MARY LINDSAY ELMENDORF
535 S. Boulevard Of Presidents
SARASOTA, Florida 34236 USA
Tel:(941) 388-1184 Fax;(941) 388-1923
E-mail: melmendorf@ compuserve.com
-WOMEN, WATER and SANITATION
A decade ago, the topic of women, water and sanitation was the concern of a few
academics and activists;/lt was reflected in very few programmes. This is no
longer the case it has broken intoainstream policy and action. The following
addresses: how have lessons an- experiences in the International Drinking Water
Supply and Sanitation Decade brought about this change? To what extent is it
now effective? What are some of the most urgent challenges to make it fully
TWO ANGLES OF APPROACH
Let us first recognize two angles of approach.
I do not want women's involvement because I love them, but because
otherwise my projects will not work.
This contrasts with: -
After all, the pumps are there for the people, and not the inverse.
Two important international events have a bearing on the question at hand, the
United Nations Decade for Women (1975-1985) and the IDWSSD (1981-1990). The
Women's Decade focused on the advancement of women, with the strong recognition
-that water was a very important precondition. The IDWSSD focused on the
provision of water and sanitation, with the recognition that women had an
important role to play in reaching these targets.
We now recognize how much the two angles are complementary. The distinction is
nevertheless important and is made in the following discussion.
THREE CHALLENGES FOR THE IDWSSD
Maintenance and operations of systems have been problematic throughout the
Decade, with statistics often showing less than 50% functioning 2-3 years after
Improved health was a major part of the rationale for the Decade, with bhe oft-
quoted estimate that 80% of disease is caused by impure water and 'adequate-
sanitation. Yet, health impact has been difficult to demonstrate.
Financing the sector has always been a challenge; despite significant increases
in contributions over the Decade, and the development of lower cost technologies,
the shortfall remains great.
Already at the 1977 UN Water Conference in Mar del Plata which launched the
Decade, and increasingly during the 1980's, the link was drawn between such
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challenges and community participation: maintenance will need to be done by
community members, health impact can only be reached if hygiene practices change
within the home, and communities may need to participate in financing. It was
clearly stated that women's role within communities was particularly important.
With policy recognition of this link, the challenge was how to implement the
policy. To paraphrase the dilemma expressed by many engineers at field level:
I know women's participation is important for my projects, but they just
will not come to my meetings.
What is this "women's role"? The Decade has shown it to be central in each of
the challenges mentioned -management, health, finance.
With few exceptions, it is women, and to an extent children under their
supervision, who are responsible for household water. They find water sources,
collect, transport and store water, and manage its use within the household.
Women spend as much as six hours a day collecting water, using a third of their
caloric intake in the process. After all, the "15-20 litres per capital per day"
translates into some 100kg (2201bs) per family. Time studies show girls and
women of all ages generally have longer working hours than boys and men, a
difference of 2-3 hours more per day being common. IClearly, time is one of the
major constraints for women, if they are improve their own lot and that of their
/ families, and time is related to water.
Most cultures have strong hygiene habits values which favour cleanliness and
practices intended to prevent pollution. These beliefs and practices may not
all be effective or indeed intended to prevent illness; certainly not according
to modern understanding of how contamination occurs. Women generally play an
important part, particularly in those efforts directed not only at individual
but household and environmental hygiene. They clean the house, sweep the yard,
\dispose of their children's faeces etc.
Women have specific problems related to their personal hygiene it is surrounded
with even more sensitivity than men's, and they may not be at liberty to discuss
it, even with their husbands. Where household latrines are provided, men and
women may not. $otbe able to use there ..
Women's involvement in finance is often overlooked. World wide, 25-33% of
households are headed by women. Even where they are not, women and men
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traditionally have well defined and complementary roles with respect to providing
for household needs, with women often responsible for food and water.
Women generally have less access to formal credit systems than men, for example,
if by law or tradition they cannot own land which could serve as collateral.
Many formal credit systems require a male household member to agree to any loan
taken by a woman, something which is increasingly difficult as men are migrating
to cities for work. To overcome this, women in a great variety of cultures have
set up their own, sometimes "invisible" credit systems e.g. the tontiness" -
revolving credit systems of West Africa.
In most traditional cultures, both women and men have some access to cash, e.g
women may sell vegetables, eggs etc., although they may not have clear control
over revenue. The timing of this cash income is different for men and women,
since they produce different products thus any payment from women has to be
adjusted to this.
At the community level the attitude toward having women handling money varies -
some communities seem to feel women are more trustworthy than men, and therefore
appoint them as treasurers of water committees, others feel they are too soft-
hearted to handle pressures.
Where studies have been made on willingness to pay for water and sanitation
-~ facilities by community members, the conclusion is often that women are more
willing to pay than men.
These comments on women and finance would in many cases also hold if one were
to substitute "the poorest" for "women".
The three roles mentioned above are clearly directly related to water and
S'' sanitation. However, if we go a level deeper, there are additional factors which
are equally important, albeit less explicit:
Information and Education
Women have less access than men to information and education. Few countries
state their girls finish primary education at a rate as high as for the boys.
As adults they frequently have less access to radios or other mass media which
are used for health education. In several studies it is clear that men are
F sceptical of women talking to each other it is considered gossiping. The ways
women communicate with each other is frequently less official, may be "invisible"
even to men of that culture, certainly to outsiders.
On average, women have less access to technology. Traditionally, some
technologies are considered women's technologies, some men's, and this is related
to their roles. Numerous studies both within the water/sanitation sector and
outside show that technologies which are productive (bring income) are usually
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One of the most widely used tools for community management is map
building. In Bolivia, engineers asked villagers to draw their water
sources. The villagers did, but they they were so pleased with
their maps they kept them, and the engineers had to copy them.
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the domain of men. It is also a common experience for development projects
which introduce technical innovations that they frequently direct their
attention (e.g. training) at the men, regardless of the logic of that action
(e.g. training men to operate new agricultural machinery, although women may be
doing 80% of the agricultural work.) This includes cases where the technologies
were introduced specifically to lighten the perceived burden of women. Thus,
the introduction of push carts for carrying water has resulted in the men taking
over the carts, in effect changing their role (transporting more water than
before, and then selling it), but with the women still carrying the water on
their heads for household use.
On the other hand, the introduction of a new technology is an unusual
opportunity. Traditions have not yet been(fixeA concerning men's and women's
role, and are therefore open to discussion. Many projects have indeed had great
success in having women take charge of maintenance of pumps etc.
Related to all the above is women's role in decision-making. Generally, women
make more decisions within the household, men outside the household. This
becomes particularly important in two respects. First, anything that happens
within the household is often seen as private something which it would be
embarrassing to ask about. Little is known about these decision-making
processes, despite their importance in success of water and sanitation projects.
Second, as new technologies such as community pumps are introduced, the task of
providing water goes from being an individual, household task (individual women
going to collect water at the stream) to a communal, outside one (e.g.
collecting maintenance funds).
Communal decision-making by women is therefore a highly significant step, with
many implications. Many projects have found they could build on existing
structures for decision-making (see box 1). Others found that setting up a new
structure was a high priority for the women they saw the potential and used
it well, once established. Finally, the fact that it is significant also means
it is sensitive. There is a wide-v tyaf ways it can be done with the full
support of community men, but also a wide variety of ways it can be disruptive.
There are factors which make it more attractive to men, for example if they are
involved in setting up the system, and if they see it results in benefits for
the household (e.g. better health, more income.) There are also many different
levels. To give an example at the weak end of the spectrum, one project found
that, to start out, they could not establish women's groups. However, if they
presented issues to the men, and then waited until the next day to ask their
reaction, the men would go home and consult with their wives before giving their
decision. I do not find that ideal, but it worked as a point of departure.
The above is a very general attempt at "gender analysis', based on experiences
in the Decade. Briefly put, gender analysis looks at what people do, rather
than what they are. It tries to base this on actual observation, rather than
assumptions based on what happened elsewhere. If action programmes are planned,
it analyses what changes could be expected in the respective roles, intended or
not. Thus, one might say that, whoever carries water, should have improved
technology for carrying water, whether they are men or women. The push-cart
example above showed an unintended change in gender roles in a community the
men began to transport more water. In other cases, introducing pumps closer to
home resulted in women sending their children to collect water, rather than
Based as it is on observations rather than assumptions, we have found gender
analysis helpful in transcending the emotionality (for or against) which can
sometimes be associated with attempts to introduce "women's" issues. It is also
particularly helpful in updating information, with the tremendous sociological
shifts and changes in household structure occurring at this point in history -
witness for example massive out-migration of men from rural areas, for which
tradition does not provide useful coping mechanisms.
However, I should also mention another experience. We have found that, unless
ecific, explicit_ efforts-are made_ to involve women, they will not be, no matter
__ow many gender analyses are undertaken. This is not a conclusion we have
reached easily, rather it is the result of many observations. Therefore, I
applaud the repeated singling out of women in the New Delhi Statement.
Clearly, it would defeat the very purpose of such an analysis if the above were
taken as rules. Although the points are lessons condensed from observations in
a variety of situations, they are mor entended!'as questions to be addressed
than as rules.
STRATEGIC SHIFTS IN THE SECTOR
As a framework for comparison, let us look at the Mar del Plata plan of action
from 1977, and the New Delhi Statement from 1990.
Mar del Plata gave recognition to the importance of women and communities, but
still in general terms. Within the approximately 600 recommendations, there are
two references to women one recognizing that water should hopefully lighten
the onerous burdens of rural women, and one recommending that, within the field
of community water and sanitation, special emphasis should be given to the
situation and role of women.
The New Delhi Statement is dramatically explicit. As it states "without
fundamentally new approaches, the broadscale deprivation will turn into an
unmanageable crisis, giving recognition both to an inability to provide physical
services, and a deterioration of the social and political situation.
Some of these "fundamentally new approaches" deserve highlighting, from the point
of view of women, water and sanitation:
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New concept of community management.
" Community management goes beyond simple participation. It aims to empower and
equip communities to control their own systems". Early references to community
participation were often based on encouraging "volunteer labour". With time in
the Decade, it has become clearer that concepts such as ownership, making
decisions, creativity, and self-esteem are inter-related and mutually
reinforcing. When communities share critical decisions regarding their new
system, they go from participating to managing (see box 1).
However, we should see community management as only one possible level: the
question is, out of all the partners involved at different levels (individual
users, communities, extension workers etc up to government policy makers and,
possibly even further removed, donors) what decisions need to be made, who makes
them, and is there a net need for decentralization?
Institutional changes at all levels.
To decentralize decisions, two parties are involved those to whom the decision
is decentralized, and those from whom it is decentralized. The Delhi statement
consequently stresses the importance of institutional reform at all levels -
attitudes, procedures, policy etc, to allow this to happen. This includes "full
participation of women at all levels of sector institutions", considered
important not only for equity reasons, but because it is intended to help change
attitudes, policies and procedures.
Community management/institutional reforms are mutually reinforcing and indeed
"fundamentally new". They are also based on ample experience. There is an
abundance of examples of effective community management, including women in
significant roles, with results beyond expectations. The responsibility for
up-scaling these experiences clearly rests not only with the communities and
those who work with them, but also on the enabling environment. In cases I have
seen where up-scaling has taken place, high-level support has indeed been
Institutional change is seen not only as decentralization, there is also emphasis
on "linkages". A "delivery system" must have capacities related to the services
to be delivered. A Ministry of Water may have only one extension worker per
200 000 population, who have been trained in pump maintenance. Linkage with
ministries with the number and quality of extension workers needed for dialogue
with communities is counterintuitive to many managers: how can I ensure
compliance if I have no line authority? However, many projects have found
innovative ways of dealing with this. Joint training of extension agents from
different ministries at field level, involvement of NGOs especially in the early
exploratory phases, and creation of inter-agency steering bodies are some
examples. Clearly, this does necessitate a more open management style.
DECISIONS BY COMMUNITIES
The following decisions are most frequently identified by projects to be taken by
communities. Clearly, none are a simple question of yes or no they form the basis of
1. Whether to accept the project. Commonly, field construction is preceded by a period
of several months where offices are established, staff hired, materials brought in.
Approaching communities and discussing the project often takes less time than this.
Communities can be approached several times to ensure there is broad support within the
community (including women), that it is based on clear understanding of terms and
implications, and at a feasible time. The issue is less whether to participate, than how
solid that decision is, and when. Clearly, excluding communities, even at their request,
may not be politically viable.
2. Who in the community will represent. By now, projects routinely establish water
committees, which may include management, treasurer, care-taker etc. Yet, many committees
do not function well. Community involvement in the choice of membership is important, as is
proper training in technical and management skills. Community members sometimes need
extensive discussion of roles of men and women in water, before deciding to include women
in committees. To make this inclusion meaningful rather than pro forma, one project built
on traditional discussion groups, but established small working groups where women felt free
to speak out.
3. What technology. Clearly, community members may not be able to choose freely it may
depend on financial and technical/hydrological constraints. However, adaptation is
frequently possible. For example, some "handpump projects" have committees decide the number
of wash basins to be placed next to the pump, add a protective roof etc., with the community
paying any additional cost.
4. Siting. There are numerous examples of siting errors. Some agencies leave siting to
communities, leading to problems if the choice is not hydrologically sound. If only the
village headman is consulted, his criteria for selection may not be broadly backed (e.g.
pumps get placed in his court yard). Leaving the decision exclusively to outside engineers
is equally one-sided. Dialogue is needed having the community involved in mapping is one
way to start this.
5. Financing. If any kind of cost recovery is intended, it is essential that all aspects
be discussed in detail with those who will pay (e.g. women). One attempt to increase
dialogue is willingness-to-pay studies. Although they do not leave a final decision to users,
they do ask their views; and take them into account when setting payment levels.
6. Maintenance. The maintenance system may be predetermined by technology in many
respects, but community members can be very much involved in choosing the persons)
responsible, choosing sanctions and control systems (e.g. communities in one project used
the surplus funding they had collected to purchase locks for their pumps), etc.
7. Monitoring/Evaluation. One example is the Minimum Evaluation Procedures. It sets
broad targets, and community members fill in detailed indicators community members in one
project chose: "cracks in the cement cap" as an indicator of poor maintenance, and evolved
sanctions and repair systems (see also box 2).
8. Health education. Some communities are asked to give priorities for health education,
based on what they see as problems. Women in another project, after being told how to
administer oral rehydration solution (ORS a curative measure for dehydration resulting from
diarrhoea), requested, and received, education on the underlying causes of diarrhoea, and
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The Decade has seen great success in designing technologies which are explicitly
intended to be appropriate for use and maintenance at community level, e.g.
community handpumps. However, "improved household technologies for protecting
water quality from source to mouth" are a priority for the future. "household"
encompasses the many aspects related to use and behaviour, e.g. clay storage pots
with spigots and lids to prevent recontamination by dipping ladles into the water
These technologies have received less attention. Two possible reasons stand out
- one is the noted reluctance to discuss behavioral issues within the household,
the other is that these solutions are often highly local and low-cost and
therefore receive less international attention.
There has been a major shift during the Decade, with much greater agreement that
cost recovery, or cost sharing, is necessary (due to financial constraints)
feasible (users are willing to pay, if services are appropriate), even desirable
(bringing a feeling of ownership and decentralization.) This is reflected in
the Delhi statement.
As mentioned above under women's financial situation, this has special relevance
to women. If cost recovery is important, then more attention must be directed
at both the expressed needs and financial constraints of those most willing to
The Decade has produced many examples of creative financing mechanisms. For
instance, some projects have internal financing: if women cannot get credit in
banks, they can get it through revolving funds in the project this does not
require legal reform in the short run. Other projects train women entrepreneurs
who in turn extend credit to the families they serve. Still others have had good
experience creating income-generating activities before the project starts, with
savings being used to finance. At least one government accepted women's labour
as collateral, since they had no property.
Thus far, I have seen little experience in building on the traditional credit
systems; this would be a great challenge for the future.
Throughout the Decade, a basic approach has been the need to combine water,
sanitation and health education, to optimize health impact. Until a short while
ago there was difference of opinion on whether health impact really could be
demonstrated. There are now enough studies to confirm that health impact can
be reached, if indeed all the three components (including health education) are
present, which should lay that discussion to rest.
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However, as contained in the New Delhi Statement, environmental and health
education, especially improvements of the household environment, and programmes
must "build... on indigenous knowledge, so that policies and programmes are
credible and relevant to the beneficiaries". The Statement also declares:
"...gender issues will be all-important...women should be encouraged to play
influential roles in both water management and hygiene education."
Entry Point for Development
Above I spoke of the emphasis in the New Delhi Statement on institutional reform.
In particular, New Delhi states that an integrated approach to projects is
essential, and should be encouraged by the institutions concerned. There is more
to this than a delivery system. As stated in the Secretary General's end of
Decade report: one of the most important lessons of the Decade is that WSS
projects, to the extent that they are undertaken with a real participation by
women and their communities, can be a good entry point for development. Not
only goals in terms of maintenance etc are met, but also other, unplanned results
take place: for example, water committees register themselves as NGOs, and
utilize surplus funding generated for maintenance to begin income-generating
Above I mentioned the significance of new decision-making structures, such as
water committees. Making these structures work in effect is a type of
institution building at community level. When they work, many things change:
women's views of themselves particularly their ability to solve communal
problems, how they are perceived by their husbands, and what priority "women's'
problems such as water are given by the whole community.
At the beginning of the Decade, and even in the discussions in Delhi, the
objectives were often defined in terms of "coverage". In recent documents,
including the Delhi statement, objectives go beyond coverage: to "sustainable,
effectively used services". This formulation indicates a new emphasis on the
"human factor"; it is no longer a technological task of installing services, but
one of having them function, in inter-action with users.
This is a crucial step in changing accountability of the sector. An engineer,
given the challenge of "coverage" should by training try to reach that goal,
basically one of installation, with the least cost and time. It would be outside
the stated objectives, and therefore a luxury, to attempt to change behaviours
related to use. Although engineers with whom I have worked are deeply troubled
by the fact that their pumps break down after they leave, they are locked in by
the constraints of their work plans. We have therefore found it important to
make space for these considerations: changing the overall sector objectives as
well as the more detailed indicators at all levels will make it possible to spend
staff time, funds etc. on these issues. (see box 2)
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On a different plane, the head of one African NGO told me how it took her at
least five years to see any relationship between the objectives of the Decade
and the aspirations of people in the communities she was expected to serve: they
saw household water, not drinking water; they saw reliability and convenience,
not health; and they were not interested in sanitation. Against this background
it is interesting to see some changes in the way the sector has been perceived
over time: for the 1980's talk was of drinking water, for the 1990's the
discussions include other uses too. Despite the numerous studies showing the
importance of sanitation and particularly its linkage to water, implementation
of sanitation has clearly lagged behind water. Health impacts have been found
more difficult to reach, because community members did not clearly understand
the link. The views of community members may be having a major influence on the
FACTORS INVOLVED IN THE SHIFT
Overall, the sector has clearly made a clear change in direction, from one that
was very technology oriented, to one that pays attention to human development
issues. One might say that the two angles of looking at the problem, as
mentioned at the beginning of this article, have come closer together.
How did this shift happen? Clearly, it has been a complex process.
Numerous small scale projects developed participatory approaches which could be
shown to be effective and attractive, from any point of view they could be
learned, they could be replicated at least in part, they had a wide gamut of
results. Again and again, "hardware" and "software" specialists found ways to
work together, to merge their views, and also to discover new ways of judging
There were many collaborative mechanisms instituted during the Decade which
served to publicize these experiences and call for commitment. One very
important mechanism has been the Task Force on Women of the Steering Committee
of UN agencies involved in the Decade (INSTRAW, World Bank, UNICEF, WHO and about
six others in addition to PROWWESS/UNDP).
The creation of PROWWESS itself was a manifestation of the desire of these
agencies to see the development of some concrete methodologies and field
demonstrations, and this work has now been ongoing in twenty countries over the
last eight years.
Over time, there have been rapidly increasing indicators that these concerns are
being reflected on a larger scale. Let me give those I know best as an example.
Within UNDP, project approval committees routinely address these issues, and
indeed reject projects which do not include the appropriate components. We at
PROWWESS are receiving a rapidly increasing number of requests for assistance
in project planning. Policy guidelines are being formulated, at the initiative
of the UNDP technical advisory unit. The UNDP/World Bank Water and Sanitation
Programme now has two PROWWESS staff on board, and the pledge has been made to
allocate 25% of resources for demonstration projects for issues related to
women's involvement and community development.
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A MERGING OF VIEWS
One of the challenges in field operations is to take into consideration both the
purely technical issues, such as construction schedule, and the more human aspects,
such as health education, community involvement etc. A shorthand jargon has been
developed to describe these two types of issues: "hardware" and "software". Usually
the professionals dealing with the former are engineers, hydrologists etc., whilst
sociologists, social welfare workers, etc. may deal with the latter. The working
methods of the two types of professionals can vary considerably. One planning tool
developed to bridge this gap is the "hardware/software game", first developed for
PROWWESS by Lyra Srinivasan.
First, two groups are formed, one composed of staff who are knowledgeable about
hardware, the other about software. They discuss necessary workplan items from their
respective point of view, and arrange them in order. They then come together and
integrate the steps. Finally, they discuss at what point community
involvement/decisions would be most important.
One example of such pre-integration lists is given below.
This succession of steps leads to very lively discussion of sequences and priorities,
with high level of participation from all.
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Other agencies have also adopted several aspects of this approach, e.g. as
mentioned in box 2, the monitoring and evaluation indicators are being adapted
for use by many UN, bilateral and national agencies.
Looking at staffing, many international organizations have changed radically over
the Decade: the Water and Sanitation for Health Programme of USAID now has half
of its staff with expertise in such issues as health education and community
National programmes have also changed, e.g. 42 of 50 countries responding to a
recent WHO enquiry reported have programmes making special attempts to involve
We should also look outside the sector. There have been similar shifts in other
sectors and development orientations, which undoubtedly have interacted with the
WSS sector. One such example is the Human Development Report of UNDP or
Adjustment With a Human Face of UNICEF.
CHALLENGES FOR THE FUTURE
Clearly, progress to date has been remarkable, I would be tempted to say
outstanding. The accumulation of small events has produced a substantially new
approach. International commitment, and excellent lessons in individual areas
of concern are clearly there, and have been incorporated in a relatively painless
However, the task before us is also enormous. Can we bring this to bear in
everyday implementation at national level?
1. Adding to the research base at national level, to determine more precisely
the effects of programmes such as described cost/benefit analyses over
time both with respect to maintenance, finance, economic effects and social
effects. There are numerous such studies at smaller scale, but since there
are few large-scale projects, there are few large-scale studies. This
being said, I should like to express concern that the absence of such
research not be taken as a reason to do nothing to involve women. There
is already a strong research base, with results powerfully supporting that
action is warranted. The research base is also there to show definitively
that projects do not work if you do not take action. However, national
policy would be helped by clearer data.
2. Continuing and strengthening the networking, dissemination of results, and
mutual support already built up through the Decade among staff concerned
with these matters men and women, policy and implementation, donor and
recipient, government and NGO. There is a value and energy to this from
which much impetus can be gained, at very low cost. It has worked well
in the past, I think it can work much better in the future.
3. For the community development specialists, there is need to continue
adapting the successful approaches developed to date to the exigencies of
larger-scale projects and organizations.
4. The most important challenge is at the level of institutional reform.
Clearly, this is complex shift. To paraphrase the Task Force on Women,
Inter-Agency Steering Committee on Cooperative Action: it can only happen
with action at several levels: policies, procedures, statement of goals,
training, staffing patterns and allocation of funds.
Let us look at our assets. One is that there have been successful examples, even
at national level. Few development approaches can claim more than that. The
lessons learned are clear, the gaps are also clear, from a methodological point
of view. There is a refreshing merging of views and openness to new approaches.
Perhaps most important, there is a sense of crisis with tremendous changes going
on in the world, which brings a new urgency to these considerations.
Global Consultation on Safe Water and Sanitation in the 1990's: Background Paper,
UNDP 1990, New York
Global Consultation on Safe Water and Sanitation in the 1990's: The New Delhi
Statement, UNDP, 1990, New York
Interagency Steering Committee for Cooperative Action: The IDWSSD and Women's
fInvolvement, by&'ary Elmendorf 1990, Geneva
Narayan-Parker, D. : Taking the Pulse for Community Management in Water and
Sanitation, PROWWESS/UNDP, 1990 New York
Task Force on Women, Interagency Steering Committee for Cooperative Action:
Strategies for Involving Women in Water and Sanitation, PROWWESS/UNDP in
collaboration with INSTRAW, New York, 1989
Srinivasan, L: Tools for Community Participation- a Manual for Trainers,
PROWWESS/UNDP, New York 1990
United Nations: International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade -
Present Situation and Prospects, Report of the Secretary General, 1980 (A/35/367)
United Nations:Progress in the Attainment of the Goals of the International
Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade, Report of the Secretary General
(E/1985/49) New York
United Nations: Results of the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation
Decade, Report of the Secretary General, 1990 (A/45/327) New York
van Wijk-Sijbesma, C.: Participation of Women in Water Supply and
Sanitation,Roles and Realities, IRC/UNDP (PROWWESS), 1985, The Hague