural


this


development


development


as a basis


considering


seventeenth-century


processes


Spanish


Florida.


such


, it


lays


groundwork


understanding


both


general


phenomenon


cultural


formation in


the Atlantic world


and


more


specific


evolution


Spanish


colonial


cultural


during


"middle"


period


Florida.


previous


chapter,


Spanish and British settlements


Caribbean,


Chesapeake,


and


New


England


are


used


comparative


base.


Most


models


colonial


cultural


development


have


been


derived


from


documentary


record


alone


and


only


such


Deagan


acculturation


model


1983


and


Deetz


cognitive


model


1977),


have


been


based


on the


integration


historical


and


archaeological


records


. These


models,


therefore,


assume


particular


importance


historical


a


- -- -. a -


4


,m











necessary


for


cross-cultural


research


strategy


used


here


Although


most


comprehensive


historical


models


are


summarized


below


, emphasis


will


be placed


on those


that


have


been


archaeologically


derived.


synop


s1S


of the


various


model


of cultural


development


European-


American


society


presented


Table


. Most


these


development


are


descriptive


while


others


model


attempt


characterizing


to provide


temporal


explanation


change


. For


example


Deetz


1977


uses


shifts


cognit


process


ses


as an explanatory


devi


, Deagan


(1983


, 1985


, 1990)


uses


nature


of gender


relations


and


roles


as well


increased


incorporation


native


traits


explain


change


and


Greene


(1988)


emphasis


zes


importance


of both


European


origins


and


specific


American


colonial


realiti


as important


forces


in the


emergence


an American


culture.


Despite


their


fundamental


differences,


most


these


model


view


cultural


development


evolutionary


process


with


identifiable


embrace


idea


and


that


specific


some


stages


point


Most


their


them


development,


colonial


culture


underwent


period


regionalization


and


localism


. Thi


emphasis


on localism


and


separate


experiences


diff


erent


parts


colonial


America


recognizes


emergence


of di


stinctive regional


cultures


in various part







Table


Principal


Models


of European-American


Colonial


Cultural


Developmer


AUTHOR FOCUS STAGES OF TIME PERIOD MAJOR CHARACTERIST
~___~~_______ ~________DEVELOPMENT__________________


Deetz


1973
1977


1974,


Fischer
1989


Greene
1984,


1988


Massachus
Plymouth


etts Bay
colonies


British-American
colonies


Chesapeake


colonies


Medieval


Folk


Georgian


(Reconnaissance)


Trans


ition


Crisis


Consolidation



Devolution


Simplification


Elaboration



Replication


pre-1660


1660-1760


post
pre-


1760


1629


varied


varn


varied



ca.1770


1607-1630


1630-1680



1680-1760


identify
England;


cation


wit


corporate


regional
variation;conserva


zation


re-Angli


exploration

transition

internal co
poor; auton

dominant cu


institutions


of


nfl


reco

cult

ict:


omy

lture


forme


localism


regional identity
flourished;foundin
lost

unsettled;disorien
simplified;individ
oriented


acculturation


environment
sufficient;


to 1


;self-
creole


forms

elites replicate
regionalization;


E
c







Table


. Continued


Foster
1960


Lockhart
Schwartz
1983


MacLeod
1973


McAlister
1984


Gibson
1966


I I *


Spanish-American
colonies


Conquest


culture


(Crystallization


Colonial


Culture


varied


varied


van mor ricul
I I I I -


rapid change;flui
outlines


basi


more


forms


stabi


Spanish-American
colonies


Guatemala


Conquest

Maturity


1492


-ca.1580


ca.1580


-1750


I I I-


Conquest

Crisis


1500-1578

1580-1630S

1630S-1690S

1690-1720


fram


work


establi


elaboration;stabi
localization;dive
economy

extractive

experimentation

depression


revival


trade


population


I I I I


Spanish-American
colonies


Discovery
Conquest


Post


-Conquest


1492-1560s


1560s-1700


exploration;flexi;
experimental;fram
established


American


lidation;fori


society;
_____________________ ____________________elaboration__


Spanish-American
colonies


Conquest


Post


Conquest


Established


1500s


1600s


1700s


exploration
simplificat


identity


settlel


ion;


crystallization;e
slow change


rigid soc
resistant


I I ________j influence


i


al boun'
to Iber


a







Table


Continued


Meinig
1986


Breen


1984


Karras
McNeill


1992


Atlantic


World


I I


Outreach


Implantation


Reorganiz


action


1492-ca.1600


ca.1600

ca.1750


-ca.1750

-ca.1800


settlement;conques
introduced


diver


II i a 3 a


British-American
colonies


Charter



Charter

Creole


groups



societies


soci


early


1600s


1600s


1700s


homoaeneitv
I I I I -~


Atlantic


World


Implantation





Maturity





Transitions


1492-ca


.1650


ca.1650-ca.1770





ca. 1770-1888


sity;regional


formation
republics
empires


groups;scattered
area;set rules


of feder
disinte


immigrants


religious,
boundaries


social,


rigid bound
homogeneitv


economic


aries;


exploration;conque


territory;s
destruction
initial set
transformat

creole soci
markets eme
classes dev
Europeans a


ubjugat
of Ame
tlement
ions


ety, 1
rge; s
elop w
t top;


growth; European
governmental insti


I I I | nationalistic move


away


s
O


.0
I
Ti











(1986


:80),


regional


culture


refers


"that


which


characteristic


a group


people


who


are


deep-rooted


and


dominant


a particular


territory,


who


are


conscious


their


identity


deriving


from


common


heritage,


and


who


share


a common language


and basic patterns


life"


(see


Table


a list


culture


regions


that


have


been


suggested


colonial


America)


The


remainder


this


section


will


review


and assess


the dominant


models


colonial


development


for the


Anglo


and


Spanish


colonial


societies,


respectively.


Models


of Development


Anqlo-America


The


Declension


Model


Historians


explained


colonial


development


America


an American


have


traditionally


society


within


framework


of a declensionn"


model


(Boorstin


1964


Lockridge


1981


:7-52;


Miller


1952


:19-148,


1978


:58-70


. This


older


model


was


derived


from


somewhat


unique


experiences


Puritans


New


England


colonies


, and


was


used


characterize development


in all


parts


of British America.


More


recent archaeological


and historical models


(discussed below),


however,


have


questioned


validity


applying


eianl anc~4 ni-I


~~~3~~


A- a


Tn fl~ fl r r~ n M~ -% -. a n an a a lia-1 ~nJ~.Z ----ZI


. K.LA


A-- --S











Table


Culture


Regions


Proposed


Colonial


America


Researcher Proposed Regions
Bailyn 1986 New England
(United States Hudson River Valley
perspective) Delaware River Valley
Chesapeake
_________________ Carolinas
Boorstin 1964 Massachusetts Bay
(United States Pennsylvania
perspective) Virginia
_________________ Georgia
Fischer 1989 Massachusetts Bay
(United States Virginia Tidewater
perspective) Delaware Valley of Pennsylvania
Appalachian Highlands
Greene 1984, 1988 Chesapeake: Virginia, Maryland, northern North
(North American Carolina,southern Delaware
perspective) New England: Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, New Hampshire, Nova Scotia
Atlantic and Caribbean Islands: Bermuda,
Bahamas, Barbados,Antigua, Nevis,
Montserrat, St. Kitts, Jamaica
Middle Colonies: New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, northern Delaware
Lower South: southern North Carolina, South
_________________ Carolina, Georgia
Meinig 1986 Canada
(Atlantic World Greater New England (including Long Island)
perspective) Hudson Valley (including eastern New Jersey)
Greater Pennsylvania (including western
Jersey,
parts of Maryland and Virginia)
Greater Virginia (including Tidewater Virginia
and
parts of North Carolina)
Greater South Carolina (including Georgia,
parts
of North Carolina)
Tropical Islands
Lower Rio Grande
Florida,Louisiana, Texas
Mitchell 1978 southern New England
(U.S. perspective) southeastern Pennsylvania
western Chesapeake Tidewater
Carolina low country










with


expressed


purpose


establishing


orthodox


religious


community


based


on their


theological


belief


Old


Testament


"one


true


doctrine"


(Boorstin


1964


Greene


1988


Initially,


settlement


consisted


small


family


and


farmsteads


a number


organized


years


around


a communal


Puritans


were


meeting


able


house,


to maintain


their


"ideal"


religious


communities.


Beginning


1670s


as the


population


grew,


religious


conflicts


arose,


and


demand


New


England


fish


lumber


increased,


Puritan


communities


began


splinter


new


mercantile


centers


developed


port


cities,


such


Boston


and


Salem.


The


growth


these


urban


centers,


and


emergence


mercantile


class


gradually


led


more


secular,


individual,


and


material


orientation


than


that


originally


envisioned by


Puritans.


From


Puritan


point


view,


this


change


represented


"moral


and


social


decline"


breakdown


establishing


an orthodox


their original

religious communil


Puritan goals

ty (Greene 1988


Structural


Model


One


few


archaeological


considerations


evolution


British


colonial


culture


been


explained


terms


three


successive


stages


known as


"Medieval


" "Folk,










(Glassie


1968;1975),


were


first


used


explain


general


behavioral


characteristics


shared


colonists


Massachusetts


Bay


and


Plymouth


colonies


of rural


New


England.


The


"medieval"


or yeoman


tradition,


included


initial


reaction


colonization,


and


was


period


close


identification

conservatism,


with

cultural


England.


homogeneity,


was

and


characterized


corporate


communal


emphasis


both


secular


and non-secular


life


(Deetz


1977


:28-45)


contrast


"folk"


period,


which


coincided


with


middle


period


colonization,


was


characterized


time


increasing


regionalization


and


localism


coloni


diverged


from


their


European


parent


culture


(Deetz


1974


:22)


Archaeologically,


this


diversity


reflected


dining


etiquette


, mortuary


art,


and


internal


organization


space


Deetz


1977


,1987;


Deetz


and


Dethlefson


1978


Little


Shackel


1989


. This


emergence


Anglo-American


soc


iety


with


local


orientation


was


reinforced


part


a growing


number


individuals


born


in the


New


World.


The


third stage of


development


, the


"Georgian"


tradition,


been


called


of influence


a re-Anglicization


from


English


because


homeland.


resurgence


is marked


transition


from a


"corporate"


world


view to


a secular


one


that


emphasized


order


and


individuality.


this


particular










used


to denote


cognitive


rules


that


organize


material


world


(Deetz


1977


:67)


According


to this


tripartite


scheme,


British


system


carried


colonists


experienced


sudden


loss


complexity due


to the


colony'


isolation and weakened


economic


links


with


England.


Following


initial


adaptation


new


environmental


and


economic


conditions,


concomitant


with


increase


population


, settlements


expanded,


regional


identities


formed,


and


older


frontier


areas


began


replicate


national


culture


parent


country.


Like


declension model,


this


archaeologically


derived


model


also


exemplified


experiences


of the


settlers


Plymouth


and


Massachusetts


Bay


Colonies


New


England.


recent synthesis of archaeological


investigations at


Flowerdew


Hundred,


colonial


British


"plantation"


settlement


Virginia,


however,


suggests


that


this


model


can


be applied


other


regions


the


British


colonial


world


(Deetz


1993


also

middle


indicates

Period c


1987, 1993

viewed the


. The


period


of development


cognitive model


formation


colonial


relative


stability


Chesapeake


differed,

culture,


during


region


however,


(Deetz


in that


as breakdown


social


order,


but


movement


from


"traditional"


rural,


agricultural,


communal,


and


religious)


"modern"


. It












The


Developmental


Model


Like


Deetz


' structural


model,


"developmental"


mode


postulates


three


sequential


stages


development


Anglo-American


culture


social


simplification,


social


elaboration,


and social


replication


Greene and Pol


1984


:1-3


1988


:81-100)


Social


simplification,


characterized


period of


"disorientation and unsettledness"


took place during


initial


stages


of settlement


as the


colonists


attempted


adjust


to their


new


environment


Greene


1988


:167


. This


first


stage


represented


a simplified


version


of English


society


was


distinct


high


male


to femal


gender


ratio,


a high


death


rate


, weak


social


institutions,


and


"rough


economic


equality


among


free


people"


Greene


1988


:81)


late


more


1600s


elaborate


environment


, Chesapeake


settlers


Chesapeake


society


society


adapted


during


gradually


local


stage


became


soc


soc


elaboration has been described as


a "highly


creolized


variant"


of English society

neighborhoods formed


population


, opportunities


grew


new


more


land


dense,


ownership


diminished


, life expectancies


improved


and native-born whites


dominated


population


Greene


1988


:168


. Another


important


feature


this


period


was


growing


importance


of African











The


final


phase


development


Chesapeake,


social


replication,


was


characterized by


a strong desire


among


provincial


elites


replicate


power


shared


rural


English


gentry.


This


stage


was


not


harmonious


cons


and


iderable


less


conflict


affluent


existed between


members


the elites


population


who dominated


whom


acquisition


land


and


independence


was


not


always


possible.


Greene


suggests


that


other


regions


of British America,


notably


British


Caribbean


and


Middle


Colonies


New


Jersey,


New


York,


Pennsylvania,


and


Delaware,


underwent


similar


process


simplification,


elaboration,


and


replication,


that


specific


nature


and


timing


depended


demographic


situation,


economic growth


, territorial expansion,


date


settlement


Greene


1988


:81-100


The developmental


model


described above differs


from both


declension


and


structural


models


explanation


change


as a movement


towards


stability


and


materialist


interpretation.


It also


rejects


notion


that


colonial


New


England


represented


total


British


experience


Atlantic


World.


Rather,


transition


of New


England


soc


iety


from


corporate


community


one


that


emphasis


individuality may be atypical


when


compared


to the development


of British


colonial


culture


other


regions


the Americas.











economic


ventures.


such,


overall


"mindset"


these


colonies


during


their


initial


stage


settlement


been


described


secular,


materialistic,


exploitative,


individually


oriented


with


weak


sense


community


(Carr


1987;

Greene


Carr,

and


Morgan,

Pole 1


and Russo


.984;


1989


Rutman


Diamond


1971)


1967


Morever,


Greene


whereas


1988;

SNew


England


was


predominantly


settled by


family


group


in pursuit


religious


freedom,


Chesapeake


conformity


area,


with


, and


exc


orthodoxy


eption


, the


majority


Maryland,


was


establi


shed


as an economic


venture


with


young men,


family


groups,


comprising


dominant


percentage


colonial


population


(Greene


and


Pole


1984


This


development


distinction


of the


only


Chesapeake


influenced


region,


specific


also contributed


important


ways


regional


diversity


within


British


America.

provincial


The


formation


elite,


economic


regions,


and


demographic


emergence


diversification,


and


overall


movement


direction


of a "more


complex,


differentiated,


and


Old-World


style


society"


are


thus


seen


signs


of stability


(Greene


1988


:12-13


,167;


Tate


and


Ammerman


1979)


addition,


rather


than


relying


predominantly


cognitiv


interpretations


developmental


framework











response


environments,


different


demographic


motivations


compositions,


settlement,


and


natural


relationships


between


Europeans,


Indians,


and


Africans.


These


distinctions


are


most


evident


spatial


organization


newly


established


colonies


their


participation


emerging


global


economy,


and


their


reactions


multi-cultural


worlds


thrust


upon


them


colonization.


Models


Development


Spanish-America


The


dominated


study


more


Spanish


schemes


colonial


development


periodization


than


been


models


evolutionary development


Although influenced by Poster's work


(1960


, historians


colonial


Latin


America


have


tended


operate


much


more


particularistic


scale


than


historical


archaeologists,


who


tend


to be


more


concerned


with


general


patterns


human


behavior.


Latin


American


historians


have


also


couched


development


Spanish


America


somewhat


different


terms,


discussed


below


and


shown


Table


Most


identify


initial


years


colonization


period


"conquest"


and


agree


that


basic


phase


structure

remained


of

in


society


place


establi


throughout


shed

the


during t

colonial


:his


initial


era


Most


have


also


recognized


a middle


period


development


that was











Gibson


(1966)


three


phases


development


"conquest


"post


conquest


and


"established"


perhaps


follow


Foster


model


most


closely.


Like


Foster


, Gib


son


agrees


that


conquest


phase


which


encompassed


initial


years


exploration


and


settlement,


was


marked


"simplification"


Iberian culture as


the colonists


struggled


to meet


their


immediate


needs


. He


noted


tendency


Spani


sh-American


culture


to "crystalli


ze" early


and


conc


that


"the


middle


period


colonial


history


was


a period


very


slow


change"


(1966:135


MacLeod

emphasized e


"conquest


1973)


Economic


" "crisis


period


conditions


zation

, and


" "depression


" anc


Central


included

i "revival


four


America

phases:


first


or "conquest"


phase of


colonization


Ca.


1500-1578


was marked


extraction


of gold and


silver


and


"exploitation"


Native


American


labor.


Towards


end


century,


gold


and


silver


deposits


dwindled


, the


Native


population


declined


due


to epidemic


and


their


exportation


slaves


Cuba


and


Panama


, and


colonists


were


forced


to search


other marketable


products


. The


conquest


phase


, therefore


, was


followed


1580


period


-1630s


crisisi


coloni


and


experimentation"


ed unsuccessfully


to develop


first


cacao


and


then


indigo


export


crop


When


these











number


of Native Americans


MacLeod argues


that


these


economic


pressures


Spani


created


sh-owned


social


and


in the


economic

foothills


divi

and


sions


Indian


large,


communities


mountains)


that


continued


into


modern


times.


Lockhart


and Schwartz


1983)


separated


the development


Spanish

"conquest


colonial


and


society


"mature"


into


periods.


Like


major

Foster


periods


and Gibson,


the

they


asserted

establi


that


shed


during


basic

the


outlines

"conquest"


Spanish

initial


America

phase.


were

They


defined


this


phase


chronologically


beginning


with


Columbian


voyage


1492


and


ending


with


decline


Spain'


power


in the


Indies


ca.


1580.


Lockhart


and


Schwartz'


maintained


that


although


social


and


cultural


modifications


took


place


during


mature


period


(ca.


1580-1750),


"framework"


left


conquest


society


"remained.


" When


compared


with


initial


years


colonization,


mature


colony


repres


ented


time


"slow


evolution"


during


which


this


original


"framework"


became


progressively more


elaborate


and


locally


oriented.


evidence,


Lockhart


and


Schwartz


noted


steady


increase


in a creole


population,


growth


local


industries


such


obralies


and


haciendas,


and


continued


reliance


Native


American


labor,


although


reduced


scale


because c


their


rapid


decline


in number


rs.


estates











phase


Spanish


settlement


formative


period


"discovery"


and


"conquest"


(1492-


ca.


1560s),


but


labelled


second


phase


of settlement


as the


"post


conquest"


(ca.


1560s-


1700) .


In its


most


general


form,


McAli


ster' s


scheme,


like


others


outlined above,


portrayed


conquest


as a time during


which


colonial

controlled


underlying


society

economic


economic


emerged.

structure


and


These

based


social


included


on non-Iberian


foundations


centrally


sources


labor,


and


pattern


trade


whereby


Indies


produced


export


products


(primarily precious


metals


, hides


, cochineal,


sugar,


and


dyewoods


exchange


for


imported


European


manufactured


goods


and


luxury


items


, such


flour,


wine,


olive


oil,


weaponry,


hardware,


household


items,


and


clothing.


It also

headed


included


Spanish


fluid


but


colonists


hierarchical


and


based


social


structure


domination


Native


American


and


African


people


es.


These basic


forms


continued


post-conquest


period,


their style


was altered,


and


they


became more


diversified.


example,


pattern


trade


shifted


from


one


with


primary dependence

(more specifically


Seville


Mexico


and


City)


Spain


oriented


more


and


American


controlled


market


. In


addition,


social


structure


became


more


complex


as new


social


groups


, including


both native born


Spaniards











seventeenth


American


century,


societies,


these


[sic]


economies,


basic


and


forms


political


Hispanic


behavior


had


become


. firmly


fixed.


The


Cultural


Crystallization


frLQd.ei


From both


an anthropological


and historical


perspective,


first,


and


most


influential,


characterization


development


of Spanish-American


culture


was


offered by George


Foster


Conacuest


and


Culture


1960


this


important


monograph,


Foster


defined


initial


phase


Spanish


settlement


and


exploration


Atlantic


world


"conquest


culture.


The


concept


"conquest


culture"


entailed


existence


both


"donor"


and


"recipient"


group

channels


Each g

, those


roup


chooses,


cultural


through


elements


deemed


formal


and


essential


informal


coping


with


contact


situation.


Formal


"planned"


situations


include institutionally sanctioned and directed policies,


such


as the


Franciscan mission


program or


implementation


of the


gridded


town


plan.


These


types


change


were


in motion


and


directed


groups


in authority,


such


government,


church


or the military.


In contrast,


informal


change


took


place


individual


level


and


included


such


lifestyle


deci


sions


social


attitudes


, food


preferences,


folklore,










immediate


social,


environmental,


and


psychological


needs


first


group


Iberian


colonists


Foster


1960


:10-20


described


Foster,


initial


phase,


which


was


"relatively


short


and


highly


fluid


represented


formative period


in which


"the basic


answers


to new


conditions


life


had


to be


found,


and


rapid


adaptation


changed


conditions


blocking


was


colonial


imperative.


cultures"


This


(Foster


was


period


1960


:232


Following this


initial


period of


adaptation,


during which


the

new


basic


framework


societies


accept


new


became


elements


of colonial


more

from


society


was


"rigid


developed,


and


parent


less


culture"


these


prone


Foster


1960


:233


. This process


of stabilization


took place after


"the


first


several


decades"


and


was


referred


"cultural


crystallization"


(Foster


1960


:232-


234)


. By


beginning


middle


period,


(although


cultural


always


crystallization


labelled


such)


Foster's


thought


sense


have


occurred


most


parts


Spanish


America


(see


Table


Acculturation


Model


Archaeologists


interested


development


Spanish


colonial


culture


have


relied


Foster's


model


help


organize


their


research,


and


this


present


study










research


into


eighteenth-century


community


Augustine


revealed an admixture of


Iberian and Native American


cultural


elements.


More specifically,


Deagan demonstrated that


land


use,


spatial


organization,


architectural


style,


construction


techniques,


clothing,


tablewares,


and


other


highly visible


aspects


of the


material


world


remained


Spanish


style


and


form.


Elements


local


Native


American


culture were,


however,


incorporated


into


less visible


equally


important,


domestic


phere


of life,


such


food


preparation


technology


and


subsistence


practices


colonists.


This


mixing


Spanish


and


Native


American


traits


was


attributed


to the


intermarriage between Spanish men and Native


American


women,


practice


common


areas


Spani


America.


This


admixture


may


also


indicate


presence


Native


American


domestic


help


(Jerald


Milanich


personal


communication


1994)


. Native


Amern


can


women


probably


assumed


duties


and


responsibilities


childrearing,


cooking


and


home


maintenance,


and


their


influence


seen


use


Indian


cooking


vessels


and


cooking


methods.


This


adoption


Native


American


ceramics


been


regarded


important,


potentially


universal,


form


Spanish


adaptation


to the


Americas,


and


one


that


sharply


distinguished


this


adaptation










Except


Isabela


site


(1493-ca


.1498


where


Spanish


goods


dominated


(Deagan


and


Cruxent


1993


, thi


pattern


seen


subsequent


Spanish


colonial


sites


studied


to date


(Deagan


1973


1983


1985


. One


earli


these


Puerto


Real,


Spanish


city


modern


Haiti


founded


1504


, only


years


after


establishment


Isabela


admixture


(Ewen


have


1991;


also


Deagan


been


1988


noted


, 1994


for


. Similar


patterns


sixteenth


century


community


Augustine


(Deagan


1985


Reitz


and


Scarry


1985


at the


sixteenth


century


town


of Nueva


Cadiz


modern


Venezuela


Willis


1976


and


the Moquegua


Valley


southern


Peru


(Smith


1991


. These


studi


demonstrated


immediacy


Spanish


adjustments


new


lands


, and


indicated


cultural


continuity


between


various


regions


Spani


colonial


world.


and


The


eighteen


similarities

ith centuries


between


also


sixteenth,


suggested


that


seventee


after


nth,


an initial


and


rapid


transformation,


Spanish


colonial


culture


cry


stalli


zed


early


and


remained


relatively


unchanged


period


years


The


model


British


and


Spanish


cultural


development


discussed


study


s chapter


of colonial


Archaeological


research


underscore


cultural


in Briti


striking


traditions


colonial


contrast


areas.


America










perspective,


Spanish


colonial


models,


however,


are based on an


incomplete


understanding


that


period


between


initial


adaptation


to a new


social


, political


and physical


environment


and


established


pertain


this


society.


middle


The


archaeological


period


Spanish


studies


colonies


that


King


1981


,1984;


Reitz


1993


have


been


preliminary


nature


local


orientation.


Therefore,


evaluate


using


nature


Augustine


cultural


, Florida,


development


this


during


study will


middle


period


Spanish


America


, and


compare


to what


known


similar


processes


British-American


colonies


same


period.


Specifically,


will


question


whether


process


local


and


regional


elaboration


that


characterized


middle


phase


British


cultural


development


evident


archaeological


record


comparable


period


Spanish


colonies.


The


next


chapter


provides


historical


and


soc


context


within


which


developments


middle


period


Augustine


unfolded.

















CHAPTER


THE


"MIDDLE


PERIOD"


IN ST


. AUGUSTINE


The


Augustine


chronological


obviously


boundaries


cannot


of the


defined


middle


precisely.


period


However,


can


suggested


that


period


contact


and


colonization


was


well


over


closing


decades


of the


sixteenth


century


(ca.


1580),


and


that


a well


-established


colonial


society with


an identity


America


distinct


existed


from


1700.


that


The


other


historical


colonies


events


Spanish


(Table


social


organization


assessing


middle


this


period


period


provide


development,


context


and


interpreting


archaeological


data


that


will


be presented


subsequent


chapters.


order


provide


"sense


place


this


discussion


first


presents


an overview


of the


physical


setting


St. Augustine


parameters


general


SFollowing


those


(Chapter


this


, it


discussed


facilitate


is organized


Atlantic


comparisons


same


world


between










Table


Chronology
La Florida


Key


Events


Seventeenth-Century


to St
Guale


1597
1599
1602


1605:


1606
1612


1614-1617:


1627:

1633:

1638:
1647:
1649-1659:

1653:
1655:
1656:


1659
1668

1670
1672
1674


1675:

1677:


1680:
1 fil"


. Augustine.
revolt.


and f
onduc
. Aug
n de
copal
Sant
e San


Three epidemics
Hurricane struc
Florida subsidy
Augustine coast
Dutch corsair P
Indies with sub
Franciscan miss
province.
Major storm hit
Revolt in Apala
Yellow fever, a
reported in mis
Maize crop dest
Smallpox epidem
Timucuan Rebell
San Luis de Tal
Measles epidemi
British pirate
Augustine and k
British establi
Construction of
Hurricane and f
Gabriel Diaz Va
Governor Salaza
experimental wh
Wooden fort des
Salazar.
Lack of funds si
Marcos.
Abandonment of
Rnrtl i cl- rn4 rvrat-


des
to
ine.
Cab
sit
lena
anci


k


troyed
decide


St. Augustine.
whether or not


ezas Altamirano conducted
to St. Augustine.
de La Florida formed.
sco designated a province


killed 1/2 of Ind
St. Augustine.
lost in shipwreck


.
iet
sidy
ions


St.
chee


.nd small
sions.
royed by


ic struck La
ion in Potano
imali establi
c struck La F
Robert Searle
illed 60 colo
shed "Charles
the Castillo


Blood leveled
ra Calder6n
r Vallecilla
eat farm in


troyed

:opped

Guale


i-h ra ~ -an on


ian p

off

Fleet


pox


windstorm.


St. Augustine; E
visited Florida;
began
Apalachee.


Pablo


Castillo


Timucua


in, in f 4 a


1573
1587


Franciscan
Santa Elena


mission effort
abandoned and


began.
colonial


capital


moved


Hurricane
Hearings
abandon S
Bishop Ju
first epi
Custody o
Convento
house.


population.

St.


Heyn captured
for Florida.
expanded into


Apalachee


Augustine.
province.


epidemics


and


famine


Florida.
and Utina
shed.
lorida.
s attacked
nists.
Towne".
de San Mar


provinces;


St.


t


)egan.
bishop



Hita


de San


by

wor)

and


Governor

c on the

raids on


)
)


L











The


Physical


Setting


Aucustine


Little


known about


layout


of the


first


townsite


Augustine,


except


that


Pedro


Men@ndez


Aviles


established


fortification


village


Seloy,


Saturiwa


this


Timucuan


initial


cacique.


settlement


Although


uncertain,


exact


recent


location


excavations


Fountain


Youth


Park


Site


suggest


that


original


landing


and


settlement


were


located


within


cinity


this


park


(Chaney


1987


:14-15


Gordon


1992


. Fire


, floods


, and


Indian


rebellions


necessitated


rebuilding


fort


several


times


during


first


years


settlement.


exact


locations


these


various


forts


remain


uncertain


, but


most

of th


scholars a

e original


gree

site


that


they were


Chatelain


rebuilt


1941


:54-56;


within


Connor


1925


cinity

; Lyon


1983


. This


initial


phase


experimentation


closed


sometime


around


1570


when


town


was


relocated


a more


permanent


location,


which


today


situated


south


modern


plaza


(Figure


Archaeological


and historical


research indicates that


ca.


1570


town


Augustine


was


organized


according


grid


system


conformity


1563


official


Spanish


ordinances


town


plans


Deagan


1982


:182-191


, 1985


:13;


nTT-c C -- f^* A* l-


*


*


-^
























1 /
Matanzas Bay / /
/ /7'


/ /


16th Century town


17th Century town expansion


Figure


Colonial


Augustine,


1764


Adapted


from


Elixio


de la


Puente


I










archaeological


investigations


(Deagan


1982


:192,


Deagan


1981


:626


-633,


1983


:183-206;


Deagan,


Bostwick,


and


Denton


1976;


Hoffman


1977)


, St.


Augustine


consisted


a nine


block


area


individual


houses


spaced


approximately


to 15


feet


apart


along


street


front


(Figure


These


blocks


were


divided


into


equal


lots


that


measured


approximately


44 by


feet


Spanish


pies)


Detached


kitchens


and


individual


garden


plots


were


located


rear


houses


Circular


trashpits


and


barrel


wells


fairly


uniform size


and location


were


also


situated behind


living


quart


ers


near


kitchens.


church,


and


possibly


other


public buildings


formed


northern boundary


of the


town,


and


a hexagonal


fort


was


situated


a short


distance


to the


north


townsite


(Deagan


1981,


1982;,


Hoffman


1977)


. Neither


Boazio


map


nor


archaeological


evidence


indicate


presence


of a central


town


nlaza


(Deagan


1982


:184-191


Only


three


visual


representations


seventeenth-


century


town


are


known


to exist,


fanciful


engravings


a map


showing


general


location


Augustine


within


Florida


The


quite


imaginative,


and


most


likely


inaccurate


engravings,


date


1671


and


1683


respectively,


and


portray


Augustine


quaint


coastal


community


set


against


mountainous


backdrop


Figures


and


. The


anonymous


map,



























-* ir -^ ^


* -


-S


-w -


a- xi
-


-* -


-" a


-I


-. -. t '-. *%, -
* -
'3 -.
-' 0
-,
-
4.' -
-
S
Vt>
-7 -


.- -I m
-*** -


- --
-


*
- -- 7~..
-
C -
.5 -


- a
- -


*;.' -
~
* -
- sia-


~.- -
-


- -^ a -


-I S




4^

C


p.


'A,


.4 '-4
-'S
-t
--"C.

.9.' -t %~


p


- -^ -


- -s


- ~ -~


Figure


Boazio


Engraving,


1586


(Courtesy


Augustine


Historical


Societ


- 9










* It ~
.tr1Tr~


~1,


Figure


Engraving
Montanus.


Historical


of St. Augustine,


1671.


From


The


ca. 1671


Unknown


Woric


Society)


"Pagus
d, 1673


Hispanorum
, Courtesy


Florida"


Augu


































































S .. ... .... ..- -


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-* -~- -~z---~~ -~=a .
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depiction


town


Augustine


(see


Chatelain


1941:


Appendix)


town


. Information


therefore


regarding


spatial


dependent


evolution


contemporary


verbal


descriptions


Although


and


the physical


research


seventeenth-century


has


town


evidence of a

specifically


plan,


preliminary


archaeological


focused


historical


data.

the

Sand


archaeological


investigations


into


nature


seventeenth-


century


spatial


organization


indicate


that


basic


gridded


pattern established during the


late


sixteenth century remained


same,


today


and


in modern St


fact,


original


Augustine


(Deagan


grid


plan


1982


is still


Bushnell


evident


1983


:33)


Changes


did


occur


during


1600s,


result


several


natural


transformed


not


disasters


the


appear


and


physical


have


population

appearance


altered


expansions.


These


Augustine,


previously


events

Lt they


established


underlying


structural


organization


or configuration.


In 1599,


a hurricane


and


fire


destroyed


many


sections


settlement.


Accounts


rebuilding


Governor M&ndez


Canzo


indicate


that


additional


lots


were


laid


to the


south


original


townsite


and


that


a plaza,


which


measured


feet


feet,


was


marked


to the


north


town.


The


rebuilt


town


consisted


approximately


blocks


with


wooden


houses


with


cypress


plank


walls


and


palm-thatched










north


edge


colonial


town


(Arnade


1959


Bushnell


1981


:46,


1983


new


hospital,


Nuestra


Sefora


Soledad,


with


six


beds


administered


sick,


and


new


bridge


crossed


cran mosauitero"


- the


swamp


at the


western


edge


town.


Despite


Augustine


this


rebuilding,


during the mid


1600s


cultural


did not


differ


landscape


appreciably


St.

from


that


which


existed


on the


eve


seventeenth


century.


Augustine


was


still


small


and


isolated


Dresidio


with


approximately


wooden


houses


wooden


fort


with


"rott


timber


" dirt


streets with


free


roaming animals


, a remodel


parish


church


with


a tile


roof


, a small


hospital,


a Franciscan


monastery


at the


far northern


end


town,


a plaza,


and


rse-


powered


mill


grind


corn.


Arnade


1959


:9-10;


Boniface


1971


:71-73;


Chatelain


1941


Manucy


1978


:18)


Towards


changes


transformations


established


end


built


still


during


1600s,


environment


did


late


other


took


alter


sixteenth


century


more


place,


basic


substantial


these


pattern


Archaeological


investigations


revealed


evidence


late


seventeenth-


century

townsite

monastery


occupation


and


located


that extended

including the


south


vicinity


southeastern


the

the


edge


original


Franciscan


town


(Arnade











wattle


and


daub


more


permanent


wood


and


tabby


with


some


coquina.


Some buildings became larger and architecturally more


detailed,


and


activity


areas


expanded


(Herron


1979;


Hoffman


1990


Several


late seventeenth-century accounts describe


houses


and


buildings


"wood


with


board


walls"


(Chatelain


1941


:129


Dickinson


1696


:84;


Manucy


1978


Wenhold


1936


Tabby


used


foundations


which


would


have


been


sible


casual


visitor,


was


also


part


architectural


history


seventeenth-century


Augustine


(Chatelain


1941


:129)


. Coquina


was


yet


widespread


end


century


, it


was


slowly


becoming


more


common.


Augustine had been


threatened and attacked by pirates


seve


times


during


seventeenth


century.


The


1668


midnight


raid


a British


pirate


named


Robert


Searles,


raids


against


Carolinians


Port


Royal,


and


fear


retaliation


spurred


construction


secure


and


sturdy


coquina


fort


, and


construction


Castillo


de San


Marcos


began


1672


(Arana


and


Arana


1972:51


Arana


and


Manucy


1977:12-13;

the Castillo


Manucy

was by


1978

far


:20;

the


Wright


most


1959


impress


:135-144)

ve example


Although


coquina


construction,


other


coquina


buildings


did


exist


As indicated


correspondence


Governor


Rebolledo


1655


and Bi


shop


Calder6n


in 1674, the


governor'


s house


may


have been,


at least











best


estimate


private


coquina


construction


1708


inventory


houses


destroyed


during


James


Moore


raid


1702.


According


this


inventory,


total


houses


existed

these r


Augustine


reported houses


were


1702


privately


and


owned


almost


coquina


structures


with


value


addition


to its


least


use


1000


in buildings


pesos


, coquina


(Arana


was


1969


also


:30)


used


1690s


to construct


a seawall


that


extended


from


Castillo


south


town


plaza


(Boniface


1971


:70)


Despite


these


physical


alterations,


basic


gridded


layout


Augustine


did


change,


and


locations,


orientations,


and functions of


specific public buildings


, such


as the


church,


Convento


San


Francisco


and


Castillo


Marcos,


spatial


remained


organization


settlement


time


unchanged


established


great


. The


fundamental


during


change


and


initial


pattern


years


experimentation


stabilized,


also


began


grow


into


a more


elaborate


form.

grander


A similar

scale,


monasteries,


process


occurred


and


of amplification,


throughout


government


although


Latin America


buildings


grew


on a much


as churches,

architectural


splendor but


retained


their original


locations


, functions,


basic


structures


(Lockhart


and


Schwartz


1983


:127










The


Economic


Organization


Community


Throughout


existence


Spanish


presidio,


Augustine


relied


on the


situado,


an annual


subsidy provided by


Crown


Spain


that


was


intended


cover


such


governmental


construction


expenses


fortifications


administrative


and


salaries,


support


garrison.


The


situado


was


created


a royal


c.dula


1570


provide


financial


support


Florida


because


vital


strategic


role


defense


panic


shipping


lanes


between


the Americas


and


Europe


(Gibson


1966


:183


-185;


Hoffman


1980


:146;


McAlister


1984


:310


. Initially,


situado was paid


from


Panama/Nombre


Dios


treasury


(Hoffman


1980


:146)


Beginning


1574,


payments


came


from


Vera


Cruz


treasury,


and


1595,


Mexico


City


had


assumed


responsibility


Florida


situado


(Sluiter


1985


The


amount


paid


Augustine


from


Mexico


City


Treasury


depended on


number


of plazas


or positions


held by


garrison,


and


took


form


wages


and


supply


Bushnell


1981;


Hoffman 1980


:146


, Sluiter


1985


The


supplies


needed


to sustain


town


were


purchased


an agent


governor,


collect


called


subsidy


a situadi


. Upon


who


arrival


travelled


, the


to New


agent


Spain


presented


or ~ r oman r


F 1 Cg~ nr~ A *-v* F, n r-'.- --- -~ -


n iar a e^


r ^--











ships


bound


Havana.


From


Cuba,


money


and


supplies


were


transhipped

officials d


to St.


Listribut


Augustine

:ed them


where

among


the

the


governor

garrison


and

and


treasury


family


TePaske


were


1964


protected


:77)


and


Those


goods


stored


immediately


Royal


distributed


warehouse


fort


Augustine


(TePaske


1964


-78)


Throughout


seventeenth


century


hard


specie


was


scarce


St. Augustine


consequently,


wages


were


often


paid


imported


goods,


obsolete


items


wage


certificates


that


declined


value


Bushnell


Changes


1981


in the


:68)


situado


Several


important


changes


occurred


within


situado


early


years


seventeenth


century


that


financially


benefitted


Augustine


and


La Florida


. Two


new


cedulas


were


issued


that


Dresidio


increased

e first c


amount


:6dula


money


issued


1617


received


addressed


problem


financial


compensation


spoiled


goods


mermas


Prior


to the


1617


dula,


sses


due


to spoilage


goods


warehouses


or enroute


to St


Augustine


were


deducted


from


Florida


subsidy


The new ruling


eliminated


this


practice,


and


ordered


Mexico


City


reimburse


Florida


resultant


losses.


A second


law


, issue


1624


, altered


method


used


.


F --


w w











subsidy


was


changed


more


accurately


reflect


actual


daily


record


of plaza


holders


garrison.


Another


ruling


that


indirectly


affected


amount


subsidy


paid


Augustine


included


creation


separate


subsidy


support


Franciscan


mission


program.


Beginning


1616,


Franciscans


received


separate


religious


subsidy,


that


issued


to each


friar


same


pay


rations


(158


nesos.


received


soldier


garrison.


This


was


supplemented


with


additional


provisions,


such


wine


1985


as gifts


needed


:6)


Table


Indians


perform


5 shows


cloth,


their


amount


shoes,


religious


subsidy


maize


duties


, oil


Sluiter


received by


both


Franciscans


Franciscan


and


subsidy


Secular


began,


community


through


from


1651,


1616,


last


year


year


which


figures


are


currently


available.


number


missionaries


increased


during


1600s,


number


of friars


paid


from


subsidy


was


limited


forty


three,


and


separate


fund


was


created


1646


cover


additional


missionaries.


1673,


support


Franciscans


shifted


to this


separate


fund.


This mission subsidy benefitted


community


Augustine


by making more


money


available


increase


substantial


size


coquina


garrison


fort,


and


Castillo de


to construct


San Marcos


a more


Bushnell











Table


Comparative


List


of Subsidy


Payments


Received by


Franciscan and Secular Communities


from


Sluiter


in St


Augustine


1617


-1651


1985)


Year Received Religious Secular Total
1617 6.619 63.026 69.645.00
1618 2.675 62.688 65.363.00
1619 7.793 62.749 70.542.00
1620 3.542 65.133 68.675.00
1621 3.052 63.995 67,047.00
1622 2.623 66.915 _________69.538.00
1623 4.390 62.823 67.213.00_______
1624 3,963 65.783 _________69.746.00
1625 5.678 53.003 58.681.00
1626 5.089 66.971 72.060.00
1627 5.,090 66. 971 72,061.00
1628 5.118 69,899 75.017.00
1629 3.766 68.679 72.445.00
1630 3.507 42.759 46.266.00
1631 2.730 99.367 102.097.00
1632 3.264 66.306 69.570.00
1633 0.00
1634 0.00
1635 74,409 74.409.00
1636 1.692 64.389 66.081.00
1637- 0.00
1638 65,124 65.124.00
1639 1.458 32.455 33.913.00
1640 9.476 13.500 22.976.00
1641 1.287 20.325 21.612.00
1642 49,755 49.755.00
1643 45.627 45,627.00
1644 2.422 65.124 67.546.00
1645 73.747 73.747.00
1646 3,353 56.274 59.627.00
1647 .0___________000
1648 0.00










communities


subsidy


exists


payments


latter


irregular


half


1600s,


times,


presumably


continued


throughout


remainder


century.


Problems


with


the


situado


beginning


seventeenth


century


, situado


payments


to Florida


fluctuated because


fiscal


difficulties


Mexico


City.


The


treasury


only


had


to meet


their


new


subsidy


responsibilities,


but


also


had


pay


outstanding


debts


that


Vera


Cruz


Treasury


had


been


unable


meet


because


war


and attacks


on the


flota


system


These


overdue


debts


leveled


around


1616


trade


and


mining


activities


brought


a new


prosperity


to Mexico


City.


According


to Engel


Sluiter'


records


actual


subsidy


payments


Florida,


situado


payment


was


received


fairly


regularly


until


1630s


(Sluiter


1985


:Table


. With


two


exceptions


- the


1626


subs


idy


that


was


lost


shipwreck


coast


Augustine


and


was


not


paid


until


1629,


and


capture


1628


treasure


fleet


carrying


Florida


subsidy


Piet


Heyn


Dutch


West


Indies


Company


situado


arrived


regularly


during


early


years


1600s.


The


amounts


fluctuate


d somewhat,


but


subsidy


was


paid


one


lump


sum


sometime


April


or May


(Sluiter


1985


:Table










Mexico


City


Treasury


started


fall


into


arrears.


For


example,


payment


granted


Augustine


1637


was


paid


in seven


separate


payments


between


February


1639


and


August


of 1646


. The


1638


situado


was


paid


to St.


Augustine


three


1639


different


, in January


payments


of 1641,


three


and


separate


in August


dates


of 1649


May


No records


payment s


made


to St.


Augustine


have


been


found


for


years


1646-1650


continued


, suggesting


through


that


least


irregular


1651


payments


(Sluiter


subs


1985:Table


These


delays


situado


often


forced


governor


Augustine


to obtain


loans,


and


to look


elsewhere


food


and supplies,

power of the


usually


situadista


Cuba.

and r


This


resulted


weakened


both


the bargaining

high interest


rates


on the


money


borrowed


and


high


prices


goods


bought


credit.


Consequently,


when


subsidy


finally


arrived,


most


available


specie,


which


was


scarce


to begin


with,


went


pay


debts


and


interest


to merchants


Havana


(TePaske


1964


:78)


. The unreliable nature of


situado during


these


contract


years


also


system


influenced


whereby


individual


emergence


merchants


private


Augustine


obtained


permission


to bypass


situado


and


trade


directly


with


Havana,


Campeche


, Spain,


and


Canary


Islands.


These


merchants


often


used


their


houses


warehouse


sell











cotton


cloth,


linen,


serge,


silk


ribbons,


stockings,


wooden


buttons,


shoes,


saltpork,


maize,


flour


, cassava,


olive


oil,


wine,


wax,


hemp


, nails


, and


tobacco.


Private


merchants


also


acquired and


sold munitions,


such as


arquebuses


, spears,


molds


making


cannons,


290)


shot,


match


. Other


lead


cord,


ways


sheets,


and

which


copper


cannon

the


for


balls


officials


ladles


used


(Gillaspie


and


to load


1984


people


:286-

: St.


Augustine


dealt


with


irregular


arrival


situado


obtained


goods


included


use


illegal


trade


networks


development


economic


enterprises


within


colony.


. Aucustine'


Inter-Colonial


Economy


Trade


during


between


seventeenth


various


century


European


due


colonies


piracy,


increased


profiteering,


and


Spain'


dwindling


power


Atlantic


world.


Augustine,


example,


Spanish


goods


dominate


sixteenth


early


seventeenth-century


archaeological


inventories,


late


1600s,


frequency


non-Spanish


goods


entering


colony


increased


owing


Spain'


unwillingness


inability


to meet


consumer


demands


and


attempts


other


European


powers


break


Spain's


economic


monopoly


Deagan


1983


:22-23


King


1984


:77-78


. Not


of this


trade


was


legal,


and


historical


record


documents


existence


-- v










augment


government


supplies


and


to evade


royal


restrictions


trade


both


British


and


Spanish


colonies


(Ewen


1991


Lockhart


and


Schwartz


1983


:153;


Schmidt


and


Mrozowski


1988


:32) ,


and


seventeenth-century


Augustine


was


certainly


no exception.


Dutch


traders


from


New


York


often


entered


Matanzas


Bay


under


pretense


of distress,


carrying


prisoners


or news


imminent


pirate


attacks


, to


sell


goods


townspeople


(Arana


1970


:10;


Bushnell


1981


:10)


. There


are


also


reports


circumventing


foreign trade restrictions by


sending


vessels


sea


to purchase


much


needed


military


and


naval


supplies


, suc


artillery,


ammunition,


canvas,


and


cables


(Bushnell


1981


:10)


. In 1683


, the Governor


himself


, Juan Marquez


Cabrera,


waived


ban


trade


with


foreign


merchants


and


traded


produce


saltpork,


Dutch


gunpowder,


merchant


ironpots,


exchange


and


guns,


grindstones.


flour,


This


transaction


took


place


at the


Castillo,


which


was


techni


cally


outside


the boundaries


of the


city proper


(Arana


1970


:19)


Another

interesting


incident


example


illegal


of colonial


trade,


resistance


and


to royal


rather

control,


took


place


1690s


and


involved


King


Spain,


Governor,


Royal


Accountant


in St.


Augustine


and


Martin


River


(known


today


as the


Suwanee),


a major


artery










Charles


ordered


Governor


Quiroga


seal


port


San


Martin.


1693,


Quiroga


constructed


a palisade


pine


logs


and


brush


which


floods


soon


after


washed


away.


When


King

order


ordered t

claiming


hat


rebuilt,


that


because


was


Governor


planting


appealed


season


Native American villages


insufficient


labor existed


(Boniface


1971


:207-208


Despite


documented


existence


smuggling,


archaeologists


Augustine


have


not


yet


been


able


identify


many


items


associated


with


this


type


of trade


beyond


occasional


piece


British,


Dutch,


French


pottery.


Undoubtedly,


this


archaeological


absence


record


contraband


related


material


types


items


obtained


through


illegal


trade


networks.


Gunpowder,


cloth,


flour,


hides,

saline


and

soils


wooden

of St.


objects


simply


Augustine.


It is


not

also


preserve

possible


well

that


contraband weapons


, ammunition,


and raw materials


such


as iron


and


lead


have


been


recognized


such


. And,


also


plausible


that


types


sites


excavated


Augustine,


predominantly


private


domestic


households,


simply


would


contain

likely


large


amounts


associated


with


of contrabax

commercial


material.


or military


may


sites


more


. Whatever


the reasons


, the lack


readily


identifiable


contraband


items











importance


integrating


archaeological


and


historical


data.


Economic


Diversification


St. Aucustine


As mentioned


, the


unreliabi


nature


situado


in mid


century


means


forced


the official


provisioning.


Augustine


result,


new


to explore


forms


other


economic


activity


developed,


but


these


enterprises


were


based


structures


that


were


already


place,


existing


systems


were


used


to implement


these


new


programs


. One


way


which


officials


attempted


remedy


. Augustine


periodic


establi


food


farms


shortages


and


and


cattle


provide

ranches.


an export


The


product


existing


was


Franciscan


mission


system


was


used


open


new


lands


for


agricultural


pursuits


and


provide


Indian


labor


needed


operate


these


businesses


successfully.


1633


, two


Franciscans


pushed west


and formally began


the missionization


of Apalachee


province


Hann


1988


, 1990


:469


Haciendas


The


largest


and


better


known


these


haciendas


included


la Chua


cattli


ranch and an


experimental


wheat


farm


called


-- 4 -


m











Asile


, supposedly


located


east


Aucilla


River


on the


Apalachee-Timucua


border


Hann


1988


:30)


, was


started


Governor


Benito


Ruiz


de Salazar


Vallecilla


, and


operated


five


years


1645


-1650


before


was


dismantled


and


sold


. The


property


inventory for Asile


indicated a


large-scale operation


that


included


six


square


leagues


wheat


fields


, several


buildings,


granaries,


two


slave


eight


horses


and


mules


plows


, and


eleven


yokes


oxen


(Bushnell


1981


:81)


Other


haciendas


also


existed,


but


less


s known


about


their


scal


suggested


specific


that


as many


operations


as 37 ranches


. Although


existed


been


provinces


Timucua


and


Apalachee


Baker


1993


:82;


Boniface


1971


:140


exact


number


haciendas


and


their


locations


are


uncertain.


In addition,


the


extent


cattli


industry


Florida


has


not


been


thoroughly


explored


from


either


economic


spatial


perspective


. By


end


century,


however


, it


known


that


least


four


main


clusters


ranches


or farms


existed


(Arnade


1965


Hann


1988


:137)


. They


included


at least


seven


ranches


Chua


, la Rosa


Diablo,


Acuitasiaue,


Abosava,


Chicharro,


and


Tocoruz)


modern


Alachua


County near Gainesville;


approximately


nine


ranche


including


Asile,


westernmost


Timucua


and


Apalachee


with


Tallahassee


as the


focal


point


; an


unknown


number


east


of the











has


been


assumed


that


these


ranches


represented


important


source


beef,


possibly


produce


community


Augustine.


The


historical


record


indicated


that


cattle


ranch


Chua


and


smaller


haciendas


near


Augustine,


missions


Apalachee,


provided


Augustine


with


bulk


produce


and


cattle


product


needs


(Boniface


1971


: 145;


Bushnell


1983


:10-12;


Hann


1988


:137)


The


extent


to which


outlying


farms


and


ranches


supplied


people


Augustine


remains


poorly


understood,


and


should


investigated


further.


However,


preliminary


zooarchaeological


research


suggests


that


little


beef


actually


reached


Augustine


during


seventeenth


century


(Reitz


1993a,


1993b


Intra-colonial


trade


Evidence


some


trade


between


Apalachee


and


Augustine


exists


, but


appears


to have


operated


on a rather


small

the w


scale.


western


There


were


provinces


least


and


three


Augustin<


trade

e over


routes

which


between

Native


American


laborers


carried


goods


on their


backs


and


canoes.


These


routes


included


an overland


road,


known


Camino


Real;


sea


route


used


heavy


and


bulky


items


and


combined


sea


and


land


route


originating


Wakulla


River,











There has been little


research on


trade between Apalachee


and


Augustine,


but


trade


between


areas


certainly


existed.


1646,


frigate


from


Apalachee


arrived


Augustine


with


supplies,


and


1650s


, Governor


Pedro


Benedit


Horruytiner,


noted


arrival


Augustine


four


five


shiploads


"foodstuffs"


from


Apalachee


(Hann


1988


:152)


. It


also


known


that


1680,


Enrique


Primo


Rivera


vestments,


obtained


and


contract


royal


for


transporting


stipend


friars


clothing


from


Augustine


to western


Timucuan


and


Apalachee


(Hann


1988


:151


The most


detailed account


measures


corn,


occurred


1703


measures


when Apalachee


beans,


two


sent


hogs


chickens,


eight


arrobas


tallow


and


eight


deerskins


to St.


Augustine


(Boyd,


Smith


and


Griffin


1951


:46-47)


growing


body


historical


and


zooarchaeological


data


suggests


that


majority


of livestock


and


crops


raised


and


grown


in Apalachee


may


never


have


reached


Augustine


(Hann


1988


:152;


Reitz


1993a)


There


more


evidence


development


export


trade


main


products


being


beef,


hides


, tallow,


corn,


rum,


and


possibly,


wheat


between


Apalachee


and


Havana,


Cuba,


that


bypassed


Augustine


(Bushnell


1983;,


Hann


1988;,


Reitz


1993a,


1993b)


. The


rise


trade


between


Apalachee


and


Havana


expense


, 32










Zooarchaeological


data


also


suggest


existence


extensive


Florida


trade


and


network


mission


between


missions


headquarters


throughout


. Augustine


that


excluded


secular


community


Reitz


1993a)


Other


Economic


Activities


noted


, cattle


ranches


, farms


, mi


ssions


, private


contract


systems,


and


seemingly


lively


export


trade


developed


during


latter years


of the


seventeenth


century.


other


economic


enterpri


ses


, which


have


not


been


fully


explored


and


which


certainly


played


an important


role


in the


community


between


, also


Native


existed.


Americans


Despite


and


royal


Spanish


restrictions


colonists


, trade


did


There


was


a market


in the


olaza


to which


Indian


women


brought


pottery


, baskets


, painted


wooden


trays,


deer


and


buffalo


pelts


dried


turkey


meat,


lard,


salt


pork


rope,


fishnets,


charcoal


, leather,


tobacco


, fish


, game


, and


maize


to sell


trade


with


Americans


townspeople


also


traded


Bushnell


sassafras,


1981


amber


:11)


, canoes


The


, bear


Nati


grease,


and


nut


in exchange


European


weapons,


tools


, nail


cloth,


blankets


, beads


, and


rum


Bushnell


1981


Coquina


deposits


on Anastasia


Island


, worked


Nati


American


and


African


quarrymen


, were


used


construct




Full Text

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF A CULTURAL IDENTITY IN COLONIAL AMERICA
THE SPANISH-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN LA FLORIDA
By
KATHLEEN S. HOFFMAN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1994

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A number of institutions and individuals contributed,
both directly and indirectly, to this research. Funding for
various aspects of this study was provided by the State of
Florida Department of Military Affairs, the St. Augustine
Preservation Board, the St. Augustine Historical Society, the
University of Florida Graduate Student Council, the Florida
Museum of Natural History, and the Charles H. Fairbanks
Scholarship Fund. The Department of Anthropology at the
Florida Museum of Natural History also contributed by
providing me with numerous graduate assistantships.
I also acknowledge the State of Florida Department of
Military Affairs and the Florida National Guard for
recognizing the importance of their property as the site of
the Franciscan monastery, and for their cooperation during our
excavations on their property. The enthusiasm and assistance
of their staff as well as that of Bob Matthews Construction,
in particular Bill Dugan, ensured timely completion of the
project. Others who provided invaluable help on that project
included members of the St. Augustine Archaeological Advisory
Committee, especially Eugene Lyon and the late John Griffin;
members of the St. Augustine Archaeological Society who
diligently and without complaint spent countless hours
ii

screening for artifacts; the Historic St. Augustine
Preservation Board who provided housing and utilities for the
field team, and my extremely competent field crew.
I am also indebted to the many veterans of St. Augustine
archaeology who preceded me, and whose diligent and capable
work is represented in these pages. In addition, Bruce Piatek
and Stan Bond of the St. Augustine Preservation Board
graciously allowed me access to their computer files,
collections, and archaeological data from their excavations at
the Cofradía site. Susan Parker freely shared her considerable
expertise regarding cofradías in St. Augustine and other
aspects of the communities' colorful past.
Page Edwards generously provided me with photographs of
the Boazio map, and the only known 17th century depictions of
St. Augustine. Page's enthusiasm about archaeology, his
support, and kindness always made me feel like a welcome
member of the very special St. Augustine historical community.
I also acknowledge Ken Barrett, Jr. for his photographs
of historic maps along with Pat Payne, Greg Cunningham, and
Kelly Evans of the Office of Instructional Resources at the
University of Florida for their excellent photographic and
graphic work. Myrna Sulsona's asistance with Spanish names
and words is also appreciated.
My committee members have each made invaluable
contributions to my work through their thought-provoking
seminars and insightful comments. Dr. Michael Gannon and Dr.
in

Murdo MacLeod have guided my interpretations of the historical
record, and have helped me clarify the difference between
history and historical archaeology. Dr. Gannon has also been
a source of solid advise throughout my graduate training. Dr.
William Marquardt and Dr. Jerald Milanich have been
exceedingly helpful and supportive in every way. Dr.
Milanich's enthusiasm in helping me is truly appreciated.
Clearly, the most influential member of my committee was
Dr. Kathleen Deagan. Her guidance and rigorous training have
helped make me a better Historical Archaeologist. Dr. Deagan
generously allowed me free access to her St. Augustine data
base and library, always willingly shared her considerable
expertise, and presented me with important field opportunities
in St. Augustine and the Dominican Republic. Her knowledge of
Spanish colonial archaeology is truly impressive, and to study
with her was a truly enlightening experience.
Mention also needs to be made of my fellow graduate
students and staff of the Florida Museum of Natural History:
Billy Ray Morris, Donine Marlow, Mary Herron, Elise LeCompte
Baer, Ruth Trocolli, Donna Ruhl, Darcie McMahon, Jim Cusick,
Maurice Williams, and Ann Cordell. They are responsible for an
always lively and supportive work environment. I am especially
grateful to Ruth, Darcie, Jim, Donna, Maurice and Ann, who
helped me in more ways than they know. Jim's perspective, in
particular, helped keep me on track.
iv

I am extremely grateful to Ann for helping me format
tables, for the excellent coffee breaks, and for her sense of
humor. Donna's insights, encouragement, helpfulness, and
readiness to discuss my research were extremely helpful.
Maurice's support and constant friendship helped me through
more than one "rough spot". They are all good colleagues,
friends, and people.
Finally, I am deeply appreciative of my parents and the
rest of m^j family who helped me keep this entire process in
perspectivé. Ben, Jill, Rudy, Bess, and Robert not only helped
me to keep my priorities in order, but provided an
unbelievable atmosphere of support and encouragement, not to
mention great beach getaway weekends. Robert, especially,
earned this degree almost as much as I did. He knows what I
mean.
v

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES ix
LIST OF FIGURES xi
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTERS
1 THE QUESTION OF COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT . 1
Introduction 1
The Problem of the Middle Period 2
Previous Research Into the Nature of
European-American Cultural Development. ... 5
2 THE COLONIAL ATLANTIC WORLD DURING THE MIDDLE
PERIOD 10
Economic and Political Challenges to Spain's
Atlantic World Monopoly 11
Economic Problems in Spain and the Atlantic. . 14
The Growth of Intercolonial Trade in the
Atlantic 19
The Demographic Character and Social
Interactions of the Colonial Atlantic World. 24
Population and Interaction in
Spanish-America 25
Population and Interaction in Anglo-America. 31
Church and State in the Atlantic World .... 34
3 MODELS OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN CULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT 4 0
Models of Development for Anglo-American ... 45
The Declension Model 45
The Structural Model 47
The Developmental Model 50
Models of Development for Spanish-America. . . 53
The Crystallization Model 57
The Acculturation Model 58
4 THE "MIDDLE PERIOD" IN ST. AUGUSTINE 62
The Physical Setting of St. Augustine .... 64
The Economic Organization of the Community. . 74
Changes in the Situado 75
Problems with the Situado 78
St. Augustine's Inter-colonial Economy ... 80
vi

Economic Diversification in St. Augustine. . 83
Haciendas 83
Intra-colonial trade 85
Other Economic Activities 87
Demographic Character and Social Interactions
of the Colonial Atlantic World 89
The African Population 91
Origins and Roles in the Community .... 91
The Native American Population 95
The Repartimiento System 97
Relocation of Mission Indians to St.
Augustine 100
The Spanish and European Population 101
Gender Ratios and Intermarriage 102
European Women 103
Intermarriage in St. Augustine 104
The Importance and Role of the Catholic
Church 107
Ecclesiastical Structure 107
Social, Cultural and Intellectual
Influences 108
Summary 114
5 ARCHAEOLOGICAL STRATEGY AND METHOD 115
Sample Sites and Archaeological Contexts . . .128
The Convento de San Francisco Site (SA42A) .133
The Lorenzo Josef Lorenzo de León Site
(SA26-1) 137
The Trinity Episcopal Church Site (SA34-1) .137
The Ximénez-Fatio House Site (SA34-2). . . .138
The Palm Row Site (SA3 6-4) 13 9
The Cofradía Site (SA30-3) 139
The O'Reilly House Site (SA35-1) 140
6 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHARACTERIZATION OF THE
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MATERIAL ASSEMBLAGE FROM
ST. AUGUSTINE SITES 142
Characterization of the Early Seventeenth-
Century Assemblage 144
Manufacturing Locations of Pottery 156
Characterization of the Late Seventeenth-
Century Assemblage 158
Manufacturing Locations of Pottery 165
Faunal Remains from Seventeenth-Century
Sites 173
Summary of the Seventeenth-Century Material
Assemblage 176
Vll

7 COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ST. AUGUSTINE
AND IN THE ATLANTIC WORLD DURING THE
MIDDLE PERIOD 189
APPENDICES
1 SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY PROVENIENCE GUIDE .... 207
2 INVENTORY OF ITEMS FROM EARLY SEVENTEENTH-
CENTURY CONTEXTS, BY GROUP AND BY SITE. . . 217
3 INVENTORY OF ITEMS FROM LATE SEVENTEENTH-
CENTURY CONTEXTS, BY GROUP AND BY SITE. . . 236
4GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERMS 256
REFERENCES CITED 258
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 280
viii

LIST OF TABLES
Table page
1 Chronology of Key Events in the Seventeenth-Century
Atlantic World 15
2 Principal Models of European-American Colonial
Cultural Development 42
3 Culture Regions Proposed for Colonial America . . 46
4 Chronology of Key Events in Seventeenth-Century La
Florida 63
5 Comparative List of Subsidy Payments Received by the
Franciscan and Secular Communities in St. Augustine,
1617-1651 77
6 Summary of St. Augustine Population: 1600-1702 . . 90
7 The Frequency of "Mixed" Marriages in Seventeenth-
Century St. Augustine 105
8 Summary of Occupation and Excavation History of
Seventeenth-Century Sample Sites 130
9 Characterization of Early 17th Century Assemblages
by Functional Categories 145
10 Distribution of Utilitarian Wares from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 146
11 Distribution of Native American Pottery from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 147
12 Distribution of Majolica from Seventeenth-
Century Contexts 150
13 Distribution of Tablewares from Seventeenth-Century
Contexts 151
14 Distribution of Food Preparation Items from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 152
IX

15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
Distribution of Architectural Artifacts from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 153
Distribution of Non-Kitchen and Non-Architectural
Items from Seventeenth-Century Contexts 154
Origins of Pottery from Early 17th Century
Assemblages 157
Origins of Native American Pottery 158
Characterization of Late 17th Century Assemblages
by Functional Categories 159
Origins of Pottery from Late 17th Century
Assemblages 166
Summary of Faunal Data from Seventeenth-Century St.
Augustine 175
Ranked Order of Early 17th Century Sites According
to Proportions of Majolica and Native American
Pottery 182
Ranked Order of Late 17th Century Sites According
to Proportions of Majolica and Native American
Pottery 182
Summary of the Middle Period Assemblages 190
Summary of Manufacturing Locations for Pottery from
the Middle Period 193
Origin of Ceramics from Middle Period
(ca. 1640-1700) British Colonial Sites at Kingsmill
Plantation, Virginia (from Kelso 1984:213) .... 202
Comparison of Origins of Ceramics from
Kingsmill Plantation, Virginia and St. Augustine,
Florida 202
x

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page
1 St. Augustine and the Colonial World in the
17th Century 16
2 Colonial St. Augustine ca. 1764 65
3 Boazio Engraving of St. Augustine, 1586 67
4 Anonymous Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1671 . 68
5 Anonymous Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1683 . . 69
6 Location of Excavated 17th Century Sites in
Relation to the 1586 Townsite 131
7 Lead Fishing Weight, Straight Pin, and Aglet from
17th Century Contexts 164
8 Examples of Bordado from 17th Century Contexts . . 164
9 Examples of Grog-Tempered Pottery from 17th
Century Contexts 169
10 Examples of Non-local Native American Pottery from
17th Century Contexts 169
11 Glass from 17th Century Contexts 180
xi

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE DEVELOPMENT OF A CULTURAL IDENTITY IN COLONIAL AMERICA:
THE SPANISH-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN LA FLORIDA
By
Kathleen S. Hoffman
December 1994
Chairperson: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology
The primary purpose of this study is to contribute
to and refine a general understanding of the forces involved
in the emergence of unique European-American cultural
traditions in the Atlantic world. This is accomplished through
a multi-disciplinary historical-archaeological approach, and
by a comparative assessment of the processes associated with
the development of a cultural identity in the Spanish and
Anglo-American colonies of the Atlantic world. In particular,
this study emphasizes the choices made the European-American
colonists during the seventeenth century.
Archaeological and historical data from the Spanish
colony of St. Augustine and the British colonies of the
Chesapeake were used to organize this comparison. The results
of this research indicate that remarkable similarities existed
Xll

in the ways in which European-American colonists adjusted to
the Americas. In both colonial situations, the colonists made
choices that recognized local realities and emphasized the use
of and reliance on American goods and resources. These
choices, which were limited by environmental constraints, also
led to a growing separation from their homeland and an
increasingly local and regional orientation. The
archaeological evidence indicates that although the general
process of European-American adjustment and identity
development followed the same path in the Spanish and Anglo
colonies, the specific manifestations of this process were
different.
xiii

CHAPTER 1
THE QUESTION OF COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
One of the most profound consequences of the European
exploration and settlement of the Americas was the development
of distinctive European-American cultural traditions (Hartz
1964) . The nature, timing, and outcome of this development
process varied between (and possibly within) colonial areas
dominated by different European nations and resulted in the
varied mosaic of American society today. The character and
effects of these developments define the primary focus of this
study, which is to contribute to and refine a general
understanding of the processes involved in the emergence of
unique European-American cultural traditions in the Atlantic
World. The Spanish colonial experience of the late sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries will be used to provide a case study
of these processes during the critical "middle" era between
initial encounters and the emergence of a well established
colonial identity.
The middle period is generally regarded as a formative
period in the development of colonial American society because
of a number of demographic, economic, and social changes that
occurred and led to the growth of internationalization of the
Americas (Handlin 1967:97; Leonard 1959:viii; see Chapter 2).
1

2
It also represented a time when the colonists made choices
about the retention and change of both European and American
traits and traditions and devised new syncretic solutions to
cope with the special circumstances of life in the post-
Columbian Americas.
This period of Spanish colonial social development will
be studied and characterized through a multi-disciplinary
historical-archaeological approach and by a comparative
assessment of general Spanish patterns with those associated
with Anglo-American colonies during a comparable period. An
understanding of both the range of choices made within
colonial society, and the consistencies and differences across
societal boundaries can contribute to a more comprehensive
model of post-contact cultural development in the Americas.
The Problem of the "Middle" Period
It is generally accepted that the initial years of
contact and settlement witnessed cataclysmic change as a
European world came into contact with radically different
Native American cultural systems and an unfamiliar natural
environment. Since the beginning of European colonization of
the Americas in 1492, scholars have been fascinated by the
impact of this momentous intermingling of Europe and the
Americas. Consequently, a profusion of research exists
concerning the nature of European expansion into the Atlantic
world during the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries. Much

3
of the work regarding the European colonization of the
Americas focuses on the sometimes fantastic initial adventures
of the European explorers, the demise of the native
populations, and the European political and economic
institutions of colonization. Somewhat less attention has been
directed to understanding the emergence of European-American
colonial societies (Deagan 1985; Deetz 1977; Greene 1984;
McAlister 1984). These latter efforts have tended to
concentrate on either the initial encounter or established
colonial society (Falk 1991; Thomas 1989, 1990, 1991), leaving
much of the immediate post-contact period of adjustment
ignored. This is particularly true from the perspective of
Spanish colonial archaeology.
In contrast to the rather exciting and somewhat colorful
exploits that took place during the initial period of
colonization, the middle period of Spanish settlement was not
a time of world changing events. The experimental and conquest
phase of colonization had drawn to an end, effective
adaptations had been worked out, and basic cultural patterns
had already been established (Handlin 1967, King 1984,
Lockhart and Schwartz 1983). Consequently, Spanish America
during the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has often
been characterized as an "inwardly pulsating" time of relative
stability and embellishment of pre-existing patterns (Leonard
1959:viii). A general consensus exists among historians that
this period of Spanish-American cultural development was one

4
in which the basic framework or pattern established during the
initial years of settlement was expanded and became more
elaborate.
What remains unclear, however, are the processes and
their associated archaeological patterns which characterized
that stage of Spanish colonial cultural development between
initial settlement and established society. Using
archaeological and historical data from Spanish colonial St.
Augustine, Florida, this study will evaluate the nature of
change in Spanish colonial culture during the middle period of
settlement, and compare it to what is known of similar
processes in British-American colonies of a comparable period.
St. Augustine is a particularly appropriate colonial
setting for investigating the forces involved in the
transformation of European cultures (in this case, Spanish)
into European-American traditions for two reasons. Its almost
two hundred years of continuous Spanish occupation--beginning
in 1565 and ending in 1763--provide the essential temporal
control for tracing change through time. In addition, an
extensive comparative archaeological (Deagan 1983, 1985) and
historical (Lyon 1983; Waterbury 1983; TePaske 1964, 1975)
data base relevant to the sixteenth and eighteenth century
occupations exists from which to assess change during the late
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Historical archaeology stands in a position to
investigate cultural development in the Atlantic World because

5
of its multi-disciplinary perspective and "access to multiple
categories" (Deagan 1988:7) and contexts of data (Schuyler
1977). The use and application of these "multiple categories"
in this case, the historical, archaeobiological, and
archaeological records - allow for a more complete
understanding of the nature of cultural development during the
late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries than either
perspective alone can render. The multi-disciplinary
perspective of historical archaeology assumes a particularly
significant role in this study because of the unexplored and,
at times, "lost" nature of the seventeenth-century documentary
record in St. Augustine, and because of its access to a
comparatively sizeable archaeological data base. Perhaps more
importantly though, historical archaeology also provides a
glimpse into "everyday life" and the behavior and lives of the
common people who represented an essential component of
colonial society.
Previous Research into the Nature of European-American
Cultural Development
Spain, Portugal, England, Scotland, Sweden, Denmark,
France, and Holland all established settlements in the
Atlantic world, but Spain and England comprised the dominant
presence (Canny and Pagden 1989; Hartz 1964; Karras and
McNeill 1992). Consequently, the most prolific historical and
archaeological research on colonial topics to date has focused
on the British and Spanish-American experiences (for recent

6
summaries and reviews of this work see Greene 1991; Kicza
1974; Weber 1992; Thomas 1989, 1990, 1991). As noted above,
the majority of this research addresses either the immediate
environmental, social, and political adjustments made by the
colonists during the initial years of colonization or focuses
on the already-established eighteenth century colonial world.
Those studies that deal with cultural development during
the middle period have focused on the British colonial
experience (Deetz 1977; Greene 1988; Miller and King 1988) or
they have approached this issue from an exclusively historical
perspective (Boyer 1977; Bushnell 1981; Leonard 1959). With
the exception of research in the Spanish missions (McEwan
1993), which represented a specialized segment of the Spanish
world, relatively few of the studies concerned with the
formation of a Spanish-American tradition have been
archaeological in nature (Deagan 1983, 1985, 1994; Ewen 1991) .
Those that have addressed the nature of Spanish colonial
culture have focused only on the sixteenth century. Only one
previous endeavor (King 1981), conducted over a decade ago,
explored Spanish colonial culture during the middle period
from the multi-disciplinary perspective and integrative
approach of historical archaeology.
Julie King's preliminary research into the nature of
change formed a critical baseline of information regarding the
seventeenth-century material world, and it also suggested
important links between ceramic variability, Native American

7
population movements, and changing economic patterns. As such,
King's research represents a notable contribution to
understanding patterns of Spanish adaptation in Florida.
However, it did not encompass the entire middle period and was
limited by the then-available data base of only three
seventeenth-century occupation sites in St. Augustine. In
addition, King's Florida-specific focus did not include St.
Augustine's participation in a larger Atlantic world, and did
not place seventeenth-century St. Augustine within a model of
colonial cultural development.
In the twelve years that have passed since the completion
of King's research, additional seventeenth-century sites have
been excavated, and Spanish colonial archaeology has been
increasingly cast in a global perspective. In light of these
considerations, the following chapters will re-evaluate and
expand our knowledge of this critical period of settlement by
incorporating these "newer" contexts with those included in
Julie King's earlier work, and by placing seventeenth-century
St. Augustine within the context of both the middle period and
the larger American colonial world.
Researchers investigating the development of European-
American colonial culture have attempted to identify the
factors that led to a growing independence from their parent
countries, and the emergence of distinct regional colonial
identities. Factors suggested as being particularly
influential in the development of regional colonial cultures

8
include: country of origin, economic organization, the
demographic composition of the colony, the structure and
degree of interaction between the Native American, African,
and European peoples, and the religious traditions of the
European colonists (Greene 1988; 1991; Meinig 1986). Because
these aspects have been studied and documented for a wide
sample of colonial societies, and incorporate both material
and ideological aspects of adaptation, they will be used to
organize a comparison between the Spanish and British colonial
experiences in the Atlantic world.
Chapter 2 will consider the historical and social
contexts of the colonial Atlantic world that provide the
general cultural milieu in which the developments of the
middle period occurred. Particular emphasis will be placed on
the character of Spanish and English settlement as the
dominant presence in the colonial Atlantic world. Chapter 3
reviews the existing models of Anglo and Spanish-American
colonial cultural development as a basis for understanding the
development of distinctive European-American traditions in the
Americas. Chapter 4, examines the specific economic,
demographic, social and religious circumstances of the middle
period in St. Augustine, and provides a setting for
interpreting the archaeological record. Chapter 5 outlines the
specific strategy and methods used to explore the nature of
cultural development, and Chapter 6 defines the seventeenth-
century archaeological assemblage associated with St.

9
Augustine. The final chapter, Chapter 7, assesses the
immediate post contact period of development in St. Augustine,
and compares it to a similar period in the British colonies.

CHAPTER 2
THE COLONIAL ATLANTIC WORLD DURING THE MIDDLE PERIOD
The middle period cannot be understood without some
reference to the political, social, and economic circumstances
that both preceded and characterized it. Shortly after the
initial Columbian voyage to the West Indies, a series of papal
bulls granted dominion of the Indies to the Crown of Castile.
These bulls, along with the subsequent Treaty of Tordesilla,
constituted Spain's legal claim to the lands and resources of
the Americas (Parry and Sherlock 1971:6-7).
Spain's interest in the Americas was fueled, in part, by
the mercantile policy that prevailed in Spain and throughout
Europe (Braudel 1979:544) . This policy, in which the economic
interests of the metropolis as a whole were more important
that those of its individual parts, placed great value on and
defined wealth by the accumulation of precious metals (Braudel
1979:544; Gibson 1966:105). To protect Spain's economic
interests, the colonies were permitted to import from and
export to Spain alone (Andrews 1978:70) . Beginning in the
fifteenth century, Spain established colonies with the intent
of exploiting the natural and mineral wealth of the Americas.
10

11
Silver, in particular, represented an important commodity
(Hamilton 1970), and for almost 100 years Spain maintained a
commercial and territorial monopoly in the Americas.
Economic and Political Challenges to Spain's Atlantic World
This monopoly was challenged throughout the sixteenth
century as northern European powers recognized the economic
importance of the Indies and struggled to secure their share
of its natural wealth (Hoffman 1980; Lang 1975). In order to
obtain a portion of the wealth emanating from the mineral
resources of the Americas, England, Holland, and France had to
break Spain's economic and territorial monopoly. One of the
methods used to accomplish this goal included the sanctioning
of raids on Spanish ships and settlements by the northern
European governments. Contracts, called letters of marque,
were negotiated with individuals, and allowed them legally to
attack and take goods in return for the payment of a fee to
the respective Crowns. English and French privateers and
pirates targeted Spain's treasure ships and attacked, looted,
and burned coastal ports and settlements throughout the
Caribbean (Lang 1975:105).
In response, Spain initiated the fleet system, which
consisted of two convoys of ships sailing twice a year between
Europe and the Americas, and constructed fortifications in the
principal harbors along the route (Andrews 1978:66,155; Bourne
1904:284). During the late sixteenth century, fortifications

12
were established in Havana, Cartagena, Santo Domingo, Santiago
de Cuba, San Juan de Puerto Rico and St. Augustine, Florida
(Hoffman 1980:144; Parry and Sherlock 1971:36) . The settlement
of Florida in 1565 strengthened Spain's territorial interests
in the Indies, and, at least until 1670, effectively prevented
French and English settlement along the coast of Florida (Lyon
1983:55) .
Although this defensive plan did protect the treasure
fleets, it did little if anything, to halt the raids on towns
and local shipping in the Caribbean. Especially hard hit were
remote and isolated regions outside the boundaries of the
treasure fleet's shipping lanes, such as St. Augustine and
Puerto Real (Deagan 1994; Parry and Sherlock 1971:37-38).
English pirates, such as Sir Francis Drake and John Hawkins,
burned and looted coastal ports and settlements throughout the
Indies, seized the silver convoys, stole from the treasury,
and forced the settlers to engage in rescate, a form of
illegal trade transaction (Andrews 1978:74-80,258; Lynch
1984:191; McAlister 1984:91).
One of the most infamous raids took place during 1585 and
1586 when Drake systematically attacked the major seaports and
land bases associated with the treasure routes, including
Santo Domingo, Cartagena, Nombre de Dios and Havana. The town
and fortifications of St. Augustine, built to ensure safe
passage of the fleets through the Florida Straits, were
burned, sacked, and destroyed on Drake's return voyage to

13
England (Parry and Sherlock 1971:42). Additional acts of
piracy occurred throughout the seventeenth century and as a
result Spanish towns, including St. Augustine, suffered
economically. In 1627, Piet Heyn, an admiral in the Dutch
West India Company, captured the entire Fleet of the Indies
off Matanzas Bay (Parry and Sherlock 1971:50). The fleet
carried treasure and the subsidies (situados) intended for St.
Augustine and other Caribbean settlements (Bushnell 1983:48).
Another particularly disastrous attack on St. Augustine took
place in 1668 by the English pirate, Robert Searles. In that
raid, 60 townspeople were killed and the town looted. A small
band of English pirates threatened the town again in 1683 and
another group attacked in 1685 (Waterbury 1983:59).
The success of piracy, along with the establishment in
1607 of the Virginia Colony along the eastern coast of North
America, weakened Spain's hold on the Indies and allowed
England, France and Holland to slowly gain a foothold on the
mainland, and then in the island communities of the Lesser
Antilles (Bailyn 1967:262; Sauer 1980; Watts 1987:127). During
the seventeenth century, the French settled Quebec (1608); the
Dutch explored the Hudson Bay region (1609), established Fort
Orange (1614), and settled New York (1620) ; a small group of
Swedes and Finns settled the Delaware River Valley in
Southeastern Pennsylvania (1638); and the English founded
Bermuda (1612) and the Plymouth Colony (1620), chartered the
Massachusetts Bay Colony in New England (1629), established

14
Charles Towne, South Carolina (167 0) , and settled Pennsylvania
(1681). Gradually, throughout the 1600s, Spain's hold over
the Indies eroded and the Americas became a "mosaic" (Axtell
1992:218) of various European settlements (Table 1; Figure 1) .
Economic Problems in Spain and the Atlantic
The seventeenth century is often characterized as a time
of economic crisis in Spain (Hamilton 1970). This is suggested
to have been the result of a reduction in silver imports,
soaring naval expenses, an eroding power base in the Indies,
warfare in Europe, and an ever-increasing need to protect
Spain's territories in the Caribbean against the growing
northern European threat in the form of both settlement and
piracy. Throughout the late sixteenth century and the early
years of the 1600s, Spain had become increasingly dependent on
silver from the mines in Peru and Mexico to meet expenses at
home, and to finance Phillip II's military and naval
expenditures in both Spain and in the Indies (Hamilton 1970;
Haring 1947; Sauer 1966) . These war expenses were a result of
conflict between Spain and the Protestant countries of France,
England, and the Netherlands. They escalated in 1621 when the
truce with the Dutch expired and the Netherlands mounted an
aggressive campaign for territorial and economic power in the
Indies. International conflict in the form of piracy, illegal
trade, and the establishment of northern European colonies in
the Indies escalated during the period between ca. 1620 and

15
Table l.
1605 :
1607
1608
1609
1612
1614
1620:
1621:
1624 :
1625
1628
1629
1632
1631
1632
1634
1635
1640
1648 :
1652:
1655 :
1660 :
1665
1667
1670
1672-1678:
Chronology of Key Events in the Seventeenth-
Century Atlantic World
Spain ordered settlers in Puerto Plata, Monte
Cristi and Yaguana to move to the south coast in
attempt to stop smuggling.
England settled Jamestown.
Company of New France established base in Quebec
Netherlands explored Hudson Bay.
England settled Bermuda.
Netherlands established Fort Orange, Fort Nassua
in Albany.
Plymouth Colony established by England.
Dutch West India Company chartered; Spain's
truce with Netherlands expired.
England settled St. Kitts and Barbados; Dutch
seized Bahia in Brazil, but repelled by Spanish;
New Amsterdam established.
England and Netherlands settled St. Croix.
England settled Nevis.
Massachusetts Bay Company chartered.
England settled Antigua and Montserrat
Spain prohibits trade between Mexico and Peru.
France gained control of Acadia.
Dutch seized Curacao.
France settled Guadeloupe and Martinique.
Portugal seceded from Spain; Battle of Itamaraca
between Spain and Portugal fought off coast
of Brazil.
Spain's 80 year war with Dutch ended; Treaty of
Munster recognized Dutch title to Curacao, St.
Martin, Saba, and St. Eustatius, but trade
between Dutch and Spanish Indies forbidden.
Dutch-English war began.
English attempted to seize Española and captured
Jamaica; English loggers established themselves
around Belize.
Acts of Trade and Navigation limited export of
sugar, tobacco, cotton,indigo, ginger, or dry
goods to England or English colonies only.
France seized control of the island of Tortuga.
Treaty of Breda ended Second Dutch War.
Anglo-Spanish Treat of Madrid recognized English
title to territories in the Indies; Charles Towne
established.
England and France joined forces against the
Dutch in the Third Dutch War.
Treaty of Ryswyck ceded western half of Española
to French who called it St. Domingue Twelve Years
1697 :

Figure 1. St. Augustine and the Colonial World in the 17th Century

17
the 1650s, and Spain was faced with an ever increasing need to
protect the Caribbean against this growing threat (Elliott
1987:104; Goslinga 1971; Haring 1966).
The decline in silver exports to Spain contributed not
only to a continual shortage of silver, but it also fueled an
inflation and the devaluation of Spanish currency (Davis
1973:145). Silver and silver coinage was a major export
product, and Spain had become dependent on American silver to
finance military operations (Hamilton 1970:44-45) . Because of
these rising debts, inflation, and exploding defense expenses,
Spain was often unable to provide basic commodities and
supplies, such as oil, flour, and wine, to the colonies
(Andrews 1978:57). Several of Spain's circum-Caribbean
colonies, such as St. Augustine, Florida were military
settlements dependent on a regular annual royal subsidy called
the situado. They often received little financial support
during the 1600s and were forced to look elsewhere for their
financial and subsistence needs (Bushnell 1981; Sluiter 1985).
These problems with the arrival and payment of the
situado can be related to several factors, not the least of
which was Spain's dwindling power in the emerging world system
(Elliott 1987, 1989; Lang 1975; Parry and Sherlock 1971;
Wallerstein 1974, 1980) . The unreliability of the situado in
the mid-seventeenth century corresponded with economic and
political problems in both Spain and the Atlantic world.
Mexico, the audiencia or regional court responsible for the

18
Florida situado. also faced economic and political problems,
which precluded timely payments of the subsidy. With the
renewal of global war between Spain and the Netherlands in
1621, the powerful Dutch West Indies and East Indies companies
mounted an offensive naval campaign against Spain. Their
presence in the Atlantic and the Pacific greatly disrupted
both the Indies and the Manila galleon trade. Dutch corsairs
threatened and attacked shipping and coastal communities, and
their presence in the Atlantic helped open the area to
settlement by other European powers. These assaults by the
Dutch brought hardship to the merchants of Mexico City, which
were only compounded by Spain's prohibition of trade between
Mexico and Peru in 1648. Natural disasters, such as a major
flood in 1629 (Boyer 1977:477) and heavy livestock mortality,
also contributed to Mexico's economic problems (Elliott
1987:103) .
However, more central to Mexico's problems, in terms of
long-term economic impact, was the drop in silver production
from the mines in both Mexico and Peru. Various arguments
attribute this decline to labor shortages resulting from a
decreasing Indian population (Borah 1951:5; MacLeod 1973:375-
376, 1987:315-360), problems with credit (Bakewell 1975), the
depletion of major silver deposits (Elliott 1987), or a
shortage of mercury, an essential element in the mining
process (Bakewell 1975:20). All of these factors probably
contributed to Mexico's economic woes, but whatever the

19
ultimate causes were, the result was a decline in the trans-
Atlantic and the Manila trade. Consequently, the smaller and
less economically important colonies, such as St. Augustine,
received less financial support from the Spanish Crown and
were forced to become more self-sufficient and reliant on
local resources or goods imported from other regions of the
Atlantic world in order to meet their needs. Consequently, the
economic relationship between Spain and her American colonies
began to weaken during this time and new patterns of
intercolonial trade and local economies developed (Elliott
1987:95) .
The Growth of Intercolonial Trade in the Atlantic
Concomitant with Spain's inability and frequent
unwillingness to send provisions to the Americas, was an
emerging inter-colonial trade network and the establishment of
colonial economies (Lang 1975:54) . Trade restrictions, piracy,
profiteering, and Spain's dwindling power acted as a stimulus
for an increase in trade among the various European colonies
during the seventeenth century (Elliott 1987:107; Lang
1975:54; Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:153), and it has been
suggested that the colonies were growing less dependent on
both Europe and the Native American population for provisions
and supplies (Borah 1951:21; McAlister 1984:375). Not all of
this trade was legal. The historical record documents the
existence of widespread smuggling operations, despite strict

20
regulations prohibiting it (Lang 1975:156-161; Parry and
Sherlock 1971). Colonial merchants in New England shipped
fish, lumber, and tobacco to other British colonies and traded
with France, Holland, Spain and their colonies in the Indies
(Lang 1975: 156-161) . Dutch salt ships to the Venezuelan coast
carried European goods which were sold in the Indies in
exchange for hides, tobacco, and dyewoods (Parry and Sherlock
1971:46-48; Sluiter 1948:178-180).
In Spanish America, much of the silver from the great
mines of Zacatecas and Potosí never reached its intended
European market. Instead it went to the Pacific (Elliott
1987:97) where it was used to purchase silk, satin, porcelain,
spices, perfume, and jewelry (Lynch 1984:245). These goods
arrived in Acapulco, via the Manila trade, then went overland
to Veracruz for export. Peru was forbidden direct access to
Asia, so Mexico became the entrepot for the re-exportation of
Asian goods to Peru (Lynch 1984:245). The Crown tried
unsuccessfully to stop this intercolonial trade in 1631 by
prohibiting trade between Mexico and Peru (Elliott 1987:97),
but this met with only limited success. As a result, much of
the silver produced in the Spanish colonies remained in the
Americas and never reached the European market (Elliott 1987;
Lang 1975; Lynch 1984).
Intercolonial or "coastwise trade" (McCusker and Menard
1985:78) in the English colonies began shortly after initial
settlement and increased throughout the seventeenth century.

21
Initially, trade between the various British colonies was
allowed as long as it was conducted by subjects of the British
crown (Lang 1975:152). However, as English settlement in the
Atlantic expanded and colonial agricultural production
increased, the Crown attempted to limit coastwise trade with
the passage of the Navigation Acts of 1660, 1663, and 1673
(Table 1) . These acts not only prohibited trade with the
other European colonies, but they also banned trade in certain
important colonial agricultural products, such as dyewoods,
sugar, tobacco, and cotton (Lang 1975:153). England, like
Spain, operated under a trade policy that attempted to channel
all American raw materials through ports in England. The
colonies were to supply the metropolis with raw materials --
agricultural products in the case of England and silver in the
case of Spain -- which then acted as an entrepot for the
distribution of manufactured goods to their respective
colonies. However, Europe's inability to meet colonial demands
grew during the seventeenth century, and colonial trade
networks expanded and commercial agricultural endeavors also
intensified.
A measure of the emergence of colonial economies was the
development of local enterprises and production. Some
examples include the creation of mints in New Spain and
Hispaniola (Deagan 1987:24), the development of a fishing and
whaling industry in the New England colonies (Baker 1985;
McCusker and Menard 1985), and the establishment of

22
shipbuilding operations in many coastal settlements of both
British and Spanish America (McCusker and Menard 1985;
McAlister 1984:366-367). In addition, iron forges and
blacksmith shops were established in several, if not most,
Atlantic communities in order to produce weaponry, tack, and
construction hardware, such as hinges, spikes, nails, staples,
and screws for local use (Deagan 1987:24; Hudson 1980:22-26).
Glasshouses and pottery works were also established in
the Atlantic colonies. The type and amount of glass produced,
and the success of the seventeenth-century ventures in glass
making in the British colonies, such as those at Jamestown,
Salem, and Philadelphia remains uncertain (Noel Hume 1969,
1970; Spillman 1976). Considerably more is known about
glassmaking in the Spanish colonies. The documents note the
presence of glassblowers and glass furnaces in Puebla de los
Angeles as early as 1542 (Toussaint 1967:270) . By 1547, glass
produced in Puebla was being exported to Guatemala, Peru, and
possibly other regions of Spanish America. Puebla remained the
center of the glass industry throughout the late sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries (Frothingham 1963:58; Toussaint
1967:270) . At least three known classes of glass were produced
in the glasshouses of Puebla: "white crystal," "green glass,"
and "blue glass" (Toussaint 1967:270).
Lead-glazed and coarse earthenwares were being produced
by potters in the Virginia colony by the mid-seventeenth
century (Noel Hume 1970:212-213; Spargo 1974:61), and there

23
were probably potteries in other colonial regions. A "white
and Chiney ware" was manufactured at a pottery near modern day
Burlington, New Jersey, at least as early as 1684 (Spargo
1974:55,59). This pottery, which has been identified as a
possible white salt-glazed stoneware, was produced for export
to Barbados and Jamaica (Spargo 1974:59).
Although unglazed pottery was produced in the Spanish
colonies as early as 1493 (Cruxent 1990; Deagan and Cruxent
1993), pottery making became specialized in the 1500s, and
important centers of production emerged (Barnes 1980; Deagan
7?
1987; Lister and Lister 1982). The most notable centers were
Mexico City and Puebla (Lister and Lister 1974, 1987), both of
which produced majolicas, and possibly unglazed and lead-
glazed coarse earthenwares, that were exported widely to other
Spanish colonies, including St. Augustine, by the late
sixteenth century (Deagan 1987).
By the early 1600s, obraies or textile workshops in New
Spain supplied cloth to the Indies (McAlister 1984:367).
Wineries and olive orchards in Peru produced sufficient
quantities of wine and oil for export to other regions of New
Spain (McAlister 1984:364; Smith 1991). Haciendas in Mexico,
Peru and Colombia were supplying major areas of Spanish
America with staples such as wheat, potatoes, maize, cattle
and pigs (MacLeod 1987:348). By the end of the century,
British plantations in the Chesapeake, the Carolinas, and the
West Indies were growing tobacco, sugar, rice, and cotton for

24
a growing export trade both within the Atlantic and with
Europe (McCusker and Menard 1985).
The Demographic Character and Social Interactions of the
Colonial Atlantic World
European settlement of the Atlantic world represented the
catalyst for the meeting of three distinct groups of people -
Europeans, Native Americans and Africans. The forms of
interaction among these different groups of people played a
critical role in the development of colonial culture.
Patterns of interaction varied and were influenced by a number
of factors. These included the immigration policy of the
European power (Haring 1947: 29-35), the economic base and
religious background of the European colony (McAlister
1984:334-345), the settlement patterns and density of the
Native Americans (Gibson 1966:113-115; Fitzhugh 1985), and
attitudes about racial mixture (Breen 1984:198; Mórner 1967) .
In the case of Spain, these attitudes were shaped, in part, by
the 700-year occupation of Spain by the Moors, and the
coexistence during that period of multiple ethnic, religious,
racial, and cultural groups.
It is also important to note that much of the Native
American population of the Atlantic World had already
experienced the devastating effects of disease by the time of
British settlement of the Atlantic World during the 1600s.
(Axtell 1981:248-249; Crosby 1972:35-42; Ramenofsky 1987:173-
176) . For example, the Taino of Hispaniola had all but

25
disappeared by 1548 (Crosby 1972:45). Disease contributed to
the demise of most of the native population of the Antilles
(Crosby 1972:38), and many of the Indians of what is today
known as the coastal southeastern United States succumbed to
epidemics during the sixteenth century and seventeenth
centuries (Milner 1980:44). It has also been suggested that
pandemics swept the Americas during the 1500s (Dobyns 1983).
Population and Interaction in Spanish America
Spanish immigration policy "formally excluded" non-
Iberians and Non-Catholics. Although Jews and other ethnic
groups, such as Asians, existed in the Spanish colonies, they
did not comprise a significant proportion of the population
(McAlister 1984:338) . Spanish policy also favored single males
and it has been estimated that "probably 90%" of the migrants
to the Americas consisted of men (Gibson 1966: 112-113) . Wives
and other female relatives were encouraged to emigrate to the
colonies with their male sponsors, but single women often had
difficulty obtaining the required licenses or raising the
money to pay for the passage. Although a few women travelled
alone, either to join their husbands or as servants, most came
with their husbands, parents, or other family members
(McAlister 1984:97-98). Consequently, single European women
were rare and families that included an Iberian woman probably
gained prestige and status (Boxer 1975:38; McEwan n.d.:3).

26
In general, Spanish settlement was concentrated in those
areas of the Atlantic World with dense Native American
populations. Interaction with the Indians was structured by
formal policies designed to apply Christian principles to the
their governance, and to fulfill the economic motives for
settlement (Deagan 1985:282). This was due, in part, to the
need for a large labor pool to work in the mines and in
various agricultural endeavors, and the evangelical motive for
settlement. Consequently, the primary spheres of formal
interaction between the Spaniards and Indians included
religious missions and economic arrangements.
Conversion of the native peoples was an integral part of
the colonization process. Large-scale mission efforts began in
the 1520s in Mexico (Gibson 1987:376) and continued into the
seventeenth century. The structure of the mission system
involved the "reduction" of the native population to permanent
settlements overseen by a resident or visiting friar, who
conducted religious services, offered instruction in basic
Catholic dogma and ritual, and managed any farming or business
ventures conducted at the mission settlement. Because of their
location on the frontier or on the outskirts of Spanish towns,
the missions provided only limited opportunities for
interaction between the colonists and Indians.
Secular, economic arrangements offered more chances for
interaction between a larger proportion of the Spanish
population and the Native Americans. These arrangements were

27
primarily structured through the encomienda-repartimiento
system, which was formally established in the West Indies
during the early years of the sixteenth century (Gibson
1987:366) . The encomienda was a system that granted Spanish
colonists jurisdiction over a particular region, and "gave"
them grants of native labor or tribute. In exchange, the
Indians received protection and religious instruction.
Although the encomienda survived until the end of the colonial
period in some regions of Spanish America (MacLeod 1987:321),
in the Caribbean, it gradually gave way to the repartimiento
or labor draft.
The repartimiento consisted of a paid labor draft in
which healthy, male Indians were obligated to provide labor or
services to the Spanish officials. Those chosen to serve in
the labor draft travelled from their villages to work on
assigned projects in specific places, and for a specified
amount of time. Most of these obligatory assignments involved
public works projects, such as the construction of forts and
monasteries or agricultural chores, considered vital to the
welfare of the colony (MacLeod 1987:321).
As the native American population dwindled from the
ravages of disease, African slaves were brought into parts of
Spanish America, primarily to the tropical coastal regions of
the Antilles, to replace the native laborers (Klein 1986:25-
37) . In the colonies, the primary mode of interaction among
Spaniards and Africans was therefore economic, and took the

28
form of slavery and various other labor arrangements. Unlike
the Native Americans with whom Spain had no experience,
Africans had been a part of Spanish society for centuries and
their presence in Spain probably dates back to at least the
eleventh century (Mórner 1967:16). Some Africans were
enslaved, while others served as soldiers and couriers in the
Moslem armies and intermarried with the people of southern
Spain. As a result, a system of dealing with Africans and
slavery had long been established by the time America was
colonized. Slavery was rationalized by the concept of a "just
war" which meant that Spain was justified in enslaving those
Africans who rejected Spain's attempts to convert them to
Christianity. There was also a legal code that protected them
from cruel masters, prohibited the separation of family
members, and gave them the right to hold and transfer property
and initiate lawsuits. But, despite these legal rights,
Africans were still viewed as inferior in Spain and in the
colonies (Landers 1990:315-328).
A third and informal arena of interaction included
intermarriage and concubinage. Miscegenation among the
Spaniards and Native Americans and Africans began in the early
years of settlement and continued throughout the seventeenth
century (Gibson 1966:115) . Although encouraged in the initial
years of settlement as a means of political alliance (Mórner
1967), by the seventeenth century, the Crown attempted to
prohibit intermarriage and enforce rigid segregation policies.

29
Despite these efforts, Spanish, Indian, and African
intermarriage and concubinage continued, and by the late
sixteenth century, when Spanish settlement of the Indies was
almost one hundred years old, a creole population had already
emerged. The seventeenth century, therefore, witnessed the
birth and maturation of the fourth through eighth generation
of native-born colonists. Although some of these creoles
represented the offspring of two parents of "pure" Iberian
descent, many of the people identified as creole were in fact
some combination of Spanish, Indian, and African (McAlister
1984:338-339; Mórner 1967).
The creole and racially mixed population increased
through the seventeenth century and the specific "ethnic"
character of the Spanish colonial world often exhibited
regional variation (McAlister 1984:339). For instance, in
those areas of the Atlantic World, such as the West Indies,
where the Native American population died rapidly after
contact with European diseases (Crosby 1972), the demographic
character consisted of a Spanish minority and an African and
mulatto (person of African and European heritage) majority
(McAlister 1984:339,345).
By 1650, population estimates for the Antilles indicate
a Spanish to African ratio of roughly 1:6, or 80,000 Spaniards
and 514,000 Africans or Mulattos (McAlister 1984:344;
Rosenblat 1954:1,59). In contrast, Africans and Mulattoes
accounted for less than 2% of the mid-century population, in

30
places such as Mexico which had a large indigenous population
(McAlister 1984:344). In presidios. such as Spanish Florida,
where the Native American population was not completely
decimated and whose military nature did not necessitate large
numbers of African slaves, the creole population was more
mestizo (person of Indian and European heritage) than mulatto
in character (Bushnell 1983:55; Deagan 1973; Dunkle 1958:8).
In general, the characteristic Spanish colony was Catholic,
Iberian and predominantly male. It was also one in which
Spaniards politically dominated Native Americans and Africans
(Gibson 1966:112).
Whatever the specific ethnic heritage of the creoles was,
these native-born Americans, unlike their parents, shared a
"New" World upbringing. Most likely they also became
increasingly aware of their separateness from Europe (Leonard
1959:x; Pagden 1989:51-94). During the seventeenth century in
Spanish Florida, the creoles rose to positions of authority as
evidenced by their securing of important treasury positions
previously held only by those born in Spain, but they were
still prohibited from holding the highest offices in colonial
%f\r\Q+ k/(j
government (Bushnell 1981:31-36; Shephard 1983:68-69).
Examples of first generation Anglo-Americans rising to
positions of power have also been documented among the British
colonists of the New England and Chesapeake Bay colonies
(Jordan 1979:244).

31
Population and Interaction in Anglo-America
It is difficult to generalize about the demographic
character of the European population of the Anglo-American
colonial world except to note its "extraordinary demographic
diversity" (McCusker and Menard 1985:235). Unlike Spain,
England did not impose a restrictive immigration policy to
their Atlantic colonies, and the European population exhibited
more national and religious diversity than that found in the
Spanish colonies. In addition, other Europeans, such as the
French, Dutch, and Swedes, established communities adjacent
to, and sometimes within various British-American colonies.
The close proximity of these different communities, along with
the diverse social and economic motivations for settlement
contributed to the development of a "complex regional mosaic
of colonial life" that scholars are just beginning to define
(Mitchell 1987:111).
The British Crown, unlike the Spanish, did not limit
colonial migration to members of the official church, in this
case the Anglican or Church of England. Instead, members of
different denominations and religious dissenters, such as the
Puritans in New England, the Catholics in Maryland, and the
Society of Friends in Pennsylvania, were permitted to migrate
and worship in the colonies (Haring 1947:35). Among these
groups, entire families migrated to the Americas and
established religious enclaves within which they married, had

32
children, and worked communal family farms (McCusker and
Menard 1985:217).
In other parts of the Anglo-American colonies, in
contrast, immigration to the plantation based colonies of
Virginia and the West Indies consisted primarily of single
males, many of whom arrived as indentured servants (Potter
1984:149) . These colonies were founded by mercantile companies
interested in making a profit by producing export crops, such
as tobacco, sugar, and cotton. When initial attempts to
follow Spain's example of using Native American labor proved
futile, they turned first to European indentured servants and
then to African slaves.
The presence of African slaves dramatically altered the
ethnic composition of these colonies. By ca. 1660, Africans
comprised more than 40% of the population of the British
colonies in the West Indies, 11.5% of the population of the
Middle Atlantic colonies, and 5.6% in the southern colonies of
Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina (McCusker and Menard 1985:
222; 226-227). In comparison, Africans accounted "for only a
handful" of the ca. 1670 population of New England (McCusker
and Menard 1985:227) .
In general, economics also shaped the nature of
interaction between the Anglo colonists and the Indians
(Fitzhugh 1985: 104; Nash 1984:251-254) . In the earliest years
of settlement, these economic interactions centered primarily
on the exchange of food resources and commodities needed by

33
the colonist for survival. In some regions, these early
interactions were also marked by the military subjugation of
the native peoples as the colonists sought to acquire land and
control of the natural resources.
Eventually, however, a more entrepreneurial relationship,
and one that has often been characterized as a "patron/broker-
client relationship" (Thomas 1985:140), developed that was
based on the fur trade. Beaver represented the most sought
after fur because of the layer of soft hair next to the skin
that was felted for hats and cloth fashionable in Europe (Wolf
1982:159). Furs were acquired through one of three means:
local hunters, a local villager who acted as middleman, or
directly from distant areas via overland trade routes. By the
late 1600s, trading posts, especially in New England, became
the primary sphere of interaction between Indians and
colonists (Zuckerman 1989:141-155).
Although the officials in the Virginia and Massachusetts
colonies proclaimed the importance of proselytizing among the
native population, no concerted effort to convert the Indian
ever developed. Some colonial groups, primarily the Puritans
of New England and the Jesuits in Maryland attempted to
convert the Native Americans, but these efforts represented
informal undertakings, not formal institutions sanctioned by
the Crown of England. England had no centrally organized
crown-directed policy for dealing with the Native Americans,
and intermarriage was forbidden by colonial law (Thomas

34
1985:141), even in those colonies with shortages of European
women. Likewise, concubinage was not sanctioned, and it has
been written that the "English pioneers prided themselves from
the first on their self-denial" (Zuckerman 1989:145).
Church and State in the Atlantic World
The development of . the Atlantic colonies was also
influenced by the relationships between church and state.
Church and state in all areas of colonial Latin America were
inextricably linked by virtue of the Patronato Real (Royal
Patronage). As set forth in a series of papal bulls issued
between 1501 and 1543, the Catholic church with the king as
secular head constituted a branch of royal government (Haring
1947:167; Greenleaf 1971:1). The Spanish monarchy exercised
authority over all ecclesiastical matters in the colonies
except religious doctrine and discipline (Haring 1947:167;
McAlister 1984:194).
As outlined in the 1501 bull, the royal treasurer as a
representative of the crown collected all tithes under the
condition that they be used to maintain the church and clergy.
This included the construction of church buildings and
missions, the support of the clergy, the purchasing of olive
oil, wine, and wheat for the celebration of the mass, and the
supplying of altar cloths, canopies, vestments, wax, and other
religious paraphernalia. The 1508 bull extended royal
authority by investing the king with the powers to appoint

35
ecclesiastical leaders and to establish churches and
monasteries. Archbishops and bishops were nominated by the
king and installed by the pope, while appointees to lower
offices, such as the parish priest, curate (assistant to the
parish priest), or sacristan (the person responsible for the
maintenance of the sacristy, church and its content) were
selected by viceroys or governors and inducted into office by
a bishop (Gannon 1983:37-38; Gibson 1966:76-78; McAlister
1984:194-195; Scholes 1971:21-22).
The crown acquired even more control with the 1543 bull
which gave the monarchy the right to establish the office of
bishop and to define the boundaries of the diocese under the
jurisdiction of a bishop. In addition to these fundamental
powers, the monarchy or the Council of the Indies as its
representative also required all clergy, including
missionaries, to obtain a royal license prior to emigrating to
the colonies, and mandated that church officials swear loyalty
to the Crown. The Council of the Indies also examined and
certified all church correspondence (McAlister 1984:194-195).
One of the more important means of maintaining religious
orthodoxy and of guarding the royal patronage was the Holy
Office of the Inquisition. This powerful and well-known
tribunal was instituted in Spain during the reign of Isabela
and Ferdinand. It was established in the Indies in 1569 and
reached its height of activity in the Americas in the 1600s
(Haring 1947:188). During the seventeenth century, three

36
American tribunals existed in the viceregal capitals of Mexico
City, Lima, and Cartagena with jurisdiction in New Spain,
Peru, and New Granada respectively (Lockhart and Schwartz
1983:157-158). St. Augustine fell under the jurisdiction of
the court in Mexico City.
Although the Inquisition was not active in many
peripheral areas of the Spanish world, such as St. Augustine,
its influence was still evident. By 1672, an ecclesiastical
judge, Father Don Francisco de Soto Longo, served as its
emissary to St. Augustine (Kapitzke 1991:34) . The Inquisition
operated as an independent agency that could defy and overrule
both civil and secular authorities. It exerted control over
the non-Indian population and it dealt primarily with such
religious offenses as blasphemy, heresy, apostasy, bigamy,
lack of respect for ecclesiastical authorities, and the
uttering of "evil sounding words" (Lockhart and Schwartz
1983:157-158; Scholes 1971:28-29) . It has also been suggested
that in some regions of Spanish America, the Holy Office of
the Inquisition functioned as a powerful means of controlling
both civil authorities at odds with the clerical community and
the clergy itself (Scholes 1971:29).
Unlike Spain, England was not united under one religion
and did not share the same link between church and state.
Instead, in stark contrast to the Catholic orthodoxy of Spain
and Spanish America, England and the English colonies in the
Atlantic world exhibited a plural religious character (Greene

37
1988:18-19). This religious diversity can be traced to the
Protestant Reformation, a sixteenth century religious movement
that questioned the "worldliness" of the Catholic Church,
rejected papal authority, and resulted in the establishment of
disparate religious denominations and a more secular
orientation (Parrinder 1971:436-444).
This trend towards diversity extended to the colonial
world. Most of the Virginia colony (1607) was settled by
members of the Anglican church, the colonists who established
the Plymouth Colony (1620) were Puritan Separatists, a more
moderate group of Puritans migrated to the Massachusetts Bay
Colony (1629), followers of the Catholic faith founded St.
Mary's City in the Maryland colony (1634), and members of the
Society of Friends settled Pennsylvania (1681) (Lemon
1987:126,132; Mitchell 1987:96) . By the end of the seventeenth
century, the Middle colonies of the eastern seaboard
(Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York) contained a mixture
of religious groups that included Reformed, Anglicans,
Presbyterians, Lutherans, Baptists, and Huguenots (Greene
1988:49) .
Although Anglican Protestantism was the faith of the
British Crown and the predominant religion in the British-
American colonies, the relationship between Church and State
in the British colonies was not nearly as interconnected as it
was in the Spanish colonial world. Although some colonial
ventures were religiously inspired, religious fervor did not

38
dominate settlement, and in general, British colonial
settlement was a more secular enterprise (Greene 1988:11). It
has been suggested that, at least in the Chesapeake, the
"intensity of religious conviction was never sufficient to
constitute a primary shaping influence" and religious
diversity, not orthodoxy, was the rule (Greene 1988:16).
In summary, the British and Spanish colonial systems
differed in three important respects: the economic basis for
settlement; the relative demographic, religious, and national
characters of the colonies; and the nature and degree of
ethnic interaction. In general, Spanish colonization
represented a uniform effort to secure mineral wealth for
Spain, and to Christianize the native peoples. The Crown and
the Church controlled all aspects of colonization, including
immigration policy and the treatment of Native Americans and
Africans. In contrast, British colonization was more
entrepreneurial in nature, and the Crown exerted less central
control. The British colonial system also differed in the
relative demographic, religious, and national diversity of the
European migrants,- the lack of a uniform mission effort; and
the apparent absence of widespread miscegenation between
Europeans, Native Americans, and Africans, except in the
remote frontier. The "creole" population in the British
colonial world was, therefore, more European than mestizo or
mulatto.

39
The economic, demographic, and religious conditions
highlighted in this chapter provide a framework for
understanding the seventeenth-century Atlantic world. They
also furnish the context within which Spanish-American and
British-American colonial cultures developed. The specific
archaeological and historical models used to explain the
nature of Spanish and British cultural development in the
Atlantic world are discussed in the next chapter.

CHAPTER 3
MODELS OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
This chapter reviews existing models of European American
cultural development as a basis for considering the processes
of this development in seventeenth-century Spanish Florida.
As such, it lays the groundwork for understanding both the
general phenomenon of cultural formation in the Atlantic world
and the more specific evolution of Spanish colonial cultural
during the "middle" period in Florida. As in the previous
chapter, the Spanish and British settlements of the Caribbean,
the Chesapeake, and New England are used as a comparative
base.
Most models of colonial cultural development have been
derived from the documentary record alone, and only a few,
such as Deagan's acculturation model (1983) and Deetz'
cognitive model (1977) , have been based on the integration of
the historical and archaeological records. These two models,
therefore, assume a particular importance in a historical
archaeological research project such as that presented here.
Not only do they operate from the same scale of
generalization, but they provide the comparable data bases
40

41
necessary for the cross-cultural research strategy used here.
Although the most comprehensive historical models are
summarized below, emphasis will be placed on those that have
been archaeologically derived.
A synopsis of the various models of cultural development
for European-American societies is presented in Table 2. Most
of these are descriptive models, characterizing temporal
development while others attempt to provide explanations for
change. For example, Deetz (1977) uses shifts in cognitive
processes as an explanatory device, Deagan (1983, 1985, 1990)
uses the nature of gender relations and roles as well as the
increased incorporation of native traits to explain change,
and Greene (1988) emphasizes the importance of both European
origins and specific American colonial realities as important
forces in the emergence of an American culture.
Despite their fundamental differences, most of these
models view cultural development as an evolutionary process
with identifiable and specific stages. Most of them also
embrace the idea that at some point in their development,
colonial culture underwent a period of regionalization and
localism. This emphasis on localism and separate experiences
for different parts of colonial America recognizes the
emergence of distinctive regional cultures in various parts of
the Atlantic world, which is a process characteristic of the
middle period.
As defined by the cultural geographer Donald Meinig

Table 2. Principal Models of European-American Colonial Cultural Development
AUTHOR
FOCUS
STAGES OF
DEVELOPMENT
TIME PERIOD
MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS
Deetz
Massachusetts Bay &
Medieval
pre-1660
identification with
1973,1974,
1977
Plymouth colonies
England;corporate
Folk
1660-1760
regional
variation;conservative
Georgian
post 1760
re-Anglicization
Fischer
British-American
(Reconnaissance)
pre-1629
exploration & reconnaissance
1989
colonies
Transition
varied
transition of culture
Crisis
varied
internal conflict: elite vs.
poor; autonomy
Consolidation
varied
dominant culture
institutions formed;
localism
Devolution
ca.1770
regional identity
flourished;founding purposes
lost
Greene
Chesapeake colonies
Simplification
1607-1630
unsettled;disoriented;
1984, 1988
simplified;individually
oriented
Elaboration
1630-1680
acculturation to local
environment;self-
sufficient ;creole elite
Replication
1680-1760
forms
elites replicate England
regionalization; conflict

Table 2. Continued
Foster
Spanish-American
Conquest culture
varied
rapid change;fluid;basic
1960
colonies
(Crystallization)
outlines
varied
basic forms stabilized
Colonial Culture
varied
more rigid
Lockhart &
Spanish-American
Conquest
1492-ca.1580
framework established
Schwartz
1983
colonies
Maturity
ca.1580-1750
elaboration;stabilization;
localization;diversified
economy
MacLeod
1973
Guatemala
Conquest
1500-1578
extractive
Crisis
1580-1630s
experimentation
1630s-1690s
depression
1690-1720
revival of trade and native
population
McAlister
Spanish-American
Discovery &
1492-1560S
exploration;flexible;
1984
colonies
Conquest
experimental;framework
established
Post-Conquest
1560S-1700
consolidation;formation of
American identity and
society;
elaboration
Gibson
Spanish-American
Conquest
1500s
exploration;settlement;
1966
colonies
simplification;
Post Conquest
1600s
crystallization;elaboration;
slow change
Established
1700s
rigid social boundaries;
resistant to Iberian
influence

Table 2. Continued
Meinig
Atlantic World
Outreach
14 92-ca.1600
settlement;conquest/slavery
1986
introduced
Implantation
ca.1600-ca.1750
diversity;regional formation
Reorganization
ca.1750-ca.1800
formation of federal
republics; disintegration of
empires
Breen 1984
British-American
Charter groups
early 1600s
first immigrants;small
colonies
groups;scattered over large
area;set rules
Charter societies
1600s
fluid social,
religious,economic
Creole societies
1700s
boundaries
rigid boundaries; greater
homogeneity
Karras &
Atlantic World
Implantation
1492-ca.1650
exploration;conquest of
McNeill
territory;subjugation &
1992
destruction of Amerindians;
initial settlement; sudden
transformations
Maturity
ca.1650-ca.1770
creole society, local
markets emerge; social
classes develop with
Europeans at top; population
growth; European
governmental institutions
Transitions
ca. 1770-1888
shift away from Atlantic;
nationalistic movements

45
(1986:80), regional culture refers to "that which is
characteristic to a group of people who are deep-rooted and
dominant in a particular territory, who are conscious of
their identity as deriving from a common heritage, and who
share a common language and basic patterns of life" (see Table
3 for a list of culture regions that have been suggested for
colonial America). The remainder of this section will review
and assess the dominant models of colonial development for the
Anglo and Spanish colonial societies, respectively.
Models of Development for Anglo-America
The Declension Model
Historians of colonial America have traditionally
explained the development of an American society within the
framework of a "declension" model (Boorstin 1964:8; Lockridge
1981:7-52; Miller 1952:19-148, 1978:58-70). This older model
was derived from the somewhat unique experiences of the
Puritans in the New England colonies, and was used to
characterize development in all parts of British America. More
recent archaeological and historical models (discussed below) ,
however, have questioned the validity of applying the
declension model to other regions of the Atlantic world, and
have suggested alternative models of change.
As noted in the previous chapter, the Puritans migrated
to the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay colonies of New England

46
Table 3. Culture Regions Proposed for Colonial America
Researcher
Proposed Regions
Bailyn 1986
New England
(United States
Hudson River Valley
perspective)
Delaware River Valley
Chesapeake
Carolinas
Boorstin 1964
Massachusetts Bay
(United States
Pennsylvania
perspective)
Virginia
Georgia
Fischer 1989
Massachusetts Bay
(United States
Virginia Tidewater
perspective)
Delaware Valley of Pennsylvania
Appalachian Highlands
Greene 1984, 1988
Chesapeake: Virginia, Maryland, northern North
(North American
Carolina,southern Delaware
perspective)
New England: Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, New Hampshire, Nova Scotia
Atlantic and Caribbean Islands: Bermuda,
Bahamas, Barbados,Antigua, Nevis,
Montserrat, St. Kitts, Jamaica
Middle Colonies: New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, northern Delaware
Lower South: southern North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia
Meinig 1986
Canada
(Atlantic World
Greater New England (including Long Island)
perspective)
Hudson Valley (including eastern New Jersey)
Greater Pennsylvania (including western
Jersey,
parts of Maryland and Virginia)
Greater Virginia (including Tidewater Virginia
and
parts of North Carolina)
Greater South Carolina (including Georgia,
parts
of North Carolina)
Tropical Islands
Lower Rio Grande
Florida,Louisiana, Texas
Mitchell 1978
southern New England
(U.S. perspective)
southeastern Pennsylvania
western Chesapeake Tidewater
Carolina low country

47
with the expressed purpose of establishing an orthodox
religious community based on their theological belief in the
Old Testament as the "one true doctrine" (Boorstin 1964:8;
Greene 1988:8). Initially, settlement consisted of small
family farmsteads organized around a communal meeting house,
and for a number of years the Puritans were able to maintain
their "ideal" religious communities.
Beginning in the 1670s as the population grew, religious
conflicts arose, and the demand for New England fish and
lumber increased, the Puritan communities began to splinter
and new mercantile centers developed in port cities, such as
Boston and Salem. The growth of these urban centers, and the
emergence of a mercantile class gradually led to a more
secular, individual, and material orientation than that
originally envisioned by the Puritans. From the Puritan point
of view, this change represented "moral and social decline"
and a breakdown of their original Puritan goals of
establishing an orthodox religious community (Greene 1988:8) .
The Structural Model
One of the few archaeological considerations of the
evolution of British colonial culture has been explained in
terms of three successive stages known as "Medieval," "Folk,"
and "Georgian" (Deetz 1974:22) . These terms, which are derived
from the disciplines of anthropology (Foster 1953; Redfield
1941), art history (Gowans 1964 in Deetz 1974), and folklore

48
(Glassie 1968/1975), were first used to explain general
behavioral characteristics shared by the colonists of the
Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth colonies of rural New England.
The "medieval" or yeoman tradition, included the initial
reaction to colonization, and was a period of close
identification with England. It was characterized by
conservatism, cultural homogeneity, and a corporate or
communal emphasis in both secular and non-secular life (Deetz
1977:28-45). In contrast, the "folk" period, which coincided
with the middle period of colonization, was characterized as
a time of increasing regionalization and localism as the
colonists diverged from their European parent culture (Deetz
1974:22). Archaeologically, this diversity is reflected in
dining etiquette, mortuary art, and the internal organization
of space (Deetz 1977,1987; Deetz and Dethlefson 1978; Little
and Shackel 1989). This emergence of Anglo-American society
with its local orientation was reinforced in part by a growing
number of individuals born in the New World.
The third stage of development, the "Georgian" tradition,
has been called a re-Anglicization because of the resurgence
of influence from the English homeland. It is marked by the
transition from a "corporate" world view to a secular one that
emphasized order and individuality. In this particular
archaeologically derived model, these various stages were
explained in reference to changes in the "mind set," a term

49
used to denote the cognitive rules that organize the material
world (Deetz 1977:67).
According to this tripartite scheme, the British system
carried by the colonists experienced a sudden loss of
complexity due to the colony's isolation and weakened economic
links with England. Following an initial adaptation to new
environmental and economic conditions, concomitant with an
increase in population, settlements expanded, regional
identities formed, and the older frontier areas began to
replicate the national culture of the parent country.
Like the declension model, this archaeologically derived
model also exemplified the experiences of the settlers in the
Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay Colonies of New England. A
recent synthesis of archaeological investigations at Flowerdew
Hundred, a colonial British "plantation" or settlement in
Virginia, however, suggests that this model can be applied to
other regions of the British colonial world (Deetz 1993) . It
also indicates a period of relative stability during the
middle period of development in the Chesapeake region (Deetz
1987, 1993). The cognitive model differed, however, in that it
viewed the formation of colonial culture, not as breakdown in
social order, but as a movement from "traditional" (i.e.
rural, agricultural, communal, and religious) to "modern"
(i.e. urban, industrial, individualistic, and secular).

50
The Developmental Model
Like Deetz' structural model, the "developmental" model
postulates three sequential stages in the development of
Anglo-American culture: social simplification, social
elaboration, and social replication (Greene and Pole 1984:1-3;
1988:81-100). Social simplification, characterized as a
period of "disorientation and unsettledness" took place during
the initial stages of settlement as the colonists attempted to
adjust to their new environment (Greene 1988:167). This first
stage represented a simplified version of English society and
was distinct in its high male to female gender ratio, a high
death rate, weak social institutions, and a "rough economic
equality among free people" (Greene 1988:81).
In the late 1600s, Chesapeake society gradually became
more elaborate as the settlers adapted to the local social
environment. Chesapeake society during this stage of social
elaboration has been described as a "highly creolized variant"
of English society as the population grew more dense,
neighborhoods formed, opportunities for new land ownership
diminished, life expectancies improved, and native-born whites
dominated the population (Greene 1988:168) . Another important
feature of this period was the growing importance of African
slaves in the labor force as they began to replace indentured
servants.

51
The final phase in the development of the Chesapeake,
social replication, was characterized by a strong desire among
the provincial elites to replicate the power shared by the
rural English gentry. This stage was not harmonious and
considerable conflict existed between the elites who dominated
and the less affluent members of the population for whom the
acquisition of land and independence was not always possible.
Greene suggests that other regions of British America, notably
the British Caribbean and the Middle Colonies of New Jersey,
New York, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, underwent a similar
process of simplification, elaboration, and replication, but
that the specific nature and timing depended on the
demographic situation, economic growth, territorial expansion,
and the date of settlement (Greene 1988:81-100).
The developmental model described above differs from both
the declension and structural models in its explanation of
change as a movement towards stability and in its materialist
interpretation. It also rejects the notion that colonial New
England represented the total British experience in the
Atlantic World. Rather, the transition of New England society
from a corporate community to one that emphasized
individuality may be atypical when compared to the development
of British colonial culture in other regions of the Americas.
In contrast to the idealistic-orthodox society envisioned
by the Puritans of New England, the early Chesapeake colonies
and most of the other British-American colonies began as

52
economic ventures. As such, the overall "mindset" of these
colonies during their initial stage of settlement has been
described as secular, materialistic, exploitative, and
individually oriented with a weak sense of community (Carr
1987; Carr, Morgan, and Russo 1989; Diamond 1967; Greene 1988;
Greene and Pole 1984; Rutman 1971) . Morever, whereas New
England was predominantly settled by family groups in pursuit
of religious freedom, conformity, and orthodoxy, the majority
of the Chesapeake area, with the exception of Maryland, was
established as an economic venture with young men, not family
groups, comprising the dominant percentage of the colonial
population (Greene and Pole 1984:26).
This distinction not only influenced the specific
development of the Chesapeake region, but it also contributed
in important ways to regional diversity within British
America. The formation of regions, the emergence of a
provincial elite, economic and demographic diversification,
and the overall movement in the direction of a "more complex,
differentiated, and Old-World style society" are thus seen as
signs of stability (Greene 1988:12-13,167; Tate and Ammerman
1979) .
In addition, rather than relying on predominantly
cognitive interpretations, the developmental framework
recognizes ideological, environmental, demographic, and
economic influences. It allows that distinct socioeconomic
regions developed during the middle phase of settlement in

53
response to different motivations for settlement, natural
environments, demographic compositions, and relationships
between Europeans, Indians, and Africans. These distinctions
are most evident in the spatial organization of the newly
established colonies, their participation in an emerging
global economy, and in their reactions to the multi-cultural
worlds thrust upon them by colonization.
Models of Development for Spanish-America
The study of Spanish colonial development has been
dominated more by schemes of periodization than by models of
evolutionary development. Although influenced by Foster's work
(1960), historians of colonial Latin America have tended to
operate on a much more particularistic scale than do
historical archaeologists, who tend to be more concerned with
the general patterns of human behavior. Latin American
historians have also couched the development of Spanish
America in somewhat different terms, as discussed below and
shown in Table 2. Most identify the initial years of
colonization as a period of "conquest" and agree that the
basic structure of society established during this initial
phase remained in place throughout the colonial era. Most
have also recognized a middle period of development that was
marked by "elaboration" and "localism." These processes were
effected, in part, by the economic and social conditions
outlined in the previous chapter.

54
Gibson's (1966) three phases of development
"conquest," "post conquest," and "established" -- perhaps
follow Foster's model most closely. Like Foster, Gibson
agrees that the conquest phase, which encompassed the initial
years of exploration and settlement, was marked by a
"simplification" of Iberian culture as the colonists struggled
to meet their immediate needs. He also noted the tendency of
Spanish-American culture to "crystallize" early and concluded
that "the middle period of colonial history was a period of
very slow change" (1966:135).
MacLeod's (1973) periodization for Central America
emphasized economic conditions, and included four phases:
"conquest," "crisis," "depression," and "revival." The first
or "conquest" phase of colonization (ca. 1500-1578) was marked
by the extraction of gold and silver and the "exploitation" of
Native American labor. Towards the end of the century, the
gold and silver deposits dwindled, the Native population
declined due to epidemics and their exportation as slaves to
Cuba and Panama, and the colonists were forced to search for
other marketable products. The conquest phase, therefore, was
followed by a period of "crisis and experimentation" (ca.
1580-1630s) as the colonists tried unsuccessfully to develop
first cacao and then indigo as an export crop. When these
efforts failed, a period of economic depression ensued, during
which the colonists turned to cattle, seized native land, and
began to develop self-sustaining haciendas worked by a small

55
number of Native Americans. MacLeod argues that these economic
pressures created social and economic divisions (i.e. large,
Spanish-owned estates in the foothills and Indian communities
in the mountains) that continued into modern times.
Lockhart and Schwartz (1983) separated the development of
Spanish colonial society into two major periods: the
"conquest" and "mature" periods. Like Foster and Gibson, they
asserted that the basic outlines of Spanish America were
established during the "conquest" or initial phase. They
defined this phase chronologically as beginning with the
Columbian voyage in 1492 and ending with the decline of
Spain's power in the Indies ca. 1580. Lockhart and Schwartz'
maintained that although social and cultural modifications
took place during the mature period (ca. 1580-1750), the
"framework" left by the conquest society "remained." When
compared with the initial years of colonization, the mature
colony represented a time of "slow evolution" during which
this original "framework" became progressively more elaborate
and locally oriented. As evidence, Lockhart and Schwartz
noted the steady increase in a creole population, the growth
of local industries such as obraies and haciendas. and the
continued reliance on Native American labor, although on a
reduced scale because of their rapid decline in numbers.
Another important synthetic treatment of Spanish
colonization in the Atlantic world, Spain and Portugal in the
New World by McAlister (1984) also characterized the first

56
phase of Spanish settlement as a formative period of
"discovery" and "conquest" (1492- ca. 1560s), but labelled the
second phase of settlement as the "post conquest" (ca. 1560s-
1700). In its most general form, McAlister's scheme, like the
others outlined above, portrayed the conquest as a time during
which the underlying economic and social foundations of
colonial society emerged. These included a centrally
controlled economic structure based on non-Iberian sources of
labor, and a pattern of trade whereby the Indies produced
export products (primarily precious metals, hides, cochineal,
sugar, and dyewoods) in exchange for imported European
manufactured goods and luxury items, such as flour, wine,
olive oil, weaponry, hardware, household items, and clothing.
It also included a fluid, but hierarchical social structure
headed by Spanish colonists and based on the domination of
Native American and African peoples.
These basic forms continued in the post-conquest period,
but their style was altered, and they became more diversified.
For example, the pattern of trade shifted from one with
primary dependence on Seville and Spain to a more American
(more specifically Mexico City) oriented and controlled
market. In addition, the social structure became more complex
as new social groups, including both native born Spaniards and
castas, emerged. It continued, however, to be hierarchical in
nature and Spaniards remained at the top of the social order.
As stated by McAlister (1984:211): "By the end of the

57
seventeenth century, these [sic] basic forms of Hispanic
American societies, economies, and political behavior had
become . . . firmly fixed."
The Cultural Crystallization Model
From both an anthropological and historical perspective,
the first, and the most influential, characterization of the
development of Spanish-American culture was offered by George
Foster in Conquest and Culture (1960) . In this important
monograph, Foster defined the initial phase of Spanish
settlement and exploration of the Atlantic world as a
"conquest culture." The concept of a "conquest culture"
entailed the existence of both a "donor" and a "recipient"
group. Each group chooses, through formal and informal
channels, those cultural elements deemed essential for coping
with the contact situation. Formal or "planned" situations
include institutionally sanctioned and directed policies, such
as the Franciscan mission program or the implementation of the
gridded town plan. These types of change were set in motion
and directed by groups in authority, such as the government,
the church or the military. In contrast, informal change took
place on an individual level and included such lifestyle
decisions as social attitudes, food preferences, folklore,
superstitions, and popular medicine.
This selection process resulted in a "stripped down"
or simplified version of Iberian culture created to address

58
the immediate social, environmental, and psychological needs
of the first group of Iberian colonists (Foster 1960:10-20).
As described by Foster, this initial phase, which was
"relatively short . . . and highly fluid," represented a
formative period in which "the basic answers to new conditions
of life had to be found, and a rapid adaptation to changed
conditions . . . was _ imperative. This was the period of
blocking out of colonial cultures" (Foster 1960:232).
Following this initial period of adaptation, during which
the basic framework of colonial society was developed, these
new societies became more "rigid . . . and less prone to
accept new elements from the parent culture" (Foster
1960:233). This process of stabilization took place after "the
first several decades" and was referred to as "cultural
crystallization" (Foster 1960:232-234). By the beginning of
the middle period, cultural crystallization in Foster's sense
(although not always labelled as such) is thought to have
occurred in most parts of Spanish America (see Table 2).
The Acculturation Model
Archaeologists interested in the development of Spanish
colonial culture have relied on Foster's model to help
organize their research, and this present study is no
exception. The first archaeological investigation to address
the processes of formation for a Spanish-American tradition
was conducted by Kathleen Deagan (1974, 1983) . Her pioneering

59
research into the eighteenth-century community of St.
Augustine revealed an admixture of Iberian and Native American
cultural elements. More specifically, Deagan demonstrated that
land use, spatial organization, architectural style,
construction techniques, clothing, tablewares, and other
highly visible aspects of the material world remained Spanish
in style and form. Elements of the local Native American
culture were, however, incorporated into the less visible, but
equally important, domestic sphere of life, such as the food
preparation technology and subsistence practices of the
colonists.
This mixing of Spanish and Native American traits was
attributed to the intermarriage between Spanish men and Native
American women, a practice common to all areas of Spanish
America. This admixture may also indicate the presence of
Native American domestic help (Jerald Milanich personal
communication 1994). Native American women probably assumed
the duties and responsibilities of childrearing, cooking and
home maintenance, and their influence is seen in the use of
Indian cooking vessels and cooking methods. This adoption of
Native American ceramics has been regarded as an important,
and potentially universal, form of Spanish adaptation to the
Americas, and one that sharply distinguished this adaptation
from that in British colonies (Deagan 1983, 1985; 1993; Ewen
1990).

60
Except at the La Isabela site (1493-ca.1498), where
Spanish goods dominated (Deagan and Cruxent 1993), this
pattern is seen at all subsequent Spanish colonial sites
studied to date (Deagan 1973,1983,1985). One of the earliest
of these is Puerto Real, a Spanish city in modern Haiti
founded in 1504, only 10 years after the establishment of La
Isabela (Ewen 1991; Deagan 1988, 1994). Similar patterns of
admixture have also been noted for the sixteenth century
community of St. Augustine (Deagan 1985; Reitz and Scarry
1985), at the sixteenth century town of Nueva Cadiz in modern
Venezuela (Willis 1976) and in the Moquegua Valley of southern
Peru (Smith 1991). These studies demonstrated the immediacy of
Spanish adjustments to new lands, and indicated a cultural
continuity between various regions of the Spanish colonial
world. The similarities between the sixteenth, seventeenth,
and eighteenth centuries also suggested that after an initial
and rapid transformation, Spanish colonial culture
crystallized early and remained relatively unchanged for a
period of 200 years.
The models of British and Spanish cultural development
discussed in this chapter underscore a striking contrast in
the study of colonial cultural traditions in the two areas.
Archaeological research in British colonial America has not
only been more extensive in terms of the number of sites and
regions that have been investigated, but it has also been more
consistent temporally. From an historical-archaeological

61
perspective, Spanish colonial models, however, are based on an
incomplete understanding of that period between initial
adaptation to a new social, political and physical environment
and established society. The few archaeological studies that
pertain to this middle period in the Spanish colonies (King
1981,1984; Reitz 1993) have been preliminary in nature and
local in orientation.
Therefore, using St. Augustine, Florida, this study will
evaluate the nature of cultural development during the middle
period in Spanish America, and compare it to what is known of
similar processes in British-American colonies of the same
period. Specifically, it will question whether the process of
local and regional elaboration that characterized the middle
phase of British cultural development is evident in the
archaeological record of a comparable period in the Spanish
colonies. The next chapter provides the historical and social
context within which the developments of the middle period in
St. Augustine unfolded.

CHAPTER 4
THE "MIDDLE PERIOD" IN ST. AUGUSTINE
The chronological boundaries of the middle period in St.
Augustine obviously cannot be defined precisely. However, it
can be suggested that the period of contact and colonization
was well over by the closing decades of the sixteenth century
(ca. 1580), and that a well-established colonial society with
an identity distinct from that of other colonies in Spanish
America existed by 1700. The historical events (Table 4) and
social organization of this period provide a context for
assessing the middle period of development, and interpreting
the archaeological data that will be presented in subsequent
chapters. In order to provide a "sense of place," this
discussion first presents an overview of the physical setting
of St. Augustine. Following this, it is organized by the same
parameters as those discussed for the Atlantic world in
general (Chapter 2) to facilitate comparisons between the
development of Spanish-American and British-American cultural
traditions.
62

63
Table 4. Chronology of Key Events in Seventeenth-Century
La Florida
1573 :
1587:
1597
1599
1602
1605 :
1606
1612
1614-1617:
1622 :
1626:
1627 :
1633 :
1638:
1647 :
1649-1659:
1653 :
1655 :
1656:
1659:
1668 :
1670
1672
1674
1675 :
1677 :
1680:
1683 :
1685 :
1698
1702 :
1702-1704:
Franciscan mission effort began.
Santa Elena abandoned and colonial capital moved
to St. Augustine.
Guale revolt.
Hurricane and fire destroyed St. Augustine.
Hearings conducted to decide whether or not to
abandon St. Augustine.
Bishop Juan de las Cabezas Altamirano conducted
first episcopal visit to St. Augustine.
Custody of Santa Elena de La Florida formed.
Convento de San Francisco designated a province
house.
Three epidemics killed 1/2 of Indian population.
Hurricane struck St. Augustine.
Florida subsidy lost in shipwreck off St.
Augustine coast.
Dutch corsair Piet Heyn captured Fleet of the
Indies with subsidy for Florida.
Franciscan missions expanded into Apalachee
province.
Major storm hit St. Augustine.
Revolt in Apalachee province.
Yellow fever, and small pox epidemics and famine
reported in missions.
Maize crop destroyed by windstorm.
Smallpox epidemic struck La Florida.
Timucuan Rebellion in Potano and Utina provinces;
San Luis de Talimali established.
Measles epidemic struck La Florida.
British pirate Robert Searles attacked St.
Augustine and killed 60 colonists.
British established "Charles Towne".
Construction of the Castillo de San Marcos began.
Hurricane and flood leveled St. Augustine; Bishop
Gabriel Díaz Vara Calderón visited Florida;
Governor Salazar Vallecilla began
experimental wheat farm in Apalachee.
Wooden fort destroyed by Governor Pablo de Hita
Salazar.
Lack of funds stopped work on the Castillo de San
Marcos.
Abandonment of Guale and raids on Timucua.
English pirates threatened St. Augustine, but do
not attack.
Castillo de San Marcos finished.
Pensacola founded.
Colonel James Moore attacked and burned
St.Augustine.
Colonel James Moore destroyed missions.

64
The Physical Setting of St. Aucrustine
Little is known about the layout of the first townsite of
St. Augustine, except that Pedro Menéndez de Avilés
established a fortification at the village of Seloy, a
Saturiwa Timucuan cacique. Although the exact location of
this initial settlement is uncertain, recent excavations at
the Fountain of Youth Park Site suggest that the original
landing and settlement were located within the vicinity of
this park (Chaney 1987:14-15; Gordon 1992) . Fire, floods, and
Indian rebellions necessitated the rebuilding of the fort
several times during the first few years of settlement. The
exact locations of these various forts remain uncertain, but
most scholars agree that they were rebuilt within the vicinity
of the original site (Chatelain 1941:54-56; Connor 1925; Lyon
1983) . This initial phase of experimentation closed sometime
around 1570 when the town was relocated to a more permanent
location, which is today situated south of the modern plaza
(Figure 2).
Archaeological and historical research indicates that the
ca. 1570 town of St. Augustine was organized according to a
grid system in conformity to the 1563 official Spanish
ordinances for town plans (Deagan 1982:182-191, 1985:13;
Hoffman 1977:14; Manucy 1978:34-37). As depicted in a 1586
engraving by Boazio, and supported by documentary and

Figure 2. Colonial St. Augustine, ca. 1764 (Adapted from Elixio de la Puente Map)
en

66
archaeological investigations (Deagan 1982:192, Deagan
1981:626-633, 1983:183-206; Deagan, Bostwick, and Denton
1976; Hoffman 1977), St. Augustine consisted of a nine block
area of individual houses spaced approximately 12 to 15 feet
apart along the street front (Figure 3) . These blocks were
divided into equal lots that measured approximately 44 by 88
feet (50 by 100 Spanish pies). Detached kitchens and
individual garden plots were located to the rear of the
houses. Circular trashpits and barrel wells of a fairly
uniform size and location were also situated behind the living
quarters near the kitchens. A church, and possibly other
public buildings formed the northern boundary of the town, and
a hexagonal fort was situated a short distance to the north of
the townsite (Deagan 1981, 1982; Hoffman 1977). Neither the
Boazio map nor the archaeological evidence indicate the
presence of a central town plaza (Deagan 1982:184-191).
Only three visual representations of the seventeenth-
century town are known to exist, two fanciful engravings and
a map showing the general location of St. Augustine within La
Florida. The quite imaginative, and most likely inaccurate
engravings, date to 1671 and 1683 respectively, and portray
St. Augustine as a quaint coastal community set against a
mountainous backdrop (Figures 4 and 5) . The anonymous map,
titled "Mapa de la Ysla de la Florida" and dated sometime
between 1668 and 1700, does not provide any detailed

Figure 3. Boazio Engraving, 1586 (Courtesy of St. Augustine Historical Society)
CT\
<]

Figure 4. Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1671 ("Pagus Hispanorum in Florida", Arnoldus
Montanus, 1671. From The Unknown World. 1673, Courtesy of St. Augustine
Historical Society) 2

69
Figure 5. Anonymous Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1683
(From Mallet, A.M., Description de 1'Universe. 1683,
Courtesy of St. Augustine Historical Society)

70
depiction of the town of St. Augustine (see Chatelain 1941:
Appendix). Information regarding the spatial evolution of the
town is therefore dependent on contemporary verbal
descriptions and the physical evidence of archaeological data.
Although no research has specifically focused on the
seventeenth-century town plan, preliminary historical and
archaeological investigations into the nature of seventeenth-
century spatial organization indicate that the basic gridded
pattern established during the late sixteenth century remained
the same, and in fact, the original grid plan is still evident
today in modern St. Augustine (Deagan 1982; Bushnell 1983:33) .
Changes did occur during the 1600s, as a result of several
natural disasters and population expansions. These events
transformed the physical appearance of St. Augustine, but they
do not appear to have altered the previously established
underlying structural organization or configuration.
In 1599, a hurricane and fire destroyed many sections of
the settlement. Accounts of the rebuilding by Governor Méndez
Canzo indicate that additional lots were laid out to the south
of the original townsite and that a plaza, which measured 250
feet by 450 feet, was marked out to the north of the town. The
rebuilt town consisted of approximately 20 blocks with 120
wooden houses with cypress plank walls and palm-thatched or
shingled roofs. A remodelled parish church, a guardhouse, the
governor's house, and a warehouse-treasury building surrounded
a new plaza. measuring 250 feet by 450 feet, that defined the

71
north edge of the colonial town (Arnade 1959:9; Bushnell
1981:46, 1983:39). A new hospital, Nuestra Señora de la
Soledad, with six beds administered to the sick, and a new
bridge crossed "el gran mosquitero" - the swamp at the western
edge of town.
Despite this rebuilding, the cultural landscape of St.
Augustine during the mid 1600s did not differ appreciably from
that which existed on the eve of the seventeenth century. St.
Augustine was still a small and isolated presidio with
approximately 120 wooden houses, a wooden fort with "rotted
timbers," dirt streets with free roaming animals, a remodelled
parish church with a tile roof, a small hospital, a Franciscan
monastery at the far northern end of town, a plaza. and horse-
powered mill to grind corn. (Arnade 1959:9-10; Boniface
1971:71-73; Chatelain 1941:57; Manucy 1978:18).
Towards the end of the 1600s, other more substantial
changes to the built environment took place, but these
transformations still did not alter the basic pattern
established during the late sixteenth century. Archaeological
investigations revealed evidence for a late seventeenth-
century occupation that extended south of the original
townsite up to and including the vicinity of the Franciscan
monastery located at the southeastern edge of town (Arnade
1959:41; Deagan, Bostwick and Benton 1976; King 1981:23;
Figure 2) . In addition to this expansion of the town
boundaries, the type of construction material shifted from

72
wattle and daub to more permanent wood and tabby with some
coquina. Some buildings became larger and architecturally more
detailed, and activity areas expanded (Herron 1979; Hoffman
1990) . Several late seventeenth-century accounts describe the
houses and buildings as "wood with board walls" (Chatelain
1941:129; Dickinson 1696:84; Manucy 1978:19-21; Wenhold
1936:7) . Tabby used in foundations, which would not have been
visible to the casual visitor, was also a part of the
architectural history of seventeenth-century St. Augustine
(Chatelain 1941:129). Coquina was not yet widespread but by
the end of the century, it was slowly becoming more common.
St. Augustine had been threatened and attacked by pirates
several times during the seventeenth century. The 1668
midnight raid by a British pirate named Robert Searles, the
raids against the Carolinians at Port Royal, and fear of
retaliation spurred the construction of a secure and sturdy
coquina fort, and construction of the Castillo de San Marcos
began in 1672 (Arana and Arana 1972:51-72; Arana and Manucy
1977:12-13; Manucy 1978:20; Wright 1959:135-144). Although
the Castillo was by far the most impressive example of coquina
construction, other coquina buildings did exist. As indicated
in the correspondence of Governor Rebolledo in 1655 and Bishop
Calderón in 1674, the governor's house may have been, at least
partially, constructed of coquina (Arana 1969:29; Chatelain
1941:129), and construction of coquina houses for the
Treasurer and Accountant were underway (Manucy 1978:20-21).

73
The best estimate of private coquina construction is a 1708
inventory of houses destroyed during James Moore's raid in
1702. According to this inventory, a total of 175 houses
existed in St. Augustine in 1702, and 16 or almost 11% of
these reported houses were privately owned coquina structures
with a value of at least 1000 pesos (Arana 1969:30). In
addition to its use in buildings, coquina was also used in the
1690s to construct a seawall that extended from the Castillo
south to the town plaza (Boniface 1971:70) .
Despite these physical alterations, the basic gridded
layout of St. Augustine did not change, and the locations,
orientations, and functions of specific public buildings, such
as the church, the Convento de San Francisco and the Castillo
de San Marcos, remained unchanged. The fundamental pattern of
spatial organization established during the initial years of
settlement -- a time of great change and experimentation --
stabilized, but it also began to grow into a more elaborate
form. A similar process of amplification, although on a much
grander scale, occurred throughout Latin America as churches,
monasteries, and government buildings grew in architectural
splendor but retained their original locations, functions, and
basic structures (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:127,155).

74
The Economic Organization of the Community
Throughout its existence as a Spanish presidio. St.
Augustine relied on the situado. an annual subsidy provided by
the Crown of Spain that was intended to cover such
governmental expenses as administrative salaries, the
construction of fortifications and the support of the
garrison. The situado was created by a royal cédula in 1570
to provide financial support to La Florida because of its
vital strategic role in the defense of Spanish shipping lanes
between the Americas and Europe (Gibson 1966:183-185; Hoffman
1980:146; McAlister 1984:310) . Initially, the situado was paid
from the Panama/Nombre de Dios treasury (Hoffman 1980:146).
Beginning in 1574, payments came from the Vera Cruz treasury,
and by 1595, Mexico City had assumed responsibility for the
Florida situado (Sluiter 1985:3).
The amount paid to St. Augustine from the Mexico City
Treasury depended on the number of plazas or positions held by
the garrison, and took the form of wages and supplies
(Bushnell 1981; Hoffman 1980:146, Sluiter 1985). The supplies
needed to sustain the town were purchased by an agent of the
governor, called a situadista. who travelled to New Spain to
collect the subsidy. Upon his arrival, the agent presented a
certified statement of needs, signed by the governor, to a
representative of the audiencia and bargained for the required
specie and supplies. Goods intended for the presidio were
carried overland by pack train to Vera Cruz, and then put on

75
ships bound for Havana. From Cuba, the money and supplies were
transhipped to St. Augustine where the governor and treasury
officials distributed them among the garrison and families
(TePaske 1964:77). Those goods not immediately distributed
were protected and stored in the Royal warehouse at the fort
in St. Augustine (TePaske 1964:77-78). Throughout the
seventeenth century, hard specie was scarce in St. Augustine
and consequently, wages were often paid in imported goods,
obsolete items or wage certificates that declined in value
(Bushnell 1981:68).
Changes in the situado
Several important changes occurred within the situado in
the early years of the seventeenth century that financially
benefitted St. Augustine and La Florida. Two new cédulas were
issued that increased the amount of money received by the
presidio. The first cédula, issued in 1617, addressed the
problem of financial compensation for spoiled goods (mermas).
Prior to the 1617 cédula, losses due to spoilage of goods in
warehouses or enroute to St. Augustine were deducted from the
Florida subsidy. The new ruling eliminated this practice, and
ordered Mexico City to reimburse Florida for the resultant
losses. A second law, issued in 1624, altered the method used
to calculate the amount of subsidy paid to Florida. Prior to
this edict, the subsidy was based on 300 plaza holders each
serving 365 days per year. This system of calculating the

76
subsidy was changed to more accurately reflect the actual
daily record of plaza holders in the garrison.
Another ruling that indirectly affected the amount of
subsidy paid to St. Augustine included the creation of a
separate subsidy to support the Franciscan mission program.
Beginning in 1616, the Franciscans received a separate
religious subsidy, that issued to each friar the same pay and
rations (158 pesos de a 8) received by a soldier in the
garrison. This was supplemented with additional provisions,
such as gifts for the Indians and cloth, shoes, maize, oil and
wine needed to perform their religious duties (Sluiter
1985:6). Table 5 shows the amount of subsidy received by both
the Franciscans and Secular community from 1616, the year the
Franciscan subsidy began, through 1651, the last year for
which figures are currently available. As the number of
missionaries increased during the 1600s, the number of friars
paid from the subsidy was limited to forty three, and a
separate fund was created in 1646 to cover additional
missionaries. In 1673, support of all of the Franciscans
shifted to this separate fund. This mission subsidy benefitted
the community of St. Augustine by making more money available
to increase the size of the garrison and to construct a more
substantial coquina fort, the Castillo de San Marcos (Bushnell
1981:65; Sluiter 1985). Unfortunately, no detailed study of
actual payments received for either the secular or religious

77
Table 5 . Comparative List of Subsidy Payments Received by the
Franciscan and Secular Communities in St. Augustine, 1617-1651
(from Sluiter 1985)
Year Received
Reliqious
Secular
Total
1617
6.619
63.026
69,645.00
1618
2.675
62.688
65.363.00
1619
7.793
62,749
70.542.00
1620
3,542
65.133
68.675.00
1621
3,052
63.995
67.047.00
1622
2.623
66,915
69.538.00
1623
4,390
62.823
67.213.00
1624
3.963
65.783
69.746.00
1625
5.678
53,003
58.681.00
1626
5.089
66.971
72.060.00
1627
5,090
66.971
72.061.00
1628
5,118
69.899
75.017.00
1629
3.766
68,679
72.445.00
1630
3,507
42,759
46.266.00
1631
2.730
99.367
102.097.00
1632
3,264
66,306
69.570.00
1633
-
.
0.00
1634
-
_
0.00
1635
-
74,409
74.409.00
1636
1,692
64.389
66.081.00
1637
_
_
0.00
1638
-
65.124
65,124.00
1639
1.458
32.455
33.913.00
1640
9.476
13,500
22.976.00
1641
1.287
20.325
21.612.00
1642
-
49,755
49.755.00
1643
_
45.627
45.627.00
1644
2.422
65.124
67.546.00
1645
_
73,747
73.747.00
1646
3.353
56.274
59.627.00
1647
-
-
0.00
1648
-
-
0.00
1649
_
_
0.00
1650
-
-
0.00
1651
-
128,695
128.695.00
Total
90.167
1.744.118
1.834.285.00

78
communities exists for the latter half of the 1600s, but
subsidy payments,although irregular at times, presumably
continued throughout the remainder of the century.
Problems with the situado
In the beginning of the seventeenth century, situado
payments to Florida fluctuated because of fiscal difficulties
in Mexico City. The treasury not only had to meet their new
subsidy responsibilities, but also had to pay outstanding
debts that the Vera Cruz Treasury had been unable to meet
because of war and attacks on the flota system. These overdue
debts leveled off around 1616 as trade and mining activities
brought a new prosperity to Mexico City. According to Engel
Sluiter's records of actual subsidy payments to Florida, a
situado payment was received fairly regularly up until the
1630s (Sluiter 1985:Table 1). With two exceptions - the 1626
subsidy that was lost in a shipwreck off the coast of St.
Augustine and was not paid until 1629, and the capture of the
1628 treasure fleet carrying the Florida subsidy by Piet Heyn
of the Dutch West Indies Company - the situado arrived
regularly during the early years of the 1600s. The amounts
fluctuated somewhat, but the subsidy was paid in one lump sum
sometime in April or May (Sluiter 1985:Table 1).
Problems began to occur in the Florida situado after
1635. St. Augustine received no money from the situado in
1637, and the records of payments received indicate that the

79
Mexico City Treasury started to fall into arrears. For
example, the payment granted to St. Augustine for 1637 was
paid in seven separate payments between February of 1639 and
August of 1646. The 1638 situado was paid to St. Augustine in
three different payments on three separate dates: in May of
1639, in January of 1641, and in August of 1649. No records of
payments made to St. Augustine have been found for the years
1646-1650, suggesting that irregular payments of the subsidy
continued through at least 1651 (Sluiter 1985:Table 1).
These delays in the situado often forced the governor of
St. Augustine to obtain loans, and to look elsewhere for food
and supplies, usually in Cuba. This weakened the bargaining
power of the situadista and resulted both in high interest
rates on the money borrowed and high prices for goods bought
on credit. Consequently, when the subsidy finally arrived,
most of the available specie, which was scarce to begin with,
went to pay off the debts and interest to merchants in Havana
(TePaske 1964:78) . The unreliable nature of the situado during
these years also influenced the emergence of a private
contract system whereby individual merchants in St. Augustine
obtained permission to bypass the situado and trade directly
with Havana, Campeche, Spain, and the Canary Islands. These
merchants often used their houses as a warehouse to sell
goods, often at excessively high prices, that were unavailable
through other means (Gillaspie 1984:273-295). Examples of
items sold through this private contract system included

80
cotton cloth, linen, serge, silk ribbons, stockings, wooden
buttons, shoes, saltpork, maize, flour, cassava, olive oil,
wine, wax, hemp, nails, and tobacco. Private merchants also
acquired and sold munitions, such as arquebuses, spears, molds
for making shot, lead sheets, copper for ladles used to load
cannons, match cord, and cannon balls (Gillaspie 1984:286-
290) . Other ways in which the officials and people of St.
Augustine dealt with the irregular arrival of the situado and
obtained goods included the use of illegal trade networks and
the development of economic enterprises within the colony.
St. Augustine's Inter-Colonial Economy
Trade between the various European colonies increased
during the seventeenth century due to piracy, profiteering,
and Spain's dwindling power in the Atlantic world. In St.
Augustine, for example, Spanish goods dominate sixteenth and
early seventeenth-century archaeological inventories, but by
the late 1600s, the frequency of non-Spanish goods entering
the colony increased owing to Spain's unwillingness or
inability to meet consumer demands and the attempts by other
European powers to break Spain's economic monopoly (Deagan
1983:22-23; King 1984:77-78) . Not all of this trade was legal,
and the historical record documents the existence of
widespread smuggling operations, despite regulations strictly
prohibiting it (Arnade 1959; Perry and Sherlock 1971).
Smuggling was apparently a common colonial strategy used to

81
augment government supplies and to evade royal restrictions on
trade in both the British and Spanish colonies (Ewen 1991;
Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:153; Schmidt and Mrozowski
1988:32), and seventeenth-century St. Augustine was certainly
no exception.
Dutch traders from New York often entered Matanzas Bay,
under the pretense of distress, carrying prisoners or news of
imminent pirate attacks, to sell goods to the townspeople
(Arana 1970:10; Bushnell 1981:10). There are also reports of
circumventing foreign trade restrictions by sending vessels to
sea to purchase much needed military and naval supplies, such
as artillery, ammunition, canvas, and cables (Bushnell
1981:10) . In 1683, the Governor himself, Juan Marquéz Cabrera,
waived the ban on trade with foreign merchants and traded
produce to a Dutch merchant in exchange for guns, flour,
saltpork, gunpowder, ironpots, and grindstones. This
transaction took place at the Castillo, which was technically
outside of the boundaries of the city proper (Arana 1970:19).
Another incident of illegal trade, and a rather
interesting example of colonial resistance to royal control,
took place in the 1690s and involved the King of Spain, the
Governor, the Royal Accountant in St. Augustine and the San
Martin River (known today as the Suwanee), a major artery for
smuggling. After accusing the Royal Accountant, Tomas Menéndez
Marquéz, of engaging in illegal trade and using his ranch, la
Chua. as a warehouse for unlawfully obtained merchandise, King

82
Charles II ordered Governor Quiroga to seal off the port of
San Martin. In 1693, Quiroga constructed a palisade of pine
logs and brush which floods soon after washed away. When the
King ordered that it be rebuilt, the Governor appealed the
order claiming that because it was planting season in the
Native American villages, insufficient labor existed (Boniface
1971:207-208).
Despite the documented existence of smuggling,
archaeologists in St. Augustine have not yet been able to
identify many items associated with this type of trade beyond
the occasional piece of British, Dutch, or French pottery.
Undoubtedly, this absence of contraband material in the
archaeological record is related to the types of items
obtained through illegal trade networks. Gunpowder, cloth,
flour, hides, and wooden objects simply do not preserve well
in the saline soils of St. Augustine. It is also possible that
contraband weapons, ammunition, and raw materials such as iron
and lead have not been recognized as such. And, it is also
plausible that the types of sites excavated in St. Augustine,
predominantly private domestic households, simply would not
contain large amounts of contraband material. It may be more
likely associated with commercial or military sites. Whatever
the reasons, the lack of readily identifiable contraband items
not only points out the limitations of the archaeological
record, in terms of preservation problems, but it highlights

83
the importance of integrating archaeological and historical
data.
Economic Diversification in St. Augustine
As mentioned, the unreliable nature of the situado in mid
century forced the officials in St. Augustine to explore other
means of provisioning. As a result, new forms of economic
activity developed, but these enterprises were based on
structures that were already in place, and existing systems
were used to implement these new programs. One of the ways in
which the officials attempted to remedy St. Augustine's
periodic food shortages and provide an export product was to
establish farms and cattle ranches. The existing Franciscan
mission system was used to open new lands for agricultural
pursuits and to provide the Indian labor needed to operate
these businesses successfully. In 1633, two Franciscans
pushed west and formally began the missionization of Apalachee
province (Hann 1988:2, 1990:469).
Haciendas
The largest and better known of these haciendas included
the la Chua cattle ranch and an experimental wheat farm called
Asile. La Chua. which was located near modern Gainesville
(Baker 1993), was established sometime after 1646 by the Royal
Treasurer Francisco Menéndez Marquéz to provide beef to the
people of St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978:408). The wheat farm

84
of Asile. supposedly located east of the Aucilla River on the
Apalachee-Timucua border (Hann 1988:30), was started by
Governor Benito Ruiz de Salazar Vallecilla, and operated for
five years (1645-1650) before it was dismantled and sold. The
property inventory for Asile indicated a large-scale operation
that included six square leagues of wheat fields, several
buildings, granaries, two slaves, eight horses and mules,
plows, and eleven yokes of oxen (Bushnell 1981:81).
Other haciendas also existed, but less is known about
their scale or specific operations. Although it has been
suggested that as many as 37 ranches existed in the provinces
of Timucua and Apalachee (Baker 1993:82; Boniface 1971:140),
the exact number of haciendas and their locations are
uncertain. In addition, the extent of the cattle industry in
Florida has not been thoroughly explored from either an
economic or spatial perspective. By the end of the century,
however, it is known that at least four main clusters of
ranches or farms existed (Arnade 1965:5; Hann 1988:137). They
included at least seven ranches (la Chua. la Rosa del Diablo.
Acuitasique. Abosaya. Chicharro, and Tocoruz) in modern
Alachua County near Gainesville; approximately nine ranches,
including Asile. in westernmost Timucua and Apalachee with
Tallahassee as the focal point; an unknown number east of the
St. Johns River; and, an unknown, and apparently, small group
of ranches northwest of St. Augustine (Arnade 1965:5; Bushnell
1978a:411-418).

85
It has been assumed that these ranches represented an
important source of beef, and possibly produce for the
community of St. Augustine. The historical record indicated
that the cattle ranch of la Chua and the smaller haciendas
near St. Augustine, not the missions of Apalachee, provided
St. Augustine with the bulk of its produce and cattle by¬
product needs (Boniface 1971: 145; Bushnell 1983:10-12; Hann
1988:137) . The extent to which the outlying farms and ranches
supplied the people of St. Augustine remains poorly
understood, and should be investigated further. However,
preliminary zooarchaeological research suggests that little
beef actually reached St. Augustine during the seventeenth
century (Reitz 1993a, 1993b).
Intra-colonial trade
Evidence for some trade between Apalachee and St.
Augustine exists, but it appears to have operated on a rather
small scale. There were at least three trade routes between
the western provinces and St. Augustine over which Native
American laborers carried goods on their backs and in canoes.
These routes included an overland road, known as the Camino
Reala sea route used for heavy and bulky items; and a
combined sea and land route originating in the Wakulla River,
St. Marks or Wacissa along the Gulf of Mexico, and continuing
up the San Martin River and onto the Camino Real (Boniface
1971; Hann 1988:149).

86
There has been little research on trade between Apalachee
and St. Augustine, but trade between the two areas certainly
existed. In 1646, a frigate from Apalachee arrived in St.
Augustine with supplies, and in the 1650s, Governor Pedro
Benedit Horruytiner, noted the arrival in St. Augustine of
four or five shiploads of "foodstuffs" from Apalachee (Hann
1988:152) . It is also known that in 1680, Enrique Primo de
Rivera obtained a contract for transporting clothing,
vestments, and the royal stipend for the friars from St.
Augustine to western Timucuan and Apalachee (Hann 1988:151).
The most detailed account occurred in 1703 when Apalachee sent
1,238 measures of corn, 150 measures of beans, two hogs, 32
chickens, eight arrobas of tallow and eight deerskins to St.
Augustine (Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1951:46-47).
A growing body of historical and zooarchaeological data
suggests that the majority of livestock and crops raised and
grown in Apalachee may never have reached St. Augustine (Hann
1988:152; Reitz 1993a). There is more evidence for the
development of an export trade -- the main products being
beef, hides, tallow, corn, rum, and possibly, wheat
between Apalachee and Havana, Cuba, that bypassed St.
Augustine (Bushnell 1983; Hann 1988; Reitz 1993a, 1993b). The
rise of trade between Apalachee and Havana at the expense of
St. Augustine is indicated by Governor Rebolledo's ban on the
exportation of produce from Apalachee to Cuba unless the needs
of St. Augustine had already been met (Hann 1988:152).

87
Zooarchaeological data also suggest the existence of an
extensive trade network between the missions throughout La
Florida and the mission headquarters in St. Augustine that
excluded the secular community (Reitz 1993a).
Other Economic Activities
As noted, cattle ranches, farros, missions, private
contract systems, and a seemingly lively export trade
developed during the latter years of the seventeenth century.
But other economic enterprises, which have not been fully
explored and which certainly played an important role in the
community, also existed. Despite royal restrictions, trade
between the Native Americans and Spanish colonists did exist.
There was a market in the plaza to which Indian women brought
pottery, baskets, painted wooden trays, deer and buffalo
pelts, dried turkey meat, lard, salt pork, rope, fishnets,
charcoal, leather, tobacco, fish, game, and maize to sell or
trade with the townspeople (Bushnell 1981:11). The Native
Americans also traded sassafras, amber, canoes, bear grease,
and nut oil in exchange for European weapons, tools, nails,
cloth, blankets, beads, and rum (Bushnell 1981:8).
Coquina deposits on Anastasia Island, worked by Native
American and African quarrymen, were used to construct the
fort (Castillo de San Marcos), the Franciscan monastery
(Convento de San Francisco), a seawall, and some private
residences (Boniface 1971:70). Ships were built in the town

88
and St. Augustine also had at least one grocery store that,
among other things, sold sweet cakes. There also was a fish
market, a gristmill, a tannery, a slaughterhouse, and a
blacksmith where nails and hardware were forged. There were
shopkeepers, tailors, shoemakers, an armorer, a washerman, and
a surgeon (Bushnell 1981:27; Chatelain 1941:57; Hann 1988:53;
Manucy 1978).
Orange, peach, pear, mulberry, quince, pomegranate, and
fig trees grew throughout the city (Sauer 1980:22). The
townspeople probably planted individual gardens as well as a
communal plot and pasture (ei ido) on the outskirts of town
where crops were cultivated, including grapes, beans, melons,
squash, sweet potatoes, garlic, red peppers, onions, and
pumpkins. European cows, pigs, and chickens also were raised
(Boniface 1971: 134; Bushnell 1983:40; Reitz 1993a:82).
The development of these other forms of economic activity
illustrate the ways in which the people of St. Augustine built
upon existing resources and created new opportunities for
economic growth in spite of the various economic, social, and
natural disasters of the seventeenth century. They continued
to rely on the situado or illegal trade networks for military
accoutrements and trade goods for the Native Americans, olive
oil, wine, wheat flour, and luxury items such as sugar,
chocolate or fine majolica. But, increasingly throughout the
seventeenth century, the colonists became more self reliant.
It appears that during the late 1600s, economic activity

89
diversified and became more internally initiated, and St.
Augustine and La Florida may, in fact, have been on the
trajectory towards self sufficiency had it not been for
Colonel James Moore's catastrophic campaign against the
Spanish settlements of La Florida.
Demographic Character and Social Interactions
As in most areas of Spanish America, three different
groups of people, each possessing distinct and often
conflicting cultural traits, comprised the seventeenth-century
population of St. Augustine: the original Native American
inhabitants of La Florida, the European immigrants, and the
Africans. All of these people constituted vital components of
the seventeenth-century community, and contributed in some
manner to a crystallized Spanish colonial culture. To
understand the roles that the Africans, Native Americans, and
Europeans played in the process of cultural formation, it is
essential to examine their origins, their demographic
character, and the forms of social interaction among them.
The seventeenth-century community of St. Augustine has
often been characterized as "cosmopolitan" because of its
multi-ethnic and multi-cultural composition (Bushnell 1981;
1983:38). Population statistics are sketchy (see Table 6),
but, not surprisingly, what emerges from the few demographic
studies that exist is a portrait of a small and diverse

90
Table 6. Summary of St. Augustine Population: 1600-1702
1600: 250 men in the garrison 1
1602: 200 Indians 23
56 Africans 6
1604: 190 soldiers 1
approximately 30 African slaves: 18 "fit for work",7
old men, 9 women 1
1606: 216 Indians 3
100 African slaves 5
1607: 300 to 500 people 1
1609: 60 soldiers arrived 1
1619: 186 active members of the garrison 1
1621: 250 people on the payroll: 35 priests, 18 sailors, 20
pensioners, 3 widows 1
36 Africans 1
1638: 100 infantry stationed in St. Augustine 1
1647: over 300 residents 1
1655: 12 "negroes" worked at the fort 1
1662: more than 300 residents 1
1669: 200 " effective" troops 1
1671: 280 garrison members 11
1673: 50 Indians from Guale sent to St. Augustine 4
1675: 90 Indians in St. Augustine 3
300 residents 9
1676: 300 Indians brought in as laborers 1
1680: 350 garrison members 11
1681: 100 families living in St. Augustine 1
1685: 1400 people sought refuge in the fort 1
1687: 18 royal slaves joined labor force 7
10 runaway slaves reached St. Augustine 1,8
1689: 225 Indians in St. Augustine 3
1691: 1175 Europeans in St. Augustine 1
1692: 354 garrison members 11
1702: 1200 to 1500 people sought refuge in fort; 323
garrison members 1,10,11
Notes: 1.
2 .
3 .
4 .
5 .
6.
7.
8 .
9.
10.
Dunkle 1958
Corbett 1974
Deagan 1990
Thomas 1990a
Bushnell 1981
Arnade 1959
Arana and Manucy 1977
TePaske 1975
Wenhold 1936
Corbett 1976
11. Arana 1960

91
European community intermixed with an equally varied number of
Native Americans, and a small, but significant, number of
displaced Africans (Corbett 1974, 1976; Deagan 1990; Dunkle
1958; Landers 1990; Rabinal, Alvarez, Escudero,and Redondo
1992). An overview of what is known regarding the number of
Africans, Native Americans, and Europeans is presented below.
The African Population
Very little is known about the origins and culture of the
Africans who came St. Augustine because the Spanish
authorities generally classified slaves according to their
port of departure, not their tribal affiliations (Curtin 1969;
Mórner 1967:18) . It has just been within the last decade or so
that scholars have turned their attention to Africans in St.
Augustine and the Spanish colonies, and have begun to
investigate their roles in Spanish colonial society (Arrom and
Garcia-Arevalo 1986; Deagan 1988; Deagan 1991; Landers 1990).
Origins and Roles in the Community
Unlike other regions of the Circum-Caribbean, Florida
never possessed any worthwhile mineral resources or a
plantation economy. Therefore, great numbers of African slaves
were not needed to sustain the economic life of the colony,
and most Africans did not directly enter Florida via the
Atlantic slave trade. A small number came from Seville, but
the majority came from the Antilles where they were purchased

92
by conscription from Cuba (Corbett 1974:429) . The absence of
plantations did not entirely negate the need for African
labor, and royal slaves accompanied the first settlers to St.
Augustine in 1565, although they probably numbered fewer than
50 (Landers 1990:320). In 1581, the Crown ordered Havana to
send royal slaves to St. Augustine to supplement the slave
force. Two years later, it was reported that slaves had built
a church, a blacksmith shop, a platform for artillery, sawed
timbers, cleared land for planting and repaired the fort
(Landers 1990:320).
Africans in St. Augustine also worked as auctioneers,
town criers, messengers, and as domestic help in the
Franciscan monastery, the royal hospital, and the barracks, as
well as in private homes. A free pardo. or mulatto, named
Chrispín de Tapia, was in charge of a grocery store in 1694
(Hann 1988:53), and it is reported that an African servant
worked in the Franciscan monastery in 1589 (Cooper 1962:7) . At
least two other African slaves, Antonio de Fuentes and Luis
Hernández, labored at the convento in 1654 and 1655 (St.
Augustine Parish Register, Book of Marriages 1654, 1655).
Although exact numbers are difficult to obtain, Bushnell
estimated that hidalgo households or those members of minor
nobility, owned an average number of 4 adult slaves for whom
they provided food, clothing, medicine, and tools. The
hidalgo also assumed responsibility for ensuring religious

93
instruction and attendance at mass for their slaves (Bushnell
1981:22-23) .
By 1602, royal treasury officials listed 56 Africans -
"36 old slaves and 20 new ones" (Arnade 1959) . In 1604, 34
Africans -- "18 men, nine women and seven too old to work"--
were included in official personnel rosters (Dunkle 1958:5).
In 1606, there were approximately 100 slaves, 40 of whom were
royal slaves, and Africans were apparently also placed on the
payroll as drummers, fifers, and flagbearers (Bushnell
1981:22) . In 1687, 18 additional royal slaves joined the labor
force (Arana and Manucy 1977:19). In 1689, seven blacks and
mulattoes were among those who labored on the construction of
the Castillo de San Marcos. Although the figures are not
precise, population estimates indicate that the numbers of
Africans in St. Augustine rose slightly during the latter half
of the century (Corbett 1974:418). In addition, the first
"significant" influx of slaves dates to this period.
This can be directly attributed to several factors
including the increasing incidence of pirate raids and the
English establishment of the Carolina colony in 1670. The
"founding" of the Carolina colony not only spurred
construction of a coquina fort and an increase in the Spanish
slave population, but it also led to the entry of "runaway"
slaves to St. Augustine from Carolina. The proximity of the
English settlement to Spanish Florida encouraged slaves to

94
escape and seek asylum in St. Augustine (Corbett 1974:429;
Landers 1988:296-313, 1990:320).
The first group of fugitive slaves reached St. Augustine
in 1687. Governor Diego de Qiroga y Cosada ordered the eight
men to labor on the Castillo de San Marcos, and assigned the
two women to work in his home as servants (TePaske 1975:3) . By
the 1690s, at least four other groups of runaways had reached
St. Augustine (Landers 1988:14) . As part of their "foreign
policy," and in part because of the legal rights granted to
Africans, the Spanish government encouraged manumission of
runaway slaves and, in 1688, provided compensation to the
English owners of slaves (Corbett 1974:429). In 1693, the
crown ruled that fugitives who became Catholic had the status
of freemen, and by 1683, Africans were organized into a
militia (Corbett 1974:429).
To date, it has been difficult to recognize the African
component in the archaeological record, especially that
associated with St. Augustine. This may be related to the fact
that Africans never comprised a dominant proportion of the
population of St. Augustine, and many who came were already
Hispanicized. However, excavations at Puerto Real (Smith 1986)
and at a cimarrón community in the Dominican Republic (Arrom
and Garcia-Arevalo 1986) provide tantalizing evidence that
African pottery making and metal-working traditions survived
the harsh journey to the Spanish Americas. It also challenges
currently held assumptions as to the origins of some

95
categories of artifacts, and suggests that pottery identified
as Native American or metal items identified as European, may
have been manufactured by Africans. Despite their
archaeological "invisibility," by the end of the seventeenth
century, Africans accounted for approximately 2% of the total
population of St. Augustine (Corbett 1974:418), and their
presence as royal employees, slaves, and domestic servants
made them an integral part of seventeenth-century society.
The Native American Population
Many distinct groups of Native Americans resided in La
Florida at the time of Spanish settlement (Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980; Swanton 1946;). During the seventeenth
century, the groups who experienced the most extensive contact
with the community of St. Augustine included those Indians who
resided in the provinces of Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee.
Geographically, the province of Guale consisted of the
Atlantic coastal region of southeastern Georgia and probably
included Mocamo, the region from St. Simon's Island to St.
Augustine (Larson 1978:120; Jerald Milanich personal
communication 1994) . Timucua province extended from the
northern third of the Florida peninsula into the extreme
southeastern portion of the Georgia coast, and included a
number of subgroups: the Yustaga, the Utina, the Potano, the
Saltwater Timucua or Mocama, the Cascangue, the Ibi, and the
Fresh Water Timucua or Acuera. Apalachee province included

96
the Florida panhandle from the Aucilla River west to the
Apalachicola River Valley (Hann 1990:424: Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:217,227). All of these groups interacted with
the European community of St. Augustine at various times and
in varying degrees, but the Timucuans, specifically those
members of the Fresh Water group who lived in the St.
Augustine region, sustained the initial and most intensive
interaction with the colonists of St. Augustine, simply
because of their proximity to the Spanish town.
The numbers and tribal affiliations of Native Americans
who lived in the town of St. Augustine itself is unknown, but
it appears that Florida Indians represented a sizeable
proportion of the community. It has been estimated that Native
Americans comprised approximately 3 6% of the population during
the latter half of the 1600s. Of those recorded in the St.
Augustine Parish Records, 33% hailed from the St. Augustine
region, and Native Americans from the hinterlands, including
the Yamassee from Tama, comprised the remaining 3% (Corbett
1974:418) . Other estimates, derived from mission accounts and
other religious documents, suggest a total Indian population
of approximately 200 in 1602, 216 in 1606, 90 in 1675, and 225
in 1689 (Deagan 1990:301) . Although these numbers were based
on counts of Christianized Indians only, they do serve as a
general indicator of the relative proportions of Native
Americans in St. Augustine.

97
Several factors accounted for the presence of Native
Americans in the Spanish town and influenced the demographic
character of the community. Throughout the seventeenth
century, powerful political, social, and economic forces
disrupted traditional Native American social organization and
settlement patterns (Hann 1986; Milanich 1978). Epidemic
disease wreaked havoc on native populations, but those factors
that most directly affected the Native American population of
St. Augustine included a program of forced Native America
labor (repartimiento) and the relocation of mission Indians to
the St. Augustine area following attacks by British troops.
Although poorly understood, these factors directly affected
the demographic composition of the town and its immediate
surroundings. As the administrative, military, and religious
headquarters for Spanish Florida, St. Augustine provided
economic opportunities for individual Indians willing to work
as household servants, and served as a haven for refugees in
need of military protection. The townspeople in turn
benefitted from the program of forced Indian labor initiated
under the Franciscan mission system.
The repartimiento system
In seventeenth-century Florida, the tribute system, in
which grain, charcoal, wild game, baskets or pottery were
demanded of Indian communities, gradually gave way to a labor
draft known as the repartimiento. Although this system of

98
forced Native American labor was officially formalized by the
Crown in 1503 (Deagan 1988a:198), it was first documented in
Florida during the term of Governor Gonzálo Méndez de Canzo
(1597-1603) . It was in place as early as 1601 when Indians
from Potano provided labor to raise corn in the St. Augustine
area (Worth 1992:120). The repartimiento was administered
through the Native American caciques who supplied "drafts of
labor" to Spanish employers for specific jobs. Each Indian
village in the mission provinces was assigned a quota that, in
theory, included only unmarried males assigned to serve in
yearly rotations (McAlister 1984:211).
Every year the Governor of La Florida drafted an order
that stated the exact number of Native American laborers to be
drafted from each village. One mandate was sent to the north
and two to the western regions. The laborers were ordered to
arrive in St. Augustine either in late February or early March
and were to remain in the Spanish town for a period of four to
seven months. Apparently, some of the repartimiento Indians
did not always leave in June, but were retained as personal
servants for the soldiers or officials (Worth 1992:
122,124,127) . Those Indians forced into repartimiento service
probably lived in huts in several small villages around the
Castillo de San Marcos and on the outskirts of St. Augustine
(Bushnell 1978:30; Worth 1992:125).
Two basic types of labor drafts existed: indios de cava
and indios de servicios (Bushnell 198 9) . Indios de cava

99
consisted of workers sent to the city to clear, dig, and plant
the communal and private field; perform the first, second, and
third hoeing; and guard the ripening corn for harvest against
crows and wild animals. Indios de servicio performed non-
agricultural duties, such as unloading ships, paddling canoes,
cutting firewood, and acted as couriers and personal servants
in Spanish households. They received rations plus a daily
wage that was paid in trade goods. Included in the indios de
servicio were the indios de fábricas, who worked on public
works projects, such as the construction of the Castillo de
San Marcos, and indios de carga, who functioned as burden
bearers and carried goods on their backs for long distances
(Boniface 1971:182, Bushnell 1989:34).
The exact number of Native American who entered St.
Augustine through the repartimiento system remains unknown,
but contemporary documents offer some clues. According to
Commissioner General Somoza, sometimes as many as 300 Indians
and their families were in St. Augustine at a given time.
Another official wrote that anyone of importance had "his
service Indians and so had all his kinsmen and friends"
(Bushnell 1978:30). For the mid 1600s, 32 to 60 Indians were
drafted from Timucua province, 25 to 54 from Guale, and 200
from Apalachee (Worth 1992:123). In 1673, 50 Indians from
Guale were sent to work in St. Augustine (Thomas 1990a:379).
During the construction of the Castillo de San Marcos, as many
as 300 Indians worked and lived in St. Augustine (Bushnell

100
1981:23), but it is not clear if this figure also included
those Native Americans brought from Mexico to work on the
fort.
Relocation of Mission Indians to St. Augustine
A second factor that affected the Native American
population was the relocation of mission Indians to the St.
Augustine area beginning in the 1600s (Hann 1990:501). This
resettling was directly related to the British campaign to
destroy the Franciscan missions in Spanish Florida (Bolton and
Ross 1925:34-38). Although the largest movements of Native
American people to the St. Augustine area took place at the
end of the middle period (ca. 1702-1704; see Deagan 1990), the
process of relocation began in the 1620s when the Carolinian
militia attacked and destroyed Guale and Timucuan missions
north of St. Augustine (Hann 1990:501). A major resettling of
mission Indians to the St. Augustine area took place after
1670 when the British settled Charles Towne (Bolton and Ross
1925:34-38) . The number of Native Americans who relocated to
the St. Augustine area for protection and settled on the
outskirts of the presidio is unknown.
The consolidation and movement of these various mission
populations to St. Augustine may be reflected in the
proportions of Native American ceramics found in the
seventeenth-century archaeological record (Deagan 1993:306;
Piatek 1985). By 1650, San Marcos pottery manufactured by the

101
Native Americans from Guale (Smith 1948:314-416) almost
completely replaced the St. Johns pottery manufactured by the
Timucuans who resided in the St. Augustine area (Goggin
1952:99-105; Piatek 1985:81-89). Furthermore, initial analysis
of the late seventeenth-century Native American pottery
assemblage from the Franciscan mission headquarters in St.
Augustine indicates an increase in the quantity and diversity
of both Guale and other non-local native pottery and
concomitantly people in St. Augustine (Hoffman 1992).
The Spanish and European Population
Throughout the seventeenth century, people of Spanish
descent clearly dominated the rosters of European immigrants
to St. Augustine. This dominant group included both
peninsulares (born in Spain) and criollos (born in Spanish
America). No detailed information regarding the percentages
of Spanish versus Spanish Americans exists for the first half
of the century, but Dunkles' survey of baptisms recorded in
the St. Augustine Parish records suggests a steady but slow
increase in the "white married population" from approximately
275 in 1600 to 1,175 in 1691 (Dunkle 1958:8,10) . Estimates for
the latter half of the 1600s suggest that the proportions of
male immigrants from the Iberian peninsula decreased from
31.6% (ca. 1658-1670) to 28.3% (ca. 1671-1691). As the
proportion of peninsulares decreased, the number of criollos.
castas. Native Americans, and Africans slowly increased, and

102
St. Augustine steadily developed into a more ethnically
diverse community.
Although people of Spanish descent represented the
majority of Europeans, scattered references to people who
migrated from other areas of Europe exist. A letter written in
1598 by the Royal Accountant, Bartolomé de Arqüelles, noted
that Governor Méndez Canzo brought seven "foreigners" to St.
Augustine - an English fifer and six German artillerists
(Arnade 1959:9; Bushnell 1983:38). In 1607, twenty-eight
Portuguese, six Germans, twenty Frenchmen, and two Flemish
were listed as members of the militia (Bushnell 1983:43,-
Dunkle 1958:5). In 1696, a member of Jonathan Dickinson's
party reported that "some English ... lived here," including
William Carr from the Isle of Man, a member of the garrison
and "chief interpretor" (Dickinson 1945:83). In addition,
there are reports of a Portuguese pilot and a French surgeon
(Bushnell 1983:38). Corbett's analysis of the population
structure during the latter half of the 1600s indicates that
non-Spanish Europeans constituted approximately 3% of the
entire recorded population (Corbett 1974:418).
Gender ratios and Intermarriage
Throughout its existence as a Spanish colony, St.
Augustine functioned as a military town designed to protect
Spanish territory from incursions to the north and to assist
in the protection of the treasure fleets on their journey

103
between the Americas and Europe. Consequently, like many other
Spanish colonies in the Indies, European immigrants to St.
Augustine throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
consisted predominantly of single men employed as members of
the garrison who hailed from the southern and western regions
of Spain. Most likely, few were under 15 or over 60, and
included the younger landless sons of aristocrats, artisans,
soldiers, sailors, laborers, priests, missionaries, and the
unemployed (Corbett 1974, 1976; McAlister 1984).
European Women. Very little information is available
regarding the numbers of European women who migrated to St.
Augustine because women and children were generally not
included in census data (Dunkle 1958:4). The limited
information regarding Spanish women in St. Augustine suggests
a slow but steady migration of women to St. Augustine during
the initial years of colonization (26 of the original 800
colonists were women and 13 more arrived in 1566), but only
a few entries to the colony after the first few years (Deagan
1985:7; Dunkle 1958:4). If St. Augustine followed the trend
noted for other regions of the Indies, European women probably
never accounted for more than about 2 8 to 3 0% of the total
European population and the ratio of men to women never fell
below approximately 3.5 to 1.
The shortage of Spanish women resulted in one of the most
dramatic and fundamental transformations of Spanish culture
into a Spanish colonial culture --a pattern of intermarriage,

104
both formal and informal, between Spanish men and Native
American women dating from the earliest years of colonization
(Gibson 1966:115). This was not only sanctioned, but
encouraged by the Spanish government as a means of stabilizing
and converting the Indians. Spanish men and Indian women,
living together, were persuaded to marry, and intermarrriage
between elite Spanish men and high ranking Indian women was
used as a form of political alliance (McAlister 1984: 108-132;
Mórner 1967) . An example of this type of alliance in La
Florida took place in 1566 when the head of the Calusa
Indians, Chief Carlos, "gave" his sister, Doña Antonia, to
Pedro Menéndez de Avilés as a wife (Lyon 1983:149) .
Intermarriage in St. Augustine. Intermarriage was so
prevalent in sixteenth-century St. Augustine that it has been
suggested that possibly one half of the married women may have
been Indian (Bushnell 1983:38), and that by the 1600s, this
pattern had become so ingrained that the sex ratio levelled
off and "a good proportion of native-born St. Augustinians
. . . were mestizos" (Bushnell 1983:38). Further evidence
that intermarriage continued during the seventeenth century
can be seen through an analysis of the St. Augustine Parish
Marriage records.
An analysis of the marriage records revealed a slow, but
steady increase in the proportions of marriages between people
of different national origins and ethnic groups. As shown in
Table 7, the percentage of "mixed" marriages, which included

I
105
Table 7. The Frequency of "Mixed" Marriages in Seventeenth-
Century St. Augustine
Years
Number
of Mixed
Marriages
Percentage
of All Mixed
Marriages
Percentage
of All
Marriages
1594-1598
2
4.4
8.0
1600-1619
3
6.5
3.9
1620-1639
0
0
0
1640-1659
4
8.7
2.7
1660-1679
19
41.3
9.7
1680-1699
21
45.6
10.5
TOTAL
46
100.0
5.9
Note: data based on a transcription of the St. Augustine
Parish Register, Book of Marriages (1589-1700) on file at the
Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board; "Mixed" refers to
marriages between Native Americans, Africans, and Europeans.

106
marriages between Spaniards, Native Americans, Africans, and
castas. increased from 4.4% in the late 15th century to 45.6%
by the end of the 1600s. In actuality, this number may have
been higher because the Parish records may not accurately
reflect the number of Native Americans or mestizos for several
reasons.
First, the Book of Marriages for the years 1594-1640
includes only limited information regarding national origin
and ethnicity. Not until 1641 were more detailed records kept.
Second, many of the marriages involving Indians and mestizos
were recorded in the now-lost registers of the Indian mission
doctrina records because they fell under the jurisdiction of
the Franciscan friars rather than the St. Augustine Parish
priests (Deagan 1990:158, TePaske 1964:175-177). Finally,
during colonial times, the Spanish developed an extremely
complex system of ethnic and racial classification based on
the amount of European and African blood a person had.
Consequently, a person classified as Spanish may in fact have
been the product of several years of intermarriage between
Europeans and Indians. For example, the child of a man who was
7/8 European and a woman who was 1/8 Indian was a castizo, but
the child of a castizo and a Spanish woman was classified as
Spanish (Mórner 1967:53-60). This system of classification,
obviously obscures the "true" picture of intermarriage and
must be kept in mind when interpreting records, such as the

107
St. Augustine Parish records, that list race and national
origin.
The Importance and Role of the Catholic Church
The Catholic religion comprised a vital and all-
encompassing aspect of colonial life in St. Augustine.
The majority of the research concerning the colonial church in
La Florida has focused on the Franciscan mission effort
(Arenas Frutos 1981; Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1951; Gannon
1983; Geiger 1937; McEwan 1991; Thomas 1990), but some
attention has been directed towards understanding the role and
influence of the Church in the community of St. Augustine
(Gannon 1983; Kapitzke 1991; Koch 1980,1983; Parker 1991;
TePaske 1965).
Ecclesiastical Structures
The Catholic church in St. Augustine was represented by
both regular and secular clergy, both of whom fell under the
jurisdiction of the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba. The regular
clergy included members of religious orders, such as the
Franciscans, who established missions and sought to convert
the Native Americans to Christianity. The secular clergy, who
did not belong to a particular religious order, ministered to
the non-Indian residents of the town of St. Augustine and
therefore played a more active role in the religious life of
the Spanish community. In the absence of a secular clergyman,

108
it was not uncommon for the friars to assume responsibility
for the townspeople (Haring 1947:177) as happened when Father
Marrón, the Superior of the Franciscans in La Florida, briefly
served as parish priest from 1594 to 1597. He was replaced
when Gonzalo Méndez de Canzo became governor and appointed a
secular priest, Ricardo Artúr, to assume the responsibilities
of parish priest (Gannon 1983:44-45).
There were never many secular clergy in St. Augustine and
throughout the colonial era, they were outnumbered by the
Franciscans. In the early years of the seventeenth century,
only two positions were held by the secular clergy, the parish
priest and the chaplain of the Castillo. In 1673, a third
position opened up when a member of the secular clergy assumed
the responsibilities of sacristan, duties which had previously
been performed by a soldier in the garrison (Kapitzke
1991:17). This basic organizational structure, which
originated during the early years of colonization, remained in
place throughout the seventeenth century.
Social. Cultural and Intellectual Influences
The interweaving of church and state permeated not only
the political aspects of life, but also the social, cultural,
and intellectual activities of the community, and Catholicism
"provided a basis for a common cultural identity" (Kapitzke
1991:29; Lyon 1983:20). In addition to their responsibilities
to celebrate the Mass, preach the Gospel weekly, and

109
administer the sacraments, almost all social services,
including education, the establishment of hospitals, and poor
relief, fell under the domain of the clergy.
The specific types of church-sponsored social welfare
projects in St. Augustine are poorly understood and have never
been thoroughly investigated. It is known that the
Franciscans operated a seminary at the monastery by 1605
(Gannon 1983:46). Also, the parish priest, Father Alonso de
Leturiondo, conducted a school to teach "grammar" to the
children during the late seventeenth century (Kapitzke
1991:33), but little else is known regarding the extent of
education in St. Augustine. Presumably, there was a literate
segment of the community interested in education because at
least two libraries existed in town: one library of "Greek and
Latin Fathers" housed at the Franciscan monastery (Shea
1886:460) and another private library consisting of 17 books
owned by Sergeant Major Pedro Benedit de Horruytiner, a
prominent criollo (Arana 1971: 158-171). Clearly, the
education in St. Augustine did not compare to that available
in the major commercial centers of Spanish America where
universities were founded quite early. It is quite possible
that the elite sent their children to Santo Domingo, Havana,
Mexico City, or some other major metropolis to be educated, as
was often the case among the elite in other colonial settings.
The parish priest and the Church with the assistance of
lay organizations known as confraternities (cofradías or

110
hermandades) also organized community life "according to the
Christian calendar" (Haring 1947:178; Kapitzke 1991:29; Lyon
1983). Cofradías existed in St. Augustine at least as early as
1576, and by 1688, there were at least six such
confraternities in St. Augustine. These included the cofradía
of Santa Veracruz (Holy Cross), Nuestra Señora de la Pura
Concepción (the Immaculate Conception), Nuestra Señora de la
Soledad (Solitude), Nuestra Señora de la Leche (Our Lady of
the Milk), Las Ánimas (Souls in Purgatory), Nuestra Señora del
Rosario (the Rosary), and Santísimo Sacramento (Blessed
Sacrament). All were canonically instituted, and membership in
these mutual aid societies was based either on annual dues of
two to four reales or donations. Their membership included
upper class women and men who upon their death left both
obligatory legacies and bequests for charitable works to the
cofradía (Parker 1991). Separate confraternities existed for
Spanish, African, and Native Americans throughout Latin
America (McAlister 1984:173, 406), and at least one such
organization, Nuestra Señora de la Leche, existed in the
Indian mission of Nombre de Dios (Kapitzke 1991:73).
Cofradías helped raised funds for the construction and
financial support of the church; established hospitals,
provided aid to widows, orphans, the poor, elderly, or ill;
and organized religious fiestas, dances, dramas, processions,
and funerals (McAlister 1984:136, 404). As such, they played
an important role in the social and religious life of the

Ill
community. Cofradías also functioned as a type of hospice in
that some of them, such as the Brotherhood of the Most Holy
Cross, provided spiritual and psychological support to members
facing death. Members visited the sick, maintained bedside
vigils "until God took them," arranged funeral processions,
and accompanied the body to the grave (Parker 1991:7) .
Some of the more important functions of the Blessed
Sacrament cofradía. founded by the parish church, included the
care of the altar and tabernacle, the maintenance of the
"perpetual light," and the care of at least some religious
paraphernalia (Parker 1990:2-3). An inventory of the
Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament at the time of the
transfer of St. Augustine to the British included a silver
inlaid baldachin, or canopy suspended over the altar, made in
Havana from re-worked silver candlesticks; a silver lamp; Holy
water fonts; picture frames; a floor carpet; painted torch
stands,- artificial flowers; red painted lanterns,- an incense
chest; tin money boxes,- a decorated book of Papal Bulls,- a
gold fringed parasol of crimson damask; and other personal
and religious apparel, banners, veils, and altar cloths of
cotton, silk, and damask adorned with embroidery and bordado
(Rodríguez de Herrera 1764). The confraternity apparently
acquired these goods not only through donations and dues, but
through real estate transactions. This particular cofradía
owned several rental properties in St. Augustine, including
one included in this study.

112
Cofradía members (cofrades) also organized religious
processions to celebrate significant religious events in the
liturgical calendar or to honor a patron saint. At least five
feast days or días festivos were observed in seventeenth-
century St. Augustine: Corpus Christi, the Day of the
Ascension, the Day of the True Cross, St. Augustine's Day (the
patron saint of the town), and the Day of St. Mark's (the
patron saint of the Castillo de San Marcos). Special masses
were also conducted during Lent (Kapitzke 1991: 42-43; Lyon
1983:20). Holidays were celebrated with special masses paid
for by the cofradías. prayer vigils organized by the female
members of confraternities, religious dramas, and elaborate
processions in which local dignitaries and cofrades "paraded
through streets strewn with palm fronds and fragrant herbs"
carrying statues, candles, a guidon with the cofradía
insignia, intricate banners of Chinese silk, and canopies of
brocade, velvet, and damask with gold or silver fringe. A
special Mass at the parish church, the chapel at the castillo
or at the Franciscan monastery followed the processions and
closed the ceremonies for the day (Kapitzke 1991:30; Parker
1991:12-13) .
Other important social events in the community centered
around the death or marriage of a member of the royal family
and the ascension of a new monarch to the throne. Again, no
specific information regarding these rituals during the
seventeenth century exists, but limited detail can be

113
extrapolated from the early eighteenth century. The community
observed two days of mourning following the death of a monarch
and one day when another member of the royal family died.
During this formal period of mourning, women dressed in black
gowns and headdresses, the men wore their dress uniforms or
best clothes "adorned with black symbols of mourning," black
crepe draped the buildings, flags flew at half mast, bells
tolled from five in the morning until ten at night, and votive
candles on the altars were lit. Town officials marched in a
somber funereal procession to the parish church where a High
Mass was held and eulogies given. The guardian of the
Franciscan monastery also lit candles and said a funeral mass
in honor of the deceased monarch or royal family member
(TePaske 1965:100) .
Royal marriages and the crowning of a new monarch (two
kings ascended to the throne in the 1600s: Philip IV in 1621
and Charles II in 1665) , were also celebrated with
processions, bells, and special masses at the parish church
and the monastery, but these public rituals assumed a more
festive mood. The governor hosted a private banquet for the
more prominent members of the community, but he also provided
food and drink for the public fiesta that took place in the
candlit streets and in the town plaza (Kapitzke 1991:30;
TePaske 1965:103). Singing, music, dancing, and church-
sponsored dramas were also important parts of these community
festivals.

114
Summary
The economic, demographic and religious events and
circumstances discussed above suggest that through the
seventeenth century, a consistent pattern of social and
economic organization and interaction can be documented. For
example, the presidio continued to depend on the royal
subsidy, the practice of inter-ethnic marriage continued, and
Catholicism remained the dominant form of religious expression
in the community. Along with this apparent consistency and
stability, however, it appears that the economic and
demographic structures of the community became increasingly
diversified and locally oriented during the seventeenth
century. The next chapter addresses the strategy and method
used to investigate this proposition from an archaeological
perspective using the archaeological record of the middle
period in St. Augustine.

CHAPTER 5
ARCHAEOLOGICAL STRATEGY AND METHOD
As noted throughout the previous chapters, archaeological
data are central to the objective of this study, which is to
contribute to and refine our understanding of the processes
involved in the emergence of unique European-American cultural
traditions in the Atlantic world. This will be approached by
using the middle period in St. Augustine as a case study.
After defining the cultural forms, processes, and associated
patterns that characterized the middle period in Spanish
America, they will be compared to similar forces known from
the middle period in British America.
The beginning years of the middle period in Spanish St.
Augustine, the late sixteenth century, have already been
characterized in detail by Deagan (1985). Therefore, although
the sixteenth century data will be incorporated and used as a
baseline, this study concentrates primarily on characterizing
that segment of the middle period that remained "unknown"- the
seventeenth century. Two general questions will guide this
effort; the first concerns the nature of Spanish colonial
115

116
development, and the second concerns its degree of similarity
to or divergence from that of the British colonies.
As a point of departure, this study will investigate the
premise that Spanish America underwent a process of local
elaboration and separation from the mother country, similar to
that already demonstrated for part of the British colonial
world (Deetz 1977, 1993; Greene 1988). As used here,
elaboration refers to a diversification and addition of traits
to the initial contact culture. The testing of this premise
is based on those parameters that can be addressed
archaeologically, and that have been documented in British
America. For these reasons, Deetz' archaeologically derived
model assumes primary importance. This model was discussed in
Chapter 3, and is summarized below.
Deetz (1977) argued that the nature of British colonial
culture gradually changed during the middle period from a
simplified version of Old "England" to a more varied tradition
that reflected local American concerns and realities. Much of
this local orientation represented a "folk tradition" and
could be attributed to the relative isolation of the colonies
from their European homeland. This folk period was
characterized as a time of great regional variation, and was
marked by the appearance of new styles, the growth of American
production, and a diversification of goods available to the
colonists.

117
In the material world, these forces were apparent
primarily in the spatial organization, mortuary practices, and
foodways associated with colonial life. As used by Deetz,
"foodways" referred to "the whole interrelated system of food
conceptualization, procurement, distribution, preservation,
preparation, and consumption shared by all members of a
particular group" (1973:16). These three elements of the
colonial cultural system were manifested in the archaeological
record as changes in the form of vernacular architecture,
stylistic trends of gravestone art, and the use of and
diversity of pottery assemblages, respectively. All of these
categories of data revealed a transition from a relatively
small and fixed inventory of traditional English styles to
ones that emphasized American resources and manufacture.
If Spanish America underwent a similar process of local
"elaboration" and separation from the mother country during
the middle period, then comparable patterns and processes
should also be evident in the archaeological record associated
with the middle period in the Spanish colonies. In the case of
St. Augustine, given our historical understanding of this era
of settlement, the processes of diversification and separation
should therefore be seen primarily as an expanding involvement
in the Atlantic world, and a growing reliance on American
resources. These forces should be discernible in the material
world as: (1) An increase in the overall diversity of the
material culture, (2) a decrease in the relative frequency of

118
Spanish goods, (3) an increase in the use of American goods
and resources, and (4) the appearance of new Spanish-American
or "criollo" elements.
The questions addressed in this study focus on those
aspects of social and economic life that previous research has
shown to be recognizable in the archaeological record. These
questions, were asked first on a site specific basis, when
applicable, and then on a more general community-wide level.
The first question concerned the general pattern of artifact
use during the middle period and its degree of change through
time.
Artifact patterns represent an abstraction from reality
that are used to statistically describe the material elements
of a particular cultural system (South 1977). In addition,
they provide an objective means of both ordering the material
world and tracing change through time. Changes in the
organization of the material world can therefore signal
economic, technological, social, or cultural transformations
in the cultural system that they represent.
If the middle period represented a time when the "contact
culture" became more elaborate and diverse, then the basic
organization of the associated material world should exhibit
similar characteristics. That is, the relative proportions of
general artifact categories (kitchen wares, architectural
items, weaponry, etc.) should remain relatively unchanged
through the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. However,

119
the specific type of material represented by these categories
should exhibit a greater amount of variety, and new Spanish-
American or "criollo" elements should appear.
In addition, the artifact patterns should also reveal an
intensification of the pattern of European and Native American
interaction that was established during the initial years of
settlement. This should be discernible as an increase in the
frequency of Native American food preparation utensils,
including such things as cooking vessels.
Another question that guided this study involved the idea
that the middle period represented a time of separation from
the homeland and a growing reliance on the American colonial
world. This shift in dependency, and possibly loyalty, from
Spain to the American colonial world can be measured through
an analysis of trade networks. The weakening ties with Spain
should be evident in the material culture as a decrease in the
relative frequency of goods produced in Spain. The developing
reliance on the American colonial world should be seen as an
increase in the proportion and diversity of American-produced
goods. American-produced goods include those items either
manufactured by Native Americans and European-Americans in the
colonies or obtained through American trade networks.
In order to test these predictions, the assemblages from
St. Augustine sites were first divided into three time
periods: the late sixteenth century (ca. 1580-1600), the early
seventeenth century (ca. 1600-1649) and the late seventeenth

120
century (ca. 1650-1702). As mentioned on the first page of
this chapter, Deagan (1985) has already characterized the late
sixteenth-century archaeological assemblage. Therefore, those
data will be used as a baseline from which to assess the
nature and degree of change during the middle period. These
chronological divisions are based on our understanding of
datable European ceramics (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968), and on
the documented economic and social circumstances of the middle
period (Bushnell 1981, 1983).
Because archaeological data concerning architecture and
gravestone art during the middle period in St. Augustine
either do not exist or are too limited for inclusion here,
they would not be reliable indicators of the forces associated
with the middle period. However, material expressions of
foodways do exist in the form of pottery and other kinds of
food-related utensils. Ceramics played an important role in
the daily lives of the people who used them, and comprise the
majority of the material evidence concerning the past, both in
general and in St. Augustine. Pottery assemblages, therefore,
represent one of the more important categories of material
culture, and are useful because of several assumptions
concerning their function within a cultural system. It is
generally accepted that the different elements of any cultural
system are interrelated, and that change in any one area will
affect other aspects of the system. Based on this, it follows
that changes in the ceramic assemblage of the past indicate

121
shifts in the foodways of the past or shifts in the ethnic
makeup of the population, which in turn reflect change in
other elements (Deetz 1973:16).
Other evidence of foodways in seventeenth-century St.
Augustine exists in the form of faunal remains. These have
been analyzed and interpreted by Elizabeth Reitz (1993a), and
her results are incorporated in this study. In addition to the
pottery and faunal remains, artifacts indicative of non¬
foodway activities are also used to characterize the
seventeenth-century material world.
The archaeological assemblages from each of the temporal
subdivisions discussed above have been organized by functional
categories that follow those developed by South (1977:88-106)
and adapted for Spanish colonial sites by Deagan (1983:231-
241, 1985:20). Except for construction material, which was
weighed, each artifact was counted and then assigned to one of
14 major functional groups. This methodological tool
represents a statistical description of artifact categories
that describe the elements of a cultural system.
The use of these functional categories is based on the
following assumption:
. . . each household in a colonial society represents
a system within a much larger system of complex
variables,with the larger system imposing on each
household a degree of uniformity in the relationships
among its behavioral parts. This uniformity is

122
expected to be revealed in various classes of cultural
remains (South 1977:86).
While analysis of artifact classes may not be appropriate
for questions that deal with individual behavior or issues of
variability, it is useful for those questions that involve a
larger scale, such as group and community-wide, and cultural
behavior. When dealing with this larger scale, the use of
functional categories of artifacts provides a specific way to
organize data, and to define the parameters of regularity and
variability within a cultural system. The functional grouping
of artifacts also provides a objective means of comparing the
assemblages from different sites both within a specific
culture and across cultural boundaries.
The activity groups used in this study included: (1)
Kitchen, (2) Architecture, (3) Weaponry, (4) Clothing and
Sewing, (5) Personal, (6) Activities, (7) Furniture Hardware,
(8) Tools, (9) Toys and Games, (10) Harness and Tack, and (11)
Religious Items. In addition, each artifact group also
included a number of subclasses for additional and more
specific functional identification when available. For
instance, the Kitchen group is subdivided into majolica, other
tablewares, Native American, and food preparation items. This
subdivision recognizes the importance of the majolica
manufacturing tradition in Spanish society and the
predominance of majolica on Spanish colonial sites. It also

123
acknowledges the role of Native American pottery as a critical
element in Spanish colonial food preparation technology.
As part of the archaeological characterization of the
seventeenth-century assemblages, the sample sites were ranked
according to the relative proportions of Spanish or Spanish-
American majolica versus Native American pottery. This index
follows that used by Deagan (1983,1985) in her
characterization of late sixteenth-century and eighteenth-
century assemblages from St. Augustine. The use of this index
should highlight intersite variability between the various
sites, and allow some general statements regarding socio¬
economic differences between the various site occupants to be
made.
Following this archaeological characterization, the
ceramics from the assemblages were grouped according to their
place of manufacture. Manufacturing locales for colonial
pottery have been fairly well documented through both archival
and archaeological research (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968; Lister
and Lister 1972, 1974, 1987; Noel Hume 1985) . As a result, it
is possible to identify the country of origin by examining the
paste characteristics and decorative attributes of various
types of colonial period ceramics. This, along with the
important role of pottery in Spanish colonial culture, its
preservation at archaeological sites, and its concomitant
appearance in relatively high proportions, renders it

124
particularly amenable for tracing trade and distribution
networks.
The ceramics from each time period were therefore grouped
according to five major geographic areas. These included (1)
Asia, (2) Europe, (3) New Spain, (4) Unknown European or
European American, and (5) La Florida. With the exception of
Asia, the ceramics within each of these general areas were
then divided into more specific regions. For example,
European ceramics were classified as originating in Spain,
England, France, or Italy. The origins of Spanish-American
ceramics were subdivided into Mexico City, Puebla, Tonala,
Yucatán, or unknown. Native American pottery manufactured in
La Florida was arranged according to the three major provinces
of Timucua, Guale/Mocamo, and Apalachee. In recognition of the
uniqueness of colono ware as a potential pan-Indian or African
ware, this particular type of pottery was included in Native
American wares as a separate subgroup.
Despite the vast amount of archaeological research that
has focused on cultural development in the British colonies
(Benes 1977; Brown 1977), and in particular the Chesapeake
region (Smolek, Poque, and Clark 1984), categories of data
analogous with those used by Spanish colonial researchers are
not readily available. The methods used to collect, quantify
and organize data by historical archaeologists interested in
the development of British colonial culture (Deetz 1977;
Miller and King 1988) differ fundamentally from those used by

125
scholars interested in the Spanish colonial experience (South
1983; Deagan 1983; Ewen 1991).
In general, historical archaeologists working on British
colonial sites expose and excavate large "blocks" or areas of
a town, while those working in St. Augustine focus on
uncovering individual households within a community. This
problem in obtaining collections of excavated material
recovered under comparable conditions, and the use of vastly
different excavation strategies renders comparisons, based on
quantifiable data, difficult at best. In addition, British
colonial archaeologists also generally rely either on
categories of data not available in St. Augustine, such as
gravestone art and architectural forms (Deetz 1974, 1977,
1993) or use entirely different activity groups that are based
on minimum ceramic vessel counts (Miller, et al. 1983).
While the use of different activity groups or minimum
number of vessels, instead of number of sherds, does not
necessarily pose a problem, the lack of accessible "raw" data
(i.e. lists of artifact types and frequencies) does. For the
most part, complete inventories of excavated material are
simply not available in the published literature. In the
Chesapeake region, this type of information exists only on the
original catalog and analysis cards for a specific site (Julie
King, personal communication, 1994).
Limited data regarding the origins of pottery exist from
Kingsmill Plantation in the Virginia colony (Kelso 1984), but

126
several caveats are in order. First, the Kingsmill Plantation
ceramic data are based on vessel count, not sherd frequency.
Second, the sample size is relatively small when compared to
the St. Augustine data, and third, the data used in this study
are compiled from summary tables that categorize the ceramics
as Chinese, Delft, and American (see Kelso 1984: Appendix B).
Because no detailed listing of the specific types included in
each group is included, Delftwares are assumed to be of
English, not Dutch origin.
Despite these limitations, the ceramic assemblage from
Kingsmill Plantation, a seventeenth-century British-colonial
community situated along the James River in the Virginia
colony (Kelso 1984), will be used to measure the degree of
separation from Europe and the reliance on American resources
during the middle period. This will be approached by comparing
the relative proportions of ceramics manufactured in China,
Europe, and the Americas. The British colonial sites included
in this comparison include the Pettus, Utopia, and portions of
the Kingsmill Tenement sites. The samples used in this study
were recovered from postholes, a well, and trash pits.
All three sites were located along the James River near
modern-day Williamsburg, Virginia. Much of the documentation
regarding land ownership and residency of Kingsmill Plantation
during the seventeenth century is vague (Kelso 1984:35). All
of the sites represented domestic households that date from
ca. 1640-1700, the middle period in the Chesapeake region

127
(Deetz 1993). Although the Utopia site was named after James
Utie, the original landowner, there is no evidence that he
ever resided on the property. Instead, the property seems to
have been occupied by tenants who worked the land. The
Kingsmill Tenement site was occupied by "Thomas Farley, a
tenant who had a wife, a daughter, and a 40-year old servant"
(Kelso 1984:34-35) .
Only one site, the Pettus site, was occupied by a
resident landowner. Colonel Thomas Pettus was the twelfth son
of a wealthy English merchant and politician. It is not known
when he arrived in the Virginia colony, but by 1641 he served
on the Governor's Council. Pettus initially acquired 200 acres
of land, and then accumulated additional land through his
marriage to Elizabeth Durant, a wealthy widow. By the end of
the century, the Pettus family holdings included 1,280 acres.
Colonel Pettus died in 1669, and his son, Thomas Pettus,
inherited the land. Following the younger Pettus' death in
1691, the land was purchased by the James Bray family.
The compilation and characterization of the material
record into functional categories and units of analysis
comparable to those used for Spanish colonial sites, in
general, and specifically St. Augustine, was found not to be
feasible at this time. Consequently, much of the comparative
aspect of this study will deal with a more general level of
analysis. That is, the nature of Spanish colonial cultural
development, as reflected in the archaeological record of St.

128
Augustine, will be compared with the existing archaeologically
derived model of development for New England and Virginia
(Deetz 1977, 1993).
Sample Sites and Archaeological Contexts from St. Aucrustine
Archaeological deposits in St. Augustine reflect a
continuous European occupation of more than 400 years (1565 to
the present) and exhibit extremely complex stratification. The
superimposition and mixing of the soil associated with the
various occupations at most sites often render it difficult to
separate and distinguish the various different temporal
contexts. The identification of a specific cultural and
temporal affiliation therefore depends on strict stratigraphic
controls and the presence of tightly dated European ceramics,
specifically Spanish majolica (Deagan 1987; Fairbanks 1972;
Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1972, 1987) and English
tableware (Noel Hume 1985) . This is particularly true when
dealing with late sixteenth and early seventeenth century
contexts, a time span that covers a period of less than fifty
years. Consequently, although most of the Spanish colonial
sites excavated in St. Augustine have included a late
sixteenth or early seventeenth century component, only seven
have yielded a sufficient sample of closed-context

129
seventeenth-century proveniences for inclusion in this study
(Table 8).
Identification of these proveniences, which are defined
as "a deposit in the ground resulting from a single behavioral
event or process" (Deagan 1983:56), was based on the terminus
post quern (TPQ) for the deposit and its stratigraphic point of
initiation. In order to ensure comparability in recovery and
analytical methods, all of the sites chosen for this research
were excavated either as part of the Historical Archaeology
Program at Florida State University in Tallahassee or the
Florida Museum of Natural History at the University of Florida
in Gainesville (both directed by Deagan) or by personnel
trained in these programs. The specific proveniences used in
this research are listed, by site, in Appendix 1.
The seven sites used to conduct this analysis include:
(1) the Convento de San Francisco (SA42A) , (2) the Josef
Lorenzo de León Site (SA26-1) , (3) the Trinity Episcopal
Church Site (SA34-1), (4) the Ximénez-Fatio House (SA34-2),
(5) the Palm Row Site (SA36-4), (6) the Cofradía Site (SA33-
1) , and (7) The O'Reilly House site (SA35-1) . All of the sites
included in this research have been occupied since the
sixteenth century, and are located south of the modern town
plaza in St. Augustine in an area known today as "The Old
City" (Figure 6).

Table 8. Summary of Occupational and Excavation History of Seventeenth Century Sample
Sites.
SITE
SITE NUMBER
SITE FUNCTION
EXCAVATION HISTORY1
Convento de
San Francisco
SA42A
Franciscan monastery
1588-1763
UF: Hoffman 1990
Cofradía
SA30-1
Religious confraternity
ca. 15767-1763
UF: Napoleon 1990
HSAPB: Napoleon 1990a
Trinity
Episcopal
SA34-1
Domestic residence ca.
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: Deagan 1978
Williams 1979
Deagan 1980
Vernon 1980, 1980a
Ximénez-Fatio
SA34-2
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
UF: MacMurray 1972
Deagan 1973
Ewen 1984
McEwan 1985
FSU: Clauser 1975
Caballero 1979
King & Gaske 1980
Stevens 1981
Josef de León
SA26-1
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: Singleton 1976
Braley 1978
Deagan 1978
Caballero 1979
CETA:1979 (no report)
Palm Row
SA36-4
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: Poe 1979
O'Reilly House
SA35-1
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: MacMahon 1981
1 UF=University of Florida, FSU=Florida State University, CITY=City of St. Augustine, HSAPB=Historic St.
Augustine Preservation Board, CETA
H
LO
o

Figure 6. Location of Excavated 17th Century Sites in Relation to the 1586 Townsite
CO
H1

132
As depicted in a 1586 engraving by Boazio (see Figure 3
in chapter 4) , and supported by documentary and archaeological
research (Deagan 1981, 1982, 1983; Deagan and Bostwick 1976;
Hoffman 1977) , this "Old City" consisted of a core of nine
blocks. Figure 6 shows the location of the seven sites within
the colonial town, and in relationship to the 1586 Boazio map.
With the exception of the Convento de San Francisco, no
known documentary information regarding the specific
seventeenth-century occupations of these sites is available.
In general, the archaeological assemblages suggest that the
other six sites were domestic residences, and that the people
who lived at these sites represented a variety of economic
levels in the town. The sampling strategy at all of the sites
focused on "backyard" (Fairbanks 1977) areas where kitchens
were located and everyday activities, such as cooking,
washing, and throwing away trash took place. As shown in
Appendix 1, most of the sample used in this study came from
trash areas, wells or well construction pits that were
situated in the "backyard" area of the residences or
monastery.
Considerably more information is available for the
Convento de San Francisco site because of its function as a
Franciscan monastery (or friary) and mission headquarters
throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth
centuries. As such, it represented an important center of
Catholic administrative and religious activities and rituals

133
during colonial times. In addition, the Convento de San
Francisco provided the largest and most reliable sample of
seventeenth century material recovered from St. Augustine to
date. Before summarizing the results of excavations at these
sites, it is important to discuss how and why assemblages from
such different sites can be used to address the question of
cultural development.
The factors of site function and socio-economic standing
affect the archaeological record, but their relative
importance depends on the type and scale of question under
consideration. These factors are most critical at the
individual-site level of analysis, where they can account for
preference and differential access to goods. They are less
important when dealing with a larger scale, such as the cross-
cultural comparison of community-wide expressions of cultural
behavior. As noted by Deetz, "similarities and differences in
this case are not considered in the context of status and
occupation, . . . but rather at the more coarse-grained . . .
level of international comparisons" and the form assumed by
various cultures in different regions (1993:164).
The Convento de San Francisco (SA-42A)
For the past 300 years, the site of the Convento de San
Francisco has occupied a prominent position along the Matanzas
Bay at the northeastern edge of the colonial city of St.
Augustine. The site (SA-42A) of this Franciscan monastery is

134
located in modern St. Augustine at the corners of St. Francis
and Marine Streets, property that today houses the State of
Florida Department of Military Affairs Headquarters (Figure
6) . In 1988, the Florida Museum of Natural History, under the
field supervision of Kathleen Hoffman, conducted extensive
test excavations in that area of the property known as the
"quadrangle" (Hoffman 1990, 1992). These excavations yielded
a total of 186 seventeenth-century contexts including a barrel
well, a well construction pit, postmolds, and construction
trenches (Appendix 1).
The Convento de San Francisco served as the center of
operations for the Franciscan mission effort in La Florida
during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.
In this capacity, the monastery played a vital role as an
intermediary between the outlying missions and the secular
town of St. Augustine. As mission headquarters, it also
served as a guest house for visiting church officials and it
functioned as both a training center for new friars prior to
their departure for their respective mission stations in the
provinces of Timucua, Guale, and Apalachee and as a hospice
for ill and elderly friars (Matter 1972:11).
Although it was administratively and ecclesiastically
linked with the missions, the monastery differed from them in
two important ways. First, it was located within the urban,
Spanish town of St. Augustine, rather than in a remote Indian
village. Secondly, the Convento de San Francisco consisted of

135
a community of friars who interacted on a daily basis with the
predominantly European population of the Spanish town, whereas
the Franciscans assigned to the missions were isolated from
other lay and religious Spaniards.
Little is known documentarily about the sixteenth
century monastery, except that it was constructed in 1588, one
year after the arrival of the first significant group of
Franciscan missionaries. The friary was dedicated to the
Immaculate Conception (La Concepción) in 1592, and seven years
later, in 1599, a fire destroyed both the convento and chapel.
Neither were rebuilt until the very early years of the
seventeenth century. In 1606, the Custody of Santa Elena was
formed and the mission field was extended west to encompass
the Apalachee province. The Convento de San Francisco became
the principal convent of this newly formed custody, which
included convents in Florida and Cuba (Geiger 1937:227). By
1610, construction of the second monastery had been completed
and two years later, King Philip of Spain expanded the
administrative duties of the friary when he designated it as
a Capitular or Province House (Geiger 1937:187; Mohr
1928:221).
Another fire destroyed the convento in 1620, but it was
quickly rebuilt with the "tremendous assistance and alms"
provided by the Governor of Florida (Pesquera 1621). By mid
century, between 35 and 40 missionaries were attached to the
monastery (Charles 1928:222; Gannon 1983:57; Thomas 1990:378).

136
The actual number of priests who permanently lived at the
friary remains unclear, as does the number of lay persons
attached to it. During his 1675 visita. Bishop Gabriel Diaz
Vara Calderón reported that "three monks, a superior, a
preacher, a lay brother, and . . . three curates for the three
principal languages of these provinces" resided at the
Franciscan convent and administered to the Indians living in
St. Augustine (Wenhold 1936:7).
The historical record also indicates the presence of an
African servant as early as 1589, and during the seventeenth
century, at least two male African slaves and an eighteen year
old male mulatto slave were assigned to the convento (Cooper
4- W* nn biW
1962:7; Rueda 1660; St. Augustine Parish Records 1654, 1655).
Given the use of Native American laborers by the Franciscan
missionaries in general (Lyon 1977:118-119; Matter 1973:31),
it is possible that Indians also may have worked at the
convento or lived nearby. In 1702, the church and convento
were briefly occupied as headquarters for the British army
during Colonel James Moore's siege of St. Augustine and
consequently destroyed by fire during the British retreat from
the town, less than two months after their initial attack
(Arnade 1959:37,53-61). An English soldier, attached to one
of Moore's regiments, described the church and convento as
"large enough to hold 700 to 800 men" (Boniface 1971:78) and
several documents mention a library of "Greek and Latin
Fathers" as being lost in the fire (Shea 1886:460) .

137
The Lorenzo Josef de León Site (SA26-1)
The de León site is situated approximately one block to
the west of the Matanzas River near the southern end of the
16th century colonial town of St. Augustine. Today, the site
is on a lot bounded by Bravo Lane to the north, Aviles Street
to the south, Charlotte Street on the west, and Marine Street
on the east, and houses a private residence. (Figure 6).
Beginning in 1977 and continuing until 1981, Florida State
University conducted four separate archaeological excavation
projects at the de León site (Braley 1978; Caballero and
Zierden 1979; Singleton 1976; Zierden 1979). Although the
primary purpose of these excavations was to recover spatial
patterns and material culture associated with the 16th century
town, evidence relating to the seventeenth century domestic
occupation was also identified. The proveniences used in this
study included trashpits, a well, a well construction pit,
postmolds, and several areas of unknown function. Appendix 1
lists the functions and dates of the 70 seventeenth-century
deposits included.
The Trinity Episcopal Site (SA34-1)
Like the Lorenzo Josef de León site, this property also
lies within the borders of the sixteenth century town. The
Trinity Episcopal site is located one block south of the
modern town plaza of St. Augustine, and is bounded by St.
George Street to the west, Cadiz Street on the south,

138
Artillery Lane on the north and by the Oldest Store Museum to
the east (Figure 6) . The lot is presently occupied by the
Episcopal Church playground. Initial archaeological tests by
Florida State University took place from April until September
of 1977 under the supervision of Dale Benton (Deagan 1978),
and were continued in the spring of 1978 under the supervision
of Maurice Williams (Williams 1979), during the spring and
summer of 1980 under the supervision of Richard Vernon (Vernon
1980, 1980a), and again in 1981 under the supervision of
Charlie Stevens (Stevens 1981). During these excavations, a
total of 43 seventeenth century closed context proveniences
were identified, including a well and associated construction
pit, and several deposits with unknown functions (Appendix 1) .
The Ximénez-Fatio House Site (SA34-2)
The Ximénez-Fatio site is located on Aviles Street in
modern St. Augustine (Figure 6), and is centered within the
sixteenth century town boundaries as defined by previous
archaeological research (Deagan 1980). The property has been
continuously occupied since the late 1500s (King and Gaske
1980:1) . Without a doubt, the Fatio site is one of the most
intensively excavated sites within St. Augustine today owing
to the active interest of the current property owners, the
Florida Chapter of the National Society of the Colonial Dames
of America. The Colonial Dames are accurately restoring and
depicting the later history of the site. Since 1972, Florida

139
State University and The University of Florida have conducted
11 seasons of excavation at the Fatio Site (Table 8) . The
majority of this research focused on either the sixteenth or
nineteenth century components, but a total of 27 seventeenth-
century proveniences have been identified during these
excavations (Appendix 1) . These included trashpits,
postmolds, and several pits and areas with undetermined
functions.
The Palm Row Site (SA36-4)
The Palm Row site is situated approximately four blocks
to the southwest of the modern town plaza and is bounded by
Palm Row to the south and St. George Street to the east
(Figure 6) . Excavations were conducted by Florida State
University during the spring and summer of 1978 with Charles
Poe as the Field Supervisor (Poe 1979) . A total of 60
seventeenth-century deposits was identified during this
excavation, including postmolds, a trashpit, a construction
trench, and areas with an unknown function (Appendix 1) .
Archaeological evidence indicates that the Palm Row site has
been continuously occupied from the sixteenth through the
twentieth centuries.
The Cofradía Site (SA30-3)
The Cofradía site is located in the heart of the
sixteenth-century colonial town at 230 Charlotte Street

140
(Figure 6) . Archaeological excavations, under the direction of
Kathleen Deagan, were conducted by the University of Florida
Field School in Historical Archaeology during the spring of
1990 (Napoleon 1990). The Historic St. Augustine Preservation
Board continued the excavations during the summer of that same
year (Napoleon 1990a) . Most of the material used in this study
came from a well or its associated construction pit (Appendix
1) .
As with most of the sites included in this study, little
is known regarding the earliest occupations of this site.
However, historical information suggests that this property
was owned by the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament
during the seventeenth century (Parker 1990) . It remains
unclear whether this property functioned as one of several
rental properties owned by the cofradía or actually served as
the location of the cofradía itself (Susan Parker, personal
communication, 1993).
The O'Reilly House Site (SA35-1)
The O'Reilly House site is located at 131 Aviles Street
at the intersection of Bravo Lane and Aviles Street, on
property owned by the Sisters of St. Joséph Convent (Figure
6). Excavations, under the direction of Kathleen Deagan and
the supervision of Darcie MacMahon, were conducted by Florida
State University during the spring of 1981 (MacMahon 1981).
The one test pit excavated at the site yielded a total of 20

141
seventeenth-century proveniences, including a well and its
associated construction pit, three postmolds, and several pits
and deposits with unknown functions (Appendix 1) .
Archaeological data suggest a domestic occupation beginning in
the late sixteenth century.
The next chapter presents the results of the analysis of
the archaeological assemblages associated with the seven
sample sites, including their functional associations and
temporal trends.

CHAPTER 6
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHARACTERIZATION OF THE SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY
MATERIAL ASSEMBLAGE FROM ST. AUGUSTINE SITES
In order to address the first of the questions outlined
in Chapter 5, it was necessary to order and characterize the
archaeological data from each site. The results of that
process are summarized in this chapter using a comparative
temporal framework of early seventeenth and late seventeenth
century divisions. As previously mentioned, the late
sixteenth-century assemblage has already been ordered and
characterized by Deagan (1985), and will therefore not be
discussed in this particular chapter. It will, however, be
included in the following chapter.
The seven sites included in this study yielded a total
of 467 seventeenth-century proveniences, which in turn yielded
a total of 13,704 artifacts. Approximately 24% of these items
dated to the first half of the century and 76% were associated
with the late seventeenth-century deposits. The relative
frequencies of artifacts, by major functional groups and time
period are discussed below. A complete list of all of items,
by major functional groups and time period, from each of the
sites can be found in Appendices 2 and 3.
142

143
The material patterns represented at the seven sites in
the sample revealed significant differences between the early
and late seventeenth-century assemblages. The most obvious
distinctions were found in the intensity of occupation as
represented by the number of identifiable proveniences and the
volume of material recovered. Approximately 23% of both the
deposits and materials dated to the early seventeenth century
while 77% were associated with the latter half of the century.
Site excavation strategies and the difficulty in
distinguishing between late sixteenth and early seventeenth-
century deposits and artifacts, as discussed in chapter 5,
probably account for some of these differences. However, these
distinctions also reflect increases in population number and
diversity during the latter half of the century. As noted in
chapter 4 (see Table 6), the population of St. Augustine grew
from approximately 300 to 500 people in 1607 (Dunkle 1958) to
over 1200 by the end of the century (Dunkle 1958) . Along with
this increase in the number of people who lived in the town
came the expansion of the town boundaries, the intensification
of the Franciscan mission effort with St. Augustine as the
headquarters, the building and enlargement of additional
private dwellings and public buildings, and the construction
of an imposing and vital new fort, the Castillo de San Marcos
(Arana and Manucy 1977; Deagan 1990; Deagan, Bostwick and
Benton 1976) . These changes in the population and in the
cultural landscape undoubtedly affected both the quantity of

144
proveniences and the amount of goods that entered the St.
Augustine archaeological record.
Characterization of the Early Seventeenth-Century Assemblage
As shown in Table 9, the Convento de San Francisco site
exhibited the least amount of diversity in terms of the
categories of artifacts represented. Only three categories
were identified from the early seventeenth-century
assemblages, including kitchen wares, architectural items, and
clothing. The Josef de León site exhibited the most diversity
in that eight categories of artifacts were represented. In all
seven of the sites, pottery dominated both the entire early
seventeenth-century assemblage and the kitchen group. This is
not surprising given the predominance of ceramics on Spanish
colonial sites in general (Fairbanks 1977:141-142), and the
relatively high frequency of ceramics noted for sixteenth and
eighteenth-century Spanish sites in Florida and the Caribbean
(Deagan 1983, 1985, 1992; Ewen 1991; South 1977) . The relative
proportions of kitchen-related items ranged from 83% from the
Convento de San Francisco site to 96% from the Palm Row Site.
The comparatively low frequency of kitchen wares from the
Convento de San Francisco site can be attributed to the

Table 9. Characterization of Early 17th Century Assemblages by Functional Categories
Group
Convento de
San Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
Total
Kitchen
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Majolica
13
10
70
7
14
7
74
5
10
5
181
6
Utilitarian
14
11
259
27
63
31
706
49
43
20
1145
38
Tableware
1
1
20
2
4
2
28
2
5
2
58
2
Native
97
74
597
63
117
57
670
43
150
69
1631
53
American
Food
6
5
5
1
5
3
14
1
8
4
38
1
Preparation
Subtotal
131
83
951
94
203
91
1552
95
216
96
3053
94
Architecture
24
15
55
5
10
4
80
5
7
3
176
5
Weaponry
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
<1
0
0
1
<1
Clothing
3
2
6
1
2
1
2
<1
0
0
13
<1
Personal
0
0
0
0
2
1
1
<1
0
0
3
<1
Activities
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
<1
1
<1
5
1
Furniture
0
0
1
<1
0
0
1
<1
0
0
2
<1
Hardware
Tools
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Toys
0
0
0
0
1
<1
2
<1
0
0
3
<1
Tack
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Religious
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Total
158
100
1015
100
223
100
1641
100
224
100
3261
100
4^
U1

146
increased proportion of architecture related artifacts found
in the early seventeenth-century contexts at that site, as
noted on the following page.
The majority of the kitchen-related artifacts consisted
of either European utilitarian wares (38%) or Native American
ceramics (53%) . Most of the utilitarian wares (almost 90%)
consisted of storage vessels, such as glazed and unglazed
Olive Jar and Spanish Storage Jar sherds (Table 10). El Morro,
Redware, and various untyped glazed and unglazed coarse-
earthenware vessels were also present in the early assemblage.
Table 10. Distribution of Utilitarian Wares from Seventeenth-
Century Contexts
Item
Early 17th Late 17th
# % # %
El Morro
Unglazed Olive Jar
Glazed Olive Jar
Redware
Spanish Storage Jar
UID Unglazed Earthenware
UID Glazed Earthenware
UID Lead Glazed
UID Lead/Tin Glazed
Total
4
0 .
.35
63
3
.27
709
61.
. 92
1443
74
.88
178
15 ,
.55
182
9 .
.44
3
0 .
.26
5
0 ,
.26
139
12 .
. 14
10
0 .
. 52
93
8 .
. 12
173
8 .
.98
5
0 .
.44
8
0 .
.42
14
1.
.22
40
2 .
.08
0
0 .
.00
3
0 .
.16
1145
100.00
1927
100 .
. 00
As shown in Table 11, Native American pottery accounted
for a little over half of all of the items. Although more
specific information regarding the origins of this group can

147
Table 11. Distribution of Native American pottery from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts
Item
Earlv
17th
Late
17th
#
c
1
9
#
<
0
St. Johns Plain
371
22
.76
874
14
.26
St. Johns Stamped
516
31
.65
733
11
.96
St. Johns Incised
0
0
.00
2
0
.03
St. Johns Punctated
0
0
.00
1
0
.02
St. Johns UID
0
0
.00
2
0
.03
San Marcos Plain
260
15
.94
1127
18
.40
San Marcos Stamped
305
18
.70
2501
40
.84
San Marcos Red Filmed
5
0
.31
15
0
.25
San Marcos Incised
1
0
.06
16
0
.26
San Marcos Punctated
0
0.
.00
8
0
.13
San Marcos Burnished
0
0 .
.00
2
0
.03
San Marcos Cord Marked
0
0
.00
1
0
. 02
San Marcos UID
3
0 .
. 18
18
0
.29
Leon Jefferson Stamped "A"
1
0
.06
1
0
.02
Leon Jefferson Stamped "D"
0
0 ,
.00
4
0 .
.07
Leon Jefferson Incised
0
0 .
.00
2
0 ,
.03
Leon Jefferson Stamped
6
0 .
.37
8
0 ,
.13
Miller Plain
3
0 .
.18
1
0 ,
.02
Mission Red Filmed
2
0 .
. 12
25
0 .
.41
Colono Ware
1
0.
.06
10
0 .
. 16
Sand Tempered Plain
29
1.
.78
205
3 .
.35
Sand Temper Stamped
2
0 .
.12
15
0 .
.25
Sand Temper Incised
1
0 .
.06
6
0 ,
.09
Sand Temper Punctated
0
0 .
.00
3
0 .
.05
Sand Temper Red Filmed
0
0 .
. 00
1
0 .
. 02
Sand Temper Burnished
0
0 .
.00
4
0 .
.07
Sand/Grit Temper Plain
3
0 .
.18
102
1.
. 67
Sand/Grit Temper Stamped
0
0 .
. 00
3
0 .
.05
Grit Temper Plain
31
1.
.90
62
1.
. 01
Grit Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
33
0 .
. 54
Grit Temper Incised
1
0 .
. 06
2
0 .
.03
Grit Temper Red Filmed
0
0.
.00
1
0 .
.02
Grit/Grog Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
1
0 .
. 02
Grit/Limestone Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
1
0 .
. 02
Grog Temper Plain
9
0 .
. 55
73
1.
. 19
Grog Temper Stamped
2
0 .
.12
6
0 .
.09
Grog Temper Incised
0
0 .
,00
2
0 .
. 03
Shell Temper Plain
1
0 .
.06
1
0 .
.02
Shell Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
4
0 .
.07
Shell/Sand Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
2
0 .
.03
Shell/Sand Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
2
0.
,03
Shell/Grit Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
6
0.
.09
Sand/Shell Temper Red Filmed
0
0 .
.00
1
0 .
.02
Fiber Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
27 ?
0 .
44
Fiber Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
6
0 .
09
Limestone Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
8
0 .
13

148
Table 11. Continued
Mica Temper Plain
2
0.12
0
0.00
Grit/Mica Temper Plain
1
0.06
0
0.00
Quartz Temper Plain
1
0.06
0
0.00
Quartz Temper Stamped
2
0.12
0
0.00
Deptford Stamped
1
0.06
0
0.00
Lamarlike Incised
8
0.49
19
0.31
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
1
0.06
1
0.02
Orange Fiber Temper
2
0.12
4
0.07
Ft. Walton Incised
Ft. Walton Punctated,
Altamaha
0
0.00
1
0.02
0
0.00
1
0.02
0
0.00
1
0.02
Irene Incised
1
0.06
1
0.02
Irene Punctated
0
0.00
1
0.02
UID Irene
5
0.31
5
0.08
UID Plain
12
0.74
109
1.78
UID Stamped
19
1.17
3
0.05
UID Incised
19
1.17
7
0.11
UID Punctated/Incised
1
0.06
0
0.00
UID Punctated
1
0.06
0
0.00
UID Red Filmed
1
0.06
32
0.52
UID Decorated
0
0.00
1
0.02
UID Burnished
1
0.06
10
0.16
Total
1631 100.00
6124
100.00

149
be found in the following section, the majority of items were
either St. Johns or San Marcos pottery (Table 11) . Previous
research has demonstrated that San Marcos supplemented
European cooking and storage vessels that were often not
available in colonial St. Augustine (Otto and Lewis 1974:102-
103) . It has also been suggested that St. Johns pottery served
a similar function during the early years of the colony
(Herron 1978). Although some of the cooking pots may have been
metal or wood, the amount of Native American pottery along
with the relatively low proportion of European utilitarian
wares indicates a reliance on Indian vessels for food
preparation activities, or the presence of Native Americans
for preparing food.
In addition to the European utilitarian and Native
American vessels, majolica and other European tablewares were
also represented in the early seventeenth-century assemblage.
Majolicas constituted only 6% of the kitchen-related items,
while European tablewares and food preparation items combined
accounted for the remaining 3%. Columbia Plain, Ichtucknee
Blue on White, Sevilla Blue on Blue and Unidentified White tin
enamel represented the most frequently occurring majolica
(Table 12) in the early seventeenth century, but other types,
such as Fig Springs Polychrome, Mexico City White, San Luis
Blue on White, Santo Domingo Blue on White, Santa Elena Blue
on White and various unidentifiable majolicas were also
present in the assemblage.

150
Table 12. Distribution of Majolica from Seventeenth-century
Contexts
Item Early 17th Late 17th
#o, 44. o,
o Tf O
Abo Polychrome
Aucilla Polychrome
Caparra Blue
Columbia Plain
Columbia Plain Gunmetal
Fig Springs Polychrome
Green tin enamel
Ichtucknee Blue on White
Isabela Polychrome
Ligurian Blue on Blue
Mexico City Blue on Cream
Mexico City Green on Cream
Mexico City White
Puaray
Puebla Blue on White
Puebla Polychrome
Santo Domingo Blue on White
Santa Elena Blue on White
Sevilla Blue on Blue
Sevilla Blue on White
Sevilla White
San Luis Blue on White
San Luis Polychrome
Yayal Blue on White
UID Morisco
UID Mexico City
UID Puebla
UID Italianate
UID Blue on Blue
UID Blue
UID Blue on White
UID Green and Black
UID Green
UID Green and White
UID Polychrome
UID White
UID Gray
UID Majolica
Bisque
Total
0
0
.00
22
2
.50
0
0
.00
17
1
.93
0
0
.00
4
0
.45
35
19
.35
54
6
.13
1
0
.55
0
0
.00
7
3
.87
34
3
.86
0
0
.00
1
0
. 11
31
17
.14
50
5
.68
0
0
.00
4
0
.45
0
0
.00
3
0
.34
0
0
.00
2
0
.22
0
0
.00
2
0
.22
0
0
.00
36
4
.08
0
0
.00
2
0
.22
0
0
.00
1
0
. 11
0
0
.00
82
9
.31
10
5
.52
10
1.
. 14
1
0
.55
1
0 ,
. 11
33
18
.24
52
5 .
.90
0
0
.00
4
0 ,
.45
5
2
.76
6
0 ,
.68
8
4
.42
61
6 ,
.92
0
0
.00
27
3 .
.06
1
0
.55
11
1.
.25
0
0
.00
3
0 .
.34
0
0
. 00
22
2 .
. 50
0
0
.00
10
1.
. 14
0
0
.00
3
0 .
.34
0
0
.00
6
0 .
. 68
1
0
.55
3
0 .
.34
14
7
. 74
76
8 .
. 64
0
0
.00
1
0 .
. 11
0
0
.00
5
0 .
.57
0
0
.00
3
0 .
.34
5
2
.73
72
8 .
.18
27
14
. 93
128
14 .
.54
1
0
.55
0
0 .
. 00
0
0
. 00
47
5 .
.34
0
0
.00
16
1 .
. 82
181
100
0
0
881
100 .
. 00

151
The most common European tablewares consisted of Mexican
Red Painted and Orange Micaceous (Table 13). Other tablewares
include two sherds of Guadalajara Polychrome, one sherd of
Yunku Plain, three fragments of Porcelain, two Faience sherds,
and two pieces of Delft.
Table 13. Distribution of Tablewares from Seventeenth-century
Contexts
Item
Bisque
Bizcocho
Plain Delft
Blue and White Delft
Polychrome Delft
Blue and White Faience
Plain Faience
Polychrome Faience
Feldspar Inlaid
Guadalajara Polychrome
Melado
Mexican Red Painted
Nottingham
Orange Micaceous
Plain Porcelain
Blue and White Porcelain
European Porcelain
Export Porcelain
Japanese Porcelain
Kraak Porcelain
Ming Porcelain
Oriental Porcelain
Porcelain UID
Slipware
Metropolitan Slipware
Pisan Slipware
Staffordshire Slipware
UID Tin Enameled
Yucatán Colonial
Yunku Plain
UID Glazed Earthenware
Total
Earlv 17th
Late
17th
#
a
o
#
o,.
o
0
0.00
6
2.42
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
13
5.24
2
3.45
13
5.24
0
0.00
2
0.81
0
0.00
1
0.40
2
3.45
5
2.02
0
0.00
1
0.40
3
5.17
5
2.02
2
3.45
11
4.44
1
1.72
0
0.00
18
31.05
130
52.42
0
0.00
1
0.40
15
25.86
17
6.85
0
0.00
3
1.21
3
5.17
0
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
2
0.80
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
5
2.02
0
0.00
3
1.21
0
0.00
4
1.61
0
0.00
4
1.61
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
10
17.24
13
5.24
1
1.72
0
0.00
1
1.72
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
58
100.00
248
100.00

152
Other than ceramics, the material assemblage of the
early seventeenth century was sparse and relatively unvaried.
Kitchen artifacts dominated the assemblage, and in addition to
ceramics, included 43 fragments of glass (Table 14).
Table 14. Distribution of Food Preparation Items from
Seventeenth-century Contexts
Item
Earlv 17th
Late 17th
#
0
#
%
Green Glass
21
55.27
82
30.04
Olive Green Glass
3
7.89
15
5.49
Dark Green Glass
0
0.00
10
3.67
Light Green Glass
0
0.00
5
1.83
Clear Glass
10
26.32
64
23.44
Yellow Glass
0
0.00
8
2.93
Aqua Glass
0
0.00
2
0.73
Blue Glass
0
0.00
1
0.37
Brown Glass
0
0.00
1
0.37
Amber Glass
1
2.63
3
1.09
Latticino Glass
0
0.00
1
0.37
Opaque Red Glass
0
0.00
3
1.09
Patinated Glass
3
7.89
14
5.13
UID Glass
0
0.00
59
21.61
Mano ?
0
0.00
1
0.37
Metate
0
0.00
1
0.37
Pot
0
0.00
3
1.09
Total
38
100.00
273
100.00
The percentages of architectural items recovered from
the seven sample sites ranged from 3.12% to 15.19% with a mean
of 5.40% (Table 9) . As mentioned, the Convento de San
Francisco site exhibited the highest proportion of
architectural items due to two separate re-buildings of the
monastery following devastating fires in 1599 and 1620.

153
Table 15. Distribution of Architectural Artifacts from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts
Item
Earlv 17th
Late 17th
#
%
#
o
0
Nail
142
77.45
655
81.67
Spike
28
15.47
107
13.34
Tack
7
3.87
26
3.24
Cotter Pin
1
0.55
0
0.00
Door plate
1
0.55
0
0.00
Flat Glass
0
0.00
9
1.11
Hook
1
0.55
1
0.13
Ring
0
0.00
1
0.13
Staple
0
0.00
1
0.13
Wire
1
0.55
2
0.25
Total
181
100.00
802
100.00
Nails and spikes comprised the majority of the artifacts in
the group, but several tacks, one cotter pin, a door plate,
and a hook were also identified (Table 15).
As shown in Table 16, only about 1% of the entire early
seventeenth-century assemblage consisted of items that were
not related to kitchen or construction activities. Evidence
for clothing-related artifacts consisted of five straight
pins, four buttons, two aglets, one eye hook, and one thimble.
Activities were represented by lead sprue, a strike-o-light,
and a fishhook. Personal items included three white clay
tobacco pipe fragments,- toys included a die and two gaming
discs,- furniture hardware consisted of two brass tacks,- and
one lead shot comprised the only weaponry-related artifact
recovered from the early seventeenth century.

154
Table 16. Distribution of Non-Kitchen and Non-Architectural
Items from Seventeenth-century Contexts
Item
Earlv 17th
Late 17th
#
%
#
%
Weaponry
Gunflint
0
0.00
2
28.57
Musketball
0
0.00
1
14.29
Projectile Point
0
0.00
1
14.29
Shot
1
100.00
3
42.86
Subtotal
1
100.00
7
100.00
Clothing
Aglet
2
15.38
10
9.80
Bordado
0
0.00
1
0.98
Buckle
0
0.00
2
1.96
Button
4
30.77
7
6.86
Button back
0
0.00
1
0.98
Button blank
0
0.00
41
40.20
Eye hook
1
7.69
1
0.98
Grommet
0
0.00
1
0.98
Needle
0
0.00
1
0.98
Pin
5
38.46
36
35.20
Shoe
0
0.00
1
0.98
Thimble
1
7.69
0
0.00
Subtotal
13
100.00
102
100.00
Personal
Bead
0
0.00
11
22.92
Earring
0
0.00
1
2.08
Fan Slat
0
0.00
1
2.08
Medallion
0
0.00
1
2.08
Pipe
3
100.00
34
70.84
Subtotal
3
100.00
48
100.00
Activity
Chert
0
0.00
1
9.09
Core
0
0.00
1
9.09
Debit
1
20.00
3
27.27
Fishhook
2
40.00
0
0.00
Fishing Weight
0
0.00
1
0.00
Flint
0
0.00
1
9.09
Hasp
0
0.00
1
9.09
Hook
0
0.00
1
9.09
Hoop
0
0.00
2
18.18
Rope
0
0.00
1
9.09
Sprue
1
20.00
0
0.00
Strike-o-lite
1
20.00
0
0.00
Subtotal
5
100.00
12
100.00
Furniture Hardware
Tack
2
100.00
12
92.30
Hasp
0
0.00
1
7.70
Subtotal
2
100.00
13
100.00
Tools
Core
0.00
1
0
33.33

Table 16. Continued
0
0
Knife
Spear
Subtotal
Toys
Dice
Gaming disc
Subtotal
Religious
Rosary Bead
Subtotal
0.00
0.00
0
0.00
1
33.33
2
66.67
3
100.00
0
0.00
0.00
1
33.33
1
33.33
3
100.00
0
0.00
2
100.00
2
100.00
1
100.00
1
100.00
0

156
Manufacturing Locations of Pottery
The early seventeenth-century proveniences yielded a
total of 3261 ceramic sherds. As shown in Table 17 and 18, and
noted on the previous pages, vessels manufactured by the
Native Americans of La Florida dominated the pottery
assemblage. St. Johns pottery, a chalky ware tempered with
sponge spicules, and manufactured by the Timucuan Indians who
lived in and around St. Augustine (Goggin 1958:99-105),
represented 58% of the native American ceramics. San Marcos,
a coarse quartz-tempered ware believed to have been made by
the Native Americans of coastal Georgia (Smith 1948:314-316),
represented 37%. The remaining Indian pottery consisted of
various types of unknown manufacture, and included plain,
burnished or stamped wares tempered with grit, sand, or grog.
Only one piece of colono-ware was recovered from the early
proveniences and twelve sherds (0.74%) from Apalachee Province
were identified.
The second most frequent place of origin for ceramics
was Europe. Not surprisingly, almost all of the European
pottery was manufactured in Spain, and only a few sherds
originated in England or France (Table 17). The most common
Spanish ceramics included both glazed and unglazed Olive Jar
(76%) and Spanish Storage Jar (12%) fragments.
Pottery from New Spain comprised only approximately 1% of
the entire ceramic assemblage, and most of these ceramics were
types generally categorized as Mexico City wares (83%) .

Table 17. Origins of Pottery from Early 17th Century Assemblages
Ori
Convento de
San Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio House
Josef de
León
Palm Row
Total
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
*
#
X
Asia
0
0
1
0
0
0
2
<1
0
0
3
<1
E
Spain
19
100
304
100
67
100
734
99
38
100
1162
99
U
R
England
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
<1
0
0
2
<1
0
P
France
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
<1
0
0
2
<1
E
Subtotal
19
100
304
100
67
34
738
48
38
100
1166
40
N
E
Mexico
City
4
100
8
73
7
100
11
73
4
80
34
81
U
Puebla
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
S
P
Tonala
0
0
1
9
0
0
0
0
1
20
2
5
A
I
Yucatán
0
0
1
9
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
N
Unknown
0
0
1
9
0
0
4
7
0
0
5
12
Subtotal
0
0
11
1
7
4
0
0
5
2
42
1
Unknown Europe
or America
5
4
28
3
7
4
113
7
15
7
168
6
L
Timucua
47
48
341
65
32
27
402
60
64
43
886
58
A
F
Guale/
Mocamo
23
24
181
34
74
63
213
32
84
56
575
37
L
0
Apalachee
1
1
0
0
1
1
10
1
0
0
12
1
R
I
Colono
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
<1
0
0
1
<1
D
A
Other
26
27
7
1
10
9
44
7
2
1
89
6
Subtotal
97
78
529
61
117
59
670
44
150
72
1563
53
Total
125
100
873
100
198
100
1538
100
208
100
2942
100
Ln

158
Table 18. Origins of Native American pottery
Early
17th
Late
17th
#
O,
o
#
%
Timucua
886
54.32
1611
26.31
Guale/Mocamo
575
35.25
3688
60.22
Apalachee
12
0.74
41
0.67
Colono
1
0.06
10
0.11
Unknown
157
9.63
774
12.64
Total
3015
100.00
6124
100.00
The most prevalent Mexico City wares included Mexican
Red Painted (43%), San Luis Blue on White (19%), Fig Springs
Polychrome (17%), and El Morro (10%) sherds. No ceramics
manufactured in Puebla were identified, but two sherds of
Guadalajara Polychrome, an unglazed painted ware believed to
have been manufactured in Tonala (Deagan 1983; Fairbanks 1972)
and one Yunku Plain sherd, which was probably produced in the
Yucatán (Singleton 1977), were recovered from the early
seventeenth-century contexts. The remaining pottery consisted
of unglazed and glazed coarse earthenwares of unknown European
manufacture.
Characterization of the Late Seventeenth-century Assemblage
The distribution of artifacts in the late seventeenth
century exhibited several distinct differences from that of
the previous period. Although, as shown in Table 19, the
proportion of many of the categories remained similar,
dramatic differences were observed in the proportions of

Table 19. Characterization of Late 17th Century Assemblages by Functional Categories
Group
Convento
de San
Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
Cofradía
0'Reilly
Total
Kitchen
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Majolica
238
12
23
9
76
7
195
8
41
7
236
10
72
12
881
9
Utilitarian
272
14
49
19
174
16
671
27
108
17
545
22
108
18
1927
20
Tableware
27
1
7
2
49
4
44
2
19
3
64
3
38
7
248
3
Native
American
1326
70
180
67
802
70
1540
62
425
70
1489
62
362
61
6124
65
Food
Preparation
62
3
11
92
37
3
49
27
18
3
82
4
14
2
273
3
Subtotal
1925
85
270
95
1138
95
2499
93
611
94
2416
89
594
94
9453
91
Architecture
248
10
12
4
48
4
180
7
35
5
245
9
32
5
802
8
Weaponry
1
0
1
0
1
<1
1
0
0
0
3
<1
0
0
7
<1
Clothing
67
3
0
0
2
<1
6
0
2
0
23
1
2
<1
102
1
Personal
15
1
0
0
5
<1
5
0
5
1
16
<1
2
<1
48
<1
Activities
3
0
1
0
3
<1
2
0
0
0
3
<1
0
0
11
<1
Furniture
Hardware
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
10
<1
0
0
13
<1
Tools
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
<1
Toys
0
0
0
0
1
<1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
<1
Tack
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Religious
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
<1
Total
2263
100
284
99
1200
100
2697
100
653
100
2716
100
630
100
10443
100
Ln

160
utilitarian wares and Native American pottery. The actual
types of pottery did not change appreciably, but the frequency
of utilitarian wares as a group decreased by almost half, from
approximately 38% to 20% of the entire assemblage. Glazed and
unglazed Olive Jar sherds accounted for approximately 84% of
the late seventeenth-century utilitarian wares, unglazed
coarse earthenware comprised approximately 9%, and various
untyped lead glazed pottery constituted approximately 2% of
the assemblage.
The proportion of Native American pottery represented
the second major distinction between the early and late
seventeenth-century assemblages. As shown in Table 19, Native
American ceramics accounted for more than half of the total
seventeenth century and well over half of all the kitchen-
related artifacts. More specific information regarding the
origins and cultural affiliations of this pottery group can be
found in the next section. Notably absent from almost all of
the site assemblages were colono wares, an unglazed coarse
earthenware pottery manufactured by either African slaves or
Native Americans that exhibited traditional European vessel
forms (Ferguson 1977:68; Vernon 1988:77).
This type of ware, which can be plain or decorated with
a red film (Smith 1951:171), represents a consistent and
significant element of the seventeenth-century mission
assemblages of San Luis de Talimali (McEwan 1993: 295-321;
Vernon and Cordell 1993:418-442) and of Santa Catalina de

161
Santa María on Amelia Island (Saunders 1992) . Its
significantly smaller quantity in seventeenth-century St.
Augustine upholds previous suggestions that colono ware
represented a "mission-related phenomenon" (Deagan 1990:239;
1993:101; Vernon and Cordell 1993?W
Apart from the ceramics, the material assemblage of the
late seventeenth century, like that of the earlier contexts,
was meager. The frequency of architectural items increased
somewhat (from 5% to 8%). Almost all of the artifacts (95%) in
this group consisted of nails and spikes, which may signal a
growth, albeit small, in construction activities during the
late seventeenth century or a shift in the locations of
structures on the property. It may also indicate that the
buildings represented by these items fell apart in the late
1600s. Other architectural items included one fragment of flat
glass, tacks, a staple, a hook, and an iron ring of unknown
function. Table 15 shows the distribution of items, by time
period, included in the Architecture Group.
The non-kitchen and non-architecture related artifacts
combined accounted for only about 2% of the entire late
seventeenth-century collection (Table 18). Despite their
relatively small overall distributions, the actual numbers of
artifacts in the weaponry, clothing, and personal groups
increased somewhat and appeared to be more diverse (Tables 16
and 18). Whereas only one lead shot was found in the earlier
contexts, the late seventeenth-century arms group included

162
lead shot, gunflints, and a musketball. When compared with the
early seventeenth-century clothing group, the later clothing
category also exhibited slightly more diversity.
Among the items of clothing recovered from the late
contexts were straight pins, aglets, bordado, buckles,
buttons, bone button backs and forms, a needle, and part of a
leather shoe (Figures 7 and 8). Personal items included
several items not found in the earlier contexts, including a
fan slat, an earring, a medallion, and several beads. A lead
fishing weight (Figure 8) was also recovered from a late
seventeenth-century context.
In addition, an analysis of this group also reveals a
rather dramatic increase in the number of white clay tobacco
pipe stems and pipe bowl fragments. The early seventeenth-
century activities group consisted only of three pipe stems,
but thirty four pipe stems or bowls were associated with the
later contexts. Clay pipes are a common and popular component
of seventeenth-century British colonial sites in North America
(Deetz 1993; Noel Hume 1985:296). Although tobacco smoking
was common among Spaniards, pipes were not used or made in
Spain (Deetz 1993:4). Instead tobacco was smoked from cigars
that were "rolled into the shape of a cornet" (Braudel 1979:
262) . The appearance of clay pipes, which are known to have
been manufactured in England, Holland and in seventeenth-
century Virginia and Maryland (Deetz 1993:92-101), therefore

Figure 7. Example of Lead Fishing Weight, Straight Pin, and
Aglet from 17th Century Contexts (Photo by J.
Quine, Reproduced with Permission of the Florida
Museum of Natural History)
Figure 8. Example of Bordado from 17th Century Contexts (Photo
by J. Quine, Reproduced with Permission of the
Florida Museum of Natural History)

164

165
indicates trade with neighboring British colonies or other
non-Spanish sources. Perhaps more importantly, it also
signals the adoption by Spanish colonists of an Anglo
practice.
Manufacturing Locations of the Pottery
A total of 12,130 sherds were recovered from the seven
sites included in this study. Of these, 9183 or 76% dated to
the latter half of the 1600s (Appendix 4). The late
seventeenth-century assemblage exhibited several important
distinctions from that associated with the early seventeenth
century. As a whole, the late seventeenth-century assemblage
contained less pottery manufactured in Europe. Approximately
21% of all of the ceramics recovered from late proveniences
consisted of European wares. Although Spanish pottery,
specifically Olive Jar and Spanish Storage Jars continued to
dominate the European assemblage, the proportion of pottery
manufactured in England did increase somewhat (Table 19) .
French Faience accounted for less than 1% of the entire
European pottery recovered from the late seventeenth century,
an amount comparable to that associated with the early 1600s.
Although American-made wares represented a major
proportion (60%) of the early seventeenth-century pottery,
they clearly dominated the late seventeenth-century pottery
assemblage. Over three quarters (79%) of all of the ceramics
from late contexts consisted of American-made pottery types,

Table 20. Origins of Pottery from Late 17th Century Assemblages
Origin
Convento
de San
Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
Cofradía
O' Reilly
Total
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Asia
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
1
<1
6
3
2
<1
13
<1
E
Spain
277
99
46
98
162
96
714
99
84
91
484
96
108
100
1875
97
U
R
England
4
1
1
2
5
3
8
1
7
8
14
3
0
0
39
2
0
France
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
<1
2
1
3
1
0
0
7
1
p
E
Italy
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
108
19
0
0
Subtotal
281
15
47
18
168
15
723
29
93
16
501
21
45
83
1921
21
N
Mexico City
63
53
8
42
52
73
46
55
14
45
106
54
7
13
334
58
E
W
Puebla
42
35
5
26
9
13
22
27
2
6
27
14
0
0
114
20
Tonala
5
4
2
10
0
0
3
4
0
0
1
<1
1
2
11
2
s
p
Yucatán
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
1
<1
A
I
Unknown
9
8
4
21
10
14
12
14
15
48
64
32
1
2
115
20
N
Subtotal
119
6
19
7
71
6
83
3
31
5
198
8
54
9
575
6
Unknown Europe
or America
140
8
13
5
57
5
103
4
48
8
140
6
54
9
555
6
L
Timucua
478
36
44
24
126
16
528
34
67
16
324
22
44
12
1611
26
A
Guale/Mocamo
428
32
119
66
599
75
910
59
258
61
1071
72
303
84
3688
60
F
L
Apalachee
10
1
0
0
2
<1
12
1
0
0
17
1
0
0
41
1
0
R
I
Colono
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
6
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
<1
Other
410
31
17
10
72
9
89
6
100
24
77
5
15
4
780
13
D
A
Subtotal
1326
71
180
70
802
72
1540
63
425
71
1489
64
362
62
6124
67
Total
1866
100
259
100
1101
100
2450
100
598
100
2334
100
580
100
9188
100
CT\
G\

167
including both Spanish-American and Native-American wares
(Table 19) . Although ceramics produced in New Spain accounted
for only 6% of the entire assemblage, when compared with the
early period, the proportion of Spanish American ceramics more
than quadrupled in the late 1600s.
The later assemblage also exhibited more diversity in
terms of manufacturing locale. Whereas, the overwhelming
majority (83%) of the early seventeenth-century Spanish-
American ceramics consisted of types manufactured in Mexico
City and none from Puebla, the percentage of pottery from
Puebla during the latter half of the 1600s increased to 20%
while Mexico City wares decreased to 58%.
Another noticeable difference was found in the dramatic
increase in Spanish American lead-glazed coarse earthenwares
and various untyped majolicas with non-Spanish paste whose
exact place of production remains unknown. Detailed analysis
of the paste of these as yet untyped tin enamels and coarse
earthenwares, which was beyond the scope of this study, may
provide important clues as to their manufacturing origins.
More diversity was also apparent in the relative frequencies
of various types of Native American pottery.
As shown in Table 19, ceramics manufactured in La
Florida accounted for 67% of the entire late seventeenth-
century assemblage (Figures 9 and 10) . However, the most
dramatic difference between the early and late assemblages

Figure 9. Examples of Grog-Tempered Pottery from 17th
Century Contexts (Photo by J. Quine, Reproduced
with Permission of the Florida Museum of Natural
History)
Figure 10. Examples of Non-Local Native American Pottery from
17th Century Contexts (Photo by J. Quine,
Reproduced with Permission of the Florida Museum
of Natural History)

169

170
appeared in the relative proportions of pottery types
traditionally associated with the people who resided in the
provinces of Timucua and Guale. In contrast to the earlier
period, where St. Johns series pottery dominated, the most
frequently occurring pottery type in the latter part of the
century were the San Marcos Series that were manufactured by
the native Americans from Guale (Smith 1948:314-316.
Approximately 60% of all of the Native American pottery was
identified as San Marcos with stamped wares comprising the
most frequently occurring type (68%). San Marcos Plain
accounted for 31% of the pottery from Guale/Mocamo and the
remaining 1% consisted of red-filmed, incised, punctated,
burnished, or sherds too small to determine their decorative
motifs.
This replacing of the Timucuan St. Johns wares with the
San Marcos pottery produced by Native Americans from Guale is
not surprising given what is already known regarding this
phenomenon. Preliminary analyses of seventeenth-century
household assemblages in St. Augustine have all noted the
replacement of St. Johns pottery with ceramics associated with
the San Marcos series by the latter half of the 1600s, and
have attributed it to the demise of the local Timucuan people
and the movement of refugee groups from Guale to the St.
Augustine area (Cochrane 1981; Deagan 1990; Hoffman 1990; King
1981) .

171
Since indigenous ceramics in Spanish households
functioned primarily as cooking and food preparation pots,
this replacement may also signal an increase in the presence
of Native American women from Guale in the town. Very little
is known about Native American women in St. Augustine except
that they intermarried with Spanish men, worked as household
servants, and sold goods at a central marketplace (Bushnell
1981:11; Deagan 1973, 1983, 1985, 1990). Although it is
difficult to demonstrate concretely, it is possible to suggest
that the increase in ceramics manufactured by people from
Guale reflects the emergence of Native American women from
Guale as important economic and social forces within the town.
Final mention needs to made regarding the proportions of
Native American pottery that did not include types
traditionally associated with the people who lived in the
provinces of Timucua or Guale. This category of non-local
Native American wares included ceramics typically produced by
people living in the province of Apalachee and types of
unknown origins. As shown in Table 20, the proportions of
these non-local wares increased from approximately 10% to 13%
of the entire Native American assemblage. Although the
percentages of these non-local types were similar, the later
assemblage contained a greater variety of types that in the
earlier period.

172
Although sand-tempered plain and grit-tempered wares
continued to be the dominant elements, grog-tempered pottery,
red filmed, Lamarlike Incised, Ocmulgee Fields Incised,
Altamaha, and a variety of shell, mica, and limestone-tempered
plain sherds were also recovered from the late seventeenth-
century contexts. In his analysis of Indian pottery from the
Trinity Episcopal site in St. Augustine, Piatek reported a
similar increase in the frequency of non-local wares during
the seventeenth century, and suggested a correlation between
the presence of non-local wares and changes in the tribute
system (1985:81-89).
The increase, albeit slight, in non-local wares during
the late 1600s most likely reflects the increased mission
activity that took place during the period. It may also be
indicative of the movement and consolidation of various Native
American groups to the St. Augustine area that began at the
very end of the late seventeenth century and continued into
the eighteenth century. The early 1600s saw a steady increase
in the number of Franciscans stationed in La Florida and in
the number of doctrinas established along the coastal region
of Georgia and Florida. By 1632, approximately 40 missions
were established and a mission road existed that connected
these outlying missions with the Franciscan monastery in St.
Augustine (Gannon 1987:49). As noted in chapter 4, Native
Americans from the provinces of Timucua and Guale were brought

173
to St. Augustine throughout the late sixteenth century to
provide construction, agricultural, and other services for the
Spaniards. This practice of drafting Indian labor continued
into the seventeenth century and eventually included men and
women from Timucua, Guale, and Apalachee provinces.
The distribution of Apalachee ceramics is particularly
interesting in the remarkably similar proportions in both the
early and late seventeenth century (Table 20) . In both
periods, Apalachee pottery accounted for less than 1% of all
of the La Florida wares. This low proportion of Apalachee
pottery in the seventeenth-century town of St. Augustine is
important because of its implications for internal trade in La
Florida and interactions between the province of Apalachee and
the presidio of St. Augustine. The relative absence of
pottery from the western provinces of Florida suggests that
the people of St. Augustine did not interact as intensively
with the native people of Apalachee province, and that little
trade involving pottery existed between Apalachee and St.
Augustine.
Faunal Remains from Seventeenth-Century Sites
Additional evidence for the apparent absence of
widespread trade between St. Augustine and the province of
Apalachee is seen in the zooarchaeological record (Reitz
1993) . A comparative assessment of the faunal remains from

174
seventeenth-century St. Augustine and the Apalachee mission of
San Luis de Talimali, conducted by Elizabeth Reitz (1993a,
1993b) revealed the presence of less beef than would be
expected if la Chua. Apalachee, and the other ranches supplied
St. Augustine. Although the St. Augustine assemblages may pre¬
date the emergence of cattle ranches and the settlement of
Apalachee, the zooarchaeological evidence also suggests that
it was "unlikely that the interior missions played a major
role in the subsistence strategy" of seventeenth-century St.
Augustine (Reitz 1993b:92).
Reitz'(1993a) preliminary assessment of the vertebrate
fauna from two early and late seventeenth-century contexts in
St. Augustine also indicated several distinctions between the
monastery and secular communities. Before summarizing these
distinctions, it is important to note the limited, and
potentially biased nature of this record from seventeenth-
century St. Augustine. As shown in Table 21, seventeenth-
century faunal data have been analyzed from only three sites
in St. Augustine, the Fatio House (SA34-2), the Palm Row site
(SA36-4) , and the Convento de San Francisco (SA42A) . In
addition, it is not known whether the material from the first
two sites date to the early or late seventeenth century. It is
therefore possible that these assemblages pre-date the
development of cattle ranches and the westward expansion of
the mission system.

Table 20. Origins of Pottery from Late 17th Century Assemblages
Origin
Convento
de San
Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
Cofradía
O' Reilly
Total
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Asia
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
<1
1
<1
6
3
2
<1
13
<1
E
Spain
277
99
46
98
162
96
714
99
84
91
484
96
108
100
1875
97
U
R
0
England
4
1
1
2
5
3
8
1
7
8
14
3
0
0
39
2
France
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
<1
2
1
3
1
0
0
7
1
P
E
Italy
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
108
19
0
0
Subtotal
281
15
47
18
168
15
723
29
93
16
501
21
45
83
1921
21
N
Mexico City
63
53
8
42
52
73
46
55
14
45
106
54
7
13
334
58
E
W
Puebla
42
35
5
26
9
13
22
27
2
6
27
14
0
0
114
20
Tonala
5
4
2
10
0
0
3
4
0
0
1
<1
1
2
11
2
s
p
Yucatán
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
1
<1
A
I
Unknown
9
8
4
21
10
14
12
14
15
48
64
32
1
2
115
20
N
Subtotal
119
6
19
7
71
6
83
3
31
5
198
8
54
9
575
6
Unknown Europe
or America
140
8
13
5
57
5
103
4
48
8
140
6
54
9
555
6
L
Timucua
478
36
44
24
126
16
528
34
67
16
324
22
44
12
1611
26
A
Guale/Mocamo
428
32
119
66
599
75
910
59
258
61
1071
72
303
84
3688
60
F
L
Apalachee
10
1
0
0
2
<1
12
1
0
0
17
1
0
0
41
1
0
R
I
D
A
Colono
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
6
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
<1
Other
410
31
17
10
72
9
89
6
100
24
77
5
15
4
780
13
Subtotal
1326
71
180
70
802
72
1540
63
425
71
1489
64
362
62
6124
67
Total
1866
100
259
100
1101
100
2450
100
598
100
2334
100
580
100
9188
100
Ln

176
The diet of the townspeople depended on locally
available resources, especially those from the sea. Although
pork and beef were used, the diet consisted primarily ofgopher
I
tortoises, drums, sea catfishes, mullets, and deer, and
remained relatively unchanged through the seventeenth century
(Reitz 1992:90). In contrast, the diet of the friars living
at the Convento de San Francisco, the mission headquarters in
St. Augustine, exhibited a very different pattern than that
shared by the rest of town. The friars diet with its heavy
reliance on venison and chicken, both of which were expensive
(Reitz 1993:11) and rare in the samples associated with the
non-secular households of St. Augustine, more closely
resembled that associated with the outlying missions. This
suggests the existence of a mission supply network directed
toward the Convento that included only the Franciscan
community of St. Augustine (Reitz 1993a:92).
Summary of the Seventeenth-Century Material Assemblage
The majority of material recovered from the six
household and one religious site consisted of ceramics that
reflected domestic activities, and in particular, foodway
behavior. Several factors can account for the preponderance of
pottery in the seventeenth-century archaeological record, the
most obvious of which are their durability and importance in
Spanish foodways. Other factors include adverse conditions

177
for the preservation of perishable materials, such as wood and
cloth; the relative poverty of the people who lived in the
community; the types of sites excavated; and the excavation
and sampling strategies used at these sites.
Certain other expected attributes -- mostly non-ceramic
-- were curiously absent. In general, the material assemblage
from seventeenth-century St. Augustine suggests a material
life limited in its variety, and indicates little in the way
of luxury, wealth, or entertainment. Despite St. Augustine's
function as a presidio, few items related to its military
nature were found. While the sparse amount of weaponry-
related artifacts may be related to site function, occupants,
and sampling strategies, it does suggest limited access to
firearms and ammunition.
Items indicative of the Catholicism that represented
such an meaningful part of life in the colonial town were also
surprisingly absent. Only one identifiably religious item was
recovered from the seventeenth-century sites, a rosary bead
from a domestic household at the de León site (SA26-1) . No
evidence of sacred objects was found at the Franciscan
monastery site, the one religious site included in the sample.
The absence of religious paraphernalia, particularly at the
monastery, is most likely related to the care given to these
objects, and to the types of material used in their
construction. Apparently, many of the sacred objects, such as

178
cruets, were made of glass and would probably not be
recognizable as such in the archaeological record. Although
glass was recovered from several seventeenth-century contexts,
only 4 fragments provided enough evidence to determine the
possible function of the original object, and none of these
consisted of explicitly religious items (Figure 11).
Other religious items were made of wood, which does not
preserve well (McEwan 1992:103). In addition, there was no
archaeological evidence for the African population of the
town. The lack of any explicitly religious or military
artifacts and the current invisibility of Africans in the data
underscores the inability of the archaeological record to
reveal aspects of the community known to be present in the
past, such as the monastery, soldiers, and Africans.
The ceramic assemblages, nevertheless, provide an index
of intersite social variability and changing patterns of life
during the 1600s. A fairly reliable index of social
differentiation has been derived from the better-documented
eighteenth-century community of St. Augustine, where household
sites can be correlated with specific individuals, ethnic
affiliation, and income levels (Deagan 1983). This index is
based on the relative proportions of majolica and Native
American pottery present in any given household assemblage.
This strategy has also been applied to the undocumented
sixteenth-century sites (Deagan 1985).

Figure 11. Glass from 17th Century Contexts (Photo by Pat
Payne)

180
cm

181
When ranked according to these guidelines, the
eighteenth-century sites occupied by people with the highest
incomes had the largest proportion of majolica, while those
occupied by people with the lowest incomes exhibited the
largest proportion of Native American wares. Statements
concerning the ethnic identity of the residents are more
difficult to make. However, there is a correlation between the
proportion of Native American ceramics and the presence of
Native American women in the household (Deagan 1992). By
referring to this eighteenth-century baseline data, some
general statements concerning varying economic levels and
access to material goods during the seventeenth century can be
made.
Tables 22 and 23 show the proportions of majolica and
Native American ceramics for each of the sample sites by time
period. During both the early and late 1600s, the assemblages
from the secular households showed a roughly inverse
correlation between the amounts of these two categories of
pottery. Based on these data, there appears to have been
little economic differentiation between the occupants of the
Palm Row, Trinity, Fatio and de León sites through time.
During the late seventeenth century, the people who lived at
the Cofradía and O'Reilly sites experienced a somewhat higher
standard of living relative to the other households
represented in the sample.

182
The assemblage from the Convento de San Francisco,
however, revealed atypical proportions of majolica and Native
American pottery throughout the century. This reflects its
Table 22.
Ranked Order of Early 17th Century Sites
According
to Proportions of Majolica and Native
American
Pottery
(Convento set apart by virtue
of
its
distinct
non-domestic function).
Site
Maiolica Native American
(Convento
10%
74%)
Palm Row
5%
69%
Trinity
7%
63%
Fatio
7%
56%
de León
5%
52%
Table 23.
Ranked Order of Late 17th Century Sites According
to Proportions of
Majolica and Native
American
Pottery (Convento set apart by virtue
distinct non-domestic function).
of its
Site
Maiolica
Native American
(Convento
12%
68%)
O' Reilly
12%
61%
Cofradía
10%
62%
Trinity
9%
67%
de León
8%
62%
Fatio
7%
70%
Palm Row
7%
70%
role as a mission headquarters and formal institution of the
Spanish Crown.
It is interesting to note that no religious subsidy
arrived in 1633 (see Table 5 in Chapter 4), the year that the
Franciscan mission effort expanded to Apalachee province, and

183
that during the next 20 years, payments were extremely
unreliable. Yet during this same period, the assemblage from
the Franciscan monastery yielded the highest proportion of
Spanish majolica, an item ostensibly obtainable only through
the situado. and one thought to be highly symbolic of a
Spanish identity (Deagan 1983).
The monastery assemblage also exhibited the greatest
percentage of Native American wares. Although it is possible
that these figures are biased due to the relatively small
sample of early seventeenth-century artifacts, the late
seventeenth-century assemblage exhibited this same pattern.
Therefore, it seems more likely that these differences are
related to the Convento's function as a specialized religious
and administrative center.
As a religious community, the population of the
monastery differed from that associated with secular household
dwellings, in terms of gender and age. Presumably, no women or
children lived at the monastery. Yet, the high percentage of
Native American pottery at the site indicates a high degree of
Franciscan-Indian interaction, and raises the possibility that
women may have been responsible for at least some of the
domestic duties at the monastery. It also supports the idea
put forth by Reitz (1993b) that the Franciscan friars
developed trade networks between the mission field and the

184
monastery that were independent of the secular community of
St. Augustine.
The monastery also differed from the secular sites in
its roles as a formal institution charged with maintaining and
spreading the Christian religion, as a training center for
friars, and as a reception area for visiting dignitaries and
officials. As such, the place of ritual and tradition assumed
great importance, and it is possible that this extended to the
acquisition and care of material goods.
Items such as majolica, which signalled a Spanish
identity, therefore probably played a more critical role in
the religious community of the monastery than in individual
families. It is also possible that because provisions for the
friars were stored in the royal warehouse by the Franciscan
custodian (Bushnell 1981:106), the monks may have had freer
access to goods.
Although artifacts relating to "foodways" dominated both
the early and late seventeenth-century assemblages, other
items of material culture provide at least a glimpse into
other aspects of seventeenth-century life in St. Augustine.
Fishhooks dating from ca. 1600 trashpits at the de León site
and a lead fishing weight from a trashpit at the Convento de
San Francisco attest to the relative importance of fishing in
the community; the increase in nails, spikes, and tacks
through time provides evidence of the growth of construction

185
activities during the late 1600s, and clay tobacco pipebowls
and pipestem fragments signal the adoption of pipe smoking by
the Spaniards. Bone button forms and buttons, a common item
of trade in St. Augustine's private contract system (Gillaspie
1984), recovered from the Franciscan monastery indicate the
friars involvement in the manufacturing and trade of bone
buttons.
In addition to these activities, information on
household and family composition can be suggested by the types
of artifacts found at several of the secular sites. Neither
the documentary nor the archaeological records offer any
insights into the presence of children at any of the sites
included in this study. The only leisure-related artifacts
included a die and a ground pottery disc (generally referred
to as a "gaming disc") from an early seventeenth-century well
construction pit at the Josef de León site (SA26-1), another
"gaming disc" from a ca. 1650 trash pit at the same site, and
two "gaming discs" from a ca. 1600 trash pit and a ca. 1650
well construction pit, respectively, at the Fatio House site
(SA34-2).
Stanley South (1988) reported the presence of dice at
the site of Santa Elena, a sixteenth-century Spanish presidio
on Parris Island, South Carolina, and noted the documented
existence of gambling among the soldiers stationed at Santa
Elena. A contemporary document mentioned that "gambling helps

186
soldiers forget their troubles and makes them stay quiet in
the presidio" (South 1988:166). It has also been reported
that "gaming discs" were used by Native Americans for gambling
purposes (Culin 1907 in South 1988:170), and that this
practice may have been adopted by the Spaniards. Based on
this, the die and "gaming discs" found in the seventeenth-
century contexts in St. Augustine related to adult gambling
activities (possibly male) and were not used by children at
play.
The absence of identifiably child-related artifacts does
not necessarily indicate the complete absence of children at
any of the secular sites. Given the importance of family and
children to both the Catholic faith and the Spanish culture
(McEwan 1991), it is possible that children lived at some of
the sites, but that the material correlates of their behavior
and activities either do not survive in the archaeological
record or are as yet unrecognizable.
The seventeenth-century archaeological record sheds
slightly more light on the presence of women at the various
sample sites. McEwan (n.d.) has suggested several categories
of artifacts that may have belonged to or have been used
explicitly by women. In addition to foodway-related artifacts,
such as cooking pots, manos and metates, other female-related
items may include jewels, rings, precious stones, amber beads,
protective amulets, and sewing implements. McEwan also noted

187
that "by the 1560's few men were wearing lacing tips" (McEwan
nd), thereby suggesting that aglets may be indicators of the
presence or absence of women at archaeological sites.
While admittedly inconclusive, several of the sites in
the study yielded artifacts that hinted of the presence of
women. A thimble was recovered from a ca. 1600 context at the
Josef de León site (SA26-1) , two aglets were found from the
same time period at the Fatio House site (SA34-2), and four
aglets and a mano were recovered from post 1650 well at the de
León site (SA26-1) . The Cofradía site (SA30-3) offers slightly
more tantalizing evidence that the household included at least
one woman during the late 1600s. Five aglets, a metate
fragment, a sewing needle, an earring, and a slat from a fan
were recovered from a post 1650 well and associated
construction pit.
In summary, the characterization of the seventeenth-
century archaeological record has closed a major gap in our
archaeological understanding of colonial life in the community
of St. Augustine and seventeenth-century La Florida. It also
provided a necessary foundation for assessing the nature of
change during the middle period in St. Augustine. The
following chapter incorporates data from the previously
documented sixteenth century (Deagan 1985) with the
seventeenth-century data in order to assess these assemblages
within the context of the middle period, and consider their

188
meaning in relationship to the development of distinctive
European-American cultural traditions in the Atlantic world.

189
CHAPTER 7
COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ST. AUGUSTINE AND IN THE
ATLANTIC COLONIAL WORLD DURING THE MIDDLE PERIOD
Two central issues guided this study, the nature of
Spanish-colonial cultural development during the middle period
of settlement, and its similarity to or divergence from a
comparable period in the Anglo-American colonies of the
Atlantic world. The archaeological characterization and
synthesis of seventeenth-century St. Augustine provided the
material basis for considering the forces that influenced the
development of a colonial tradition in Spanish Florida during
this post-contact phase, and for considering this development
within the context of the Atlantic world.
This characterization and its associated cultural forms,
along with the patterns and processes previously documented
for the opening years of the middle period (Deagan 1985), are
summarized and assessed in this final chapter. The nature of
Spanish-colonial cultural development during the middle period