THE
DEVELOPMENT OF
THE SPANISH
A CULTURAL IDENTITY
-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE
COLONIAL AMERICA:
LA FLORIDA
KATHLEEN
HOFFMAN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
number
institutions
and
individuals
contributed,
both
various
directly
and
aspects
indirectly,
this
study
this
was
research.
provided
Funding
State
Florida
Department
Military
Affairs,
Augustine
Preservation
University
Museum
Board,
Florida
Natural
Augu
Graduate
History,
stine
Student
and
Historical
Council,
Charles
Society,
Florida
Fairbanks
Scholarship
Fund.
The
Department
Anthropology
Florida
Museum
Natural
History
also
contributed
providing
me with
numerous
graduate
assistantships.
also
acknowledge
State
Florida
Department
Military
Affairs
and
Florida
National
Guard
recognizing
importance
their
property
site
Franciscan monastery,
and for their
cooperation during
our
excavations
on their
property.
The
enthusiasm
and
assistance
their
staff
as well
that
of Bob
Matthews
Construction,
particular
Bill
Dugan,
ensured
timely
completion
project.
Others
who
provided
invaluable
help
on that
project
included
members
of the
Augustine Archaeological
Advi
sory
I C
m
screening
artifacts
Historic
Augustine
Preservation
Board
who
provided housing
and
utiliti
field
team,
and
extremely
competent
field
crew
am also
indebted
to the
many
veterans
of St
Augustine
archaeology
who
preceded
, and
whose
diligent
and
capable
work
is represented
these
pages
. In addition
, Bruce
Piatek
and
Stan
Bond
Augustine
Preservation
Board
gracious
allowed
access
their
computer
collections
, and archaeological
data
from their excavations at
the Cofradia site
Susan Parker
freely
shared her
considerable
expertise
regarding
cofradias
Augustine
and
other
aspects
community
es' colorful
past.
Page
Edwards
generous
provided
me with
photographs
Boazio
map
, and
only
known
17th
century
depictions
Augustine
Page
enthusiasm
about
archaeology
support,
and
kindness
always
made
feel
like
welcome
member of
the very
special
Augustine historical
community
also
acknowledge
Ken
Barrett,
. for
his
photographs
historic
maps
along
with
Payne
, Greg
Cunningham,
and
Kelly
Evans
Office
Instructional
Resources
Univers
Florida
for
their
excellent
photographic
and
graphic
work
Myrna
Sulsona'
assistance
with
Spani
names
and
words
also
appreciated.
committee
members
have
each
made
invaluable
, hi
Murdo MacLeod have guided my
interpretations
the historical
record,
and
have
helped
clarify
difference
between
history
and
historical
archaeology.
. Gannon
has
also
been
a source
William
solid
Marquardt
advi
throughout
and
Jerald
graduate
Milanich
training
Shave
Dr.
been
exceedingly
helpful
and
supportive
every
way.
Milanich
enthusiasm
helping
truly
appreciated.
Clearly
, the
most
influential
member
committee
was
. Kathleen
Deagan
. Her
guidance
and
rigorous
training
have
helped
make
me a better
storical
Archaeologi
. Dr. Deagan
generously
allowed
free
access
to her
Augustine
data
base
and
library
, always
willingly
shared
her
considerable
expertise
, and presented me with important
field opportunities
Augustine
and
Dominican
Republic
. Her
knowledge
Spanish colonial
archaeology
truly impressive
, and
to study
with
her
was
a truly
enlightening
experience
Mention
also
needs
made
fellow
graduate
students
and
staff
Florida
Museum
Natural
History
Billy
Ray
Morris
, Donine
Marlow
, Mary
Herron,
LeCompte
Baer
, Ruth
Trocolli,
Donna
Ruhl
, Darcie
McMahon,
Jim
Cusick,
Maurice
Williams
, and Ann
Cordell
. They are
responsible
always
lively
and supportive work environment
am especially
grateful
Ruth
, Darcie,
Jim
, Donna,
Maurice
and
Ann
, who
helped
me in more
ways
than
they
know
. Jim's
perspective
, in
am extremely
grateful
to Ann
helping
me format
table
, for
excellent
coffee
breaks
, and
her
sense
humor
Donna'
insights
, encouragement,
helpfulness,
and
readiness
discuss
research
were
extremely
helpful.
Mauri
support
and
constant
friendship
helped
through
more
than
one
"rough
spot"
They
are
cTOOd
colleagues
friend
and
people
Finally
am deeply
appreciative
parents
and
rest of .
perspective
family
. Ben,
who
Jill
helped
, Rudy,
me keep
Bess
entire
and Robert not
process
only
helped
keep
priorities
order
, but
provided
unbelievable
atmosphere
of support
and
encouragement,
mention
great
beach
getaway
weekends
Robert,
especially,
earned
degree
almost
as much
did.
He knows
what
mean.
TABLE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
OF CONTENTS
LIST
LIST
OF TABLES.
OF FIGURES
* S 0 4 4 5 4 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 IX
* S S S S 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 5 5 5 0 0 .,ci.
ABSTRACT.
S S S S S S S 0 0 5 5 5 5 0 5 xii
CHAPTERS
THE
QUESTION
OF COLONIAL
CULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT
Introduction. .
The Problem of the Middle Period. .
Previous Research Into the Nature of
European-American Cultural Development.
* S 2.
* S 5 2
* 5
THE COLONIAL
PERIOD .
ATLANTIC
WORLD
DURING
THE
MIDDLE
S 0 4 4 5 0 5 0 0 0 0 S S 4 0 5 5 3~0
Economic
Atlant
Economic
The Grow
At plant
The Demo
Intera
Popula
Span
Popula
Church
and Political Challenges
ic World Monopoly. .
Problems in Spain and th
th of Intercolonial Trade
i
g
c
t
i
t
c .
raphic
tions
Char
of th
ion and Int
sh-America.
ion and Int
and
State
acter and
e Colonial
eraction i
in the
to Spain's
* S 4 0
Atlantic
in the
Social
Atlantic
tion in Anglo-Ameri
Atlantic World .
. 11
. 14
. 19
World.
. 2
ca. 3
3
MODELS
OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN
CULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT.
0 5 0 0 0 5 5 0 5 0 5 0 5 5 5 40
Models
The
The
The
Models
The
The
of Development
Decl
Stru
Deve
of
Crys
ension Model
ctural Model
lopmental Mo
Development
tallization
Acculturation
for Anglo-American 4
* 4
*del 5
twcieL J
for Spanish-America. 5
Model. 5
Model.
. 0 58
THE "MIDDLE
mt* jK 4rx^ j *jif
PERIOD"
IN ST.
-~qt0c
AUGUSTINE. .
. 6
C
44
9 0 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 9 5 5 0 0 5 5 Ii.
Economic Diversi
Haciendas. .
Intra-colonial
Other Economic
Demographic Chara
of the Colonial
The African Popu
Origins and Ro
The Native Ameri
The Repartimie
Relocation of
Augustine. .
The Spanish and
Gender Ratios
European Worn
Intermarriag
The Importance an
Church. .
Ecclesiastical S
Social, Cultural
Influences .
Summary .
ficatio
trade
Activi
cter an
Atlant
lation
les in
can Pop
nto Sys
Mission
. Augustine
. 83
.. 83
* a a a a a a a 83 <
* 4 0 85
ties. 87
a Social
ic World
the Community
ulation .
tem .
Indians to St
S S S S S
European Population
and Intermarriage.
* S
. Augu
of the
structure
and Int
a
* .
tine
Catho
reaction
. a 8
* 4 9
* 9
. 9
. 9
. a .1
. 4 1.
. .1
. .12
* .1 a
Lic
S 107
* .1L07
1lectual
. .* S L08
1 .14
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
STRATEGY
AND
METHOD
S .a .115
Sample
The
The
Sites
and
Convento de
Lorenzo Jos
Archaeological
San Francisco
ef Lorenzo de
Contexts .
Site (SA42A)
Le6n Site
(
The
The
The
The
The
6-1)
inity
menez
lm Ro
ifradi
* a
Ep
-Fa
w S
a S
O'Reilly
Hous
opal
Hous
(SA3
(SA3
e Sit
a
Chu
e S
6-4
0-3
e (
t a a J
rch Site (SA34-1) .1
ite (SA34-2). .1
) 1 .
) 1 .
SA35-1) .1
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY
ST. AUGUSTINE SITES
CHARACTERIZATION
MATERIAL
OF THE
ASSEMBLAGE
FROM
. a .142
Characterization
Early
Seventeenth-
Centur
Manuf
Charact
Centur
Manuf
Faunal
Sites
y As
actu
eriz
y As
actu
Rema
a .
semb
ring
atio
semb
ring
ins
iage
Loc
n of
lage
Loc
from
- n
nations of
the Late
S* a a a a
Pottery .
Seventeent]
* S S S S ft
nations of Pottery .
Seventeenth-Century
4 4 S S S S S S
- a A-. -
. 144
. .156
h-
. 158
. ..165
a 4 S
S.- A- -~ ~,
. .173
I.
COLONIAL
AND IN
MIDDLE
CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
THE ATLANTIC WORLD
PERIOD. .
IN ST
DURING
. AUGUSTINE
THE
4 ).89
APPENDICES
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY
PROVENIENCE
GUIDE
. 207
INVENTORY
CENTURY
INVENTORY
CENTURY
OF ITEMS
CONTEXTS
OF ITEMS
CONTEXTS
FROM
BY
FROM
BY
EARLY
GROUP
LATE
GROUP
SEVENTEENTH-
AND BY SITE.
SEVENTEENTH-
AND BY SITE.
. 217
. 236
GLOSSARY
OF SPANISH
TERMS
. 256
REFERENCES C
BIOGRAPHICAL
ITED.
SKETCH
S. 258
H .280
LIST
OF TABLES
Table
Chronology of Key
Atlantic World
Events
Seventeenth-Century
pig~
Principal
Cultural
Models
European
Development
-American
Colonial
. a a a 42
Culture
Regions
Proposed
Colonial
America
Chronology
Florida
of Key
Events
Seventeenth-Century
S S S S S S S 5 0 0 0 5 63
Comparative Li
Franciscan and
Secular
sidy Payments
Communities i
Received
St. Augu
tine,
1617-1651
Summary
The
Cent
of St.
Augustine
Frequency of "Mix
ury St. Augustine
Summary of
Seventeenth-
ed"
Occupation
Century
Population:
Marriages
and
Sample
Excavation
Site
1600-1702
Seventeenth-
History
S a a a a a a a a
Characterization
by Functional Ca
Distribution of
Seventeenth-Cent
of Early
tegories
17th
Utilitarian
ury Contexts
Century
Wares
Ass
emblages
from
Distribution
Native
American
Pottery
from
Seventeenth-Century
Contexts
Distribution
Majolica
from
Seventeenth-
Century
Contexts
Distribution of
Tablewares
from Seventeenth-Century
Contexts
. 46
Distribution
Seventeenth-Century
Architectural
Artifacts
from
Contexts
Distribution
Items
from
of Non-Kitchen
and
Seventeenth-Century
Non-Architectural
Contexts
Origins
Ass
Pottery
from
Early
emblages
17th
Century
Origins
of Native
American
Pottery
Charact
erization
Late
17th
Century
Ass
emblages
Functional
Categories
Origins
Ass
Pottery
from
Late
17th
Century
emblages
Summary
of Faunal
Data
from Seventeenth-
Augustine
Century
Ranked
Order
to Proportions
Pottery .
Early
17th
of Majolica
Century
and
Sites
Native
According
American
Ranked
Order
Late
to Proportions
Pottery .
17th
Majolica
Century
and
Sites
Native
According
American
Summary
Middle
Period
Assemblages
Summary of
the Middle
Manufacturing
Period .
Locations
Pottery
from
Origin
of Ceramics
from
Middle
Period
. 1640-1700)
Plantation,
British
Virginia
Colonial
from
Kelso
Site
1984
s at Kingsmill
:213) .
Compare
son
Kingsmill
Florida
of Origin
Plantation,
Ceramics
Virginia
and
from
St. Augustine,
LIST
OF FIGURES
Figure
Augustine
17th
and
Colonial
Century
p~g~
World
C 0 0 0 0 S S 0 16
Colonial
Augustine
ca.
1764
Boazio
Engraving
of St.
Augustine
1586
. 67
Anonymous
Anonymous
Engraving
Engraving
Augustine,
Augustine,
1671
1683
Location
Relation
Excavated
to the
1586
17th
Century
Sites
Townsite
Lead
17th
Fishing
Century
Weight,
Contexts
Straight
Pin,
and
Aglet
from
Examples
of Bordado
from
17th
Century
Contexts
. 164
Examples
Century
of Grog-Tempered
Pottery
from
Contexts
17th
. 0 169
Examples
17th
of Non-local
Century
Native
American
Pottery
from
Contexts
Glass
from
17th
Century
Contexts
Abstract
Dissertation
Presented
to the
Graduate
School
:he University
Requirements fi
of Florida
in Partial
Degree
Doctor
Fulfillment
Philosophy
DEVELOPMENT
OF A CULTURAL
IDENTITY
IN COLONIAL
AMERICA:
THE
SPANISH
-AMERICAN
EXPERIENCE
IN LA FLORIDA
Kathleen
December
Hoffman
1994
Chairp
Major
person:
Kathleen
Department
Deagan
: Anthropology
The
primary
purpose
study
to contribute
to and
refine
a general
understanding
forces
involved
emergence
unique
European-American
cultural
traditions
the Atlantic world
a multi-disciplinary
historical
. Thi
accomplished
-archaeological
through
approach
and
a comparative
assessment
process
ses
associated
with
development
cultural
identity
Spanish
and
Anglo-
American
colon
of the Atlanti
world.
In particular
study
emphasis
zes
choices
made
European
-American
colonists
during
seve
nteenth
century.
Archaeological
and
historical
data
from
Spani
colony
Augu
tine
and
British
colon
ways
which
European-American
colonists
adjusted
the Americas.
In both
colonial
situations
, the
colonists made
choices
that
recognized local
realities and emphasized
the use
and
reliance
American
goods
and
resources.
These
choices
, which were limited by environmental
constraints
, also
growing
separation
from
their
homeland
and
increasingly
local
and
regional
orientation.
archaeological
evidence
indicates
that
although
general
process
European-American
adjustment
and
identity
development
followed
same
path
Spanish
and
Anglo
colonies,
specific
manifestations
this
process
were
different.
CHAPTER
THE
QUESTION
OF COLONIAL
CULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT
One
most
profound
consequences
European
exploration and settlement
of the Americas
was
the development
distinctive
European-American
cultural
traditions
(Hartz
1964)
process
The
nature,
varied
timing,
between
(and
and
outcome
possibly
this
within)
development
colonial
areas
dominated
different
European
nations
and
resulted
varied
mosaic
of American
society
today.
The
character
effects
study,
these developments
which
define
contribute
primary
and
focus
refine
this
general
understanding
processes
involved
emergence
unique
European-American
cultural
traditions
in the
Atlantic
World
and s
. The
Spanish
eventeenth
colonial
centuries
experience
will
used
late
to provide
sixteenth
a case
study
these
processes
during
critical
"middle"
era
between
initial
encounters
and
emergence
well
established
colonial
identity.
The
middle
period
generally
regarded
formative
period in
the development
of colonial American society
because
*- -* .. -I 1.I
also
represented
time
when
colonists
made
choices
about
retention
and
change
both
European
and
American
traits
and
traditions
and
devised
new
syncretic
solutions
cope
with
special
circumstances
life
post-
Columbian
Americas.
This
period
of Spanish
colonial
social
development
will
studied
and
characterized
through
multi
-disciplinary
historical-archaeological
approach
and
comparative
assessment
general
Spanish
patterns
with
those
associated
with
Anglo-American
colonies
during
a comparable
period.
understanding
both
range
choices
made
within
colonial
society,
and
the consistencies and differences
across
societal
boundaries
can
contribute
more
comprehensive
model
post-contact
cultural
development
Americas.
The
Problem
"Middle"
Period
generally
accepted
that
initial
years
contact
and
settlement
witnessed
cataclysmic
change
European
world
came
into
contact
with
radically
different
Native
American
cultural
systems
and
unfamiliar
natural
environment.
Since
beginning
European
colonization
Americas
1492,
scholars
have
been
fascinated
impact
this
momentous
intermingling
Europe an
Americas
work r
focuses
regardingg
on the
the European co
sometimes fantastic
lonizatic
initial
adventures
European
explorers,
demise
native
populations,
and
European
political
and
economic
institutions
colonization.
Somewhat less attention has been
directed
to understanding
emergence
European-American
colonial
societies
(Deagan
1985;
Deetz
1977;
Greene
1984;
McAlister
1984
These
latter
efforts
have
tended
concentrate
either
initial
encounter
established
colonial
society
(Falk
1991
Thomas
1989
1990
, 1991),
leaving
much
immediate
post-contact
period
adjustment
ignored.
This
particularly
true
from
perspective
Spanish
colonial
archaeology.
In contrast
to the
rather
exciting
and
somewhat
colorful
exploits
that
took
place
during
initial
period
colonization,
middle
period
Spanish
settlement
was
not
a time
of world changing
events.
The
experimental
and
conquest
phase
colonization
had
drawn
end,
effective
adaptations
had
been
worked
out,
and
basic
cultural
patterns
had
already
been
established
(Handlin
1967,
King
1984,
Lockhart
during
and
late
Schwartz
1983
sixteenth
Consequently,
and
seventeenth
Spanish
centuries
America
often
been
characterized as an
"inwardly pulsating"
time of
relative
which
the basic
framework
or pattern
established
during the
initial
years
settlement
was
expanded
and
became
more
elaborate.
What
remains
unclear,
however,
are
processes
their
associated
archaeological
patterns
which
characterized
that
stage
Spanish
colonial
cultural
development
between
initial
settlement
and
established
society.
Using
archaeological
and
historical
data
from
Spanish
colonial
Augustine,
change
Florida,
in Spanish
this
colonial
study
culture
will
evaluate
during
nature
the middle
period
settlement,
and
compare
what
known
similar
processes
in British-American
colonies of
a comparable period.
Augustine
particularly
appropriate
colonial
setting
for
investigating
ces
involved
transformation
European
cultures
this
case,
Spanish)
into
European-American
traditions
reasons.
almost
two
hundred
years
continuous
Spanish
occupation--beginning
1565
and
ending
1763--provide
essential
temporal
control
tracing
change
through
time.
addition,
extensive
comparative
archaeological
(Deagan
1983,
1985
historical
(Lyon
1983;
Waterbury
1983;
TePaske
1964,
1975
data
base
relevant
sixteenth
and
eighteenth
century
occupations
exists
from which
assess
change during
late
multi
-disciplinary
perspective
and
access
to multiple
categories
Deagan
1988
and
contexts
data
Schuyler
1977
. The
use
and
application
of these
"multiple
categories"
this
archaeological
understanding of
case,
historical
records
the nature
allow
of cultural
, archaeobiological
more
development
, and
complete
during the
late
sixteenth
and
seventeenth
centuries
than
either
perspective
alone
can
render.
The
multi
-disciplinary
perspective
historical
archaeology
assumes
a particularly
significant
in this
study
because
unexplored
and,
at times
, "lost"
record
nature of
Augustine
seventeenth-
, and
because
century documentary
access
comparatively
sizeable
archaeological
data base
Perhaps
more
importantly
though,
historical
archaeology
provides
glimpse
into
"everyday
life"
and
behavior
and
lives
of the
common
people
who
represented
essential
component
colonial
society.
Previous
Raesarc... h
into
Nature
European-American
Cultural
Development
Spain,
Portugal,
England,
Scotland,
Sweden
, Denmark,
France
, and
Holland
established
settlement
Atlantic
world,
but
Spain
and
England
comprised
dominant
- --
.,.-% r j-' r- t~' ~ t~* a ~ I ~'-9 I- U V ,n I 1~ a -I ri (If-' 1' -at- ~ n r A '7 --- -a
T
^ *
-t
A J
*
I-
summaries
and
reviews
this
work
see
Greene
1991;
Kicza
1974;
Weber
1992
Thomas
1989
, 1990,
1991)
. As
noted
above,
majority
environmental
this
, social
research
, and
addresses
political
either
adjustments
immediate
made
colonists
during
initial
years
colonization
or focu
ses
on the already
-es
tablished eighteenth century
colonial
world.
Those
studies
that
deal
with
cultural
development
during
middle
period
have
focused
British
colonial
experience
Deetz
1977
Greene
1988
Miller
and
King
1988
they have
approached
this
issue
from an exclusively
historic
perspective
(Boyer
1977;
Bushnell
1981;
Leonard
1959)
. With
the exception
1993), which r
research
presented
Spanish
a specialized
segment
missions
of the
McEwan
Spanish
world
, relatively
few
studi
concerned
with
formation
Spanish
-American
tradition
have
been
archaeological
in nature
(Deagan 1983
, 1985
, 1994
Ewen
1991)
Those
that
have
addressed
nature
Spanish
colonial
culture
have
focused
only
on the
sixteenth
century.
Only
one
previous
explored
endeavor
Spanish
(King 1
colonial
981) ,
conducted
culture
during
over
the
a decade
middle p
ago,
period
from
multi-disciplinary
perspective
and
integrative
approach
of historical
archaeology.
Juli
King
s preliminary
research
into
nature
population movements
, and changing economic patterns
As such,
King'
research
represents
notable
contribution
understanding
patterns
Spanish
adaptation
Florida.
However
, it
did not
encompass
entire
middle
period
was
limited
then-available
data
base
only
three
seventeenth-century
occupation
sites
Augustine.
addition,
King'
Florida-specific
focus
did
include
Augustine'
participation
a larger
Atlantic
world,
and
did
place
seventeenth-century
Augustine
within
a model
colonial
cultural
development.
In the
twelve years
that
have
passed since
completion
of King'
research,
additional
seventeenth-century
sites
have
been
excavated,
and
Spanish
colonial
archaeology
been
increasingly
cast
in a global
perspective.
In light
these
considerations,
following
chapters
will
re-evaluate
expand
our
knowledge
this
critical
period
of settlement
incorporating
these
"newer"
contexts
with
those
included
Juli
King'
earlier work,
and by placing
seventeenth-century
Augustine
within
context
of both
the middle
period and
larger
American
colonial
world.
Researchers
investigating
development
European-
American
colonial
culture
have
attempted
identify
factors
that
to a growing
independence
from
their
parent
include:
country
origin,
economic
organization,
demographic
composition
colony,
structure
degree
interaction
between
Native
American,
African,
and
European
peoples,
and
religious
traditions
European
colonists
(Greene
1988;
1991
Meinig
1986
. Because
these
aspects
have
been
studied
and
documented
wide
sample
and
colonial
ideological
societies,
aspects
and
incorporate
adaptation,
they
both
will
material
used
organize a
comparison between
Spani
sh and British
colonial
experiences
in the
Atlantic
world.
Chapter
will
consider
historical
and
social
contexts
colonial
Atlantic
world
that
provide
general
cultural
milieu
which
developments
middle period occurred.
Particular
emphasis
will
be placed
character
dominant
presence
Spanisi
in the
and
colonial
English s
Atlantic
ettlemeni
world.
Chapter
reviews
existing
models
Anglo
and
Spanish-American
colonial
cultural
development as
a basis
for understanding
development of distinctive European-American traditions
in the
Americas.
Chapter
examines
specific
economic,
demographic,
social
and
religious
circumstances
of the
middle
period
Augustine
and
provides
setting
interpreting the archaeological
record
. Chapter 5
outlines
Augustine.
The
final
chapter,
Chapter
assesses
immediate post
contact
period of
development
inSt
Augustine,
and
compares
to a similar
period
British
colonies.
THE
CHAPTER
COLONIAL
ATLANTIC
WORLD
DURING
THE
MIDDLE
PERIOD
The
middle
period
cannot
understood
without
some
reference to
the political,
social,
and economic circumstances
that
both
preceded
and
characterized
Shortly
after
initial
bulls a
Columbian
ranted
voyage
dominion
to the
! the I
West
[ndies
Indies
to the
a series
Crown
of papal
of Castile.
These
bulls
, along
with
subsequent
Treaty
Tordesilla,
constituted
Spain'
legal
claim
to the
lands
and
resources
Americas
Parry
and
Sherlock
1971
:6-7)
Spain'
interest
Americas
was
fueled,
in part
, by
mercantile
policy
that
prevailed
in Spain
and
throughout
Europe
(Braudel
1979
:544)
. This
policy,
which
economic
interests
metropolis
whole
were
more
important
that
those
of its
individual
parts
, placed
great
value
on and
defined wealth by the
accumulation of
precious metals
(Braudel
1979
:544;
Gibson
1966
:105
protect
Spain'
economic
interests,
colonies
were
permitted
import
from
export
Spain
alone
(Andrew
1978
Beginning
Silver,
particular,
represented
important
commodity
(Hamilton
1970)
, and
for
almost
years
Spain
maintained
commercial
and
territorial
monopoly
Americas.
Economic
and
Political
Challenges
to Spain
Atlantic
World
This
century
monopoly
northern
importance
was
challenged
European
Indies
and
powers
throughout
recognized
struggled
the
the
secure
sixteenth
economic
their
share
natural
wealth
(Hoffman
1980
; Lang
1975
. In order
obtain
resources
portion
wealth
the Americas
, England,
emanating
Holland,
from
mineral
and France
had
break
Spain
economic
and
territorial
monopoly.
One
method
used
to accomplish
this
goal
included
sanctioning
raids
Spanish
ships
and
settlements
northern
European
governments.
Contracts,
called
letters
marque,
were
negotiated
with
individuals
, and
allowed
them
legally
attack
and
take
goods
return
payment
respective
Crowns.
English
and
French
privat
eers
and
pirates
targeted
Spain'
treasure
ships
and
attacked
, looted,
and
burned
coastal
ports
and
settlements
throughout
Caribbean
(Lang
1975
:105
response,
Spain
initiated
fleet
system
, which
consisted
of two
convoys
ships
sailing
twice
a year
between
were established
in Havana,
Cartagena,
Santo Domingo,
Santiago
Cuba,
San
Juan
Puerto
Rico
and
Augustine,
Florida
(Hoffman
1980
:144;
Parry and Sherlock 1971
:36)
. The
settlement
of Florida
1565
strengthened
Spain
territorial
interests
Indies
, and
, at least
until
1670,
effectively prevented
French and English
settlement
along
coast
of Florida
Lyon
1983
:55)
Although
this
defensive
plan
did
protect
treasure
eets,
did
litti
anything,
to halt
raids
on towns
and
local
shipping
Caribbean.
Especially
hard
were
remote
and
isolated
regions
outside
boundaries
treasure
fleet
shipping
lanes
, such
Augustine
Puerto
Real
Deagan
1994
Parry
and
Sherlock
1971
:37-
English
pirates
, such
as Sir
Francis
Drake
and
John
Hawkins
burned and looted
coastal
ports
and settlements
throughout
Indi
, seized
silver
convoys,
stole
from
treasury,
and
forced
settlers
engage
rescate,
form
illegal
trade
transaction
(Andrews
1978
74-80,258;
Lynch
1984
:191
McAlister
1984:91
One
of the most
infamous
raids
took
place
during
1585
1586
when Drake
systematically
attacked
the major
seaports
land
bases
associated
with
treasure
routes,
including
Santo
Domingo,
Cartagena,
Nombre
de Dios
and
Havana
. The
town
England
(Parry
and
Sherlock
1971
:42)
Additional
acts
piracy
result
occurred
Spanish
throughout
towns,
include
seventeenth
ng St. Au<
-I
t
century
justine,
and
suffered
economically.
1627
, Piet
Heyn,
admiral
Dutch
West
India
Company
, captured
entire
Fleet
Indies
Matanzas
Bay
Parry
and
Sherlock
1971
:50)
The
fleet
carried
treasure
and
subsidies
(situados)
intended for
Augustine
and
other
Caribbean
settlements
(Bushnell
1983
:48)
Another
particularly
disa
strous
attack
on St.
Augustine
took
place
1668
English
pirate
, Robert
Searles.
In that
raid,
60 townspeople
were killed and
town
looted.
A small
band
of English
another
group
pirates
attacked
threatened
1685
town
Waterbury
again
1983
1683
:59)
The
success
piracy,
along
with
establishment
1607
Virginia
America,
weakened
Colony
Spain's
along
eastern
hold
Indies
coast
and
of North
allowed
England,
mainland,
France
and t
and
Holland
:hen
to slowly
island
gain
a foothold
communities
on the
Lesser
Antilles
Bailyn 1967
:262;
auer
1980
Watts
1987
:127)
. During
seventeenth
century,
French
settled
Quebec
1608
Dutch
explored
Hudson
Bay
region
(1609),
established
Fort
Orange
1614),
and
settled
New
York
(1620)
a small
group
Swedes
and
Finns
settled
Delaware
River
Valley
Charles Towne,
South Carolina
1670),
and settled Pennsylvania
(1681)
Gradually,
throughout
1600s,
Spain
hold
over
Indies
eroded
and
Americas
became
"mosaic"
(Axtell
1992
:218)
various
European settlements
Table
Figure
Economic
Problems
SDain
and
Atlantic
The
seventeenth
century
often
characterized
as a time
of economic
crisis
in Spain
(Hamilton
1970)
. This
suggested
have
been
result
reduction
silver
imports,
soaring
naval
expenses
, an eroding
power
base
Indies
warfare
Europe,
and
ever-increasing
need
protect
Spain'
territories
Caribbean
against
growing
northern
piracy.
European
Throughout
threat
late
form
sixteenth
both
century
settlement
and
and
early
years
of the
1600s
, Spain had become
increasingly
dependent
silver
from
mines
Peru
and
Mexico
to meet
expenses
home,
and
finance
Phillip
military
and
naval
expenditures
both
Spain
and
mdi
(Hamilton
1970;
Haring
1947;
Sauer
1966
. These
war
expenses
were
a result
conflict between Spain and
Protestant
countries
of France,
England,
and
Netherlands
. They
escalated
1621
when
truce
with
Dutch
expired
Netherlands
mounted
aggressive
campaign
territorial
and
economic
power
in the
Chronology of Key
Century Atlantic
1605:
Spain
Cristi
attempt
Englan
Company
Nether
Englan
Nether
and
to
set
of
ands
set
ands
Yagu
stop
tled
New
exp
tled
Events
World
settlers
ana to move
smuggling.
Jamestown.
France estab
lored Hudson
Bermuda.
established
Albany
Puerto
lished
Bay.
Fort
Orange,
Fort
Monte
coast
Quebec
Nassua
Plymouth
Dutch We
truce wi
England
seized B
New Amst
England
England
Massachu
England
Spain pr
1632
1634
1635
1640
1648:
1652:
1655:
1660:
France
Dutch s
France
Portuga
between
of Braz
Spain's
Munster
Martin,
between
Dutch-E
English
Jamaica
around
Acts of
sugar,
goods t
France
Treaty
Anglo-S
title t<
establi
1665
1667
1670
g
e
s
1
SCol
st I
th N
sett
ahia
erda
and
sett
sett
sett
ohib
aine
ized
ettli
sec
ony
ndi
d
n
e
t.
d
B
d
s
cc
u
e4
a:
ar
Spain
il.
80 ye
recog
Saba,
Dutch
english
attem
; Engl
Belize
Tra
toba
o En
seiz
f Bred
anish
terri
hed.
de
establish
a Company
erlands ex
St. Kitts
Brazil, b
established
herlands s
Nevis.
ay Company
Antigua a
trade bet
control of
racao.
Guadeloupe
d from Spa
nd Portuga
war
with
SDutch
St. Eus
Spanish
began.
to seiz
oggers
Navigati
on,
Eng
1 o
d S
of
in
la ende
Treat
stories
Espafola
established
on limited
indigo, ginger
lish colonies
f the island o
second Dutch Wa
Madrid recogni
the Indies; Ch
and.
Spain's
dos;
d by
Dutch
Spanish;
Croix.
chartered.
nd Montserrat
ween Mexico and
Acadia.
Peru.
and Martinique.
in; Battle of Itamaraca
1 fought off coast
St
and captured
themselves
export
O
0
f
or dry
nly.
Tortuga.
r.
zed
arl
English
es Towne
- -* a -. -. -' a S
Table
ordered
Seventeenth-
Plata,
south
base
1624:
ed by Engl
chartered;
pired.
and Barba
ut repelle
ettled St.
ended;
Dutch
title
tatius
Indie
Treaty
nized
and
and
war
pted
ish 1
and
and
Curacao,
but trade
forbidden.
cco, cott
gland or
ed control
*
Atlantic Ocean
Virginia & Maryland
harleston
t. Augustine
Gulf of Mexico
BAHAMAS
Havana
Pacific Ocean
Merid
o ESPANOLA
racruz
RICO
r Territory occupied or claimed by
Spain in the 17th Century
EW1 Territory occupied or
" claimed by Northern European
powers
in thel17th Century
Antil~~
Acapu
Domingo
Caribbean
Figure
Augustine
and
Coloni
World
17th
Century
a BERMUDA
1650s,
and Spain
was
faced
with
an ever
increasing
need
protect
Caribbean
against
this
growing
threat
(Elliott
1987
:104;
Goslinga
1971;
Haring
1966
The
decline
silver
exports
Spain
contributed
only
to a continual
shortage
of silver,
but
also
fueled
inflation
and
devaluation
Spanish
currency
(Davis
1973
:145
Silver
and
silver
coinage
was
major
export
product,
and
Spain
had
become
dependent
on American
silver
finance military operations
(Hamilton 1970
:44-45
Because of
these
rising debts
, inflation,
and exploding defense expenses,
Spain
was
often
unable
provide
basic
commodities
and
supplies
, such
oil
, flour,
and
wine,
colonies
(Andrews
1978
:57)
Several
Spain's
circum-Caribbean
colonies,
such
settlements dependent
Augustine,
on a
Florida
regular annual
royal
were
subsidy
military
called
situado.
They
often
received
little
financial
support
during
1600s
and
were
forced
to look
elsewhere
their
financial
and subsistence needs
(Bushnell
1981
Sluiter
1985
These
situado
problems
can
with
related
arrival
several
and
factors,
payment
least
which
was
Spain'
dwindling power
in the emerging world
system
(Elliott
1987,
1989;
Lang
1975;
Parry
and
Sherlock
1971;
Wallerstein
1974
, 1980
The
unreliability
situado
Florida
situado,
also
faced
economic
and
political
problems,
which
precluded
timely
payments
subsidy.
With
renewal
global
war
between
Spain
and
Netherlands
1621
, the
powerful Dutch
West
Indies
and East
Indies
companies
mounted
offensive
naval
campaign
against
Spain.
Their
presence
Atlantic
and
Pacific
greatly
disrupted
both
Indies
and
Manila
galleon
trade.
Dutch
corsairs
threatened
and attacked
shipping
and
coastal
communities
, and
their
presence
settlement
Atlantic
other
European
helped
powers.
open
These
area
assaults
Dutch
brought
hardship
to the
merchant
of Mexico
City
, which
were
only
compounded
Spain
s prohibition
trade
between
Mexico
and
Peru
1648
. Natural
disasters,
such
a major
flood
1629
Boyer
1977
:477
and
heavy
livestock
mortality
also
contributed
Mexico'
economic
problems
Elliott
1987
:103
However
more
central
to Mexico'
problems,
terms
long-term
economic
impact,
was
drop
silver
production
from
mines
both
Mexico
and
Peru.
Various
arguments
attribute
this
decline
labor
shortages
resulting
from
decreasing
Indian
population
(Borah
1951
MacLeod
1973
:375-
, 1987
:315-360),
problems
with
credit
Bakewell
1975
depl
etion
major
silver
depo
sits
(Elliott
1987)
, or
ultimate
causes
were,
result
was
a decline
trans-
Atlantic
and
Manila
trade.
Consequently,
smaller
less
economically
important
colonies,
such
Augustine,
received
less
financial
support
from
Spanish
Crown
and
were
forced
become
more
self
-sufficient
and
reliant
local
resources
or goods
imported
from
other
regions
Atlantic
world
order
to meet
their needs
Consequently,
economic
relationship
between
Spain
and
her
American
colonies
egan
weaken
during
time
and
new
patterns
erc
olonial
trade
and
local
economies
developed
(Elliott
1987
:95)
The
Growth
Intercolonial
Trade
Atlantic
Concomitant
unwillingness
with
send
Spain
inability
provisions
and
Americas
frequent
was
emerging inter-colonial
trade network and
the establishment
colonial
economies
(Lang
1975
:54)
Trade restrictions
, piracy,
profiteering,
and
Spain
s dwindling power
acted
as a stimulus
an increase
during
in trade
seventeenth
among
century
various
(Elliott
Europ
1987
ean
colonies
:107;
Lang
1975
:54;
Lockhart
and
Schwartz
1983
:153)
, and
been
suggested
that
colonies
were
growing
less
dependent
both
Europe
and
Native
American
population
for provi
sions
regulations
prohibiting
(Lang
1975
:156-161;
Parry
and
Sherlock
1971)
Colonial
merchants
New
England
shipped
fish,
with
(Lang
lumber,
France,
1975: 1
and
tobacco
Holland
.56-161)
to other
Spain
. Dutch
and
salt
British
their
ships
colonies
colonies
to the Ve
and
the
inezuelan
traded
Indies
Coast
carried
European
goods
which
were
sold
Indies
exchange
hides,
tobacco,
and
dyewoods
(Parry
and
Sherlock
1971
-48;
Sluiter
1948
:178-180
Spanish
America
, much
silver
from
great
mines
Zacatecas
and
Potosi
never
reached
ended
European
market.
Instead
went
Pacific
(Elliott
1987
:97)
where
was used
to purchase
silk
, satin
, porcelain,
spices,
perfume,
and
jewelry
(Lynch
1984
:245
. These
goods
arrived
in Acapulco,
via
Manila
trade,
then
went
overland
to Veracruz
export.
Peru
was
forbidden
direct
access
Asia,
so Mexico
became
entrepot
re-exportation
Asian
goods
Peru
(Lynch
1984
:245
The
Crown
tried
unsucces
sfully
stop
this
intercolonial
trade
1631
prohibiting
trade
between
Mexico
and
Peru
(Elliott
1987
:97)
but
this
met
with
only
limited
success.
As a result,
much
silver
produced
Spanish
colonies
remained
Americas
and
never
reached
European
market
(Elliott
1987
Lang
1975;,
Lynch
1984)
Initially,
trade
between
various
British
colonies
was
allowed as
long
as it
was
conducted by
subjects
of the
British
crown
(Lang
1975
:152
. However,
as English
settlement
in the
Atlantic
expanded
and
colonial
agricultural
production
increased,
Crown
attempted
to limit
coastwise
trade
with
passage
Navigation
Acts
1660,
1663
, and
1673
(Table
These
acts
not
only
prohibited
trade
with
other
European
colonies
, but
they
also
banned
trade
certain
important
colonial
agricultural
products,
such
dyewoods,
sugar,
tobacco,
and
cotton
(Lang
1975
:153
England,
like
Spain,
operated
under a
trade
policy that
attempted
to channel
American
raw
materials
through
ports
England.
colonies
were
to supply
metropolis
with
raw
materials
agricultural
products
in the
case
of England and
silver
case
Spain
which
then
acted
entrepot
distribution
manufactured
goods
their
respective
colonies
However,
Europe'
inability to meet
colonial
demands
grew
during
seventeenth
century,
and
colonial
trade
network
expanded
and
commercial
agricultural
endeavors
also
intensified.
A measure of
the emergence
colonial
economies
was
development
examples
local
include
enterprises
creation
and
mints
production.
New
Some
Spain
shipbuilding
operations
in many
coastal
settlements
both
British
and
Spanish
America
McCus
ker
and
Menard
1985
McAlister
1984
:366-367)
addition,
iron
forges
and
blacksmith
shops
were
establi
shed
several,
most
Atlantic
community
order
to produce
weaponry,
tack,
and
construction hardware
, such as hinges
, spikes
, nail
, staple
screws
local
use
Deagan
1987
:24;
Hudson
1980
:22-26
Glasshouses
and
pottery
works
were
also
established
Atlantic
colonies
. The
type
and
amount
glass
produced,
and
success
seventeenth-
century
ventures
in gl
ass
making
British
colonies
, such
those
Jamestown,
Salem,
and
Philadelphia
remains
uncertain
No~l
Hume
1969
1970
Spillman
1976)
Considerably
more
known
about
glassmaking
Spanish
colonies
. The
documents
note
presence
of glassblowers
and
glass
furna
ces
Puebla
Angel
as early
as 1542
(Toussaint
1967
:270)
. By
1547
, gl
ass
produ
ced in
Puebla
was
being
exported
to Guatemala
, Peru
, and
possibly other regions of
Spanish America
Puebla
remained
center
of the glass
industry
throughout
late
sixteenth and
seventeenth
centuries
(Frothingham
1963:58;
Toussaint
1967
:270
At least
three known
classes
glass
were
produced
in the
glasshouses
of Puebla
: "white
crystal
" "green
ass
and
"blue
glass"
Toussaint
1967
:270
were
probably
potteries
other
colonial
regions.
"white
and
Chiney ware"
was manufactured
at a pottery near modern day
Burlington
, New
Jersey
, at
least
early
1684
pargo
1974:55,59)
This
pottery
, which
been
identify
possible
white
salt-glazed
stoneware
, was
produced
export
to Barbados
and
Jamaica
Spargo
1974
:59)
Although
unglazed
pottery
was
produced
Spanish
colonies
early
1493
Cruxent
1990,;
Deagan
and
Cruxent
1993)
, pottery
making
became
special
1500s,
important
centers
production
emerged
Barnes
1980
; Deagan
1987
: Lister
and
Lister
1982)
. The
most
notabi
centers
were
Mexico
which
City
and Puebla
produced
ster
majolicas,
and
and Lister
possibly
1974,
1987)
unglazed
both
and
lead-
glazed
coarse
earthenwares
, that
were exported widely to other
Spanish
colonies,
including
Augustine,
late
sixteenth
century
Deagan
1987
early
1600
, obral
or textil
workshops
New
pain
Wineri
supplied
and
cloth
olive
Indies
orchards
Peru
(McAlister
produced
1984
suffi
cient
quantiti
wine
and
export
to other
regions
of New
Spain
McAlister
1984
Smith
1991)
.Haciendas
Mexi
Peru
and
Colombia
were
supplying
maj or
areas
panish
America
with
stapl
such
wheat
, potatoes
, maize
, cattle
growing
export
trade
both
within
Atlantic
and
with
Europe
(McCusker
and
Menard
1985)
The
Democraohic
Character
Colonial
and
Socic
Atlantic
al Interactions
World
European settlement
the Atlantic world represented
catalyst
meeting
three
distinct
groups
of people
Europeans,
interaction
Native
among
Americans
these
and
different
Africans.
groups
The
people
forms
played
critical
Patterns
role
development
of interaction varied and
were
colonial
influenced by
culture.
a number
factors.
These
included
immigration
policy
European
power
(Haring
1947:
29-35)
, the
economic
base
religious
background
European
colony
McAlister
1984
Native
:334-345)
Americans
settlement
(Gibson
1966
patterns
:113-115
and
density
Fitzhugh
1985),
the
and
attitudes
about
racial
mixture
(Breen
1984
:198;
Morner
1967)
In the
case
of Spain,
these
attitudes
were
shaped,
part,
700-year
occupation
Spain
Moors,
and
coexistence
during
that
period
of multiple
ethnic,
religious,
racial,
and
cultural
groups.
also
important
note
that
much
Native
American
population
Atlantic
World
had
already
av-n r, _a r' aA_
A at r~ e 4- a 4-.; nn Fan 4-n a ~- A ~ t~ -% ~I a *-. a 4- n a a -
T-- F-% L:
J
b
disappeared
1548
(Crosby
1972
:45)
. Disease
contributed
demise
most
native
population
Antilles
(Crosby
1972
:38) ,
and
many
Indians
what
today
known
coastal
epidemics
during
southeastern
sixteenth
United States
century and
succumbed
seventeenth
centuries
(Milner
1980
:44)
. It
also
been
suggested
that
pandemics
swept
Americas
during
1500s
Dobyns
1983
Population
and Interaction SnRni qh Am0ri n~
-------.---.----. -- w- a a a a a...
Spanish
immigration
policy
"formally
excluded"
non-
Iberians
and
Non-Catholics.
Although
Jews
and
other
ethnic
groups,
such
as Asians,
existed
Spanish
colonies,
they
did
comprise
(McAlister
1984
significant
:338
proportion
. Spanish policy also
population
favored single males
and
been
estimated
that
"probably
90%"
of the
migrants
to the Americas
consisted
men
(Gibson
1966:
112-113
. Wives
and
other
female
relatives
were
encouraged
to emigrate
to the
colonies
with
their male
sponsors,
but
single
women
often
had
difficulty
obtaining
required
licenses
raising
money
pay
passage.
Although
a few
women
travelled
alone,
either to
join
their
husbands
or as servants,
most
came
with
their
(McAlister
husbands
1984
:97-98)
, parents,
. Consequently,
other
single
family
European
members
women
In general,
Spanish settlement
was
concentrated
those
areas
Atlantic
World
with
dense
Native
Amern
can
populations.
Interaction
with
Indians
was
structured
formal
policies
designed
to apply
Christian
principles
to the
their
governance,
and
fulfill
economic
motives
settlement
Deagan
1985
:282
. This
was
due,
in part,
need
for
large
labor
pool
work
mines
and
various agricultural
settlement.
endeavors
, and
Consequently,
the evangelical
primary
spheres
motive
formal
eraction
between
Spaniards
and
Indians
included
religious
missions
and
economic
arrangements.
Conversion
native
peoples
was
an integral
part
the colonization process
Large-scale mission efforts began in
1520s
Mexico
(Gibson
1987
:376
and
continued
into
seventeenth
century.
The
structure
mission
system
involved
"reduction"
of the native
population
to permanent
settlements
overseen
resident
VIS
iting
friar
, who
conducted
religious
services,
offered
instruction
basic
Catholic dogma
and ritual,
and managed any
farming
or bu
siness
ventures
conducted at
the mission settlement
Because of
their
location
on the
missions
frontier
provided
or on the
only ]
outskirts
limited o
of Spanish
pportunitieE
towns,
3 for
interaction
between
colonists
and
Indians.
primarily
structured
through
encomienda-re artimiento
system,
which
was
formally
established
West
Indies
during
early
years
sixteenth
century
(Gibson
1987
:366
The
encomienda
was
a system
that
granted
Spanish
colonists
jurisdiction
over
a particular
region,
and
"gave"
them
grants
Indians
native
received
labor
protection
tribute
and
exchange,
religious
instruction.
Although
encomienda
survived until
the end of
colonial
period
some
regions
Spanish America
(MacLeod
1987
:321)
Caribbean,
gradually
gave
way
repartimiento
or labor
draft.
The
renartimiento
consisted
paid
labor
draft
which healthy,
male
Indians
were obligated
to provide
labor
services
Spanish
officials.
Those
chosen
serve
labor
draft
travelled
from
their
villages
work
assigned
project
specific
places,
and
for
specified
amount
of time
. Most
of these
obligatory
assignments
involved
public
works
projects,
such
construction
forts
and
monasteries
agricultural
chores
, considered
vital
welfare
colony
(MacLeod
1987
:321)
native
American
population
dwindled
from
ravages
of di
sease,
African
slaves
were
brought
into
parts
Spanish America,
primarily
to the
tropical
coastal
regions
form
the
slavery
Native
and
American
various
is with
other
whom
labor
Spain
arrangements.
had
Unlike
experience,
Africans
their pr
eleventh
had been
esence
century
a part
in Spain
Spanish
probably
(M6rner
1967
society
dates
:16).
for
back
Some
centuries
least
Africans
and
the
were
enslaved,
Moslem
while
armies
others
and
served
intermarried
as soldiers
with
and
couriers
people
southern
Spain.
result,
system
dealing
with
Africans
slavery
had
long
been
established
time
America
was
colonized.
Slavery was
rationalized
concept
of a "just
war"
which
meant
that
Spain
was
justified
enslaving
those
Africans
who
rejected
Spain's
attempts
convert
them
Christianity.
There
was
also
a legal
code
that
protected
them
from
cruel
members,
masters
and gave
, prohibited
them
right
separation
to hold and
family
transfer property
initiate
Africans
were
lawsuits.
still
But,
viewed
despite
inferior
these
legal
Spain
rights,
and
colonies
(Landers
1990
:315-328)
third
and
informal
arena
interaction
included
intermarriage
and
concubinage.
Miscegenation
among
Spaniards
and Native Americans
and Africans
began
early
years
settlement
and
continued
throughout
seventeenth
century
(Gibson
1966
:115)
. Although
encouraged
initial
Despite
these
efforts,
Spanish,
Indian,
and
African
intermarriage
and
concubinage
continued,
and
late
sixteenth
century,
when
Spanish
settlement
Indies
was
almost
one
hundred
years
old,
creole
population had already
emerged.
The
seventeenth
century,
therefore
, witnessed
birth
and
maturation
fourth
through
eighth
generation
native-born
colonists.
Although
some
these
creoles
represented
offspring
parents
~1
Iberian
descent,
many
people
identified
as creole
were
in fact
some
combination
Spanish,
Indian,
and
African
(McAlister
1984
:338-339;
M6rner
1967)
The
creole
and
racially
mixed
population
increased
through
character
regional
seventeenth
variation
century
and
Spanish colonial
(McAlister 1984
specific
world
:339
often
For
"ethnic"
exhibited
instance,
those
areas
Atlantic
World,
such
West
Indies,
where
contact
the
witi
Native An
1 European
erican r
diseases
population
(Crosby
died
1972
rapidly
after
demographic
character
consisted
of a Spanish
minority
and
an African
mulatto
person
African
and
European
heritage)
majority
(McAlister
1984
:339
1650
, population
estimates
Antilles
indicate
a Spanish
to African
ratio
of roughly
, or 80
Spaniards
places
such
as Mexico
which
had
a large
indigenous
population
(McAlister
1984
:344
. In presidios
, such
as Spani
sh Florida,
where
Native
American
population
was
completely
decimated
and
whose
military nature
did
necessitate
large
numbers
African
slaves,
creole
population
was
more
mestizo
person
of Indian
and
European
heritage
than
mulatto
character
In general
(Bushnell
1983:55;
characteristic
Deagan
Spanish
1973
colony
: Dunkl
was
1958
Catholic
Iberian
and
predominantly
mal
was
also
one
which
Spaniards
politically
dominated Native Americans
and Africans
(Gibson
1966:
112)
Whatever the
specific ethnic
heritage of
creol
was
these
native
-born
Americans,
unlike
their
parents,
shared
"New"
World
upbringing.
Most
likely
they
also
became
increasingly
aware
of their
separateness
from Europe
Leonard
1959
Pagden
1989
:51-94)
. During
seventeenth
century
Spani
h Florida,
evidenced
their
creol
rose
securing
to positions
important
of authority
treasury
positions
previously
held
only
those
born
Spain,
they
were
still
prohibited
from holding
highest
offices
n colonial
government
(Bushnell
1981:
31-36;
Shephard
1983
:68-69)
Example
first
generation
Anglo-Americans
sing
positions
power
have also
been
documented among
British
.
Population
and
Interaction
Anglo-America
difficult
generalize
about
demographic
character
European
population
Anglo-American
colonial
world
except
to note
"extraordinary
demographic
diversity"
(McCusker
and
Menard
1985
:235)
Unlike
Spain,
England
did
impose
restrictive
immigration
policy
their Atlantic
colonies,
and
European population exhibited
more
national
and
religious
diversity
than
that
found
Spanish
colonies.
In addition,
other
Europeans
, such
French,
Dutch
, and
Swedes,
established
communities
adjacent
and
sometimes
within
various
British-American
colonies.
close
proximity
of these different
communities,
along with
diverse
social
and
economic
motivations
settlement
contributed
to the
development
"complex
regional
mosaic
of colonial
life"
that
scholars
are
just
beginning
to define
Mitchell
1987
:111)
The
British
Crown,
unlike
Spanish,
did
limit
colonial
case
migration
Anglican
to members
or Church
official
England.
church,
Instead,
this
members
different
denominations
and
religious
dissenters,
such
as the
Puritans
Society
and
in New
of Friends
wnorshi n
England,
Catholics
Pennsylvania,
r nl1 rnn-i oca
were
ill I II~ --'I
Maryland,
rmitted
1 QA7
and
to migrate
mr~n n
!
^ "^ I
children,
and
worked
communal
family
farms
(McCusker
and
Menard
1985
:217)
other
parts
Anglo-American
colonies,
contrast,
immigration
plantation
based
colonies
Virginia
males
and
, many
West
whom
Indies
arrived
consisted
indentured
primarily
servants
single
Potter
1984
:149)
. These
colonies were
founded by mercantile companies
interested
making
a profit
by producing
export
crops
, such
tobacco,
sugar,
and
cotton.
When
initial
attempts
follow
futile
Spain
, they
s example
turned
using
first
Native
to European
American
indentured
labor
proved
servants
and
then
to African
slaves.
The
presence
African
slave
dramatically
altered
ethnic
composition
these
colonies.
ca.
1660,
Afri
cans
comprised
colonies
more
than
West
Indies,
the p
11.5%
population
British
population
Middle Atlantic
colonies
, and 5
southern
colonies
Virginia,
Maryland,
and
Carolina
(McCusker
and
Menard
1985:
-227)
. In
comparison,
Africans
accounted
"for
only
handful"
ca.
1670
population
of New
England
(McCusker
Menard
1985
:227
general,
economics
also
shaped
nature
interaction
between
Anglo
colonists
and
Indians
colonist
survival
some
regions,
these
early
interactions
were
also
marked
military
subjugation
native
peoples
as the
colonists
sought
to acquire
land
control
natural
Eventually,
however,
resources.
a more entrepreneurial relationship,
and one
that
often been
characterized as
a "patron/broker-
client
relationship"
(Thomas
1985
:140)
, developed
that
was
based
trade.
Beaver
represented
most
sought
after
because
layer
soft
hair
next
skin
that
was
felted for
hats
and
cloth
fashionable
in Europe
(Wolf
1982
:159)
Furs
were
acquired
through
one
three
means
local
hunters,
local
villager
who
acted
middleman,
directly
from
distant
areas
via
overland
trade
routes
. By
late
1600s,
trading
posts,
especially
New
England,
became
primary
sphere
interaction
between
Indians
coloni
(Zuckerman
1989
:141-155
Although
officials
Virginia
and Massachusetts
colonies
proclaimed
importance
of proselytizing
among
native
population,
no concerted
effort
to convert
Indian
ever
developed.
Some
colonial
groups,
primarily
Puritans
New
England
and
Jesuits
Maryland
attempted
convert
Native
Americans
, but
these
efforts
represented
informal
undertakings
, not
formal
institutions
sanctioned
1985
:141) ,
even
in those
colonies
with
shortages
European
women.
Likewise,
concubinage
was
not
sanctioned,
and
been written
that
"English pioneers prided
themselves
from
first
on their
self-denial"
(Zuckerman
1989
:145
Church
and
State
Atlantic
World
The
influenced
development
of .the
relationship
Atlantic
s between
colonies
church
was
and
also
state.
Church
and
state
in all
areas
colonial
Latin
America
were
inextricably
linked
virtue
Patronato
Real
(Royal
Patronage)
. As
forth
series
papal
bulls
issued
between
1501
and
1543,
Catholic
church
with
king
secular
1947
head
:167
constituted
Greenleaf
a branch
1971
of royal
Spanish
government
monarchy
(Haring
exercised
authority
over
ecc
lesiastical
matters
colonies
except
religious
doctrine
and
discipline
(Haring
1947
:167;
McAlister
1984
:194
outlined
representative
1501
crown
bull,
royal
collected
treasurer
tithes
under
condition
that
they be
used
to maintain
church
and
clergy.
This
included
missions,
construction
support
church
clergy,
buildings
purchasing
of olive
oil,
wine
, and
wheat
celebration
of the
mass
, and
ecclesiastical
leaders
and
establish
churches
and
monasteries.
Archbishops
and
bishops
were
nominated
king
and
installed
pope,
while
appointees
lower
offices,
parish
such
priest),
parish
or sacristan
priest,
(the
curate
person
(assistant
responsible
maintenance
selected by viceroys
sacristy,
church
or governors
and
and
content)
inducted
into
were
office
bishop
(Gannon
1983
:37-38;
Gibson
1966
:76-78;
McAlister
1984
:194-195;
Scholes
1971
:21-22
The
crown
acquired
even
more
control
with
1543
bull
which
gave
monarchy
right
to establish
office
bishop
and
to define
boundaries
diocese
under
jurisdiction
a bishop.
addition
these
fundamental
powers,
monarchy
Council
Indies
representative
missionaries,
also
to obtain a
required
royal
clergy,
license
prior
including
to emigrating
the colonies,
and mandated
that
church officials
swear
loyalty
Crown.
The
Council
Indies
also
examined
and
certified
church
correspondence
(McAlister
1984
:194
-195)
One
of the
more
important
means
of maintaining
religious
orthodoxy
and
guarding
royal
patronage
was
Holy
Office
Inquisition.
This
powerful
and
well-
known
tribunal
was
instituted
Spain
during
reign
sabela
American
tribunals
existed in
the viceregal
capitals
of Mexico
City
Peru
Lima,
and
and
New
Cartagena
Granada
with
respectively
jurisdiction
(Lockhart
New
and
Spain,
Schwartz
1983
:157-158
. St.
Augustine
fell
under
jurisdiction
court
Mexico
City.
Although
Inquisition
was
not
active
many
peripheral
areas
of the
Spanish
world,
such
as St.
Augustine,
influence
judge, Father
emissary to St
was
Don
still
evident.
Francisco
Soto
1991
jongoc
:34)
an ecclesiastical
served
. The
Inquisition
operated as
an independent
agency
that
could defy
and
overrule
both
civil
and
secular
authorities.
exerted
control
over
non-Indian
population
and
dealt
primarily
with
such
religious
offenses
blasphemy,
heresy
, apostasy,
bigamy,
lack
respect
ecclesiastical
authorities,
and
uttering
"evil
sounding
words"
(Lockhart
and
Schwartz
1983
:157-158;
Scholes
1971
:28-29
. It has
also
been
suggested
that
some
regions
Spanish
America
, the
Holy
Office
Inquisition
functioned
as a powerful
means
of controlling
both
civil
authorities
at odds
with
clerical
community
and
clergy
itself
(Scholes
1971
:29)
Unlike
Spain,
England
was
not
united
under
one
religion
and
did
share
same
link
between
church
and
state.
1672,
Augustine
(Kapitzke
1988
:18-19)
This
religious
diversity
can
traced
Protestant Reformation,
a sixteenth century religious movement
that
questioned
"worldliness"
Catholic
Church,
rejected papal
authority,
and resulted
the establishment
disparate
religious
denominations
and
more
secular
orientation
(Parrinder
1971
:436-444)
This
trend
towards
diversity
extended
colonial
world.
members
Most
Sthe Virginia
Anglican church,
colony
the c
1607)
olonists
was
who
settled
established
Plymouth
Colony
(1620
were
Puritan
Separatists,
more
moderate
group
of Puritans
migrated
Massachusetts
Colony
1629),
followers
Catholic
faith
founded
Mary
s City
Maryland
colony
(1634) ,
and
members
of the
Society
Friends
settled
Pennsylvania
1681
(Lemon
1987
:126
,132;
Mitchell
1987
:96)
. By the end
of the
seventeenth
century,
Middle
colonies
eastern
seaboard
(Pennsylvania,
New
Jersey,
and
New
York)
contained
a mixture
religious
groups
that
included
Reformed,
Anglicans,
Presbyterians,
Lutherans,
Baptists,
and
Huguenots
Greene
1988
:49)
Although
Anglican
Protestantism
was
faith
British
Crown
and
predominant
religion
British-
American
colonies,
relationship
between
Church
and
State
dominate
settlement,
and
general,
British
colonial
settlement
was
a more
secular
enterprise
(Greene
1988
:11)
been
suggested
that,
least
Chesapeake,
"intensity
religious
conviction
was
never
sufficient
constitute
primary
shaping
influence"
and
religious
diversity,
not
orthodoxy
, was
rule
(Greene
1988
:16)
summary,
British
and
Spanish
colonial
systems
differed
three
important
respects:
economic
basis
settlement;
relative
characters
demographic
colonies
and
, religious,
nature
and
and
national
degree
ethnic
interaction.
general,
Spanish
colonization
represented
uniform
effort
secure
mineral
wealth
Spain,
and
to Christianize
native
peoples
. The
Crown
Church
controlled
aspects
colonization,
including
immigration
policy
and
treatment
of Native
Americans
Africans.
contrast,
British
colonization
was
more
entrepreneurial
in nature
, and
Crown
exerted
less
central
control.
The
British
colonial
system
also
differed
relative demographic
, religious
, and national
diversity
of the
European
migrants;
lack
a uniform
mission
effort;
apparent
absence
widespread
miscegenation
between
Europeans,
remote fr
Native
ontier.
Americans,
The
and
"creole"
Africans,
except
population
le British
The
economic,
demographic,
and
religious
conditions
highlighted
this
chapter
provide
framework
understanding
seventeenth-century
Atlantic
world.
They
also
furnish
context
within
which
Spanish-American
British-American
colonial
cultures
developed.
The
specific
archaeological
and
historical
models
used
explain
nature
Spanish
and
British
cultural
development
Atlantic
world
are
discussed
next
chapter.
CHAPTER
MODELS
OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN
CULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT
This chapter reviews existing models of
European American
cultural
this
development
development
as a basis
considering
seventeenth-century
processes
Spanish
Florida.
such
, it
lays
groundwork
understanding
both
general
phenomenon
cultural
formation in
the Atlantic world
and
more
specific
evolution
Spanish
colonial
cultural
during
"middle"
period
Florida.
previous
chapter,
Spanish and British settlements
Caribbean,
Chesapeake,
and
New
England
are
used
comparative
base.
Most
models
colonial
cultural
development
have
been
derived
from
documentary
record
alone
and
only
such
Deagan
acculturation
model
1983
and
Deetz
cognitive
model
1977),
have
been
based
on the
integration
historical
and
archaeological
records
. These
models,
therefore,
assume
particular
importance
historical
a
- -- -. a -
4
,m
necessary
for
cross-cultural
research
strategy
used
here
Although
most
comprehensive
historical
models
are
summarized
below
, emphasis
will
be placed
on those
that
have
been
archaeologically
derived.
synop
s1S
of the
various
model
of cultural
development
European-
American
society
presented
Table
. Most
these
development
are
descriptive
while
others
model
attempt
characterizing
to provide
temporal
explanation
change
. For
example
Deetz
1977
uses
shifts
cognit
process
ses
as an explanatory
devi
, Deagan
(1983
, 1985
, 1990)
uses
nature
of gender
relations
and
roles
as well
increased
incorporation
native
traits
explain
change
and
Greene
(1988)
emphasis
zes
importance
of both
European
origins
and
specific
American
colonial
realiti
as important
forces
in the
emergence
an American
culture.
Despite
their
fundamental
differences,
most
these
model
view
cultural
development
evolutionary
process
with
identifiable
embrace
idea
and
that
specific
some
stages
point
Most
their
them
development,
colonial
culture
underwent
period
regionalization
and
localism
. Thi
emphasis
on localism
and
separate
experiences
diff
erent
parts
colonial
America
recognizes
emergence
of di
stinctive regional
cultures
in various part
Table
Principal
Models
of European-American
Colonial
Cultural
Developmer
AUTHOR FOCUS STAGES OF TIME PERIOD MAJOR CHARACTERIST
~___~~_______ ~________DEVELOPMENT__________________
Deetz
1973
1977
1974,
Fischer
1989
Greene
1984,
1988
Massachus
Plymouth
etts Bay
colonies
British-American
colonies
Chesapeake
colonies
Medieval
Folk
Georgian
(Reconnaissance)
Trans
ition
Crisis
Consolidation
Devolution
Simplification
Elaboration
Replication
pre-1660
1660-1760
post
pre-
1760
1629
varied
varn
varied
ca.1770
1607-1630
1630-1680
1680-1760
identify
England;
cation
wit
corporate
regional
variation;conserva
zation
re-Angli
exploration
transition
internal co
poor; auton
dominant cu
institutions
of
nfl
reco
cult
ict:
omy
lture
forme
localism
regional identity
flourished;foundin
lost
unsettled;disorien
simplified;individ
oriented
acculturation
environment
sufficient;
to 1
;self-
creole
forms
elites replicate
regionalization;
E
c
Table
. Continued
Foster
1960
Lockhart
Schwartz
1983
MacLeod
1973
McAlister
1984
Gibson
1966
I I *
Spanish-American
colonies
Conquest
culture
(Crystallization
Colonial
Culture
varied
varied
van mor ricul
I I I I -
rapid change;flui
outlines
basi
more
forms
stabi
Spanish-American
colonies
Guatemala
Conquest
Maturity
1492
-ca.1580
ca.1580
-1750
I I I-
Conquest
Crisis
1500-1578
1580-1630S
1630S-1690S
1690-1720
fram
work
establi
elaboration;stabi
localization;dive
economy
extractive
experimentation
depression
revival
trade
population
I I I I
Spanish-American
colonies
Discovery
Conquest
Post
-Conquest
1492-1560s
1560s-1700
exploration;flexi;
experimental;fram
established
American
lidation;fori
society;
_____________________ ____________________elaboration__
Spanish-American
colonies
Conquest
Post
Conquest
Established
1500s
1600s
1700s
exploration
simplificat
identity
settlel
ion;
crystallization;e
slow change
rigid soc
resistant
I I ________j influence
i
al boun'
to Iber
a
Table
Continued
Meinig
1986
Breen
1984
Karras
McNeill
1992
Atlantic
World
I I
Outreach
Implantation
Reorganiz
action
1492-ca.1600
ca.1600
ca.1750
-ca.1750
-ca.1800
settlement;conques
introduced
diver
II i a 3 a
British-American
colonies
Charter
Charter
Creole
groups
societies
soci
early
1600s
1600s
1700s
homoaeneitv
I I I I -~
Atlantic
World
Implantation
Maturity
Transitions
1492-ca
.1650
ca.1650-ca.1770
ca. 1770-1888
sity;regional
formation
republics
empires
groups;scattered
area;set rules
of feder
disinte
immigrants
religious,
boundaries
social,
rigid bound
homogeneitv
economic
aries;
exploration;conque
territory;s
destruction
initial set
transformat
creole soci
markets eme
classes dev
Europeans a
ubjugat
of Ame
tlement
ions
ety, 1
rge; s
elop w
t top;
growth; European
governmental insti
I I I | nationalistic move
away
s
O
.0
I
Ti
(1986
:80),
regional
culture
refers
"that
which
characteristic
a group
people
who
are
deep-rooted
and
dominant
a particular
territory,
who
are
conscious
their
identity
deriving
from
common
heritage,
and
who
share
a common language
and basic patterns
life"
(see
Table
a list
culture
regions
that
have
been
suggested
colonial
America)
The
remainder
this
section
will
review
and assess
the dominant
models
colonial
development
for the
Anglo
and
Spanish
colonial
societies,
respectively.
Models
of Development
Anqlo-America
The
Declension
Model
Historians
explained
colonial
development
America
an American
have
traditionally
society
within
framework
of a declensionn"
model
(Boorstin
1964
Lockridge
1981
:7-52;
Miller
1952
:19-148,
1978
:58-70
. This
older
model
was
derived
from
somewhat
unique
experiences
Puritans
New
England
colonies
, and
was
used
characterize development
in all
parts
of British America.
More
recent archaeological
and historical models
(discussed below),
however,
have
questioned
validity
applying
eianl anc~4 ni-I
~~~3~~
A- a
Tn fl~ fl r r~ n M~ -% -. a n an a a lia-1 ~nJ~.Z ----ZI
. K.LA
A-- --S
Table
Culture
Regions
Proposed
Colonial
America
Researcher Proposed Regions
Bailyn 1986 New England
(United States Hudson River Valley
perspective) Delaware River Valley
Chesapeake
_________________ Carolinas
Boorstin 1964 Massachusetts Bay
(United States Pennsylvania
perspective) Virginia
_________________ Georgia
Fischer 1989 Massachusetts Bay
(United States Virginia Tidewater
perspective) Delaware Valley of Pennsylvania
Appalachian Highlands
Greene 1984, 1988 Chesapeake: Virginia, Maryland, northern North
(North American Carolina,southern Delaware
perspective) New England: Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, New Hampshire, Nova Scotia
Atlantic and Caribbean Islands: Bermuda,
Bahamas, Barbados,Antigua, Nevis,
Montserrat, St. Kitts, Jamaica
Middle Colonies: New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, northern Delaware
Lower South: southern North Carolina, South
_________________ Carolina, Georgia
Meinig 1986 Canada
(Atlantic World Greater New England (including Long Island)
perspective) Hudson Valley (including eastern New Jersey)
Greater Pennsylvania (including western
Jersey,
parts of Maryland and Virginia)
Greater Virginia (including Tidewater Virginia
and
parts of North Carolina)
Greater South Carolina (including Georgia,
parts
of North Carolina)
Tropical Islands
Lower Rio Grande
Florida,Louisiana, Texas
Mitchell 1978 southern New England
(U.S. perspective) southeastern Pennsylvania
western Chesapeake Tidewater
Carolina low country
with
expressed
purpose
establishing
orthodox
religious
community
based
on their
theological
belief
Old
Testament
"one
true
doctrine"
(Boorstin
1964
Greene
1988
Initially,
settlement
consisted
small
family
and
farmsteads
a number
organized
years
around
a communal
Puritans
were
meeting
able
house,
to maintain
their
"ideal"
religious
communities.
Beginning
1670s
as the
population
grew,
religious
conflicts
arose,
and
demand
New
England
fish
lumber
increased,
Puritan
communities
began
splinter
new
mercantile
centers
developed
port
cities,
such
Boston
and
Salem.
The
growth
these
urban
centers,
and
emergence
mercantile
class
gradually
led
more
secular,
individual,
and
material
orientation
than
that
originally
envisioned by
Puritans.
From
Puritan
point
view,
this
change
represented
"moral
and
social
decline"
breakdown
establishing
an orthodox
their original
religious communil
Puritan goals
ty (Greene 1988
Structural
Model
One
few
archaeological
considerations
evolution
British
colonial
culture
been
explained
terms
three
successive
stages
known as
"Medieval
" "Folk,
(Glassie
1968;1975),
were
first
used
explain
general
behavioral
characteristics
shared
colonists
Massachusetts
Bay
and
Plymouth
colonies
of rural
New
England.
The
"medieval"
or yeoman
tradition,
included
initial
reaction
colonization,
and
was
period
close
identification
conservatism,
with
cultural
England.
homogeneity,
was
and
characterized
corporate
communal
emphasis
both
secular
and non-secular
life
(Deetz
1977
:28-45)
contrast
"folk"
period,
which
coincided
with
middle
period
colonization,
was
characterized
time
increasing
regionalization
and
localism
coloni
diverged
from
their
European
parent
culture
(Deetz
1974
:22)
Archaeologically,
this
diversity
reflected
dining
etiquette
, mortuary
art,
and
internal
organization
space
Deetz
1977
,1987;
Deetz
and
Dethlefson
1978
Little
Shackel
1989
. This
emergence
Anglo-American
soc
iety
with
local
orientation
was
reinforced
part
a growing
number
individuals
born
in the
New
World.
The
third stage of
development
, the
"Georgian"
tradition,
been
called
of influence
a re-Anglicization
from
English
because
homeland.
resurgence
is marked
transition
from a
"corporate"
world
view to
a secular
one
that
emphasized
order
and
individuality.
this
particular
used
to denote
cognitive
rules
that
organize
material
world
(Deetz
1977
:67)
According
to this
tripartite
scheme,
British
system
carried
colonists
experienced
sudden
loss
complexity due
to the
colony'
isolation and weakened
economic
links
with
England.
Following
initial
adaptation
new
environmental
and
economic
conditions,
concomitant
with
increase
population
, settlements
expanded,
regional
identities
formed,
and
older
frontier
areas
began
replicate
national
culture
parent
country.
Like
declension model,
this
archaeologically
derived
model
also
exemplified
experiences
of the
settlers
Plymouth
and
Massachusetts
Bay
Colonies
New
England.
recent synthesis of archaeological
investigations at
Flowerdew
Hundred,
colonial
British
"plantation"
settlement
Virginia,
however,
suggests
that
this
model
can
be applied
other
regions
the
British
colonial
world
(Deetz
1993
also
middle
indicates
Period c
1987, 1993
viewed the
. The
period
of development
cognitive model
formation
colonial
relative
stability
Chesapeake
differed,
culture,
during
region
however,
(Deetz
in that
as breakdown
social
order,
but
movement
from
"traditional"
rural,
agricultural,
communal,
and
religious)
"modern"
. It
The
Developmental
Model
Like
Deetz
' structural
model,
"developmental"
mode
postulates
three
sequential
stages
development
Anglo-American
culture
social
simplification,
social
elaboration,
and social
replication
Greene and Pol
1984
:1-3
1988
:81-100)
Social
simplification,
characterized
period of
"disorientation and unsettledness"
took place during
initial
stages
of settlement
as the
colonists
attempted
adjust
to their
new
environment
Greene
1988
:167
. This
first
stage
represented
a simplified
version
of English
society
was
distinct
high
male
to femal
gender
ratio,
a high
death
rate
, weak
social
institutions,
and
"rough
economic
equality
among
free
people"
Greene
1988
:81)
late
more
1600s
elaborate
environment
, Chesapeake
settlers
Chesapeake
society
society
adapted
during
gradually
local
stage
became
soc
soc
elaboration has been described as
a "highly
creolized
variant"
of English society
neighborhoods formed
population
, opportunities
grew
new
more
land
dense,
ownership
diminished
, life expectancies
improved
and native-born whites
dominated
population
Greene
1988
:168
. Another
important
feature
this
period
was
growing
importance
of African
The
final
phase
development
Chesapeake,
social
replication,
was
characterized by
a strong desire
among
provincial
elites
replicate
power
shared
rural
English
gentry.
This
stage
was
not
harmonious
cons
and
iderable
less
conflict
affluent
existed between
members
the elites
population
who dominated
whom
acquisition
land
and
independence
was
not
always
possible.
Greene
suggests
that
other
regions
of British America,
notably
British
Caribbean
and
Middle
Colonies
New
Jersey,
New
York,
Pennsylvania,
and
Delaware,
underwent
similar
process
simplification,
elaboration,
and
replication,
that
specific
nature
and
timing
depended
demographic
situation,
economic growth
, territorial expansion,
date
settlement
Greene
1988
:81-100
The developmental
model
described above differs
from both
declension
and
structural
models
explanation
change
as a movement
towards
stability
and
materialist
interpretation.
It also
rejects
notion
that
colonial
New
England
represented
total
British
experience
Atlantic
World.
Rather,
transition
of New
England
soc
iety
from
corporate
community
one
that
emphasis
individuality may be atypical
when
compared
to the development
of British
colonial
culture
other
regions
the Americas.
economic
ventures.
such,
overall
"mindset"
these
colonies
during
their
initial
stage
settlement
been
described
secular,
materialistic,
exploitative,
individually
oriented
with
weak
sense
community
(Carr
1987;
Greene
Carr,
and
Morgan,
Pole 1
and Russo
.984;
1989
Rutman
Diamond
1971)
1967
Morever,
Greene
whereas
1988;
SNew
England
was
predominantly
settled by
family
group
in pursuit
religious
freedom,
Chesapeake
conformity
area,
with
, and
exc
orthodoxy
eption
, the
majority
Maryland,
was
establi
shed
as an economic
venture
with
young men,
family
groups,
comprising
dominant
percentage
colonial
population
(Greene
and
Pole
1984
This
development
distinction
of the
only
Chesapeake
influenced
region,
specific
also contributed
important
ways
regional
diversity
within
British
America.
provincial
The
formation
elite,
economic
regions,
and
demographic
emergence
diversification,
and
overall
movement
direction
of a "more
complex,
differentiated,
and
Old-World
style
society"
are
thus
seen
signs
of stability
(Greene
1988
:12-13
,167;
Tate
and
Ammerman
1979)
addition,
rather
than
relying
predominantly
cognitiv
interpretations
developmental
framework
response
environments,
different
demographic
motivations
compositions,
settlement,
and
natural
relationships
between
Europeans,
Indians,
and
Africans.
These
distinctions
are
most
evident
spatial
organization
newly
established
colonies
their
participation
emerging
global
economy,
and
their
reactions
multi-cultural
worlds
thrust
upon
them
colonization.
Models
Development
Spanish-America
The
dominated
study
more
Spanish
schemes
colonial
development
periodization
than
been
models
evolutionary development
Although influenced by Poster's work
(1960
, historians
colonial
Latin
America
have
tended
operate
much
more
particularistic
scale
than
historical
archaeologists,
who
tend
to be
more
concerned
with
general
patterns
human
behavior.
Latin
American
historians
have
also
couched
development
Spanish
America
somewhat
different
terms,
discussed
below
and
shown
Table
Most
identify
initial
years
colonization
period
"conquest"
and
agree
that
basic
phase
structure
remained
of
in
society
place
establi
throughout
shed
the
during t
colonial
:his
initial
era
Most
have
also
recognized
a middle
period
development
that was
Gibson
(1966)
three
phases
development
"conquest
"post
conquest
and
"established"
perhaps
follow
Foster
model
most
closely.
Like
Foster
, Gib
son
agrees
that
conquest
phase
which
encompassed
initial
years
exploration
and
settlement,
was
marked
"simplification"
Iberian culture as
the colonists
struggled
to meet
their
immediate
needs
. He
noted
tendency
Spani
sh-American
culture
to "crystalli
ze" early
and
conc
that
"the
middle
period
colonial
history
was
a period
very
slow
change"
(1966:135
MacLeod
emphasized e
"conquest
1973)
Economic
" "crisis
period
conditions
zation
, and
" "depression
" anc
Central
included
i "revival
four
America
phases:
first
or "conquest"
phase of
colonization
Ca.
1500-1578
was marked
extraction
of gold and
silver
and
"exploitation"
Native
American
labor.
Towards
end
century,
gold
and
silver
deposits
dwindled
, the
Native
population
declined
due
to epidemic
and
their
exportation
slaves
Cuba
and
Panama
, and
colonists
were
forced
to search
other marketable
products
. The
conquest
phase
, therefore
, was
followed
1580
period
-1630s
crisisi
coloni
and
experimentation"
ed unsuccessfully
to develop
first
cacao
and
then
indigo
export
crop
When
these
number
of Native Americans
MacLeod argues
that
these
economic
pressures
Spani
created
sh-owned
social
and
in the
economic
foothills
divi
and
sions
Indian
large,
communities
mountains)
that
continued
into
modern
times.
Lockhart
and Schwartz
1983)
separated
the development
Spanish
"conquest
colonial
and
society
"mature"
into
periods.
Like
major
Foster
periods
and Gibson,
the
they
asserted
establi
that
shed
during
basic
the
outlines
"conquest"
Spanish
initial
America
phase.
were
They
defined
this
phase
chronologically
beginning
with
Columbian
voyage
1492
and
ending
with
decline
Spain'
power
in the
Indies
ca.
1580.
Lockhart
and
Schwartz'
maintained
that
although
social
and
cultural
modifications
took
place
during
mature
period
(ca.
1580-1750),
"framework"
left
conquest
society
"remained.
" When
compared
with
initial
years
colonization,
mature
colony
repres
ented
time
"slow
evolution"
during
which
this
original
"framework"
became
progressively more
elaborate
and
locally
oriented.
evidence,
Lockhart
and
Schwartz
noted
steady
increase
in a creole
population,
growth
local
industries
such
obralies
and
haciendas,
and
continued
reliance
Native
American
labor,
although
reduced
scale
because c
their
rapid
decline
in number
rs.
estates
phase
Spanish
settlement
formative
period
"discovery"
and
"conquest"
(1492-
ca.
1560s),
but
labelled
second
phase
of settlement
as the
"post
conquest"
(ca.
1560s-
1700) .
In its
most
general
form,
McAli
ster' s
scheme,
like
others
outlined above,
portrayed
conquest
as a time during
which
colonial
controlled
underlying
society
economic
economic
emerged.
structure
and
These
based
social
included
on non-Iberian
foundations
centrally
sources
labor,
and
pattern
trade
whereby
Indies
produced
export
products
(primarily precious
metals
, hides
, cochineal,
sugar,
and
dyewoods
exchange
for
imported
European
manufactured
goods
and
luxury
items
, such
flour,
wine,
olive
oil,
weaponry,
hardware,
household
items,
and
clothing.
It also
headed
included
Spanish
fluid
but
colonists
hierarchical
and
based
social
structure
domination
Native
American
and
African
people
es.
These basic
forms
continued
post-conquest
period,
their style
was altered,
and
they
became more
diversified.
example,
pattern
trade
shifted
from
one
with
primary dependence
(more specifically
Seville
Mexico
and
City)
Spain
oriented
more
and
American
controlled
market
. In
addition,
social
structure
became
more
complex
as new
social
groups
, including
both native born
Spaniards
seventeenth
American
century,
societies,
these
[sic]
economies,
basic
and
forms
political
Hispanic
behavior
had
become
. firmly
fixed.
The
Cultural
Crystallization
frLQd.ei
From both
an anthropological
and historical
perspective,
first,
and
most
influential,
characterization
development
of Spanish-American
culture
was
offered by George
Foster
Conacuest
and
Culture
1960
this
important
monograph,
Foster
defined
initial
phase
Spanish
settlement
and
exploration
Atlantic
world
"conquest
culture.
The
concept
"conquest
culture"
entailed
existence
both
"donor"
and
"recipient"
group
channels
Each g
, those
roup
chooses,
cultural
through
elements
deemed
formal
and
essential
informal
coping
with
contact
situation.
Formal
"planned"
situations
include institutionally sanctioned and directed policies,
such
as the
Franciscan mission
program or
implementation
of the
gridded
town
plan.
These
types
change
were
in motion
and
directed
groups
in authority,
such
government,
church
or the military.
In contrast,
informal
change
took
place
individual
level
and
included
such
lifestyle
deci
sions
social
attitudes
, food
preferences,
folklore,
immediate
social,
environmental,
and
psychological
needs
first
group
Iberian
colonists
Foster
1960
:10-20
described
Foster,
initial
phase,
which
was
"relatively
short
and
highly
fluid
represented
formative period
in which
"the basic
answers
to new
conditions
life
had
to be
found,
and
rapid
adaptation
changed
conditions
blocking
was
colonial
imperative.
cultures"
This
(Foster
was
period
1960
:232
Following this
initial
period of
adaptation,
during which
the
new
basic
framework
societies
accept
new
became
elements
of colonial
more
from
society
was
"rigid
developed,
and
parent
less
culture"
these
prone
Foster
1960
:233
. This process
of stabilization
took place after
"the
first
several
decades"
and
was
referred
"cultural
crystallization"
(Foster
1960
:232-
234)
. By
beginning
middle
period,
(although
cultural
always
crystallization
labelled
such)
Foster's
thought
sense
have
occurred
most
parts
Spanish
America
(see
Table
Acculturation
Model
Archaeologists
interested
development
Spanish
colonial
culture
have
relied
Foster's
model
help
organize
their
research,
and
this
present
study
research
into
eighteenth-century
community
Augustine
revealed an admixture of
Iberian and Native American
cultural
elements.
More specifically,
Deagan demonstrated that
land
use,
spatial
organization,
architectural
style,
construction
techniques,
clothing,
tablewares,
and
other
highly visible
aspects
of the
material
world
remained
Spanish
style
and
form.
Elements
local
Native
American
culture were,
however,
incorporated
into
less visible
equally
important,
domestic
phere
of life,
such
food
preparation
technology
and
subsistence
practices
colonists.
This
mixing
Spanish
and
Native
American
traits
was
attributed
to the
intermarriage between Spanish men and Native
American
women,
practice
common
areas
Spani
America.
This
admixture
may
also
indicate
presence
Native
American
domestic
help
(Jerald
Milanich
personal
communication
1994)
. Native
Amern
can
women
probably
assumed
duties
and
responsibilities
childrearing,
cooking
and
home
maintenance,
and
their
influence
seen
use
Indian
cooking
vessels
and
cooking
methods.
This
adoption
Native
American
ceramics
been
regarded
important,
potentially
universal,
form
Spanish
adaptation
to the
Americas,
and
one
that
sharply
distinguished
this
adaptation
Except
Isabela
site
(1493-ca
.1498
where
Spanish
goods
dominated
(Deagan
and
Cruxent
1993
, thi
pattern
seen
subsequent
Spanish
colonial
sites
studied
to date
(Deagan
1973
1983
1985
. One
earli
these
Puerto
Real,
Spanish
city
modern
Haiti
founded
1504
, only
years
after
establishment
Isabela
admixture
(Ewen
have
1991;
also
Deagan
been
1988
noted
, 1994
for
. Similar
patterns
sixteenth
century
community
Augustine
(Deagan
1985
Reitz
and
Scarry
1985
at the
sixteenth
century
town
of Nueva
Cadiz
modern
Venezuela
Willis
1976
and
the Moquegua
Valley
southern
Peru
(Smith
1991
. These
studi
demonstrated
immediacy
Spanish
adjustments
new
lands
, and
indicated
cultural
continuity
between
various
regions
Spani
colonial
world.
and
The
eighteen
similarities
ith centuries
between
also
sixteenth,
suggested
that
seventee
after
nth,
an initial
and
rapid
transformation,
Spanish
colonial
culture
cry
stalli
zed
early
and
remained
relatively
unchanged
period
years
The
model
British
and
Spanish
cultural
development
discussed
study
s chapter
of colonial
Archaeological
research
underscore
cultural
in Briti
striking
traditions
colonial
contrast
areas.
America
perspective,
Spanish
colonial
models,
however,
are based on an
incomplete
understanding
that
period
between
initial
adaptation
to a new
social
, political
and physical
environment
and
established
pertain
this
society.
middle
The
archaeological
period
Spanish
studies
colonies
that
King
1981
,1984;
Reitz
1993
have
been
preliminary
nature
local
orientation.
Therefore,
evaluate
using
nature
Augustine
cultural
, Florida,
development
this
during
study will
middle
period
Spanish
America
, and
compare
to what
known
similar
processes
British-American
colonies
same
period.
Specifically,
will
question
whether
process
local
and
regional
elaboration
that
characterized
middle
phase
British
cultural
development
evident
archaeological
record
comparable
period
Spanish
colonies.
The
next
chapter
provides
historical
and
soc
context
within
which
developments
middle
period
Augustine
unfolded.
CHAPTER
THE
"MIDDLE
PERIOD"
IN ST
. AUGUSTINE
The
Augustine
chronological
obviously
boundaries
cannot
of the
defined
middle
precisely.
period
However,
can
suggested
that
period
contact
and
colonization
was
well
over
closing
decades
of the
sixteenth
century
(ca.
1580),
and
that
a well
-established
colonial
society with
an identity
America
distinct
existed
from
1700.
that
The
other
historical
colonies
events
Spanish
(Table
social
organization
assessing
middle
this
period
period
provide
development,
context
and
interpreting
archaeological
data
that
will
be presented
subsequent
chapters.
order
provide
"sense
place
this
discussion
first
presents
an overview
of the
physical
setting
St. Augustine
parameters
general
SFollowing
those
(Chapter
this
, it
discussed
facilitate
is organized
Atlantic
comparisons
same
world
between
Table
Chronology
La Florida
Key
Events
Seventeenth-Century
to St
Guale
1597
1599
1602
1605:
1606
1612
1614-1617:
1627:
1633:
1638:
1647:
1649-1659:
1653:
1655:
1656:
1659
1668
1670
1672
1674
1675:
1677:
1680:
1 fil"
. Augustine.
revolt.
and f
onduc
. Aug
n de
copal
Sant
e San
Three epidemics
Hurricane struc
Florida subsidy
Augustine coast
Dutch corsair P
Indies with sub
Franciscan miss
province.
Major storm hit
Revolt in Apala
Yellow fever, a
reported in mis
Maize crop dest
Smallpox epidem
Timucuan Rebell
San Luis de Tal
Measles epidemi
British pirate
Augustine and k
British establi
Construction of
Hurricane and f
Gabriel Diaz Va
Governor Salaza
experimental wh
Wooden fort des
Salazar.
Lack of funds si
Marcos.
Abandonment of
Rnrtl i cl- rn4 rvrat-
des
to
ine.
Cab
sit
lena
anci
k
troyed
decide
St. Augustine.
whether or not
ezas Altamirano conducted
to St. Augustine.
de La Florida formed.
sco designated a province
killed 1/2 of Ind
St. Augustine.
lost in shipwreck
.
iet
sidy
ions
St.
chee
.nd small
sions.
royed by
ic struck La
ion in Potano
imali establi
c struck La F
Robert Searle
illed 60 colo
shed "Charles
the Castillo
Blood leveled
ra Calder6n
r Vallecilla
eat farm in
troyed
:opped
Guale
i-h ra ~ -an on
ian p
off
Fleet
pox
windstorm.
St. Augustine; E
visited Florida;
began
Apalachee.
Pablo
Castillo
Timucua
in, in f 4 a
1573
1587
Franciscan
Santa Elena
mission effort
abandoned and
began.
colonial
capital
moved
Hurricane
Hearings
abandon S
Bishop Ju
first epi
Custody o
Convento
house.
population.
St.
Heyn captured
for Florida.
expanded into
Apalachee
Augustine.
province.
epidemics
and
famine
Florida.
and Utina
shed.
lorida.
s attacked
nists.
Towne".
de San Mar
provinces;
St.
t
)egan.
bishop
Hita
de San
by
wor)
and
Governor
c on the
raids on
)
)
L
The
Physical
Setting
Aucustine
Little
known about
layout
of the
first
townsite
Augustine,
except
that
Pedro
Men@ndez
Aviles
established
fortification
village
Seloy,
Saturiwa
this
Timucuan
initial
cacique.
settlement
Although
uncertain,
exact
recent
location
excavations
Fountain
Youth
Park
Site
suggest
that
original
landing
and
settlement
were
located
within
cinity
this
park
(Chaney
1987
:14-15
Gordon
1992
. Fire
, floods
, and
Indian
rebellions
necessitated
rebuilding
fort
several
times
during
first
years
settlement.
exact
locations
these
various
forts
remain
uncertain
, but
most
of th
scholars a
e original
gree
site
that
they were
Chatelain
rebuilt
1941
:54-56;
within
Connor
1925
cinity
; Lyon
1983
. This
initial
phase
experimentation
closed
sometime
around
1570
when
town
was
relocated
a more
permanent
location,
which
today
situated
south
modern
plaza
(Figure
Archaeological
and historical
research indicates that
ca.
1570
town
Augustine
was
organized
according
grid
system
conformity
1563
official
Spanish
ordinances
town
plans
Deagan
1982
:182-191
, 1985
:13;
nTT-c C -- f^* A* l-
*
*
-^
1 /
Matanzas Bay / /
/ /7'
/ /
16th Century town
17th Century town expansion
Figure
Colonial
Augustine,
1764
Adapted
from
Elixio
de la
Puente
I
archaeological
investigations
(Deagan
1982
:192,
Deagan
1981
:626
-633,
1983
:183-206;
Deagan,
Bostwick,
and
Denton
1976;
Hoffman
1977)
, St.
Augustine
consisted
a nine
block
area
individual
houses
spaced
approximately
to 15
feet
apart
along
street
front
(Figure
These
blocks
were
divided
into
equal
lots
that
measured
approximately
44 by
feet
Spanish
pies)
Detached
kitchens
and
individual
garden
plots
were
located
rear
houses
Circular
trashpits
and
barrel
wells
fairly
uniform size
and location
were
also
situated behind
living
quart
ers
near
kitchens.
church,
and
possibly
other
public buildings
formed
northern boundary
of the
town,
and
a hexagonal
fort
was
situated
a short
distance
to the
north
townsite
(Deagan
1981,
1982;,
Hoffman
1977)
. Neither
Boazio
map
nor
archaeological
evidence
indicate
presence
of a central
town
nlaza
(Deagan
1982
:184-191
Only
three
visual
representations
seventeenth-
century
town
are
known
to exist,
fanciful
engravings
a map
showing
general
location
Augustine
within
Florida
The
quite
imaginative,
and
most
likely
inaccurate
engravings,
date
1671
and
1683
respectively,
and
portray
Augustine
quaint
coastal
community
set
against
mountainous
backdrop
Figures
and
. The
anonymous
map,
-* ir -^ ^
* -
-S
-w -
a- xi
-
-* -
-" a
-I
-. -. t '-. *%, -
* -
'3 -.
-' 0
-,
-
4.' -
-
S
Vt>
-7 -
.- -I m
-*** -
- --
-
*
- -- 7~..
-
C -
.5 -
- a
- -
*;.' -
~
* -
- sia-
~.- -
-
- -^ a -
-I S
4^
C
p.
'A,
.4 '-4
-'S
-t
--"C.
.9.' -t %~
p
- -^ -
- -s
- ~ -~
Figure
Boazio
Engraving,
1586
(Courtesy
Augustine
Historical
Societ
- 9
* It ~
.tr1Tr~
~1,
Figure
Engraving
Montanus.
Historical
of St. Augustine,
1671.
From
The
ca. 1671
Unknown
Woric
Society)
"Pagus
d, 1673
Hispanorum
, Courtesy
Florida"
Augu
S .. ... .... ..- -
- ~2S ,~ -- -
* -
-
-
- -
-
~.
- ##
-
- -
--
-
-
a-~~-~~ -- -~= .a
a- ~ -.- -~= --4- -
-* -~- -~z---~~ -~=a .
- -- *- -
-
- --- --
-- -
-
~ --
- -* -
-
-~ ----r----l-------- -
*- --aa-~~~* -
-a--
. ss-. ** -:
---*
- -,Ia---- t- -
-a
..
'I
- ~- -w
- -t -
ai
m
-
i
depiction
town
Augustine
(see
Chatelain
1941:
Appendix)
town
. Information
therefore
regarding
spatial
dependent
evolution
contemporary
verbal
descriptions
Although
and
the physical
research
seventeenth-century
has
town
evidence of a
specifically
plan,
preliminary
archaeological
focused
historical
data.
the
Sand
archaeological
investigations
into
nature
seventeenth-
century
spatial
organization
indicate
that
basic
gridded
pattern established during the
late
sixteenth century remained
same,
today
and
in modern St
fact,
original
Augustine
(Deagan
grid
plan
1982
is still
Bushnell
evident
1983
:33)
Changes
did
occur
during
1600s,
result
several
natural
transformed
not
disasters
the
appear
and
physical
have
population
appearance
altered
expansions.
These
Augustine,
previously
events
Lt they
established
underlying
structural
organization
or configuration.
In 1599,
a hurricane
and
fire
destroyed
many
sections
settlement.
Accounts
rebuilding
Governor M&ndez
Canzo
indicate
that
additional
lots
were
laid
to the
south
original
townsite
and
that
a plaza,
which
measured
feet
feet,
was
marked
to the
north
town.
The
rebuilt
town
consisted
approximately
blocks
with
wooden
houses
with
cypress
plank
walls
and
palm-thatched
north
edge
colonial
town
(Arnade
1959
Bushnell
1981
:46,
1983
new
hospital,
Nuestra
Sefora
Soledad,
with
six
beds
administered
sick,
and
new
bridge
crossed
cran mosauitero"
- the
swamp
at the
western
edge
town.
Despite
Augustine
this
rebuilding,
during the mid
1600s
cultural
did not
differ
landscape
appreciably
St.
from
that
which
existed
on the
eve
seventeenth
century.
Augustine
was
still
small
and
isolated
Dresidio
with
approximately
wooden
houses
wooden
fort
with
"rott
timber
" dirt
streets with
free
roaming animals
, a remodel
parish
church
with
a tile
roof
, a small
hospital,
a Franciscan
monastery
at the
far northern
end
town,
a plaza,
and
rse-
powered
mill
grind
corn.
Arnade
1959
:9-10;
Boniface
1971
:71-73;
Chatelain
1941
Manucy
1978
:18)
Towards
changes
transformations
established
end
built
still
during
1600s,
environment
did
late
other
took
alter
sixteenth
century
more
place,
basic
substantial
these
pattern
Archaeological
investigations
revealed
evidence
late
seventeenth-
century
townsite
monastery
occupation
and
located
that extended
including the
south
vicinity
southeastern
the
the
edge
original
Franciscan
town
(Arnade
wattle
and
daub
more
permanent
wood
and
tabby
with
some
coquina.
Some buildings became larger and architecturally more
detailed,
and
activity
areas
expanded
(Herron
1979;
Hoffman
1990
Several
late seventeenth-century accounts describe
houses
and
buildings
"wood
with
board
walls"
(Chatelain
1941
:129
Dickinson
1696
:84;
Manucy
1978
Wenhold
1936
Tabby
used
foundations
which
would
have
been
sible
casual
visitor,
was
also
part
architectural
history
seventeenth-century
Augustine
(Chatelain
1941
:129)
. Coquina
was
yet
widespread
end
century
, it
was
slowly
becoming
more
common.
Augustine had been
threatened and attacked by pirates
seve
times
during
seventeenth
century.
The
1668
midnight
raid
a British
pirate
named
Robert
Searles,
raids
against
Carolinians
Port
Royal,
and
fear
retaliation
spurred
construction
secure
and
sturdy
coquina
fort
, and
construction
Castillo
de San
Marcos
began
1672
(Arana
and
Arana
1972:51
Arana
and
Manucy
1977:12-13;
the Castillo
Manucy
was by
1978
far
:20;
the
Wright
most
1959
impress
:135-144)
ve example
Although
coquina
construction,
other
coquina
buildings
did
exist
As indicated
correspondence
Governor
Rebolledo
1655
and Bi
shop
Calder6n
in 1674, the
governor'
s house
may
have been,
at least
best
estimate
private
coquina
construction
1708
inventory
houses
destroyed
during
James
Moore
raid
1702.
According
this
inventory,
total
houses
existed
these r
Augustine
reported houses
were
1702
privately
and
owned
almost
coquina
structures
with
value
addition
to its
least
use
1000
in buildings
pesos
, coquina
(Arana
was
1969
also
:30)
used
1690s
to construct
a seawall
that
extended
from
Castillo
south
town
plaza
(Boniface
1971
:70)
Despite
these
physical
alterations,
basic
gridded
layout
Augustine
did
change,
and
locations,
orientations,
and functions of
specific public buildings
, such
as the
church,
Convento
San
Francisco
and
Castillo
Marcos,
spatial
remained
organization
settlement
time
unchanged
established
great
. The
fundamental
during
change
and
initial
pattern
years
experimentation
stabilized,
also
began
grow
into
a more
elaborate
form.
grander
A similar
scale,
monasteries,
process
occurred
and
of amplification,
throughout
government
although
Latin America
buildings
grew
on a much
as churches,
architectural
splendor but
retained
their original
locations
, functions,
basic
structures
(Lockhart
and
Schwartz
1983
:127
The
Economic
Organization
Community
Throughout
existence
Spanish
presidio,
Augustine
relied
on the
situado,
an annual
subsidy provided by
Crown
Spain
that
was
intended
cover
such
governmental
construction
expenses
fortifications
administrative
and
salaries,
support
garrison.
The
situado
was
created
a royal
c.dula
1570
provide
financial
support
Florida
because
vital
strategic
role
defense
panic
shipping
lanes
between
the Americas
and
Europe
(Gibson
1966
:183
-185;
Hoffman
1980
:146;
McAlister
1984
:310
. Initially,
situado was paid
from
Panama/Nombre
Dios
treasury
(Hoffman
1980
:146)
Beginning
1574,
payments
came
from
Vera
Cruz
treasury,
and
1595,
Mexico
City
had
assumed
responsibility
Florida
situado
(Sluiter
1985
The
amount
paid
Augustine
from
Mexico
City
Treasury
depended on
number
of plazas
or positions
held by
garrison,
and
took
form
wages
and
supply
Bushnell
1981;
Hoffman 1980
:146
, Sluiter
1985
The
supplies
needed
to sustain
town
were
purchased
an agent
governor,
collect
called
subsidy
a situadi
. Upon
who
arrival
travelled
, the
to New
agent
Spain
presented
or ~ r oman r
F 1 Cg~ nr~ A *-v* F, n r-'.- --- -~ -
n iar a e^
r ^--
ships
bound
Havana.
From
Cuba,
money
and
supplies
were
transhipped
officials d
to St.
Listribut
Augustine
:ed them
where
among
the
the
governor
garrison
and
and
treasury
family
TePaske
were
1964
protected
:77)
and
Those
goods
stored
immediately
Royal
distributed
warehouse
fort
Augustine
(TePaske
1964
-78)
Throughout
seventeenth
century
hard
specie
was
scarce
St. Augustine
consequently,
wages
were
often
paid
imported
goods,
obsolete
items
wage
certificates
that
declined
value
Bushnell
Changes
1981
in the
:68)
situado
Several
important
changes
occurred
within
situado
early
years
seventeenth
century
that
financially
benefitted
Augustine
and
La Florida
. Two
new
cedulas
were
issued
that
Dresidio
increased
e first c
amount
:6dula
money
issued
1617
received
addressed
problem
financial
compensation
spoiled
goods
mermas
Prior
to the
1617
dula,
sses
due
to spoilage
goods
warehouses
or enroute
to St
Augustine
were
deducted
from
Florida
subsidy
The new ruling
eliminated
this
practice,
and
ordered
Mexico
City
reimburse
Florida
resultant
losses.
A second
law
, issue
1624
, altered
method
used
.
F --
w w
subsidy
was
changed
more
accurately
reflect
actual
daily
record
of plaza
holders
garrison.
Another
ruling
that
indirectly
affected
amount
subsidy
paid
Augustine
included
creation
separate
subsidy
support
Franciscan
mission
program.
Beginning
1616,
Franciscans
received
separate
religious
subsidy,
that
issued
to each
friar
same
pay
rations
(158
nesos.
received
soldier
garrison.
This
was
supplemented
with
additional
provisions,
such
wine
1985
as gifts
needed
:6)
Table
Indians
perform
5 shows
cloth,
their
amount
shoes,
religious
subsidy
maize
duties
, oil
Sluiter
received by
both
Franciscans
Franciscan
and
subsidy
Secular
began,
community
through
from
1651,
1616,
last
year
year
which
figures
are
currently
available.
number
missionaries
increased
during
1600s,
number
of friars
paid
from
subsidy
was
limited
forty
three,
and
separate
fund
was
created
1646
cover
additional
missionaries.
1673,
support
Franciscans
shifted
to this
separate
fund.
This mission subsidy benefitted
community
Augustine
by making more
money
available
increase
substantial
size
coquina
garrison
fort,
and
Castillo de
to construct
San Marcos
a more
Bushnell
Table
Comparative
List
of Subsidy
Payments
Received by
Franciscan and Secular Communities
from
Sluiter
in St
Augustine
1617
-1651
1985)
Year Received Religious Secular Total
1617 6.619 63.026 69.645.00
1618 2.675 62.688 65.363.00
1619 7.793 62.749 70.542.00
1620 3.542 65.133 68.675.00
1621 3.052 63.995 67,047.00
1622 2.623 66.915 _________69.538.00
1623 4.390 62.823 67.213.00_______
1624 3,963 65.783 _________69.746.00
1625 5.678 53.003 58.681.00
1626 5.089 66.971 72.060.00
1627 5.,090 66. 971 72,061.00
1628 5.118 69,899 75.017.00
1629 3.766 68.679 72.445.00
1630 3.507 42.759 46.266.00
1631 2.730 99.367 102.097.00
1632 3.264 66.306 69.570.00
1633 0.00
1634 0.00
1635 74,409 74.409.00
1636 1.692 64.389 66.081.00
1637- 0.00
1638 65,124 65.124.00
1639 1.458 32.455 33.913.00
1640 9.476 13.500 22.976.00
1641 1.287 20.325 21.612.00
1642 49,755 49.755.00
1643 45.627 45,627.00
1644 2.422 65.124 67.546.00
1645 73.747 73.747.00
1646 3,353 56.274 59.627.00
1647 .0___________000
1648 0.00
communities
subsidy
exists
payments
latter
irregular
half
1600s,
times,
presumably
continued
throughout
remainder
century.
Problems
with
the
situado
beginning
seventeenth
century
, situado
payments
to Florida
fluctuated because
fiscal
difficulties
Mexico
City.
The
treasury
only
had
to meet
their
new
subsidy
responsibilities,
but
also
had
pay
outstanding
debts
that
Vera
Cruz
Treasury
had
been
unable
meet
because
war
and attacks
on the
flota
system
These
overdue
debts
leveled
around
1616
trade
and
mining
activities
brought
a new
prosperity
to Mexico
City.
According
to Engel
Sluiter'
records
actual
subsidy
payments
Florida,
situado
payment
was
received
fairly
regularly
until
1630s
(Sluiter
1985
:Table
. With
two
exceptions
- the
1626
subs
idy
that
was
lost
shipwreck
coast
Augustine
and
was
not
paid
until
1629,
and
capture
1628
treasure
fleet
carrying
Florida
subsidy
Piet
Heyn
Dutch
West
Indies
Company
situado
arrived
regularly
during
early
years
1600s.
The
amounts
fluctuate
d somewhat,
but
subsidy
was
paid
one
lump
sum
sometime
April
or May
(Sluiter
1985
:Table
Mexico
City
Treasury
started
fall
into
arrears.
For
example,
payment
granted
Augustine
1637
was
paid
in seven
separate
payments
between
February
1639
and
August
of 1646
. The
1638
situado
was
paid
to St.
Augustine
three
1639
different
, in January
payments
of 1641,
three
and
separate
in August
dates
of 1649
May
No records
payment s
made
to St.
Augustine
have
been
found
for
years
1646-1650
continued
, suggesting
through
that
least
irregular
1651
payments
(Sluiter
subs
1985:Table
These
delays
situado
often
forced
governor
Augustine
to obtain
loans,
and
to look
elsewhere
food
and supplies,
power of the
usually
situadista
Cuba.
and r
This
resulted
weakened
both
the bargaining
high interest
rates
on the
money
borrowed
and
high
prices
goods
bought
credit.
Consequently,
when
subsidy
finally
arrived,
most
available
specie,
which
was
scarce
to begin
with,
went
pay
debts
and
interest
to merchants
Havana
(TePaske
1964
:78)
. The unreliable nature of
situado during
these
contract
years
also
system
influenced
whereby
individual
emergence
merchants
private
Augustine
obtained
permission
to bypass
situado
and
trade
directly
with
Havana,
Campeche
, Spain,
and
Canary
Islands.
These
merchants
often
used
their
houses
warehouse
sell
cotton
cloth,
linen,
serge,
silk
ribbons,
stockings,
wooden
buttons,
shoes,
saltpork,
maize,
flour
, cassava,
olive
oil,
wine,
wax,
hemp
, nails
, and
tobacco.
Private
merchants
also
acquired and
sold munitions,
such as
arquebuses
, spears,
molds
making
cannons,
290)
shot,
match
. Other
lead
cord,
ways
sheets,
and
which
copper
cannon
the
for
balls
officials
ladles
used
(Gillaspie
and
to load
1984
people
:286-
: St.
Augustine
dealt
with
irregular
arrival
situado
obtained
goods
included
use
illegal
trade
networks
development
economic
enterprises
within
colony.
. Aucustine'
Inter-Colonial
Economy
Trade
during
between
seventeenth
various
century
European
due
colonies
piracy,
increased
profiteering,
and
Spain'
dwindling
power
Atlantic
world.
Augustine,
example,
Spanish
goods
dominate
sixteenth
early
seventeenth-century
archaeological
inventories,
late
1600s,
frequency
non-Spanish
goods
entering
colony
increased
owing
Spain'
unwillingness
inability
to meet
consumer
demands
and
attempts
other
European
powers
break
Spain's
economic
monopoly
Deagan
1983
:22-23
King
1984
:77-78
. Not
of this
trade
was
legal,
and
historical
record
documents
existence
-- v
augment
government
supplies
and
to evade
royal
restrictions
trade
both
British
and
Spanish
colonies
(Ewen
1991
Lockhart
and
Schwartz
1983
:153;
Schmidt
and
Mrozowski
1988
:32) ,
and
seventeenth-century
Augustine
was
certainly
no exception.
Dutch
traders
from
New
York
often
entered
Matanzas
Bay
under
pretense
of distress,
carrying
prisoners
or news
imminent
pirate
attacks
, to
sell
goods
townspeople
(Arana
1970
:10;
Bushnell
1981
:10)
. There
are
also
reports
circumventing
foreign trade restrictions by
sending
vessels
sea
to purchase
much
needed
military
and
naval
supplies
, suc
artillery,
ammunition,
canvas,
and
cables
(Bushnell
1981
:10)
. In 1683
, the Governor
himself
, Juan Marquez
Cabrera,
waived
ban
trade
with
foreign
merchants
and
traded
produce
saltpork,
Dutch
gunpowder,
merchant
ironpots,
exchange
and
guns,
grindstones.
flour,
This
transaction
took
place
at the
Castillo,
which
was
techni
cally
outside
the boundaries
of the
city proper
(Arana
1970
:19)
Another
interesting
incident
example
illegal
of colonial
trade,
resistance
and
to royal
rather
control,
took
place
1690s
and
involved
King
Spain,
Governor,
Royal
Accountant
in St.
Augustine
and
Martin
River
(known
today
as the
Suwanee),
a major
artery
Charles
ordered
Governor
Quiroga
seal
port
San
Martin.
1693,
Quiroga
constructed
a palisade
pine
logs
and
brush
which
floods
soon
after
washed
away.
When
King
order
ordered t
claiming
hat
rebuilt,
that
because
was
Governor
planting
appealed
season
Native American villages
insufficient
labor existed
(Boniface
1971
:207-208
Despite
documented
existence
smuggling,
archaeologists
Augustine
have
not
yet
been
able
identify
many
items
associated
with
this
type
of trade
beyond
occasional
piece
British,
Dutch,
French
pottery.
Undoubtedly,
this
archaeological
absence
record
contraband
related
material
types
items
obtained
through
illegal
trade
networks.
Gunpowder,
cloth,
flour,
hides,
saline
and
soils
wooden
of St.
objects
simply
Augustine.
It is
not
also
preserve
possible
well
that
contraband weapons
, ammunition,
and raw materials
such
as iron
and
lead
have
been
recognized
such
. And,
also
plausible
that
types
sites
excavated
Augustine,
predominantly
private
domestic
households,
simply
would
contain
likely
large
amounts
associated
with
of contrabax
commercial
material.
or military
may
sites
more
. Whatever
the reasons
, the lack
readily
identifiable
contraband
items
importance
integrating
archaeological
and
historical
data.
Economic
Diversification
St. Aucustine
As mentioned
, the
unreliabi
nature
situado
in mid
century
means
forced
the official
provisioning.
Augustine
result,
new
to explore
forms
other
economic
activity
developed,
but
these
enterprises
were
based
structures
that
were
already
place,
existing
systems
were
used
to implement
these
new
programs
. One
way
which
officials
attempted
remedy
. Augustine
periodic
establi
food
farms
shortages
and
and
cattle
provide
ranches.
an export
The
product
existing
was
Franciscan
mission
system
was
used
open
new
lands
for
agricultural
pursuits
and
provide
Indian
labor
needed
operate
these
businesses
successfully.
1633
, two
Franciscans
pushed west
and formally began
the missionization
of Apalachee
province
Hann
1988
, 1990
:469
Haciendas
The
largest
and
better
known
these
haciendas
included
la Chua
cattli
ranch and an
experimental
wheat
farm
called
-- 4 -
m
Asile
, supposedly
located
east
Aucilla
River
on the
Apalachee-Timucua
border
Hann
1988
:30)
, was
started
Governor
Benito
Ruiz
de Salazar
Vallecilla
, and
operated
five
years
1645
-1650
before
was
dismantled
and
sold
. The
property
inventory for Asile
indicated a
large-scale operation
that
included
six
square
leagues
wheat
fields
, several
buildings,
granaries,
two
slave
eight
horses
and
mules
plows
, and
eleven
yokes
oxen
(Bushnell
1981
:81)
Other
haciendas
also
existed,
but
less
s known
about
their
scal
suggested
specific
that
as many
operations
as 37 ranches
. Although
existed
been
provinces
Timucua
and
Apalachee
Baker
1993
:82;
Boniface
1971
:140
exact
number
haciendas
and
their
locations
are
uncertain.
In addition,
the
extent
cattli
industry
Florida
has
not
been
thoroughly
explored
from
either
economic
spatial
perspective
. By
end
century,
however
, it
known
that
least
four
main
clusters
ranches
or farms
existed
(Arnade
1965
Hann
1988
:137)
. They
included
at least
seven
ranches
Chua
, la Rosa
Diablo,
Acuitasiaue,
Abosava,
Chicharro,
and
Tocoruz)
modern
Alachua
County near Gainesville;
approximately
nine
ranche
including
Asile,
westernmost
Timucua
and
Apalachee
with
Tallahassee
as the
focal
point
; an
unknown
number
east
of the
has
been
assumed
that
these
ranches
represented
important
source
beef,
possibly
produce
community
Augustine.
The
historical
record
indicated
that
cattle
ranch
Chua
and
smaller
haciendas
near
Augustine,
missions
Apalachee,
provided
Augustine
with
bulk
produce
and
cattle
product
needs
(Boniface
1971
: 145;
Bushnell
1983
:10-12;
Hann
1988
:137)
The
extent
to which
outlying
farms
and
ranches
supplied
people
Augustine
remains
poorly
understood,
and
should
investigated
further.
However,
preliminary
zooarchaeological
research
suggests
that
little
beef
actually
reached
Augustine
during
seventeenth
century
(Reitz
1993a,
1993b
Intra-colonial
trade
Evidence
some
trade
between
Apalachee
and
Augustine
exists
, but
appears
to have
operated
on a rather
small
the w
scale.
western
There
were
provinces
least
and
three
Augustin<
trade
e over
routes
which
between
Native
American
laborers
carried
goods
on their
backs
and
canoes.
These
routes
included
an overland
road,
known
Camino
Real;
sea
route
used
heavy
and
bulky
items
and
combined
sea
and
land
route
originating
Wakulla
River,
There has been little
research on
trade between Apalachee
and
Augustine,
but
trade
between
areas
certainly
existed.
1646,
frigate
from
Apalachee
arrived
Augustine
with
supplies,
and
1650s
, Governor
Pedro
Benedit
Horruytiner,
noted
arrival
Augustine
four
five
shiploads
"foodstuffs"
from
Apalachee
(Hann
1988
:152)
. It
also
known
that
1680,
Enrique
Primo
Rivera
vestments,
obtained
and
contract
royal
for
transporting
stipend
friars
clothing
from
Augustine
to western
Timucuan
and
Apalachee
(Hann
1988
:151
The most
detailed account
measures
corn,
occurred
1703
measures
when Apalachee
beans,
two
sent
hogs
chickens,
eight
arrobas
tallow
and
eight
deerskins
to St.
Augustine
(Boyd,
Smith
and
Griffin
1951
:46-47)
growing
body
historical
and
zooarchaeological
data
suggests
that
majority
of livestock
and
crops
raised
and
grown
in Apalachee
may
never
have
reached
Augustine
(Hann
1988
:152;
Reitz
1993a)
There
more
evidence
development
export
trade
main
products
being
beef,
hides
, tallow,
corn,
rum,
and
possibly,
wheat
between
Apalachee
and
Havana,
Cuba,
that
bypassed
Augustine
(Bushnell
1983;,
Hann
1988;,
Reitz
1993a,
1993b)
. The
rise
trade
between
Apalachee
and
Havana
expense
, 32
Zooarchaeological
data
also
suggest
existence
extensive
Florida
trade
and
network
mission
between
missions
headquarters
throughout
. Augustine
that
excluded
secular
community
Reitz
1993a)
Other
Economic
Activities
noted
, cattle
ranches
, farms
, mi
ssions
, private
contract
systems,
and
seemingly
lively
export
trade
developed
during
latter years
of the
seventeenth
century.
other
economic
enterpri
ses
, which
have
not
been
fully
explored
and
which
certainly
played
an important
role
in the
community
between
, also
Native
existed.
Americans
Despite
and
royal
Spanish
restrictions
colonists
, trade
did
There
was
a market
in the
olaza
to which
Indian
women
brought
pottery
, baskets
, painted
wooden
trays,
deer
and
buffalo
pelts
dried
turkey
meat,
lard,
salt
pork
rope,
fishnets,
charcoal
, leather,
tobacco
, fish
, game
, and
maize
to sell
trade
with
Americans
townspeople
also
traded
Bushnell
sassafras,
1981
amber
:11)
, canoes
The
, bear
Nati
grease,
and
nut
in exchange
European
weapons,
tools
, nail
cloth,
blankets
, beads
, and
rum
Bushnell
1981
Coquina
deposits
on Anastasia
Island
, worked
Nati
American
and
African
quarrymen
, were
used
construct
|
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THE DEVELOPMENT OF A CULTURAL IDENTITY IN COLONIAL AMERICA
THE SPANISH-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN LA FLORIDA
By
KATHLEEN S. HOFFMAN
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1994
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
A number of institutions and individuals contributed,
both directly and indirectly, to this research. Funding for
various aspects of this study was provided by the State of
Florida Department of Military Affairs, the St. Augustine
Preservation Board, the St. Augustine Historical Society, the
University of Florida Graduate Student Council, the Florida
Museum of Natural History, and the Charles H. Fairbanks
Scholarship Fund. The Department of Anthropology at the
Florida Museum of Natural History also contributed by
providing me with numerous graduate assistantships.
I also acknowledge the State of Florida Department of
Military Affairs and the Florida National Guard for
recognizing the importance of their property as the site of
the Franciscan monastery, and for their cooperation during our
excavations on their property. The enthusiasm and assistance
of their staff as well as that of Bob Matthews Construction,
in particular Bill Dugan, ensured timely completion of the
project. Others who provided invaluable help on that project
included members of the St. Augustine Archaeological Advisory
Committee, especially Eugene Lyon and the late John Griffin;
members of the St. Augustine Archaeological Society who
diligently and without complaint spent countless hours
ii
screening for artifacts; the Historic St. Augustine
Preservation Board who provided housing and utilities for the
field team, and my extremely competent field crew.
I am also indebted to the many veterans of St. Augustine
archaeology who preceded me, and whose diligent and capable
work is represented in these pages. In addition, Bruce Piatek
and Stan Bond of the St. Augustine Preservation Board
graciously allowed me access to their computer files,
collections, and archaeological data from their excavations at
the CofradÃa site. Susan Parker freely shared her considerable
expertise regarding cofradÃas in St. Augustine and other
aspects of the communities' colorful past.
Page Edwards generously provided me with photographs of
the Boazio map, and the only known 17th century depictions of
St. Augustine. Page's enthusiasm about archaeology, his
support, and kindness always made me feel like a welcome
member of the very special St. Augustine historical community.
I also acknowledge Ken Barrett, Jr. for his photographs
of historic maps along with Pat Payne, Greg Cunningham, and
Kelly Evans of the Office of Instructional Resources at the
University of Florida for their excellent photographic and
graphic work. Myrna Sulsona's asistance with Spanish names
and words is also appreciated.
My committee members have each made invaluable
contributions to my work through their thought-provoking
seminars and insightful comments. Dr. Michael Gannon and Dr.
in
Murdo MacLeod have guided my interpretations of the historical
record, and have helped me clarify the difference between
history and historical archaeology. Dr. Gannon has also been
a source of solid advise throughout my graduate training. Dr.
William Marquardt and Dr. Jerald Milanich have been
exceedingly helpful and supportive in every way. Dr.
Milanich's enthusiasm in helping me is truly appreciated.
Clearly, the most influential member of my committee was
Dr. Kathleen Deagan. Her guidance and rigorous training have
helped make me a better Historical Archaeologist. Dr. Deagan
generously allowed me free access to her St. Augustine data
base and library, always willingly shared her considerable
expertise, and presented me with important field opportunities
in St. Augustine and the Dominican Republic. Her knowledge of
Spanish colonial archaeology is truly impressive, and to study
with her was a truly enlightening experience.
Mention also needs to be made of my fellow graduate
students and staff of the Florida Museum of Natural History:
Billy Ray Morris, Donine Marlow, Mary Herron, Elise LeCompte
Baer, Ruth Trocolli, Donna Ruhl, Darcie McMahon, Jim Cusick,
Maurice Williams, and Ann Cordell. They are responsible for an
always lively and supportive work environment. I am especially
grateful to Ruth, Darcie, Jim, Donna, Maurice and Ann, who
helped me in more ways than they know. Jim's perspective, in
particular, helped keep me on track.
iv
I am extremely grateful to Ann for helping me format
tables, for the excellent coffee breaks, and for her sense of
humor. Donna's insights, encouragement, helpfulness, and
readiness to discuss my research were extremely helpful.
Maurice's support and constant friendship helped me through
more than one "rough spot". They are all good colleagues,
friends, and people.
Finally, I am deeply appreciative of my parents and the
rest of m^j family who helped me keep this entire process in
perspectivé. Ben, Jill, Rudy, Bess, and Robert not only helped
me to keep my priorities in order, but provided an
unbelievable atmosphere of support and encouragement, not to
mention great beach getaway weekends. Robert, especially,
earned this degree almost as much as I did. He knows what I
mean.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES ix
LIST OF FIGURES xi
ABSTRACT xii
CHAPTERS
1 THE QUESTION OF COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT . 1
Introduction 1
The Problem of the Middle Period 2
Previous Research Into the Nature of
European-American Cultural Development. ... 5
2 THE COLONIAL ATLANTIC WORLD DURING THE MIDDLE
PERIOD 10
Economic and Political Challenges to Spain's
Atlantic World Monopoly 11
Economic Problems in Spain and the Atlantic. . 14
The Growth of Intercolonial Trade in the
Atlantic 19
The Demographic Character and Social
Interactions of the Colonial Atlantic World. 24
Population and Interaction in
Spanish-America 25
Population and Interaction in Anglo-America. 31
Church and State in the Atlantic World .... 34
3 MODELS OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN CULTURAL
DEVELOPMENT 4 0
Models of Development for Anglo-American ... 45
The Declension Model 45
The Structural Model 47
The Developmental Model 50
Models of Development for Spanish-America. . . 53
The Crystallization Model 57
The Acculturation Model 58
4 THE "MIDDLE PERIOD" IN ST. AUGUSTINE 62
The Physical Setting of St. Augustine .... 64
The Economic Organization of the Community. . 74
Changes in the Situado 75
Problems with the Situado 78
St. Augustine's Inter-colonial Economy ... 80
vi
Economic Diversification in St. Augustine. . 83
Haciendas 83
Intra-colonial trade 85
Other Economic Activities 87
Demographic Character and Social Interactions
of the Colonial Atlantic World 89
The African Population 91
Origins and Roles in the Community .... 91
The Native American Population 95
The Repartimiento System 97
Relocation of Mission Indians to St.
Augustine 100
The Spanish and European Population 101
Gender Ratios and Intermarriage 102
European Women 103
Intermarriage in St. Augustine 104
The Importance and Role of the Catholic
Church 107
Ecclesiastical Structure 107
Social, Cultural and Intellectual
Influences 108
Summary 114
5 ARCHAEOLOGICAL STRATEGY AND METHOD 115
Sample Sites and Archaeological Contexts . . .128
The Convento de San Francisco Site (SA42A) .133
The Lorenzo Josef Lorenzo de León Site
(SA26-1) 137
The Trinity Episcopal Church Site (SA34-1) .137
The Ximénez-Fatio House Site (SA34-2). . . .138
The Palm Row Site (SA3 6-4) 13 9
The CofradÃa Site (SA30-3) 139
The O'Reilly House Site (SA35-1) 140
6 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHARACTERIZATION OF THE
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MATERIAL ASSEMBLAGE FROM
ST. AUGUSTINE SITES 142
Characterization of the Early Seventeenth-
Century Assemblage 144
Manufacturing Locations of Pottery 156
Characterization of the Late Seventeenth-
Century Assemblage 158
Manufacturing Locations of Pottery 165
Faunal Remains from Seventeenth-Century
Sites 173
Summary of the Seventeenth-Century Material
Assemblage 176
Vll
7 COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ST. AUGUSTINE
AND IN THE ATLANTIC WORLD DURING THE
MIDDLE PERIOD 189
APPENDICES
1 SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY PROVENIENCE GUIDE .... 207
2 INVENTORY OF ITEMS FROM EARLY SEVENTEENTH-
CENTURY CONTEXTS, BY GROUP AND BY SITE. . . 217
3 INVENTORY OF ITEMS FROM LATE SEVENTEENTH-
CENTURY CONTEXTS, BY GROUP AND BY SITE. . . 236
4GLOSSARY OF SPANISH TERMS 256
REFERENCES CITED 258
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 280
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Table page
1 Chronology of Key Events in the Seventeenth-Century
Atlantic World 15
2 Principal Models of European-American Colonial
Cultural Development 42
3 Culture Regions Proposed for Colonial America . . 46
4 Chronology of Key Events in Seventeenth-Century La
Florida 63
5 Comparative List of Subsidy Payments Received by the
Franciscan and Secular Communities in St. Augustine,
1617-1651 77
6 Summary of St. Augustine Population: 1600-1702 . . 90
7 The Frequency of "Mixed" Marriages in Seventeenth-
Century St. Augustine 105
8 Summary of Occupation and Excavation History of
Seventeenth-Century Sample Sites 130
9 Characterization of Early 17th Century Assemblages
by Functional Categories 145
10 Distribution of Utilitarian Wares from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 146
11 Distribution of Native American Pottery from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 147
12 Distribution of Majolica from Seventeenth-
Century Contexts 150
13 Distribution of Tablewares from Seventeenth-Century
Contexts 151
14 Distribution of Food Preparation Items from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 152
IX
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
Distribution of Architectural Artifacts from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts 153
Distribution of Non-Kitchen and Non-Architectural
Items from Seventeenth-Century Contexts 154
Origins of Pottery from Early 17th Century
Assemblages 157
Origins of Native American Pottery 158
Characterization of Late 17th Century Assemblages
by Functional Categories 159
Origins of Pottery from Late 17th Century
Assemblages 166
Summary of Faunal Data from Seventeenth-Century St.
Augustine 175
Ranked Order of Early 17th Century Sites According
to Proportions of Majolica and Native American
Pottery 182
Ranked Order of Late 17th Century Sites According
to Proportions of Majolica and Native American
Pottery 182
Summary of the Middle Period Assemblages 190
Summary of Manufacturing Locations for Pottery from
the Middle Period 193
Origin of Ceramics from Middle Period
(ca. 1640-1700) British Colonial Sites at Kingsmill
Plantation, Virginia (from Kelso 1984:213) .... 202
Comparison of Origins of Ceramics from
Kingsmill Plantation, Virginia and St. Augustine,
Florida 202
x
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page
1 St. Augustine and the Colonial World in the
17th Century 16
2 Colonial St. Augustine ca. 1764 65
3 Boazio Engraving of St. Augustine, 1586 67
4 Anonymous Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1671 . 68
5 Anonymous Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1683 . . 69
6 Location of Excavated 17th Century Sites in
Relation to the 1586 Townsite 131
7 Lead Fishing Weight, Straight Pin, and Aglet from
17th Century Contexts 164
8 Examples of Bordado from 17th Century Contexts . . 164
9 Examples of Grog-Tempered Pottery from 17th
Century Contexts 169
10 Examples of Non-local Native American Pottery from
17th Century Contexts 169
11 Glass from 17th Century Contexts 180
xi
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
THE DEVELOPMENT OF A CULTURAL IDENTITY IN COLONIAL AMERICA:
THE SPANISH-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN LA FLORIDA
By
Kathleen S. Hoffman
December 1994
Chairperson: Kathleen Deagan
Major Department: Anthropology
The primary purpose of this study is to contribute
to and refine a general understanding of the forces involved
in the emergence of unique European-American cultural
traditions in the Atlantic world. This is accomplished through
a multi-disciplinary historical-archaeological approach, and
by a comparative assessment of the processes associated with
the development of a cultural identity in the Spanish and
Anglo-American colonies of the Atlantic world. In particular,
this study emphasizes the choices made the European-American
colonists during the seventeenth century.
Archaeological and historical data from the Spanish
colony of St. Augustine and the British colonies of the
Chesapeake were used to organize this comparison. The results
of this research indicate that remarkable similarities existed
Xll
in the ways in which European-American colonists adjusted to
the Americas. In both colonial situations, the colonists made
choices that recognized local realities and emphasized the use
of and reliance on American goods and resources. These
choices, which were limited by environmental constraints, also
led to a growing separation from their homeland and an
increasingly local and regional orientation. The
archaeological evidence indicates that although the general
process of European-American adjustment and identity
development followed the same path in the Spanish and Anglo
colonies, the specific manifestations of this process were
different.
xiii
CHAPTER 1
THE QUESTION OF COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
One of the most profound consequences of the European
exploration and settlement of the Americas was the development
of distinctive European-American cultural traditions (Hartz
1964) . The nature, timing, and outcome of this development
process varied between (and possibly within) colonial areas
dominated by different European nations and resulted in the
varied mosaic of American society today. The character and
effects of these developments define the primary focus of this
study, which is to contribute to and refine a general
understanding of the processes involved in the emergence of
unique European-American cultural traditions in the Atlantic
World. The Spanish colonial experience of the late sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries will be used to provide a case study
of these processes during the critical "middle" era between
initial encounters and the emergence of a well established
colonial identity.
The middle period is generally regarded as a formative
period in the development of colonial American society because
of a number of demographic, economic, and social changes that
occurred and led to the growth of internationalization of the
Americas (Handlin 1967:97; Leonard 1959:viii; see Chapter 2).
1
2
It also represented a time when the colonists made choices
about the retention and change of both European and American
traits and traditions and devised new syncretic solutions to
cope with the special circumstances of life in the post-
Columbian Americas.
This period of Spanish colonial social development will
be studied and characterized through a multi-disciplinary
historical-archaeological approach and by a comparative
assessment of general Spanish patterns with those associated
with Anglo-American colonies during a comparable period. An
understanding of both the range of choices made within
colonial society, and the consistencies and differences across
societal boundaries can contribute to a more comprehensive
model of post-contact cultural development in the Americas.
The Problem of the "Middle" Period
It is generally accepted that the initial years of
contact and settlement witnessed cataclysmic change as a
European world came into contact with radically different
Native American cultural systems and an unfamiliar natural
environment. Since the beginning of European colonization of
the Americas in 1492, scholars have been fascinated by the
impact of this momentous intermingling of Europe and the
Americas. Consequently, a profusion of research exists
concerning the nature of European expansion into the Atlantic
world during the fifteenth through eighteenth centuries. Much
3
of the work regarding the European colonization of the
Americas focuses on the sometimes fantastic initial adventures
of the European explorers, the demise of the native
populations, and the European political and economic
institutions of colonization. Somewhat less attention has been
directed to understanding the emergence of European-American
colonial societies (Deagan 1985; Deetz 1977; Greene 1984;
McAlister 1984). These latter efforts have tended to
concentrate on either the initial encounter or established
colonial society (Falk 1991; Thomas 1989, 1990, 1991), leaving
much of the immediate post-contact period of adjustment
ignored. This is particularly true from the perspective of
Spanish colonial archaeology.
In contrast to the rather exciting and somewhat colorful
exploits that took place during the initial period of
colonization, the middle period of Spanish settlement was not
a time of world changing events. The experimental and conquest
phase of colonization had drawn to an end, effective
adaptations had been worked out, and basic cultural patterns
had already been established (Handlin 1967, King 1984,
Lockhart and Schwartz 1983). Consequently, Spanish America
during the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has often
been characterized as an "inwardly pulsating" time of relative
stability and embellishment of pre-existing patterns (Leonard
1959:viii). A general consensus exists among historians that
this period of Spanish-American cultural development was one
4
in which the basic framework or pattern established during the
initial years of settlement was expanded and became more
elaborate.
What remains unclear, however, are the processes and
their associated archaeological patterns which characterized
that stage of Spanish colonial cultural development between
initial settlement and established society. Using
archaeological and historical data from Spanish colonial St.
Augustine, Florida, this study will evaluate the nature of
change in Spanish colonial culture during the middle period of
settlement, and compare it to what is known of similar
processes in British-American colonies of a comparable period.
St. Augustine is a particularly appropriate colonial
setting for investigating the forces involved in the
transformation of European cultures (in this case, Spanish)
into European-American traditions for two reasons. Its almost
two hundred years of continuous Spanish occupation--beginning
in 1565 and ending in 1763--provide the essential temporal
control for tracing change through time. In addition, an
extensive comparative archaeological (Deagan 1983, 1985) and
historical (Lyon 1983; Waterbury 1983; TePaske 1964, 1975)
data base relevant to the sixteenth and eighteenth century
occupations exists from which to assess change during the late
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Historical archaeology stands in a position to
investigate cultural development in the Atlantic World because
5
of its multi-disciplinary perspective and "access to multiple
categories" (Deagan 1988:7) and contexts of data (Schuyler
1977). The use and application of these "multiple categories"
in this case, the historical, archaeobiological, and
archaeological records - allow for a more complete
understanding of the nature of cultural development during the
late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries than either
perspective alone can render. The multi-disciplinary
perspective of historical archaeology assumes a particularly
significant role in this study because of the unexplored and,
at times, "lost" nature of the seventeenth-century documentary
record in St. Augustine, and because of its access to a
comparatively sizeable archaeological data base. Perhaps more
importantly though, historical archaeology also provides a
glimpse into "everyday life" and the behavior and lives of the
common people who represented an essential component of
colonial society.
Previous Research into the Nature of European-American
Cultural Development
Spain, Portugal, England, Scotland, Sweden, Denmark,
France, and Holland all established settlements in the
Atlantic world, but Spain and England comprised the dominant
presence (Canny and Pagden 1989; Hartz 1964; Karras and
McNeill 1992). Consequently, the most prolific historical and
archaeological research on colonial topics to date has focused
on the British and Spanish-American experiences (for recent
6
summaries and reviews of this work see Greene 1991; Kicza
1974; Weber 1992; Thomas 1989, 1990, 1991). As noted above,
the majority of this research addresses either the immediate
environmental, social, and political adjustments made by the
colonists during the initial years of colonization or focuses
on the already-established eighteenth century colonial world.
Those studies that deal with cultural development during
the middle period have focused on the British colonial
experience (Deetz 1977; Greene 1988; Miller and King 1988) or
they have approached this issue from an exclusively historical
perspective (Boyer 1977; Bushnell 1981; Leonard 1959). With
the exception of research in the Spanish missions (McEwan
1993), which represented a specialized segment of the Spanish
world, relatively few of the studies concerned with the
formation of a Spanish-American tradition have been
archaeological in nature (Deagan 1983, 1985, 1994; Ewen 1991) .
Those that have addressed the nature of Spanish colonial
culture have focused only on the sixteenth century. Only one
previous endeavor (King 1981), conducted over a decade ago,
explored Spanish colonial culture during the middle period
from the multi-disciplinary perspective and integrative
approach of historical archaeology.
Julie King's preliminary research into the nature of
change formed a critical baseline of information regarding the
seventeenth-century material world, and it also suggested
important links between ceramic variability, Native American
7
population movements, and changing economic patterns. As such,
King's research represents a notable contribution to
understanding patterns of Spanish adaptation in Florida.
However, it did not encompass the entire middle period and was
limited by the then-available data base of only three
seventeenth-century occupation sites in St. Augustine. In
addition, King's Florida-specific focus did not include St.
Augustine's participation in a larger Atlantic world, and did
not place seventeenth-century St. Augustine within a model of
colonial cultural development.
In the twelve years that have passed since the completion
of King's research, additional seventeenth-century sites have
been excavated, and Spanish colonial archaeology has been
increasingly cast in a global perspective. In light of these
considerations, the following chapters will re-evaluate and
expand our knowledge of this critical period of settlement by
incorporating these "newer" contexts with those included in
Julie King's earlier work, and by placing seventeenth-century
St. Augustine within the context of both the middle period and
the larger American colonial world.
Researchers investigating the development of European-
American colonial culture have attempted to identify the
factors that led to a growing independence from their parent
countries, and the emergence of distinct regional colonial
identities. Factors suggested as being particularly
influential in the development of regional colonial cultures
8
include: country of origin, economic organization, the
demographic composition of the colony, the structure and
degree of interaction between the Native American, African,
and European peoples, and the religious traditions of the
European colonists (Greene 1988; 1991; Meinig 1986). Because
these aspects have been studied and documented for a wide
sample of colonial societies, and incorporate both material
and ideological aspects of adaptation, they will be used to
organize a comparison between the Spanish and British colonial
experiences in the Atlantic world.
Chapter 2 will consider the historical and social
contexts of the colonial Atlantic world that provide the
general cultural milieu in which the developments of the
middle period occurred. Particular emphasis will be placed on
the character of Spanish and English settlement as the
dominant presence in the colonial Atlantic world. Chapter 3
reviews the existing models of Anglo and Spanish-American
colonial cultural development as a basis for understanding the
development of distinctive European-American traditions in the
Americas. Chapter 4, examines the specific economic,
demographic, social and religious circumstances of the middle
period in St. Augustine, and provides a setting for
interpreting the archaeological record. Chapter 5 outlines the
specific strategy and methods used to explore the nature of
cultural development, and Chapter 6 defines the seventeenth-
century archaeological assemblage associated with St.
9
Augustine. The final chapter, Chapter 7, assesses the
immediate post contact period of development in St. Augustine,
and compares it to a similar period in the British colonies.
CHAPTER 2
THE COLONIAL ATLANTIC WORLD DURING THE MIDDLE PERIOD
The middle period cannot be understood without some
reference to the political, social, and economic circumstances
that both preceded and characterized it. Shortly after the
initial Columbian voyage to the West Indies, a series of papal
bulls granted dominion of the Indies to the Crown of Castile.
These bulls, along with the subsequent Treaty of Tordesilla,
constituted Spain's legal claim to the lands and resources of
the Americas (Parry and Sherlock 1971:6-7).
Spain's interest in the Americas was fueled, in part, by
the mercantile policy that prevailed in Spain and throughout
Europe (Braudel 1979:544) . This policy, in which the economic
interests of the metropolis as a whole were more important
that those of its individual parts, placed great value on and
defined wealth by the accumulation of precious metals (Braudel
1979:544; Gibson 1966:105). To protect Spain's economic
interests, the colonies were permitted to import from and
export to Spain alone (Andrews 1978:70) . Beginning in the
fifteenth century, Spain established colonies with the intent
of exploiting the natural and mineral wealth of the Americas.
10
11
Silver, in particular, represented an important commodity
(Hamilton 1970), and for almost 100 years Spain maintained a
commercial and territorial monopoly in the Americas.
Economic and Political Challenges to Spain's Atlantic World
This monopoly was challenged throughout the sixteenth
century as northern European powers recognized the economic
importance of the Indies and struggled to secure their share
of its natural wealth (Hoffman 1980; Lang 1975). In order to
obtain a portion of the wealth emanating from the mineral
resources of the Americas, England, Holland, and France had to
break Spain's economic and territorial monopoly. One of the
methods used to accomplish this goal included the sanctioning
of raids on Spanish ships and settlements by the northern
European governments. Contracts, called letters of marque,
were negotiated with individuals, and allowed them legally to
attack and take goods in return for the payment of a fee to
the respective Crowns. English and French privateers and
pirates targeted Spain's treasure ships and attacked, looted,
and burned coastal ports and settlements throughout the
Caribbean (Lang 1975:105).
In response, Spain initiated the fleet system, which
consisted of two convoys of ships sailing twice a year between
Europe and the Americas, and constructed fortifications in the
principal harbors along the route (Andrews 1978:66,155; Bourne
1904:284). During the late sixteenth century, fortifications
12
were established in Havana, Cartagena, Santo Domingo, Santiago
de Cuba, San Juan de Puerto Rico and St. Augustine, Florida
(Hoffman 1980:144; Parry and Sherlock 1971:36) . The settlement
of Florida in 1565 strengthened Spain's territorial interests
in the Indies, and, at least until 1670, effectively prevented
French and English settlement along the coast of Florida (Lyon
1983:55) .
Although this defensive plan did protect the treasure
fleets, it did little if anything, to halt the raids on towns
and local shipping in the Caribbean. Especially hard hit were
remote and isolated regions outside the boundaries of the
treasure fleet's shipping lanes, such as St. Augustine and
Puerto Real (Deagan 1994; Parry and Sherlock 1971:37-38).
English pirates, such as Sir Francis Drake and John Hawkins,
burned and looted coastal ports and settlements throughout the
Indies, seized the silver convoys, stole from the treasury,
and forced the settlers to engage in rescate, a form of
illegal trade transaction (Andrews 1978:74-80,258; Lynch
1984:191; McAlister 1984:91).
One of the most infamous raids took place during 1585 and
1586 when Drake systematically attacked the major seaports and
land bases associated with the treasure routes, including
Santo Domingo, Cartagena, Nombre de Dios and Havana. The town
and fortifications of St. Augustine, built to ensure safe
passage of the fleets through the Florida Straits, were
burned, sacked, and destroyed on Drake's return voyage to
13
England (Parry and Sherlock 1971:42). Additional acts of
piracy occurred throughout the seventeenth century and as a
result Spanish towns, including St. Augustine, suffered
economically. In 1627, Piet Heyn, an admiral in the Dutch
West India Company, captured the entire Fleet of the Indies
off Matanzas Bay (Parry and Sherlock 1971:50). The fleet
carried treasure and the subsidies (situados) intended for St.
Augustine and other Caribbean settlements (Bushnell 1983:48).
Another particularly disastrous attack on St. Augustine took
place in 1668 by the English pirate, Robert Searles. In that
raid, 60 townspeople were killed and the town looted. A small
band of English pirates threatened the town again in 1683 and
another group attacked in 1685 (Waterbury 1983:59).
The success of piracy, along with the establishment in
1607 of the Virginia Colony along the eastern coast of North
America, weakened Spain's hold on the Indies and allowed
England, France and Holland to slowly gain a foothold on the
mainland, and then in the island communities of the Lesser
Antilles (Bailyn 1967:262; Sauer 1980; Watts 1987:127). During
the seventeenth century, the French settled Quebec (1608); the
Dutch explored the Hudson Bay region (1609), established Fort
Orange (1614), and settled New York (1620) ; a small group of
Swedes and Finns settled the Delaware River Valley in
Southeastern Pennsylvania (1638); and the English founded
Bermuda (1612) and the Plymouth Colony (1620), chartered the
Massachusetts Bay Colony in New England (1629), established
14
Charles Towne, South Carolina (167 0) , and settled Pennsylvania
(1681). Gradually, throughout the 1600s, Spain's hold over
the Indies eroded and the Americas became a "mosaic" (Axtell
1992:218) of various European settlements (Table 1; Figure 1) .
Economic Problems in Spain and the Atlantic
The seventeenth century is often characterized as a time
of economic crisis in Spain (Hamilton 1970). This is suggested
to have been the result of a reduction in silver imports,
soaring naval expenses, an eroding power base in the Indies,
warfare in Europe, and an ever-increasing need to protect
Spain's territories in the Caribbean against the growing
northern European threat in the form of both settlement and
piracy. Throughout the late sixteenth century and the early
years of the 1600s, Spain had become increasingly dependent on
silver from the mines in Peru and Mexico to meet expenses at
home, and to finance Phillip II's military and naval
expenditures in both Spain and in the Indies (Hamilton 1970;
Haring 1947; Sauer 1966) . These war expenses were a result of
conflict between Spain and the Protestant countries of France,
England, and the Netherlands. They escalated in 1621 when the
truce with the Dutch expired and the Netherlands mounted an
aggressive campaign for territorial and economic power in the
Indies. International conflict in the form of piracy, illegal
trade, and the establishment of northern European colonies in
the Indies escalated during the period between ca. 1620 and
15
Table l.
1605 :
1607
1608
1609
1612
1614
1620:
1621:
1624 :
1625
1628
1629
1632
1631
1632
1634
1635
1640
1648 :
1652:
1655 :
1660 :
1665
1667
1670
1672-1678:
Chronology of Key Events in the Seventeenth-
Century Atlantic World
Spain ordered settlers in Puerto Plata, Monte
Cristi and Yaguana to move to the south coast in
attempt to stop smuggling.
England settled Jamestown.
Company of New France established base in Quebec
Netherlands explored Hudson Bay.
England settled Bermuda.
Netherlands established Fort Orange, Fort Nassua
in Albany.
Plymouth Colony established by England.
Dutch West India Company chartered; Spain's
truce with Netherlands expired.
England settled St. Kitts and Barbados; Dutch
seized Bahia in Brazil, but repelled by Spanish;
New Amsterdam established.
England and Netherlands settled St. Croix.
England settled Nevis.
Massachusetts Bay Company chartered.
England settled Antigua and Montserrat
Spain prohibits trade between Mexico and Peru.
France gained control of Acadia.
Dutch seized Curacao.
France settled Guadeloupe and Martinique.
Portugal seceded from Spain; Battle of Itamaraca
between Spain and Portugal fought off coast
of Brazil.
Spain's 80 year war with Dutch ended; Treaty of
Munster recognized Dutch title to Curacao, St.
Martin, Saba, and St. Eustatius, but trade
between Dutch and Spanish Indies forbidden.
Dutch-English war began.
English attempted to seize Española and captured
Jamaica; English loggers established themselves
around Belize.
Acts of Trade and Navigation limited export of
sugar, tobacco, cotton,indigo, ginger, or dry
goods to England or English colonies only.
France seized control of the island of Tortuga.
Treaty of Breda ended Second Dutch War.
Anglo-Spanish Treat of Madrid recognized English
title to territories in the Indies; Charles Towne
established.
England and France joined forces against the
Dutch in the Third Dutch War.
Treaty of Ryswyck ceded western half of Española
to French who called it St. Domingue Twelve Years
1697 :
Figure 1. St. Augustine and the Colonial World in the 17th Century
17
the 1650s, and Spain was faced with an ever increasing need to
protect the Caribbean against this growing threat (Elliott
1987:104; Goslinga 1971; Haring 1966).
The decline in silver exports to Spain contributed not
only to a continual shortage of silver, but it also fueled an
inflation and the devaluation of Spanish currency (Davis
1973:145). Silver and silver coinage was a major export
product, and Spain had become dependent on American silver to
finance military operations (Hamilton 1970:44-45) . Because of
these rising debts, inflation, and exploding defense expenses,
Spain was often unable to provide basic commodities and
supplies, such as oil, flour, and wine, to the colonies
(Andrews 1978:57). Several of Spain's circum-Caribbean
colonies, such as St. Augustine, Florida were military
settlements dependent on a regular annual royal subsidy called
the situado. They often received little financial support
during the 1600s and were forced to look elsewhere for their
financial and subsistence needs (Bushnell 1981; Sluiter 1985).
These problems with the arrival and payment of the
situado can be related to several factors, not the least of
which was Spain's dwindling power in the emerging world system
(Elliott 1987, 1989; Lang 1975; Parry and Sherlock 1971;
Wallerstein 1974, 1980) . The unreliability of the situado in
the mid-seventeenth century corresponded with economic and
political problems in both Spain and the Atlantic world.
Mexico, the audiencia or regional court responsible for the
18
Florida situado. also faced economic and political problems,
which precluded timely payments of the subsidy. With the
renewal of global war between Spain and the Netherlands in
1621, the powerful Dutch West Indies and East Indies companies
mounted an offensive naval campaign against Spain. Their
presence in the Atlantic and the Pacific greatly disrupted
both the Indies and the Manila galleon trade. Dutch corsairs
threatened and attacked shipping and coastal communities, and
their presence in the Atlantic helped open the area to
settlement by other European powers. These assaults by the
Dutch brought hardship to the merchants of Mexico City, which
were only compounded by Spain's prohibition of trade between
Mexico and Peru in 1648. Natural disasters, such as a major
flood in 1629 (Boyer 1977:477) and heavy livestock mortality,
also contributed to Mexico's economic problems (Elliott
1987:103) .
However, more central to Mexico's problems, in terms of
long-term economic impact, was the drop in silver production
from the mines in both Mexico and Peru. Various arguments
attribute this decline to labor shortages resulting from a
decreasing Indian population (Borah 1951:5; MacLeod 1973:375-
376, 1987:315-360), problems with credit (Bakewell 1975), the
depletion of major silver deposits (Elliott 1987), or a
shortage of mercury, an essential element in the mining
process (Bakewell 1975:20). All of these factors probably
contributed to Mexico's economic woes, but whatever the
19
ultimate causes were, the result was a decline in the trans-
Atlantic and the Manila trade. Consequently, the smaller and
less economically important colonies, such as St. Augustine,
received less financial support from the Spanish Crown and
were forced to become more self-sufficient and reliant on
local resources or goods imported from other regions of the
Atlantic world in order to meet their needs. Consequently, the
economic relationship between Spain and her American colonies
began to weaken during this time and new patterns of
intercolonial trade and local economies developed (Elliott
1987:95) .
The Growth of Intercolonial Trade in the Atlantic
Concomitant with Spain's inability and frequent
unwillingness to send provisions to the Americas, was an
emerging inter-colonial trade network and the establishment of
colonial economies (Lang 1975:54) . Trade restrictions, piracy,
profiteering, and Spain's dwindling power acted as a stimulus
for an increase in trade among the various European colonies
during the seventeenth century (Elliott 1987:107; Lang
1975:54; Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:153), and it has been
suggested that the colonies were growing less dependent on
both Europe and the Native American population for provisions
and supplies (Borah 1951:21; McAlister 1984:375). Not all of
this trade was legal. The historical record documents the
existence of widespread smuggling operations, despite strict
20
regulations prohibiting it (Lang 1975:156-161; Parry and
Sherlock 1971). Colonial merchants in New England shipped
fish, lumber, and tobacco to other British colonies and traded
with France, Holland, Spain and their colonies in the Indies
(Lang 1975: 156-161) . Dutch salt ships to the Venezuelan coast
carried European goods which were sold in the Indies in
exchange for hides, tobacco, and dyewoods (Parry and Sherlock
1971:46-48; Sluiter 1948:178-180).
In Spanish America, much of the silver from the great
mines of Zacatecas and Potosà never reached its intended
European market. Instead it went to the Pacific (Elliott
1987:97) where it was used to purchase silk, satin, porcelain,
spices, perfume, and jewelry (Lynch 1984:245). These goods
arrived in Acapulco, via the Manila trade, then went overland
to Veracruz for export. Peru was forbidden direct access to
Asia, so Mexico became the entrepot for the re-exportation of
Asian goods to Peru (Lynch 1984:245). The Crown tried
unsuccessfully to stop this intercolonial trade in 1631 by
prohibiting trade between Mexico and Peru (Elliott 1987:97),
but this met with only limited success. As a result, much of
the silver produced in the Spanish colonies remained in the
Americas and never reached the European market (Elliott 1987;
Lang 1975; Lynch 1984).
Intercolonial or "coastwise trade" (McCusker and Menard
1985:78) in the English colonies began shortly after initial
settlement and increased throughout the seventeenth century.
21
Initially, trade between the various British colonies was
allowed as long as it was conducted by subjects of the British
crown (Lang 1975:152). However, as English settlement in the
Atlantic expanded and colonial agricultural production
increased, the Crown attempted to limit coastwise trade with
the passage of the Navigation Acts of 1660, 1663, and 1673
(Table 1) . These acts not only prohibited trade with the
other European colonies, but they also banned trade in certain
important colonial agricultural products, such as dyewoods,
sugar, tobacco, and cotton (Lang 1975:153). England, like
Spain, operated under a trade policy that attempted to channel
all American raw materials through ports in England. The
colonies were to supply the metropolis with raw materials --
agricultural products in the case of England and silver in the
case of Spain -- which then acted as an entrepot for the
distribution of manufactured goods to their respective
colonies. However, Europe's inability to meet colonial demands
grew during the seventeenth century, and colonial trade
networks expanded and commercial agricultural endeavors also
intensified.
A measure of the emergence of colonial economies was the
development of local enterprises and production. Some
examples include the creation of mints in New Spain and
Hispaniola (Deagan 1987:24), the development of a fishing and
whaling industry in the New England colonies (Baker 1985;
McCusker and Menard 1985), and the establishment of
22
shipbuilding operations in many coastal settlements of both
British and Spanish America (McCusker and Menard 1985;
McAlister 1984:366-367). In addition, iron forges and
blacksmith shops were established in several, if not most,
Atlantic communities in order to produce weaponry, tack, and
construction hardware, such as hinges, spikes, nails, staples,
and screws for local use (Deagan 1987:24; Hudson 1980:22-26).
Glasshouses and pottery works were also established in
the Atlantic colonies. The type and amount of glass produced,
and the success of the seventeenth-century ventures in glass
making in the British colonies, such as those at Jamestown,
Salem, and Philadelphia remains uncertain (Noel Hume 1969,
1970; Spillman 1976). Considerably more is known about
glassmaking in the Spanish colonies. The documents note the
presence of glassblowers and glass furnaces in Puebla de los
Angeles as early as 1542 (Toussaint 1967:270) . By 1547, glass
produced in Puebla was being exported to Guatemala, Peru, and
possibly other regions of Spanish America. Puebla remained the
center of the glass industry throughout the late sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries (Frothingham 1963:58; Toussaint
1967:270) . At least three known classes of glass were produced
in the glasshouses of Puebla: "white crystal," "green glass,"
and "blue glass" (Toussaint 1967:270).
Lead-glazed and coarse earthenwares were being produced
by potters in the Virginia colony by the mid-seventeenth
century (Noel Hume 1970:212-213; Spargo 1974:61), and there
23
were probably potteries in other colonial regions. A "white
and Chiney ware" was manufactured at a pottery near modern day
Burlington, New Jersey, at least as early as 1684 (Spargo
1974:55,59). This pottery, which has been identified as a
possible white salt-glazed stoneware, was produced for export
to Barbados and Jamaica (Spargo 1974:59).
Although unglazed pottery was produced in the Spanish
colonies as early as 1493 (Cruxent 1990; Deagan and Cruxent
1993), pottery making became specialized in the 1500s, and
important centers of production emerged (Barnes 1980; Deagan
7?
1987; Lister and Lister 1982). The most notable centers were
Mexico City and Puebla (Lister and Lister 1974, 1987), both of
which produced majolicas, and possibly unglazed and lead-
glazed coarse earthenwares, that were exported widely to other
Spanish colonies, including St. Augustine, by the late
sixteenth century (Deagan 1987).
By the early 1600s, obraies or textile workshops in New
Spain supplied cloth to the Indies (McAlister 1984:367).
Wineries and olive orchards in Peru produced sufficient
quantities of wine and oil for export to other regions of New
Spain (McAlister 1984:364; Smith 1991). Haciendas in Mexico,
Peru and Colombia were supplying major areas of Spanish
America with staples such as wheat, potatoes, maize, cattle
and pigs (MacLeod 1987:348). By the end of the century,
British plantations in the Chesapeake, the Carolinas, and the
West Indies were growing tobacco, sugar, rice, and cotton for
24
a growing export trade both within the Atlantic and with
Europe (McCusker and Menard 1985).
The Demographic Character and Social Interactions of the
Colonial Atlantic World
European settlement of the Atlantic world represented the
catalyst for the meeting of three distinct groups of people -
Europeans, Native Americans and Africans. The forms of
interaction among these different groups of people played a
critical role in the development of colonial culture.
Patterns of interaction varied and were influenced by a number
of factors. These included the immigration policy of the
European power (Haring 1947: 29-35), the economic base and
religious background of the European colony (McAlister
1984:334-345), the settlement patterns and density of the
Native Americans (Gibson 1966:113-115; Fitzhugh 1985), and
attitudes about racial mixture (Breen 1984:198; Mórner 1967) .
In the case of Spain, these attitudes were shaped, in part, by
the 700-year occupation of Spain by the Moors, and the
coexistence during that period of multiple ethnic, religious,
racial, and cultural groups.
It is also important to note that much of the Native
American population of the Atlantic World had already
experienced the devastating effects of disease by the time of
British settlement of the Atlantic World during the 1600s.
(Axtell 1981:248-249; Crosby 1972:35-42; Ramenofsky 1987:173-
176) . For example, the Taino of Hispaniola had all but
25
disappeared by 1548 (Crosby 1972:45). Disease contributed to
the demise of most of the native population of the Antilles
(Crosby 1972:38), and many of the Indians of what is today
known as the coastal southeastern United States succumbed to
epidemics during the sixteenth century and seventeenth
centuries (Milner 1980:44). It has also been suggested that
pandemics swept the Americas during the 1500s (Dobyns 1983).
Population and Interaction in Spanish America
Spanish immigration policy "formally excluded" non-
Iberians and Non-Catholics. Although Jews and other ethnic
groups, such as Asians, existed in the Spanish colonies, they
did not comprise a significant proportion of the population
(McAlister 1984:338) . Spanish policy also favored single males
and it has been estimated that "probably 90%" of the migrants
to the Americas consisted of men (Gibson 1966: 112-113) . Wives
and other female relatives were encouraged to emigrate to the
colonies with their male sponsors, but single women often had
difficulty obtaining the required licenses or raising the
money to pay for the passage. Although a few women travelled
alone, either to join their husbands or as servants, most came
with their husbands, parents, or other family members
(McAlister 1984:97-98). Consequently, single European women
were rare and families that included an Iberian woman probably
gained prestige and status (Boxer 1975:38; McEwan n.d.:3).
26
In general, Spanish settlement was concentrated in those
areas of the Atlantic World with dense Native American
populations. Interaction with the Indians was structured by
formal policies designed to apply Christian principles to the
their governance, and to fulfill the economic motives for
settlement (Deagan 1985:282). This was due, in part, to the
need for a large labor pool to work in the mines and in
various agricultural endeavors, and the evangelical motive for
settlement. Consequently, the primary spheres of formal
interaction between the Spaniards and Indians included
religious missions and economic arrangements.
Conversion of the native peoples was an integral part of
the colonization process. Large-scale mission efforts began in
the 1520s in Mexico (Gibson 1987:376) and continued into the
seventeenth century. The structure of the mission system
involved the "reduction" of the native population to permanent
settlements overseen by a resident or visiting friar, who
conducted religious services, offered instruction in basic
Catholic dogma and ritual, and managed any farming or business
ventures conducted at the mission settlement. Because of their
location on the frontier or on the outskirts of Spanish towns,
the missions provided only limited opportunities for
interaction between the colonists and Indians.
Secular, economic arrangements offered more chances for
interaction between a larger proportion of the Spanish
population and the Native Americans. These arrangements were
27
primarily structured through the encomienda-repartimiento
system, which was formally established in the West Indies
during the early years of the sixteenth century (Gibson
1987:366) . The encomienda was a system that granted Spanish
colonists jurisdiction over a particular region, and "gave"
them grants of native labor or tribute. In exchange, the
Indians received protection and religious instruction.
Although the encomienda survived until the end of the colonial
period in some regions of Spanish America (MacLeod 1987:321),
in the Caribbean, it gradually gave way to the repartimiento
or labor draft.
The repartimiento consisted of a paid labor draft in
which healthy, male Indians were obligated to provide labor or
services to the Spanish officials. Those chosen to serve in
the labor draft travelled from their villages to work on
assigned projects in specific places, and for a specified
amount of time. Most of these obligatory assignments involved
public works projects, such as the construction of forts and
monasteries or agricultural chores, considered vital to the
welfare of the colony (MacLeod 1987:321).
As the native American population dwindled from the
ravages of disease, African slaves were brought into parts of
Spanish America, primarily to the tropical coastal regions of
the Antilles, to replace the native laborers (Klein 1986:25-
37) . In the colonies, the primary mode of interaction among
Spaniards and Africans was therefore economic, and took the
28
form of slavery and various other labor arrangements. Unlike
the Native Americans with whom Spain had no experience,
Africans had been a part of Spanish society for centuries and
their presence in Spain probably dates back to at least the
eleventh century (Mórner 1967:16). Some Africans were
enslaved, while others served as soldiers and couriers in the
Moslem armies and intermarried with the people of southern
Spain. As a result, a system of dealing with Africans and
slavery had long been established by the time America was
colonized. Slavery was rationalized by the concept of a "just
war" which meant that Spain was justified in enslaving those
Africans who rejected Spain's attempts to convert them to
Christianity. There was also a legal code that protected them
from cruel masters, prohibited the separation of family
members, and gave them the right to hold and transfer property
and initiate lawsuits. But, despite these legal rights,
Africans were still viewed as inferior in Spain and in the
colonies (Landers 1990:315-328).
A third and informal arena of interaction included
intermarriage and concubinage. Miscegenation among the
Spaniards and Native Americans and Africans began in the early
years of settlement and continued throughout the seventeenth
century (Gibson 1966:115) . Although encouraged in the initial
years of settlement as a means of political alliance (Mórner
1967), by the seventeenth century, the Crown attempted to
prohibit intermarriage and enforce rigid segregation policies.
29
Despite these efforts, Spanish, Indian, and African
intermarriage and concubinage continued, and by the late
sixteenth century, when Spanish settlement of the Indies was
almost one hundred years old, a creole population had already
emerged. The seventeenth century, therefore, witnessed the
birth and maturation of the fourth through eighth generation
of native-born colonists. Although some of these creoles
represented the offspring of two parents of "pure" Iberian
descent, many of the people identified as creole were in fact
some combination of Spanish, Indian, and African (McAlister
1984:338-339; Mórner 1967).
The creole and racially mixed population increased
through the seventeenth century and the specific "ethnic"
character of the Spanish colonial world often exhibited
regional variation (McAlister 1984:339). For instance, in
those areas of the Atlantic World, such as the West Indies,
where the Native American population died rapidly after
contact with European diseases (Crosby 1972), the demographic
character consisted of a Spanish minority and an African and
mulatto (person of African and European heritage) majority
(McAlister 1984:339,345).
By 1650, population estimates for the Antilles indicate
a Spanish to African ratio of roughly 1:6, or 80,000 Spaniards
and 514,000 Africans or Mulattos (McAlister 1984:344;
Rosenblat 1954:1,59). In contrast, Africans and Mulattoes
accounted for less than 2% of the mid-century population, in
30
places such as Mexico which had a large indigenous population
(McAlister 1984:344). In presidios. such as Spanish Florida,
where the Native American population was not completely
decimated and whose military nature did not necessitate large
numbers of African slaves, the creole population was more
mestizo (person of Indian and European heritage) than mulatto
in character (Bushnell 1983:55; Deagan 1973; Dunkle 1958:8).
In general, the characteristic Spanish colony was Catholic,
Iberian and predominantly male. It was also one in which
Spaniards politically dominated Native Americans and Africans
(Gibson 1966:112).
Whatever the specific ethnic heritage of the creoles was,
these native-born Americans, unlike their parents, shared a
"New" World upbringing. Most likely they also became
increasingly aware of their separateness from Europe (Leonard
1959:x; Pagden 1989:51-94). During the seventeenth century in
Spanish Florida, the creoles rose to positions of authority as
evidenced by their securing of important treasury positions
previously held only by those born in Spain, but they were
still prohibited from holding the highest offices in colonial
%f\r\Q+ k/(j
government (Bushnell 1981:31-36; Shephard 1983:68-69).
Examples of first generation Anglo-Americans rising to
positions of power have also been documented among the British
colonists of the New England and Chesapeake Bay colonies
(Jordan 1979:244).
31
Population and Interaction in Anglo-America
It is difficult to generalize about the demographic
character of the European population of the Anglo-American
colonial world except to note its "extraordinary demographic
diversity" (McCusker and Menard 1985:235). Unlike Spain,
England did not impose a restrictive immigration policy to
their Atlantic colonies, and the European population exhibited
more national and religious diversity than that found in the
Spanish colonies. In addition, other Europeans, such as the
French, Dutch, and Swedes, established communities adjacent
to, and sometimes within various British-American colonies.
The close proximity of these different communities, along with
the diverse social and economic motivations for settlement
contributed to the development of a "complex regional mosaic
of colonial life" that scholars are just beginning to define
(Mitchell 1987:111).
The British Crown, unlike the Spanish, did not limit
colonial migration to members of the official church, in this
case the Anglican or Church of England. Instead, members of
different denominations and religious dissenters, such as the
Puritans in New England, the Catholics in Maryland, and the
Society of Friends in Pennsylvania, were permitted to migrate
and worship in the colonies (Haring 1947:35). Among these
groups, entire families migrated to the Americas and
established religious enclaves within which they married, had
32
children, and worked communal family farms (McCusker and
Menard 1985:217).
In other parts of the Anglo-American colonies, in
contrast, immigration to the plantation based colonies of
Virginia and the West Indies consisted primarily of single
males, many of whom arrived as indentured servants (Potter
1984:149) . These colonies were founded by mercantile companies
interested in making a profit by producing export crops, such
as tobacco, sugar, and cotton. When initial attempts to
follow Spain's example of using Native American labor proved
futile, they turned first to European indentured servants and
then to African slaves.
The presence of African slaves dramatically altered the
ethnic composition of these colonies. By ca. 1660, Africans
comprised more than 40% of the population of the British
colonies in the West Indies, 11.5% of the population of the
Middle Atlantic colonies, and 5.6% in the southern colonies of
Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina (McCusker and Menard 1985:
222; 226-227). In comparison, Africans accounted "for only a
handful" of the ca. 1670 population of New England (McCusker
and Menard 1985:227) .
In general, economics also shaped the nature of
interaction between the Anglo colonists and the Indians
(Fitzhugh 1985: 104; Nash 1984:251-254) . In the earliest years
of settlement, these economic interactions centered primarily
on the exchange of food resources and commodities needed by
33
the colonist for survival. In some regions, these early
interactions were also marked by the military subjugation of
the native peoples as the colonists sought to acquire land and
control of the natural resources.
Eventually, however, a more entrepreneurial relationship,
and one that has often been characterized as a "patron/broker-
client relationship" (Thomas 1985:140), developed that was
based on the fur trade. Beaver represented the most sought
after fur because of the layer of soft hair next to the skin
that was felted for hats and cloth fashionable in Europe (Wolf
1982:159). Furs were acquired through one of three means:
local hunters, a local villager who acted as middleman, or
directly from distant areas via overland trade routes. By the
late 1600s, trading posts, especially in New England, became
the primary sphere of interaction between Indians and
colonists (Zuckerman 1989:141-155).
Although the officials in the Virginia and Massachusetts
colonies proclaimed the importance of proselytizing among the
native population, no concerted effort to convert the Indian
ever developed. Some colonial groups, primarily the Puritans
of New England and the Jesuits in Maryland attempted to
convert the Native Americans, but these efforts represented
informal undertakings, not formal institutions sanctioned by
the Crown of England. England had no centrally organized
crown-directed policy for dealing with the Native Americans,
and intermarriage was forbidden by colonial law (Thomas
34
1985:141), even in those colonies with shortages of European
women. Likewise, concubinage was not sanctioned, and it has
been written that the "English pioneers prided themselves from
the first on their self-denial" (Zuckerman 1989:145).
Church and State in the Atlantic World
The development of . the Atlantic colonies was also
influenced by the relationships between church and state.
Church and state in all areas of colonial Latin America were
inextricably linked by virtue of the Patronato Real (Royal
Patronage). As set forth in a series of papal bulls issued
between 1501 and 1543, the Catholic church with the king as
secular head constituted a branch of royal government (Haring
1947:167; Greenleaf 1971:1). The Spanish monarchy exercised
authority over all ecclesiastical matters in the colonies
except religious doctrine and discipline (Haring 1947:167;
McAlister 1984:194).
As outlined in the 1501 bull, the royal treasurer as a
representative of the crown collected all tithes under the
condition that they be used to maintain the church and clergy.
This included the construction of church buildings and
missions, the support of the clergy, the purchasing of olive
oil, wine, and wheat for the celebration of the mass, and the
supplying of altar cloths, canopies, vestments, wax, and other
religious paraphernalia. The 1508 bull extended royal
authority by investing the king with the powers to appoint
35
ecclesiastical leaders and to establish churches and
monasteries. Archbishops and bishops were nominated by the
king and installed by the pope, while appointees to lower
offices, such as the parish priest, curate (assistant to the
parish priest), or sacristan (the person responsible for the
maintenance of the sacristy, church and its content) were
selected by viceroys or governors and inducted into office by
a bishop (Gannon 1983:37-38; Gibson 1966:76-78; McAlister
1984:194-195; Scholes 1971:21-22).
The crown acquired even more control with the 1543 bull
which gave the monarchy the right to establish the office of
bishop and to define the boundaries of the diocese under the
jurisdiction of a bishop. In addition to these fundamental
powers, the monarchy or the Council of the Indies as its
representative also required all clergy, including
missionaries, to obtain a royal license prior to emigrating to
the colonies, and mandated that church officials swear loyalty
to the Crown. The Council of the Indies also examined and
certified all church correspondence (McAlister 1984:194-195).
One of the more important means of maintaining religious
orthodoxy and of guarding the royal patronage was the Holy
Office of the Inquisition. This powerful and well-known
tribunal was instituted in Spain during the reign of Isabela
and Ferdinand. It was established in the Indies in 1569 and
reached its height of activity in the Americas in the 1600s
(Haring 1947:188). During the seventeenth century, three
36
American tribunals existed in the viceregal capitals of Mexico
City, Lima, and Cartagena with jurisdiction in New Spain,
Peru, and New Granada respectively (Lockhart and Schwartz
1983:157-158). St. Augustine fell under the jurisdiction of
the court in Mexico City.
Although the Inquisition was not active in many
peripheral areas of the Spanish world, such as St. Augustine,
its influence was still evident. By 1672, an ecclesiastical
judge, Father Don Francisco de Soto Longo, served as its
emissary to St. Augustine (Kapitzke 1991:34) . The Inquisition
operated as an independent agency that could defy and overrule
both civil and secular authorities. It exerted control over
the non-Indian population and it dealt primarily with such
religious offenses as blasphemy, heresy, apostasy, bigamy,
lack of respect for ecclesiastical authorities, and the
uttering of "evil sounding words" (Lockhart and Schwartz
1983:157-158; Scholes 1971:28-29) . It has also been suggested
that in some regions of Spanish America, the Holy Office of
the Inquisition functioned as a powerful means of controlling
both civil authorities at odds with the clerical community and
the clergy itself (Scholes 1971:29).
Unlike Spain, England was not united under one religion
and did not share the same link between church and state.
Instead, in stark contrast to the Catholic orthodoxy of Spain
and Spanish America, England and the English colonies in the
Atlantic world exhibited a plural religious character (Greene
37
1988:18-19). This religious diversity can be traced to the
Protestant Reformation, a sixteenth century religious movement
that questioned the "worldliness" of the Catholic Church,
rejected papal authority, and resulted in the establishment of
disparate religious denominations and a more secular
orientation (Parrinder 1971:436-444).
This trend towards diversity extended to the colonial
world. Most of the Virginia colony (1607) was settled by
members of the Anglican church, the colonists who established
the Plymouth Colony (1620) were Puritan Separatists, a more
moderate group of Puritans migrated to the Massachusetts Bay
Colony (1629), followers of the Catholic faith founded St.
Mary's City in the Maryland colony (1634), and members of the
Society of Friends settled Pennsylvania (1681) (Lemon
1987:126,132; Mitchell 1987:96) . By the end of the seventeenth
century, the Middle colonies of the eastern seaboard
(Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York) contained a mixture
of religious groups that included Reformed, Anglicans,
Presbyterians, Lutherans, Baptists, and Huguenots (Greene
1988:49) .
Although Anglican Protestantism was the faith of the
British Crown and the predominant religion in the British-
American colonies, the relationship between Church and State
in the British colonies was not nearly as interconnected as it
was in the Spanish colonial world. Although some colonial
ventures were religiously inspired, religious fervor did not
38
dominate settlement, and in general, British colonial
settlement was a more secular enterprise (Greene 1988:11). It
has been suggested that, at least in the Chesapeake, the
"intensity of religious conviction was never sufficient to
constitute a primary shaping influence" and religious
diversity, not orthodoxy, was the rule (Greene 1988:16).
In summary, the British and Spanish colonial systems
differed in three important respects: the economic basis for
settlement; the relative demographic, religious, and national
characters of the colonies; and the nature and degree of
ethnic interaction. In general, Spanish colonization
represented a uniform effort to secure mineral wealth for
Spain, and to Christianize the native peoples. The Crown and
the Church controlled all aspects of colonization, including
immigration policy and the treatment of Native Americans and
Africans. In contrast, British colonization was more
entrepreneurial in nature, and the Crown exerted less central
control. The British colonial system also differed in the
relative demographic, religious, and national diversity of the
European migrants,- the lack of a uniform mission effort; and
the apparent absence of widespread miscegenation between
Europeans, Native Americans, and Africans, except in the
remote frontier. The "creole" population in the British
colonial world was, therefore, more European than mestizo or
mulatto.
39
The economic, demographic, and religious conditions
highlighted in this chapter provide a framework for
understanding the seventeenth-century Atlantic world. They
also furnish the context within which Spanish-American and
British-American colonial cultures developed. The specific
archaeological and historical models used to explain the
nature of Spanish and British cultural development in the
Atlantic world are discussed in the next chapter.
CHAPTER 3
MODELS OF EUROPEAN-AMERICAN CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT
This chapter reviews existing models of European American
cultural development as a basis for considering the processes
of this development in seventeenth-century Spanish Florida.
As such, it lays the groundwork for understanding both the
general phenomenon of cultural formation in the Atlantic world
and the more specific evolution of Spanish colonial cultural
during the "middle" period in Florida. As in the previous
chapter, the Spanish and British settlements of the Caribbean,
the Chesapeake, and New England are used as a comparative
base.
Most models of colonial cultural development have been
derived from the documentary record alone, and only a few,
such as Deagan's acculturation model (1983) and Deetz'
cognitive model (1977) , have been based on the integration of
the historical and archaeological records. These two models,
therefore, assume a particular importance in a historical
archaeological research project such as that presented here.
Not only do they operate from the same scale of
generalization, but they provide the comparable data bases
40
41
necessary for the cross-cultural research strategy used here.
Although the most comprehensive historical models are
summarized below, emphasis will be placed on those that have
been archaeologically derived.
A synopsis of the various models of cultural development
for European-American societies is presented in Table 2. Most
of these are descriptive models, characterizing temporal
development while others attempt to provide explanations for
change. For example, Deetz (1977) uses shifts in cognitive
processes as an explanatory device, Deagan (1983, 1985, 1990)
uses the nature of gender relations and roles as well as the
increased incorporation of native traits to explain change,
and Greene (1988) emphasizes the importance of both European
origins and specific American colonial realities as important
forces in the emergence of an American culture.
Despite their fundamental differences, most of these
models view cultural development as an evolutionary process
with identifiable and specific stages. Most of them also
embrace the idea that at some point in their development,
colonial culture underwent a period of regionalization and
localism. This emphasis on localism and separate experiences
for different parts of colonial America recognizes the
emergence of distinctive regional cultures in various parts of
the Atlantic world, which is a process characteristic of the
middle period.
As defined by the cultural geographer Donald Meinig
Table 2. Principal Models of European-American Colonial Cultural Development
AUTHOR
FOCUS
STAGES OF
DEVELOPMENT
TIME PERIOD
MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS
Deetz
Massachusetts Bay &
Medieval
pre-1660
identification with
1973,1974,
1977
Plymouth colonies
England;corporate
Folk
1660-1760
regional
variation;conservative
Georgian
post 1760
re-Anglicization
Fischer
British-American
(Reconnaissance)
pre-1629
exploration & reconnaissance
1989
colonies
Transition
varied
transition of culture
Crisis
varied
internal conflict: elite vs.
poor; autonomy
Consolidation
varied
dominant culture
institutions formed;
localism
Devolution
ca.1770
regional identity
flourished;founding purposes
lost
Greene
Chesapeake colonies
Simplification
1607-1630
unsettled;disoriented;
1984, 1988
simplified;individually
oriented
Elaboration
1630-1680
acculturation to local
environment;self-
sufficient ;creole elite
Replication
1680-1760
forms
elites replicate England
regionalization; conflict
Table 2. Continued
Foster
Spanish-American
Conquest culture
varied
rapid change;fluid;basic
1960
colonies
(Crystallization)
outlines
varied
basic forms stabilized
Colonial Culture
varied
more rigid
Lockhart &
Spanish-American
Conquest
1492-ca.1580
framework established
Schwartz
1983
colonies
Maturity
ca.1580-1750
elaboration;stabilization;
localization;diversified
economy
MacLeod
1973
Guatemala
Conquest
1500-1578
extractive
Crisis
1580-1630s
experimentation
1630s-1690s
depression
1690-1720
revival of trade and native
population
McAlister
Spanish-American
Discovery &
1492-1560S
exploration;flexible;
1984
colonies
Conquest
experimental;framework
established
Post-Conquest
1560S-1700
consolidation;formation of
American identity and
society;
elaboration
Gibson
Spanish-American
Conquest
1500s
exploration;settlement;
1966
colonies
simplification;
Post Conquest
1600s
crystallization;elaboration;
slow change
Established
1700s
rigid social boundaries;
resistant to Iberian
influence
Table 2. Continued
Meinig
Atlantic World
Outreach
14 92-ca.1600
settlement;conquest/slavery
1986
introduced
Implantation
ca.1600-ca.1750
diversity;regional formation
Reorganization
ca.1750-ca.1800
formation of federal
republics; disintegration of
empires
Breen 1984
British-American
Charter groups
early 1600s
first immigrants;small
colonies
groups;scattered over large
area;set rules
Charter societies
1600s
fluid social,
religious,economic
Creole societies
1700s
boundaries
rigid boundaries; greater
homogeneity
Karras &
Atlantic World
Implantation
1492-ca.1650
exploration;conquest of
McNeill
territory;subjugation &
1992
destruction of Amerindians;
initial settlement; sudden
transformations
Maturity
ca.1650-ca.1770
creole society, local
markets emerge; social
classes develop with
Europeans at top; population
growth; European
governmental institutions
Transitions
ca. 1770-1888
shift away from Atlantic;
nationalistic movements
45
(1986:80), regional culture refers to "that which is
characteristic to a group of people who are deep-rooted and
dominant in a particular territory, who are conscious of
their identity as deriving from a common heritage, and who
share a common language and basic patterns of life" (see Table
3 for a list of culture regions that have been suggested for
colonial America). The remainder of this section will review
and assess the dominant models of colonial development for the
Anglo and Spanish colonial societies, respectively.
Models of Development for Anglo-America
The Declension Model
Historians of colonial America have traditionally
explained the development of an American society within the
framework of a "declension" model (Boorstin 1964:8; Lockridge
1981:7-52; Miller 1952:19-148, 1978:58-70). This older model
was derived from the somewhat unique experiences of the
Puritans in the New England colonies, and was used to
characterize development in all parts of British America. More
recent archaeological and historical models (discussed below) ,
however, have questioned the validity of applying the
declension model to other regions of the Atlantic world, and
have suggested alternative models of change.
As noted in the previous chapter, the Puritans migrated
to the Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay colonies of New England
46
Table 3. Culture Regions Proposed for Colonial America
Researcher
Proposed Regions
Bailyn 1986
New England
(United States
Hudson River Valley
perspective)
Delaware River Valley
Chesapeake
Carolinas
Boorstin 1964
Massachusetts Bay
(United States
Pennsylvania
perspective)
Virginia
Georgia
Fischer 1989
Massachusetts Bay
(United States
Virginia Tidewater
perspective)
Delaware Valley of Pennsylvania
Appalachian Highlands
Greene 1984, 1988
Chesapeake: Virginia, Maryland, northern North
(North American
Carolina,southern Delaware
perspective)
New England: Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, New Hampshire, Nova Scotia
Atlantic and Caribbean Islands: Bermuda,
Bahamas, Barbados,Antigua, Nevis,
Montserrat, St. Kitts, Jamaica
Middle Colonies: New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, northern Delaware
Lower South: southern North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia
Meinig 1986
Canada
(Atlantic World
Greater New England (including Long Island)
perspective)
Hudson Valley (including eastern New Jersey)
Greater Pennsylvania (including western
Jersey,
parts of Maryland and Virginia)
Greater Virginia (including Tidewater Virginia
and
parts of North Carolina)
Greater South Carolina (including Georgia,
parts
of North Carolina)
Tropical Islands
Lower Rio Grande
Florida,Louisiana, Texas
Mitchell 1978
southern New England
(U.S. perspective)
southeastern Pennsylvania
western Chesapeake Tidewater
Carolina low country
47
with the expressed purpose of establishing an orthodox
religious community based on their theological belief in the
Old Testament as the "one true doctrine" (Boorstin 1964:8;
Greene 1988:8). Initially, settlement consisted of small
family farmsteads organized around a communal meeting house,
and for a number of years the Puritans were able to maintain
their "ideal" religious communities.
Beginning in the 1670s as the population grew, religious
conflicts arose, and the demand for New England fish and
lumber increased, the Puritan communities began to splinter
and new mercantile centers developed in port cities, such as
Boston and Salem. The growth of these urban centers, and the
emergence of a mercantile class gradually led to a more
secular, individual, and material orientation than that
originally envisioned by the Puritans. From the Puritan point
of view, this change represented "moral and social decline"
and a breakdown of their original Puritan goals of
establishing an orthodox religious community (Greene 1988:8) .
The Structural Model
One of the few archaeological considerations of the
evolution of British colonial culture has been explained in
terms of three successive stages known as "Medieval," "Folk,"
and "Georgian" (Deetz 1974:22) . These terms, which are derived
from the disciplines of anthropology (Foster 1953; Redfield
1941), art history (Gowans 1964 in Deetz 1974), and folklore
48
(Glassie 1968/1975), were first used to explain general
behavioral characteristics shared by the colonists of the
Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth colonies of rural New England.
The "medieval" or yeoman tradition, included the initial
reaction to colonization, and was a period of close
identification with England. It was characterized by
conservatism, cultural homogeneity, and a corporate or
communal emphasis in both secular and non-secular life (Deetz
1977:28-45). In contrast, the "folk" period, which coincided
with the middle period of colonization, was characterized as
a time of increasing regionalization and localism as the
colonists diverged from their European parent culture (Deetz
1974:22). Archaeologically, this diversity is reflected in
dining etiquette, mortuary art, and the internal organization
of space (Deetz 1977,1987; Deetz and Dethlefson 1978; Little
and Shackel 1989). This emergence of Anglo-American society
with its local orientation was reinforced in part by a growing
number of individuals born in the New World.
The third stage of development, the "Georgian" tradition,
has been called a re-Anglicization because of the resurgence
of influence from the English homeland. It is marked by the
transition from a "corporate" world view to a secular one that
emphasized order and individuality. In this particular
archaeologically derived model, these various stages were
explained in reference to changes in the "mind set," a term
49
used to denote the cognitive rules that organize the material
world (Deetz 1977:67).
According to this tripartite scheme, the British system
carried by the colonists experienced a sudden loss of
complexity due to the colony's isolation and weakened economic
links with England. Following an initial adaptation to new
environmental and economic conditions, concomitant with an
increase in population, settlements expanded, regional
identities formed, and the older frontier areas began to
replicate the national culture of the parent country.
Like the declension model, this archaeologically derived
model also exemplified the experiences of the settlers in the
Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay Colonies of New England. A
recent synthesis of archaeological investigations at Flowerdew
Hundred, a colonial British "plantation" or settlement in
Virginia, however, suggests that this model can be applied to
other regions of the British colonial world (Deetz 1993) . It
also indicates a period of relative stability during the
middle period of development in the Chesapeake region (Deetz
1987, 1993). The cognitive model differed, however, in that it
viewed the formation of colonial culture, not as breakdown in
social order, but as a movement from "traditional" (i.e.
rural, agricultural, communal, and religious) to "modern"
(i.e. urban, industrial, individualistic, and secular).
50
The Developmental Model
Like Deetz' structural model, the "developmental" model
postulates three sequential stages in the development of
Anglo-American culture: social simplification, social
elaboration, and social replication (Greene and Pole 1984:1-3;
1988:81-100). Social simplification, characterized as a
period of "disorientation and unsettledness" took place during
the initial stages of settlement as the colonists attempted to
adjust to their new environment (Greene 1988:167). This first
stage represented a simplified version of English society and
was distinct in its high male to female gender ratio, a high
death rate, weak social institutions, and a "rough economic
equality among free people" (Greene 1988:81).
In the late 1600s, Chesapeake society gradually became
more elaborate as the settlers adapted to the local social
environment. Chesapeake society during this stage of social
elaboration has been described as a "highly creolized variant"
of English society as the population grew more dense,
neighborhoods formed, opportunities for new land ownership
diminished, life expectancies improved, and native-born whites
dominated the population (Greene 1988:168) . Another important
feature of this period was the growing importance of African
slaves in the labor force as they began to replace indentured
servants.
51
The final phase in the development of the Chesapeake,
social replication, was characterized by a strong desire among
the provincial elites to replicate the power shared by the
rural English gentry. This stage was not harmonious and
considerable conflict existed between the elites who dominated
and the less affluent members of the population for whom the
acquisition of land and independence was not always possible.
Greene suggests that other regions of British America, notably
the British Caribbean and the Middle Colonies of New Jersey,
New York, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, underwent a similar
process of simplification, elaboration, and replication, but
that the specific nature and timing depended on the
demographic situation, economic growth, territorial expansion,
and the date of settlement (Greene 1988:81-100).
The developmental model described above differs from both
the declension and structural models in its explanation of
change as a movement towards stability and in its materialist
interpretation. It also rejects the notion that colonial New
England represented the total British experience in the
Atlantic World. Rather, the transition of New England society
from a corporate community to one that emphasized
individuality may be atypical when compared to the development
of British colonial culture in other regions of the Americas.
In contrast to the idealistic-orthodox society envisioned
by the Puritans of New England, the early Chesapeake colonies
and most of the other British-American colonies began as
52
economic ventures. As such, the overall "mindset" of these
colonies during their initial stage of settlement has been
described as secular, materialistic, exploitative, and
individually oriented with a weak sense of community (Carr
1987; Carr, Morgan, and Russo 1989; Diamond 1967; Greene 1988;
Greene and Pole 1984; Rutman 1971) . Morever, whereas New
England was predominantly settled by family groups in pursuit
of religious freedom, conformity, and orthodoxy, the majority
of the Chesapeake area, with the exception of Maryland, was
established as an economic venture with young men, not family
groups, comprising the dominant percentage of the colonial
population (Greene and Pole 1984:26).
This distinction not only influenced the specific
development of the Chesapeake region, but it also contributed
in important ways to regional diversity within British
America. The formation of regions, the emergence of a
provincial elite, economic and demographic diversification,
and the overall movement in the direction of a "more complex,
differentiated, and Old-World style society" are thus seen as
signs of stability (Greene 1988:12-13,167; Tate and Ammerman
1979) .
In addition, rather than relying on predominantly
cognitive interpretations, the developmental framework
recognizes ideological, environmental, demographic, and
economic influences. It allows that distinct socioeconomic
regions developed during the middle phase of settlement in
53
response to different motivations for settlement, natural
environments, demographic compositions, and relationships
between Europeans, Indians, and Africans. These distinctions
are most evident in the spatial organization of the newly
established colonies, their participation in an emerging
global economy, and in their reactions to the multi-cultural
worlds thrust upon them by colonization.
Models of Development for Spanish-America
The study of Spanish colonial development has been
dominated more by schemes of periodization than by models of
evolutionary development. Although influenced by Foster's work
(1960), historians of colonial Latin America have tended to
operate on a much more particularistic scale than do
historical archaeologists, who tend to be more concerned with
the general patterns of human behavior. Latin American
historians have also couched the development of Spanish
America in somewhat different terms, as discussed below and
shown in Table 2. Most identify the initial years of
colonization as a period of "conquest" and agree that the
basic structure of society established during this initial
phase remained in place throughout the colonial era. Most
have also recognized a middle period of development that was
marked by "elaboration" and "localism." These processes were
effected, in part, by the economic and social conditions
outlined in the previous chapter.
54
Gibson's (1966) three phases of development
"conquest," "post conquest," and "established" -- perhaps
follow Foster's model most closely. Like Foster, Gibson
agrees that the conquest phase, which encompassed the initial
years of exploration and settlement, was marked by a
"simplification" of Iberian culture as the colonists struggled
to meet their immediate needs. He also noted the tendency of
Spanish-American culture to "crystallize" early and concluded
that "the middle period of colonial history was a period of
very slow change" (1966:135).
MacLeod's (1973) periodization for Central America
emphasized economic conditions, and included four phases:
"conquest," "crisis," "depression," and "revival." The first
or "conquest" phase of colonization (ca. 1500-1578) was marked
by the extraction of gold and silver and the "exploitation" of
Native American labor. Towards the end of the century, the
gold and silver deposits dwindled, the Native population
declined due to epidemics and their exportation as slaves to
Cuba and Panama, and the colonists were forced to search for
other marketable products. The conquest phase, therefore, was
followed by a period of "crisis and experimentation" (ca.
1580-1630s) as the colonists tried unsuccessfully to develop
first cacao and then indigo as an export crop. When these
efforts failed, a period of economic depression ensued, during
which the colonists turned to cattle, seized native land, and
began to develop self-sustaining haciendas worked by a small
55
number of Native Americans. MacLeod argues that these economic
pressures created social and economic divisions (i.e. large,
Spanish-owned estates in the foothills and Indian communities
in the mountains) that continued into modern times.
Lockhart and Schwartz (1983) separated the development of
Spanish colonial society into two major periods: the
"conquest" and "mature" periods. Like Foster and Gibson, they
asserted that the basic outlines of Spanish America were
established during the "conquest" or initial phase. They
defined this phase chronologically as beginning with the
Columbian voyage in 1492 and ending with the decline of
Spain's power in the Indies ca. 1580. Lockhart and Schwartz'
maintained that although social and cultural modifications
took place during the mature period (ca. 1580-1750), the
"framework" left by the conquest society "remained." When
compared with the initial years of colonization, the mature
colony represented a time of "slow evolution" during which
this original "framework" became progressively more elaborate
and locally oriented. As evidence, Lockhart and Schwartz
noted the steady increase in a creole population, the growth
of local industries such as obraies and haciendas. and the
continued reliance on Native American labor, although on a
reduced scale because of their rapid decline in numbers.
Another important synthetic treatment of Spanish
colonization in the Atlantic world, Spain and Portugal in the
New World by McAlister (1984) also characterized the first
56
phase of Spanish settlement as a formative period of
"discovery" and "conquest" (1492- ca. 1560s), but labelled the
second phase of settlement as the "post conquest" (ca. 1560s-
1700). In its most general form, McAlister's scheme, like the
others outlined above, portrayed the conquest as a time during
which the underlying economic and social foundations of
colonial society emerged. These included a centrally
controlled economic structure based on non-Iberian sources of
labor, and a pattern of trade whereby the Indies produced
export products (primarily precious metals, hides, cochineal,
sugar, and dyewoods) in exchange for imported European
manufactured goods and luxury items, such as flour, wine,
olive oil, weaponry, hardware, household items, and clothing.
It also included a fluid, but hierarchical social structure
headed by Spanish colonists and based on the domination of
Native American and African peoples.
These basic forms continued in the post-conquest period,
but their style was altered, and they became more diversified.
For example, the pattern of trade shifted from one with
primary dependence on Seville and Spain to a more American
(more specifically Mexico City) oriented and controlled
market. In addition, the social structure became more complex
as new social groups, including both native born Spaniards and
castas, emerged. It continued, however, to be hierarchical in
nature and Spaniards remained at the top of the social order.
As stated by McAlister (1984:211): "By the end of the
57
seventeenth century, these [sic] basic forms of Hispanic
American societies, economies, and political behavior had
become . . . firmly fixed."
The Cultural Crystallization Model
From both an anthropological and historical perspective,
the first, and the most influential, characterization of the
development of Spanish-American culture was offered by George
Foster in Conquest and Culture (1960) . In this important
monograph, Foster defined the initial phase of Spanish
settlement and exploration of the Atlantic world as a
"conquest culture." The concept of a "conquest culture"
entailed the existence of both a "donor" and a "recipient"
group. Each group chooses, through formal and informal
channels, those cultural elements deemed essential for coping
with the contact situation. Formal or "planned" situations
include institutionally sanctioned and directed policies, such
as the Franciscan mission program or the implementation of the
gridded town plan. These types of change were set in motion
and directed by groups in authority, such as the government,
the church or the military. In contrast, informal change took
place on an individual level and included such lifestyle
decisions as social attitudes, food preferences, folklore,
superstitions, and popular medicine.
This selection process resulted in a "stripped down"
or simplified version of Iberian culture created to address
58
the immediate social, environmental, and psychological needs
of the first group of Iberian colonists (Foster 1960:10-20).
As described by Foster, this initial phase, which was
"relatively short . . . and highly fluid," represented a
formative period in which "the basic answers to new conditions
of life had to be found, and a rapid adaptation to changed
conditions . . . was _ imperative. This was the period of
blocking out of colonial cultures" (Foster 1960:232).
Following this initial period of adaptation, during which
the basic framework of colonial society was developed, these
new societies became more "rigid . . . and less prone to
accept new elements from the parent culture" (Foster
1960:233). This process of stabilization took place after "the
first several decades" and was referred to as "cultural
crystallization" (Foster 1960:232-234). By the beginning of
the middle period, cultural crystallization in Foster's sense
(although not always labelled as such) is thought to have
occurred in most parts of Spanish America (see Table 2).
The Acculturation Model
Archaeologists interested in the development of Spanish
colonial culture have relied on Foster's model to help
organize their research, and this present study is no
exception. The first archaeological investigation to address
the processes of formation for a Spanish-American tradition
was conducted by Kathleen Deagan (1974, 1983) . Her pioneering
59
research into the eighteenth-century community of St.
Augustine revealed an admixture of Iberian and Native American
cultural elements. More specifically, Deagan demonstrated that
land use, spatial organization, architectural style,
construction techniques, clothing, tablewares, and other
highly visible aspects of the material world remained Spanish
in style and form. Elements of the local Native American
culture were, however, incorporated into the less visible, but
equally important, domestic sphere of life, such as the food
preparation technology and subsistence practices of the
colonists.
This mixing of Spanish and Native American traits was
attributed to the intermarriage between Spanish men and Native
American women, a practice common to all areas of Spanish
America. This admixture may also indicate the presence of
Native American domestic help (Jerald Milanich personal
communication 1994). Native American women probably assumed
the duties and responsibilities of childrearing, cooking and
home maintenance, and their influence is seen in the use of
Indian cooking vessels and cooking methods. This adoption of
Native American ceramics has been regarded as an important,
and potentially universal, form of Spanish adaptation to the
Americas, and one that sharply distinguished this adaptation
from that in British colonies (Deagan 1983, 1985; 1993; Ewen
1990).
60
Except at the La Isabela site (1493-ca.1498), where
Spanish goods dominated (Deagan and Cruxent 1993), this
pattern is seen at all subsequent Spanish colonial sites
studied to date (Deagan 1973,1983,1985). One of the earliest
of these is Puerto Real, a Spanish city in modern Haiti
founded in 1504, only 10 years after the establishment of La
Isabela (Ewen 1991; Deagan 1988, 1994). Similar patterns of
admixture have also been noted for the sixteenth century
community of St. Augustine (Deagan 1985; Reitz and Scarry
1985), at the sixteenth century town of Nueva Cadiz in modern
Venezuela (Willis 1976) and in the Moquegua Valley of southern
Peru (Smith 1991). These studies demonstrated the immediacy of
Spanish adjustments to new lands, and indicated a cultural
continuity between various regions of the Spanish colonial
world. The similarities between the sixteenth, seventeenth,
and eighteenth centuries also suggested that after an initial
and rapid transformation, Spanish colonial culture
crystallized early and remained relatively unchanged for a
period of 200 years.
The models of British and Spanish cultural development
discussed in this chapter underscore a striking contrast in
the study of colonial cultural traditions in the two areas.
Archaeological research in British colonial America has not
only been more extensive in terms of the number of sites and
regions that have been investigated, but it has also been more
consistent temporally. From an historical-archaeological
61
perspective, Spanish colonial models, however, are based on an
incomplete understanding of that period between initial
adaptation to a new social, political and physical environment
and established society. The few archaeological studies that
pertain to this middle period in the Spanish colonies (King
1981,1984; Reitz 1993) have been preliminary in nature and
local in orientation.
Therefore, using St. Augustine, Florida, this study will
evaluate the nature of cultural development during the middle
period in Spanish America, and compare it to what is known of
similar processes in British-American colonies of the same
period. Specifically, it will question whether the process of
local and regional elaboration that characterized the middle
phase of British cultural development is evident in the
archaeological record of a comparable period in the Spanish
colonies. The next chapter provides the historical and social
context within which the developments of the middle period in
St. Augustine unfolded.
CHAPTER 4
THE "MIDDLE PERIOD" IN ST. AUGUSTINE
The chronological boundaries of the middle period in St.
Augustine obviously cannot be defined precisely. However, it
can be suggested that the period of contact and colonization
was well over by the closing decades of the sixteenth century
(ca. 1580), and that a well-established colonial society with
an identity distinct from that of other colonies in Spanish
America existed by 1700. The historical events (Table 4) and
social organization of this period provide a context for
assessing the middle period of development, and interpreting
the archaeological data that will be presented in subsequent
chapters. In order to provide a "sense of place," this
discussion first presents an overview of the physical setting
of St. Augustine. Following this, it is organized by the same
parameters as those discussed for the Atlantic world in
general (Chapter 2) to facilitate comparisons between the
development of Spanish-American and British-American cultural
traditions.
62
63
Table 4. Chronology of Key Events in Seventeenth-Century
La Florida
1573 :
1587:
1597
1599
1602
1605 :
1606
1612
1614-1617:
1622 :
1626:
1627 :
1633 :
1638:
1647 :
1649-1659:
1653 :
1655 :
1656:
1659:
1668 :
1670
1672
1674
1675 :
1677 :
1680:
1683 :
1685 :
1698
1702 :
1702-1704:
Franciscan mission effort began.
Santa Elena abandoned and colonial capital moved
to St. Augustine.
Guale revolt.
Hurricane and fire destroyed St. Augustine.
Hearings conducted to decide whether or not to
abandon St. Augustine.
Bishop Juan de las Cabezas Altamirano conducted
first episcopal visit to St. Augustine.
Custody of Santa Elena de La Florida formed.
Convento de San Francisco designated a province
house.
Three epidemics killed 1/2 of Indian population.
Hurricane struck St. Augustine.
Florida subsidy lost in shipwreck off St.
Augustine coast.
Dutch corsair Piet Heyn captured Fleet of the
Indies with subsidy for Florida.
Franciscan missions expanded into Apalachee
province.
Major storm hit St. Augustine.
Revolt in Apalachee province.
Yellow fever, and small pox epidemics and famine
reported in missions.
Maize crop destroyed by windstorm.
Smallpox epidemic struck La Florida.
Timucuan Rebellion in Potano and Utina provinces;
San Luis de Talimali established.
Measles epidemic struck La Florida.
British pirate Robert Searles attacked St.
Augustine and killed 60 colonists.
British established "Charles Towne".
Construction of the Castillo de San Marcos began.
Hurricane and flood leveled St. Augustine; Bishop
Gabriel DÃaz Vara Calderón visited Florida;
Governor Salazar Vallecilla began
experimental wheat farm in Apalachee.
Wooden fort destroyed by Governor Pablo de Hita
Salazar.
Lack of funds stopped work on the Castillo de San
Marcos.
Abandonment of Guale and raids on Timucua.
English pirates threatened St. Augustine, but do
not attack.
Castillo de San Marcos finished.
Pensacola founded.
Colonel James Moore attacked and burned
St.Augustine.
Colonel James Moore destroyed missions.
64
The Physical Setting of St. Aucrustine
Little is known about the layout of the first townsite of
St. Augustine, except that Pedro Menéndez de Avilés
established a fortification at the village of Seloy, a
Saturiwa Timucuan cacique. Although the exact location of
this initial settlement is uncertain, recent excavations at
the Fountain of Youth Park Site suggest that the original
landing and settlement were located within the vicinity of
this park (Chaney 1987:14-15; Gordon 1992) . Fire, floods, and
Indian rebellions necessitated the rebuilding of the fort
several times during the first few years of settlement. The
exact locations of these various forts remain uncertain, but
most scholars agree that they were rebuilt within the vicinity
of the original site (Chatelain 1941:54-56; Connor 1925; Lyon
1983) . This initial phase of experimentation closed sometime
around 1570 when the town was relocated to a more permanent
location, which is today situated south of the modern plaza
(Figure 2).
Archaeological and historical research indicates that the
ca. 1570 town of St. Augustine was organized according to a
grid system in conformity to the 1563 official Spanish
ordinances for town plans (Deagan 1982:182-191, 1985:13;
Hoffman 1977:14; Manucy 1978:34-37). As depicted in a 1586
engraving by Boazio, and supported by documentary and
Figure 2. Colonial St. Augustine, ca. 1764 (Adapted from Elixio de la Puente Map)
en
66
archaeological investigations (Deagan 1982:192, Deagan
1981:626-633, 1983:183-206; Deagan, Bostwick, and Denton
1976; Hoffman 1977), St. Augustine consisted of a nine block
area of individual houses spaced approximately 12 to 15 feet
apart along the street front (Figure 3) . These blocks were
divided into equal lots that measured approximately 44 by 88
feet (50 by 100 Spanish pies). Detached kitchens and
individual garden plots were located to the rear of the
houses. Circular trashpits and barrel wells of a fairly
uniform size and location were also situated behind the living
quarters near the kitchens. A church, and possibly other
public buildings formed the northern boundary of the town, and
a hexagonal fort was situated a short distance to the north of
the townsite (Deagan 1981, 1982; Hoffman 1977). Neither the
Boazio map nor the archaeological evidence indicate the
presence of a central town plaza (Deagan 1982:184-191).
Only three visual representations of the seventeenth-
century town are known to exist, two fanciful engravings and
a map showing the general location of St. Augustine within La
Florida. The quite imaginative, and most likely inaccurate
engravings, date to 1671 and 1683 respectively, and portray
St. Augustine as a quaint coastal community set against a
mountainous backdrop (Figures 4 and 5) . The anonymous map,
titled "Mapa de la Ysla de la Florida" and dated sometime
between 1668 and 1700, does not provide any detailed
Figure 3. Boazio Engraving, 1586 (Courtesy of St. Augustine Historical Society)
CT\
<]
Figure 4. Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1671 ("Pagus Hispanorum in Florida", Arnoldus
Montanus, 1671. From The Unknown World. 1673, Courtesy of St. Augustine
Historical Society) 2
69
Figure 5. Anonymous Engraving of St. Augustine, ca. 1683
(From Mallet, A.M., Description de 1'Universe. 1683,
Courtesy of St. Augustine Historical Society)
70
depiction of the town of St. Augustine (see Chatelain 1941:
Appendix). Information regarding the spatial evolution of the
town is therefore dependent on contemporary verbal
descriptions and the physical evidence of archaeological data.
Although no research has specifically focused on the
seventeenth-century town plan, preliminary historical and
archaeological investigations into the nature of seventeenth-
century spatial organization indicate that the basic gridded
pattern established during the late sixteenth century remained
the same, and in fact, the original grid plan is still evident
today in modern St. Augustine (Deagan 1982; Bushnell 1983:33) .
Changes did occur during the 1600s, as a result of several
natural disasters and population expansions. These events
transformed the physical appearance of St. Augustine, but they
do not appear to have altered the previously established
underlying structural organization or configuration.
In 1599, a hurricane and fire destroyed many sections of
the settlement. Accounts of the rebuilding by Governor Méndez
Canzo indicate that additional lots were laid out to the south
of the original townsite and that a plaza, which measured 250
feet by 450 feet, was marked out to the north of the town. The
rebuilt town consisted of approximately 20 blocks with 120
wooden houses with cypress plank walls and palm-thatched or
shingled roofs. A remodelled parish church, a guardhouse, the
governor's house, and a warehouse-treasury building surrounded
a new plaza. measuring 250 feet by 450 feet, that defined the
71
north edge of the colonial town (Arnade 1959:9; Bushnell
1981:46, 1983:39). A new hospital, Nuestra Señora de la
Soledad, with six beds administered to the sick, and a new
bridge crossed "el gran mosquitero" - the swamp at the western
edge of town.
Despite this rebuilding, the cultural landscape of St.
Augustine during the mid 1600s did not differ appreciably from
that which existed on the eve of the seventeenth century. St.
Augustine was still a small and isolated presidio with
approximately 120 wooden houses, a wooden fort with "rotted
timbers," dirt streets with free roaming animals, a remodelled
parish church with a tile roof, a small hospital, a Franciscan
monastery at the far northern end of town, a plaza. and horse-
powered mill to grind corn. (Arnade 1959:9-10; Boniface
1971:71-73; Chatelain 1941:57; Manucy 1978:18).
Towards the end of the 1600s, other more substantial
changes to the built environment took place, but these
transformations still did not alter the basic pattern
established during the late sixteenth century. Archaeological
investigations revealed evidence for a late seventeenth-
century occupation that extended south of the original
townsite up to and including the vicinity of the Franciscan
monastery located at the southeastern edge of town (Arnade
1959:41; Deagan, Bostwick and Benton 1976; King 1981:23;
Figure 2) . In addition to this expansion of the town
boundaries, the type of construction material shifted from
72
wattle and daub to more permanent wood and tabby with some
coquina. Some buildings became larger and architecturally more
detailed, and activity areas expanded (Herron 1979; Hoffman
1990) . Several late seventeenth-century accounts describe the
houses and buildings as "wood with board walls" (Chatelain
1941:129; Dickinson 1696:84; Manucy 1978:19-21; Wenhold
1936:7) . Tabby used in foundations, which would not have been
visible to the casual visitor, was also a part of the
architectural history of seventeenth-century St. Augustine
(Chatelain 1941:129). Coquina was not yet widespread but by
the end of the century, it was slowly becoming more common.
St. Augustine had been threatened and attacked by pirates
several times during the seventeenth century. The 1668
midnight raid by a British pirate named Robert Searles, the
raids against the Carolinians at Port Royal, and fear of
retaliation spurred the construction of a secure and sturdy
coquina fort, and construction of the Castillo de San Marcos
began in 1672 (Arana and Arana 1972:51-72; Arana and Manucy
1977:12-13; Manucy 1978:20; Wright 1959:135-144). Although
the Castillo was by far the most impressive example of coquina
construction, other coquina buildings did exist. As indicated
in the correspondence of Governor Rebolledo in 1655 and Bishop
Calderón in 1674, the governor's house may have been, at least
partially, constructed of coquina (Arana 1969:29; Chatelain
1941:129), and construction of coquina houses for the
Treasurer and Accountant were underway (Manucy 1978:20-21).
73
The best estimate of private coquina construction is a 1708
inventory of houses destroyed during James Moore's raid in
1702. According to this inventory, a total of 175 houses
existed in St. Augustine in 1702, and 16 or almost 11% of
these reported houses were privately owned coquina structures
with a value of at least 1000 pesos (Arana 1969:30). In
addition to its use in buildings, coquina was also used in the
1690s to construct a seawall that extended from the Castillo
south to the town plaza (Boniface 1971:70) .
Despite these physical alterations, the basic gridded
layout of St. Augustine did not change, and the locations,
orientations, and functions of specific public buildings, such
as the church, the Convento de San Francisco and the Castillo
de San Marcos, remained unchanged. The fundamental pattern of
spatial organization established during the initial years of
settlement -- a time of great change and experimentation --
stabilized, but it also began to grow into a more elaborate
form. A similar process of amplification, although on a much
grander scale, occurred throughout Latin America as churches,
monasteries, and government buildings grew in architectural
splendor but retained their original locations, functions, and
basic structures (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:127,155).
74
The Economic Organization of the Community
Throughout its existence as a Spanish presidio. St.
Augustine relied on the situado. an annual subsidy provided by
the Crown of Spain that was intended to cover such
governmental expenses as administrative salaries, the
construction of fortifications and the support of the
garrison. The situado was created by a royal cédula in 1570
to provide financial support to La Florida because of its
vital strategic role in the defense of Spanish shipping lanes
between the Americas and Europe (Gibson 1966:183-185; Hoffman
1980:146; McAlister 1984:310) . Initially, the situado was paid
from the Panama/Nombre de Dios treasury (Hoffman 1980:146).
Beginning in 1574, payments came from the Vera Cruz treasury,
and by 1595, Mexico City had assumed responsibility for the
Florida situado (Sluiter 1985:3).
The amount paid to St. Augustine from the Mexico City
Treasury depended on the number of plazas or positions held by
the garrison, and took the form of wages and supplies
(Bushnell 1981; Hoffman 1980:146, Sluiter 1985). The supplies
needed to sustain the town were purchased by an agent of the
governor, called a situadista. who travelled to New Spain to
collect the subsidy. Upon his arrival, the agent presented a
certified statement of needs, signed by the governor, to a
representative of the audiencia and bargained for the required
specie and supplies. Goods intended for the presidio were
carried overland by pack train to Vera Cruz, and then put on
75
ships bound for Havana. From Cuba, the money and supplies were
transhipped to St. Augustine where the governor and treasury
officials distributed them among the garrison and families
(TePaske 1964:77). Those goods not immediately distributed
were protected and stored in the Royal warehouse at the fort
in St. Augustine (TePaske 1964:77-78). Throughout the
seventeenth century, hard specie was scarce in St. Augustine
and consequently, wages were often paid in imported goods,
obsolete items or wage certificates that declined in value
(Bushnell 1981:68).
Changes in the situado
Several important changes occurred within the situado in
the early years of the seventeenth century that financially
benefitted St. Augustine and La Florida. Two new cédulas were
issued that increased the amount of money received by the
presidio. The first cédula, issued in 1617, addressed the
problem of financial compensation for spoiled goods (mermas).
Prior to the 1617 cédula, losses due to spoilage of goods in
warehouses or enroute to St. Augustine were deducted from the
Florida subsidy. The new ruling eliminated this practice, and
ordered Mexico City to reimburse Florida for the resultant
losses. A second law, issued in 1624, altered the method used
to calculate the amount of subsidy paid to Florida. Prior to
this edict, the subsidy was based on 300 plaza holders each
serving 365 days per year. This system of calculating the
76
subsidy was changed to more accurately reflect the actual
daily record of plaza holders in the garrison.
Another ruling that indirectly affected the amount of
subsidy paid to St. Augustine included the creation of a
separate subsidy to support the Franciscan mission program.
Beginning in 1616, the Franciscans received a separate
religious subsidy, that issued to each friar the same pay and
rations (158 pesos de a 8) received by a soldier in the
garrison. This was supplemented with additional provisions,
such as gifts for the Indians and cloth, shoes, maize, oil and
wine needed to perform their religious duties (Sluiter
1985:6). Table 5 shows the amount of subsidy received by both
the Franciscans and Secular community from 1616, the year the
Franciscan subsidy began, through 1651, the last year for
which figures are currently available. As the number of
missionaries increased during the 1600s, the number of friars
paid from the subsidy was limited to forty three, and a
separate fund was created in 1646 to cover additional
missionaries. In 1673, support of all of the Franciscans
shifted to this separate fund. This mission subsidy benefitted
the community of St. Augustine by making more money available
to increase the size of the garrison and to construct a more
substantial coquina fort, the Castillo de San Marcos (Bushnell
1981:65; Sluiter 1985). Unfortunately, no detailed study of
actual payments received for either the secular or religious
77
Table 5 . Comparative List of Subsidy Payments Received by the
Franciscan and Secular Communities in St. Augustine, 1617-1651
(from Sluiter 1985)
Year Received
Reliqious
Secular
Total
1617
6.619
63.026
69,645.00
1618
2.675
62.688
65.363.00
1619
7.793
62,749
70.542.00
1620
3,542
65.133
68.675.00
1621
3,052
63.995
67.047.00
1622
2.623
66,915
69.538.00
1623
4,390
62.823
67.213.00
1624
3.963
65.783
69.746.00
1625
5.678
53,003
58.681.00
1626
5.089
66.971
72.060.00
1627
5,090
66.971
72.061.00
1628
5,118
69.899
75.017.00
1629
3.766
68,679
72.445.00
1630
3,507
42,759
46.266.00
1631
2.730
99.367
102.097.00
1632
3,264
66,306
69.570.00
1633
-
.
0.00
1634
-
_
0.00
1635
-
74,409
74.409.00
1636
1,692
64.389
66.081.00
1637
_
_
0.00
1638
-
65.124
65,124.00
1639
1.458
32.455
33.913.00
1640
9.476
13,500
22.976.00
1641
1.287
20.325
21.612.00
1642
-
49,755
49.755.00
1643
_
45.627
45.627.00
1644
2.422
65.124
67.546.00
1645
_
73,747
73.747.00
1646
3.353
56.274
59.627.00
1647
-
-
0.00
1648
-
-
0.00
1649
_
_
0.00
1650
-
-
0.00
1651
-
128,695
128.695.00
Total
90.167
1.744.118
1.834.285.00
78
communities exists for the latter half of the 1600s, but
subsidy payments,although irregular at times, presumably
continued throughout the remainder of the century.
Problems with the situado
In the beginning of the seventeenth century, situado
payments to Florida fluctuated because of fiscal difficulties
in Mexico City. The treasury not only had to meet their new
subsidy responsibilities, but also had to pay outstanding
debts that the Vera Cruz Treasury had been unable to meet
because of war and attacks on the flota system. These overdue
debts leveled off around 1616 as trade and mining activities
brought a new prosperity to Mexico City. According to Engel
Sluiter's records of actual subsidy payments to Florida, a
situado payment was received fairly regularly up until the
1630s (Sluiter 1985:Table 1). With two exceptions - the 1626
subsidy that was lost in a shipwreck off the coast of St.
Augustine and was not paid until 1629, and the capture of the
1628 treasure fleet carrying the Florida subsidy by Piet Heyn
of the Dutch West Indies Company - the situado arrived
regularly during the early years of the 1600s. The amounts
fluctuated somewhat, but the subsidy was paid in one lump sum
sometime in April or May (Sluiter 1985:Table 1).
Problems began to occur in the Florida situado after
1635. St. Augustine received no money from the situado in
1637, and the records of payments received indicate that the
79
Mexico City Treasury started to fall into arrears. For
example, the payment granted to St. Augustine for 1637 was
paid in seven separate payments between February of 1639 and
August of 1646. The 1638 situado was paid to St. Augustine in
three different payments on three separate dates: in May of
1639, in January of 1641, and in August of 1649. No records of
payments made to St. Augustine have been found for the years
1646-1650, suggesting that irregular payments of the subsidy
continued through at least 1651 (Sluiter 1985:Table 1).
These delays in the situado often forced the governor of
St. Augustine to obtain loans, and to look elsewhere for food
and supplies, usually in Cuba. This weakened the bargaining
power of the situadista and resulted both in high interest
rates on the money borrowed and high prices for goods bought
on credit. Consequently, when the subsidy finally arrived,
most of the available specie, which was scarce to begin with,
went to pay off the debts and interest to merchants in Havana
(TePaske 1964:78) . The unreliable nature of the situado during
these years also influenced the emergence of a private
contract system whereby individual merchants in St. Augustine
obtained permission to bypass the situado and trade directly
with Havana, Campeche, Spain, and the Canary Islands. These
merchants often used their houses as a warehouse to sell
goods, often at excessively high prices, that were unavailable
through other means (Gillaspie 1984:273-295). Examples of
items sold through this private contract system included
80
cotton cloth, linen, serge, silk ribbons, stockings, wooden
buttons, shoes, saltpork, maize, flour, cassava, olive oil,
wine, wax, hemp, nails, and tobacco. Private merchants also
acquired and sold munitions, such as arquebuses, spears, molds
for making shot, lead sheets, copper for ladles used to load
cannons, match cord, and cannon balls (Gillaspie 1984:286-
290) . Other ways in which the officials and people of St.
Augustine dealt with the irregular arrival of the situado and
obtained goods included the use of illegal trade networks and
the development of economic enterprises within the colony.
St. Augustine's Inter-Colonial Economy
Trade between the various European colonies increased
during the seventeenth century due to piracy, profiteering,
and Spain's dwindling power in the Atlantic world. In St.
Augustine, for example, Spanish goods dominate sixteenth and
early seventeenth-century archaeological inventories, but by
the late 1600s, the frequency of non-Spanish goods entering
the colony increased owing to Spain's unwillingness or
inability to meet consumer demands and the attempts by other
European powers to break Spain's economic monopoly (Deagan
1983:22-23; King 1984:77-78) . Not all of this trade was legal,
and the historical record documents the existence of
widespread smuggling operations, despite regulations strictly
prohibiting it (Arnade 1959; Perry and Sherlock 1971).
Smuggling was apparently a common colonial strategy used to
81
augment government supplies and to evade royal restrictions on
trade in both the British and Spanish colonies (Ewen 1991;
Lockhart and Schwartz 1983:153; Schmidt and Mrozowski
1988:32), and seventeenth-century St. Augustine was certainly
no exception.
Dutch traders from New York often entered Matanzas Bay,
under the pretense of distress, carrying prisoners or news of
imminent pirate attacks, to sell goods to the townspeople
(Arana 1970:10; Bushnell 1981:10). There are also reports of
circumventing foreign trade restrictions by sending vessels to
sea to purchase much needed military and naval supplies, such
as artillery, ammunition, canvas, and cables (Bushnell
1981:10) . In 1683, the Governor himself, Juan Marquéz Cabrera,
waived the ban on trade with foreign merchants and traded
produce to a Dutch merchant in exchange for guns, flour,
saltpork, gunpowder, ironpots, and grindstones. This
transaction took place at the Castillo, which was technically
outside of the boundaries of the city proper (Arana 1970:19).
Another incident of illegal trade, and a rather
interesting example of colonial resistance to royal control,
took place in the 1690s and involved the King of Spain, the
Governor, the Royal Accountant in St. Augustine and the San
Martin River (known today as the Suwanee), a major artery for
smuggling. After accusing the Royal Accountant, Tomas Menéndez
Marquéz, of engaging in illegal trade and using his ranch, la
Chua. as a warehouse for unlawfully obtained merchandise, King
82
Charles II ordered Governor Quiroga to seal off the port of
San Martin. In 1693, Quiroga constructed a palisade of pine
logs and brush which floods soon after washed away. When the
King ordered that it be rebuilt, the Governor appealed the
order claiming that because it was planting season in the
Native American villages, insufficient labor existed (Boniface
1971:207-208).
Despite the documented existence of smuggling,
archaeologists in St. Augustine have not yet been able to
identify many items associated with this type of trade beyond
the occasional piece of British, Dutch, or French pottery.
Undoubtedly, this absence of contraband material in the
archaeological record is related to the types of items
obtained through illegal trade networks. Gunpowder, cloth,
flour, hides, and wooden objects simply do not preserve well
in the saline soils of St. Augustine. It is also possible that
contraband weapons, ammunition, and raw materials such as iron
and lead have not been recognized as such. And, it is also
plausible that the types of sites excavated in St. Augustine,
predominantly private domestic households, simply would not
contain large amounts of contraband material. It may be more
likely associated with commercial or military sites. Whatever
the reasons, the lack of readily identifiable contraband items
not only points out the limitations of the archaeological
record, in terms of preservation problems, but it highlights
83
the importance of integrating archaeological and historical
data.
Economic Diversification in St. Augustine
As mentioned, the unreliable nature of the situado in mid
century forced the officials in St. Augustine to explore other
means of provisioning. As a result, new forms of economic
activity developed, but these enterprises were based on
structures that were already in place, and existing systems
were used to implement these new programs. One of the ways in
which the officials attempted to remedy St. Augustine's
periodic food shortages and provide an export product was to
establish farms and cattle ranches. The existing Franciscan
mission system was used to open new lands for agricultural
pursuits and to provide the Indian labor needed to operate
these businesses successfully. In 1633, two Franciscans
pushed west and formally began the missionization of Apalachee
province (Hann 1988:2, 1990:469).
Haciendas
The largest and better known of these haciendas included
the la Chua cattle ranch and an experimental wheat farm called
Asile. La Chua. which was located near modern Gainesville
(Baker 1993), was established sometime after 1646 by the Royal
Treasurer Francisco Menéndez Marquéz to provide beef to the
people of St. Augustine (Bushnell 1978:408). The wheat farm
84
of Asile. supposedly located east of the Aucilla River on the
Apalachee-Timucua border (Hann 1988:30), was started by
Governor Benito Ruiz de Salazar Vallecilla, and operated for
five years (1645-1650) before it was dismantled and sold. The
property inventory for Asile indicated a large-scale operation
that included six square leagues of wheat fields, several
buildings, granaries, two slaves, eight horses and mules,
plows, and eleven yokes of oxen (Bushnell 1981:81).
Other haciendas also existed, but less is known about
their scale or specific operations. Although it has been
suggested that as many as 37 ranches existed in the provinces
of Timucua and Apalachee (Baker 1993:82; Boniface 1971:140),
the exact number of haciendas and their locations are
uncertain. In addition, the extent of the cattle industry in
Florida has not been thoroughly explored from either an
economic or spatial perspective. By the end of the century,
however, it is known that at least four main clusters of
ranches or farms existed (Arnade 1965:5; Hann 1988:137). They
included at least seven ranches (la Chua. la Rosa del Diablo.
Acuitasique. Abosaya. Chicharro, and Tocoruz) in modern
Alachua County near Gainesville; approximately nine ranches,
including Asile. in westernmost Timucua and Apalachee with
Tallahassee as the focal point; an unknown number east of the
St. Johns River; and, an unknown, and apparently, small group
of ranches northwest of St. Augustine (Arnade 1965:5; Bushnell
1978a:411-418).
85
It has been assumed that these ranches represented an
important source of beef, and possibly produce for the
community of St. Augustine. The historical record indicated
that the cattle ranch of la Chua and the smaller haciendas
near St. Augustine, not the missions of Apalachee, provided
St. Augustine with the bulk of its produce and cattle by¬
product needs (Boniface 1971: 145; Bushnell 1983:10-12; Hann
1988:137) . The extent to which the outlying farms and ranches
supplied the people of St. Augustine remains poorly
understood, and should be investigated further. However,
preliminary zooarchaeological research suggests that little
beef actually reached St. Augustine during the seventeenth
century (Reitz 1993a, 1993b).
Intra-colonial trade
Evidence for some trade between Apalachee and St.
Augustine exists, but it appears to have operated on a rather
small scale. There were at least three trade routes between
the western provinces and St. Augustine over which Native
American laborers carried goods on their backs and in canoes.
These routes included an overland road, known as the Camino
Reala sea route used for heavy and bulky items; and a
combined sea and land route originating in the Wakulla River,
St. Marks or Wacissa along the Gulf of Mexico, and continuing
up the San Martin River and onto the Camino Real (Boniface
1971; Hann 1988:149).
86
There has been little research on trade between Apalachee
and St. Augustine, but trade between the two areas certainly
existed. In 1646, a frigate from Apalachee arrived in St.
Augustine with supplies, and in the 1650s, Governor Pedro
Benedit Horruytiner, noted the arrival in St. Augustine of
four or five shiploads of "foodstuffs" from Apalachee (Hann
1988:152) . It is also known that in 1680, Enrique Primo de
Rivera obtained a contract for transporting clothing,
vestments, and the royal stipend for the friars from St.
Augustine to western Timucuan and Apalachee (Hann 1988:151).
The most detailed account occurred in 1703 when Apalachee sent
1,238 measures of corn, 150 measures of beans, two hogs, 32
chickens, eight arrobas of tallow and eight deerskins to St.
Augustine (Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1951:46-47).
A growing body of historical and zooarchaeological data
suggests that the majority of livestock and crops raised and
grown in Apalachee may never have reached St. Augustine (Hann
1988:152; Reitz 1993a). There is more evidence for the
development of an export trade -- the main products being
beef, hides, tallow, corn, rum, and possibly, wheat
between Apalachee and Havana, Cuba, that bypassed St.
Augustine (Bushnell 1983; Hann 1988; Reitz 1993a, 1993b). The
rise of trade between Apalachee and Havana at the expense of
St. Augustine is indicated by Governor Rebolledo's ban on the
exportation of produce from Apalachee to Cuba unless the needs
of St. Augustine had already been met (Hann 1988:152).
87
Zooarchaeological data also suggest the existence of an
extensive trade network between the missions throughout La
Florida and the mission headquarters in St. Augustine that
excluded the secular community (Reitz 1993a).
Other Economic Activities
As noted, cattle ranches, farros, missions, private
contract systems, and a seemingly lively export trade
developed during the latter years of the seventeenth century.
But other economic enterprises, which have not been fully
explored and which certainly played an important role in the
community, also existed. Despite royal restrictions, trade
between the Native Americans and Spanish colonists did exist.
There was a market in the plaza to which Indian women brought
pottery, baskets, painted wooden trays, deer and buffalo
pelts, dried turkey meat, lard, salt pork, rope, fishnets,
charcoal, leather, tobacco, fish, game, and maize to sell or
trade with the townspeople (Bushnell 1981:11). The Native
Americans also traded sassafras, amber, canoes, bear grease,
and nut oil in exchange for European weapons, tools, nails,
cloth, blankets, beads, and rum (Bushnell 1981:8).
Coquina deposits on Anastasia Island, worked by Native
American and African quarrymen, were used to construct the
fort (Castillo de San Marcos), the Franciscan monastery
(Convento de San Francisco), a seawall, and some private
residences (Boniface 1971:70). Ships were built in the town
88
and St. Augustine also had at least one grocery store that,
among other things, sold sweet cakes. There also was a fish
market, a gristmill, a tannery, a slaughterhouse, and a
blacksmith where nails and hardware were forged. There were
shopkeepers, tailors, shoemakers, an armorer, a washerman, and
a surgeon (Bushnell 1981:27; Chatelain 1941:57; Hann 1988:53;
Manucy 1978).
Orange, peach, pear, mulberry, quince, pomegranate, and
fig trees grew throughout the city (Sauer 1980:22). The
townspeople probably planted individual gardens as well as a
communal plot and pasture (ei ido) on the outskirts of town
where crops were cultivated, including grapes, beans, melons,
squash, sweet potatoes, garlic, red peppers, onions, and
pumpkins. European cows, pigs, and chickens also were raised
(Boniface 1971: 134; Bushnell 1983:40; Reitz 1993a:82).
The development of these other forms of economic activity
illustrate the ways in which the people of St. Augustine built
upon existing resources and created new opportunities for
economic growth in spite of the various economic, social, and
natural disasters of the seventeenth century. They continued
to rely on the situado or illegal trade networks for military
accoutrements and trade goods for the Native Americans, olive
oil, wine, wheat flour, and luxury items such as sugar,
chocolate or fine majolica. But, increasingly throughout the
seventeenth century, the colonists became more self reliant.
It appears that during the late 1600s, economic activity
89
diversified and became more internally initiated, and St.
Augustine and La Florida may, in fact, have been on the
trajectory towards self sufficiency had it not been for
Colonel James Moore's catastrophic campaign against the
Spanish settlements of La Florida.
Demographic Character and Social Interactions
As in most areas of Spanish America, three different
groups of people, each possessing distinct and often
conflicting cultural traits, comprised the seventeenth-century
population of St. Augustine: the original Native American
inhabitants of La Florida, the European immigrants, and the
Africans. All of these people constituted vital components of
the seventeenth-century community, and contributed in some
manner to a crystallized Spanish colonial culture. To
understand the roles that the Africans, Native Americans, and
Europeans played in the process of cultural formation, it is
essential to examine their origins, their demographic
character, and the forms of social interaction among them.
The seventeenth-century community of St. Augustine has
often been characterized as "cosmopolitan" because of its
multi-ethnic and multi-cultural composition (Bushnell 1981;
1983:38). Population statistics are sketchy (see Table 6),
but, not surprisingly, what emerges from the few demographic
studies that exist is a portrait of a small and diverse
90
Table 6. Summary of St. Augustine Population: 1600-1702
1600: 250 men in the garrison 1
1602: 200 Indians 23
56 Africans 6
1604: 190 soldiers 1
approximately 30 African slaves: 18 "fit for work",7
old men, 9 women 1
1606: 216 Indians 3
100 African slaves 5
1607: 300 to 500 people 1
1609: 60 soldiers arrived 1
1619: 186 active members of the garrison 1
1621: 250 people on the payroll: 35 priests, 18 sailors, 20
pensioners, 3 widows 1
36 Africans 1
1638: 100 infantry stationed in St. Augustine 1
1647: over 300 residents 1
1655: 12 "negroes" worked at the fort 1
1662: more than 300 residents 1
1669: 200 " effective" troops 1
1671: 280 garrison members 11
1673: 50 Indians from Guale sent to St. Augustine 4
1675: 90 Indians in St. Augustine 3
300 residents 9
1676: 300 Indians brought in as laborers 1
1680: 350 garrison members 11
1681: 100 families living in St. Augustine 1
1685: 1400 people sought refuge in the fort 1
1687: 18 royal slaves joined labor force 7
10 runaway slaves reached St. Augustine 1,8
1689: 225 Indians in St. Augustine 3
1691: 1175 Europeans in St. Augustine 1
1692: 354 garrison members 11
1702: 1200 to 1500 people sought refuge in fort; 323
garrison members 1,10,11
Notes: 1.
2 .
3 .
4 .
5 .
6.
7.
8 .
9.
10.
Dunkle 1958
Corbett 1974
Deagan 1990
Thomas 1990a
Bushnell 1981
Arnade 1959
Arana and Manucy 1977
TePaske 1975
Wenhold 1936
Corbett 1976
11. Arana 1960
91
European community intermixed with an equally varied number of
Native Americans, and a small, but significant, number of
displaced Africans (Corbett 1974, 1976; Deagan 1990; Dunkle
1958; Landers 1990; Rabinal, Alvarez, Escudero,and Redondo
1992). An overview of what is known regarding the number of
Africans, Native Americans, and Europeans is presented below.
The African Population
Very little is known about the origins and culture of the
Africans who came St. Augustine because the Spanish
authorities generally classified slaves according to their
port of departure, not their tribal affiliations (Curtin 1969;
Mórner 1967:18) . It has just been within the last decade or so
that scholars have turned their attention to Africans in St.
Augustine and the Spanish colonies, and have begun to
investigate their roles in Spanish colonial society (Arrom and
Garcia-Arevalo 1986; Deagan 1988; Deagan 1991; Landers 1990).
Origins and Roles in the Community
Unlike other regions of the Circum-Caribbean, Florida
never possessed any worthwhile mineral resources or a
plantation economy. Therefore, great numbers of African slaves
were not needed to sustain the economic life of the colony,
and most Africans did not directly enter Florida via the
Atlantic slave trade. A small number came from Seville, but
the majority came from the Antilles where they were purchased
92
by conscription from Cuba (Corbett 1974:429) . The absence of
plantations did not entirely negate the need for African
labor, and royal slaves accompanied the first settlers to St.
Augustine in 1565, although they probably numbered fewer than
50 (Landers 1990:320). In 1581, the Crown ordered Havana to
send royal slaves to St. Augustine to supplement the slave
force. Two years later, it was reported that slaves had built
a church, a blacksmith shop, a platform for artillery, sawed
timbers, cleared land for planting and repaired the fort
(Landers 1990:320).
Africans in St. Augustine also worked as auctioneers,
town criers, messengers, and as domestic help in the
Franciscan monastery, the royal hospital, and the barracks, as
well as in private homes. A free pardo. or mulatto, named
ChrispÃn de Tapia, was in charge of a grocery store in 1694
(Hann 1988:53), and it is reported that an African servant
worked in the Franciscan monastery in 1589 (Cooper 1962:7) . At
least two other African slaves, Antonio de Fuentes and Luis
Hernández, labored at the convento in 1654 and 1655 (St.
Augustine Parish Register, Book of Marriages 1654, 1655).
Although exact numbers are difficult to obtain, Bushnell
estimated that hidalgo households or those members of minor
nobility, owned an average number of 4 adult slaves for whom
they provided food, clothing, medicine, and tools. The
hidalgo also assumed responsibility for ensuring religious
93
instruction and attendance at mass for their slaves (Bushnell
1981:22-23) .
By 1602, royal treasury officials listed 56 Africans -
"36 old slaves and 20 new ones" (Arnade 1959) . In 1604, 34
Africans -- "18 men, nine women and seven too old to work"--
were included in official personnel rosters (Dunkle 1958:5).
In 1606, there were approximately 100 slaves, 40 of whom were
royal slaves, and Africans were apparently also placed on the
payroll as drummers, fifers, and flagbearers (Bushnell
1981:22) . In 1687, 18 additional royal slaves joined the labor
force (Arana and Manucy 1977:19). In 1689, seven blacks and
mulattoes were among those who labored on the construction of
the Castillo de San Marcos. Although the figures are not
precise, population estimates indicate that the numbers of
Africans in St. Augustine rose slightly during the latter half
of the century (Corbett 1974:418). In addition, the first
"significant" influx of slaves dates to this period.
This can be directly attributed to several factors
including the increasing incidence of pirate raids and the
English establishment of the Carolina colony in 1670. The
"founding" of the Carolina colony not only spurred
construction of a coquina fort and an increase in the Spanish
slave population, but it also led to the entry of "runaway"
slaves to St. Augustine from Carolina. The proximity of the
English settlement to Spanish Florida encouraged slaves to
94
escape and seek asylum in St. Augustine (Corbett 1974:429;
Landers 1988:296-313, 1990:320).
The first group of fugitive slaves reached St. Augustine
in 1687. Governor Diego de Qiroga y Cosada ordered the eight
men to labor on the Castillo de San Marcos, and assigned the
two women to work in his home as servants (TePaske 1975:3) . By
the 1690s, at least four other groups of runaways had reached
St. Augustine (Landers 1988:14) . As part of their "foreign
policy," and in part because of the legal rights granted to
Africans, the Spanish government encouraged manumission of
runaway slaves and, in 1688, provided compensation to the
English owners of slaves (Corbett 1974:429). In 1693, the
crown ruled that fugitives who became Catholic had the status
of freemen, and by 1683, Africans were organized into a
militia (Corbett 1974:429).
To date, it has been difficult to recognize the African
component in the archaeological record, especially that
associated with St. Augustine. This may be related to the fact
that Africans never comprised a dominant proportion of the
population of St. Augustine, and many who came were already
Hispanicized. However, excavations at Puerto Real (Smith 1986)
and at a cimarrón community in the Dominican Republic (Arrom
and Garcia-Arevalo 1986) provide tantalizing evidence that
African pottery making and metal-working traditions survived
the harsh journey to the Spanish Americas. It also challenges
currently held assumptions as to the origins of some
95
categories of artifacts, and suggests that pottery identified
as Native American or metal items identified as European, may
have been manufactured by Africans. Despite their
archaeological "invisibility," by the end of the seventeenth
century, Africans accounted for approximately 2% of the total
population of St. Augustine (Corbett 1974:418), and their
presence as royal employees, slaves, and domestic servants
made them an integral part of seventeenth-century society.
The Native American Population
Many distinct groups of Native Americans resided in La
Florida at the time of Spanish settlement (Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980; Swanton 1946;). During the seventeenth
century, the groups who experienced the most extensive contact
with the community of St. Augustine included those Indians who
resided in the provinces of Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee.
Geographically, the province of Guale consisted of the
Atlantic coastal region of southeastern Georgia and probably
included Mocamo, the region from St. Simon's Island to St.
Augustine (Larson 1978:120; Jerald Milanich personal
communication 1994) . Timucua province extended from the
northern third of the Florida peninsula into the extreme
southeastern portion of the Georgia coast, and included a
number of subgroups: the Yustaga, the Utina, the Potano, the
Saltwater Timucua or Mocama, the Cascangue, the Ibi, and the
Fresh Water Timucua or Acuera. Apalachee province included
96
the Florida panhandle from the Aucilla River west to the
Apalachicola River Valley (Hann 1990:424: Milanich and
Fairbanks 1980:217,227). All of these groups interacted with
the European community of St. Augustine at various times and
in varying degrees, but the Timucuans, specifically those
members of the Fresh Water group who lived in the St.
Augustine region, sustained the initial and most intensive
interaction with the colonists of St. Augustine, simply
because of their proximity to the Spanish town.
The numbers and tribal affiliations of Native Americans
who lived in the town of St. Augustine itself is unknown, but
it appears that Florida Indians represented a sizeable
proportion of the community. It has been estimated that Native
Americans comprised approximately 3 6% of the population during
the latter half of the 1600s. Of those recorded in the St.
Augustine Parish Records, 33% hailed from the St. Augustine
region, and Native Americans from the hinterlands, including
the Yamassee from Tama, comprised the remaining 3% (Corbett
1974:418) . Other estimates, derived from mission accounts and
other religious documents, suggest a total Indian population
of approximately 200 in 1602, 216 in 1606, 90 in 1675, and 225
in 1689 (Deagan 1990:301) . Although these numbers were based
on counts of Christianized Indians only, they do serve as a
general indicator of the relative proportions of Native
Americans in St. Augustine.
97
Several factors accounted for the presence of Native
Americans in the Spanish town and influenced the demographic
character of the community. Throughout the seventeenth
century, powerful political, social, and economic forces
disrupted traditional Native American social organization and
settlement patterns (Hann 1986; Milanich 1978). Epidemic
disease wreaked havoc on native populations, but those factors
that most directly affected the Native American population of
St. Augustine included a program of forced Native America
labor (repartimiento) and the relocation of mission Indians to
the St. Augustine area following attacks by British troops.
Although poorly understood, these factors directly affected
the demographic composition of the town and its immediate
surroundings. As the administrative, military, and religious
headquarters for Spanish Florida, St. Augustine provided
economic opportunities for individual Indians willing to work
as household servants, and served as a haven for refugees in
need of military protection. The townspeople in turn
benefitted from the program of forced Indian labor initiated
under the Franciscan mission system.
The repartimiento system
In seventeenth-century Florida, the tribute system, in
which grain, charcoal, wild game, baskets or pottery were
demanded of Indian communities, gradually gave way to a labor
draft known as the repartimiento. Although this system of
98
forced Native American labor was officially formalized by the
Crown in 1503 (Deagan 1988a:198), it was first documented in
Florida during the term of Governor Gonzálo Méndez de Canzo
(1597-1603) . It was in place as early as 1601 when Indians
from Potano provided labor to raise corn in the St. Augustine
area (Worth 1992:120). The repartimiento was administered
through the Native American caciques who supplied "drafts of
labor" to Spanish employers for specific jobs. Each Indian
village in the mission provinces was assigned a quota that, in
theory, included only unmarried males assigned to serve in
yearly rotations (McAlister 1984:211).
Every year the Governor of La Florida drafted an order
that stated the exact number of Native American laborers to be
drafted from each village. One mandate was sent to the north
and two to the western regions. The laborers were ordered to
arrive in St. Augustine either in late February or early March
and were to remain in the Spanish town for a period of four to
seven months. Apparently, some of the repartimiento Indians
did not always leave in June, but were retained as personal
servants for the soldiers or officials (Worth 1992:
122,124,127) . Those Indians forced into repartimiento service
probably lived in huts in several small villages around the
Castillo de San Marcos and on the outskirts of St. Augustine
(Bushnell 1978:30; Worth 1992:125).
Two basic types of labor drafts existed: indios de cava
and indios de servicios (Bushnell 198 9) . Indios de cava
99
consisted of workers sent to the city to clear, dig, and plant
the communal and private field; perform the first, second, and
third hoeing; and guard the ripening corn for harvest against
crows and wild animals. Indios de servicio performed non-
agricultural duties, such as unloading ships, paddling canoes,
cutting firewood, and acted as couriers and personal servants
in Spanish households. They received rations plus a daily
wage that was paid in trade goods. Included in the indios de
servicio were the indios de fábricas, who worked on public
works projects, such as the construction of the Castillo de
San Marcos, and indios de carga, who functioned as burden
bearers and carried goods on their backs for long distances
(Boniface 1971:182, Bushnell 1989:34).
The exact number of Native American who entered St.
Augustine through the repartimiento system remains unknown,
but contemporary documents offer some clues. According to
Commissioner General Somoza, sometimes as many as 300 Indians
and their families were in St. Augustine at a given time.
Another official wrote that anyone of importance had "his
service Indians and so had all his kinsmen and friends"
(Bushnell 1978:30). For the mid 1600s, 32 to 60 Indians were
drafted from Timucua province, 25 to 54 from Guale, and 200
from Apalachee (Worth 1992:123). In 1673, 50 Indians from
Guale were sent to work in St. Augustine (Thomas 1990a:379).
During the construction of the Castillo de San Marcos, as many
as 300 Indians worked and lived in St. Augustine (Bushnell
100
1981:23), but it is not clear if this figure also included
those Native Americans brought from Mexico to work on the
fort.
Relocation of Mission Indians to St. Augustine
A second factor that affected the Native American
population was the relocation of mission Indians to the St.
Augustine area beginning in the 1600s (Hann 1990:501). This
resettling was directly related to the British campaign to
destroy the Franciscan missions in Spanish Florida (Bolton and
Ross 1925:34-38). Although the largest movements of Native
American people to the St. Augustine area took place at the
end of the middle period (ca. 1702-1704; see Deagan 1990), the
process of relocation began in the 1620s when the Carolinian
militia attacked and destroyed Guale and Timucuan missions
north of St. Augustine (Hann 1990:501). A major resettling of
mission Indians to the St. Augustine area took place after
1670 when the British settled Charles Towne (Bolton and Ross
1925:34-38) . The number of Native Americans who relocated to
the St. Augustine area for protection and settled on the
outskirts of the presidio is unknown.
The consolidation and movement of these various mission
populations to St. Augustine may be reflected in the
proportions of Native American ceramics found in the
seventeenth-century archaeological record (Deagan 1993:306;
Piatek 1985). By 1650, San Marcos pottery manufactured by the
101
Native Americans from Guale (Smith 1948:314-416) almost
completely replaced the St. Johns pottery manufactured by the
Timucuans who resided in the St. Augustine area (Goggin
1952:99-105; Piatek 1985:81-89). Furthermore, initial analysis
of the late seventeenth-century Native American pottery
assemblage from the Franciscan mission headquarters in St.
Augustine indicates an increase in the quantity and diversity
of both Guale and other non-local native pottery and
concomitantly people in St. Augustine (Hoffman 1992).
The Spanish and European Population
Throughout the seventeenth century, people of Spanish
descent clearly dominated the rosters of European immigrants
to St. Augustine. This dominant group included both
peninsulares (born in Spain) and criollos (born in Spanish
America). No detailed information regarding the percentages
of Spanish versus Spanish Americans exists for the first half
of the century, but Dunkles' survey of baptisms recorded in
the St. Augustine Parish records suggests a steady but slow
increase in the "white married population" from approximately
275 in 1600 to 1,175 in 1691 (Dunkle 1958:8,10) . Estimates for
the latter half of the 1600s suggest that the proportions of
male immigrants from the Iberian peninsula decreased from
31.6% (ca. 1658-1670) to 28.3% (ca. 1671-1691). As the
proportion of peninsulares decreased, the number of criollos.
castas. Native Americans, and Africans slowly increased, and
102
St. Augustine steadily developed into a more ethnically
diverse community.
Although people of Spanish descent represented the
majority of Europeans, scattered references to people who
migrated from other areas of Europe exist. A letter written in
1598 by the Royal Accountant, Bartolomé de Arqüelles, noted
that Governor Méndez Canzo brought seven "foreigners" to St.
Augustine - an English fifer and six German artillerists
(Arnade 1959:9; Bushnell 1983:38). In 1607, twenty-eight
Portuguese, six Germans, twenty Frenchmen, and two Flemish
were listed as members of the militia (Bushnell 1983:43,-
Dunkle 1958:5). In 1696, a member of Jonathan Dickinson's
party reported that "some English ... lived here," including
William Carr from the Isle of Man, a member of the garrison
and "chief interpretor" (Dickinson 1945:83). In addition,
there are reports of a Portuguese pilot and a French surgeon
(Bushnell 1983:38). Corbett's analysis of the population
structure during the latter half of the 1600s indicates that
non-Spanish Europeans constituted approximately 3% of the
entire recorded population (Corbett 1974:418).
Gender ratios and Intermarriage
Throughout its existence as a Spanish colony, St.
Augustine functioned as a military town designed to protect
Spanish territory from incursions to the north and to assist
in the protection of the treasure fleets on their journey
103
between the Americas and Europe. Consequently, like many other
Spanish colonies in the Indies, European immigrants to St.
Augustine throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
consisted predominantly of single men employed as members of
the garrison who hailed from the southern and western regions
of Spain. Most likely, few were under 15 or over 60, and
included the younger landless sons of aristocrats, artisans,
soldiers, sailors, laborers, priests, missionaries, and the
unemployed (Corbett 1974, 1976; McAlister 1984).
European Women. Very little information is available
regarding the numbers of European women who migrated to St.
Augustine because women and children were generally not
included in census data (Dunkle 1958:4). The limited
information regarding Spanish women in St. Augustine suggests
a slow but steady migration of women to St. Augustine during
the initial years of colonization (26 of the original 800
colonists were women and 13 more arrived in 1566), but only
a few entries to the colony after the first few years (Deagan
1985:7; Dunkle 1958:4). If St. Augustine followed the trend
noted for other regions of the Indies, European women probably
never accounted for more than about 2 8 to 3 0% of the total
European population and the ratio of men to women never fell
below approximately 3.5 to 1.
The shortage of Spanish women resulted in one of the most
dramatic and fundamental transformations of Spanish culture
into a Spanish colonial culture --a pattern of intermarriage,
104
both formal and informal, between Spanish men and Native
American women dating from the earliest years of colonization
(Gibson 1966:115). This was not only sanctioned, but
encouraged by the Spanish government as a means of stabilizing
and converting the Indians. Spanish men and Indian women,
living together, were persuaded to marry, and intermarrriage
between elite Spanish men and high ranking Indian women was
used as a form of political alliance (McAlister 1984: 108-132;
Mórner 1967) . An example of this type of alliance in La
Florida took place in 1566 when the head of the Calusa
Indians, Chief Carlos, "gave" his sister, Doña Antonia, to
Pedro Menéndez de Avilés as a wife (Lyon 1983:149) .
Intermarriage in St. Augustine. Intermarriage was so
prevalent in sixteenth-century St. Augustine that it has been
suggested that possibly one half of the married women may have
been Indian (Bushnell 1983:38), and that by the 1600s, this
pattern had become so ingrained that the sex ratio levelled
off and "a good proportion of native-born St. Augustinians
. . . were mestizos" (Bushnell 1983:38). Further evidence
that intermarriage continued during the seventeenth century
can be seen through an analysis of the St. Augustine Parish
Marriage records.
An analysis of the marriage records revealed a slow, but
steady increase in the proportions of marriages between people
of different national origins and ethnic groups. As shown in
Table 7, the percentage of "mixed" marriages, which included
I
105
Table 7. The Frequency of "Mixed" Marriages in Seventeenth-
Century St. Augustine
Years
Number
of Mixed
Marriages
Percentage
of All Mixed
Marriages
Percentage
of All
Marriages
1594-1598
2
4.4
8.0
1600-1619
3
6.5
3.9
1620-1639
0
0
0
1640-1659
4
8.7
2.7
1660-1679
19
41.3
9.7
1680-1699
21
45.6
10.5
TOTAL
46
100.0
5.9
Note: data based on a transcription of the St. Augustine
Parish Register, Book of Marriages (1589-1700) on file at the
Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board; "Mixed" refers to
marriages between Native Americans, Africans, and Europeans.
106
marriages between Spaniards, Native Americans, Africans, and
castas. increased from 4.4% in the late 15th century to 45.6%
by the end of the 1600s. In actuality, this number may have
been higher because the Parish records may not accurately
reflect the number of Native Americans or mestizos for several
reasons.
First, the Book of Marriages for the years 1594-1640
includes only limited information regarding national origin
and ethnicity. Not until 1641 were more detailed records kept.
Second, many of the marriages involving Indians and mestizos
were recorded in the now-lost registers of the Indian mission
doctrina records because they fell under the jurisdiction of
the Franciscan friars rather than the St. Augustine Parish
priests (Deagan 1990:158, TePaske 1964:175-177). Finally,
during colonial times, the Spanish developed an extremely
complex system of ethnic and racial classification based on
the amount of European and African blood a person had.
Consequently, a person classified as Spanish may in fact have
been the product of several years of intermarriage between
Europeans and Indians. For example, the child of a man who was
7/8 European and a woman who was 1/8 Indian was a castizo, but
the child of a castizo and a Spanish woman was classified as
Spanish (Mórner 1967:53-60). This system of classification,
obviously obscures the "true" picture of intermarriage and
must be kept in mind when interpreting records, such as the
107
St. Augustine Parish records, that list race and national
origin.
The Importance and Role of the Catholic Church
The Catholic religion comprised a vital and all-
encompassing aspect of colonial life in St. Augustine.
The majority of the research concerning the colonial church in
La Florida has focused on the Franciscan mission effort
(Arenas Frutos 1981; Boyd, Smith and Griffin 1951; Gannon
1983; Geiger 1937; McEwan 1991; Thomas 1990), but some
attention has been directed towards understanding the role and
influence of the Church in the community of St. Augustine
(Gannon 1983; Kapitzke 1991; Koch 1980,1983; Parker 1991;
TePaske 1965).
Ecclesiastical Structures
The Catholic church in St. Augustine was represented by
both regular and secular clergy, both of whom fell under the
jurisdiction of the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba. The regular
clergy included members of religious orders, such as the
Franciscans, who established missions and sought to convert
the Native Americans to Christianity. The secular clergy, who
did not belong to a particular religious order, ministered to
the non-Indian residents of the town of St. Augustine and
therefore played a more active role in the religious life of
the Spanish community. In the absence of a secular clergyman,
108
it was not uncommon for the friars to assume responsibility
for the townspeople (Haring 1947:177) as happened when Father
Marrón, the Superior of the Franciscans in La Florida, briefly
served as parish priest from 1594 to 1597. He was replaced
when Gonzalo Méndez de Canzo became governor and appointed a
secular priest, Ricardo Artúr, to assume the responsibilities
of parish priest (Gannon 1983:44-45).
There were never many secular clergy in St. Augustine and
throughout the colonial era, they were outnumbered by the
Franciscans. In the early years of the seventeenth century,
only two positions were held by the secular clergy, the parish
priest and the chaplain of the Castillo. In 1673, a third
position opened up when a member of the secular clergy assumed
the responsibilities of sacristan, duties which had previously
been performed by a soldier in the garrison (Kapitzke
1991:17). This basic organizational structure, which
originated during the early years of colonization, remained in
place throughout the seventeenth century.
Social. Cultural and Intellectual Influences
The interweaving of church and state permeated not only
the political aspects of life, but also the social, cultural,
and intellectual activities of the community, and Catholicism
"provided a basis for a common cultural identity" (Kapitzke
1991:29; Lyon 1983:20). In addition to their responsibilities
to celebrate the Mass, preach the Gospel weekly, and
109
administer the sacraments, almost all social services,
including education, the establishment of hospitals, and poor
relief, fell under the domain of the clergy.
The specific types of church-sponsored social welfare
projects in St. Augustine are poorly understood and have never
been thoroughly investigated. It is known that the
Franciscans operated a seminary at the monastery by 1605
(Gannon 1983:46). Also, the parish priest, Father Alonso de
Leturiondo, conducted a school to teach "grammar" to the
children during the late seventeenth century (Kapitzke
1991:33), but little else is known regarding the extent of
education in St. Augustine. Presumably, there was a literate
segment of the community interested in education because at
least two libraries existed in town: one library of "Greek and
Latin Fathers" housed at the Franciscan monastery (Shea
1886:460) and another private library consisting of 17 books
owned by Sergeant Major Pedro Benedit de Horruytiner, a
prominent criollo (Arana 1971: 158-171). Clearly, the
education in St. Augustine did not compare to that available
in the major commercial centers of Spanish America where
universities were founded quite early. It is quite possible
that the elite sent their children to Santo Domingo, Havana,
Mexico City, or some other major metropolis to be educated, as
was often the case among the elite in other colonial settings.
The parish priest and the Church with the assistance of
lay organizations known as confraternities (cofradÃas or
110
hermandades) also organized community life "according to the
Christian calendar" (Haring 1947:178; Kapitzke 1991:29; Lyon
1983). CofradÃas existed in St. Augustine at least as early as
1576, and by 1688, there were at least six such
confraternities in St. Augustine. These included the cofradÃa
of Santa Veracruz (Holy Cross), Nuestra Señora de la Pura
Concepción (the Immaculate Conception), Nuestra Señora de la
Soledad (Solitude), Nuestra Señora de la Leche (Our Lady of
the Milk), Las Ãnimas (Souls in Purgatory), Nuestra Señora del
Rosario (the Rosary), and SantÃsimo Sacramento (Blessed
Sacrament). All were canonically instituted, and membership in
these mutual aid societies was based either on annual dues of
two to four reales or donations. Their membership included
upper class women and men who upon their death left both
obligatory legacies and bequests for charitable works to the
cofradÃa (Parker 1991). Separate confraternities existed for
Spanish, African, and Native Americans throughout Latin
America (McAlister 1984:173, 406), and at least one such
organization, Nuestra Señora de la Leche, existed in the
Indian mission of Nombre de Dios (Kapitzke 1991:73).
CofradÃas helped raised funds for the construction and
financial support of the church; established hospitals,
provided aid to widows, orphans, the poor, elderly, or ill;
and organized religious fiestas, dances, dramas, processions,
and funerals (McAlister 1984:136, 404). As such, they played
an important role in the social and religious life of the
Ill
community. CofradÃas also functioned as a type of hospice in
that some of them, such as the Brotherhood of the Most Holy
Cross, provided spiritual and psychological support to members
facing death. Members visited the sick, maintained bedside
vigils "until God took them," arranged funeral processions,
and accompanied the body to the grave (Parker 1991:7) .
Some of the more important functions of the Blessed
Sacrament cofradÃa. founded by the parish church, included the
care of the altar and tabernacle, the maintenance of the
"perpetual light," and the care of at least some religious
paraphernalia (Parker 1990:2-3). An inventory of the
Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament at the time of the
transfer of St. Augustine to the British included a silver
inlaid baldachin, or canopy suspended over the altar, made in
Havana from re-worked silver candlesticks; a silver lamp; Holy
water fonts; picture frames; a floor carpet; painted torch
stands,- artificial flowers; red painted lanterns,- an incense
chest; tin money boxes,- a decorated book of Papal Bulls,- a
gold fringed parasol of crimson damask; and other personal
and religious apparel, banners, veils, and altar cloths of
cotton, silk, and damask adorned with embroidery and bordado
(RodrÃguez de Herrera 1764). The confraternity apparently
acquired these goods not only through donations and dues, but
through real estate transactions. This particular cofradÃa
owned several rental properties in St. Augustine, including
one included in this study.
112
CofradÃa members (cofrades) also organized religious
processions to celebrate significant religious events in the
liturgical calendar or to honor a patron saint. At least five
feast days or dÃas festivos were observed in seventeenth-
century St. Augustine: Corpus Christi, the Day of the
Ascension, the Day of the True Cross, St. Augustine's Day (the
patron saint of the town), and the Day of St. Mark's (the
patron saint of the Castillo de San Marcos). Special masses
were also conducted during Lent (Kapitzke 1991: 42-43; Lyon
1983:20). Holidays were celebrated with special masses paid
for by the cofradÃas. prayer vigils organized by the female
members of confraternities, religious dramas, and elaborate
processions in which local dignitaries and cofrades "paraded
through streets strewn with palm fronds and fragrant herbs"
carrying statues, candles, a guidon with the cofradÃa
insignia, intricate banners of Chinese silk, and canopies of
brocade, velvet, and damask with gold or silver fringe. A
special Mass at the parish church, the chapel at the castillo
or at the Franciscan monastery followed the processions and
closed the ceremonies for the day (Kapitzke 1991:30; Parker
1991:12-13) .
Other important social events in the community centered
around the death or marriage of a member of the royal family
and the ascension of a new monarch to the throne. Again, no
specific information regarding these rituals during the
seventeenth century exists, but limited detail can be
113
extrapolated from the early eighteenth century. The community
observed two days of mourning following the death of a monarch
and one day when another member of the royal family died.
During this formal period of mourning, women dressed in black
gowns and headdresses, the men wore their dress uniforms or
best clothes "adorned with black symbols of mourning," black
crepe draped the buildings, flags flew at half mast, bells
tolled from five in the morning until ten at night, and votive
candles on the altars were lit. Town officials marched in a
somber funereal procession to the parish church where a High
Mass was held and eulogies given. The guardian of the
Franciscan monastery also lit candles and said a funeral mass
in honor of the deceased monarch or royal family member
(TePaske 1965:100) .
Royal marriages and the crowning of a new monarch (two
kings ascended to the throne in the 1600s: Philip IV in 1621
and Charles II in 1665) , were also celebrated with
processions, bells, and special masses at the parish church
and the monastery, but these public rituals assumed a more
festive mood. The governor hosted a private banquet for the
more prominent members of the community, but he also provided
food and drink for the public fiesta that took place in the
candlit streets and in the town plaza (Kapitzke 1991:30;
TePaske 1965:103). Singing, music, dancing, and church-
sponsored dramas were also important parts of these community
festivals.
114
Summary
The economic, demographic and religious events and
circumstances discussed above suggest that through the
seventeenth century, a consistent pattern of social and
economic organization and interaction can be documented. For
example, the presidio continued to depend on the royal
subsidy, the practice of inter-ethnic marriage continued, and
Catholicism remained the dominant form of religious expression
in the community. Along with this apparent consistency and
stability, however, it appears that the economic and
demographic structures of the community became increasingly
diversified and locally oriented during the seventeenth
century. The next chapter addresses the strategy and method
used to investigate this proposition from an archaeological
perspective using the archaeological record of the middle
period in St. Augustine.
CHAPTER 5
ARCHAEOLOGICAL STRATEGY AND METHOD
As noted throughout the previous chapters, archaeological
data are central to the objective of this study, which is to
contribute to and refine our understanding of the processes
involved in the emergence of unique European-American cultural
traditions in the Atlantic world. This will be approached by
using the middle period in St. Augustine as a case study.
After defining the cultural forms, processes, and associated
patterns that characterized the middle period in Spanish
America, they will be compared to similar forces known from
the middle period in British America.
The beginning years of the middle period in Spanish St.
Augustine, the late sixteenth century, have already been
characterized in detail by Deagan (1985). Therefore, although
the sixteenth century data will be incorporated and used as a
baseline, this study concentrates primarily on characterizing
that segment of the middle period that remained "unknown"- the
seventeenth century. Two general questions will guide this
effort; the first concerns the nature of Spanish colonial
115
116
development, and the second concerns its degree of similarity
to or divergence from that of the British colonies.
As a point of departure, this study will investigate the
premise that Spanish America underwent a process of local
elaboration and separation from the mother country, similar to
that already demonstrated for part of the British colonial
world (Deetz 1977, 1993; Greene 1988). As used here,
elaboration refers to a diversification and addition of traits
to the initial contact culture. The testing of this premise
is based on those parameters that can be addressed
archaeologically, and that have been documented in British
America. For these reasons, Deetz' archaeologically derived
model assumes primary importance. This model was discussed in
Chapter 3, and is summarized below.
Deetz (1977) argued that the nature of British colonial
culture gradually changed during the middle period from a
simplified version of Old "England" to a more varied tradition
that reflected local American concerns and realities. Much of
this local orientation represented a "folk tradition" and
could be attributed to the relative isolation of the colonies
from their European homeland. This folk period was
characterized as a time of great regional variation, and was
marked by the appearance of new styles, the growth of American
production, and a diversification of goods available to the
colonists.
117
In the material world, these forces were apparent
primarily in the spatial organization, mortuary practices, and
foodways associated with colonial life. As used by Deetz,
"foodways" referred to "the whole interrelated system of food
conceptualization, procurement, distribution, preservation,
preparation, and consumption shared by all members of a
particular group" (1973:16). These three elements of the
colonial cultural system were manifested in the archaeological
record as changes in the form of vernacular architecture,
stylistic trends of gravestone art, and the use of and
diversity of pottery assemblages, respectively. All of these
categories of data revealed a transition from a relatively
small and fixed inventory of traditional English styles to
ones that emphasized American resources and manufacture.
If Spanish America underwent a similar process of local
"elaboration" and separation from the mother country during
the middle period, then comparable patterns and processes
should also be evident in the archaeological record associated
with the middle period in the Spanish colonies. In the case of
St. Augustine, given our historical understanding of this era
of settlement, the processes of diversification and separation
should therefore be seen primarily as an expanding involvement
in the Atlantic world, and a growing reliance on American
resources. These forces should be discernible in the material
world as: (1) An increase in the overall diversity of the
material culture, (2) a decrease in the relative frequency of
118
Spanish goods, (3) an increase in the use of American goods
and resources, and (4) the appearance of new Spanish-American
or "criollo" elements.
The questions addressed in this study focus on those
aspects of social and economic life that previous research has
shown to be recognizable in the archaeological record. These
questions, were asked first on a site specific basis, when
applicable, and then on a more general community-wide level.
The first question concerned the general pattern of artifact
use during the middle period and its degree of change through
time.
Artifact patterns represent an abstraction from reality
that are used to statistically describe the material elements
of a particular cultural system (South 1977). In addition,
they provide an objective means of both ordering the material
world and tracing change through time. Changes in the
organization of the material world can therefore signal
economic, technological, social, or cultural transformations
in the cultural system that they represent.
If the middle period represented a time when the "contact
culture" became more elaborate and diverse, then the basic
organization of the associated material world should exhibit
similar characteristics. That is, the relative proportions of
general artifact categories (kitchen wares, architectural
items, weaponry, etc.) should remain relatively unchanged
through the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. However,
119
the specific type of material represented by these categories
should exhibit a greater amount of variety, and new Spanish-
American or "criollo" elements should appear.
In addition, the artifact patterns should also reveal an
intensification of the pattern of European and Native American
interaction that was established during the initial years of
settlement. This should be discernible as an increase in the
frequency of Native American food preparation utensils,
including such things as cooking vessels.
Another question that guided this study involved the idea
that the middle period represented a time of separation from
the homeland and a growing reliance on the American colonial
world. This shift in dependency, and possibly loyalty, from
Spain to the American colonial world can be measured through
an analysis of trade networks. The weakening ties with Spain
should be evident in the material culture as a decrease in the
relative frequency of goods produced in Spain. The developing
reliance on the American colonial world should be seen as an
increase in the proportion and diversity of American-produced
goods. American-produced goods include those items either
manufactured by Native Americans and European-Americans in the
colonies or obtained through American trade networks.
In order to test these predictions, the assemblages from
St. Augustine sites were first divided into three time
periods: the late sixteenth century (ca. 1580-1600), the early
seventeenth century (ca. 1600-1649) and the late seventeenth
120
century (ca. 1650-1702). As mentioned on the first page of
this chapter, Deagan (1985) has already characterized the late
sixteenth-century archaeological assemblage. Therefore, those
data will be used as a baseline from which to assess the
nature and degree of change during the middle period. These
chronological divisions are based on our understanding of
datable European ceramics (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968), and on
the documented economic and social circumstances of the middle
period (Bushnell 1981, 1983).
Because archaeological data concerning architecture and
gravestone art during the middle period in St. Augustine
either do not exist or are too limited for inclusion here,
they would not be reliable indicators of the forces associated
with the middle period. However, material expressions of
foodways do exist in the form of pottery and other kinds of
food-related utensils. Ceramics played an important role in
the daily lives of the people who used them, and comprise the
majority of the material evidence concerning the past, both in
general and in St. Augustine. Pottery assemblages, therefore,
represent one of the more important categories of material
culture, and are useful because of several assumptions
concerning their function within a cultural system. It is
generally accepted that the different elements of any cultural
system are interrelated, and that change in any one area will
affect other aspects of the system. Based on this, it follows
that changes in the ceramic assemblage of the past indicate
121
shifts in the foodways of the past or shifts in the ethnic
makeup of the population, which in turn reflect change in
other elements (Deetz 1973:16).
Other evidence of foodways in seventeenth-century St.
Augustine exists in the form of faunal remains. These have
been analyzed and interpreted by Elizabeth Reitz (1993a), and
her results are incorporated in this study. In addition to the
pottery and faunal remains, artifacts indicative of non¬
foodway activities are also used to characterize the
seventeenth-century material world.
The archaeological assemblages from each of the temporal
subdivisions discussed above have been organized by functional
categories that follow those developed by South (1977:88-106)
and adapted for Spanish colonial sites by Deagan (1983:231-
241, 1985:20). Except for construction material, which was
weighed, each artifact was counted and then assigned to one of
14 major functional groups. This methodological tool
represents a statistical description of artifact categories
that describe the elements of a cultural system.
The use of these functional categories is based on the
following assumption:
. . . each household in a colonial society represents
a system within a much larger system of complex
variables,with the larger system imposing on each
household a degree of uniformity in the relationships
among its behavioral parts. This uniformity is
122
expected to be revealed in various classes of cultural
remains (South 1977:86).
While analysis of artifact classes may not be appropriate
for questions that deal with individual behavior or issues of
variability, it is useful for those questions that involve a
larger scale, such as group and community-wide, and cultural
behavior. When dealing with this larger scale, the use of
functional categories of artifacts provides a specific way to
organize data, and to define the parameters of regularity and
variability within a cultural system. The functional grouping
of artifacts also provides a objective means of comparing the
assemblages from different sites both within a specific
culture and across cultural boundaries.
The activity groups used in this study included: (1)
Kitchen, (2) Architecture, (3) Weaponry, (4) Clothing and
Sewing, (5) Personal, (6) Activities, (7) Furniture Hardware,
(8) Tools, (9) Toys and Games, (10) Harness and Tack, and (11)
Religious Items. In addition, each artifact group also
included a number of subclasses for additional and more
specific functional identification when available. For
instance, the Kitchen group is subdivided into majolica, other
tablewares, Native American, and food preparation items. This
subdivision recognizes the importance of the majolica
manufacturing tradition in Spanish society and the
predominance of majolica on Spanish colonial sites. It also
123
acknowledges the role of Native American pottery as a critical
element in Spanish colonial food preparation technology.
As part of the archaeological characterization of the
seventeenth-century assemblages, the sample sites were ranked
according to the relative proportions of Spanish or Spanish-
American majolica versus Native American pottery. This index
follows that used by Deagan (1983,1985) in her
characterization of late sixteenth-century and eighteenth-
century assemblages from St. Augustine. The use of this index
should highlight intersite variability between the various
sites, and allow some general statements regarding socio¬
economic differences between the various site occupants to be
made.
Following this archaeological characterization, the
ceramics from the assemblages were grouped according to their
place of manufacture. Manufacturing locales for colonial
pottery have been fairly well documented through both archival
and archaeological research (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968; Lister
and Lister 1972, 1974, 1987; Noel Hume 1985) . As a result, it
is possible to identify the country of origin by examining the
paste characteristics and decorative attributes of various
types of colonial period ceramics. This, along with the
important role of pottery in Spanish colonial culture, its
preservation at archaeological sites, and its concomitant
appearance in relatively high proportions, renders it
124
particularly amenable for tracing trade and distribution
networks.
The ceramics from each time period were therefore grouped
according to five major geographic areas. These included (1)
Asia, (2) Europe, (3) New Spain, (4) Unknown European or
European American, and (5) La Florida. With the exception of
Asia, the ceramics within each of these general areas were
then divided into more specific regions. For example,
European ceramics were classified as originating in Spain,
England, France, or Italy. The origins of Spanish-American
ceramics were subdivided into Mexico City, Puebla, Tonala,
Yucatán, or unknown. Native American pottery manufactured in
La Florida was arranged according to the three major provinces
of Timucua, Guale/Mocamo, and Apalachee. In recognition of the
uniqueness of colono ware as a potential pan-Indian or African
ware, this particular type of pottery was included in Native
American wares as a separate subgroup.
Despite the vast amount of archaeological research that
has focused on cultural development in the British colonies
(Benes 1977; Brown 1977), and in particular the Chesapeake
region (Smolek, Poque, and Clark 1984), categories of data
analogous with those used by Spanish colonial researchers are
not readily available. The methods used to collect, quantify
and organize data by historical archaeologists interested in
the development of British colonial culture (Deetz 1977;
Miller and King 1988) differ fundamentally from those used by
125
scholars interested in the Spanish colonial experience (South
1983; Deagan 1983; Ewen 1991).
In general, historical archaeologists working on British
colonial sites expose and excavate large "blocks" or areas of
a town, while those working in St. Augustine focus on
uncovering individual households within a community. This
problem in obtaining collections of excavated material
recovered under comparable conditions, and the use of vastly
different excavation strategies renders comparisons, based on
quantifiable data, difficult at best. In addition, British
colonial archaeologists also generally rely either on
categories of data not available in St. Augustine, such as
gravestone art and architectural forms (Deetz 1974, 1977,
1993) or use entirely different activity groups that are based
on minimum ceramic vessel counts (Miller, et al. 1983).
While the use of different activity groups or minimum
number of vessels, instead of number of sherds, does not
necessarily pose a problem, the lack of accessible "raw" data
(i.e. lists of artifact types and frequencies) does. For the
most part, complete inventories of excavated material are
simply not available in the published literature. In the
Chesapeake region, this type of information exists only on the
original catalog and analysis cards for a specific site (Julie
King, personal communication, 1994).
Limited data regarding the origins of pottery exist from
Kingsmill Plantation in the Virginia colony (Kelso 1984), but
126
several caveats are in order. First, the Kingsmill Plantation
ceramic data are based on vessel count, not sherd frequency.
Second, the sample size is relatively small when compared to
the St. Augustine data, and third, the data used in this study
are compiled from summary tables that categorize the ceramics
as Chinese, Delft, and American (see Kelso 1984: Appendix B).
Because no detailed listing of the specific types included in
each group is included, Delftwares are assumed to be of
English, not Dutch origin.
Despite these limitations, the ceramic assemblage from
Kingsmill Plantation, a seventeenth-century British-colonial
community situated along the James River in the Virginia
colony (Kelso 1984), will be used to measure the degree of
separation from Europe and the reliance on American resources
during the middle period. This will be approached by comparing
the relative proportions of ceramics manufactured in China,
Europe, and the Americas. The British colonial sites included
in this comparison include the Pettus, Utopia, and portions of
the Kingsmill Tenement sites. The samples used in this study
were recovered from postholes, a well, and trash pits.
All three sites were located along the James River near
modern-day Williamsburg, Virginia. Much of the documentation
regarding land ownership and residency of Kingsmill Plantation
during the seventeenth century is vague (Kelso 1984:35). All
of the sites represented domestic households that date from
ca. 1640-1700, the middle period in the Chesapeake region
127
(Deetz 1993). Although the Utopia site was named after James
Utie, the original landowner, there is no evidence that he
ever resided on the property. Instead, the property seems to
have been occupied by tenants who worked the land. The
Kingsmill Tenement site was occupied by "Thomas Farley, a
tenant who had a wife, a daughter, and a 40-year old servant"
(Kelso 1984:34-35) .
Only one site, the Pettus site, was occupied by a
resident landowner. Colonel Thomas Pettus was the twelfth son
of a wealthy English merchant and politician. It is not known
when he arrived in the Virginia colony, but by 1641 he served
on the Governor's Council. Pettus initially acquired 200 acres
of land, and then accumulated additional land through his
marriage to Elizabeth Durant, a wealthy widow. By the end of
the century, the Pettus family holdings included 1,280 acres.
Colonel Pettus died in 1669, and his son, Thomas Pettus,
inherited the land. Following the younger Pettus' death in
1691, the land was purchased by the James Bray family.
The compilation and characterization of the material
record into functional categories and units of analysis
comparable to those used for Spanish colonial sites, in
general, and specifically St. Augustine, was found not to be
feasible at this time. Consequently, much of the comparative
aspect of this study will deal with a more general level of
analysis. That is, the nature of Spanish colonial cultural
development, as reflected in the archaeological record of St.
128
Augustine, will be compared with the existing archaeologically
derived model of development for New England and Virginia
(Deetz 1977, 1993).
Sample Sites and Archaeological Contexts from St. Aucrustine
Archaeological deposits in St. Augustine reflect a
continuous European occupation of more than 400 years (1565 to
the present) and exhibit extremely complex stratification. The
superimposition and mixing of the soil associated with the
various occupations at most sites often render it difficult to
separate and distinguish the various different temporal
contexts. The identification of a specific cultural and
temporal affiliation therefore depends on strict stratigraphic
controls and the presence of tightly dated European ceramics,
specifically Spanish majolica (Deagan 1987; Fairbanks 1972;
Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1972, 1987) and English
tableware (Noel Hume 1985) . This is particularly true when
dealing with late sixteenth and early seventeenth century
contexts, a time span that covers a period of less than fifty
years. Consequently, although most of the Spanish colonial
sites excavated in St. Augustine have included a late
sixteenth or early seventeenth century component, only seven
have yielded a sufficient sample of closed-context
129
seventeenth-century proveniences for inclusion in this study
(Table 8).
Identification of these proveniences, which are defined
as "a deposit in the ground resulting from a single behavioral
event or process" (Deagan 1983:56), was based on the terminus
post quern (TPQ) for the deposit and its stratigraphic point of
initiation. In order to ensure comparability in recovery and
analytical methods, all of the sites chosen for this research
were excavated either as part of the Historical Archaeology
Program at Florida State University in Tallahassee or the
Florida Museum of Natural History at the University of Florida
in Gainesville (both directed by Deagan) or by personnel
trained in these programs. The specific proveniences used in
this research are listed, by site, in Appendix 1.
The seven sites used to conduct this analysis include:
(1) the Convento de San Francisco (SA42A) , (2) the Josef
Lorenzo de León Site (SA26-1) , (3) the Trinity Episcopal
Church Site (SA34-1), (4) the Ximénez-Fatio House (SA34-2),
(5) the Palm Row Site (SA36-4), (6) the CofradÃa Site (SA33-
1) , and (7) The O'Reilly House site (SA35-1) . All of the sites
included in this research have been occupied since the
sixteenth century, and are located south of the modern town
plaza in St. Augustine in an area known today as "The Old
City" (Figure 6).
Table 8. Summary of Occupational and Excavation History of Seventeenth Century Sample
Sites.
SITE
SITE NUMBER
SITE FUNCTION
EXCAVATION HISTORY1
Convento de
San Francisco
SA42A
Franciscan monastery
1588-1763
UF: Hoffman 1990
CofradÃa
SA30-1
Religious confraternity
ca. 15767-1763
UF: Napoleon 1990
HSAPB: Napoleon 1990a
Trinity
Episcopal
SA34-1
Domestic residence ca.
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: Deagan 1978
Williams 1979
Deagan 1980
Vernon 1980, 1980a
Ximénez-Fatio
SA34-2
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
UF: MacMurray 1972
Deagan 1973
Ewen 1984
McEwan 1985
FSU: Clauser 1975
Caballero 1979
King & Gaske 1980
Stevens 1981
Josef de León
SA26-1
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: Singleton 1976
Braley 1978
Deagan 1978
Caballero 1979
CETA:1979 (no report)
Palm Row
SA36-4
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: Poe 1979
O'Reilly House
SA35-1
Domestic residence
ca. 15707-1763
FSU: MacMahon 1981
1 UF=University of Florida, FSU=Florida State University, CITY=City of St. Augustine, HSAPB=Historic St.
Augustine Preservation Board, CETA
H
LO
o
Figure 6. Location of Excavated 17th Century Sites in Relation to the 1586 Townsite
CO
H1
132
As depicted in a 1586 engraving by Boazio (see Figure 3
in chapter 4) , and supported by documentary and archaeological
research (Deagan 1981, 1982, 1983; Deagan and Bostwick 1976;
Hoffman 1977) , this "Old City" consisted of a core of nine
blocks. Figure 6 shows the location of the seven sites within
the colonial town, and in relationship to the 1586 Boazio map.
With the exception of the Convento de San Francisco, no
known documentary information regarding the specific
seventeenth-century occupations of these sites is available.
In general, the archaeological assemblages suggest that the
other six sites were domestic residences, and that the people
who lived at these sites represented a variety of economic
levels in the town. The sampling strategy at all of the sites
focused on "backyard" (Fairbanks 1977) areas where kitchens
were located and everyday activities, such as cooking,
washing, and throwing away trash took place. As shown in
Appendix 1, most of the sample used in this study came from
trash areas, wells or well construction pits that were
situated in the "backyard" area of the residences or
monastery.
Considerably more information is available for the
Convento de San Francisco site because of its function as a
Franciscan monastery (or friary) and mission headquarters
throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth
centuries. As such, it represented an important center of
Catholic administrative and religious activities and rituals
133
during colonial times. In addition, the Convento de San
Francisco provided the largest and most reliable sample of
seventeenth century material recovered from St. Augustine to
date. Before summarizing the results of excavations at these
sites, it is important to discuss how and why assemblages from
such different sites can be used to address the question of
cultural development.
The factors of site function and socio-economic standing
affect the archaeological record, but their relative
importance depends on the type and scale of question under
consideration. These factors are most critical at the
individual-site level of analysis, where they can account for
preference and differential access to goods. They are less
important when dealing with a larger scale, such as the cross-
cultural comparison of community-wide expressions of cultural
behavior. As noted by Deetz, "similarities and differences in
this case are not considered in the context of status and
occupation, . . . but rather at the more coarse-grained . . .
level of international comparisons" and the form assumed by
various cultures in different regions (1993:164).
The Convento de San Francisco (SA-42A)
For the past 300 years, the site of the Convento de San
Francisco has occupied a prominent position along the Matanzas
Bay at the northeastern edge of the colonial city of St.
Augustine. The site (SA-42A) of this Franciscan monastery is
134
located in modern St. Augustine at the corners of St. Francis
and Marine Streets, property that today houses the State of
Florida Department of Military Affairs Headquarters (Figure
6) . In 1988, the Florida Museum of Natural History, under the
field supervision of Kathleen Hoffman, conducted extensive
test excavations in that area of the property known as the
"quadrangle" (Hoffman 1990, 1992). These excavations yielded
a total of 186 seventeenth-century contexts including a barrel
well, a well construction pit, postmolds, and construction
trenches (Appendix 1).
The Convento de San Francisco served as the center of
operations for the Franciscan mission effort in La Florida
during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.
In this capacity, the monastery played a vital role as an
intermediary between the outlying missions and the secular
town of St. Augustine. As mission headquarters, it also
served as a guest house for visiting church officials and it
functioned as both a training center for new friars prior to
their departure for their respective mission stations in the
provinces of Timucua, Guale, and Apalachee and as a hospice
for ill and elderly friars (Matter 1972:11).
Although it was administratively and ecclesiastically
linked with the missions, the monastery differed from them in
two important ways. First, it was located within the urban,
Spanish town of St. Augustine, rather than in a remote Indian
village. Secondly, the Convento de San Francisco consisted of
135
a community of friars who interacted on a daily basis with the
predominantly European population of the Spanish town, whereas
the Franciscans assigned to the missions were isolated from
other lay and religious Spaniards.
Little is known documentarily about the sixteenth
century monastery, except that it was constructed in 1588, one
year after the arrival of the first significant group of
Franciscan missionaries. The friary was dedicated to the
Immaculate Conception (La Concepción) in 1592, and seven years
later, in 1599, a fire destroyed both the convento and chapel.
Neither were rebuilt until the very early years of the
seventeenth century. In 1606, the Custody of Santa Elena was
formed and the mission field was extended west to encompass
the Apalachee province. The Convento de San Francisco became
the principal convent of this newly formed custody, which
included convents in Florida and Cuba (Geiger 1937:227). By
1610, construction of the second monastery had been completed
and two years later, King Philip of Spain expanded the
administrative duties of the friary when he designated it as
a Capitular or Province House (Geiger 1937:187; Mohr
1928:221).
Another fire destroyed the convento in 1620, but it was
quickly rebuilt with the "tremendous assistance and alms"
provided by the Governor of Florida (Pesquera 1621). By mid
century, between 35 and 40 missionaries were attached to the
monastery (Charles 1928:222; Gannon 1983:57; Thomas 1990:378).
136
The actual number of priests who permanently lived at the
friary remains unclear, as does the number of lay persons
attached to it. During his 1675 visita. Bishop Gabriel Diaz
Vara Calderón reported that "three monks, a superior, a
preacher, a lay brother, and . . . three curates for the three
principal languages of these provinces" resided at the
Franciscan convent and administered to the Indians living in
St. Augustine (Wenhold 1936:7).
The historical record also indicates the presence of an
African servant as early as 1589, and during the seventeenth
century, at least two male African slaves and an eighteen year
old male mulatto slave were assigned to the convento (Cooper
4- W* nn biW
1962:7; Rueda 1660; St. Augustine Parish Records 1654, 1655).
Given the use of Native American laborers by the Franciscan
missionaries in general (Lyon 1977:118-119; Matter 1973:31),
it is possible that Indians also may have worked at the
convento or lived nearby. In 1702, the church and convento
were briefly occupied as headquarters for the British army
during Colonel James Moore's siege of St. Augustine and
consequently destroyed by fire during the British retreat from
the town, less than two months after their initial attack
(Arnade 1959:37,53-61). An English soldier, attached to one
of Moore's regiments, described the church and convento as
"large enough to hold 700 to 800 men" (Boniface 1971:78) and
several documents mention a library of "Greek and Latin
Fathers" as being lost in the fire (Shea 1886:460) .
137
The Lorenzo Josef de León Site (SA26-1)
The de León site is situated approximately one block to
the west of the Matanzas River near the southern end of the
16th century colonial town of St. Augustine. Today, the site
is on a lot bounded by Bravo Lane to the north, Aviles Street
to the south, Charlotte Street on the west, and Marine Street
on the east, and houses a private residence. (Figure 6).
Beginning in 1977 and continuing until 1981, Florida State
University conducted four separate archaeological excavation
projects at the de León site (Braley 1978; Caballero and
Zierden 1979; Singleton 1976; Zierden 1979). Although the
primary purpose of these excavations was to recover spatial
patterns and material culture associated with the 16th century
town, evidence relating to the seventeenth century domestic
occupation was also identified. The proveniences used in this
study included trashpits, a well, a well construction pit,
postmolds, and several areas of unknown function. Appendix 1
lists the functions and dates of the 70 seventeenth-century
deposits included.
The Trinity Episcopal Site (SA34-1)
Like the Lorenzo Josef de León site, this property also
lies within the borders of the sixteenth century town. The
Trinity Episcopal site is located one block south of the
modern town plaza of St. Augustine, and is bounded by St.
George Street to the west, Cadiz Street on the south,
138
Artillery Lane on the north and by the Oldest Store Museum to
the east (Figure 6) . The lot is presently occupied by the
Episcopal Church playground. Initial archaeological tests by
Florida State University took place from April until September
of 1977 under the supervision of Dale Benton (Deagan 1978),
and were continued in the spring of 1978 under the supervision
of Maurice Williams (Williams 1979), during the spring and
summer of 1980 under the supervision of Richard Vernon (Vernon
1980, 1980a), and again in 1981 under the supervision of
Charlie Stevens (Stevens 1981). During these excavations, a
total of 43 seventeenth century closed context proveniences
were identified, including a well and associated construction
pit, and several deposits with unknown functions (Appendix 1) .
The Ximénez-Fatio House Site (SA34-2)
The Ximénez-Fatio site is located on Aviles Street in
modern St. Augustine (Figure 6), and is centered within the
sixteenth century town boundaries as defined by previous
archaeological research (Deagan 1980). The property has been
continuously occupied since the late 1500s (King and Gaske
1980:1) . Without a doubt, the Fatio site is one of the most
intensively excavated sites within St. Augustine today owing
to the active interest of the current property owners, the
Florida Chapter of the National Society of the Colonial Dames
of America. The Colonial Dames are accurately restoring and
depicting the later history of the site. Since 1972, Florida
139
State University and The University of Florida have conducted
11 seasons of excavation at the Fatio Site (Table 8) . The
majority of this research focused on either the sixteenth or
nineteenth century components, but a total of 27 seventeenth-
century proveniences have been identified during these
excavations (Appendix 1) . These included trashpits,
postmolds, and several pits and areas with undetermined
functions.
The Palm Row Site (SA36-4)
The Palm Row site is situated approximately four blocks
to the southwest of the modern town plaza and is bounded by
Palm Row to the south and St. George Street to the east
(Figure 6) . Excavations were conducted by Florida State
University during the spring and summer of 1978 with Charles
Poe as the Field Supervisor (Poe 1979) . A total of 60
seventeenth-century deposits was identified during this
excavation, including postmolds, a trashpit, a construction
trench, and areas with an unknown function (Appendix 1) .
Archaeological evidence indicates that the Palm Row site has
been continuously occupied from the sixteenth through the
twentieth centuries.
The CofradÃa Site (SA30-3)
The CofradÃa site is located in the heart of the
sixteenth-century colonial town at 230 Charlotte Street
140
(Figure 6) . Archaeological excavations, under the direction of
Kathleen Deagan, were conducted by the University of Florida
Field School in Historical Archaeology during the spring of
1990 (Napoleon 1990). The Historic St. Augustine Preservation
Board continued the excavations during the summer of that same
year (Napoleon 1990a) . Most of the material used in this study
came from a well or its associated construction pit (Appendix
1) .
As with most of the sites included in this study, little
is known regarding the earliest occupations of this site.
However, historical information suggests that this property
was owned by the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament
during the seventeenth century (Parker 1990) . It remains
unclear whether this property functioned as one of several
rental properties owned by the cofradÃa or actually served as
the location of the cofradÃa itself (Susan Parker, personal
communication, 1993).
The O'Reilly House Site (SA35-1)
The O'Reilly House site is located at 131 Aviles Street
at the intersection of Bravo Lane and Aviles Street, on
property owned by the Sisters of St. Joséph Convent (Figure
6). Excavations, under the direction of Kathleen Deagan and
the supervision of Darcie MacMahon, were conducted by Florida
State University during the spring of 1981 (MacMahon 1981).
The one test pit excavated at the site yielded a total of 20
141
seventeenth-century proveniences, including a well and its
associated construction pit, three postmolds, and several pits
and deposits with unknown functions (Appendix 1) .
Archaeological data suggest a domestic occupation beginning in
the late sixteenth century.
The next chapter presents the results of the analysis of
the archaeological assemblages associated with the seven
sample sites, including their functional associations and
temporal trends.
CHAPTER 6
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CHARACTERIZATION OF THE SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY
MATERIAL ASSEMBLAGE FROM ST. AUGUSTINE SITES
In order to address the first of the questions outlined
in Chapter 5, it was necessary to order and characterize the
archaeological data from each site. The results of that
process are summarized in this chapter using a comparative
temporal framework of early seventeenth and late seventeenth
century divisions. As previously mentioned, the late
sixteenth-century assemblage has already been ordered and
characterized by Deagan (1985), and will therefore not be
discussed in this particular chapter. It will, however, be
included in the following chapter.
The seven sites included in this study yielded a total
of 467 seventeenth-century proveniences, which in turn yielded
a total of 13,704 artifacts. Approximately 24% of these items
dated to the first half of the century and 76% were associated
with the late seventeenth-century deposits. The relative
frequencies of artifacts, by major functional groups and time
period are discussed below. A complete list of all of items,
by major functional groups and time period, from each of the
sites can be found in Appendices 2 and 3.
142
143
The material patterns represented at the seven sites in
the sample revealed significant differences between the early
and late seventeenth-century assemblages. The most obvious
distinctions were found in the intensity of occupation as
represented by the number of identifiable proveniences and the
volume of material recovered. Approximately 23% of both the
deposits and materials dated to the early seventeenth century
while 77% were associated with the latter half of the century.
Site excavation strategies and the difficulty in
distinguishing between late sixteenth and early seventeenth-
century deposits and artifacts, as discussed in chapter 5,
probably account for some of these differences. However, these
distinctions also reflect increases in population number and
diversity during the latter half of the century. As noted in
chapter 4 (see Table 6), the population of St. Augustine grew
from approximately 300 to 500 people in 1607 (Dunkle 1958) to
over 1200 by the end of the century (Dunkle 1958) . Along with
this increase in the number of people who lived in the town
came the expansion of the town boundaries, the intensification
of the Franciscan mission effort with St. Augustine as the
headquarters, the building and enlargement of additional
private dwellings and public buildings, and the construction
of an imposing and vital new fort, the Castillo de San Marcos
(Arana and Manucy 1977; Deagan 1990; Deagan, Bostwick and
Benton 1976) . These changes in the population and in the
cultural landscape undoubtedly affected both the quantity of
144
proveniences and the amount of goods that entered the St.
Augustine archaeological record.
Characterization of the Early Seventeenth-Century Assemblage
As shown in Table 9, the Convento de San Francisco site
exhibited the least amount of diversity in terms of the
categories of artifacts represented. Only three categories
were identified from the early seventeenth-century
assemblages, including kitchen wares, architectural items, and
clothing. The Josef de León site exhibited the most diversity
in that eight categories of artifacts were represented. In all
seven of the sites, pottery dominated both the entire early
seventeenth-century assemblage and the kitchen group. This is
not surprising given the predominance of ceramics on Spanish
colonial sites in general (Fairbanks 1977:141-142), and the
relatively high frequency of ceramics noted for sixteenth and
eighteenth-century Spanish sites in Florida and the Caribbean
(Deagan 1983, 1985, 1992; Ewen 1991; South 1977) . The relative
proportions of kitchen-related items ranged from 83% from the
Convento de San Francisco site to 96% from the Palm Row Site.
The comparatively low frequency of kitchen wares from the
Convento de San Francisco site can be attributed to the
Table 9. Characterization of Early 17th Century Assemblages by Functional Categories
Group
Convento de
San Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
Total
Kitchen
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Majolica
13
10
70
7
14
7
74
5
10
5
181
6
Utilitarian
14
11
259
27
63
31
706
49
43
20
1145
38
Tableware
1
1
20
2
4
2
28
2
5
2
58
2
Native
97
74
597
63
117
57
670
43
150
69
1631
53
American
Food
6
5
5
1
5
3
14
1
8
4
38
1
Preparation
Subtotal
131
83
951
94
203
91
1552
95
216
96
3053
94
Architecture
24
15
55
5
10
4
80
5
7
3
176
5
Weaponry
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
<1
0
0
1
<1
Clothing
3
2
6
1
2
1
2
<1
0
0
13
<1
Personal
0
0
0
0
2
1
1
<1
0
0
3
<1
Activities
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
<1
1
<1
5
1
Furniture
0
0
1
<1
0
0
1
<1
0
0
2
<1
Hardware
Tools
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Toys
0
0
0
0
1
<1
2
<1
0
0
3
<1
Tack
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Religious
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Total
158
100
1015
100
223
100
1641
100
224
100
3261
100
4^
U1
146
increased proportion of architecture related artifacts found
in the early seventeenth-century contexts at that site, as
noted on the following page.
The majority of the kitchen-related artifacts consisted
of either European utilitarian wares (38%) or Native American
ceramics (53%) . Most of the utilitarian wares (almost 90%)
consisted of storage vessels, such as glazed and unglazed
Olive Jar and Spanish Storage Jar sherds (Table 10). El Morro,
Redware, and various untyped glazed and unglazed coarse-
earthenware vessels were also present in the early assemblage.
Table 10. Distribution of Utilitarian Wares from Seventeenth-
Century Contexts
Item
Early 17th Late 17th
# % # %
El Morro
Unglazed Olive Jar
Glazed Olive Jar
Redware
Spanish Storage Jar
UID Unglazed Earthenware
UID Glazed Earthenware
UID Lead Glazed
UID Lead/Tin Glazed
Total
4
0 .
.35
63
3
.27
709
61.
. 92
1443
74
.88
178
15 ,
.55
182
9 .
.44
3
0 .
.26
5
0 ,
.26
139
12 .
. 14
10
0 .
. 52
93
8 .
. 12
173
8 .
.98
5
0 .
.44
8
0 .
.42
14
1.
.22
40
2 .
.08
0
0 .
.00
3
0 .
.16
1145
100.00
1927
100 .
. 00
As shown in Table 11, Native American pottery accounted
for a little over half of all of the items. Although more
specific information regarding the origins of this group can
147
Table 11. Distribution of Native American pottery from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts
Item
Earlv
17th
Late
17th
#
c
1
9
#
<
0
St. Johns Plain
371
22
.76
874
14
.26
St. Johns Stamped
516
31
.65
733
11
.96
St. Johns Incised
0
0
.00
2
0
.03
St. Johns Punctated
0
0
.00
1
0
.02
St. Johns UID
0
0
.00
2
0
.03
San Marcos Plain
260
15
.94
1127
18
.40
San Marcos Stamped
305
18
.70
2501
40
.84
San Marcos Red Filmed
5
0
.31
15
0
.25
San Marcos Incised
1
0
.06
16
0
.26
San Marcos Punctated
0
0.
.00
8
0
.13
San Marcos Burnished
0
0 .
.00
2
0
.03
San Marcos Cord Marked
0
0
.00
1
0
. 02
San Marcos UID
3
0 .
. 18
18
0
.29
Leon Jefferson Stamped "A"
1
0
.06
1
0
.02
Leon Jefferson Stamped "D"
0
0 ,
.00
4
0 .
.07
Leon Jefferson Incised
0
0 .
.00
2
0 ,
.03
Leon Jefferson Stamped
6
0 .
.37
8
0 ,
.13
Miller Plain
3
0 .
.18
1
0 ,
.02
Mission Red Filmed
2
0 .
. 12
25
0 .
.41
Colono Ware
1
0.
.06
10
0 .
. 16
Sand Tempered Plain
29
1.
.78
205
3 .
.35
Sand Temper Stamped
2
0 .
.12
15
0 .
.25
Sand Temper Incised
1
0 .
.06
6
0 ,
.09
Sand Temper Punctated
0
0 .
.00
3
0 .
.05
Sand Temper Red Filmed
0
0 .
. 00
1
0 .
. 02
Sand Temper Burnished
0
0 .
.00
4
0 .
.07
Sand/Grit Temper Plain
3
0 .
.18
102
1.
. 67
Sand/Grit Temper Stamped
0
0 .
. 00
3
0 .
.05
Grit Temper Plain
31
1.
.90
62
1.
. 01
Grit Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
33
0 .
. 54
Grit Temper Incised
1
0 .
. 06
2
0 .
.03
Grit Temper Red Filmed
0
0.
.00
1
0 .
.02
Grit/Grog Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
1
0 .
. 02
Grit/Limestone Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
1
0 .
. 02
Grog Temper Plain
9
0 .
. 55
73
1.
. 19
Grog Temper Stamped
2
0 .
.12
6
0 .
.09
Grog Temper Incised
0
0 .
,00
2
0 .
. 03
Shell Temper Plain
1
0 .
.06
1
0 .
.02
Shell Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
4
0 .
.07
Shell/Sand Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
2
0 .
.03
Shell/Sand Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
2
0.
,03
Shell/Grit Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
6
0.
.09
Sand/Shell Temper Red Filmed
0
0 .
.00
1
0 .
.02
Fiber Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
27 ?
0 .
44
Fiber Temper Stamped
0
0 .
.00
6
0 .
09
Limestone Temper Plain
0
0 .
.00
8
0 .
13
148
Table 11. Continued
Mica Temper Plain
2
0.12
0
0.00
Grit/Mica Temper Plain
1
0.06
0
0.00
Quartz Temper Plain
1
0.06
0
0.00
Quartz Temper Stamped
2
0.12
0
0.00
Deptford Stamped
1
0.06
0
0.00
Lamarlike Incised
8
0.49
19
0.31
Ocmulgee Fields Incised
1
0.06
1
0.02
Orange Fiber Temper
2
0.12
4
0.07
Ft. Walton Incised
Ft. Walton Punctated,
Altamaha
0
0.00
1
0.02
0
0.00
1
0.02
0
0.00
1
0.02
Irene Incised
1
0.06
1
0.02
Irene Punctated
0
0.00
1
0.02
UID Irene
5
0.31
5
0.08
UID Plain
12
0.74
109
1.78
UID Stamped
19
1.17
3
0.05
UID Incised
19
1.17
7
0.11
UID Punctated/Incised
1
0.06
0
0.00
UID Punctated
1
0.06
0
0.00
UID Red Filmed
1
0.06
32
0.52
UID Decorated
0
0.00
1
0.02
UID Burnished
1
0.06
10
0.16
Total
1631 100.00
6124
100.00
149
be found in the following section, the majority of items were
either St. Johns or San Marcos pottery (Table 11) . Previous
research has demonstrated that San Marcos supplemented
European cooking and storage vessels that were often not
available in colonial St. Augustine (Otto and Lewis 1974:102-
103) . It has also been suggested that St. Johns pottery served
a similar function during the early years of the colony
(Herron 1978). Although some of the cooking pots may have been
metal or wood, the amount of Native American pottery along
with the relatively low proportion of European utilitarian
wares indicates a reliance on Indian vessels for food
preparation activities, or the presence of Native Americans
for preparing food.
In addition to the European utilitarian and Native
American vessels, majolica and other European tablewares were
also represented in the early seventeenth-century assemblage.
Majolicas constituted only 6% of the kitchen-related items,
while European tablewares and food preparation items combined
accounted for the remaining 3%. Columbia Plain, Ichtucknee
Blue on White, Sevilla Blue on Blue and Unidentified White tin
enamel represented the most frequently occurring majolica
(Table 12) in the early seventeenth century, but other types,
such as Fig Springs Polychrome, Mexico City White, San Luis
Blue on White, Santo Domingo Blue on White, Santa Elena Blue
on White and various unidentifiable majolicas were also
present in the assemblage.
150
Table 12. Distribution of Majolica from Seventeenth-century
Contexts
Item Early 17th Late 17th
#o, 44. o,
o Tf O
Abo Polychrome
Aucilla Polychrome
Caparra Blue
Columbia Plain
Columbia Plain Gunmetal
Fig Springs Polychrome
Green tin enamel
Ichtucknee Blue on White
Isabela Polychrome
Ligurian Blue on Blue
Mexico City Blue on Cream
Mexico City Green on Cream
Mexico City White
Puaray
Puebla Blue on White
Puebla Polychrome
Santo Domingo Blue on White
Santa Elena Blue on White
Sevilla Blue on Blue
Sevilla Blue on White
Sevilla White
San Luis Blue on White
San Luis Polychrome
Yayal Blue on White
UID Morisco
UID Mexico City
UID Puebla
UID Italianate
UID Blue on Blue
UID Blue
UID Blue on White
UID Green and Black
UID Green
UID Green and White
UID Polychrome
UID White
UID Gray
UID Majolica
Bisque
Total
0
0
.00
22
2
.50
0
0
.00
17
1
.93
0
0
.00
4
0
.45
35
19
.35
54
6
.13
1
0
.55
0
0
.00
7
3
.87
34
3
.86
0
0
.00
1
0
. 11
31
17
.14
50
5
.68
0
0
.00
4
0
.45
0
0
.00
3
0
.34
0
0
.00
2
0
.22
0
0
.00
2
0
.22
0
0
.00
36
4
.08
0
0
.00
2
0
.22
0
0
.00
1
0
. 11
0
0
.00
82
9
.31
10
5
.52
10
1.
. 14
1
0
.55
1
0 ,
. 11
33
18
.24
52
5 .
.90
0
0
.00
4
0 ,
.45
5
2
.76
6
0 ,
.68
8
4
.42
61
6 ,
.92
0
0
.00
27
3 .
.06
1
0
.55
11
1.
.25
0
0
.00
3
0 .
.34
0
0
. 00
22
2 .
. 50
0
0
.00
10
1.
. 14
0
0
.00
3
0 .
.34
0
0
.00
6
0 .
. 68
1
0
.55
3
0 .
.34
14
7
. 74
76
8 .
. 64
0
0
.00
1
0 .
. 11
0
0
.00
5
0 .
.57
0
0
.00
3
0 .
.34
5
2
.73
72
8 .
.18
27
14
. 93
128
14 .
.54
1
0
.55
0
0 .
. 00
0
0
. 00
47
5 .
.34
0
0
.00
16
1 .
. 82
181
100
0
0
881
100 .
. 00
151
The most common European tablewares consisted of Mexican
Red Painted and Orange Micaceous (Table 13). Other tablewares
include two sherds of Guadalajara Polychrome, one sherd of
Yunku Plain, three fragments of Porcelain, two Faience sherds,
and two pieces of Delft.
Table 13. Distribution of Tablewares from Seventeenth-century
Contexts
Item
Bisque
Bizcocho
Plain Delft
Blue and White Delft
Polychrome Delft
Blue and White Faience
Plain Faience
Polychrome Faience
Feldspar Inlaid
Guadalajara Polychrome
Melado
Mexican Red Painted
Nottingham
Orange Micaceous
Plain Porcelain
Blue and White Porcelain
European Porcelain
Export Porcelain
Japanese Porcelain
Kraak Porcelain
Ming Porcelain
Oriental Porcelain
Porcelain UID
Slipware
Metropolitan Slipware
Pisan Slipware
Staffordshire Slipware
UID Tin Enameled
Yucatán Colonial
Yunku Plain
UID Glazed Earthenware
Total
Earlv 17th
Late
17th
#
a
o
#
o,.
o
0
0.00
6
2.42
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
13
5.24
2
3.45
13
5.24
0
0.00
2
0.81
0
0.00
1
0.40
2
3.45
5
2.02
0
0.00
1
0.40
3
5.17
5
2.02
2
3.45
11
4.44
1
1.72
0
0.00
18
31.05
130
52.42
0
0.00
1
0.40
15
25.86
17
6.85
0
0.00
3
1.21
3
5.17
0
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
2
0.80
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
5
2.02
0
0.00
3
1.21
0
0.00
4
1.61
0
0.00
4
1.61
0
0.00
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
10
17.24
13
5.24
1
1.72
0
0.00
1
1.72
1
0.40
0
0.00
1
0.40
58
100.00
248
100.00
152
Other than ceramics, the material assemblage of the
early seventeenth century was sparse and relatively unvaried.
Kitchen artifacts dominated the assemblage, and in addition to
ceramics, included 43 fragments of glass (Table 14).
Table 14. Distribution of Food Preparation Items from
Seventeenth-century Contexts
Item
Earlv 17th
Late 17th
#
0
#
%
Green Glass
21
55.27
82
30.04
Olive Green Glass
3
7.89
15
5.49
Dark Green Glass
0
0.00
10
3.67
Light Green Glass
0
0.00
5
1.83
Clear Glass
10
26.32
64
23.44
Yellow Glass
0
0.00
8
2.93
Aqua Glass
0
0.00
2
0.73
Blue Glass
0
0.00
1
0.37
Brown Glass
0
0.00
1
0.37
Amber Glass
1
2.63
3
1.09
Latticino Glass
0
0.00
1
0.37
Opaque Red Glass
0
0.00
3
1.09
Patinated Glass
3
7.89
14
5.13
UID Glass
0
0.00
59
21.61
Mano ?
0
0.00
1
0.37
Metate
0
0.00
1
0.37
Pot
0
0.00
3
1.09
Total
38
100.00
273
100.00
The percentages of architectural items recovered from
the seven sample sites ranged from 3.12% to 15.19% with a mean
of 5.40% (Table 9) . As mentioned, the Convento de San
Francisco site exhibited the highest proportion of
architectural items due to two separate re-buildings of the
monastery following devastating fires in 1599 and 1620.
153
Table 15. Distribution of Architectural Artifacts from
Seventeenth-Century Contexts
Item
Earlv 17th
Late 17th
#
%
#
o
0
Nail
142
77.45
655
81.67
Spike
28
15.47
107
13.34
Tack
7
3.87
26
3.24
Cotter Pin
1
0.55
0
0.00
Door plate
1
0.55
0
0.00
Flat Glass
0
0.00
9
1.11
Hook
1
0.55
1
0.13
Ring
0
0.00
1
0.13
Staple
0
0.00
1
0.13
Wire
1
0.55
2
0.25
Total
181
100.00
802
100.00
Nails and spikes comprised the majority of the artifacts in
the group, but several tacks, one cotter pin, a door plate,
and a hook were also identified (Table 15).
As shown in Table 16, only about 1% of the entire early
seventeenth-century assemblage consisted of items that were
not related to kitchen or construction activities. Evidence
for clothing-related artifacts consisted of five straight
pins, four buttons, two aglets, one eye hook, and one thimble.
Activities were represented by lead sprue, a strike-o-light,
and a fishhook. Personal items included three white clay
tobacco pipe fragments,- toys included a die and two gaming
discs,- furniture hardware consisted of two brass tacks,- and
one lead shot comprised the only weaponry-related artifact
recovered from the early seventeenth century.
154
Table 16. Distribution of Non-Kitchen and Non-Architectural
Items from Seventeenth-century Contexts
Item
Earlv 17th
Late 17th
#
%
#
%
Weaponry
Gunflint
0
0.00
2
28.57
Musketball
0
0.00
1
14.29
Projectile Point
0
0.00
1
14.29
Shot
1
100.00
3
42.86
Subtotal
1
100.00
7
100.00
Clothing
Aglet
2
15.38
10
9.80
Bordado
0
0.00
1
0.98
Buckle
0
0.00
2
1.96
Button
4
30.77
7
6.86
Button back
0
0.00
1
0.98
Button blank
0
0.00
41
40.20
Eye hook
1
7.69
1
0.98
Grommet
0
0.00
1
0.98
Needle
0
0.00
1
0.98
Pin
5
38.46
36
35.20
Shoe
0
0.00
1
0.98
Thimble
1
7.69
0
0.00
Subtotal
13
100.00
102
100.00
Personal
Bead
0
0.00
11
22.92
Earring
0
0.00
1
2.08
Fan Slat
0
0.00
1
2.08
Medallion
0
0.00
1
2.08
Pipe
3
100.00
34
70.84
Subtotal
3
100.00
48
100.00
Activity
Chert
0
0.00
1
9.09
Core
0
0.00
1
9.09
Debit
1
20.00
3
27.27
Fishhook
2
40.00
0
0.00
Fishing Weight
0
0.00
1
0.00
Flint
0
0.00
1
9.09
Hasp
0
0.00
1
9.09
Hook
0
0.00
1
9.09
Hoop
0
0.00
2
18.18
Rope
0
0.00
1
9.09
Sprue
1
20.00
0
0.00
Strike-o-lite
1
20.00
0
0.00
Subtotal
5
100.00
12
100.00
Furniture Hardware
Tack
2
100.00
12
92.30
Hasp
0
0.00
1
7.70
Subtotal
2
100.00
13
100.00
Tools
Core
0.00
1
0
33.33
Table 16. Continued
0
0
Knife
Spear
Subtotal
Toys
Dice
Gaming disc
Subtotal
Religious
Rosary Bead
Subtotal
0.00
0.00
0
0.00
1
33.33
2
66.67
3
100.00
0
0.00
0.00
1
33.33
1
33.33
3
100.00
0
0.00
2
100.00
2
100.00
1
100.00
1
100.00
0
156
Manufacturing Locations of Pottery
The early seventeenth-century proveniences yielded a
total of 3261 ceramic sherds. As shown in Table 17 and 18, and
noted on the previous pages, vessels manufactured by the
Native Americans of La Florida dominated the pottery
assemblage. St. Johns pottery, a chalky ware tempered with
sponge spicules, and manufactured by the Timucuan Indians who
lived in and around St. Augustine (Goggin 1958:99-105),
represented 58% of the native American ceramics. San Marcos,
a coarse quartz-tempered ware believed to have been made by
the Native Americans of coastal Georgia (Smith 1948:314-316),
represented 37%. The remaining Indian pottery consisted of
various types of unknown manufacture, and included plain,
burnished or stamped wares tempered with grit, sand, or grog.
Only one piece of colono-ware was recovered from the early
proveniences and twelve sherds (0.74%) from Apalachee Province
were identified.
The second most frequent place of origin for ceramics
was Europe. Not surprisingly, almost all of the European
pottery was manufactured in Spain, and only a few sherds
originated in England or France (Table 17). The most common
Spanish ceramics included both glazed and unglazed Olive Jar
(76%) and Spanish Storage Jar (12%) fragments.
Pottery from New Spain comprised only approximately 1% of
the entire ceramic assemblage, and most of these ceramics were
types generally categorized as Mexico City wares (83%) .
Table 17. Origins of Pottery from Early 17th Century Assemblages
Ori
Convento de
San Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio House
Josef de
León
Palm Row
Total
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
X
#
*
#
X
Asia
0
0
1
0
0
0
2
<1
0
0
3
<1
E
Spain
19
100
304
100
67
100
734
99
38
100
1162
99
U
R
England
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
<1
0
0
2
<1
0
P
France
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
<1
0
0
2
<1
E
Subtotal
19
100
304
100
67
34
738
48
38
100
1166
40
N
E
Mexico
City
4
100
8
73
7
100
11
73
4
80
34
81
U
Puebla
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
S
P
Tonala
0
0
1
9
0
0
0
0
1
20
2
5
A
I
Yucatán
0
0
1
9
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
N
Unknown
0
0
1
9
0
0
4
7
0
0
5
12
Subtotal
0
0
11
1
7
4
0
0
5
2
42
1
Unknown Europe
or America
5
4
28
3
7
4
113
7
15
7
168
6
L
Timucua
47
48
341
65
32
27
402
60
64
43
886
58
A
F
Guale/
Mocamo
23
24
181
34
74
63
213
32
84
56
575
37
L
0
Apalachee
1
1
0
0
1
1
10
1
0
0
12
1
R
I
Colono
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
<1
0
0
1
<1
D
A
Other
26
27
7
1
10
9
44
7
2
1
89
6
Subtotal
97
78
529
61
117
59
670
44
150
72
1563
53
Total
125
100
873
100
198
100
1538
100
208
100
2942
100
Ln
158
Table 18. Origins of Native American pottery
Early
17th
Late
17th
#
O,
o
#
%
Timucua
886
54.32
1611
26.31
Guale/Mocamo
575
35.25
3688
60.22
Apalachee
12
0.74
41
0.67
Colono
1
0.06
10
0.11
Unknown
157
9.63
774
12.64
Total
3015
100.00
6124
100.00
The most prevalent Mexico City wares included Mexican
Red Painted (43%), San Luis Blue on White (19%), Fig Springs
Polychrome (17%), and El Morro (10%) sherds. No ceramics
manufactured in Puebla were identified, but two sherds of
Guadalajara Polychrome, an unglazed painted ware believed to
have been manufactured in Tonala (Deagan 1983; Fairbanks 1972)
and one Yunku Plain sherd, which was probably produced in the
Yucatán (Singleton 1977), were recovered from the early
seventeenth-century contexts. The remaining pottery consisted
of unglazed and glazed coarse earthenwares of unknown European
manufacture.
Characterization of the Late Seventeenth-century Assemblage
The distribution of artifacts in the late seventeenth
century exhibited several distinct differences from that of
the previous period. Although, as shown in Table 19, the
proportion of many of the categories remained similar,
dramatic differences were observed in the proportions of
Table 19. Characterization of Late 17th Century Assemblages by Functional Categories
Group
Convento
de San
Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
CofradÃa
0'Reilly
Total
Kitchen
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Majolica
238
12
23
9
76
7
195
8
41
7
236
10
72
12
881
9
Utilitarian
272
14
49
19
174
16
671
27
108
17
545
22
108
18
1927
20
Tableware
27
1
7
2
49
4
44
2
19
3
64
3
38
7
248
3
Native
American
1326
70
180
67
802
70
1540
62
425
70
1489
62
362
61
6124
65
Food
Preparation
62
3
11
92
37
3
49
27
18
3
82
4
14
2
273
3
Subtotal
1925
85
270
95
1138
95
2499
93
611
94
2416
89
594
94
9453
91
Architecture
248
10
12
4
48
4
180
7
35
5
245
9
32
5
802
8
Weaponry
1
0
1
0
1
<1
1
0
0
0
3
<1
0
0
7
<1
Clothing
67
3
0
0
2
<1
6
0
2
0
23
1
2
<1
102
1
Personal
15
1
0
0
5
<1
5
0
5
1
16
<1
2
<1
48
<1
Activities
3
0
1
0
3
<1
2
0
0
0
3
<1
0
0
11
<1
Furniture
Hardware
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
10
<1
0
0
13
<1
Tools
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
<1
Toys
0
0
0
0
1
<1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
<1
Tack
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Religious
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
<1
Total
2263
100
284
99
1200
100
2697
100
653
100
2716
100
630
100
10443
100
Ln
160
utilitarian wares and Native American pottery. The actual
types of pottery did not change appreciably, but the frequency
of utilitarian wares as a group decreased by almost half, from
approximately 38% to 20% of the entire assemblage. Glazed and
unglazed Olive Jar sherds accounted for approximately 84% of
the late seventeenth-century utilitarian wares, unglazed
coarse earthenware comprised approximately 9%, and various
untyped lead glazed pottery constituted approximately 2% of
the assemblage.
The proportion of Native American pottery represented
the second major distinction between the early and late
seventeenth-century assemblages. As shown in Table 19, Native
American ceramics accounted for more than half of the total
seventeenth century and well over half of all the kitchen-
related artifacts. More specific information regarding the
origins and cultural affiliations of this pottery group can be
found in the next section. Notably absent from almost all of
the site assemblages were colono wares, an unglazed coarse
earthenware pottery manufactured by either African slaves or
Native Americans that exhibited traditional European vessel
forms (Ferguson 1977:68; Vernon 1988:77).
This type of ware, which can be plain or decorated with
a red film (Smith 1951:171), represents a consistent and
significant element of the seventeenth-century mission
assemblages of San Luis de Talimali (McEwan 1993: 295-321;
Vernon and Cordell 1993:418-442) and of Santa Catalina de
161
Santa MarÃa on Amelia Island (Saunders 1992) . Its
significantly smaller quantity in seventeenth-century St.
Augustine upholds previous suggestions that colono ware
represented a "mission-related phenomenon" (Deagan 1990:239;
1993:101; Vernon and Cordell 1993?W
Apart from the ceramics, the material assemblage of the
late seventeenth century, like that of the earlier contexts,
was meager. The frequency of architectural items increased
somewhat (from 5% to 8%). Almost all of the artifacts (95%) in
this group consisted of nails and spikes, which may signal a
growth, albeit small, in construction activities during the
late seventeenth century or a shift in the locations of
structures on the property. It may also indicate that the
buildings represented by these items fell apart in the late
1600s. Other architectural items included one fragment of flat
glass, tacks, a staple, a hook, and an iron ring of unknown
function. Table 15 shows the distribution of items, by time
period, included in the Architecture Group.
The non-kitchen and non-architecture related artifacts
combined accounted for only about 2% of the entire late
seventeenth-century collection (Table 18). Despite their
relatively small overall distributions, the actual numbers of
artifacts in the weaponry, clothing, and personal groups
increased somewhat and appeared to be more diverse (Tables 16
and 18). Whereas only one lead shot was found in the earlier
contexts, the late seventeenth-century arms group included
162
lead shot, gunflints, and a musketball. When compared with the
early seventeenth-century clothing group, the later clothing
category also exhibited slightly more diversity.
Among the items of clothing recovered from the late
contexts were straight pins, aglets, bordado, buckles,
buttons, bone button backs and forms, a needle, and part of a
leather shoe (Figures 7 and 8). Personal items included
several items not found in the earlier contexts, including a
fan slat, an earring, a medallion, and several beads. A lead
fishing weight (Figure 8) was also recovered from a late
seventeenth-century context.
In addition, an analysis of this group also reveals a
rather dramatic increase in the number of white clay tobacco
pipe stems and pipe bowl fragments. The early seventeenth-
century activities group consisted only of three pipe stems,
but thirty four pipe stems or bowls were associated with the
later contexts. Clay pipes are a common and popular component
of seventeenth-century British colonial sites in North America
(Deetz 1993; Noel Hume 1985:296). Although tobacco smoking
was common among Spaniards, pipes were not used or made in
Spain (Deetz 1993:4). Instead tobacco was smoked from cigars
that were "rolled into the shape of a cornet" (Braudel 1979:
262) . The appearance of clay pipes, which are known to have
been manufactured in England, Holland and in seventeenth-
century Virginia and Maryland (Deetz 1993:92-101), therefore
Figure 7. Example of Lead Fishing Weight, Straight Pin, and
Aglet from 17th Century Contexts (Photo by J.
Quine, Reproduced with Permission of the Florida
Museum of Natural History)
Figure 8. Example of Bordado from 17th Century Contexts (Photo
by J. Quine, Reproduced with Permission of the
Florida Museum of Natural History)
164
165
indicates trade with neighboring British colonies or other
non-Spanish sources. Perhaps more importantly, it also
signals the adoption by Spanish colonists of an Anglo
practice.
Manufacturing Locations of the Pottery
A total of 12,130 sherds were recovered from the seven
sites included in this study. Of these, 9183 or 76% dated to
the latter half of the 1600s (Appendix 4). The late
seventeenth-century assemblage exhibited several important
distinctions from that associated with the early seventeenth
century. As a whole, the late seventeenth-century assemblage
contained less pottery manufactured in Europe. Approximately
21% of all of the ceramics recovered from late proveniences
consisted of European wares. Although Spanish pottery,
specifically Olive Jar and Spanish Storage Jars continued to
dominate the European assemblage, the proportion of pottery
manufactured in England did increase somewhat (Table 19) .
French Faience accounted for less than 1% of the entire
European pottery recovered from the late seventeenth century,
an amount comparable to that associated with the early 1600s.
Although American-made wares represented a major
proportion (60%) of the early seventeenth-century pottery,
they clearly dominated the late seventeenth-century pottery
assemblage. Over three quarters (79%) of all of the ceramics
from late contexts consisted of American-made pottery types,
Table 20. Origins of Pottery from Late 17th Century Assemblages
Origin
Convento
de San
Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
CofradÃa
O' Reilly
Total
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Asia
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
1
<1
6
3
2
<1
13
<1
E
Spain
277
99
46
98
162
96
714
99
84
91
484
96
108
100
1875
97
U
R
England
4
1
1
2
5
3
8
1
7
8
14
3
0
0
39
2
0
France
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
<1
2
1
3
1
0
0
7
1
p
E
Italy
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
108
19
0
0
Subtotal
281
15
47
18
168
15
723
29
93
16
501
21
45
83
1921
21
N
Mexico City
63
53
8
42
52
73
46
55
14
45
106
54
7
13
334
58
E
W
Puebla
42
35
5
26
9
13
22
27
2
6
27
14
0
0
114
20
Tonala
5
4
2
10
0
0
3
4
0
0
1
<1
1
2
11
2
s
p
Yucatán
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
1
<1
A
I
Unknown
9
8
4
21
10
14
12
14
15
48
64
32
1
2
115
20
N
Subtotal
119
6
19
7
71
6
83
3
31
5
198
8
54
9
575
6
Unknown Europe
or America
140
8
13
5
57
5
103
4
48
8
140
6
54
9
555
6
L
Timucua
478
36
44
24
126
16
528
34
67
16
324
22
44
12
1611
26
A
Guale/Mocamo
428
32
119
66
599
75
910
59
258
61
1071
72
303
84
3688
60
F
L
Apalachee
10
1
0
0
2
<1
12
1
0
0
17
1
0
0
41
1
0
R
I
Colono
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
6
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
<1
Other
410
31
17
10
72
9
89
6
100
24
77
5
15
4
780
13
D
A
Subtotal
1326
71
180
70
802
72
1540
63
425
71
1489
64
362
62
6124
67
Total
1866
100
259
100
1101
100
2450
100
598
100
2334
100
580
100
9188
100
CT\
G\
167
including both Spanish-American and Native-American wares
(Table 19) . Although ceramics produced in New Spain accounted
for only 6% of the entire assemblage, when compared with the
early period, the proportion of Spanish American ceramics more
than quadrupled in the late 1600s.
The later assemblage also exhibited more diversity in
terms of manufacturing locale. Whereas, the overwhelming
majority (83%) of the early seventeenth-century Spanish-
American ceramics consisted of types manufactured in Mexico
City and none from Puebla, the percentage of pottery from
Puebla during the latter half of the 1600s increased to 20%
while Mexico City wares decreased to 58%.
Another noticeable difference was found in the dramatic
increase in Spanish American lead-glazed coarse earthenwares
and various untyped majolicas with non-Spanish paste whose
exact place of production remains unknown. Detailed analysis
of the paste of these as yet untyped tin enamels and coarse
earthenwares, which was beyond the scope of this study, may
provide important clues as to their manufacturing origins.
More diversity was also apparent in the relative frequencies
of various types of Native American pottery.
As shown in Table 19, ceramics manufactured in La
Florida accounted for 67% of the entire late seventeenth-
century assemblage (Figures 9 and 10) . However, the most
dramatic difference between the early and late assemblages
Figure 9. Examples of Grog-Tempered Pottery from 17th
Century Contexts (Photo by J. Quine, Reproduced
with Permission of the Florida Museum of Natural
History)
Figure 10. Examples of Non-Local Native American Pottery from
17th Century Contexts (Photo by J. Quine,
Reproduced with Permission of the Florida Museum
of Natural History)
169
170
appeared in the relative proportions of pottery types
traditionally associated with the people who resided in the
provinces of Timucua and Guale. In contrast to the earlier
period, where St. Johns series pottery dominated, the most
frequently occurring pottery type in the latter part of the
century were the San Marcos Series that were manufactured by
the native Americans from Guale (Smith 1948:314-316.
Approximately 60% of all of the Native American pottery was
identified as San Marcos with stamped wares comprising the
most frequently occurring type (68%). San Marcos Plain
accounted for 31% of the pottery from Guale/Mocamo and the
remaining 1% consisted of red-filmed, incised, punctated,
burnished, or sherds too small to determine their decorative
motifs.
This replacing of the Timucuan St. Johns wares with the
San Marcos pottery produced by Native Americans from Guale is
not surprising given what is already known regarding this
phenomenon. Preliminary analyses of seventeenth-century
household assemblages in St. Augustine have all noted the
replacement of St. Johns pottery with ceramics associated with
the San Marcos series by the latter half of the 1600s, and
have attributed it to the demise of the local Timucuan people
and the movement of refugee groups from Guale to the St.
Augustine area (Cochrane 1981; Deagan 1990; Hoffman 1990; King
1981) .
171
Since indigenous ceramics in Spanish households
functioned primarily as cooking and food preparation pots,
this replacement may also signal an increase in the presence
of Native American women from Guale in the town. Very little
is known about Native American women in St. Augustine except
that they intermarried with Spanish men, worked as household
servants, and sold goods at a central marketplace (Bushnell
1981:11; Deagan 1973, 1983, 1985, 1990). Although it is
difficult to demonstrate concretely, it is possible to suggest
that the increase in ceramics manufactured by people from
Guale reflects the emergence of Native American women from
Guale as important economic and social forces within the town.
Final mention needs to made regarding the proportions of
Native American pottery that did not include types
traditionally associated with the people who lived in the
provinces of Timucua or Guale. This category of non-local
Native American wares included ceramics typically produced by
people living in the province of Apalachee and types of
unknown origins. As shown in Table 20, the proportions of
these non-local wares increased from approximately 10% to 13%
of the entire Native American assemblage. Although the
percentages of these non-local types were similar, the later
assemblage contained a greater variety of types that in the
earlier period.
172
Although sand-tempered plain and grit-tempered wares
continued to be the dominant elements, grog-tempered pottery,
red filmed, Lamarlike Incised, Ocmulgee Fields Incised,
Altamaha, and a variety of shell, mica, and limestone-tempered
plain sherds were also recovered from the late seventeenth-
century contexts. In his analysis of Indian pottery from the
Trinity Episcopal site in St. Augustine, Piatek reported a
similar increase in the frequency of non-local wares during
the seventeenth century, and suggested a correlation between
the presence of non-local wares and changes in the tribute
system (1985:81-89).
The increase, albeit slight, in non-local wares during
the late 1600s most likely reflects the increased mission
activity that took place during the period. It may also be
indicative of the movement and consolidation of various Native
American groups to the St. Augustine area that began at the
very end of the late seventeenth century and continued into
the eighteenth century. The early 1600s saw a steady increase
in the number of Franciscans stationed in La Florida and in
the number of doctrinas established along the coastal region
of Georgia and Florida. By 1632, approximately 40 missions
were established and a mission road existed that connected
these outlying missions with the Franciscan monastery in St.
Augustine (Gannon 1987:49). As noted in chapter 4, Native
Americans from the provinces of Timucua and Guale were brought
173
to St. Augustine throughout the late sixteenth century to
provide construction, agricultural, and other services for the
Spaniards. This practice of drafting Indian labor continued
into the seventeenth century and eventually included men and
women from Timucua, Guale, and Apalachee provinces.
The distribution of Apalachee ceramics is particularly
interesting in the remarkably similar proportions in both the
early and late seventeenth century (Table 20) . In both
periods, Apalachee pottery accounted for less than 1% of all
of the La Florida wares. This low proportion of Apalachee
pottery in the seventeenth-century town of St. Augustine is
important because of its implications for internal trade in La
Florida and interactions between the province of Apalachee and
the presidio of St. Augustine. The relative absence of
pottery from the western provinces of Florida suggests that
the people of St. Augustine did not interact as intensively
with the native people of Apalachee province, and that little
trade involving pottery existed between Apalachee and St.
Augustine.
Faunal Remains from Seventeenth-Century Sites
Additional evidence for the apparent absence of
widespread trade between St. Augustine and the province of
Apalachee is seen in the zooarchaeological record (Reitz
1993) . A comparative assessment of the faunal remains from
174
seventeenth-century St. Augustine and the Apalachee mission of
San Luis de Talimali, conducted by Elizabeth Reitz (1993a,
1993b) revealed the presence of less beef than would be
expected if la Chua. Apalachee, and the other ranches supplied
St. Augustine. Although the St. Augustine assemblages may pre¬
date the emergence of cattle ranches and the settlement of
Apalachee, the zooarchaeological evidence also suggests that
it was "unlikely that the interior missions played a major
role in the subsistence strategy" of seventeenth-century St.
Augustine (Reitz 1993b:92).
Reitz'(1993a) preliminary assessment of the vertebrate
fauna from two early and late seventeenth-century contexts in
St. Augustine also indicated several distinctions between the
monastery and secular communities. Before summarizing these
distinctions, it is important to note the limited, and
potentially biased nature of this record from seventeenth-
century St. Augustine. As shown in Table 21, seventeenth-
century faunal data have been analyzed from only three sites
in St. Augustine, the Fatio House (SA34-2), the Palm Row site
(SA36-4) , and the Convento de San Francisco (SA42A) . In
addition, it is not known whether the material from the first
two sites date to the early or late seventeenth century. It is
therefore possible that these assemblages pre-date the
development of cattle ranches and the westward expansion of
the mission system.
Table 20. Origins of Pottery from Late 17th Century Assemblages
Origin
Convento
de San
Francisco
Trinity
Episcopal
Fatio
House
Josef
León
de
Palm
Row
CofradÃa
O' Reilly
Total
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
#
%
Asia
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
<1
1
<1
6
3
2
<1
13
<1
E
Spain
277
99
46
98
162
96
714
99
84
91
484
96
108
100
1875
97
U
R
0
England
4
1
1
2
5
3
8
1
7
8
14
3
0
0
39
2
France
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
<1
2
1
3
1
0
0
7
1
P
E
Italy
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
108
19
0
0
Subtotal
281
15
47
18
168
15
723
29
93
16
501
21
45
83
1921
21
N
Mexico City
63
53
8
42
52
73
46
55
14
45
106
54
7
13
334
58
E
W
Puebla
42
35
5
26
9
13
22
27
2
6
27
14
0
0
114
20
Tonala
5
4
2
10
0
0
3
4
0
0
1
<1
1
2
11
2
s
p
Yucatán
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
2
1
<1
A
I
Unknown
9
8
4
21
10
14
12
14
15
48
64
32
1
2
115
20
N
Subtotal
119
6
19
7
71
6
83
3
31
5
198
8
54
9
575
6
Unknown Europe
or America
140
8
13
5
57
5
103
4
48
8
140
6
54
9
555
6
L
Timucua
478
36
44
24
126
16
528
34
67
16
324
22
44
12
1611
26
A
Guale/Mocamo
428
32
119
66
599
75
910
59
258
61
1071
72
303
84
3688
60
F
L
Apalachee
10
1
0
0
2
<1
12
1
0
0
17
1
0
0
41
1
0
R
I
D
A
Colono
0
0
0
0
3
<1
1
6
0
0
0
0
0
0
4
<1
Other
410
31
17
10
72
9
89
6
100
24
77
5
15
4
780
13
Subtotal
1326
71
180
70
802
72
1540
63
425
71
1489
64
362
62
6124
67
Total
1866
100
259
100
1101
100
2450
100
598
100
2334
100
580
100
9188
100
Ln
176
The diet of the townspeople depended on locally
available resources, especially those from the sea. Although
pork and beef were used, the diet consisted primarily ofgopher
I
tortoises, drums, sea catfishes, mullets, and deer, and
remained relatively unchanged through the seventeenth century
(Reitz 1992:90). In contrast, the diet of the friars living
at the Convento de San Francisco, the mission headquarters in
St. Augustine, exhibited a very different pattern than that
shared by the rest of town. The friars diet with its heavy
reliance on venison and chicken, both of which were expensive
(Reitz 1993:11) and rare in the samples associated with the
non-secular households of St. Augustine, more closely
resembled that associated with the outlying missions. This
suggests the existence of a mission supply network directed
toward the Convento that included only the Franciscan
community of St. Augustine (Reitz 1993a:92).
Summary of the Seventeenth-Century Material Assemblage
The majority of material recovered from the six
household and one religious site consisted of ceramics that
reflected domestic activities, and in particular, foodway
behavior. Several factors can account for the preponderance of
pottery in the seventeenth-century archaeological record, the
most obvious of which are their durability and importance in
Spanish foodways. Other factors include adverse conditions
177
for the preservation of perishable materials, such as wood and
cloth; the relative poverty of the people who lived in the
community; the types of sites excavated; and the excavation
and sampling strategies used at these sites.
Certain other expected attributes -- mostly non-ceramic
-- were curiously absent. In general, the material assemblage
from seventeenth-century St. Augustine suggests a material
life limited in its variety, and indicates little in the way
of luxury, wealth, or entertainment. Despite St. Augustine's
function as a presidio, few items related to its military
nature were found. While the sparse amount of weaponry-
related artifacts may be related to site function, occupants,
and sampling strategies, it does suggest limited access to
firearms and ammunition.
Items indicative of the Catholicism that represented
such an meaningful part of life in the colonial town were also
surprisingly absent. Only one identifiably religious item was
recovered from the seventeenth-century sites, a rosary bead
from a domestic household at the de León site (SA26-1) . No
evidence of sacred objects was found at the Franciscan
monastery site, the one religious site included in the sample.
The absence of religious paraphernalia, particularly at the
monastery, is most likely related to the care given to these
objects, and to the types of material used in their
construction. Apparently, many of the sacred objects, such as
178
cruets, were made of glass and would probably not be
recognizable as such in the archaeological record. Although
glass was recovered from several seventeenth-century contexts,
only 4 fragments provided enough evidence to determine the
possible function of the original object, and none of these
consisted of explicitly religious items (Figure 11).
Other religious items were made of wood, which does not
preserve well (McEwan 1992:103). In addition, there was no
archaeological evidence for the African population of the
town. The lack of any explicitly religious or military
artifacts and the current invisibility of Africans in the data
underscores the inability of the archaeological record to
reveal aspects of the community known to be present in the
past, such as the monastery, soldiers, and Africans.
The ceramic assemblages, nevertheless, provide an index
of intersite social variability and changing patterns of life
during the 1600s. A fairly reliable index of social
differentiation has been derived from the better-documented
eighteenth-century community of St. Augustine, where household
sites can be correlated with specific individuals, ethnic
affiliation, and income levels (Deagan 1983). This index is
based on the relative proportions of majolica and Native
American pottery present in any given household assemblage.
This strategy has also been applied to the undocumented
sixteenth-century sites (Deagan 1985).
Figure 11. Glass from 17th Century Contexts (Photo by Pat
Payne)
180
cm
181
When ranked according to these guidelines, the
eighteenth-century sites occupied by people with the highest
incomes had the largest proportion of majolica, while those
occupied by people with the lowest incomes exhibited the
largest proportion of Native American wares. Statements
concerning the ethnic identity of the residents are more
difficult to make. However, there is a correlation between the
proportion of Native American ceramics and the presence of
Native American women in the household (Deagan 1992). By
referring to this eighteenth-century baseline data, some
general statements concerning varying economic levels and
access to material goods during the seventeenth century can be
made.
Tables 22 and 23 show the proportions of majolica and
Native American ceramics for each of the sample sites by time
period. During both the early and late 1600s, the assemblages
from the secular households showed a roughly inverse
correlation between the amounts of these two categories of
pottery. Based on these data, there appears to have been
little economic differentiation between the occupants of the
Palm Row, Trinity, Fatio and de León sites through time.
During the late seventeenth century, the people who lived at
the CofradÃa and O'Reilly sites experienced a somewhat higher
standard of living relative to the other households
represented in the sample.
182
The assemblage from the Convento de San Francisco,
however, revealed atypical proportions of majolica and Native
American pottery throughout the century. This reflects its
Table 22.
Ranked Order of Early 17th Century Sites
According
to Proportions of Majolica and Native
American
Pottery
(Convento set apart by virtue
of
its
distinct
non-domestic function).
Site
Maiolica Native American
(Convento
10%
74%)
Palm Row
5%
69%
Trinity
7%
63%
Fatio
7%
56%
de León
5%
52%
Table 23.
Ranked Order of Late 17th Century Sites According
to Proportions of
Majolica and Native
American
Pottery (Convento set apart by virtue
distinct non-domestic function).
of its
Site
Maiolica
Native American
(Convento
12%
68%)
O' Reilly
12%
61%
CofradÃa
10%
62%
Trinity
9%
67%
de León
8%
62%
Fatio
7%
70%
Palm Row
7%
70%
role as a mission headquarters and formal institution of the
Spanish Crown.
It is interesting to note that no religious subsidy
arrived in 1633 (see Table 5 in Chapter 4), the year that the
Franciscan mission effort expanded to Apalachee province, and
183
that during the next 20 years, payments were extremely
unreliable. Yet during this same period, the assemblage from
the Franciscan monastery yielded the highest proportion of
Spanish majolica, an item ostensibly obtainable only through
the situado. and one thought to be highly symbolic of a
Spanish identity (Deagan 1983).
The monastery assemblage also exhibited the greatest
percentage of Native American wares. Although it is possible
that these figures are biased due to the relatively small
sample of early seventeenth-century artifacts, the late
seventeenth-century assemblage exhibited this same pattern.
Therefore, it seems more likely that these differences are
related to the Convento's function as a specialized religious
and administrative center.
As a religious community, the population of the
monastery differed from that associated with secular household
dwellings, in terms of gender and age. Presumably, no women or
children lived at the monastery. Yet, the high percentage of
Native American pottery at the site indicates a high degree of
Franciscan-Indian interaction, and raises the possibility that
women may have been responsible for at least some of the
domestic duties at the monastery. It also supports the idea
put forth by Reitz (1993b) that the Franciscan friars
developed trade networks between the mission field and the
184
monastery that were independent of the secular community of
St. Augustine.
The monastery also differed from the secular sites in
its roles as a formal institution charged with maintaining and
spreading the Christian religion, as a training center for
friars, and as a reception area for visiting dignitaries and
officials. As such, the place of ritual and tradition assumed
great importance, and it is possible that this extended to the
acquisition and care of material goods.
Items such as majolica, which signalled a Spanish
identity, therefore probably played a more critical role in
the religious community of the monastery than in individual
families. It is also possible that because provisions for the
friars were stored in the royal warehouse by the Franciscan
custodian (Bushnell 1981:106), the monks may have had freer
access to goods.
Although artifacts relating to "foodways" dominated both
the early and late seventeenth-century assemblages, other
items of material culture provide at least a glimpse into
other aspects of seventeenth-century life in St. Augustine.
Fishhooks dating from ca. 1600 trashpits at the de León site
and a lead fishing weight from a trashpit at the Convento de
San Francisco attest to the relative importance of fishing in
the community; the increase in nails, spikes, and tacks
through time provides evidence of the growth of construction
185
activities during the late 1600s, and clay tobacco pipebowls
and pipestem fragments signal the adoption of pipe smoking by
the Spaniards. Bone button forms and buttons, a common item
of trade in St. Augustine's private contract system (Gillaspie
1984), recovered from the Franciscan monastery indicate the
friars involvement in the manufacturing and trade of bone
buttons.
In addition to these activities, information on
household and family composition can be suggested by the types
of artifacts found at several of the secular sites. Neither
the documentary nor the archaeological records offer any
insights into the presence of children at any of the sites
included in this study. The only leisure-related artifacts
included a die and a ground pottery disc (generally referred
to as a "gaming disc") from an early seventeenth-century well
construction pit at the Josef de León site (SA26-1), another
"gaming disc" from a ca. 1650 trash pit at the same site, and
two "gaming discs" from a ca. 1600 trash pit and a ca. 1650
well construction pit, respectively, at the Fatio House site
(SA34-2).
Stanley South (1988) reported the presence of dice at
the site of Santa Elena, a sixteenth-century Spanish presidio
on Parris Island, South Carolina, and noted the documented
existence of gambling among the soldiers stationed at Santa
Elena. A contemporary document mentioned that "gambling helps
186
soldiers forget their troubles and makes them stay quiet in
the presidio" (South 1988:166). It has also been reported
that "gaming discs" were used by Native Americans for gambling
purposes (Culin 1907 in South 1988:170), and that this
practice may have been adopted by the Spaniards. Based on
this, the die and "gaming discs" found in the seventeenth-
century contexts in St. Augustine related to adult gambling
activities (possibly male) and were not used by children at
play.
The absence of identifiably child-related artifacts does
not necessarily indicate the complete absence of children at
any of the secular sites. Given the importance of family and
children to both the Catholic faith and the Spanish culture
(McEwan 1991), it is possible that children lived at some of
the sites, but that the material correlates of their behavior
and activities either do not survive in the archaeological
record or are as yet unrecognizable.
The seventeenth-century archaeological record sheds
slightly more light on the presence of women at the various
sample sites. McEwan (n.d.) has suggested several categories
of artifacts that may have belonged to or have been used
explicitly by women. In addition to foodway-related artifacts,
such as cooking pots, manos and metates, other female-related
items may include jewels, rings, precious stones, amber beads,
protective amulets, and sewing implements. McEwan also noted
187
that "by the 1560's few men were wearing lacing tips" (McEwan
nd), thereby suggesting that aglets may be indicators of the
presence or absence of women at archaeological sites.
While admittedly inconclusive, several of the sites in
the study yielded artifacts that hinted of the presence of
women. A thimble was recovered from a ca. 1600 context at the
Josef de León site (SA26-1) , two aglets were found from the
same time period at the Fatio House site (SA34-2), and four
aglets and a mano were recovered from post 1650 well at the de
León site (SA26-1) . The CofradÃa site (SA30-3) offers slightly
more tantalizing evidence that the household included at least
one woman during the late 1600s. Five aglets, a metate
fragment, a sewing needle, an earring, and a slat from a fan
were recovered from a post 1650 well and associated
construction pit.
In summary, the characterization of the seventeenth-
century archaeological record has closed a major gap in our
archaeological understanding of colonial life in the community
of St. Augustine and seventeenth-century La Florida. It also
provided a necessary foundation for assessing the nature of
change during the middle period in St. Augustine. The
following chapter incorporates data from the previously
documented sixteenth century (Deagan 1985) with the
seventeenth-century data in order to assess these assemblages
within the context of the middle period, and consider their
188
meaning in relationship to the development of distinctive
European-American cultural traditions in the Atlantic world.
189
CHAPTER 7
COLONIAL CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ST. AUGUSTINE AND IN THE
ATLANTIC COLONIAL WORLD DURING THE MIDDLE PERIOD
Two central issues guided this study, the nature of
Spanish-colonial cultural development during the middle period
of settlement, and its similarity to or divergence from a
comparable period in the Anglo-American colonies of the
Atlantic world. The archaeological characterization and
synthesis of seventeenth-century St. Augustine provided the
material basis for considering the forces that influenced the
development of a colonial tradition in Spanish Florida during
this post-contact phase, and for considering this development
within the context of the Atlantic world.
This characterization and its associated cultural forms,
along with the patterns and processes previously documented
for the opening years of the middle period (Deagan 1985), are
summarized and assessed in this final chapter. The nature of
Spanish-colonial cultural development during the middle period |