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The colonizing activities of the English Puritans…. (incl. section on Haiti), x+(2)+344+maps

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Title:
The colonizing activities of the English Puritans…. (incl. section on Haiti), x+(2)+344+maps
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New Haven, Yale U. Pr., 1914
Language:
English

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5-multi-jur-1910
General Note:
Pius JV1015 .N5

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Saint Louis University Law Library
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YALE

HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS

MISCELLANY

I

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
FROM THE INCOME OF

THE HENRY WELDON BARNES
MEMORIAL FUND

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THE COLONISING ACTIVITIES OF

THE ENGLISH PURITANS




THE LAST PHASE OF THE ELIZABETHAN
STRUGGLE WITH SPAIN





BY

ARTHUR PERCIVAL NEWTON Lecturer in Colonial History, University of London


WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
CHARLES M. ANDREWS
1132
















NEW HAVEN: YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MDCCCCXIV

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COPYRIGHT. 1914, BY
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS


First printed January, 1914, 1000 copies

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INTRODUCTION


The first forty years of the seventeenth century in England, primarily of interest as a period of constitutional conflict, was marked by an outburst of romantic activity that sent hundreds of Englishmen out into the western seas in search of adventure and profit. Coincident with the later days of these half-piratical expeditions and organised commercial enterprises were the migrations of those who, moved by impulses that were partly religious, partly political, and partly economic, sought independence of worship and permanent homes in the New World. Though differing widely in purposes and results, these journeyings into the unknown West were often closely related in origin, and were supported by groups of men, aristocrats, commoners, merchants, and adventurers, who were ready to promote any undertaking, whether commercial or religious, that promised a profitable return. It is difficult to grasp the full significance of the settlements of Virginia, Maryland, Massachusetts, and Saybrook, without a knowledge of the circumstances under which the colonies of Bermuda, Barbadoes, and Old Providence were established; for all represented in different forms and proportions the influences at work in the motherland which were arousing in men of all classes the spirit of adventure and revolt. No single motive governed the men who voyaged over seas during this romantic period. The zeal of the viking and the lust of the capitalist were inextricably interwoven 'with the hopes of the godly in the task of opening and occupying the great frontier which stretched westward from the maritime states of Europe.

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INTRODUCTION


In dealing with the events of this period the historian cannot isolate a part of his subject and observe it, as it were, in vacuo. Such treatment is illogical in ignoring the unity of causes which provoked colonial enterprise, and incomplete in omitting many phases of the larger movement that are essential to a proper understanding, not only of the whole, but of any of its parts. Hitherto, the picture of our settlement in the period from 1607 to 1640 has been left provokingly incomplete, and, in consequence, estimates and conclusions have been reached that are often exaggerated, sometimes even grotesque. Writers on early American history have been accustomed, as a rule, to segregate individual efforts at colonisation and to'deal with them as independent phenomena, thus giving to our era of beginnings the appearance of a running track, laid out in separate and mutually exclusive courses. However agreeable this form of procedure may be to those -whose interest is limited to the history of a single colony, and whose chief concern is a microscopic examination of the incidents of that colony's career, it cannot be satisfactory to those to whom settlement on the American seaboard was but part of a larger commercial and colonising movement in the wider world of the Atlantic basin, where all the maritime enemies of Spain were engaged in the effort, successful in the end, to break the monopoly of the great Colossus.
As a contribution to this aspect of our early history, I welcome Mr. Newton's book. Though dealing primarily with the colonising experiments of the English Puritans in the Caribbean, the author ranges over the larger field of English activity during the eventful years from 1604 to 1660 and gives us a point of view from which to observe the happenings in the New World. Thus to no small extent his work fills in the missing

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INTRODUCTION


parts of our picture and renders intelligible aspects of the scene that had hitherto remained obscure. Though many phases of the subject still need to be investigated with the same painstaking care that is here expended on the history of the Puritan movement, yet the angle of observation is rightly selected and the character of the period is determined with accuracy and skill. At many points the narrative touches the "original" colonies and throws needed light on details of their history. This is particularly true of the origins of Virginia and Massachusetts and the short-lived settlement of Saybrook, but it is also true of the later history of New England and of the relations of the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay with the aristocratic and conservative Puritans at home. Many passages in Winthrop's journal take on a new meaning, and the unity of Puritan activity, in England and New England and the Caribbean, manifests itself with striking significance. In short, we get glimpses of ourselves from the outside and an opportunity of comparison that cannot but be beneficial. Selfcontemplation is never conducive to soundness of judgment, if indulged in without regard to the world around US.
Mr. Newton has done more than fill in our picture and set before us a new point of view. He has presented an exceedingly interesting account of a colonial settlement, hitherto almost unknown and, except in one or two features, entirely unstudied. The ample material that exists for the history of the Providence Company and its colonising ventures enables the author to deal fully with the company, its organisation, personnel, and methods; with the colony, its types of settlers, manner of settlement, forms of cultivation, staples, labour, difficulties, quarrels, and other hindrances to success; and, lastly, with the relations between the two, government,

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viii INTRODUCTION

defence, supplies, and distribution of profits. Not only is such a study of interest as showing the prevailing ideas of the period regarding a plantation, but it is particularly suggestive as a Puritan experiment, similar in its inception and spirit, during the early years of its career, to the colony of Massachusetts. As Mr. Newton says, "The founders of both wished to provide a refuge for the oppressed victims of Laud's ecclesiastical regime, each was to be a sanctuary where the Puritans might worship God after their own fashion, each was to be a society ordered according to the dictates of religion and governed with justice and equity, but upon the strictest Puritan pattern." That the Providence settlement failed was in part due to its location in the heart of the Spanish Main, and in part to the fact that "the founding of an ideal community and the pursuit of a profitable investment for trading capital are incompatible aims." The student of New England history cannot but profit from a study of an experiment that presents so many points in common with the Puritan settlements there.
Of equal importance with the light thrown on the colonising activities of the period is the information furnished regarding the political situation in England and the connection of the members of the company, particularly John Pym and the Earl of Warwick, with organised resistance to the personal government of Charles I. The English Puritans formed a veritable clan, intimately bound together by ties of blood, marriage, and neighbourhood, and they acted together in all that concerned colonisation on one hand and autocratic rule on the other. The genealogical features of the book form an impressive commentary upon the religious and political groupings of the period, a commentary the more significant in that the company, which became the nucleus

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INTRODUCTION


of resistance, was active as a chartered body during the very years when Charles I was endeavouring to rule without parliament. In the months of 1637, at a critical time in the constitutional conflict, "nothing less was in process of formation," says Mr. Newton, "than the first organised political party of opposition to an English government," and of this party John Pym, the treasurer of the company, was the leader and energising force. To the life of King Pym, the author has contributed a valuable chapter, disclosing the importance of his activities during a period of obscurity, to which Gardiner was able to devote but a few lines in his elaborate article on Pym in the Dictionary of Nationial Biography. As this period coincided also with the great migration to New England, so careful a study of Puritan plans and purposes furnishes a needed background to New England history, and sets forth for the first time the facts regarding the proposed withdrawal of the Puritan "Lords and Gentlemen" from the Old World to the New.
In the larger field of international relations, the Providence Company played a conspicuous part. Starting as a Puritan colony, it merged into a privateering centre of warfare upon Spanish possessions in the West Indies and on the Main. Mr. Newton shows clearly that the Puritan company perpetuated the Elizabethan tradition of hostility to Spain, which continued for more than seventy years after the Armada, partly because religious warfare was still a vital force during the first half of the seventeenth century, and partly because with the opening of the colonising era a new rivalry arose for the possession of profitable vantage points in the West. The story of the Providence Company is, therefore, the story of organised opposition to Spain in the Caribbean; and its leaders, after the failure of their settlement, by handing on the traditional policy to Cromwell and the

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INTRODUCTION


men of the Protectorate, prolonged the conflict to the very eve of the Restoration. Apart from the main theme of the book, this abiding hostility to Spain is perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the narrative, and furnishes the connection between the deeds of Elizabethan seamen, the commercial enterprises of the Earl of Warwick, the work of the Providence Company, the voyages of William Jackson at the time of the Long Parliament, the Jamaican expedition of Cromwell, and the plans for an anti-Spanish West Indian company drafted by the merchants and sea captains at the close of the Interregnum. In this respect, as in many others, Mr. Newton has been able to gather scattered threads into an orderly narrative and to give unity and meaning to many events hitherto treated in isolation. His book is of importance to English and American readers alike.

CniREAns M. ANDREWS.
Yale University,

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TABLE OF CONTENTS


CHAPTER PAGE
Author's Introduction 1
I. Beginnings of English Colonisation 13
II. Puritan Emigration and the Formation of
the Providence Company 40
III. The Saybrook Project and the Settlement of Providence 80
IV. The Planting of Tortuga (Association)
and Troubles in Providence 101
V. Enlargement of the Activities of the
Company 123
VI. Progress and Controversy in Association and Providence 146
VII. Projected Emigration to Connecticut: Saybrook 172
VIII. Spanish Attacks and the Company's
Change of Policy 187
IX. Counter Attacks 209
X. The Providence Company and the ShipMoney Case 236
XI. The Final Reconstruction of the Company 248 XII. Trade with the Main; French Capture
of Tortuga 272
XIII. The Company and New England 283
XIV. Capture of Providence by Spain 294
XV. The Abiding Influence of the Providence Company's Enterprises 314

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THE COLONISING ACTIVITIES OF THE
ENGLISH PURITANS

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AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


Nowhere, perhaps, in the great field of historic enquiry has there been during the past half-century more patient searching than in that corner where were laid the foundations of the modern constitutional liberties of two great nations, the English and the American. Writing now nearly thirty years ago, one of the most diligent of historical investigators said of the period he had peculiarly made his own: "The subject-matter has been already attempted by writers of no mean reputation, some of whom succeeded in convincing their readers that there is nothing more to be said about the matter; but even the richest materials fail to yield all that the historian requires. Again and again, however the frontier of knowledge may be advanced, the enquirer is confronted by darkness into which he cannot safely penetrate.I" The frontier of knowledge has been advanced beyond the point where Gardiner left it, and yet the darkness surrounds the seeker after truth who strays but a little from the well-trodden highways of Stuart history. It is in the hope of illumining some portion of this outer darkness that we engage ourselves in the following pages with the story of a long-forgotten attempt to colonise some insignificant West Indian islands, and shall endeavour to show that light sought even thus far from the scene of great events, may yet aid us to see those events in a more balanced perspective and a little more in their own true colours.
In our enquiry it will be borne in upon us again and again that the history of English colonisation in the first half of the seventeenth century is peculiarly a part of the history of England itself; colonising attempts were
1 Gardiner, Fall of the Monarchy of Charles I, I, p. v.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


blessed or frowned upon according to the exigencies of European politics, the jealousies and rivalries of English courtiers or merchants involved similar rivalries of their servants abroad, and the quarrels that began at Whitehall or in Change Alley have swayed in a marked degree the destinies of colonists on the banks of the Chesapeake, in bleak New England, or among the tropic Caribbees. But, as in nature all action involves a reaction, so the course of English domestic politics under Charles I was materially influenced by the colonising schemes of the time. The leaders of the parliamentary opposition acquired their power of working harmoniously together in the joint schemes of colonisation that interested them; men who had for years discussed questions of policy round the board of a chartered company, were more capable of acting in concert than had they only met one another in the hunting field, upon the bench or during the rare and brief sessions of parliament. The work of the Long Parliament, that broke forever the power of absolute monarchy in England, and made possible Cromwell's schemes of world politics, was begun in the courts of the Virginia, the Saybrook, and the Providence companies. It is in connection with the story of the last of these, the Company of Adventurers to the Island of Providence, that we shall pursue an attempt to trace out once more some parts of the oft-told tale of the great Puritan migration, and to enter upon the little-explored field of West Indian history in the seventeenth century.
The story of the company that undertook the colonisation of the islands of Providence, Henrietta, and Association, and engaged in various attempts at trade and colonisation upon the mainland of Central America, is of interest from several points of view. The adventurers in the company included amongst their number

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AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


almost every important member of the inner circle of leaders in opposition to the arbitrary rule of Charles I. The Earl of Warwick, Viscount Saye and Sele, and Lord Brooke took a most active part in the company's affairs throughout; John Pym was its treasurer and the prime mover in every design; while Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, and Sir Thomas Barrington, all active members of the Puritan party in the Long Parliament, were unremitting in their attention to its business. Other well-known names met with are those of Oliver St. John, John Gurdon, the intimate friend of John Winthrop, John Robartes, the Earl of Radnor of Charles II's reign, John Hampden, and Sir William Waller, and we shall find that the company provided an outlet for the energies of the parliament men who were thrust out from national affairs during the long eleven years of personal government. On the 2d of March, 1629, Charles I's third parliament was dissolved amid scenes of unprecedented violence and on the 28th of April, Sir Nathaniel Rich received from Bermuda the letter that led to the formation of the new company. On the 3d of November, 1640, the Long Parliament met and the last act of the great constitutional struggle began, while on the 28th of March, 1641, the last letters to Providence were signed, letters that were never to be received, for the island was taken by the Spaniards in May of the same year. The eleven years of the company's activity therefore coincide almost exactly with the eleven years of Charles I's autocracy. This coincidence will seem the more striking when we show that between 1636 and 1640 many of the plans of opposition to the government were matured in security under cloak of the company's meetings.
Through the history of the Providence Company and the allied designs of the Earl of Warwick in the West

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PURITAN COLONISATION


Indies it is possible to trace the development of the Elizabethan tradition of hostility to Spain down to the capture of Jamaica in 1655 and the foundation on a firm basis of the West Indian empire, that during the eighteenth century was of such paramount importance to England. The semi-legal piracy that was carried on under the egis of the company, connects the freebooting enterprises of Drake, Cumberland, and the Elizabethan sea-dogs with Cromwell's "Western Design," a plan that had its inspiration from the minds of Pym and of Warwick. Cromwell himself took no part in the work of the Providence Company, though there is no doubt that he was intimately acquainted with it. His aunt Joan was the mother of Sir Thomas Barrington, and some of his most intimate friends were deeply interested in the company's affairs; the Earl of Warwick was lord high admiral of the parliamentary fleet till 1649, while William Jessop, who had been secretary of the Providence Company, was clerk of the Council of State which took over the lord high admiral's functions after Warwick had resigned.
There is an intimate connection between the Providence Company and the strictly contemporary colonisation of New England. In its beginnings the Massachusetts enterprise was dependent for its influence with the ruling powers upon the members of the Providence Company. The original patent of the Saybrook settlement was issued to them, and, though in later years the company's aims and those of the rulers of Massachusetts were seen to be hopelessly divergent, it was through the Providence leaders that the principles which led to the Massachusetts migration were brought to bear upon the development of the English nation. It is possible to trace in the company's records the ideas of colonisation that animated the English country gentlemen who were

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AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


the Puritan leaders, and the development of their design of founding a refuge for the Nonconformists from the Laudian persecution. The ideas of John White of Dorchester, expressed in widely circulated pamphlets and letters, commended themselves to the leaders as well as to the rank and file of the Puritans, but while the eyes of Warwick, Saye, Rich, and Pym were turned to the West Indies as the proper home for a Puritan colony, the leaders of the great migration, Winthrop and Dudley, whose names before 1630 were hardly known outside their immediate circle, dared to differ from their powerful friends and, defying precedent, directed the everswelling stream of emigrants to the shores of Massachusetts Bay, there to found rather a commonwealth than a colony.
We have concerning Providence a wealth of detail, which is lacking for the colonies in St. Christopher and Barbadoes. It is possible to trace the course of its development from the early ideal of the colony as a home for Englishmen to the realisation of a tropical plantation where all manual labour was performed by negro slaves for the profit of a few white planters, a plantation such as Barbadoes became, after the introduction of the cultivation of sugar on a commercial scale gave to the West Indies the profitable staple commodity that had so long been sought. Interest of a more personal character is not lacking from the records, which in many ways illuminate the views and aspirations of the time and especially those of John Pym, the great protagonist of the constitutional struggle, whose organising capacity and steadfastness of purpose guided the company in every emergency. Pym's life outside parliament has been very little studied, and it is of interest therefore to trace in these records the application of his views of statesmanship to the government of a colony,

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6 PURITAN COLONISATION

and to catch here and there a glimpse of his ideas concerning England's true foreign policy as the unrelenting opponent of Spanish power, ideas which his successor, Cromwell, was able to carry into effect when the times were propitious. The career of Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick, will also demand a share of our attention and rightly, for to him, perhaps more than to any of his contemporaries, is credit due for a persistence in colonising enterprise through good or evil fortune, that has written his name large in the records of every English colony of his time.
The story of the Providence Company falls naturally into two portions; from its foundation down to the year 1635 the company was endeavouring to build up a Puritan community, but at the same time by the raising of saleable crops to make a profit on the capital invested; in 1635 this design, having proved impracticable, was to a large extent abandoned and the colony became openly, what before it had been secretly, a base for privateering against the Spaniards. Our attention will first be directed to the circumstances that gave rise to the formation of the company and to the history of Providence as a Puritan settlement. As such it failed miserably, but its story is worth study from this point of view, if only as showing that Puritanism was not necessarily as successful a colonising force as might be supposed if New England only were considered. The second portion of our enquiry will be concerned with Providence as a centre of buccaneering enterprise and as a fortress whence were directed efforts to plant an English colony upon the mainland of Central America. The company's endeavours to found a Puritan colony during this period were at first directed to the banks of the Connecticut River, but, when they again proved unsuccessful, attempts were made to people the Central American

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AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


colony from New England, and our attention must be directed to the resulting hostility of the rulers of Massachusetts to the English leaders of the Puritan party, a hostility which will show us how far even in those early days Massachusetts had diverged from the normal course of English development.
The sources of our information of the company's affairs may be briefly stated. The Providence Company and its efforts to colonise its islands and to establish English trade upon the mainland of Central America lasted, as we have seen, only for the eleven years from 1630 to 1641 and have been quite forgotten by succeeding generations. So much has this been the case that the chief colony, established upon the small island of Santa Catalina off the Moskito Coast, has, owing to its English name of Providence, been confused since the middle of the eighteenth century with the Island of New Providence in the Bahamas, the colonisation of which was not seriously undertaken till 1670. The earliest instance of confusion concerning the colony appears to occur in John Josselyn's Account of two Voyages to New England, published in 1675, where Providence is said to be one of the Somers or Bermuda Islands, and in the same author's Chronological Observations of America, the mistake occurs in a similar form.' In Hutchinson's
History of Massachusetts Bay, published in 1760, the accounts of the dealings of New England with the Providence colony that had been derived from Hubbard's manuscript history of New England (1680), are misapplied to New Providence in the Bahamas.3 The same con2 An Account of two Voyages into New England by John Josselyn, London, 1675. Chronological Observations of America, London, 1673. Both reprinted in Mass. list. Soc. Coll., 3d Series, Vol. III. See p. 381 under date 1637. "The Spaniards took the Island of Providence, one of the Summer Islands, from the English." Both date and position wrong.
-3 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, London, 1760, p. 96, "The

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PURITAN COLONISATION


fusion can also be traced in Churchill's Voyages (1763) and has passed thence into Pinkerton's Voyages (1810) and Southey's Chronological History of the West Indies (1827), though the latter speaks of the colony in some places as Santa Catarina or Old Providence,4 and in others of it as New Providence in the Bahamas. The Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, in which the records of the colony are calendared, continues the confusion and speaks throughout of the Bahamas, under which title the papers were then catalogued in the Public Record Office. From the Calendar the error has crept into many modern works which speak of the colonisation of the Bahamas as having taken place in 1630.' Owing to the enquiries of Major General Sir J. H. Lefroy, the author of the Memorials of the Bermudas, the true version of the matter was finally arrived at by W. N. Sainsbury, the editor of the Calendar, and placed on record in the Athenaeum, May, 1876. He showed conclusively that the records of the company are quite inconsistent with the history of New Providence in the Bahamas, and that they refer to the island of Old Providence off the Moskito Coast, whose later occupation by the buccaneers in the reign of Charles II is well known. The Bahamas or Veajus Islands were included within the

Lords and others concerned in this attempt to settle the Bahama Islands spent 60,000.'
4 Southey, Chronological History of the West Indies, London, 1827, I, 279, '1637. The English were in possession of Santa Catarina or Old Providence." I, 293, "1641. The Spaniards attacked the English at New Providence. ''
5 See for instance Cunningham, Growth of British Industry. Modern Times, I, 332 n. C. J. Hoadly, The Warwick Patent. The Acorn Club, Hartford, Conn., 1902. Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 979, etc. Many difficulties arise in the short biographies annexed to this work from the confusion of Sa. Catalina with New Providence. See especially the life of Daniel Elfrith.

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AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


limits of Sir Robert Heath's Carolana patent of 1629, but no steps were taken for their colonisation.6
The records of the Providence Company are contained in two thick folio volumes preserved in the Public Record Office.7 They are entitled respectively "Journal of the Governor and Company of Adventurers for the Plantation of the Island of Providence" and "Book of Entries of," etc., and contain, as these titles imply, minutes of the meetings held by the company and copies of the letters despatched to the colony. We have in the two volumes a complete and unbroken record in the greatest detail of the proceedings of the company from its foundation in 1630 to the capture of the island of Providence by the Spaniards in 1641 and the abandonment by the company of all its designs in the West Indies owing to the absorption of its moving spirit, John Pym, in the struggles of the Long Parliament and to his early death. It is suggested in the preface to the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, that the volumes were written most probably between 1640 and 1650, when several proceedings were being taken concerning the debts of the company. So far as the company's journal is concerned, this would appear to be correct, but the entry book of letters is written throughout in the hand of William Jessop, the secretary of the company, and it is annotated by him in the same way as his own private Letter Book, containing in shorthand the drafts of less important letters written to the colony and now preserved in the British Museum.8 The volumes of the Historical MSS. Commission contain many references to the company and from them it is 6 C. S. P. Col., 30 Oct. 1629, Grant to Sir Robert Heath of a territory in America betwixt 31 and 36 degrees of North Latitude, "together with the Islands of Veajus or Bahamas and all other islands lying southerly or near upon the said continental'
7 P. R. 0., C. 0. 124, 1 and 2.
8 Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 10615.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


possible to throw some additional light upon its doings. From the Manchester Papers,9 now in the Public Record Office, we learn something of the beginnings of the company as an offshoot from the Somers Islands Company, and among these papers are also preserved a few letters written from the islands to Sir Nathaniel Rich, or to Viscount Mandeville, the Earl of Manchester of the Civil War. Most of the extant letters from the colony in its early days are to be found among the Barrington MSS., now in the British Museum," but once the property of Sir Thomas Barrington, for some time deputy governor of the company and one of the leaders of the parliamentary party in Essex during the Civil War. Scattered references to the company are also to be found among the Bouverie MSS.,11 once the property of John Pym, and the Hulton MSS.,"2 which come to us from William Jessop, the secretary of the company and afterwards clerk to the Council of State and the Restoration House of Commons. Repeated references to the company and colony are to be found in the Winthrop Papers and Winthrop's Journal printed in the Collections of the Massachusetts- Historical Society." In the British
Museum is the manuscript Diary of Capt. Nathaniel Butler, who was governor of the colony in 1639 and this gives us in detail a picture of Providence as a privateering stronghold.
Printed references to the colony are not very numerous, but we hear of its beginnings in the diary of John
9 Very briefly calendared in Hist. MSS. Comm., Eighth Report, Appendix
2. In this study only the original papers themselves have been used.
1e Brit. Mus., Eg., 2643-51.
11 Hist. MSS. Comm., Seventh Report, Appendix. 12 Ibid., Twelfth Report, Appendix.
is Mass. Hist. Soc. Coil., 3d Series, Vol. IX, 4th Vols. VI and VII, 5th Vol. I, 6th Vol. III.
14 Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS., 758.

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AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION


Rous (1625-1641)," and many details concerning the relations of the colonists with New England from Hubbard's history of Massachusetts.' Some light is thrown upon the later history of the colony by the life of the Rev. Mr. Leverton, a minister there, in Calamy's Nonconformist's Memorial." The colony appeared
to the Spaniards as a mere nest of pirates and their views concerning it can be gathered from Gage's New Survey of the West Indies,"8 written about 1638, but not published till later. Gage was himself an eyewitness of some of the piratical exploits of the Providence colonists, and had personal relations with those of them who had been taken prisoners by the Spaniards. Much light on the island's story is also thrown by the many Spanish MSS. relating to the West Indies preserved in the British Museum; some of these are originals," while others are copies made from the originals at Simancas for the purposes of the Venezuelan Arbitration."0 They include many letters from the Spanish officials in the Indies, bewailing the constant depredations of the English and Dutch corsairs and pleading for assistance to clear the Caribbean of their presence. Other Spanish sources of information are mentioned in the text. The only modern account of the company that affords reliable information is contained in Scott's learned work on joint stock companies,2" where, for the first time, the importance of Providence in English colonial history is
properly appreciated.
15 Camden Soc., Vol. XLII.
16 Printed in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.
17 Ed. Calamy, D. D., The Nonconformist's Memorial. Palmer's edition, 1802.
is T. Gage, The English American, his Travail by Sea and Land. London 1648.
19 Especially in the Kingsborough Collection. Add. MSS., 13977, etc. 20 Venezuela Papers, Add. MSS., 36314-36327. 21 W. R. Scott, Joint Stock Companies to 1720. London 1911.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


The island of Santa Catalina, or Providence, is situated off the eastern coast of Nicaragua upon the edge of the Moskito Bank about equidistant from Porto Bello, Cartagena, and the island of Jamaica, and lies very close to the track of vessels sailing from Porto Bello or Cartagena to Mexico and Havana. The island is about six miles long and four wide, and is described by Alcedo'2 as one of the best of the West India islands, notwithstanding its small size, as well from the salubrity of its climate as from its fertility. It is exceptionally easy of fortification, abounds in fine water, and is said to contain no serpent or venomous insect. It now forms part of the Republic of Colombia and is inhabited by a few hundred negroes. San Andreas or Henrietta, which was also granted by patent to the company, lies some sixty miles southwest of Providence and is about sixteen miles in length by four in width. It is a long, low island abounding in fine timber, but neither as easily fortifiable nor as fertile as Providence. It also is now a possession of the Republic of Colombia. Tortuga or Association, the third island which will concern us, lies off the northwest coast of the island of Hispaniola or Hayti, within a few miles of Cape San Nicolas and the entrance to the Windward Passage between Hispaniola and Cuba. It is surrounded by rocks and shoals, which render access to its fine harbour difficult. Tortuga had been a rendezvous for the rovers of all nations, at any rate since the time of Drake; from 1640 on it became the headquarters of buccaneering enterprise in the West Indies under the regis of the French. It now forms a part of the negro republic of Hayti.
22 A. de Alcedo, Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies. Transl. by G. A. Thompson, 5 vols., and Atlas. London 1812-1815.

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last Hill

Coy
t c


tron Wood Hill
330 ft.

Thc Brothers


or Great 3out 6 i 550tt


PROVIDENCE

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CHAPTER I


BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH COLONISATION

In August, 1604, the treaty of peace was signed that brought the long war between England and Spain to an end. War had been officially waged between the two powers since 1587, but ever since Hawkins' ill-fated voyage of 1567-1568 the preying of English privateers upon the Spanish shipping and towns in the West Indies had proved a constant source of profit to the merchants who financed them. Since the "Islands Voyage" of 1597 the war had remained in the hands of the privateers,23 who were waxing ever bolder, and their daring attacks both on the coast of Spain and in the East and West Indies had been returning handsome profits to their owners. The romance of their bolder strokes, so vividly described in the pages of Hakluyt and Purchas, must not blind us to the fact that in the main this privateering was a sordid and prosaic business, which was expected to return its proper percentage of profits to the owners without involving an unnecessary amount of risk. The settled policy of the Spanish government to regard the Indies as the private property of the crown involved of necessity the official view that every foreigner, or, for that matter, every unauthorised Spaniard, found within the Indies was to be looked upon as a trespasser and a robber. But the Spanish fleets that formed the only authorised means of communication between the Indies and Europe were to a considerable extent navigated by Flemings and by Englishmen, who thus acquired a thor23 Sir J. K. Laughton in Camb. Mod. Hist., III, 327.

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ough acquaintance with American waters and had many friends in every port. The unofficial Spaniard, therefore, could not brand all foreigners as criminals and in many instances we find a considerable amount of good feeling existing between the Spanish colonists and the visitors to their shores. In the last years of the war period the greater part of the Spanish shipping had been driven from the sea and only very small profits would have been returned by mere privateering. A far more profitable way of employing capital was to carry out from Europe a full cargo of manufactured goods to be disposed of secretly in the Indies either to Spaniards or to the natives, and to return laden with the tropical products for which they had been exchanged. An even more prosaic trade which reached large dimensions about 1600, was the carrying of salt to Europe from Punta Araya on the coast of Venezuela. The ships, both Dutch and English, came out laden with goods for barter and after disposing of them met at the great salt pans some fifty miles from Margarita, where their holds were filled with salt, which was then conveyed to England and to Flanders and sold at an excellent profit. Between June, 1602, and May, 1603, one hundred and seventy-two salt vessels and thirty barter vessels of large size came to Araya, and at one time in January, 1603, sixty salt vessels and four barter vessels were lading salt at one time,2" thus showing that the trade had reached large dimensions.
With the conclusion of peace, the facilities for fitting out these ships in English ports and the ease of disposal of their cargoes on their return were at an end. King
24 Venezuela Papers, Add. MSS., 36318, fo. 191. Governor of Cumana to King. The letters from the Indies abound with complaints of the clandestine trade. Far more harm was done to the royal revenue by this barter than by all the more shown exploits of Cumberland, Parker, and Sherley.

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James, it was well known, regarded the war as at once concluded by his accession, for as king of Scotland he had always been on terms of peace and amity with the Spanish crown. The terms of the treaty itself were a complete surrender of the English right of trade to the Indies," the recognition of which Elizabeth had always insisted upon as a necessary condition of peace. It was no longer possible for a reputable merchant to engage openly in the West Indian trade and large amounts of capital began to be withdrawn and turned to other uses. Capt. John Smith, writing in 1629, puts 'the matter clearly: "After the death of our most gracious Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory, our Royal King James, who from his infancy had reigned in peace with all Nations, had no employment for those men-of-war, so that those that were rich, rested with that they had; those that were poor and had nothing but from hand to mouth, turned Pirates; some, because they had got much wealth; some, for that they could not get their due; some, that had lived bravely, would not abase themselves to poverty; some vainly, only to get a name; others for revenge, covetousness or as ill; and as they found themselves more and more oppressed, their passions increasing with discontent made them turn Pirates.'" That a very large increase of the evil of piracy ensued after the signing of the peace may be very roughly proved from the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic. In the four years, 1603-1607, only eleven mentions of piracy occur and most of these are concerned with the granting of pardons to English sailors accused of technical piracy against French and Venetian ships. In the four years, 16071610, piracy is mentioned twenty-eight times and mostly in connection with outrages on English ships. So acute
25 Camb. Mod. Hist., III, 537.
26 Smith's Works (ed. Arber), p. 914.

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had the evil become in 1609 that a royal commission was appointed to find some means of putting a stop to the pirates' depredations. Many of the more far-seeing London merchants had long realised the precariousness of privateering enterprise and had endeavoured to engage solely in legitimate trade," but others in alliance with men of high rank such as George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, had expended in it large amounts of capital and had organised what were in reality small navies, most of the ships sailing under the English flag, but others under that of the states of Holland or of Zeeland. One of the foremost of the wealthy men of high rank engaged in schemes of this description, was Lord Rich, who had numbers of ships always at sea. The cessation of hostilities between England and Spain made little difference to his fleet, which merely changed its letters of marque from English to Dutch and made its home ports Middleburg or Flushing instead of the port of London.28 When the twelve years' truce of 1609 suspended hostilities between the States and Spain and withdrew Dutch letters of marque, Rich's operations continued as before, but under different colours, and some years later we find his ships sailing the Channel with commissions from the Duke of Savoy and still returning a handsome profit to their owner.29
The withdrawal of the greater part of the English capital invested in privateering set it free for employment in other directions, and the first five years of the seventeenth century saw the despatch of many private
27 Cunningham, English Industry, Mod. Times, I, 70. 28 The many ramifications of the schemes of the Rich family lie beyond the scope of this enquiry, but sidelights will be thrown on their later developments in subsequent chapters. From at any rate 1600 onwards the Rich family always had a commercial agent at Middleburg or Amsterdam. 29 Hist. MSS. Comm., Fourth Report. C. S. P. Dom., 1609-1618. C. S. P.
East Indies, 1617-1621, p. lxxxvi.

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expeditions for exploration to the Northwest, mostly financed by the merchants who had fitted out the expeditions of the late sixteenth century;3 the acute economic difficulties of the time, caused by the growth of population, induced publicists like Popham to join hands with these great merchants and to suggest that the time was now propitious for the carrying out of the ideas of colonisation that had so long been expounded by Gilbert and Raleigh. It is to this conjunction of interests that the founding of the Plymouth and London Companies for Virginia was due.
Previous attempts at English colonisation had been made in each of three directions, and it is of interest to note that geographical conditions had a good deal to do with the location of the first successful colony. In 1600 the shores of the American continents were inhabited by Europeans in three regions separated by enormous stretches of unexplored coast; the Hispano-Portuguese empire of Brazil was divided from the Spanish territory round the Caribbean by the no man's land of Guiana. The shores of the Caribbean and the islands of the Antilles were all occupied in a loose kind of way by the Spanish power or rendered inaccessible by the presence of the fierce and cannibal Caribs, while to the northward Florida, the scene of the long-remembered massacre of Ribault and Laudonni~re's Huguenot colonists, was sundered by Raleigh's deserted Virginia from the regions round the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where the French fur-traders were beginning to found a regular trade with the Indians, and where Newfoundland was already a temporary home for fishermen of all the northern nations. The route to all these regions, save the last, was in the main the same; coasting down the shores of Spain and Africa till Cape Cantin was reached,
30 Kingsbury, Introd. to Records of Va. Co., p. 14.

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a course was made for the Canaries31 and thence, after watering, a due westerly course was steered for the Island of Deseada or for Dominica. For Brazil a southwesterly course from the Canaries was taken.32 The direct and more northerly route to Virginia was only discovered by Argall in 1614 and was not regularly used until some years after that date. The homeward course by the Gulf stream lay through the Florida Channel and across by the Azores, so that the shores of Virginia would be the last point seen upon the American continent. Gilbert's attempts at colonisation had followed the northerly fishing route to Newfoundland33 and were long remembered -for the extreme hardships that had been encountered; Raleigh, however, had taken the usual southern course and had endeavoured to plant his colonies either in Guiana, the first unoccupied portion of the mainland met with, or in Virginia, the last left. Now we shall show later that, notwithstanding Raleigh's double failure in Guiana, repeated efforts were made by Englishmen to establish trading stations there during the early years of the seventeenth century, though the conditions were too precarious to attract the attention of the larger capitalists, who had to keep King James's pro-Spanish predilections in view. England could show a plausible claim of right to Virginia by the ancient discoveries of the Cabots, and the region was more attractive to the merchant adventurers as affording a hope of discovery of the long-sought channel leading westward into the Sea of Cathay. It was Virginia that was therefore chosen with the royal sanction as the scene of the new effort at colonisation.
The two branches of the Virginia Company received 31 Hakluyt's Voyages (Everyman Edition), VII, 246. 32 Purchas's Pilgrims (Maclehose's Edition), XVI, 179. 33 Ilakluyt, VI, S.

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their patents from the king in April, 1606," and the London Company, among whose members were most of the merchants in whom we are interested," and notably Sir Thomas Smythe and the Riches, at once took steps to fit out a pioneer expedition. The North Virginia Company contained fewer men of practical business experience and soon fell into a moribund condition, but the London Company succeeded by 1609 in enlisting in their work the sympathies of almost every rank of society. Englishmen saw in the new colony the only means open to them of continuing the efforts to curb the overweening power of Spain, that had been abandoned by King James and his advisers, but this widespread interest soon failed before the prosaic difficulties of the undertaking, and before long the management of the company's affairs fell into the hands of a small number of men of high rank and of a group of well-to-do London merchants, many of whom had long been interested in privateering enterprises. The Spanish ministers regarded the Virginia colony as a perfidious device of the English government for continuing English piratical enterprise in defiance of the recently concluded treaty, and we can read in the letters of the Spanish officials" the same complaints against the new colony that had so often been penned from Venezuela and the same suggestions for nipping the infant community in the bud.7
Lying directly in the path of ships northward bound
34 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I, 52-62. 35 Kingsbury, Introd. to Records of Va. Co., p. 14. 36 Brown, Genesis, I, passim.
37 Add. MSS., 36317, fo. 372. Diego Suarez de Amaya, Governor of Cumana, writes to the King on Dec. 8, 1600, suggesting that the salt at Punta Araya should be poisoned in order to destroy the Dutch and English pirates wholesale. Zuniga repeatedly suggested that the whole of the Virginia colonists should be wiped out to avoid further growth of the colony.

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through the Florida Channel, the Bermuda Islands had had an evil reputation throughout the sixteenth century as a place of storms, and were in consequence always avoided by mariners. But after Sir George Somers's shipwreck there in July, 1609, and the subsequent furnishing of Virginia with much-needed provisions, the islands were claimed as lying within the grant of the Virginia Company and as forming a likely field for colonisation. Their importance was so little appreciated, however, that the active members of 1612 bought out the Virginia Company's rights and formed a fresh company of only one hundred and twenty adventurers to undertake the plantation., The new company entered on its operations with vigour and secured a fresh charter on June 29, 1615."8
For some years matters proceeded smoothly in both companies, the most active part in their management being taken by those who had, along with the Rich family, an interest in pseudo-privateering enterprise in the West Indies. Gradually, however, we find that two factions were forming in the companies and by 1619 matters were rapidly moving to an open breach.
In May, 1619, Sir Thomas Smythe, who, as treasurer, had been the executive head of the Virginia Company since its foundation, was displaced and Sir Edwin Sandys was elected in his stead." The complete story of this quarrel in the Virginia Company has never yet been written from the standpoint of the Warwick faction, and we can here only deal with those aspects of it that bear directly upon our subject. It must be noted, however, that Sir Thomas Smythe and his supporters represented the privileged merchants of the Merchant Adventurers, the East India, the Turkey, and other
38 C. S. P. Col., 1574-1660, p. 17.
39 C. S. P. Dom., 1619, p. 44.

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companies who believed in carrying on Elizabethan traditions and had been interested in privateering in earlier years, while Sandys had, since his chairmanship of the Commons committee on the free trade bills of 1604,0 definitely committed himself to hostility to the privileged companies. Personal rivalries and family
feuds were to a considerable extent responsible for the ranging of the aristocratic members of the company on opposite sides and for their bitterness one against another.1
Sir Thomas Smythe after his displacement still retained the leadership of the Somers Islands Company, but this did nothing to assuage ill-feeling, and Alderman Johnson, one of his warmest supporters in the City of London, attempted to organize an attack upon Sandys, the new Virginia treasurer. He did not secure much support at first and was censured by a committee of the Virginia Company held at Southampton House"2 on July 8, 1619, of which both the Earl of Warwick and Sir Nathaniel Rich were members. About the beginning of 1620, however, rumours began to spread abroad of some mysterious exploit against the Spaniards achieved by a certain Capt. Daniel Elfrith in a ship called the Treasurer; Elfrith seems to have been in a sense acting under the orders of Capt. Samuel Argall, who had been
40 Hewins, Trade and Finance in the 17th Century, ch. III. 41 The groupings of the parties in the quarrel recall the scandal that divided society into two hostile camps in the previous generation. Penelope Devereux, Lady Rich, Warwick's mother, lived for years in open adultery with Charles Blount, Earl of Devonshire, and the bitterest hostility reigned between her legitimate offspring and the children of her illicit union, of whom the eldest, Mountjoy Blount, afterwards Earl of Newport, was received into high favour at court in 1617. Southampton, Sackville, and the Cavendishes sided with the Blounts and it seems to be a legitimate hypothesis to assume that this added another to the many causes of the quarrel.
42 Manch. Pap., nos. 250, 251.

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governor of Virginia and was using the Earl of Warwick's name as a bolster to his unwarrantable actions." Elfrith brought his vessel to Bermuda in an unseaworthy condition and with her a number of negroes. That the Earl of Warwick was not entirely unconnected with the Treasurer's piratical proceedings can be seen by a letter written to him from Bermuda by his prot6g6, Capt. Nathaniel Butler, the governor, to the effect that he had disposed of his lordship's negroes according to instructions, but that the Treasurer's people were dangeroustongued fellows and had given out secretly that, if they were not paid to their uttermost penny of wages, they "would go to the Spanish Ambassador and tell all."4 It is a mistake to suppose with some modern writers that anything very terrible lay behind this threat and that the mariners of the Treasurer and her sister ship, the Neptune, were bloodthirsty ruffians of the type of the legendary Capt. Kidd, sailing beneath the skull and cross-bones and ready for any deed of darkness. The Spanish ambassador of the time was Diego Sarmiento d'Acuila, Conde de Gondomar; in 1620 the broken thread of negotiation -for the Spanish Match had just been picked up, and King James was ready to do anything to propitiate the Spanish monarchy. Only two years before, Raleigh, in spite of the semi-approval with which James had regarded his proceedings, had been sent to the block on a similar charge of piracy, and a threat of disclosure, therefore, was no idle one.
The council of the Virginia Company was informed by Capt. Yeardley, the governor, that the Treasurer, which was admitted to be the Earl of Warwick's property, was supposed to have "gone to rob the King of
43 Manch. Pap., no. 262, 20 Jan., 1620. 44 Ibid., 9 Oct., 1620, no. 275. A very full list of the documents connected with this affair is contained in Kingsbury's Rec. of Va. Co.

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Spain's subjects in the West Indies by direction from my Lord of Warwick."" Sir Edwin Sandys and the council agreed that it was necessary to communicate the information to the Privy Council, but only after having "first blotted my Lord of Warwick's name out of the letters." No action was taken at the time and the Warwick party succeeded in hushing matters up. Further letters arrived from Virginia with details as to the ship's proceedings derived from one of the crew, who had been left behind in the colony; Sandys at once, on receipt of these depositions, reopened the matter by assembling the council and persuading them to acquaint the Spanish ambassador and the lords of the Privy Council with the facts. This step was bitterly resented by the other side, for its effect was "to put upon my Lord of Warwick suddenly ere he was aware," a confiscation of the ship and goods. The quarrel was henceforward irreconcilable, and now became a matter of common scandal.
Things were going none too well with the Somers Islands Company. Daniel Tucker, the first governor, was superseded in 1619 in consequence of his constant disagreements with the adherents of Sir Nathaniel Rich and the Warwick party, and Capt. Nathaniel Butler, one of Warwick's followers, was sent back to the islands as governor; the two factions in the colony were always quarrelling and constant accusations were made against the governor of fostering pirates, most of whom seem to have pretended to hold commissions from the Prince of Orange, the familiar old commissions of the "Seabeggars." Space will not admit of an examination of the rights and wrongs of the case, but Butler's dealings with a Spanish wreck in 1621 provided specific grounds of complaint and Gondomar, much to the satisfaction of the Sandys party, appealed to the Somers Islands Coin11 Manch. Pap., no. 279.

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pany'0 and the Privy Council for redress. This appeal and the news of the terrible massacre of the Virginia colonists that reached England in July, 1622," determined the king and his ministers that something was radically wrong and a complete enquiry into the affairs of both companies was ordered April 13, 1623. A variety of evidence was brought before the commission of enquiry, on one side by the Earl of Southampton, Lord Cavendish, Sir Edward Sackville, afterwards Earl of Dorset, Sandys, and the Ferrars, and on the other by the Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Thomas Smythe, and Alderman Johnson. After a long and careful investigation, the Virginia Company's charter was surrendered October 20, 1623, and the colony taken under the direct management of the crown, very much to its own benefit. Attempts were made to reopen the matter in the House of Commons, but these were put an end to by a royal message, to the general satisfaction. The Somers Islands Company was permitted to continue along the old lines, and the struggle for control was maintained with varying fortunes, each succeeding treasurer reversing the policy of his predecessor and sending out a fresh governor.
It has been necessary to enter on this very brief outline of the quarrel in the two companies, because to it the genesis of the Providence Company can be traced. The orthodox view concerning the quarrel and the ensuing surrender of the Virginia Company's charter, as expressed by Doyle and other writers, is entirely hostile to the Warwick faction and represents them as mere tools of the court. This is far too simple an explanation of the matter, and the causes would appear to be more complex, for the careers both of Warwick and
46 C. S. P. CoL, 1574-1660, p. 27. 6 Feb., 1622. 47 Ibid., p. 31. 13 July, 1622.

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Sir Thomas Smythe are completely opposed to their assumed subserviency. The idea that in the two factions we have in embryo the parties of the Civil War48 is almost grotesque, for in truth, as our subsequent pages will show, there were no more ardent opponents of an absolutist regime and no stronger or more definite Puritans than were the Earl of Warwick and Sir Nathaniel Rich, the so-called "subservient tools" of the court. Neither side in the quarrel could claim a
monopoly of virtue and it is a mistake to allow the connection of the Earl of Southampton with Shakespeare, the legendary saintliness of the character of Nicholas Ferrar, or the high spirit of Sir Edwin Sandys to blind us to the many solid merits of Sir Thomas Smythe, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Gabriel Barber, and their other
opponents.
The abandonment of the West Indian trade after the conclusion of peace in 1604 by the more prominent English merchants did not by any means bring to an end English dealings in Guiana and the Caribbean. Clandestine trade was still carried on and to such an extent as to involve the Spanish authorities in continual anxiety. The vessels engaged in the trade, however, were now of small burthen and were equipped and set forth mainly from Irish ports and from Barnstaple and Dartmouth, where there was less likelihood of coming into conflict with the authorities than in ports nearer the seat of government. So great was the damage done to Spanish commerce that in 1607 the cultivation of tobacco was forbidden in the provinces of Caracas and Venezuela for
48 This idea has astonishing vitality. In the recently published "England in America" (Vol. 4 of The American Nation, p. 76) the author speaks of the "Court'' party with Sir Robert Rich at its head, while the "Country'' or "patriot" party is led by Southampton, Sandys, and Ferrar. For a juster view of the matter see Scott's Joint Stock Companies to 1720, II 269-287.

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ten years owing to the large numbers of English and Dutch who were attracted to purchase it.9 Little effect was produced by the prohibition, for from 1610 to 1620 the Island of Trinidad seems to have been a regular emporium for the illicit tobacco trade," and firms like the Reskeimers of Dartmouth, the Delbridges of Barnstaple, and, on a larger scale, the Courteens of Middleburg made large sums in the trade. Nor did the trade with the Indians languish; repeated attempts to found English trading stations on the Guiana rivers were made and it has been shown51 that such Dutch firms as the Courteens were building up a perfect network of trade-routes in the interior of South America. Leigh's colony upon the Wiapoco in 1604-1606 was a disastrous failure," but Sir Thomas Roe saw the beginnings of his life of adventure in a couple of years' trading (1606-1607) upon the Guiana coast and several of the pioneer Virginia colonists gained their experience with him in exploring the swamps of the Wiapoco and the Cuyuni3 Robert Harcourt in 1608 obtained a patent from Henry, Prince of Wales, and set sail from Dartmouth with ninety-seven men to attempt a trading colony on the Wiapoco ;5, the attempt was a failure and in 1610 the remaining colonists were scattered among the Indians, and for eight or nine years subsisted in native fashion and with occasional supplies obtained from the Dutch.55 Raleigh's last voyage in 1617 ended, as is well known, in utter disaster,

49 Venezuela Papers, Add. MSS., 36319, fo. 141. Sancho de Aijuiza to the King. June 15, 1607.
50 Add. MSS., 36319, passim.
51 G. Edmundson, Arts. in Eng. Hist. Bev., 1896-1903. 52 For an account of this attempt see Purchas, XVI, 316 sqq. 53 Smith's Works, p. 896, and Brown, Genesis of United States, 1, 375, re Roe's voyage of 1610.
54 Purchas, XVI, 358.
55 Smith, p. 897.

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but the breaking off of the Spanish negotiations in 1618 and the downfall of the king's pro-Spanish favourites, the Howards, seemed to the Earl of Warwick and his associates a propitious opportunity to undertake the colonisation of Guiana in a more ambitious way than had before been tried. The company undertaking the project was largely organised by Warwick,56 a patent for the colony was obtained57 and Capt. Roger North, brother of Lord North and Warwick's cousin, was despatched to Guiana with one hundred and twenty men; there they joined forces with the remnant of Harcourt's colonists and tobacco planting was begun. But, early in 1620, Gondomar returned to England, the broken thread of negotiation for the Spanish Match was taken up, and on May 7, 1620,58 Warwick was ordered by the Privy Council to deliver up the commission on which North had sailed and compelled to disavow his proceedings. Gondomar's protests to King James were so effective that on North's return to England in December, 1620, to secure fresh supplies he was imprisoned in the Tower and his goods confiscated. His men, abandoned in Guiana, dispersed themselves among the Indians or joined forces with the Dutch. Among the colonists thus abandoned was one Thomas Warner,5' who, having remained in Guiana about two years, returned to England by way of the Caribbee Islands with two companions. Watering at St. Christopher on the homeward voyage, Warner became friendly with Togreman, the Carib chief
56 C. S. P. Dom., 30 April, 1619, Locke to Carleton. 17 C. S. P. Col., 30 April, 1619, p. 21.
58 Acts of Privy Council, Col., 1, 36.
59 The outline of Warner's proceedings in the text is based upon three sources of authority: Smith's account, 1629, Works, p. 898 sqq., John Hilton's account, 1675, Brit. Mus., Eg., 2395, fo. 503; and Sloane MSS., 3662, fe. 45a, written by Major Scott, 1667. For a discussion of the reliability of this last authority, see Edmundson, Eng. Hist. Rev. (1901), XVI, 640.

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of the island; on his return to England he succeeded in securing some capital from one Merrifield, a merchant interested in the clandestine West Indian trade, and with fourteen companions sailed at the end of 1622 for Virginia and thence to St. Christopher, where they commenced planting tobacco on January 28, 1623.0 Warner's small band lived in amity with the Caribs for some time, but difficulties at length arose, and it was only by a series of fortunate happenings that the infant colony was saved from destruction. To secure assistance against the Caribs,6' Warner acquiesced in the division of the island between his men and a band of Frenchmen under D'Esnambuc, who had landed there not long after him.
The breaking off of the Spanish Match in 1623 and Buckingham's hostility to Spain removed the difficulties that had lain in the way of early colonising attempts. The foundation of the Dutch West Indian Company in 1621 put into practice the ideas of colonisation at the expense of Spain as opposed to freebooting that Willem Usselincx had so long been urging and its early success pointed out to the general public both in England and France that the West Indies offered a profitable field for colonisation. Within a month or so of the rupture with Spain we find Secretary Conway proposing" that a colonising enterprise should be undertaken in the West Indies in concert with Holland in order to draw off idle people from the kingdom without cost to the king. In April, 1625, Sir John Coke proposed to the king3 to
60 Smith, p. 900.
61 This is the version of the story given in 1675 by one of the first English settlers. (Eg., 2395, fo. 509.) A good deal of dispute raged in 1675 about the whole sequence of these events, but the facts appear to be as given. Du Tertre is our authority on the French side. 62 C. S. P. Doam., 1623, no. 64.
63 Ibid., 14 April, 1625.

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incorporate a company for defence and protection in the West Indies and to develop English trade thither; in the same month Attorney General Heath drew up a memorandum for Charles I, stating that it was neither safe nor profitable for the Spaniards and Dutch to be absolute lords of the West Indies and suggesting English intervention, either openly or underhand. Preparations for the war with Spain were now in full swing and any suggestions for weakening the Spanish power were listened to by Charles and Buckingham with the utmost readiness. Among the Clarendon State Papers65 there has been preserved a remarkable plan, presented to Buckingham by a fugitive Spaniard, showing how England, without the expenditure of much capital, might found an English empire in the heart of the Spanish Indies. There are reasons for supposing that the plan was introduced to Buckingham's notice by Warwick's mediation, and we have here probably the first germ of some of the ideas animating the Providence Company a few years later. Among the bustle of the war preparations no steps could be taken for a West Indian expedition, but the change of circumstances now made it easy for adventurous spirits to find capitalists ready to finance their colonising schemes. Warner returned to England in September, 1625, and with Ralph Merrifield obtained from the crown letters patent" for the colony of St. Christopher, and for the colonisation of Nevis, Barbadoes, and Montserrat; in the same year, Capt. John Powell in the William and John with thirty settlers financed by Sir William Courteen, made the first permanent English settlement in Barbadoes.
When grants and privileges had to be obtained from
6 C. S. P. Col., [April] 1625, p. 73.
65 Clar. State Pap., vol. I.
66 C. S. P. Col., 1574-1660, 13 Sept., 1625.

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the crown, it was useful to have on one's side a persona grata at court; Merrifield and Warner succeeded in interesting in their cause James Hay, the Earl of Carlisle, and 1626 saw the grant of rights of government over the whole of the Caribbee Islands to the earl, who at once took effective steps to enforce his rights. In 1627 he and the merchants associated with him despatched several emigrants and a store of ordnance to St. Christopher and the first English colony in the West Indies was fairly launched. Courteen, not to be outdone, secured the patronage of Lord Treasurer Ley, Earl of Marlborough, for his colony in Barbadoes, but in 1627 a wholesale grant covering many islands was bestowed upon the lord chamberlain, Philip, Earl of Montgomery, and considerable confusion ensued. The further fortunes of these grants and of the colonies established in virtue of them need not detain us here, but we shall have to return to the early history of St. Christopher and Nevis in a later chapter.
Between 1623 and 1628 the affairs of the Somers Islands Company had been steadily going from bad to worse; JohnBernard, the governor sent out in 1622 to investigate Capt. Butler's proceedings, died within a few weeks of his arrival, and his successor, John Harrison, a nominee of the Sandys faction, only held office for a year (1623). He was succeeded by Capt. Henry Woodhouse (1623-1626), and he again by Capt. Philip Bell, a man of good family and an adherent of the Warwick party. Constant complaints were received in England of the monopolist proceedings of the company's agents, who bought the planters' produce cheap and sold in return the necessaries of life at exorbitant rates, while the company were engaged in a perpetual struggle with a merchant, John Delbridge of Barnstaple, who desired to secure the right of trade to the islands without paying

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the very high license duties demanded. The colonists at length in 1628 appealed to the House of Commons for redress and a committee of enquiry was appointed numbering among its members John Pym,67 whose name now appears for the first time in connection with colonial affairs. The committee prepared a petition to the king in the colonists' favour, but little appears to have come of it save an order of the Privy Council for an abatement of the tobacco duty in favour of the adventurers.
On April 28, 1629, Sir Nathaniel Rich, one of the most active members of the Somers Islands Company, received from Capt. Philip Bell, the governor of the islands, a long and closely written letter" of four quarto pages. The writer expresses grief and surprise that he had been blamed by the company at home without having had an opportunity of defending himself. He describes the many difficulties against which he has had to contend and the factions existing in Bermuda, and then proceeds to the main business of his letter. This is of so much importance in our enquiry that his words must be reproduced in extenso:
Now to the main business I come without further interruption, which is that two of your ships, the "Earl of Warwick" and the "Somers Islands" are now returning home again and in the "Earl of Warwick" is Daniel Elfrith himself coming, who hath put himself out of his own ship into it because she hath neither captain nor master left for her safe conduct home. The other is furnished still with the full company that brought her out, though no present purchase is returned according to hopeful expectation, for it was unhappily lost and missed of. Capt. Cammock with thirty odd men is left upon an island called St. Andreas, which is a very fertile and hopeful place and such as is hoped will give the adventurers good satisfaction. 67 C. S. P. Col., 19 June, 1628.
08 Manch. Pap., no. 416.

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Notwithstanding his own [Elfrith's] island, which was pointed and aimed at, he hath yet reserved undiscovered to himself. So I put it only into my Lord's own hands and yours with such selected friends and companions as shall be thought worthy to be made partakers thereof. For he doth absolutely refuse and resolve the whole company [the Somers Is. Company] shall never more have to do with him, in respect of their ingratitude towards him for his pains and endeavors already past.
The name of it [the island] is Kathalina and [it] lies not above 20 or 30 leagues from the other where his men are left, but it differs much from that place both in the pleasantness and rich fertility of the soil, and, which is very material, half the charge will fortify this and make it invincible, which must go to the other where they are. Neither indeed can that possibly ever be made half so strong, but which is notwithstanding hopeful because freer from enemies and more out of harm's way and all danger."'
There is another island, called Fonceta,70 which lies some 100 leagues to the eastwards of the Caribbee Islands and out of all the Spaniards roads and ways, which by the report of some Indians, which once strayed from thence and could never find it again, as also of some seamen who once touched there and Daniel Elfrith did afterwards speak withal; it is one of the bravest and most-fertile islands in the world, having according to the pilot three fair rivers in it, and is likewise well fortified and encompassed with rocks and shoals for defence against all enemies. This island I have set Daniel Elfrith in resolution to discover, which may be done in sending to the other islands without any further charge or trouble worth the speaking of, being not above 80 leagues out of the way [the way from Bermuda to Santa Catalina], which in all likelihood will not be above four or five days' sail at the most, and so if he can find the island, as neither I nor himself do make any question, and if he find it answerable to report and our expectation, then he may 69 San Andreas lies further up on the great Moskito Bank than does Santa Catalina. Bell means that it lies more out of the track of ships from Cartagena.
7o Mythical, see below, pp. 132-134.

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stay and settle with his men and provisions there without going further. But if either he or the place should fail of our hopes, then, without any prejudice at all, he may proceed forwards to the island which cannot fail, and which he knows as perfectly as needs to be, and than this island already known none can be more fruitful or more hopeful, but yet it lying in the heart of the Indies and the mouth of the Spaniards and the other lying far from both, it [Fonceta] is therefore much to be preferred before it, and there is neither of them but in short time [could] be made more rich and bountiful either by tobacco or any other commodities than double or treble any man's estate in all England; though they should utterly fail of any gold or silver mines, which notwithstanding is very hopeful, they may be enriched withal.
And as for this island, the strength and work of the land doth so much decrease and decay daily that in a short time it will be of very small value or profit, especially so much tobacco now being planted and being brought home of better quality and from richer climates and plantations, and I make a question whether this will shortly be worth anything at all. For my part, therefore, though I shall be willing for my credit's sake and the country's good, but also for the propagation of the Gospel and the service of my good God, to stay here yet one, two or three years longer if my Lord [Warwick] and yourself [Rich] shall think fit so to dispose and command me, yet longer than that same [I am] absolutely unwilling. For one year in one of those places will be more profitable than seven years here, and I am resolved that in which of those islands Daniel Elfrith shall settle his good liking and abode, that there will I settle my abode with him likewise, for out of his part of the land in both he hath promised a good proportion to myself as a portion with his daughter.
In the way and means of proceeding I have likewise delivered my opinion to my Lord, as first that Daniel Elfrith's own advice in everything may be followed, that he may be set out in a ship or two belonging solely to my Lord, yourself and such special friends, that things may be carried and done with all

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possible secrecy. That my Lord may get the patent of Fonceta, or rather of both, before they be discovered, which will be easily obtained and will take away all the claim and opposition of my Lord of Carlisle or any other. And thus having contracted and finished my matter and room together, I will conclude all and myself.
Your really affected friend and servant
PimLp BELL.

Gov. Bell addressed this most important letter to Sir Nathaniel Rich as second in command and business head of the Warwick faction, whose connection with the Virginia and Somers Islands companies has already been noticed. Their interest in colonial affairs had been heightened during the years 1625 to 1629 by many causes, and Bell's letter arrived in England at a moment when the future government of the English race lay in the balance. What were the conditions governing this critical position, can be most properly considered if the career of the head of the Warwick party, Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick, is examined.
Robert Rich, eldest son of the third Lord Rich and great-grandson of Richard, first Lord Rich, Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations to Henry VIII, afterwards lord chancellor, and the founder of the family fortunes, was born in 1587 and educated at Emmanuel College, the principal Puritan college at Cambridge under Elizabeth, where he was a contemporary of the celebrated Puritan, John Preston. He represented Maldon in the parliaments of 1610 and 1614, and succeeded his father as second Earl of Warwick in 1619. The antiSpanish schemes of the Rich family rendered them distasteful to James I, but the hitch in the negotiations for the Spanish Match in 1618 was marked by the bestowal of the earldom of Warwick upon the third Lord Rich;

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Robert Rich's strong Puritan leanings made court life distasteful to him and his attention was very early directed to colonial ventures, to which he was drawn by his interest in the privateering enterprises of his family. He was, as has been shown, an active member of the Virginia Company and in 1614 became one of the original members of the Somers Islands Company. In 1618 he possessed fourteen shares in the company and one of the divisions of the islands was called Warwick Tribe in his honour; in 1616 he and his father fitted out two ships and despatched them with a Savoy commission on a roving voyage to the East Indies. Their seizure of a ship, worth 100,000, belonging to the Great Mogul, and its recapture by an East India Company's ship, involved Rich in a long dispute with the company, but this and other subsequent disputes did not prevent his active participation in their enterprises, and we find him a constant attendant at the company's courts and repeatedly borrowing from the stock ordnance and stores for his ships.7
In 1618 Warwick became one of the original members of the Guinea Company, newly incorporated to engage in the profitable traffic in African negroes. In the same year the Treasurer, commanded by Daniel Elfrith, was fitted out and provided with a Savoy commission as a man-of-war. She carried to Virginia the first cargo of negroes ever sold there and, as we have shown, her arrival provided Warwick's enemies in the Virginia Company with one of their sharpest weapons of attack. They accused him of piratical dealings, but it is quite possible that there is some connection between the Treas71 Obtained in return for a large money payment from Scarnafissi, the agent of Charles Emmanuel I, who was then upon a money-seeking mission in England.
72 C. S. P. East Indies, 19 March, 1627, March, 1628, March, 1629, etc.

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urer's voyage and Warwick's venture in the Guinea Company. If this were so, the negroes might have been obtained in an entirely legitimate way, as Elfrith maintained. At any rate, it is one of the ironies of history that it should have been through the agency of one and the same man that negroes were first introduced into British America and that the charter of Massachusetts, the foremost abolition state, was obtained.
In 1619 Warwick took a prominent part in financing North's Guiana expedition, and in 1620 he was granted a seat in the council of the resuscitated Plymouth Company for New England and was frequently present at its meetings,7 as was a neighbour of his, Sir John Bourchier, whose daughter, Elizabeth, had recently married Oliver Cromwell. Warwick, as the organiser of the Guiana Company, had for some time been in touch with Robinson's congregation of Separatists at Leyden, who were contemplating emigration to Guiana,74 but the dissolution of the company turned their hopes to North Virginia, and thither the Mayflower sailed in August, 1620. As will be remembered, the accidents of the voyage compelled the Pilgrims to .land at Plymouth in New England and outside the limit of the Virginia Company's patent, and Warwick's influence was again employed to secure from the Council for New England a patent for the land on which the new settlement was founded." It is another striking fact in Warwick's career that he was the only person of high rank and influence connected with all the bodies with whom the Leyden pilgrims negotiated before they could secure a home for themselves in the New World. He was a member of the Guiana Company, the 7" "Records of Council for New England." Printed in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society for 1867 and 1875. 74 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation (ed. Ford, 1912), I, 61-62. 75 June 1, 1621.

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Virginia Company, and the Council for New England, and it was he who, as president of the last of these, obtained the grant of the second Plymouth patent on January 13, 1630.76
The breach with Spain in 1623 threw George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, the all-powerful favourite of James and Charles, on to the side of the anti-Spanish and Puritan party and in 1625 he became an adventurer along with Warwick for the discovery of the Northwest Passage." This alliance of Buckingham with the Puritans was marked by Warwick's appointment as lord lieutenant of Essex; his brother Henry had been since 1618 in high favour at court and was one of Buckingham's most intimate friends. In 1623 Henry was created Baron Kensington, was sent with Carlisle to France in 1624 to arrange Charles's marriage with Louis XIII's sister, Henrietta Maria, and on his return was created Earl of Holland. Holland henceforward became the queen's mouthpiece in English politics and was always hostile to the Spanish party at court. Warwick's connection with the court was shortlived; he sided against Buckingham in the parliament of 1626 and in November joined with Lord Saye, the Earl of Lincoln, and other Puritan peers in refusing to pay the forced loan that was the king's expedient for financing the war. The value of the Rich navy, however, was so great that in March, 1627, a very full commission was issued to Warwick authorising him to undertake hostilities against the Spaniards, the commission78 being 76 Bradford (1908 edition), p. 248 and note; (Ford, ed., 1912), II, 69-70. 77 C. S. P. Dom., April, 1625.
78 C. S. P. Doam., 18 Mar., 1627. Request from Secretary Coke to Attorney General Heath to prepare for the Earl of Warwick such a commission as was granted by Queen Elizabeth to the Earl of Cumberland. For enlargement, v. ibid., 17 April, 1627. The exact bearing of this and some of the other commissions of the period upon the prize law of the time is dealt

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modelled on the lines of Queen Elizabeth's commission to the Earl of Cumberland. By an enlargement of the commission in April, 1627, Warwick was authorised to invade or possess any of the dominions of the king of Spain or the archdukes in Europe, Africa, or America, but the issue of this commission was not at all well received by the court party and we find Secretary Nicholas writing in the following October that Lord Warwick's commission would never have passed had it not been for the puzzle of the great preparations then in hand for the Rochelle expedition.79
In pursuance of this commission Warwick, with the aid of some London merchants,9 fitted out a fleet of eight ships and put to sea in the hope of capturing the Brazil fleet. He failed in his attempt and himself narrowly escaped capture, while his financial resources were badly crippled. In 1628 and 1629 he sent out more ships and took prizes both from the Spaniards and from the Genoese, which brought him little profit but involved him in legal disputes that were unsettled for many years. Among other ships he despatched the Earl of Warwick and the Somers Islanids to the West Indies on the voyage that is referred-to in Capt. Bell's letter. Warwick did not stand alone in these ventures, but may be regarded as the head of a clan, composed on the one hand of his own relatives and adherents and on the other of a body of powerful London merchants. We have seen the clan in action in the disputes of the Virginia Company, and during the years that had since elapsed, the group had with in an article on "Early Prize Law,' by Mr. R. G. Marsden in the English Historical Review for April, 1910. 79 C. S. P. Dor., 25 Oct., 1627. Nicholas's Letter Book, p. 64. so Coke MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm., Twelfth Report, App 'x, p. 297. Warwick to Sir John Coke, "I agreed with Mr. Attorney and the Judge of the Admiralty upon a commission and shewed it to divers merchants, my partners, who have come in and adventured their money."

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ENGLISH COLONISATION 39

been further cemented together by the growing unity of feeling in the Puritan party. The intimate business alliance of such members of the Upper House as Warwick, Saye, and Brooke with great London merchants is prominent throughout our pages and we must recognize that these commercial bonds are of great importance in the history of the time, as rendering it easier for great nobles and wealthy country gentlemen to unite with the city merchants and to work side by side with them in the constitutional struggle against the crown. Such a union would have been impossible at an earlier period.

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CHAPTER II


PURITAN EMIGRATION AND THE FORMATION
OF THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


To appreciate justly the causes governing the course of colonial events in the momentous years 1628-1629 is impossible without some realisation of the general posture of affairs in England and Europe at the time and to this we must for a moment turn our attention. The high hopes with which the nation had welcomed the accession of the debonair young king and had taken up arms once more against the hated Spaniards, had crumbled under disaster after disaster. The Cadiz expedition had ended in demoralisation and disgrace, the vaunted French alliance had been frittered away in ignoble squabbles and had resulted in naught but the use of English ships against Protestant Rochelle; nothing had been done to aid the King of Denmark in delivering the persecuted churches of Bohemia and the Palatinate, while the expeditions for the relief of those Rochellois whom England had encouraged in their resistance to their king, had returned each a more broken, more diseased, and more disgraceful failure than the last though Rochelle was slowly starving to death with a shuddering dread of the vengeance of Richelieu in a final sack. Nor were home affairs in a more hopeful condition; the incompetence of the government was flagrant, but its demands for money were unceasing and those who refused its forced loans were imprisoned without trial or banished from their homes. The

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countryside swarmed with unpaid and mutinous soldiery, torn from their parishes by the press-gang and billeted on all below the rank of gentleman. Robbery and outrage afflicted their unwilling hosts, and no redress could be obtained; yet while the poor were thus oppressed and the rich were fleeced without warrant of law, the religious feelings of some of the most upright members of the community were wounded by the silencing of the Calvinistic lectures and pamphleteers; the protagonists of the Arminians received preferment to the highest dignities in the church, and the penalties against recusants remained a dead letter to please the queen and her brother, the king of France, though the countries were at open war. Never in English history had the government faced so united an opposition as when Charles I's third parliament opened in March, 1628, but never did a monarch fail so to realise his position. For two months the debate of grievances went on behind the closed doors of parliament, while to common men the outlook was becoming ever blacker.
It was during these months of gloom that there were passed from hand to hand the suggestions of one of the most respected Puritan divines, John White of Dorchester, for the founding of a refuge in another land for God's oppressed people, where a bulwark might be raised "against the kingdom of Anti-Christ which the Jesuits labour to rear up in all quarters of the world." White had been connected before with a colonising effort in New England of some Dorchester merchants and the treasurer of this defunct company, John Humphry, brother-in-law of the Earl of Lincoln, determined to obtain from the Earl of Warwick, who was now beginning to be looked up to as the head of the Puritans, a grant of land in New England whereon he and others interested in carrying out White's new project might found

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their settlement. In June, 1623, the Council for New England, finding it impossible to secure capital or settlers for their territory, had decided' to divide the whole region into twenty shares to be distributed by lot among those of the council who had paid in capital to the stock. On June 29, 1623, the drawing had taken place in the presence of King James, and Warwick had drawn as his share the region round Massachusetts Bay.2 It was this tract that Warwick granted by patent to John Humphry, John Endecott, and their associates on March 19, 1628.' Endecott sailed on his first voyage to New England in June and the colonisation of Massachusetts began, almost unnoticed amidst the national troubles.
The great Commons' debate on grievances that ended on the twenty-eighth of May, 1628, in the presentation to the king of the Petition of Right, was marked by a crystallisation of the Puritan party in parliament into a form that had great influence upon the after course of events. It was the extreme Puritans who were responsible for the final mould in which the Petition was cast, and it is most noticeable that the men forming the inner ring of the party were closely united one with another by ties of relationship and sincere friendship. Warwick, Saye, and Lincoln were the exponents of the popular policy in the Lords; Sir John Eliot, the leader of the Commons, was united to Warwick by close bonds,' while Sir Nathaniel Rich, John Pym, Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, and Sir Gilbert Gerrard were all, as we shall show later,
1"'Records of Council for New England," Proceedings of Amer. Antiq. Soc. for 1875, p. 49.
2 See the map in Alexander's Encouragement to Colonies, 1624.
3 C. S. P. Col., 19 March, 1628. See also Massachusetts Colonial Records, 29 Sept., 1629.
4Forster's Life of Eliot, II, 64, 72, 642. See also Bagg's letters to the Privy Council, e.g. C. S. P. Dom., 20 April, 1620.

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intimately linked together and all took important parts in the struggle. For more than a week after the presentation of the Petition, the issue hung in the balance, but at last on the seventh of June the king yielded and the Petition of Right became the law of the land. To the lighter hearted it seemed as though the threatened liberties of England were safe, but the leaders realised that there was still much to be done, and, without an instant's delay, they proceeded to attack the king's Arminian religious policy, the illegal levying of tonnage and poundage, and, worst of all, the ministerial acts of Buckingham. So vehement were the remonstrances addressed to him that, in anger and disgust at what he thought their base ingratitude, Charles prorogued the parliament on the 26th with a speech of cutting severity. The hopes of early June were dashed and once more gloom settled down on Puritan hearts, saddened and revolted as they were by the king's ostentatious bestowal of preferment upon the Arminian prelates. For a moment the gloom was lightened by a somewhat untimely rejoicing at Felton's murder of the favourite, but the news from Germany was not encouraging, as Wallenstein drove Christian of Denmark, the champion of Protestantism, to his island fastnesses in utter rout. Rochelle at last lay prone, her walls dismantled, her merchants beggared, and her treasured Huguenot liberties gone at the bidding of the ruthless cardinal. Everywhere absolutism and Catholicism seemed triumphant and many an earnest, God-fearing man trembled as he feared that ere long the queen and Laud would bring Protestant England once more under the power of the Roman see.
The publication in December of the "Declaration touching Public Worship," was regarded by the Puritans as granting license to the Arminians for far-reaching innovations in religion, while the feelings of the mer-

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chants were outraged by the government's high-handed proceedings in the conflict over Chambers's obstinate refusals to pay the illegal tonnage and poundage. Once more, with the opening of the new year, the public gaze was fixed upon the doors that guarded the central scene in the great struggle. Parliament met again on January 20, 1629, and the Commons under Eliot's leadership at once vehemently assailed the "Declaration," and put forward in a series of resolutions against popery and Arminianism their own conception of the type of uniformity to be demanded for the church. For more than a month the debates raged round the resolutions and the religious grievances they were meant to remedy, while Charles endeavoured in vain to divert attention to the less thorny question of finance. Eliot, with even more intemperate words, refused to be turned from his chosen path and though many lesser members would have debated the threatening action of the courts against their own treasured freedom from arrest, lie persisted in recalling their attention to the larger question of the national liberties, until at length the king's slender patience was at end. Never had a more moving scene been witnessed in the Commons' House than on that second of March, 1629, when Speaker Finch announced His Majesty's pleasure that the House should then adjourn. On all sides rose angry murmurs against the order; in flat defiance of it the doors were locked and, though Finch did his courtly best to obey his royal master's commands, the leaders were resolved on violence rather than be baulked of their will. While the trembling speaker was held in his chair, and the weaker members cowered weeping in their seats, it was resolved that whoever should bring in innovations in religion, should introduce popery or Arminianism, or should pay tonnage or poundage, should be reputed a traitor and a

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


capital enemy to the commonwealth. The doors were opened, the speaker released, and to all men it seemed as though the established parliamentary privileges of England were at an end; Eliot, Selden, and other leaders were committed to the Tower.
"The increasing of our sins gives us great cause to look for some heavy scourge and judgment to be coming upon us," wrote John Winthrop a few days later.' "My dear wife, I am verily persuaded God will bring some heavy affliction upon this land, and that speedily; but if the Lord seeth it will be good for us, he will provide a shelter and a hiding-place for us and others, as a Zoar for Lot, a Sarephthah for his prophet." What wonder that at such a time White's message of hope should find an echo in Puritan hearts, and that God's people "should turn with eyes of longing to the free and open spaces of the New World, whither they might flee to be at peace.
The summer of 1629 was filled with events of the utmost importance to colonial history. Though only the leaders had been imprisoned for their share in the Commons' scene, every member of the Puritan party, both great and small, was made to feel the displeasure of the government. It was impossible to deprive Sir Benjamin Rudyerd of the lucrative office of surveyor of the Court of Wards, which had been granted him for life in his courtier days, but lesser Puritans might be attacked more easily. John Humphry had long been an attorney of the Court of Wards and a noticeable Puritan and now both he and his colleague, John Winthrop, the Puritan squire of Groton in Suffolk, were deprived of their offices.6 This apparently unimportant removal was in truth of tremendous import, for in Winthrop at last was found the man who was needed
5 London, 15 May, 1629, Life and Letters of Winthrop, I, 296.
6 June, 1629, Life of Winthrop, I, 298.

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to convert the aspirations of the Puritans into realities. Winthrop, a man already of middle age, had been afflicted during the past year (1628) with a succession of bereavements that had disillusioned him with life in England and had turned his thoughts to the proposals for migration that were occupying the minds of his friends. The Massachusetts Bay Company had received the sanction of a royal charter in March, 1629, and in July7 Winthrop and his brother-in-law, Emmanuel Downing, rode down to Sempringham, the Kesteven seat of the Earl of Lincoln, to talk over their plans of joining the company.
Theophilus Fiennes-Clinton, fourth Earl of Lincoln, who was descended from a distant branch of the great Fiennes family that held the ancient peerage of Saye and Sele, was the most earnest Puritan among the peers, and his seat at Sempringham was the central point where were discussed the projects for a Puritan migration. Lincoln was married to Bridget Fiennes, daughter of Viscount Saye, and his sister, Lady Susan FiennesClinton, was the wife of John Humphry, who had long been interested in White's colonising projects. Humphry had succeeded in imparting this interest to Lincoln and to Isaac Johnson, who was married to another of Lincoln's sisters. Winthrop -ound the whole society assembled at Sempringham and, though we have no account of the discussions that ensued, it is certain that the affairs of the Massachusetts Bay Company must have been talked over. Among Lincoln's dependents was his distant kinsman, Thomas Dudley, a man of an earnest and almost fanatical Puritan temper. Together he, John Humphry, Isaac Johnson, and Winthrop came to the momentous decision to cast off the dust of Eng7 July, 1629, Life of Winthrop, I, 304.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


land from their feet and throw in their lot with the Massachusetts Bay Company. In this same critical week Matthew Cradock, the governor, had suggested to the members of the company the entire transfer of the government to America, and on the twenty-sixth of August' it was resolved in a full meeting at Cambridge, that this step should be taken. Twelve members of the company, including Sir Richard Saltonstall, John llumphry, and Winthrop, announced their intention of leaving England to settle on American shores, and all of them took immediate steps in preparation for their voyage. From this point onwards Winthrop began to take the lead in the company's affairs, a lead at once marked by a decision and a statesmanlike foresight in marked contrast to the timorous conservatism of Matthew Cradock.
The importance of all these happenings from the point of view of our immediate subject is that every step taken by the Massachusetts emigrants was taken in concert with and often upon the advice of those veteran colonisers, the Earl of Warwick and Sir Nathaniel Rich. It is hardly likely that the idea of migration to America can have been thoroughly shaped as early as April, 1629, when Bell's letter' reached Sir Nathaniel Rich, but the idea was gradually taking shape and it must have been within the critical months of June and July that that decision was reached. Two courses lay open to the emigrants. On the one hand, they might sail towards what were then regarded as the bleak and inhospitable shores of North Virginia, where so many attempts at colonisation had been made to end only in disaster, and where the Pilgrims at Plymouth were even then struggling with small success against the hardships of their
s Life of Winthrop, I, 344.
9 V. supra pp. 31-34.

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lot. On the other hand, they might guide their course toward the fertile islands of the Caribbean that were described so glowingly by Capt. Bell.
Warwick had every reason to counsel the colonists towards the latter course, and, though he was willing to aid them whatever their choice should be, we cannot doubt that it was southward he wished them to sail. His ventures of late years had met with little success and there was here the prospect of retrieving loss and at the same time of providing another home for his discontented prot6g6s in Bermuda. The colonisation of St. Christopher and Barbadoes under the protection of Lords Carlisle and Marlborough, both members of the court party and both personally hostile to the Riches," can have been no more acceptable to Warwick and his friends than was the success of Sir William Courteen, Thomas Warner, and Ralph Merrifield, to his merchant associates. The knowledge that fertile islands were awaiting settlement in the heart of the West Indies, and that they could be fortified with ease, must have been welcome news to so strong a hater of Spain as was Warwick. Here at last appeared a chance of redeeming the failure of his naval enterprise of 1627 and the general ill success of the Spanish war, here was a chance of carrying on the glorious traditions of the Elizabethan age and of putting once and for all that bit in the ancient enemy's mouth, that had so long been the dream of all patriotic Englishmen. It is easy for us to commend Winthrop's 10 A personal coolness had existed between the Rich family and James Hay, Earl of Carlisle, since his quarrel with Lord Holland while they were fellow envoys in Paris in 1624. Only with difficulty had a duel then been prevented. The statement of Clarendon that Holland and Carlisle were good friends is no contradiction of our view, as it applies to a later period and the friendship can, at best, have been only superficial. The rivalry between Warwick and the Carlisle interests was an important factor in West Indian affairs as late, at any rate, as 1648.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


neglect of advice and to deride those who gave it and for ten years contended that his choice had been wrongly made, but in 1629 the colonial empires of every power, save Spain, were still to make, and all experience pointed to the shores of a summer sea as those whereon colonising success could alone be obtained.
The Stuart age witnessed many departures from the ancient ways, but the one that marks more definitely, perhaps, than any other, the period as modern, has not always received the attention it deserves. For the first time we find men of the middle class, who were neither great lawyers nor churchmen and who had had no training in the narrow circle of officialdom, printing deep the impress of their personality upon the national destinies. Just as Pym and Cromwell were sprung from that upper middle class that has done such great things for the world, so in the birth throes of the Massachusetts commonwealth the critical decision was made, and made aright, by the obscure Suffolk squire, while the great noble, skilled and cautious though he was, was hopelessly wrong. The Massachusetts migration was an event entirely without precedent in the modern world; Virginia, Newfoundland, and Guiana had attracted merely the adventurers and the needy; the Mayflower pilgrims, though later ages have glorified them, were too few in number, too humble in station, and too far removed from the main currents of English life to be of importance; but now sober, well-to-do men of middle age, to whom the spirit of adventure was entirely foreign, were contemplating a transfer of themselves, their families, and their goods to new homes across the seas, there to found not a colony but a commonwealth. At such a crisis the caution, the experience, and the knowledge of past failures of the man of affairs stand ranged against the fervour, the enthusiasm, and the hope in the future of

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the new man; Warwick and Rich well knew the difficulties to be contended with and preferred to move along the well-marked lines of policy; Winthrop and White, guided as they felt by a Higher Power, were resolved upon a course that was new. The men of the future had their way and the great human stream was directed to the New England shore.
Though we are unable to examine in detail the discussions that went on between Warwick and his associates concerning the designs suggested in Bell's letter, we find that by September, 1629, they were complete, and that it had been resolved to put the project into immediate execution.1 The total cost of the equipment of this pioneer expedition, was about two thousand pounds and this had been provided by the Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich (E275), Gabriel Barber (f250), John Dyke, and Gregory Gawsell. An account of these men will be given when we come to deal with the membership of the company as a whole. The arrangements for the voyage were entrusted to Dyke, who engaged artificers and mariners, purchased provisions and tools, and secured from the Admiralty letters of marque for two ships. A pinnace of eighty tons burthen was entrusted to the command of Daniel Elfrith and the bark Warwick to that of John Tanner. Daniel Elfrith2 had been engaged for many years in the contraband West Indian trade; he first appears as an officer serving under Capt. Fisher on a voyage of discovery to Guiana in 1614. He was put as master into a captured Spanish caravel with a cargo of 11 Our main authority from this point onwards is the Providence records. Though Sainsbury's calendar of them is very full in places, he makes many mistakes and entirely misapprehends certain letters. We shall refer here only to the records themselves.
12 For the early career of Elfrith see Brown, II, 885. Brown's account of his later life is misleading owing to the confusion of Old and New Providence.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


meal and brought her to Bermuda in 1615 just in time to save the colony from famine, but her coming was by no means an unmixed blessing, for she brought into the islands a plague of rats that took years to eradicate.3 Elfrith was accused of securing the vessel in the West Indies by dishonest means and, though he stoutly maintained his innocence, he was sent home to England a prisoner." He soon vindicated himself and in 1618 he again arrived in Bermuda as master of the ship Treasurer on his way to the West Indies. Tucker, the governor of the colony, who was on the point of departure for England, suspected that Elfrith was bound roving and warned the colonists to have nothing to do with him. No heed was paid to this warning and Elfrith was received with every kindness.5 He reached Virginia on his return voyage in the late summer of 1619 in consort with a Flushing privateer and with a hundred negroes he is said to have captured from a Spanish vessel; some of these he disposed of to the planters and they were the first of Virginia's negro servants; the rest he carried on to Bermuda, where his ship, the Treasurer, was broken up as unserviceable by command of the governor, Capt. Nathaniel Butler. We have seen in a previous chapter how much commotion this voyage caused in England. Elfrith seems now to have settled in Bermuda on the Earl of Warwick's land, which he worked with the aid of the earl's negroes. From 1623 onwards he was a member of the council,' but he did not agree well with the governor, Henry Woodhouse. He appears to have maintained that the governor was lining his own pockets with
13 Smith 's Virginia, p. 125.
14 V. supra, p. 21.
15 Smith, p. 666.
16 Sir J. H. Lefroy's Memorials of the Bermudas is our authority for this period.

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public funds and in September, 1625, he was arraigned before the council on a charge of sedition, which was the graver as he had been suspected of complicity in a plot against Gov. Butler in 1622. He was compelled to make abject submission, but on the removal of Woodhouse from the governorship in 1626, this submission was removed from the records. During 1626 and 1627 he was acting on the council, was an officer of the principal fort or King's Castle, and was looking after the boats belonging to the colony. He returned to England late in 1627.
In February, 1628, the Earl of Warwick and his associates, in virtue of his commission of April, 1627, despatched three ships on a privateering voyage to the West Indies, making Bermuda their rendezvous. These vessels were the Earl of Warwick of eighty tons, master, Sussex Camock, the Somers Islanids of about one hundred tons, master, John Rose, and the Robert of fifty tons, master, Daniel Elfrith.17 The voyage was not very successful and Camock with some thirty men was left behind on the island of San Andreas. Elfrith took comnand of the-Earl of Warwick for the voyage home, handing over the command of the Robert to John Tanner. They reached England about the end of April, 1629, armed as we have seen with Gov. Bell's commendation of the projects Elf rith had formed on the voyage.
The letters of marque for the new expedition for the occupation of Santa Catalina were issued on September 28, 1629,8 and the ships set sail on the second week of October. It had been decided that it would be best to establish a colony firmly on Santa Catalina before undertaking the more doubtful design upon Fonseca; Elfrith therefore sailed direct to Bermuda and after a 17 P. R. 0. Register Book of Letters of Marque, 1628. is Ibid., 1629.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


few days' stay, thence to the Caribbean, which was entered by the Windward Passage. The ships called first at San Andreas, where it was found that the greater part of Camock's company had left the island in a Dutch ship, though a few, of whom George Needham was the chief, had remained to plant tobacco. After a day or two's stay Elfrith proceeded on his voyage and reached Santa Catalina about Christmas, 1629. A start was at once made on the preparations for the reception of the main body of colonists, who were expected from Bermuda early in the spring of 1630. The harbour of Santa Catalina lies to the northwest of the island and is approached by two narrow entrances well-guarded by rocks; on the north it is sheltered by a peninsula joined to the main island in 1630 by a narrow neck of land." The point of this peninsula is a flat-topped bluff, some forty feet above sea-level, and on this bluff it was decided to erect the first fort, called in honour of the expedition's patron, Warwick Fort. The hills make a bold sweep round the eastern and southern sides of the harbour, ascending into three noticeable peaks, now called respectively Split Hill (550 feet), Fairway Hill, and the Mound (700 feet); the central peak of the island lies to the southward and reaches a height of one thousand one hundred and sixty feet. Between the hills and the harbour there is a flat plain and this was chosen as the site of the first settlement; houses were first erected on the neck of land close to the water's edge, the infant town being called in honour of the company, New Westminster. On the arrival of the expedition the island was found to be uninhabited save for a few Dutchmen, who were received as comrades and in their turn aided the settlers in their 19 This neck of land was not pierced by the buccaneers till about 1670, though Capt. Rudyerd had advised the step as early as 1634 in order to make the peninsula into a kind of citadel.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


preparations; under Elfrith's directions the planters chose such plots of ground in the immediate vicinity of the harbour as they fancied, and at once started clearing them and planting tobacco. No difficulties were encountered in this work, for the dry season in the island lasts from January to May and there is almost always an abundance of fresh water to be obtained. The work of building the fort was entrusted to the direction of Samuel Axe, a soldier who had seen service in the English contingents in the Netherlands and had there learned some of the principles of fortification. The spot he had selected for the fort was well chosen, as it commanded the main entrance to the harbour, and timber for its construction could.be obtained close at hand. Its disadvantage lay in its distance from a supply of fresh water, but as the only attack was to be expected from the sea, this was not much of a drawback.
Elfrith and Tanner set sail again from Providence about the end of February, 1630, leaving Axe as deputy governor of the island; a direct course was steered for Bermuda, where Bell during their absence had been making arrangements with his adherents for the migration. He had retired from the governorship in December and was succeeded by Capt. Roger Wood, the late secretary, but he still retained his seat upon the council, as did Elfrith. The new colony must have been an engrossing topic in Bermuda throughout the winter, and Bell was spoken hardly of for his desertion; these strictures he was by no means ready to submit to and at a council on February 9, 1630, we find him bringing forward what he called the scandalous statements of a Mr. Ewer, who was compelled to apologize humbly for them. According to the bad precedent set in the case of previous governors, attempts were made to bring Bell to book for acts done during his governorship. He pleaded the prece-

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


dent of immunity that had been established when he succeeded Woodhouse in 1626, this having been sanctioned by an order of the Somers Islands Company bearing date of November 28, 1627. The majority of the council maintained that this precedent did not apply as Woodhouse in 1627 had left the islands for England, whereas Bell was going to Santa Catalina and would be out of the company's jurisdiction; he was therefore compelled to give security to answer all such things as should be brought against him either by the inhabitants of the Somers Islands or by the company in England. Elfrith also was compelled to give account to his successor, Capt. Saile, of the things that had been under his charge in the King's Castle and was closely examined concerning the disposal of a cargo of tobacco jointly owned by several planters, that he had taken with him on his last voyage to England.
It had been decided that only men should be taken to Santa Catalina in the first instance and some difficulties were placed in the way of those who wished to leave their dependents behind in Bermuda. "Miles Port being desirous to go to St. Catulina, it was thought fit to be considered whether or no he should go without his wife and being put to question at the Council table, the Governor and all the Council did consider, (excepting Capt. Bell and Capt. Elfrith) that he should not go without her." Miles Port had therefore to abandon the voyage. The men accompanying the expedition mainly belonged to the planting class with only a few servants; they arranged with the planters remaining in Bermuda to send over a further supply of servants later. It is impossible to say whether Bell married Elfrith's daughter before his departure from Bermuda or after, but he is spoken of as Elfrith's son-in-law in letters from England in February, 1631, so that the marriage must

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PURITAN COLONISATION


have taken place before August, 1630. Bell and Elfrith took their seats at the Bermuda council table for the last time on April 13, 1630, and sailed for Santa Catalina before the next council meeting in May. A few days after their departure there arrived fresh supplies of provisions, etc., for the new colony, which Elfrith had arranged before leaving England; these were too late and had to be left in the Somers Islands till the following year.
While these events were taking place oversea, the organisers of the enterprise in England had not been idle. Rumours that the Earl of Warwick was engaged in some new venture in the West Indies had begun to spread abroad and the diarist, John Rous, records under date August 24, 1629, "News of an island, 20 miles long and 10 broad, discovered by a captain sent out by the Earl of Warwick. 1121 On 16 February, 1630, he notes, "The ships be set to sea for New England and for a plantation near Mexico, ut dicitur."'-1 Although the news that something was afoot had thus to some extent leaked out, nothing definite was known outside Warwick's immediate circle,, for it had been determined to fall in with Bell's suggestion and to keep the new enterprise entirely in the hands of the Earl and his usual financial associates together with a few members of the inner circle of the Puritan party. Subscriptions were invited privately during the summer of 1630 and by the early autumn the company was practically complete. It was impossible to hold any meetings of the adventurers as a whole until
20 Camden Soc., Diary of John Rous, p. 43. Rous was rector of Stanton Downham in Suffolk and was in a position to learn the gossip of the Earl of Warwick's tenantry as we may find from the entry of 13 October, 1629. "The news was brought to Lees by the Earl of Warwick's coachman, who returned from the Earl at London that day, that the Earl was like to have a great prize of 6 ships of the silver fleet." 21 This was the second supply, sent to Bermuda and missed by Elfrith.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


November, for London and the country generally were suffering from one of those periodical visitations of the plague"- that were so frequent down to the middle of the seventeenth century. The plague had been raging in the north of France and in Holland throughout the summer of 162923 and many precautions were taken to preserve England from infection but in vain. The first cases in London were reported early in April4 and before the end of the month the capital was so infected that all those able to do so were taking steps to leave it for the country." Pym, for instance, had been intending to take Barrington Hall for the summer, but Sir Thomas Barrington wrote to his mother in May, "My wife, out of her provident care of yourself and us, thinks that fear of the sickness dispersing is cause enough to keep that house free for a refuge."" So much had the ravages of the plague dislocated affairs that the christening of the infant Prince Charles in June was announced throughout the country by proclamation instead of by heralds, as was the custom in such cases," while the festivities themselves were hastened through as much as possible. In August Saint Bartholomew Fair and Southwark Fair were prohibited by proclamation for fear of infection, while London was practically deserted by people of rank, and business was at a standstill. By the end of October, however, the worst was over in London, and November saw the usual current of life resumed, though in many counties, where infection still existed
22 For this visitation of the plague and its destructive effects at Cambridge, v. Masson 's Milton, II.
23 C. S. P. Dom., 16 Oct., 1629.
24 Ibid., 10 April, 1630.
25 Ibid.
26 Hist. MSS. Comm., Seventh Report, App 'x, Sir T. B. to Lady Joan B. May, 1630.
27 C. S. P. Dom., 15 June, 1630.


Ou'w- r.'r4
N~*v. -%

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PURITAN COLONISATION


as late as Christmas, the usual autumn musters were abandoned.
As soon as it was possible to assemble in London with any reasonable safety, Warwick took steps to gather his friends together and the first meeting of adventurers in the new company took place at Brooke House in Holborn" on the 19th of November; definite and immediate action was decided upon and on the 4th of December the patent was sealed granting formal incorporation to the company by the style of "The Governor and Company of Adventurers of the City of Westminster for the plantation of the Islands of Providence, Henrietta, and the adjacent islands lying upon the coast of America."
The propositions for the formation of the company that had been circulated during the summer of 1630," had mentioned 200 as the amount of the first adventure and some portion of this had been paid in before November by most of the adventurers. The amount necessary to complete this adventure money of 200 in each case is given against the name of each adventurer on the first page of the company's journal and we are thus provided with a complete list of the original members:

28 Brooke House, the usual meeting place of the company, lay in what was then a fashionable quarter, at the corner of Gray's Inn Lane and Holborn and immediately opposite the still-existing Staple's Inn; Brooke Street and Greville Street were built upon its site before the beginning of the eighteenth century. The locality is curiously identified by an entry in C. S. P. Dom., 1633, p. 164. A spy who had been set to watch Lords Saye and Brooke, suspected of too great familiarity with the Dutch ambassador, sat in the gateway of Staple's Inn for some time to watch the ambassador come out from Brooke House. Other meeting places of the company were Warwick House, a little further west along Hlolborn, and Sir Gilbert Gerrard's or Mr. Pym's lodgings, both of which were then in Gray's Inn Lane. Jessop, the secretary, was a member of and had chambers in Gray's Inn itself.
29 None of these letters have been discovered, but it has been possible to arrive at their import from references in the records.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


19 November, 1630

Earl of Warwick Earl of Holland Lord Saye and Sele . Lord Brooke Jno: Robartes, Esq. Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, Knt. Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Bart. Sir Edward Harwood, Knt. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Knt. Sir Edmond Moundeford, Knt. Jno. Pym, Esq Richard Knightley, Esq. Jno. Gurdon, Esq. Gregory Gawsell Jno. Dyke, merchant . Jno. Graunt. Mr. St. John's of Lincoln's In Chr. Sherland, Esq Gabriel Barber .

Original venture
New total venture .


ALREADY PAID

* 100

100


125
100
100 125
100 125
125 100
* 125
125 125


100


TO BE PAID
100
200 100
200 200 75 100 100
75 100 75 75 100 75 75 75
200 200 100


;1575 2225
3800


Sir Thomas Barrington, Bart., was admitted an adventurer on January 21, 1631, and paid in 200. This completed the full number of twenty whole shares. The adventurers present at the first meeting0 before the patent was sealed and the company formally incorporated, decided to increase the first adventure from 200 to 500, of which 200 was to be made up at once, 100 paid at Michaelmas, 1631, and the remaining 200 as and when required. The officers for the first year were provisionally elected, the Earl of Holland being chosen
30 Saye, Brooke, Rudyerd, Gerrard, N. Rich, Moundeford, Pym, Gurdon, Gawsell, Dyke, Graunt.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


governor, John Dyke, deputy governor, John Pym, treasurer, and William Jessop, secretary.
In examining the list of adventurers it is to be noted that they fall into four classes according to the nature of the inducement that led them to take shares in the company. With one exception, Dyke, all of the members were strong Puritans and though some members have been classed as induced to join the company by their Puritanism, this is not to preclude the others from being swayed by the same motive. The first group of members includes those who were intimately connected with the Earl of Warwick and his schemes; to this class may be said to have belonged his brother, the Earl of Holland, Sir Nathaniel Rich, John Dyke, Gabriel Barber, and Sir Thomas Barrington. The second group includes members of the inner ring of the Puritan party and all, save Harwood, members of the parliament of 1628-1629. The adventurers belonging to this group were Viscount Saye and Sele, Robert, Lord Brooke, Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Sir Edward Harwood, Richard Knightley, Christopher Sherland, and, most important of all, John Pym. Then come three members induced to join by Pyn's personal influence, John Robartes, John Graunt, and Oliver St. John; and finally there is a little group of East Anglian squires, Gregory Gawsell, John Gurdon, and Sir Edmond Moundeford. A full account of the members of the company would, as may be seen from the above list, involve a biographical study of nearly all the Puritan leaders and our attention must therefore be confined in the main to their connection one with another and to their interest in colonial affairs down to 1630. Sidelights will be thrown on the characters of some of them in the course of our pages, but it may here be remarked how intimately the members of the company, and, what is almost the same thing, the

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


leaders of the Puritan party, were allied one with another, with the principal emigrants to New England, and also in some degree with the emigrants to Providence itself. This intimacy was of great moment in the events of the time and provided the link between the Puritan leaders that was needful to enable them to build up slowly during the silence of parliament an organised and powerful party of resistance to the arbitrary policy of the crown.
With the Earl of Holland, the nominal governor of the company, we need concern ourselves very little. His career is well known in the history of the period and his connection with the company was of the slightest. In none of his public employments had Holland displayed ability, but his courtly graces placed him very high in the favour of both Charles and his queen, and, at a time when court favour was the surest road to the obtaining of privileges, it was important to have so acceptable an advocate as Holland to plead one's cause. He never seems to have taken any interest in colonial ventures, but his cupidity and his family ties rendered him willing to accept the titular position of governor of the Providence Company, providing he might share in the company's dividends without expenditure of capital. He never subscribed a halfpenny to the company's funds, but in return for his interest at court was credited with a fully paid share in all distributions of profits. He attended only one meeting of the company.
Sir Nathaniel Rich (1585-1636)"' was one of the best known and most respected of the Puritan leaders. He was the son of Richard, illegitimate son of the second Lord Rich, by his marriage with the daughter of John 31 The short life of Rich in the Dict. Nat. Biog. needs emendation. It quite misrepresents his share in the work of the Providence Company. Brown gives more accurate information.

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Michell, sheriff of London. He was admitted to Gray's Inn in 1610 and entered parliament for Totnes in 1614. His brother Robert was wrecked on Bermuda with Sir George Somers in 1609 and was probably the author of the pamphlet, Newes from Virginia, published in 1610. According to Brown, Robert Rich was living in Bermuda in 1617 and died there in 1620. Sir Nathaniel Rich early took a large interest in the colonial enterprises of his family and became well known in public life; he was knighted in 1617 and served upon several royal commissions. He was an original member of the Bermuda Company, a member of the Council for New England, and managed the Warwick interests in the courts of the Virginia and East India companies; for his conduct of his party's case in the quarrel in the Virginia Company he was bitterly attacked by Sandys and his faction in the House of Commons in 1624, but he was one of the most prominent members of the Council for Virginia appointed by the crown on the dissolution of the company. In the struggles of the parliament of 1628-1629 Rich took a prominent part and his speeches in the debate on the Petition of Right have been preserved. We may regard him' throughout his career as the Earl of Warwick's man of business, who had a very large share in shaping the family policy.
William Jessop, who was appointed to the secretaryship of the company, was a young student of Gray's Inn, who had already done a considerable amount of clerical work for the Rich family. He occupied the post of secretary to the company and to the patentees of Saybrook throughout their existence, and these appointments proved the opening to a prosperous career; he became later legal agent to many noble houses, was clerk to the House of Lords under Henry Elsing in the Long Parliament, clerk to the Council of State under the Coin-

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


monwealth, and clerk to the House of Commons in the Long Parliament of the Restoration. He died in 1675, leaving a considerable fortune. Two London merchants took a share in financing the first voyage of exploration, and both had been actively engaged in privateering enterprises and colonial trade and sharers in Warwick's ventures. The two were men of quite different stamp, though both were typical London merchants of the time. Gabriel Barber was one of the earliest adventurers in the Virginia Company and an original member of the Bermuda Company. He was a close adherent of the Warwick party and in 1623 was deputy governor of the Somers Islands Company, while he was a heavy shareholder in the East India Company, and in 1625 we find recorded the sale of 1200 of East India stock by him."2 That he was both wealthy and public spirited we may judge from his anonymous donation of 550 with the promise of more for the founding of the first free school in Virginia." John Dyke was a member of the Fishmonger's Company in the City of London and an adventurer in the Virginia, Bermuda, Muscovy, and East India companies. His father, Thomas Dyke," had come to London from Yorkshire in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and had done well as a foreign merchant. In 1612 he was one of the adventurers in Hudson's voyage to the Northwest Passage; on his death in 1617" his adventures in the East India, Virginia, and Bermuda companies were left to be divided among his five sons. At the request of the eldest, Robert, his share was passed on to the third son, John Dyke, who thenceforward took
32 C. S. P. East Indies, 4 March, 1625. 33 Barber signed himself "Dust and Ashes." See Fiske, Old Virginia and her Neighbours, 1, 234.
34 Harl. Soc. Visit. of London, I, 233.
35 C. S. P. East Indies, 4 March, 1625.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


the lead in the family affairs. His interest in colonial matters was entirely financial and we find in the registers of letters of marque" repeated issue of letters for ships owned by him in partnership with the Earl of Warwick and others. He was an adherent of the Warwick party in the Virginia quarrel and was one of the Council for Virginia appointed in 1624. His appointment to the deputy governorship of the Providence Company was entirely owing to his commercial experience and, it will be shown later, the company suffered severely from its connection with him. He may be taken as a type of the grasping financier who regarded West Indian adventure with a favouring eye only as long as it returned him large dividends.
It is hard to say whether his attachment to the Rich family or his ardent Puritanism was the more potent motive in securing Sir Thomas Barrington's adhesion to the company. The Barrington family was one of the most important Puritan families of the second rank and was allied with practically all the leaders in the constitutional struggle. The priories of Leighs and Hatfield in the parish of Hatfield Broad Oak, near Felsted in Essex, had been granted to Chancellor Rich upon the Dissolution and from him the Barringtons had purchased the priory of Hatfield in 1564." Here, henceforth, the family resided on terms of close intimacy with the Riches, whose principal seat was at Leighs Priory. Sir Francis Barrington, the first baronet, married Joan, daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell, the "Golden Knight" of Hinchingbrook, and aunt of John Hampden and Oliver Cromwell, the future Protector. Lady Joan Barrington was one of the most remarkable women of her time, who kept up to her very latest years a voluminous correspondence
386 C. S. P. Dom., 1625-1630.
37 Wright's Essex, II, 310.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


with her numerous family and whose advice was repeatedly sought by the leaders of the Puritan party, both clerical and lay. She took an intimate interest in New England and kept up a correspondence with many of the Massachusetts emigrants. Roger Williams, the founder of the colony of Rhode Island, often corresponded with Lady Barrington and married one of her nieces.38 Many letters from the Eliot family are preserved among the Barrington correspondence and there are some reasons for believing that Oliver Cromwell met his future wife, Elizabeth Bourchier, at Lady Joan's house, for she and Sir John Bourchier were near neighbours. Sir Francis Barrington represented Essex in all parliaments from 1601 to his death in 1628 and was one of the earliest members of the Virginia Company. Thomas (c. 15901644) was knighted in his father's lifetime and succeeded to the baronetcy in 1628; he represented various boroughs in the Rich interest in the parliaments from 1621 to 1628, when he succeeded his father as knight of the shire for Essex. During the struggles over the Petition of Right he was one of the inner circle of Puritan leaders, and was a fellow member with Pym and with his brotherin-law, Gerrard, of many important committees. He married as his second wife, Judith Litton, who was connected with the family of St. John of Bletsho and hence with the Russells, Earls of Bedford. As one of the deputy-lieutenants of Essex, Barrington carried out the directions of the lord lieutenant, the Earl of Warwick, and was a person of great importance in the county. Many of the extant letters from Providence are addressed to him as deputy-governor of the company for 16331634.
William Fiennes (1582-1662), first Viscount Saye and
38 Brit. Mus., Eg., 2643, fo. 1, Williams to Lady Joan Barrington, 2 May, 1629.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


Sele, has been largely forgotten by succeeding generations, but down to the opening of the Civil War he was regarded by all as the typical Puritan and as one of the most intractable opponents of arbitrary government in church and state. Educated at Oxford a little earlier than Pym, he succeeded his father in the revived barony of Saye and Sele in 1613. His Puritanism was of the strongest and he was, from 1621 onwards, one of the most prominent of the anti-court and anti-Spanish party; to the breaking-off of the Spanish Match Saye owed his promotion in the peerage, but this did not modify his uncompromising hostility to arbitrary power and during the parliament of 1628-1629 he was the king's most implacable opponent in the House of Lords, and was the most skilful tactician among the Puritan leaders. His daughter, Bridget, was married to Theophilus FiennesClinton, Earl of Lincoln, and through this connection and his intimacy with Warwick, he began about 1629 to take an interest in colonisation. He shared in the work of the Providence Company and in New England affairs from this time and we shall have a good deal to say concerning his schemes. Many of the Puritan emigrants to Providence came from the neighbourhood of his seat at Broughton near Banbury. Saye's fortune was hardly equal to his rank and some part of his interest in colonisation was probably to be attributed to his hopes of profit from his ventures. He purchased in 1633 a share in the Providence Company for his eldest son, James Fiennes, but the latter took no part in the company's affairs.
Robert Greville, second Lord Brooke (1608-1643), was the adopted son of his great uncle, Sir Fulke Greville, first Baron." He sat in the parliament of 1628-1629 for the family borough of Warwick and succeeded to the
39 Harl. Soc. Lincolnshire Pedigrees, I, 431.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY


barony soon after attaining his majority. The inclination towards Puritanism that he had imbibed during his education in Holland, threw him under the influence of Warwick and Saye, and it was they who led him to take a share in the Providence Company's enterprise and later interested him in the colonisation of New England and especially of Saybrook." The large fortune he had inherited enabled him to be of much financial assistance to the company, and, as he grew older, he became more and more interested in its work and ready to carry on some portion of it at his own charge. He married Katherine Russell, daughter of Francis, fourth Earl of Bedford; this connection and his talents, wealth, and position caused him to fill a very prominent place in the Puritan struggle.
Sir Benjamin Rudyerd (1572-1658), son of James Rudyerd of Rudyerd in Staffordshire,1 came to court to try his fortune at the height of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and his brother, James, started his career in the City of London about the same time. He played a prominent part in the literary world under James I, and was granted through his patron, the Earl of Pembroke, the lucrative position of surveyor to the Court of Wards for life. He was knighted in 1618, entered the House of Commons in 1620 as member for Portsmouth, and sat in every subsequent parliament down to his death. Although the anti-Spanish views he had imbibed in early manhood under Elizabeth placed him, like Pembroke, in opposition at first to King James's foreign policy, the breaking-off of the Spanish Match allowed him to take up a more moderate position, and in the parliament of 40 Fulke Greville, the first Lord Brooke, had been an intimate friend of Raleigh's and had taken great interest in his schemes of colonisation. v. Brown, I, 15.
41 1{arl. Soe., Visit. of London, II, 215.

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PURITAN COLONISATION


1623 he acted as spokesman for the government. But his zeal for church reform threw him on to the side of the opposition and in the parliament of 1628-1629 he definitely took his stand with the Puritan leaders and became one of the chief members of the party. He was an intimate friend of the Earl of Warwick and Sir Nathaniel Rich"- and it was this friendship that led him to join the Providence Company. He was a regular attendant at its meetings for some years, though later his interest somewhat cooled.
Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Bart., of Harrow-on-the-Hill, Middlesex, succeeded his father in 1583 and was admitted to Gray's Inn in 1592. He married in 1620, Mary, daughter of Sir Francis and Lady Joan Barrington, and was thus more strongly confirmed in his sympathies with Puritanism. He entered parliament as member for Middlesex in 1621 and thenceforth, except in 1626, when he was pricked for sheriff of the county, he sat in every parliament down to the Long Parliament, as one of the inner circle of the Puritan party. The Gerrard family had been connected with colonial ventures since the early part of Elizabeth's reign, but Sir Gilbert does not appear to have taken any personal interest in colonisation prior to the founding of the Providence Company in which he was led to take a share by his friendship with the Earl of Warwick, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and Pym. He was an active member of the company and served as deputygovernor in 1634-1635; the company's meetings were occasionally held at his house in Holborn.
Sir Edward Harwood (1586-1632),' one of the four
42 For the intimacy of the families see Brit. Mus., Eg., 2646, fo. 54. 43 Brown calls Edward Harwood the son of Leonard Harwood, member of the Virginia Company. This is shown to be incorrect by Harl. Soc., Lincs. Pedigrees, II. 458, where William Harwood of Thurlby, father of Edward, is given as dying in 1600.

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standing colonels of the English contingent in the Low Countries, had long had an interest in colonisation. He was for many years a member of the Virginia Company and possessed four shares in the Somers Islands Company. He was bound by ties of close intimacy with the family of the Earl of Lincoln and his family seat of Thurlby was not far from Sempringham. His brother, George Harwood,"+ one of the feoffees for impropriations in 1627, was the first treasurer of the Massachusetts Bay Company5 and may have had something to do with interesting the Clinton family in the project. Sir Edward Harwood's sympathies were very strongly Puritan and there is some reason to suppose that he was of assistance to the Pilgrim Fathers during their sojourn in Leyden and may have aided them to secure their patent from the Earl of Warwick. During the education of Lord Brooke in Holland, Harwood was in close touch with the latter, and as his residence abroad precluded his attendance at the Providence meetings save on one or two occasions, Lord Brooke acted as his proxy. Harwood was killed in action at the siege of Maestricht in 1632.
Richard Knightley (1593-1639) succeeded to the family domain of Fawsley in Northamptonshire on the death of his cousin, Sir Valentine Knightley, in 1618. He was one of the most respected members of the Puritan party and represented Northants in the parliaments of 16211622, 1624-1625, 1625 and 1628-1629. He was prevented from sitting in that of 1626 by being pricked sheriff of his county. Sir Valentine Knightley had been a member of the Virginia Company and Richard Knightley succeeded to his interest in colonial affairs, which interest may have been augmented by his marriage with Anne,
44 Lincs. Pedigrees, 1, 458. S. P. Doam., Car. I, cclv, ii. 45 Elected 28 February, 1628-1629, Massachusetts Colonial Records, I.

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daughter of Sir William Courteen. His house at Fawsley was often a meeting place for the opposition leaders and the Providence Company occasionally met there at the same time. The Knightleys were close friends of the Hampdens, and Richard Knightley's son married one of John Hampden's daughters, while his brother, Nathaniel,6 a merchant tailor of London, was married to a daughter of Alderman Johnson of the Virginia Company. The adhesion of the Knightley family to Puritanism was traditional, for at the time of the "Marprelate" controversy in Elizabeth's reign many of the tracts were printed upon a secret press at Fawsley in the house of Sir Richard Knightley.
Christopher Sherland of Gray's Inn, recorder of Northampton, represented the borough in the parliaments of 1623-1624, 1625, 1626 and 1628-1629. He held a high position in the counsels of the Puritan party and was the reporter of several committees of the House of Commons. He came under the unfavourable notice of the government along with George Harwood as one of the feoffees for the impropriations of the tithes of Dunstable, Cirencester, and Hertford in 1627."' His strong Puritanism led him to take frequent part in the debates on religious questions in parliament. He died early in 1632.
The most important executive office in the Providence Company, as in the Virginia and Somers Islands companies, was the treasurership. To this office his strik46 Harl. Soc., Visit. of London, II, 35.
47 Neal in his History of the Puritans gives his name as Sherman, but a reference to the original list among the Domestic State Papers proves that this should really be Sherland. S. P. Dom., Car. I, cclv, ii. The Feoffees were a prominent group of Puritans, in whom were vested the impropriate tithes of certain benefices. These tithes they administered for the support of Puritan lecturers, and they therefore fell under Laud's displeasure and were dissolved. See Publications, Mass. Col. Soc. XI, pp. 263-277.

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ing financial ability and experience secured the election of John Pym. Of those who have exercised a commanding influence on English history there is perhaps no one whose career has been less studied than has Pym's. His only modern biographers, Forster, Gardiner, and Goldwin Smith,48 concern themselves almost entirely with his public life in parliament and are in great part devoted to the last three years of his life, when his name was on every lip. The whole ordered development of his career, however, marked him out to his colleagues in the inner circle of the Puritan party during the intermission of parliaments as the natural successor of Eliot in the leadership in the struggle against arbitrary power, and the commanding position he at once took up on the opening of the Long Parliament, must have seemed entirely natural to the men whose schemes he had advised and directed ever since the prison doors closed upon Eliot in 1629. The master-mind that governed the whole course of the Providence Company was Pym's, and it is necessary therefore to deal with his earlier career at some length.
John Pym (1584-1643) was the son of Alexander Pym of Brymore, Somerset; his father died when he was very young and his mother, Philippa Coles, married within a year or two Sir Anthony Rous of Halton St. Dominick, Cornwall, with whose family Pym was brought up. Sir Anthony's second son by his first wife married Pym's sister Jane, born in 1581, while his fourth son was Francis Rous, the celebrated provost of Eton, who played an important part in the Puritan struggle. We shall find several members of the Rous family mentioned in the Providence records. Pym matriculated at Broadgates Hall (now Pembroke College), Oxford, in 1599, his step48 A popular biography of Pym has recently appeared, but to this the same criticism applies.

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brother, Francis, having graduated from the same college three years before; in 1602 he became a student of the Middle Temple but was never called to the bar.
Sir Anthony Rous was the representative of the interests of the great Russell family on the Devon and Cornish border. The parish of Halton St. Dominick lies under ten miles from Tavistock, the spoils of whose abbey had fallen to the Russells at the Dissolution ;"5 the region is rich in lead and copper mines and from these mines the family then drew a large share of their wealth. The interest of the third Earl of Bedford was sufficient to secure for young Pym a lucrative appointment in the Exchequer and on June 11, 1605, an order0 was issued to draw a grant to John Pym in reversion after Henry Audley of the receivership of the counties of Hants, Wilts, and Gloucestershire. How long he waited for his office does not appear, but from 1613 we find occasional references to his work in the financial business of the counties. The monetary difficulties that beset James I must have added considerably to the work of Pym 's post and in 1618 he is found writing to the Lords of the Treasury that it was impossible to raise a sum of 2000, which he had been directed to procure by the sale of some crown rents.5 Pym entered parliament for the first time for the borough of Tavistock in 1620,52 the borough being entirely devoted to the Russell interest. He at once began to take an active part in the committee work of the Commons, and showed even thus early a strong interest in religious questions. He was naturally urged towards Puritanism by his serious temper; and
49 See Diet. Nat. Biog. art. William Russell, first Earl of Bedford, XLIX, 446.
50 C. S. P. Doma., 1 June, 1605.
51 C. S. P. Dom., 28 Sept., 1618.
52 The statement that he sat in the parliament of 1614 for Calne has been shown to be incorrect.

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the influence of his step-brother, Francis Rous, and of his friend, Charles Fitz-Geffry, put him definitely upon the Puritan side. The death of his wife, Anna Hooke," in 1620, increased his devotion to religion. He was a member of the Commons' committee of 1620-1621 upon religious grievances and his work, while it brought him into notice with the Puritan party, led to his detention along with other prominent Puritan members at the end of the parliament. From his confinement in his own house he had to be released early in 1622 by Cranfield's influence to carry out some important financial work for the Exchequer,' but he was compelled to return to confinement when the work was complete. Cranfield found his assistance in the Exchequer so useful, however, that he secured from the king Pym's full release about the end of the year.
In the first parliament of Charles I, Pym began to take a really prominent part, especially in committee work; an experience in financial affairs, so uncommon outside the official members of the house, made him reporter of the committee on the lord treasurer's financial statement, while his mastery of detail caused his repeated choice as reporter of the numerous other committees upon which he sat. It is most noticeable in the Commons' journals of this period how frequently the names of a small knot of members occur upon the important committees that then did so large a share of the work of the House; Sir N. Rich, Sir B. Rudyerd, Sir G. Gerrard, Sir T. Barrington, Christopher Sherland, and Pym himself, were repeatedly serving together in this way, and one of them was in most cases chosen reporter of the committee. The intimate personal friendship unit53 Capt. Hooke, a relative, was in the years 1634-1635 a principal leader of the malcontents in Providence.
54 Hist. MSS. Comm., Fourth Report, App'x, De la Warr MSS., p. 305, etc.

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ing them and this common experience in public work made the group the most powerful body in England outside the official hierarchies.
Pym continued deeply interested in religious and financial matters and was entrusted with the management of the financial articles of the impeachment of Buckingham, May, 1626. He conducted the impeachment of Mainwaring in the parliament of 1628, but in the riotous scene that closed the session of 1629 he took no part. With the dissolution of parliament and the arrest of Eliot, his public career must have seemed closed and he therefore turned, in the practical way that characterised him, to the new interest of colonisation that had lately begun to occupy his mind. Opportunities for the exercise of statecraft in the early seventeenth century were denied to any Englishman outside the ranks of the high nobility or the narrow circle of permanent officials; to a man like Pym, who had had for ten years a share, though a small one, in the government of his country, who had sat in every parliament since 1620 and had slowly built up for himself a reputation for capacity, the closing of all hope of further influence on his country's life with the closing of parliament, must have been a hard blow to his ambition. But the schemes for Puritan colonisation presented themselves to him with their vistas of opportunity and Pym seized upon them with avidity and devoted wholeheartedly to the Providence Company's affairs his time, his thought, and his fortune. For eight years the company absorbed him until the events of 1638-1639 again encouraged a hope that the great struggle still remained to be won, and he felt that a part upon the great stage once more was calling him.
Pym seems first to have come into contact with colonial affairs in 1628, when he was appointed reporter of the Commons' committee upon the petition of the Somers

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Islands planters. The committee's investigation much interested him in the affairs of the islands and the report, which was drawn up by him, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and two others, strongly represented to the king the planters' claim for relief. The Bermuda charter had been granted to the company on June 29, 1615, but now after an interval of thirteen years it was submitted to parliament for confirmation. It is difficult to account for its presentation after so long a delay, but it may have been due to a desire on the part of the crown to show the Commons, who had been attacking so many royal grants to companies, that some of them were quite unexceptionable. The bill of confirmation was sent to a select committee comprising among others Sir Nathaniel Rich (reporter), Pym, Barrington, and Rudyerd.55 The interest in Bermuda thus excited in Pym 's mind caused him to purchase several shares of land in the islands; on the formation of the Providence Company his new interest in colonisation further expanded and he was prepared to accept the treasurership, which was offered to him by a unanimous vote. Although Pym for the next eight years devoted so much time to the Providence Company, he still found enough energy to do other work. He retained his post in the Exchequer, and that he still hankered after governmental work which did not commit him to approval of arbitrary power, is shown by his willingness to serve in 1632 as a commissioner for Gloucestershire to enquire into the causes of depopulation and of the conversion of arable land to pasture.
John Robartes (1606-1685)5" was led to invest money in the Providence Company either by his friendship with
55 For the information concerning these committees refer to Commons' Journal.
Us Succeeded his father as Lord Robartes of Truro in 1634, and was created at the Restoration Earl of Radnor.

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Pym or by his connection with the Rich family. He belonged to a Cornish family that had attained to great wealth by dealings in tin and wool. His father, Richard Robartes, had for years suffered from governmental extortion and one of the charges in the impeachment of Buckingham, which it fell to Pym to prove, was that he had compelled Robartes to purchase his barony in 1625 at a cost of 10,000. The family was closely allied with Pym and the Rous family by marriage, William Rous, eldest grandson of Sir Anthony Rous, having married Maria, sister of John Robartes, in 1617, while John Robartes himself married Lucy Rich, second daughter of the Earl of Warwick. He was educated at Exeter College, Oxford, where, according to Wood, he "sucked in evil principles both as to Church and State.". In 1630 he was just beginning to take an interest in public affairs and his intimacy with the promoters induced him to take a share in the Providence Company, but he was never a regular attendant at its meetings though he could be depended on to follow the lead of the older members.
It was certainly Pym's influence that led Oliver St. John to take an interest for the first time in colonisation and to invest in the Providence Company. A cadet of the house of St. John of Bletsho, Oliver St. John was in 1630 beginning to acquire a practice as a pleader under the vagis of the Russell family. He had married Lady Joan Barrington's favourite niece Joan, daughter of her brother, Henry Cromwell, and was the old lady's constant correspondent on business matters. He had been called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1626 and was at this period earning a reputation among his friends as an acute lawyer. He had been sent to the Tower in November, 1629, for communicating to his patron, the Earl of Bedford, Dudley's tract on Bridling Parliaments, but 57 Wood's Athence Oxonienses, 111, 271, IV, 178.

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was released on the birth of Prince Charles in June, 1630. His services were always called into requisition by the Providence and Saybrook patentees in legal matters, and to the reputation for legal acumen he acquired among the Puritan leaders we may attribute his selection as Hampden's counsel in the Ship-Money case, when he was quite unknown to the nation at large. It was through Pym also that John Graunt came to join the company. He had for years been an employ of the government in various posts under the Exchequer"' and was therefore in all probability an old personal friend of Pym's. He was, at the time of which we are writing, clerk of the cheque in the Exchequer and in charge of all the king's messengers. His financial abilities were made use of by the Providence Company, who employed him as auditor of their accounts.
The last group of adventurers owe their connection with the company to the interest in Puritan colonisation that they had acquired from their neighbours. Gregory Gawsell was lord of the manor of Watlington, John Gurdon was the eldest son of old Brampton Gurdon of Assington, Suffolk, and Letton, Norfolk, while Sir Edmond Moundeford was lord of the manor of Feltwell. All these places lie within a radius of twenty miles from John Winthrop's home of Groton, Suffolk, and all three men were friends of the Winthrops and their relations. Puritanism and the desire for emigration were particularly strong in this corner of East Anglia, and it was this fact that led them to invest in the Providence Company. Gregory Gawsell was probably entrusted by the Earl of Warwick with the oversight of the estates of the Rich family in Norfolk and Suffolk. He was a man of considerable importance in the county, as is shown by his position as treasurer for the Eastern Counties' Asso58 C. S. P. Dom., 12 July, 1619, 23 July, 1620; 1635-1636, p. 182.

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ciation in the Civil War.59 His sister was married to one of the Saltonstall family, but he himself was never married; his tomb, with a long Latin inscription narrating his virtues, is in Watlington Church." John Gurdon was an intimate friend of John Winthrop"1 and his sister married Richard, eldest son of Sir Richard Saltonstall ;6" he was also well known to Sir Nathaniel Rich. He came to the front during the Civil War, was a member of the Eastern Counties' Association and one of the king's judges. His name is spelt in the Providence records Gourden, but he must not be confused with John Gauden, chaplain to the Earl of Warwick and after the Restoration Bishop of Worcester, who is said to have been the author of the Eikon Basilike. Sir Edmond Moundeford represented Thetford in the parliament of 1628-1629 and the county of Norfolk in the Short and Long Parliaments. He took as active a part in the affairs of the Providence Company as his residence so far from London would allow, and a letter from him to his friend Sir Simonds d'Ewes concerning the company is extant."
The intimate bonds uniting the members of the company, and in a wider circle the leaders of the Puritan party, cannot fail to be remarked in these brief notices of their careers, but there is a second fact about them, that is, perhaps, not so obvious. It is remarkable what a preponderant part East Anglia played in the great Puritan emigration and in the Puritan revolution ten years later, and here we find that, outside London, the Providence Company was mainly of interest to men from the eastern shires. It would be a study of great 59 S. P. Dom., Car. I, Vol. 539, no. 291, 30 May, 1645, Gawsell's signature. 60 Blomefield 's Norfolk, VII, 480. For Gawsell's pedigree see Hari. Soc., Visit. of Norfolk.
61 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th series, VII, 632. 62 Ibid., p. 251.
63 Brit. Mus., Hari. MSS., 207, fo. 211.

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THE PROVIDENCE COMPANY 79

interest, but one that lies beyond the scope of our present subject, to examine the causes that, between the years 1630 and 1640, specially predisposed the men of eastern England to emigration. The tendency seems to have affected most strongly those living in an area that is spread out in a great horseshoe around the low-lying fen country that drains into the Wash. Puritanism was certainly stronger in this part of England than in any other, but this would hardly be sufficient to account for the phenomenon, and it is probable that a minute enquiry would reveal the workings of some deep-seated economic cause, a probability that is strengthened when we recall that throughout the early Stuart period there was in the area in question constant agitation of an economic and agrarian character, as is evidenced by the Domestic State Papers.

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CHAPTER III


THE SAYBROOK PROJECT AND THE SETTLEMENT OF PROVIDENCE

While Bell and Elfrith were getting their colonists together in Bermuda and establishing the foundations of a colony in Santa Catalina, matters were moving apace with the emigrants to Massachusetts. Endecott on his second voyage in 1629 had established the settlements of Salem and Charlestown, and the main expedition under Winthrop's leadership left Southampton Water on March 23, 1630. The more important members of the company, such as Dudley and Johnson, accompanied Winthrop, but John Humphry, the first deputygovernor, was left behind to look after the company's affairs in England,1 and Winthrop's eldest son, John, remained to sell off the family estates and refresh his knowledge of fortification for use if necessary in defence against the Indians. The intimate connection of the Providence Company's leaders with the Massachusetts enterprise at this time was most marked and they were constantly rendering services to the emigrants. Just before sailing, for instance, we find Isaac Johnson writing to Winthrop concerning his son John's studies in fortification:2 "We have writ a letter to Sir N. Rich to get a letter from him to Capt. Gosnall that your son may by his means take a view and plot of Harwich Fort for us; for which I pray you will let him have time. .
1 Massachusetts Colonial Records, 23 March, 1629-1630.
2 Mass. Hist. Soec. Coll., 4th series, VI, 31. Warwick, as lord lieutenant of Essex, was in command of all the fortifications in the country.

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P. S. I have sent Sir N. Rich his letter for your son, which, I hope, is sufficient." On December 9, 1630, John Humphry writes to Isaac Johnson at Charlestown:' "We are all much bound to my Lord Say for his cordial advice and true affections. As also to my Lord of Warwick. Sir Natha: Rich deserves much acknowledgment of his wise handling My Lord of Warwick will take a Patent of that place you writ of for himself, and so we may be bold to do there as if it were our own. Write letters abundantly to him and others, though they deserve them not as lie doth. My Lord Say told me he had writ a letter to you, but I cannot learn where he hath left it."
This patent that Humphry mentions is of great interest as it shows us the beginnings of the movement that resulted a few years later in the foundation of the Saybrook settlement. It will be remembered that in a previous chapter we spoke of the division by lot in 1623 of the lands of New England between the subscribing members of the Council for New England owing to the great parliamentary opposition that the council had encountered as a monopoly. From 1623 to 1628 the Council for New England was in a moribund condition and appears to have done little or nothing. About the beginning of 1629, however, the Earl of Warwick began to take a renewed interest in its affairs and in concert with Sir Ferdinando Gorges began to resuscitate its activities. It has been the custom of writers to represent Gorges as in a state of perennial hostility to the Puritan colonists of New England and, if we only considered the period from 1632 onwards, this does correctly represent his attitude, but in the period 1629-1632 all the contemporary accounts of his action are consistent with his own version of what occurred. His attitude towards the Puritan colonies was entirely benevolent providing the
3 Ibid., VI, 15.

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interests of his own family were not injured, and he was quite willing to join Warwick in smoothing matters for the colonists as much as possible. In his Briefe Narration he puts the matter thus:' "The King, not pleased with divers the passages of some particular persons, who in their speeches seemed to trench further on his royal prerogative than stood with his safety and honour to give way unto, suddenly brake off the Parliament. Whereby divers were so fearful what would follow so unaccustomed an action, some of the principal of those liberal speakers being committed to the Tower, others to other prisons-which took all hope of reformation of Church government from many not affecting Episcopal jurisdiction, nor the usual practice of the common prayers of the Church, whereof there were several sorts, though not agreeing among themselves, yet all of dislike of those particulars. Some of the discreeter sort, to avoid what they found themselves subject unto, made use of their friends to procure from the Council for the affairs of New England to settle a colony within their limits; to which it pleased the thrice-honoured Lord of Warwick to write to me then at Plymouth to condescend that a patent might be granted to such as then sued for it. Whereupon I gave my approbation, so far forth as it might not be prejudicial to my son, Robert Gorges', interests whereof he had a patent under the seal of the Council. Hereupon there was a grant passed' as was thought reasonable, but the same was afterwards enlarged by his Majesty and confirmed under the great seal of England."'
4 Archaeol. Amer., III, xlv.
5 A word implying in the seventeenth century not the attitude of a superior towards an inferior, but mere acquiescence.
6 Warwick's Patent of 19 March, 1628.
7 The Massachusetts Charter of 4 March, 1629.

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The Council for New England was in a state of revived activity under Warwick's presidency from 1628 onwards, and it was by his direction that the draft of a grant was prepared late in 1630. A printed version of the deed that was subsequently based on this draft has come down to us through Trumbull, the historian of Connecticut,8 but neither of the original documents nor any record of their official enrolment has ever been discovered, and a large amount of controversy has raged round the question of their validity. The subject need not detain us here, but it may be suggested that in promising a further patent to the Massachusetts settlers, Warwick was relying on his control of the New England Council and his temporary agreement with the Gorges. The socalled patent that is printed by Trumbull is not at all usual in form and may have been the informal draft, which, before it could be sealed, would have had to undergo revision at the hands of the lawyers. The grantor of a territory must himself have a legal title before he can validly transfer it to others, and it certainly cannot be said that Warwick, even though he was president of the New England Council, had either a clear or an undisputed right to make grants of the territory that was nominally vested in the council.
Warwick and his friends, however, undoubtedly acted on the assumption that they could dispose of the desired territory, and it appears safe to take Trumbull's version of the grant as correct in the main. On March 19, 1632, Robert, Earl of Warwick, regranted the land for a distance of forty leagues from the Narragansett River to the following peers and gentlemen: "the right honourable William, Viscount Saye and Sele, the right honourable Robert, Lord Brooke, the right honourable Lord Rich, and the honourable Charles Fiennes, Esq., Sir
8 Trumbull's History of Connecticut, I, 495.

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Nathaniel Rich, Knt., Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt., Richard Knightley, Esq., John Pym, Esq., John Hampden, Esq., John Humphry, Esq., and Herbert Pelham, Esq. "9 With the exception of the last named, we can identify each of these gentlemen as intimately interested in the Puritan migration to Massachusetts, and six out of eleven as members of the newly founded Providence Company. No action to enforce the grant was taken as yet, but from the surrounding circumstances we may be certain that the preliminary steps now taken were not without aim, but were in pursuance of a settled policy. The project for a great migration was seizing more and more upon the minds of Puritan men, Massachusetts had just been founded as one home for the refugees, Providence, it was hoped, would soon become another; many attempts were being made by godless men, such as Oldham or Mason, and by Arminians, such as the Brownes, to found settlements along the New England coasts. It would be well to secure a further large part of New England for the expansion of the new Puritan community and for a refuge for the Puritan settlers from Providence if Puritan hopes in the West Indies should be disappointed. We shall see how some of these anticipations were verified four years later, but in a way entirely unexpected to the first patentees.
Before we gather up the scattered threads we have collected and attempt to weave with them the story of the Providence Company, let us pause for a moment and regard the changes that had taken place along the American seaboard gince we surveyed it as it was in 1600. The infant French colony around Quebec and along the banks of the St. Lawrence was beginning to be called Canada and was in 1631 for the moment in the 9 The Clinton family were allied with the Pelhams and this man was probably a relative of the Earl of Lincoln.

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hands of the Franco-Scottish brothers Kirke; in Nova Scotia the French Acadians at Port Royal and Sir William Alexander's rival Scottish colony had begun their century-long conflict. Along the shores of Maine a few scattered fishing settlements were all that yet existed, but the rise of Massachusetts as a stable community had begun, and Plymouth had already quite a respectable history of struggle behind it. Neither Dutch nor English had yet entered the valley of the Connecticut, though at the mouth of the Hudson River Manhattan had commenced a precarious existence as the Cinderella of the Dutch colonies. It was not till 1632 that George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, abandoning his attempts at colonisation in Newfoundland and Virginia, secured from Charles I the proprietorship of Maryland, though already William Claiborne had established a plantation on Kent Island in the Chesapeake and settled there about a hundred men from Virginia." Virginia had in 1631 long since passed the struggling stage and was on the high road to prosperity; Bermuda, as we have seen, had disappointed the hopes of its colonisers, and Sir Robert Heath's attempted colonisation of "Carolana" I had proved entirely abortive.
Matters in the West Indies had as yet changed little; St. Christopher and Nevis had just been cleared by Spain of their English and French settlers, but these had almost immediately returned. St. Martin's, Saba, and St. Eustatius were each held by a few Dutchmen, and others were attempting a colony on Tobago; Martinique already had a few French settlers and Barbadoes was definitely showing signs of becoming a prosperous English colony. The rest of the Lesser Antilles were still abandoned to the cannibal Caribs; off the shores of
10 J. H. U. Studies, XIII, Latan6, '"Early Relations between Maryland and Virginia," p. 11.

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86 PURITAN COLONISATION

Tierra Firme the Dutch had already made Curaqao into a place of arms and thence were maintaining the profitable clandestine trade with the Spanish colonies. In Guiana they were the only nation achieving anything like success, though English and French were still making attempts at trade and settlement. It was in Brazil that the Dutch West India Company were achieving great things at the expense of Spain and were making the most successful attempt to maintain an empire in tropical America that has ever been made by a non-Iberian nation. The Iberian monopoly of the New World had in thirty years been utterly destroyed, all the great colonising nations had taken their first steps westward and already the lists were being prepared for the struggle for colonial power that was to rage through the next two centuries with ever-varying fortunes.
There does not appear to have been in 1630 any invariable method of securing from the crown the right of planting a colony, grants being issued both under the sign manual and under the great seal, while some colonies were commenced without any direct license from the crown. The most formal, but at the same time the most costly method, was to obtain the issue of letters patent under the great seal, and this was the method chosen by the Providence Company. The letters patent were prepared upon the direction of a secretary of state by the attorney-general in consultation with the legal representative of the company, Oliver St. John, and were engrossed upon the patent roll1 on December 4, 1630. The total cost of the patent including the necessary fees amounted to some 60, but in this total the numerous douceurs paid to the clerks of the Privy Council, etc., were not included. The company was incorporated under the title of "The Governor and Company of Adventurers 117 Car., 1, Part 14.

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