Linguistic Apartheid

MISSING IMAGE

Material Information

Title:
Linguistic Apartheid
Physical Description:
1 online resource (82 p.)
Language:
english
Creator:
Albert, Bertrhude
Publisher:
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date:

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( M.A.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Latin American Studies
Committee Chair:
HEBBLETHWAITE,BENJAMIN JOHN
Committee Co-Chair:
HARRISON,FAYE V
Committee Members:
BROWN,RICHMOND F

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
apartheid -- creole -- french -- linguistic
Latin American Studies -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre:
Latin American Studies thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract:
This research is designed to shed light on the linguistic apartheid that exists in Haiti today. Although 95% of Haitians are monolingual in Kreyol Ayisyen, or Haitian Creole, there is a dominance of the French language in almost every political, academic and professional institution. The under representation of Haitian Creole in the official sectors of Haitian society creates the notion of French as a privilege and a social marker. The 5% of Haitians who are bilingual are positioned advantageously over their non-French speaking counterparts. The result is a form of linguistic apartheid. The goal of this study is to examine the differences between perceptions of the French language among French speakers and non-French speakers in Haiti. Specifically, it aims to show that the perceived cultural value, instrumental value and life value of the French language vary depending on whether a person speaks French or not. As a result, this investigation will expose attitudes that perpetuate or oppose linguistic apartheid in Haiti. It will show that bilingual French & Creole speakers and monolingual Creole speakers have fundamentally different relationships to power, privilege and class mobility in Haitian society. This phenomenon is manifested in the way that they assess its cultural and historic significance and in the way they value French with respect to social, economic and political advancements. In order to insure thorough research, Haitians were also interviewed about their perceptions of Haitian Creole. Whether and to what degree people value French is only in contraposition to their assessment of Creole. Therefore, understanding a Haitians' view of Haitian Creole will aid in better understanding their views of French. Findings expose much about the nature of the linguistic apartheid among French-speakers and non-French speakers in Haiti. And finally, research will also show the correlation between language use and class. Because acquisition of the French language is a social marker, class stratification is inevitably intertwined with linguistic apartheid. In short, this research will lead to a deeper understanding of the sociolinguistics of Haiti and its people.
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Bertrhude Albert.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2014.
Local:
Adviser: HEBBLETHWAITE,BENJAMIN JOHN.
Local:
Co-adviser: HARRISON,FAYE V.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
Classification:
lcc - LD1780 2014
System ID:
UFE0046867:00001


This item is only available as the following downloads:


Full Text

PAGE 1

LINGUISTIC APARTHEID By BERTRHUDE ALBERT A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014

PAGE 2

2014 Bertrhude Albert

PAGE 3

To my family and my country

PAGE 4

4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS From the deepest compartment of my heart I would like to thank everyone who has supported the completion of this research. I realize that in times like this, words are simply inadequate. Nevertheless, I will attempt to recognize a few key individuals who h ave made my research possible. Dr. Faye Harrison has been perhaps one of my greatest sources of inspiration. Her dedication to excellence and her incredible accomplishments have pushed me to unimaginable levels. Her knowledge and passion for knowledge are what I hope to emulate one day. She is a pioneer and leader to everyone around her. It is an honor to call her a mentor. Thank you Dr. Harrison! Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite is the reason I am who I am academically. Taking his course in 2010 on Haitian Cul ture set my life on a different trajectory. His passion for Haiti and Haitian Creole drew me in and as a result I am in love with my home country. His phenomenal pedagogical skills matched with his passion for Haiti are a lethal combination. I am eternally grateful for his support and guidance. Thank you Dr. Hebblethwaite! Dr. Richmond Brown has been a pillar for me during my graduate school years. I am thankful for the guidance and support he has given me as I have tried to navigate my way throughout the p ast two years. I am quite certain that I would not have survived graduate school without him. He has been a constant in my academic life and I am grateful for him. Thank you Dr. Brown! My family has been my rock. They have been my encouragement in my deepe st and darkest hours. The times I have wanted to stop, they have reminded me where we came from and where we are going. I am grateful for their love and support. Daddy,

PAGE 5

5 tha nk you, and thank you for everything. N ap avanse. Last but not least, Haiti. Everything I do, I do for you. Thank you for giving something greater to live for. To everyone mentioned and not mentioned: I am indebted to you all for your love, you guidance you expertise and your support. Thank you!

PAGE 6

6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 9 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 12 Purpose and Scope of the Study ................................ ................................ ............ 12 The Purpose ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 12 The Scope ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 14 Apartheid Defined ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 15 South African Apartheid ................................ ................................ ................... 15 Glob al Apartheid ................................ ................................ ............................... 17 Linguistic Apartheid ................................ ................................ ................................ 19 Language as a Social Marker ................................ ................................ ........... 19 Linguistic Apartheid and Race Further Examined ................................ ............ 22 2 BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 24 Historical Background ................................ ................................ ............................. 24 Langua ge throughout Haitian History ................................ ............................... 24 Pre colonial Haiti ................................ ................................ .............................. 24 Colonial Haiti ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 25 Post colonial Haiti ................................ ................................ ............................. 29 Education in Haiti ................................ ................................ ............................. 31 Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 34 Prominent Work ................................ ................................ ................................ 34 The French Language and the Underdevelopment of Haiti .............................. 34 The Sufficiency of Haitian Creole ................................ ................................ ..... 36 The Uses of Language ................................ ................................ ..................... 37 Absurd School Systems ................................ ................................ ................... 39 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 40 3 THE USES OF LANGUA GE IN HAITI ................................ ................................ .... 42 Flore Zphir ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 42 Language choice, language use, language attitudes of the Haitian bilingual community ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 42 Haitian Creole and French ................................ ................................ ...................... 42 The Dichotomy ................................ ................................ ................................ 42 Language in Haiti today ................................ ................................ .......................... 45

PAGE 7

7 The Confusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 45 Haitian Creole Orthography ................................ ................................ .............. 46 4 THE RESEARCH ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 48 Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 48 Qualitative and Inductive Approach ................................ ................................ .. 48 Research Site ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 50 Administration of Data ................................ ................................ ...................... 51 Demographics ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 52 Demographics Sum mary ................................ ................................ .................. 52 Age ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 53 Languages Spoken Fluently ................................ ................................ ............. 53 Oc cupation ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 54 Questionnaire Data ................................ ................................ ................................ 54 The Questions ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 54 The Reason ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 55 The Answers ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 56 Name, Age, Occupation, Language(s) Spoken, Sex, Marital Status, Children? ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 57 Talk to Me About the History of Haiti. Talk to Me About the History of France. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 58 Is Haiti a Bilingual Country? Explain. ................................ ................................ 61 What Are Your Thoughts on the Haitian Creole & French language? What is the Difference Bet ween the Two Languages? What Connotations Do They Carry? ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 62 What Language Do You Use For Official Business? What Language Do You U se Most Often? ................................ ................................ .................... 64 What Role Does English Play in 21 st Century Haiti? ................................ ........ 65 Have You Ever Been a Victim of Linguistic Discrimination? Explain. Do You See a Linguistic Apartheid in Haiti? To What Extent? ................................ ... 66 Is Your Family Bilingual? What Were You Raised Speaking? .......................... 67 If God Erased Your Linguistic Memory and Allowed You to Know Only One Language Perfectly, What Would It Be? Why? What Would Your Second and Third Choices Be? Why? ................................ ................................ ........ 67 If You Were Able to Choose Only One Language to Place in Haitian Schools, What Would it Be? ................................ ................................ .......... 68 Data Interpretation ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 69 Interpretation ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 69 Limitations & Further Research ................................ ................................ .............. 71 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 71 Further Research ................................ ................................ ............................. 72 5 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 77 Equality ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 77 The Future ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 78

PAGE 8

8 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 79 BIOGRAPHIC AL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 82

PAGE 9

9 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4 1 Location of interviews ................................ ................................ ........................ 74 4 2 Informant demographics ................................ ................................ ..................... 75 4 3 1 st and 2 nd language choice ................................ ................................ ................ 76 4 4 Is Haiti bilingual? ................................ ................................ ................................ 76 4 5 Official language of business ................................ ................................ .............. 76 4 6 Victim of discrimination ................................ ................................ ....................... 76 4 7 Is your family bilingual ................................ ................................ ........................ 76 4 8 Language in schools ................................ ................................ ........................... 76

PAGE 10

10 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts LINGUISTIC APARTHEID By Bertrhude Albert May 2014 Chair: Benjamin Hebblethwaite Major: Latin American Studies This research is designed to shed light on the linguistic apartheid that exists in Haiti today. Although 95% of Haitians are monolingual in Kreyl Ayisyen or Haitian Creole, there is a dominance of the French language in al most every political, academic and professional institution. The underrepresentation of Haitian Creole in the official sectors of Haitian society creates the notion of French as a privilege and a social marker. The 5% of Haitians who are bilingual are posi tioned advantageously over their non French speaking counterparts. The result is a form of linguistic apartheid. The goal of this study is to examine the differences between perceptions of the French language among French speakers and non French speakers in Haiti. Specifically, it aims to show that the perceived cultural value, instrumental value and life value of the French language vary depending on whether a person speaks French or not. As a result, this investigation will expos e attitudes that perpetua te or oppose linguistic apartheid in Haiti. It will show that bilingual French & Creole speakers and monolingual Creole speakers have fundamentally different relationships to power, privilege and class mob ility in Haitian society. This phenomenon is manife sted in the way that they assess its cultural and historic significance and in the way they value

PAGE 11

11 French with respect to social, economic and political advancements. In order to insure thorough research, Haitians were also interviewed about their perceptio ns of Haitian Creole. Whether and to what degree people value French is only in contraposition to their assessment of Creole. Therefore, understanding a Haitians view of Haitian Creole will aid in better understanding their views of French. Findings expos e much about the nature of the linguistic apartheid among French speakers and non French speakers in Haiti. And finally, research will also show the correlation between language use and class. Because acquisition of the French language is a social marker, class stratification is inevitably intertwined with linguistic apartheid. In short, this research will lead to a deeper understanding of the sociolinguistics of Haiti and its people.

PAGE 12

12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Creoles have been ranked with baby talk, child language, foreigner talk, and with other instances of non natural language that do not serve normal societal communicative needs nor the full cognitive needs of the human species. Marvyn Alleyne Language and the Social Construction of Identity in Creole Purpose and Scope of the Study The P urpose The Republic of Haiti stands as a historical beacon to the world. Established on became the first free black republic and the second nation in the western hemisphere. I Haiti was the first free nation of free men to arise within, and in resistance to, the triump hant independence, however, has always been a relative condition. Even before the US occupation (1915 1934), colonizing forces successfully penetrated the core existence of Haitian society. Since her independence, Haiti embraced the language of her coloniz ers, French, while disregarding the language of the masses, Haitian Creole. Flore Zphir between thought that only th rough the French Language could Haiti rise to the rank of a civilized Zphir 1990:16). Perhaps this is why the Founding Fathers wrote the Declaration of Independence and the Haitian Constitution in French, a languag e foreign to most Haitians. This dichotomy furthered the social

PAGE 13

13 stratification created by the French, which excluded the masses and advantageously positioned a demographic and sociolinguistic minority. Today, 95% of Haitians are monolingual in Kreyl A yisyen while a 5% elite are bilingual in Haitian Creole and French (Hebblethwaite 2012: 256). Although Haitian Creole is the only language that is shared by the entire nation, negative sentiments towards this language are evident. Most official documents, academic curricula, politics, Haitian birth certificate, the very first official document that every newborn Haitian citizen is, in principle, assigned by the state, Haitians who only speak Haitian Creole are subject to discrimination and exclusion from almost all official matters The purpose of this study is to investigate the differences between perceptions towards the French language among French speakers and non French speakers in Haiti As a result, this investigation will expose attitudes that perpetuate and/or oppose linguis tic apartheid in Haiti. This leads to a deeper understanding of the nature of linguistic apartheid. Academics such as Benjamin Hebblethwaite (2012), Michael Degraff (2005) and Albert Valdman (2009) have produced compelling works that have detailed the eff ects manner, Haitian attitudes and perceptions towards French and Haitian Creole along with a comprehensive interpretation of the nature of the linguistic aparthei d that prevails throughout Haitian society. With the exception of Zphir Flore (1990) and Yves Dejean (2006), there has been little development on the perception and uses of language in

PAGE 14

14 Haiti. Focusing on this angle will offer a fresh outlook and practical ways to dismantle the powers that plague millions of Haitians today. Hopefully, this research, once made public in publication and policy applications, will encourage Haitians to find effective ways to resist the powers that entangle them. To set this s tudy in its proper framework it is necessary first to define linguistic apartheid operationally. In Chapter 1 this research addresses apartheid in the South African context. A parallel between the South African case provides an operational definition for its linguistic counterpart and demonstrates the severity of the Haitian situation. Next, it is crucial to set forth a historical background on the development of languages in Haiti. In Chapter 2 this research traces the power of language in Haiti from pre colonial times to modern times. The latter part of this section provides a brief literature review of the prominent works on linguistic apartheid in Haiti in order to situate this research further. Chapter 3 offers a brief overview of the uses of language in Haiti, as seen through the government and the school system. These two sectors are the main focus because they are the most prominent expressions of linguistic seclusion in the Haitian society. The sum of these chapters creates a solid foundation for un derstanding the research presented in Chapter 4 The research methodology, data and interpretations are provided in this section. Finally, section V provides a conclusion to the study and suggestions guiding principles for a bilingual and united Haiti. T he S cope This research will focus on sociolinguistic issues specifically. It will examine perceptions and attitudes and not structural aspects of linguistics, such as phonology semantics, or morphology. Rather than focusing on a structural perspective, as much research has, this research focuses on the functional perspective of language. Also, the

PAGE 15

15 objective of this research is not to select a random sample of the population but rather, to select key informants who are strategically positioned within different sectors of the sample will give the research a more holistic view of linguistic aparthe id. Interpretations within this research are, therefore, limited to the information received from 23 informants. Finally, this research is limited to Haitians in Cap Haitian, Haiti. For logistical reasons, this city was chosen; however, it is also a strate gic city. As the first capital city of Haiti, it continues to be a beacon for immigration, intellectual progress and historical pride. Apartheid Defined South African Apartheid The title and theme of this research, Linguistic Apartheid, borrows heavily from the case of extreme structural and experiential disparities in South Africa during the de jure apartheid era. In order to understand the implications and interpretations of the research presented in Chapter 4 it is imperative to understand the events of the South African Apartheid. This section provides a brief overview, which leads to a parallel analysis between Haiti and South Africa in the latter part of Chapter 1 Faye (Harrison 2008: 221). From 1948 to 1994 this was seen through the political and social system that legally segregated South Africans by their race. During this time of severe seg regation, South Africans were classified into three categories: bantu (blacks), coloured (mixed races) and white. Throughout the 1950 s strict regulations created a severe stratification that separated residency areas, job categories, public facilities,

PAGE 16

16 tr ansportation, education, health systems and social contact regulations based on race (Stanford 2001:1). Rooted in ideals of white supremacy, each group had their respective regulations; however, the whites were advantageously positioned. As a result, indi viduals such as Steve Biko rose as leaders in resistance to the discrimination. In his speech about Bantustans, which were supposedly independent or land in South Africa, people should all the time keep in mind that South Africa is our country and that all of it belongs to white policemen, he left a strong legacy that continues to exist. Many of his writings and speeches led South Africans to have non violent resistance to apartheid. This resistance was however, often times, met by government brutality and in extreme cases massacre. One of the most notable resistances during the time of apartheid was the Soweto uprising. This uprising is particularly important due to its nature and its relevance for the were forced to use Afrikaans and English as languages of instruction. This was particularly alarming for the black students because they were not familiar with Afri kaans, as it was not their native tongue, nor was it even a global language like English (Ndlovu 2005: 342). Furthermore, the meanings attributed to Afrikaans were especially negative because of the repressive role that Afrikaners played in establishing a nd administering the apartheid regime. Afrikaans was perceived to be a parochial

PAGE 17

17 language, that of the minority. Black students were being forced to use the language of their oppressors to learn mathematics, arithmetic and social studies from the American equivalence of 7 th grade until graduation. Their native tongues would only be used for instruction in religion, music and physical culture (Ndlovu 2005: 350). As a result, on June 16, 1976, 10,000 20,000 black students joined together for a rally to prote st against the new regulations. Armed policemen and dogs met the protestors on streets and an exchange of bottles for bullets began. An estimated 176 700 students lost their lives due to this uprising (Ndlovu 2005: 350). It was a bloody representation of the black struggle for equality during the apartheid and its links to an imposed language were central to the protest. Global Apartheid In her compelling book on decolonizing anthropology for studying problems of the global era, Faye Harrison (2008) ad dresses the notion of global apartheid. Using the South African situation as a familiar paradigm for understanding the disparities and apartheid is even more severe than its South African exemplar. The disparities in wealth, power, military control, health, and life expectancy that characterize the world By alluding to the inhumane segrega tion that occurred in South Africa, Dr. Harrison is able to brilliantly bridge a link from South African apartheid to similar forms of structural violence that create apartheid like inequalities and power dynamics throughout the world. She argues that in t he case of Southern Appalachia, urban and global apartheid to destabilize hegemonic constructions of whiteness as a normative site of privilege and

PAGE 18

18 008: 222). South Africa, therefore, becomes a symbolic representation of institutionalized divisions on the macro level. Furthermore, the fact that racial separation and gross disparities still exist in post apartheid South Africa, even though the legal po licies have been removed, demonstrates that apartheid both nationally and globally can exist in subtle and concealed ways even if there are no official regulations promoting it. This is supported by the latter definition of apartheid given by Harrison whi racial inequality -In the same manner, this thesis argues that the severity of a linguistic apartheid exists in countries such as Haiti. Li nguistic apartheid is situated within the realms of organized segregation as seen throughout the globe. In the context of Haiti, it can be seen as the policy of enforced separation and disparities between French speakers and non French speakers in Haiti. D egraff (2011) noted that Haitians are raised up in communities that only expose them to Kreyl Ayisyen but, at the same time, they are forced to learn in a language that is foreign to them. As a result, the majority of students who are not privileged do n ot succeed in school. The students fail to learn and the schools miseducate them. The Soweto conflict of 1976 was, among other things, a glimpse into the kind of linguistic predicament that characterizes the experience of the majority of Haitians. This res earch therefore, is titled Linguistic Apartheid in order to link the severe conditions of South African apartheid to the Haitian linguistic situation and to explore questions about linguistic human rights To refer to the Haitian linguistic situation as solely d iglossic would not be as accurate as calling it a linguistic apartheid.

PAGE 19

19 Linguistic Apartheid Language as a Social Marker Language is a necessity in every society. Through it individuals are able to know the world and convey meaning in their eve ryday lives. In Haiti, the necessity of language has evolved into a vehicle for suppression and underdevelopment. Michael fundamental problems. The underrepresentation of Haitian Creole creates the notion of French as a privilege and a social marker while excluding the majority of Haitians from development. In preparing the data interpretation presented in section IV, this s ection explores the notion of French as a social marker in Haiti. proclaimed Governor General for life. Lyonel Paquin notes that one of the four political commandments given fro know n (Paquin 1983 : 27). In forming the new Haitian flag, Dessalines used the French tri color as a base but tore off the white section in representation of the m ulattos and blacks joining forces. Dessalines declared that all Haitians were to be classified as black under their generic denomination even though some were lighter than others. This concept of racial unity began to blur and distort the popular notion of color being the main social marker. As a result, groups of black elites began to rise to positions of power. This was seen through the black generals and men like Toussa int Louverture who helped eliminate color prejudice. (Paquin 1938: 29).

PAGE 20

20 The blurring of intraracial divisions continued until the 21 st century (see section II for further description on this development). Although racial lines began to blur after 1804, there were many nuances within the racial dynamics of Haiti after the revolution. David Nichols (1979) notes that among those who survived the Haitian Revolution there arose two distinct racial groups. There was a small but powerful minority, who were main ly mul attoes. T he se mulattoes were offspring of French men who had relations with black or mulatto women. Many of these mulattoes became free because of their fathers and started owning slaves of their own. Mulattoes owned one third of the slaves in Saint Domingue, which allowed them to have wealth even after the revolution. The second group to arise was the black ex slaves, the majority of the population. They bore a deep rooted hatred towards the plantation system and hoped to farm their own lands. The ideals that were carried by these two racial groups were vastly different from one another Culturally, the mulattoes became the staunch bastion of Francophone culture in Haiti. Because they had Fren ch ancestry, spoke French, and were in closer proximity to the French culturally they continued to carry the culture and language over the generations Haiti. The different ideologies of these groups was further manifested through the secession of the mulatto minority that dominated the south (Arthur 1999 : 45). In 1807 Haiti spilt into two separate entities the Kingdom of Haiti and the Republic of Haiti Henri Christophe, the black elite leader, became the king of the N orth and created a black nobility to rule with him. In the S outh, the mulattoes e stablished a R epublic unde r Alexandre P tion, the mulatto leader.

PAGE 21

21 The governments of these two ent ities operated differently. Henri Christophe used military force in an attempt to revive the plantation system and boost the export economy. He installed a militarized agricultur al system but his forced labor policy was widely unpopular. In the S outh, P tion distributed state owned land in efforts to gain political favor and acceptance (Arthur 1999 : 46). During his presidency over 150,000 hectares were distr ibuted or sold to more than 10,000 individuals. Nicholls notes, member of the mainly black army was also allocated a six cited in Arthur 199 9: 46). The two government embodied two ideals that clashed against each other. Following the death of Henri Christophe Pierre Boyer, reunited the country once more. reuni fication of Ha iti represented an intricate dynamic to race in Haiti. Paquin ( 1983: 27 ) Black and Mulatt o far stronger than among people of the same family. They are each (Paquin 1983 : 34) Although there existed a racial divide between the elite mulatto minority and the black majority, it was not exclusively rooted in race. There were exceptions to the racial divide and social class was more of a determinate of power than race.

PAGE 22

22 Today the dominant classes are not made up of exclusively light skinned individuals. Discrimination and racial conflict on the basis of skin color is not as pertinent as it is in many other countries. Michel comple 112); however, it is not relevant when speaking about class. In fact, if a light skinned individual desired to claim the right to govern through race, it would be because of his o r her blackness that is shared amongst all Haitians (Trouillot 1990: 118). The particular racial dynamics of Haiti have been translated into an intricate linguistic dynamic. If a person who is dark skinned speaks French fluently, they have seemingly inte rnationalized themselves because of the social status associated with milat; mil (Trouillot 1990: 120). In short, the French language is associated with a higher class (money), and a higher class (money) whitens. Linguistic Apartheid and Race Further Exa mined As seen in the South African e xample, apartheid was rooted in racist ideology. Steve Biko commented on the severity of the policies an d argued that they were evil because they 1979 : 28). The underlying message of the apartheid policy was that the black language, culture, history and people were inferior to their white counterpart s and deserved to be treated as such. Biko further argued that it created a system that wash ed them

PAGE 23

23 (Biko 1979 : 30) The South African apartheid policy functioned by forcing blacks to believe that they were not on the same level as their white counterparts. Con rooted in a social class divide. As stated in the previous section, the role of race is not as pertinent in the functions of the linguistic apartheid. The similarities between the two apartheid policies are found in the fact that they both show the masses that their language is inferior to that of the minority. Although the majority of Haitians are monolingual, they are pre destined for the subservi ent roles in society because they do no t speak French. Because French is the language of pedagogy in schools, politics in government and all official matters, 95% of Haitians have become the object of discrimination. Trouillot (1977) points out that the French/Creole relationship is one of Hait (plantations) /food crops (gardens), and Black/Mulatto, the French/Creole language situation displays a contradiction which is that the language used in schools and government, Fren ch, is unknown to the majority of Haitians.

PAGE 24

24 CH APTER 2 BACKGROUND Language is not merely a carrier of content, whether latent or manifest. Language itself is content, a referent for loyalties and animosities, an indicator of social statues and personal relationships, a marker of situations and topics as well as of the societal goals and the large scale value laden arenas of interaction that typify every speech community. Joshua A. Fishman Freedom From Discrimination in Choice of Language and International Human Rights Historical Background Language throughout Haitian History Several academics such as Degraff (2011) and Hebblethwaite (2012) argue that the future development of Haiti depends on a change in its linguistic situation. In the the sis to his article, Hebblethwaite argues that the main impediment to the development of Haiti is excluding the masses through a French based society (Hebblethwaite 2012: 256). This research rea ffirms that argument and builds on that idea by providing information on attitudes towards the linguistic apartheid. In order to understand and further interpret the nature of apartheid, this chapter will provide a brief historical background of the power of languages throughout the history of Haiti. Pre colonial Haiti On the afternoon of Wednesday, December 5, 1492, Christopher Columbus Columbus did not encounter inhabitants, but rather he found fine beaches and lush lands. The native Taino Indians were nowhere to be found because they took to the hills at the sight of the European ships (Heinl 2000:11). Although this encounter introduced a new world to Christopher Columbus and his entourage, this land was far from being

PAGE 25

25 new. For over 2,000 years this island was home to hundreds of thousands of Arawak, an indigenous people who migrated f rom South America (Arthur, 1999:17). Before the arrival of the Spanish the people whom the Europeans labeled lived undisturbed lives in their tight knit communities. They lived by fishing and growing maize, yam and sweet potato on land that was owned and worked communally (Arthur 1999: 17). They were described as Arthur, 1999:17). The Taino people These names were a reflection of their perception of the land and their language. Their government was divided into five different kingdoms. The kingdoms were as follows: Marien, Magua, Maguana, Jaragua and Higuey (Accilien 1999 : 1). Although different monarchs ruled these kingdoms, they were united by one common culture and language, Arawak. Colonial Haiti The Spanish conquistadors would soon disturb the unity within the island. The Ayiti. In honor of his Spanish patrons, 2010:19). The renaming of the land to a Spanish word was a significant indicator of the dominant culture. Although the Taino Indians rightfully owne d the land, they became subject to the powerful colonizing force from the Spanish. As a result, their culture and language began to diminish. The indigenous people were soon put to work as slaves, cultivating crops and extracting gold from ri vers, strea ms and mines (Arthur 1999: 17). The Spanish justified their cruel actions by stating that it was their imperative to convert the natives to

PAGE 26

26 Christianity and save their souls. The culture and language of the Arawak people were crushed under the weight of Eu ropean greed and ambition. As a result of being overworked, attacked by diseases, executed for revolting, and genocidal epidemics, the Arawaks began to was estimated to be between 500,0 00 and 750,000 in 1492, only 29,000 were left. By the mid (Dubois 2012: 14). At that point, Spanish became the main language of the island while the Arawaks became a distant me mory. Although the enslaved workforce was dying off, the need for labor steadily increased. As a result, the Spanish began to import captives from Africa to replenish the enslaved labor supply. The first enslaved Africans were imported in 1501, but the need for more quickly spread throughout the colony. The initial gold findings were being exhausted so the slaves were being used on plantations to grow sugar cane. The concentration of enslaved labor was on the eastern side of the island. Arthur D ash rich colonies of Mexico and Peru, so much so that by the end of the sixteenth century large ur 1999:17). This left room for bands of European adventurers to settle and cultivate the vacant lands. This was the beginning of the French occupation of Hispaniola. By the mid 1600 s there were significant numbers of French buccaneers on the western one third of the island. They had begun to grow provisions and tobacco on Tortuga and the mainland. Although the Spanish repeatedly tried to dislodge the settlers, they continued to grow in number and force. As these European buccaneers

PAGE 27

27 continued to settle the land, they changed the name of the former Spanish capital, 2012:16). The French made certain that their presence was well known on the island. They engaged in various battles and attacks against the Spanish in order to demonstrate their force. The defeat of the Spanish port of Cartagena contributed to the decision to cede the western portion of the colony to the French with the 1697 Treaty of Ryswick (Dubois 2012:17). Having gained official status as a French colony, Saint Domingue began to grow incredibly quickly. Crops such as tobacco and indigo sustained its growth. However, sugar was the crop that truly p ropelled their economy onto the global stage. Dubois Because Saint Domingue was able to produce high quantities of sugar and generate unfathomable wealth, it became known as sugar, however, called for an extreme increase in labor supply. Slavery was deemed essential to the production of this profitable crop. Plantations often had hundreds of slaves harvesting sugar cane and smaller groups of slaves transforming it into sugar. The number of Africans on the island vastly increased under the French rule. At first, white indentured laborers and African slaves worked together on plantations. In 1687 the whites outnumbered the slaves, 4,41 1 to 3,358. But by 1700, the enslaved population had grown to 9,082 while the population of whites had decreased by several hundred (Dubois 2012:19). As sugar plantations flourished over the next few decades, the number of enslaved Africans increased expon entially. By the mid century, there were 150,000 slaves and fewer than 14,000 whites. Finally by 1791,

PAGE 28

28 massive numbers of slaves enabled Saint Domingue to produce 40 percent of all the sugar and 60 percent of all the coffee consumed in Europe, it also set the stage for the Haitian Revolution. The brutality the enslaved Africans faced was inhumane. Pompee Valentin unheard of limbs, torn out the tongues and teeth, torn off the ears, and cut off the lips of their planks, buried them alive, and crushed 1999: 29). These slaves became more resentful, more intractable and more read y for a rebellion against their merciless masters. As a result, a slave uprising began in 1791, leading to a bloody 13 year revolt against France. The French occupation of the western part of the island is significant on various levels. It is important to note that with the official status of a French colony, Saint Domingue adopted the French language as the official language of the land. This is reflected in the changing of former Spanish name of the colony from Santo Domingo to its French name, Saint Do mingue (Arthur 1999:17). French became the governing language, replacing Arawak and Spanish. It became the thread by which religion and culture were woven in the history of the island. It is also crucial to note that Saint slaved labor introduced the island to vast numbers of Africans and African languages. Because of the miserable status of enslavement, and

PAGE 29

29 the complex and incomprehensible diversity of African languages in the colony, they were spurned and treated like infe rior languages. For these African slaves, Haitian Creole became the unifying language of communication in the colony. Linguistic stratification could also be seen through the fact that domestic slaves who understood French were typically higher ranked slav es who interacted with their masters more than field slaves. This era marked the beginning of French becoming the language of power and high status. Post colonial Haiti emancipated Africans and African descendants stood victoriously as a newly formed republic They shattered Euro centric history as they became the first free black republic in the world and the second nation in the western hemisphere. One of the first actions taken by this republic was the renaming o f the land. Led by General Jean Jacques Dessalines, these former slaves renamed their c ountry Domingue, was abandon ed and replaced with its pre 59). strip had been torn out. This was symbolic for the eradication of the French and the unity between blacks, honorary blacks and mulattos. The French became the object of loathing and pure hatred for these former slaves. Hatred and distain for French colonizers were physically manifested. Haitians engaged in the mass slaughtering of French men, wo men, and children. Plantations, fields, and buildings were also burned down because they stood as a constant reminder of the horrors that Haitians faced under French rule (Girard 2010: 60). The primary

PAGE 30

30 objective of the Haitian government was to establish their dominance and eliminate any trace of French rule. In a moving speech to his comrades, Jean Jacques Dessalines declared, the French! May they shudder when they approach our coastline, either because they remember all the exactions they committed, or because of our horrifying pledge to kill 2010: 60). The French were the primary target and enemy of the Haitian people. Although Haitians actively fought against the presence of the French, they On January 1, 1804, the founding fathers wrote the Declaration of Independence and the Hait ian Constitution in French. This decision was not based on their lack of a native language. By this time, Haitian Creole had been formed for over 100 years. The dilemma that they faced was that they viewed their native language as inferior to that of their former colonizers. They believed that only through the French language could Haiti rise to the rank of a civilized country worthy of external recognition ( Zphir 1990: 16). For that reason, French was adopted as the administrative, conferring it with gre at prestige language of Haiti. Every vital document of this newly formed nation was recorded in French. Even the national motto Libert galit fraternit Zphir 1990:16). Contrary to the Taino, Spanish and Fren ch reign, the Haitian government did Haitians spoke Haitian Creole, the language of the elite minority became the dominating force in the land. This led to a critical shi ft in post colonial Haiti. Whereas race and skin color indicated class and socio economic status in colonial Haiti, language became the

PAGE 31

31 indicator of class and socio economic status in post 1983: 27). However, the mulattos and domestic Creoles (Africans born in Saint Domingue as opposed to those born in Africa) acquired language skills that the mass es did not. Their interaction with the French colonizers was significantly greater than that of other blacks. Therefore, the French language was passed on to the more privileged, while the less privileged majority elaborated a communicative expression of t heir own language. This set the stage for language to become a vehicle of segregation and class distance in post colonial Haiti. The power held by the French was transferred to those who spoke and understood the language of the colonizers before their depa rture. The elite minority then established all of the official and legal documents of the nation in their language, which excluded the masses. The mantel of power and suppression was passed to those who had acquired the language of the colonizers; thus, li nguistic apartheid amongst Haitians began. Education in Haiti From 1625 to 1803 there were very few opportunities for educational growth in the colony. During those times, there were limited amounts of educational institutions in exist ence, b ecause the f ocus was agriculture and crop exports, there were very few educational institutions on the island In order for wealthy families to give their children a good educational foundation, they sent their children to France to study. Education among the slaves were transferred through religion, art, trade and entertainment (Hebblewaithe 2012 : 258). Although the slaves were not allowed to receive a formal

PAGE 32

32 education they were able to pass knowledge throughout the generations in the form of proverbs. Hebble mediated through oral traditions such as proverbs, timtim bwa chch kont Hebblethwaite 2012 : 258). Knowledge was highly valued amongst the slaves and was therefore transferred from generation to generation through oral proverbs, for this reason Haiti is known for its oral culture (Arthur 1999 : 284). One of the greatest sources of wisdom and education that was transferred throughout generations of slaves was religion. Although the religion of their French colonizers was Catholicism, Vodou was the religion of their homeland and they held onto it (Arthur 1999 : 255). Hebblewaite (2012) mentions that through Vodou the revolution ary leaders and soldiers were able to reinforce their oral anti colonial education. He continues by arguing that during colonial Haiti there was an invisible battle between the written transmission of knowledge in French and the oral transmission of knowledge through Haitian Creole. These two ideas had deep rooted histories and conflicting interests, which added to their invisible tensions. Upon gaining independence, the Haitian leade rs held onto French in part because of a desire to maintain their relations with the outside world ( Zphir 1990: 16). Although they had a native language, the leaders of the revolution clung onto the French language. Because Creole was seen as an inferior language, French became the language of pedagogy in schools. The revolution ary leaders found no value in transferring formal education in the language that was most known. Furthermore,

PAGE 33

33 Haitian Creole was associated with slavery and inferiority, which led further to the belittling of the language. Although there were initiatives to further the legitimacy and use of Haitian Creole in academia, the U.S occupation of Haiti from 1915 1934 s et the stage for one of the first significant pushes for expanding resources about and in Haitian Creole. From that point intellectuals began to reject US imperialism and cl u ng onto Haitian Nationalism and Haitian Creole. Intellectuals such as Price Mars ( 1928), Roumain (1943) and Riguad (1953) began to publish works entirely in Haitian Creole. The production of these works sp o k e to the fact that Haitian Creole can be used on academic levels. These intellectuals furthered the fight for Haitian Creole in edu cation by demonstrating the value and use of Haitian Creole. From this point, Haitian Creole began to be used as an instrument for research and academic study of Haiti. As mentioned in the previous section, the current Haitian Constitution states that Haitian Creole is the language that unites all Haitians and is a tool for instruction in the classrooms. The latter part of this statement has yet to be fully realized within classrooms in Haiti. In 1978 the Haitian government passed the Bernard Reform. T his reform was an attempt to modernize the Haitian Education system and make it more effective. It introduced vocational training programs, restructured secondary school programs and most importantly, introduced Haitian Creole to the classrooms as a langua ge of instruction. This reform broke against the French based systems that were already in place. During years 1 4 Haitian Creole was the language used to teach students but French was dominant by the 5 th year, French was suppose d to be used throughout the entire curriculum by the 5 th year (Hebblethwaite 2012 : 265).

PAGE 34

34 Unfortunately the Bernard Reform made l imited advancements. Although there was an underlying goal to infuse the Haitian culture and language into curriculum, the reform was met with much resist ance and lack of resources among the Haitian government and leadership. Although the Bernard Reform was not able to advance, it was a significant gain for the Haitian Creole advocates. This was one of the first times the Haitian government officially ack nowledged that there was a problem with the current system. They realized that most Haitian students were unable to succeed because of the linguistic apartheid that suppresses them. Chaudenson (2006) notes that this policy was the first elaborate language policy plan that include d Haitian Creole, and represented a stark difference from the previous centuries. Although the Bernard Reform essentially failed in its mission, it represents a departure from the past Literature Review Prominent Work In order to situate this paper within the body of research that already exists on linguistic apartheid in Haiti, it is appropriate to offer a succinct presentation of the recent works on the subject. This section provides a brief overview of prominent literature on l inguistic apartheid and highlights the unique contributions this thesis brings to the field. It also creates a framework for further developing and interpreting the results from the participant observation data in C hapter 4 The French L anguage and the U nderdevelopment of Haiti development (Hebblethwaite 2012: 255). In a country where 95% of th e population is

PAGE 35

35 monolingual in Haitian Creole, French has played a critical role in underdevelopment of anguage of the school systems, as many as 80% of the educators in Haiti have an inadequate command of it and a small minority of students actually complete schooling (Hebblethwaite 2012: 255). His article argues that students are failing to advance not b ecause of content but rather because of the vehicle used to bring the content, the French language (Hebblethwaite 2012: 257). He then connects the diagnosis of the problem with its practical effects on the Haitian society such as high illiteracy rates and poverty. Through quantitative and qualitative approaches, Hebblethwaite rejects the argument for maintaining French dominant education and supports the argument that majority language education in Haiti will lead to a greater benefit for the country as a Creole literacy in addition to a more streamlined and coherent State, economy and 2012: 256). The crux of his argument is that the social, econo mic and intellectual progress of a society is accelerated by education in a first language and Haiti will not rebuild post creole exceptionalism (look at Chapter 3 ) and embrace of Haitian Creole. The argum ent that Hebblethwaite poses is critical to the field. He is systematically able to identify the fundamental issues within the Haitian education system and propose a solution that will impact the entire nation. He presents the effects of linguistic aparthe id in a concise way and offers a practical approach to replacing it.

PAGE 36

36 The Sufficiency of Haitian Creole In his book titled The Haitian Creole Language Spears authors a chapter that dismantles many myths and misconceptions of Haitian Creole (2010). He b egins by by its own grammatical rules, just as French is separate from Latin and other Romance 2010: 2). For exa mple, you can consider the following sentence in Creole and English: Sa ou di a se vwe you said is true Spears argues that the a in the Creole sentence has no exact counterpart in French or English, which shows that it has its own grammatical rules apart from other Romance languages. These rules can be complex or simple, but each is structured with respect to the words preceding. S pears further argues that the idea of Creole being a broken or corrupt language is a misconception that is rooted in centuries long stigmatization of Haitians and other people of African descent (Spears 2010: 3). The correlation between slavery and other kinds of forced labor with certain languages has shaped language attitudes and perceptions associated with the groups of people who 2010: 3). The history between Kreyl Ayisyen and slavery is so intertwined that the negative stigma of slaves and slavery has transferred to the perception of Haitian Creole. Spears further dismantles negative perceptions of Haitian Creole by arguing that just beca use Creole does not have verb inflection suffixes for tense other than pre verbal markers, person and number does that mean it is simple or primitive (Spears

PAGE 37

37 2010: 3). The difference seen between these languages only points out that Haitian Creole has a d ifferent way of expressing these concepts. Although some linguists would grammar (Spears 2010: 3). Hebblethwaite also adds that in his 14 years of teaching Haitian Creole to nonnative speaking learners, he is constantly reminded of how difficult Haitian Cr eole is to master and he finds no major difference in difficulty between the acquisition of Haitian Creole and French both are very difficult (p.c). Spears points out that the unwarranted defamation of Haitian Creole is the reason behind it not being used within the educational system in Haiti. Many wrongfully believe that it has no grammar. This misconception continues to plague Haiti and the development of Haitian Creole in the Haitian society. Spears makes a convincing case that Haitian Creole is on the level of other Romance languages such as French and Spanish. His study is important for understanding linguistic apartheid because it lays out some of the negative perceptions of the Haitian Creo le language while making a case for its legitimacy and effectiveness as a full fledged language. The Uses of Language In her work Zphir addresses la nguage functions in the Haitian bilingual community ( Zphir 19 90:vii). By observing language choice, language use and language attitudes this research sheds light on the role or function that French and Kreyl Ayisyen play in the bilingual speech communi ty. Her research addresses the

PAGE 38

38 following questions: Which language is used in a given context? What are the social norms for the uses of the two languages? What kind of attitudes do speakers have towards their language? Is there a direct correlation betwee n their attitudes and their alternative use of the two languages? ( Zphir 1990: vii). The questions Zphir posed were addressed with ethnographic approach and collected with fifty two informants. She collected her data by means of an oral questionnaire, pa rticipant observation and tape recorded interviews ( Zphir 1990: viii). Through the data collected, Zphir concluded that French and Creole are not used interchangeably and that there exists an unwritten code that dictates language choice and use in Haiti ( Zphir 1990:viii). Her research also showed that the use of French and Haitian Creole can be explained in terms of the function of the language and in terms of the diglossic relationship that exists between the two languages. All in all, Zphir desire to gain social mobility through Fre nch ( Zphir 1990: viii). Zphir has contributed to the understanding of the complex relationship between Haitian Creole and French in Haiti. Her research along with Iv Dejan are two of the first to elaborate on the uses and perception of language in Hai ti. Although her research only focuses on members of the bilingual elite who speak French and Haitian Creole, it shows the structural differences between the two languages. This research looks at linguistic apartheid through new lenses. Most informants co nfirmed that French is the language of choice for increasing social mobility; however, only 5% of the population has access to that mobility because they are bilingual ( Zphir 1990: 1). The uses of French are clearly not the same for monolingual and bilin gual Haitians.

PAGE 39

39 Absurd School Systems In his compelling book Yon lekl tt anba nan yon peyi tt anba ( An upside school in an upside down country ), Iv Dejan speaks about the linguistic absurdity found in the Haitian school system. Although the majority of Haitian children are raised speaking Haitian Creole and only Haitian Creole, they are expected to learn in a language that is foreign to them (Dejan 2006: 259). Dejan points out that only a crazy person would expect a child from Brazil to speak Latin, or a child from Egypt to speak Hebrew or a child from China to speak Hindi. Why, then, do we expect children from Haiti to speak French? Dejan furthers his point by stating that it is in Haitian Creole that most students hear their news about their family It is in Creole that young men and women speak to each other. It is in Creole that neighbors speak (Dejan 2006: 6). It is absurd for the Haitian school system to expect Haitian children to then speak and understand a foreign language when they are in th e school system. Schools are created to grow the intellectual capacity of individuals, especially young children, but in Haiti they function as a means of suppressing the educational outcomes of children. Dejan points out that 90% of students in the scho ols do not know French and of the 45,000 primary school teachers in Haiti, 80% do not really speak French (Dejan 2006: 7). His book tells various stories that illustrate the ludacris logic behind French being in the school system. He argues that the effect s of the using French in the school system are detrimental to the development of young children and the country as a whole. In his quest to prove that French has no place in the Haitian school system, Dejan points out that Haiti is the only country that has been independent for over 200 years, yet still uses a secondary language in the school system as a language of

PAGE 40

40 pedagogy. The lack of progress in Haiti can be linked to the lack of linguistic reasonableness. He argues that Haiti fails to realize that sp eaking a language takes time and effort. One cannot simply teach a child in a foreign language and expect her/him to succeed (Dejan 2006: 46). This book does an excellent job showing the lack of logic and seriousness behind linguistic apartheid. Dejan is able to effectively show the negative effects by focusing on children and stories of children who have been adversely affected by the use of French in the school system. Writing this book in Haitian Creole allows Dejan to subtly show the maturity of the Haitian Creole language and its ability to serve Haitian society on a scholarly and academic level. In 1977 Michel Rolph Triouillot wrote one of the first books written in Haitian Creole, Ti dife boule sou Istwa Ayiti His ability to speak intellectuall y and debate in his native language supported the notion of Haitian Creole being a language of academia. Summary This brief general overview of research on language in Haiti has demonstrated pertinent contributions to understanding linguistic apartheid. Although some scholars such as Hebblethwaite have researched the effects of the linguistics apartheid and other scholars such as Spears have studied the history and myths that contribute to its persistence, they have all significantly contribut ed to the argument that Haitian Creole should be the foundation of the development in Haiti. Now, this study is vital because it is the first to examine, in an empirical manner, Haitian attitudes and perceptions towards French and Haitian Creole along with a comprehensive interpretation of the nature and workings of the linguistic apartheid. Zphir (1990), conducted an excellent study on the uses and attitudes towards Haitian Creole and French; however, it was

PAGE 41

41 limited to the bilingual minority and not to th e majority of the populace. It lacked the input of the Haitians who are most affected by linguistic apartheid. All in all, there has been little development on the perception and uses of language in Haiti and this research is situated in that arena.

PAGE 42

42 CHA PTER 3 THE USES OF LANGUAGE IN HAITI For almost two centuries, French has been perceived as being the prestigious language of Haiti, the language through which knowledge should be imparted, the language of formal domains. Creole, on the contrary, was si mply a vernacular unfit for formal situations. Flore Zphir Language choice, language use, language attitudes of the Haitian bilingual community Haitian Creole and French The Dichotomy At the heart of the Haitian linguistic apartheid is a dichotomy between Kreyl Ayisyen and French. Flore Zphir language, the language of the superior, privileged class and Creole was the low language, the l Zphir 1990: 16). Since colonial times these two languages stood as competing tools. French represented civilization, knowledge, enlightenment and power while Haitian Creole, at least for the oppressors, represent ed backwardness, ignorance, obscurantism and suppression. When the founding fathers established French as the official language of Haiti, they simultaneously set the stage for an internal linguistic conflict, the subject of this research. This segment will provide a brief overview and comparison of these two languages independently. The French language is a descendant of the spoken Latin language of the Roman Empire. Its roots are closely related to those of Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Romanian, Lombard, Catalan, Sicilian and Sardinian languages; however, its closest northern France and Belgium (Web 1). The French language has a long history that

PAGE 43

43 goes back further than many other modern languages. According to the Ordinance of Villers Cotterets, it has served as the official language of France since 1539. When the French buccaneers landed on Hispaniola, they carried the culture, history and language of their homeland wi th them. The longevity and wide usage of the French language established it as a prestigious language, coupled with the power of the French Empire, of power throughout the world. The history of Haitian Creole is not as defined as the history of the French language. Scholars have been unable to pinpoint an exact time and purpose for the formation of Haitian Creole. Consequently, there are many theories for its formation. Flore Zphir colonization, Creole arose during the massive arrival of slaves after 1697, when Saint Zphir 1990:15). The slaves who were brought to Saint Domingue came mostly from the West and Central African regions. As a result, they brought over their various native tongues and formed a new language with the language of their master. Linguist Claire Lefebvre speaks of the relationship between French and African languages, especially Fongbe, stating, to a French expression but these creole lexical items share properties with 2010:3). Sylvain com ments on the mixing of French and African languages when he

PAGE 44

44 although the exact genesis of Haitian Creole cannot be pinpointed, it is nevertheless a product of French and African languages. The novelty in the creation of Haitian Creole leads some to believe that Haitian Creole is an inferior language. This notion has generated rmines the development of Creole language in various sectors of society. This can be seen in the case of Haiti. The Haitian language is seen as deficient and incapable of serving the same purpose as its European counterpart. The exceptional viewpoint is on e that continues to plague Haitian Creole and in effect, elevate French. Although some would phonological system is quite different than that of French in its inventory of unit s, the All in all, Haitian Creole is an entirely independent language. Haitian Creole Advocacy The battle between Haitian Creole and French has been going on for centur ies. Although advocacy for Haitian Creole has not been as robust as the advocacy for the French language, there has been a strong and steady voic e for Haitian Creole. Marie Christine Hazael Massieux ( 1990 ) published a collection of Haitian Creole texts from the French colonial government of Saint Domingue. These proclamations are proof that there were individuals that saw the value of using Haitian Creole within the colonial

PAGE 45

45 society. The process of standardizing Haitian Creole has therefore been a slow but steady process Language in Haiti today The C onfusion are the official lang demonstrates the confusing nature of the linguistic situation Haiti is in today. Spears national l 54). Institut Haitien de Statistique states that Haiti has 10,413,211 citizens. The Haitian government continuously places the majority of these citizens, over 95%, in a state of confusion and seclusion through their use of French. Although the Constitution begins to highlight the importance of Creole in article 5, it is undermined by the fact that the Constitution itself is written in French. Michel h certificate, the very first official document that every newborn Haitian citizen is in principle, 101). This French only policy and many others like it on the policy level create a system of p erplexity and suppression for the majority of Haitians today. As noted in Chapter 1 upon gaining independence from France, the Haitian foreparents created a Declaration of Independence and Constitution in French. Although every Haitian shares the Haitia n Creole language, French was adopted as the official language and was used to establish all official documents. In fact, Haitian Creole was not legally recognized as the second official language of Haiti until 1918

PAGE 46

46 (Schieffelin, 1992: 178). In 1964 Creole was mentioned for the first time in the Haitian Constitution. The law permitted the use of Haitian Creole in specific circumstances where the use of French would hinder monolingual Haitians, such as, in legal courts of law. In 1979 there was an educationa l reform that allowed Haitian Creole to enter into the first four years of school, however it did not infiltrate the educational system of Haiti. In 1980 an official orthography was established and by 1987 Haitian Creole became the second official language of Haiti, although French would continue to function as the language of power. Today, many people refer to Haiti country as bilingual, but as Michel Rolph instead of a diglossic situation, in which a bilingual minority imposes one language as : 115). The confusion is even seen throughout the Haitian communities as many Haitians view their country as bilingual when only 5% are truly bilingual. To make the situation worse, Haiti continues to operate based on the principles of the old colonial system that elevates the French language and sees Haitian Creole as the language of the lowest class and subordinate group. Although there have been efforts to reform Haiti and further Haitian society, there has been little progress in elevating the Haitian Creole language at the policy level. In short, linguistic apartheid is still prevalent in modern day Haiti. Haitian Creole Orthography The orthographic debates about Haitian Creole have been deep rooted. They strongly tie into the history, politics and ideologies of the different groups in Haiti. Bambi Schieffelin (1994) notes that there have been several different types of Creoles.

PAGE 47

47 Becau se both geographical and social dialects exist in Haiti there is a Northern variety, a Western variety, and a Southern variety of Haitian Creole In addition to these variations there are also social dialects such as kreyl fransize (Frenchified creole), g wo kreyl (vulgar creole), kreyl swa (smooth creole) and kreyl rk (rough creole). Shieffelin mentions that these titles are both popularly and scientifically used to describe varieties of Creole in Haiti. Since the mid 1920 s the proposals for Haitian Creole orthography ha ve undergone different phases. Schieffelin (1994) summarizes the stages in the following four parts : 1925 40 The pioneers, 1940 51 The first technical orthographies (McConnell Laubach vs. Pressoir), 1953 79 The contested reign of Pre ssoir ONAAC present The reign of the official orthography (with isolated rebellions) (Schieffelin 1994 : 183). Today, there still remains some debate on the written orthograph y of Haitian Creole, in fact as of 1980, Iv Dejan (1980) identified 11 different spelling systems within Haiti. One of the greatest debates on the Haitian Creole orthography has been between those who wanted Creole spelling to resemble French and those who wanted an autonomous variety that would be streamlined for rapid learning. Overall, the autonomous spelling system has triumphed and the publication of Bib la (1999) confirms its ascendency.

PAGE 48

48 CHAPTER 4 THE RESEARCH Studies of social differentiation of language use in the Anglophone Caribbean have concentrated primarily on correlations between language use and socioeconomic status, with some attention also paid to the rural urban difference, ethnic differences and age differences. Donald Winford An Introduction to Contact Linguistics Methodology Qualitative and Inductive Approach This research takes a qualitative and inductive approach. This qualitative analysis consists of interviews with key informants. Haitians that are positioned in specific sectors in Haitian society were strategically selected. The sectors that were focused on are education, state and economy. Within the education sector informants were interviewed in the lower grades, high school and university level. This includes both in structors and students. Within the state informants were mid level state bureaucrats and politicians. Finally, within the economic sector business owners, mid level white collar individuals and low skilled and manual laborers were interviewed. The objectiv e of this research was not to select a random sample of the population but, rather, to select key informants who are strategically positioned within different sectors sample served as a rough but not a statistically significant representation of the larger population. Having participants from a full range of social and demographic backgrounds allows this research to have a holistic reach. Although individuals from some vocati ons indicated a need to speak French, the researcher made it a goal to include both French speakers and non French speakers. After establishing initial

PAGE 49

49 contacts, snowball sampling was used to identify other key informants. This led to a wide range of key i nformants. Through the use of semi structured interviews, information was gained about the perception and attitudinal patterns that are associated with speaking or not speaking French. Information was elicited about the effects, views, interactions, feel ings and uses of the French language. This was not done with a short questionnaire, but rather with open ended and, subsequently, probing questions. This approach gave structure to the conversations but also allowed the informant to speak freely. Questions about Haitian Creole also followed this structure. The conversations prompted by the semi structured interviews provoked ideas concerning perceptions of French and Haitian Creole. Approximately 23 interviews were completed. Although it would be ideal to have more interviews, with the limited time allotted, only 23 were completed. Through these semi structured interviews participant observation was also done. Through participant observation the researcher was able to take notes on the actions of the infor mant during the duration of the interview. According to Zphir Zphir 1990: 132). The informants spoke to the researcher in Haitian Creole and she recorded their responses in English. This may have resulted in a loss of meaning and emphasis with some of the responses. A few of the responses were recorded in Haitian Creole in order to ca pture the words and meaning. The researcher marked the responses that were paraphrased by indenting them in section 4.3. The responses that were quoted directly from the Haitians are in quotations.

PAGE 50

50 All 23 of the interviews were held in Haitian Creole. Som e informants spoke French and English to the researcher, however the researcher facilitated the interviews in Haitian Creole. This may have affected the way that the informants responded to questions. Because the interview was administered in Haitian Creol e, the informants may have concluded that the researcher perceives Haitian Creole as a more valuable language for academic work. This research moved from initial observations about French in Haiti to patterns indicated from the informants. In keeping with the procedures of data collection and inductive interpretation that Glazer and Strouss (1976) outline in The Discovery of Grounded Theory the analysis of the interviews evolved into a hypothesis and finally it developed into theory concerning the socia l bases of the linguistic apartheid in Haiti. Research Site Cap Haitian, Haiti served as the research site. This site was chosen for two main reasons. First, there were previous connections made in Cap Haitian by the researcher It was easy to create a contact list in the North. The second reason for this choice was that Cap Haitian is the second largest cit y in Haiti and in current times it serves as the second hub for international affairs (Farmer 2006: 34). Since the devasta ting earthquake hit the capital in 2010, there has been a mass migration of Haitians to this city. Natural disasters brings Haitians to the north because the south usually receives much damage. In short, Cap Haitian serves as a hub for a wide range of Hait ians from all the major sectors of Haitian society. Cap Haitian is a city of over 190,000 people on the northern coast of Haiti. It is currently the capital of the Department of the North. The 10 departments of Haiti serve as states for the country. Acco rding to the Haitian Congress, Cap Haitian is known as

PAGE 51

51 the largest center of historic monuments; it is a large tourist destination but also attracts Haitians from all around the country. This large region has both rural and urban areas and has individuals from all socio economic statuses. This research site was in fact very strategic. Administration of Data The questions asked during the interview typically took 45 minutes to 90 minutes depending on how elaborate the informant was. The researcher attempted to keep the interview less than 1 hour; however, there were quite a few informants who took more than 1 hour to express themselves. These were informants who gave rich information outside of the proposed questions. Based on an ethnographic model, the ques tions are designed to reveal their core attitude and perceptions of French and Haitian Creole. Using a direct approach, which entails the fieldworker personally asking questions and respond with as little or as much information as they pleased. Those who provided little response would be probed by follow up questions asked. The questionnaire was administered orally, which gave participants the opportunity to talk through their respon ses. Talking through responses gave respondents the liberty to venture out into topics that were not originally written in the questionnaire, but nevertheless exposed attitudes towards language in Haiti. It was also beneficial to have an oral questionnaire because there were some informants who were not literate and could not spell their own names. Finally, administering the questionnaire orally left little room for the questions and answers to be misinterpreted. The answers to the questions were recorde d with a pen and paper. In order for the informants not to feel alarmed, the researcher stayed away from using recording

PAGE 52

52 devices or expensive equipment. The atmosphere of the research area was more inviting and natural without the intimidating presence of advanced technology. Informants noted that they were thankful that they did not feel as if they were being taken advantage of in the interview situation. In the past, a few informants had experiences with media outlets that gave empty promises of paying th e informants for interviews. This research avoided such appearance. Below is a chart of the locations of the interviews. Locations may have affected the interview depending on how comfortable they were and who was around. This will be elaborated on more in the interpretations sections. Demographics Demographics Summary As stated in the methodology section, the informants of this research were strategically selected because of their status within the Haitian society. The sectors that were focused on are education, state and economy. Within the education sector informants were interviewed in the lower grades, high school and university level. This includes both instructors and students. Within the state informants were mid level state bureaucrats and polit icians. Finally, within the economy sector business owners, mid level white collar individuals and low skilled and manual laborers were interviewed. The objective of this research was not to select a representative random sample of the population but, rath er, to select key informants who are strategically positioned within wide range of informants that were selected allowed this research to reach various types of indivi duals from different backgrounds.

PAGE 53

53 All twenty three informants were living in Cap Haitian during the time of the interview. Although their backgrounds varied, they were stationed in the north for personal, academic and professional reasons. Nine of them we re bilingual in Haitian Creole and French, but only one of them grew up speaking French in his home. Three of them were college graduates and four of them had not gone past secondary school. The informants were chosen from professions, which allowed this r esearch to reach Explanation of symbols used: Age In the Haitian culture it is disrespectful to ask the age of an adult. For that reason the questionnaire was designed to ask for a general age. By asking informants to classify themselves in a category instead of giving an exact age, there was more likely to be an honest response with little resistance. Languages Spoken Fluently This question was perhaps the hardest to clarify. Many Haitians are under the impression that they are fluent in French because the majority of the Haitian Creole vocabulary is similar to French vocabulary. In asking this question the researcher had to clarify that fluency entailed being able to understand and communicate effectively without aid. In order to confirm whether or not the informant was bilingual, the researcher asked the informant to speak about a topic for 1 minute in French. Although this is not a perfect method of identifying proficiency in French, the researcher was able to quickly identify the informants who were monolingual within 20 seconds of the activity. Mon olinguals struggled with forming sentences and stopped trying after 20 seconds or less. Four of the informants further insisted that every Haitian speaks

PAGE 54

54 French fluently, but retracted their statement after the researcher asked an interpreter to speak to them in French. For those who were bilingual, the researcher then asked which language was their primary language and when did they learn their secondary language. Every Haitian said French was their secondary language and only one person claimed to have learned French from their parents. Every other Haitian stated that they learned French through the schooling system. Occupation The researcher asked each informant for his or her primary occupation. Although most informants had more than one occupation, this research focused on asking for their primary classification. Two of the vendors interviewed claimed to be unemployed when initially asked to provide an occupation. The researcher then asked how they made money, regardless of how small it was, and they both said that they have a small side business. Questionnaire Data The Questions The questionnaire administered is designed to reveal the difference in the perception and value of French among bilinguals and monolinguals in Haiti. It is designed specifi cally to illuminate perceptions that reinforce and oppose the linguistic apartheid within the country. Its main purpose was to answer the following questions: Is there a difference between how French speaking and non French speaking Haitians view French? Are there any notable similarities among the French speaking Haitians? And non French speaking Haitians? Do perceptions and attitudes reveal anything about the nature of the linguistic apartheid? The following questions were the questions that were asked during the interview.

PAGE 55

55 1. Name, Age, Occupation, Language(s) Spoken, Sex, Marital Status, Children? 2. Talk to me about the history of Haiti. 3. Talk to me about the history of France. 4. Is Haiti a bilingual country? Explain. 5. What are your thoughts on the Haitian Creole & French languages? 6. What language do you use for official business? 7. What language do you use most often? 8. What is the difference between the two languages? What connotation do they carry? 9. What role does English play in 21 st century Haiti? 10. Have you ever been a victim of linguistic discrimination? Explain. 11. Do you see a linguistic apartheid in Haiti? To what extent? 12. Is your family bilingual? What were you raised speaking? 13. If God erased your lin guistic memory and allowed you to know only one language perfectly, what would it be? Why? What would your second and third choices be? Why? 14. What are your thoughts on Haitian Creole in schools? 15. If you were able to cho o se only one language to place in Hait ian schools, what would it be? The Reason Question 1 was asked so that the researcher could better interpret the data collected by the informants. Demographics prove to be useful when identifying correlation between group demographics. Questions 2 3 wer e asked to reveal if there were differences in how French speaking and non French speaking informants interpreted history and the state of their country today. These questions seemed to evoke much Haitian nationalism within the informants. Questions 4, 5 a nd 8 were designed to determine the perceived difference between the French and Haitian Creole

PAGE 56

56 languages. The existence of linguistic apartheid was confirmed through the unanimous response that Creole is stigmatized and French is glorified although most Ha itians do not speak French fluently. Questions 6 and 7 were designed to show the functional use of French and Creole. Although the monolingual informants could not show variation, bilingual informants were able to speak about their uses of both languages. The perceived usefulness of both languages was critical to observe. Question 9 was asked to help understand the future of the linguistic apartheid and to see its relationship to other dominant languages. And finally, questions 10 15 were designed to unders tand the dynamic nature of linguistic apartheid. Personal stories and perceptions of the segregation based on language acquisition illustrated the effects of the apartheid. This questionnaire was designed to lead informants in a direction that allowed them to speak about their experiences and relationship to languages in Haiti. It was not an exhaustive questionnaire; in fact, it often provoked informants to offer personal stories and information. The Answers Below are the responses to the questionnaire an d the research observations. Although all of the interviews proved to be vital, the researcher selected the interviews that most effectively supported claims made and illuminated intricate dynamics of linguistic apartheid. In this section the term bilingua l is used interchangeable with French speaking informants and monolingual is used interchangeable with non French speaking informants. This is because every non French speaking informant was monolingual and every French speaking informant was bilingual.

PAGE 57

57 N ame, Age, Occupation, Language(s) Spoken, Sex, Marital Status, Children? The demographics of the informants show that most French speakers were between the ages of 30 59. The French speakers held all of the prestigious occupations and all but one of the Fr ench speakers were men. There seemed to be no correlation with marital status or having children and being a French speaker. The monolingual informants on the other hand were scattered in ages and held all of the least prestigious occupation such as farmer and vendor. There were some monolingual informants who held higher positions such as those of businessman, receptionist and police officer; however, their positions were not as prestigious as the positions held by the bilingual informants. The job descrip tions that the informants gave me, and the resources that were available to them proved this. Whereas the bilingual businessman, informant 19, owned his own facility, the monolingual businessman, informant 3, worked primarily on the streets. He did not cla ssify himself as a vendor, because he did not sell his goods individually. Both men sold their merchandize wholesale, but the bilingual businessman was more established and known in the community. We held informant 19 s interview in his office, but we Likewise, the monolingual police officer seemed to be dressed more like an armature guard, whereas the bilingual officer wore his badge, gun and full uniform to his interview. Both int erviews were taken at the police station; however, one, with informant 10, was taken outside, and the other, with informant 14, was taken in an office. When giving their job descriptions, the monolingual informant, informant 10, gave a description that fit more with a gate guard; however, he was adamant that he was a police officer. The research made it a point not to be offensive or accusatory to any informants.

PAGE 58

58 These demographic que stions show that the effects of linguistic apartheid affect social mobili ty. Although speaking French does not automatically make a Haitian more affluent, these demographics show that French is an in dicator of class. Furthermore, this research would have benefited from having had more informants to substantiate that gender is also related to language in Haiti. There appears to be a higher rate of competence in French among the men than among the women. Of the 9 French speakers, only 1 was a woman. This is especially alarming, because of the 13 Haitian Creole monolinguals, the majority, 8, were females. With a high level of monolingual females and a low level of bilingual females, this rese arch suggests that there may be a relationship between gender and French language acquisition. Unfortunately, women are the disadvantaged gen der. In effect, if women are less likely to speak French, this means that they are less likely to be as affluent as their male counterparts. This insight points to a new and critical aspect of linguistic apartheid the workings of gender differentials. The responses for this question are recorded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 2. Talk to M e A bout the H istory of Haiti. Talk to M e A bout the H istory of France. The responses to these question showed uniformity amongst the French speaking and non French speaking informants. There was an overwhelming sense of nationalism, a sense of pride in their country, amongst all informants. When talking about the history of H aiti, every informant mentioned it being the first free black nation in the world. Informants 6, 10, 16, 21 and 23 spent more than 10 minutes talking about the independence of their country. They enjoyed having the pleasure of informing me of important fig

PAGE 59

59 that? The world seemed to have forgotten where we came from, who we are, but we know who we are We are the children of Toussaint Louve r ture and Jean Jacques Dessalines. We have a history unique to only us but the world has forgotten that, but we French speaking i have resilience in my blood. My ancestors fought off the major powers of its time in order to become independent from France. We are a product of the French but gained our independence so t informants shared a common love and admiration for their country. Although nationalism was high, French speaking and non French speaking informants had slightly different views of France. When probing informant 1 about what We are who we are because of France. They have given us our cuisine, they have given us our language, and they have given us the structure of our government and other civil syste ms. To deny the French is to deny who we are. Although they were brutal to our ancestors, they are still a part of our history and who we are as a people. This response revealed that informant 1 was aware of the brutality faced by the Haitian people during colonial time, but still had a glorified view of France. He continued to independence so soon. Informants 13 and 14, who were also French speaking, had very similar responses. They never once mentioned the brutality of the French, but rather the strong influence the French had on shaping modern

PAGE 60

60 now a country with a mixed culture. We have French, African and Spanish in our mixture. The greatest influence has been the French. Because the French had such a still see their influences French speakers, however, with the French is one filled with blood and tears. A lot of people died by the the French would have killed me. This is a better world. We live in a better world Other informants focused more on the bravery of the Haitian leaders and fighters, but these informants demonstrated a slight but critical shift between French speaking and non by the victors, ths of that quote could be seen within the context of this research. The glorification of the French amongst the French speaking informants hints that these informants have embraced French culture more than the non French speakers. They have e mbraced a history that reflects dominating culture. The non French speakers, however, displayed more of a resistance to the actions and influences of the French.

PAGE 61

61 Is Haiti a B ilingual C ountry? Explain. This question yielded perhaps the most interesting responses. When asked if Haiti was a bilingual country every French speaker and 8 (of 14) non French speakers responded that it was. As bilingual informant 19 said: Haitians speak two languages. Although t he less educated have not mastered our second language, French, everyone needs to speak it because it is in the school system. If you have gone through any official system in Haiti you must use French. We are all Haitians and all Haitians need to speak Cre considered as a true Haitians. Look at our history and you will see what I am talking about. our official languages. Our constitution lays tha t principle but we can also see it in our news, our courts and our politics. French dominates everything in this country and it should be that way. Imagine if we only embraced Haitian Creole. We would be wiped off of the map. French connects us to the worl bilingual. The monolingual informants that believed Haiti was a bilingual country gave interesting responses. Informant 9 s e from informant 8. He stated:

PAGE 62

62 Every Haitian can speak French. Of course every Haitian can speak French. Our vocabulary is al l French vocabulary. When someone says something to me, even if I to me because I speak Creole. This country is bilingual because French and Creole are almost the same la nguage. These responses showed that French speaking and non French speaking Haitians both fed into the myths of Haiti being a bilingual nation. Many non French speaking Haitians changed their answer after the researcher informed them of some basic facts of linguistic apartheid, including the fact that over 95% of Haitians are not fluent in French. The responses for this question are recorded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 4. What A re Y our T houghts on the Haitian Cr eole & French language? What is t he D ifference B etween the T wo L anguages? What C onnotations D o T hey C arry? Both French and non French speakers confirmed that French is the language of social mobility and prestige. Haitian Creole was described as the language of the distinct to o sleep. French, however is the language that I use to express myself in a powerful way. school, also said:

PAGE 63

63 If you hear a man speak Creole but he makes many mistakes, you typically l augh it off, but if you hear a man speak in French, but he is making many mistakes, you cover your slaughter it, butcher it by misusing it. No! Never. Creole, however, is the language of everyday use. You use it to make jokes, especially filthy ones. You use it to talk with can make mistakes. But French is the language of the educa ted. Among the French speakers, there was a clear consensus that French is the language of the educated and that Haitian Creole is a lower class that serves the nation as an informal means of communication. The non French speakers, however had a slightly different view of French and Haitian Creole. They seem to glorify French as a language of social mobility, but as the only means by which their current economic situation would change. Many of the non French speakers glorified French as the easy way to be it, I will succeed. Speaking French opens many opportunities for Haitians. If you speak French you can work in any department and any sec tion of Haiti. Anyone will higher you much in me, but I know that my children and my grandchildren can bring me out of my misery if they continue to work towards speakin g French. I never had the opportunity going to be the same with my offspring. Creole is the language of my country, but

PAGE 64

64 Almost every informant saw Creole as a means for daily communication. They were proud to have a language of their own regardless of whether they were monolingual or bilingual. The difference between French speaking informants and non French speaking informants wa s that the French speaking informants primarily saw French as a way of life. They used French to express themselves in a particular way and to show their status. Some used French to attract others; some used it to show intellectual ability, and some used i t to communicate with higher authorities. They all used it to accomplish a specific goal. The non French speakers, on the other hand, primarily saw French as a means for social mobility. Most of the monolingual informants stated that although they cannot s peak French, the acquisition of that language by family members or even themselves would lead to more opportunities for economic advancements. What L anguage D o Y ou U se F or O fficial B usiness? What L anguage D o Y ou U se M ost O ften? Every French speaker used the French language for official business and every non French speaker used Haitian Creole for official business. All 23 informants, however, stated that they used Haitian Creole the most throughout their day. Informant 6 stated, That is our language, made just for the Haitian people. Of course we speak it more and Hai tian Creole as the language of the masses. Many informants, in fact, responded to this question as if it were poorly written or conceived. When the researcher asked informant 6 if the question irritated her, she responded that it was just a silly question.

PAGE 65

65 The researcher noted that perhaps she was offended because this question only has one possible outcome for her because she is monolingual. The responses for this question are recorded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 5. What R ole D oes English P lay in 21 st C entury Haiti? Informants had generally the same response to this question with slight variations. They all agreed that English is impacting Haiti more and more in commerce and business; however, French is currentl y the language of power. French speakers such as informant 2, were convinced that French would continue to maintain its power for the upcoming years; however, English would come to its level within the next 50 years. Non French speakers all saw French as t he current language of power, but English as the language that would dominate French within the upco ming years. Informant 18 said: English will soon triumph over French. Just look at this system. We share this side of the world with the United States; they are the most powerful country in our region. Just as the French came in with their language, the Americans will be sure to install their language in our country. Not only that, but look at commerce. All powerful business transactions are done in English. Some are done in Spanish, but Brazil, Colombia and Venezuela all trade with the United Stats in English. English is the new language of this however, the n on French speakers seem to believe its power is going to be seen much sooner than the French speakers believed. This is very telling, because it suggests the power struggle between monolingual and bilingual Haitians. Monolinguals would be

PAGE 66

66 more open to havi ng another language become the language of prestige, because they are not currently advantageously positioned in the linguistic situation of Haiti, whereas the French speakers seemed to be more resistant, perhaps because they are positioned advantageously already. English may be more of a threat to them. Have Y ou E ver B een a V ictim of L inguistic D iscrimination? Explain. Do Y ou S ee a L inguistic A partheid in Haiti? To W hat E xtent? Every informant noted that they had seen the linguistic apartheid in Haiti. No informant was alarmed by this concept. This supported the existence of a linguistic apartheid in Haiti. Every French speaking informant except for one stated that they had never been a victim of linguistic discrimination. The only French speaker who claimed to have been a victim was the only woman bilingual. She stated that it is not uncommon for monolinguals to classify her as an uppity bilingual because she speaks French. On se veral occasions she has been the object of ridicule because she speaks French. French speaker, which leads to much sarcasm at her expense. All non French speaking inform ants reported that they had been the subject of discrimination, all of the monolingual informan ts agreed that linguistic discrimination is not rare in Haiti. The researcher expected the differing views because of the daunting facts that surround linguist apartheid. The only notable surprise was the woman informant who stated that she had been the su bject of linguistic discrimination even though she spoke French fluently. Perhaps this discrimination is embedded in something more than just language, language and gender. Although speaking French

PAGE 67

67 assisted her in getting a job as a nurse, she was still th e object of discrimination. Because she spoke French, she would often be labeled a snob and treated as an outcast. If she had been a man, would she have received as much discrimination? This points back to the issue of gender in the linguistic apartheid in Haiti. The responses for this question are recorded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 6. Is Y our F amily B ilingual? What W ere Y ou R aised S peaking? Every informant except one noted that their family did not speak French fluently and they were raised speaking Creole. Informant 20, a politician, was the only informant who was raised speaking French in his home. The responses for this question are reco rded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 7. If God E rased Y our L inguistic M emory and A llowed Y ou to K now O nly O ne L anguage P erfectly, W hat W ould I t B e? Why? What W ould Y our S econd and T hird C hoices B e? Why? The following is a chart with the most common answers for French speakers and non French speakers. All 9 of the French speakers chose French as their first choice and English as their second choice. Ten non French speakers chose French as their first choic e, 3 chose Creole and 1 chose English. As a second choice, 6 chose Creole, 5 chose English, 3 chose French and one chose Spanish. These data show that among the French speaking informants, French is elevated as the most important language and English is th e second most important language. Among the non French speaking informants French is seen as the most important and then Creole is seen as the second most important language.

PAGE 68

68 These responses reveal that French is elevated as the most important language f or both monolingual and bilinguals. Although there are functional differences as seen in questions 5 and 8, if the informants had to speak one language they would chose French. When asked for the second most important language, the French speaking informan ts voted on English; however, the non French speaker voted on Creole. This demonstrated the devaluation of Haitian Creole for the bilinguals. This question also supported the notion of French being a marker of social status mobility for non French speakers This may be why they chose French as the top choice. The responses for this question are recorded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 2. If Y ou W ere A ble to C ho o se O nly O ne L anguage to P lace in H aitian S chools, W hat W ould it B e? Every French speaking informant stated that French must be in the school systems. Ten of the 14 non French speaking informants supported French being in the school system and the remaining 4 informants were indifferent towards French being in the Haitian E ducation system. These responses reaffirm values and perceptions of French and Haitian Creole. They show that although most of the informants are unable to speak French fluently, French is truly a language of power in the Haitian society. It also support s the notion of of the high class, he will go far. I support French in schools b ecause this the only

PAGE 69

69 voted for French in the school system, which is explained by the logic of informant 22. mobility. The responses for this question are recorded in table format at the end of this chapter. It will be Table 4 8. Data Interpretation Interpretation In undertaking this study, the main goal was to understand the nature of the linguistic aparth eid in Haiti by investigating the differences between perceptions towards the French language among French speakers and non French speakers in Haiti. The results of the investigation were incredible. Through semi structured interviews held with 23 informan ts, this research was able to expose attitudes that oppose and support linguistic apartheid. Although all informants were aware of the linguistic apartheid, perceptions of it differed between the French speaking and non French speaking groups. This resear ch was also able to show a correlation between language use and class and gender. Through question 1, the research data indicated that there was a correlation between occupation and language acquisition, and gender and language acquisition. The more pres tigious occupations were those of French speakers. Interestingly enough, occupations that were held by both French speakers and non French speakers were significantly different as well. Although job titles were the same, the job description and salary betw een the French and non French speakers differed dramatically. French speakers held jobs that lead to higher class stratification and non French speakers were on the lower end of the spectrum. This research also indicated that women were less likely to spea k French, which meant that they were automatically at the lowest spectrum

PAGE 70

70 of the class stratification. These results revealed a deeper level of the linguistic apartheid that effects gender. The data collected from questions 2 through 3 indicated that French speakers and non French speakers interpret history in slightly different ways. French speakers saw the French as a paternal figures that gave Haiti a sense of culture and identity, whereas non French speakers saw the French as brutal murderers who had be removed. These differing views continue to show the schism between the French speaking and non French speaking communities in Haiti. While the French speaking ore accepting of the colonization that Haiti went through, the non French speaking informants were more resistant to the idea of colonization. The data collected from questions 4 through 15 indicated that the linguistic apartheid is perceived differently amongst the French and non French speaking informants. While both communities affirmed that there was a linguistic apartheid in Haiti, they viewed the structure differently. French speakers saw French as a vital part of the Haitian community, and even a n ecessity, a way of life even though it is the vehicle used to separate monolinguals and bilinguals. Non French speaking informants saw French as the vehicle for linguistic segregation; however, they were not resistant to the segregation, because they were hopeful that their current economic state could be reversed by acquisition of the language. This observation is critical in understanding the linguistic apartheid because it demonstrates that while French speakers support the linguistic apartheid through t heir perception, non French speakers also support the linguistic apartheid through their glorification of the language and desire to see the acquisition of the language change their economic situation. This research data

PAGE 71

7 1 indicates that non French speakers fight against the apparent effects of the linguistic apartheid (discrimination), but they condone the structural existence of it (e.g. being in schools). This research serves as an exploratory and preliminary research. It supports the claims made by perv ious scholars such as Dejan and Degraff and it illuminates intricate aspects of the linguistic apartheid such as gender inequalities. This research will allow the researcher and other researchers to create more pointed questions in regards to the linguisti c apartheid. The interesting insight will lead to even greater research on language in Haiti. Limitations & Further Research Limitations Although this research was informative there were many limitations. Firstly, because of financial and time limits, on ly 23 informants were interviewed. In order to be a more effective sample, there should have been at least 25 interviews. This research was effective in yielding important data; however, more informants would have yielded even richer data. In the case that this research can be expanded, the researcher should aim to interview more informants. This will insure that there is a better representation of French speaking and non French speaking informants. Next, this interview was limited to only residents in Ca p Haitian, Haiti. One could argue that the reach of this research was not broad enough. The different cities in Haiti are very different. Therefore, the farmers that you meet in Bois de Lance, a small neighboring village, can very easily be different than farmers you would meet in farming villages in Port au Prince. Although this research effectively reached individuals who

PAGE 72

72 were demographically different, there was little geographic variation. For the integrity of the data, geographic variation could have m ade this research more rigorous. Finally, this research may have been limited because it was conducted in Creole. The fact that the researcher administered the questionnaire in Creole as opposed to French may have swayed informants to think a certain way Because the researcher is not fluent in French she was restricted to using only Haitian Creole. This limited the researcher from being able to extract rich information from informants such as subtle behavior, code switching and inaccurately self reported French skills. Also, the research was translated from Creole to English, which proved to be difficult Many metaphors and sayings were not easily translated into English from Creole. Because Creole can be a very emphatic language, much of the passion and emphasis was also lost throughout the translation process Although there were other limitations throughout the research process such as limited funding and translating responses, the researcher handled the limitations as best as she could. Because the f indings in this research are consistent with earlier research this research is able to contribute to the greater body of research that exist already. Further Research This research revealed new and deeper dimensions of linguistic apartheid; however, ther e is still much to be researched. Further research should focus on unearthing more perceptions of language within the Haitian society. Specifically, it should look at non that non French sp eakers experience the effects of the linguistic apartheid; however, at the same time, they support some aspects of it. Further research should also explore

PAGE 73

73 the correlation between gender and bilingualism. These two topics would increase the potency of thi s research tenfold. Because this research was brief and exploratory it was not full fledged with full participant observation. Future research should include an ethnographic approach that uses participant observation in the interpretation of the research. It is advised that the researcher or other future researchers become fluent in French as well as Haitian Creole in order to maximize the depth of the information received from informants.

PAGE 74

74 Table 4 1. Location of interviews Informant Occupation (Primary) Location I 1 Student School I 2 Student School I 3 Business man Business I 4 Student School I 5 Student School I 6 Receptionist Business I 7 Vendor Business I 8 Farmer Home I 9 Farmer Home I 10 Police Officer Police Station I 11 Office Manager Office I 12 Educator Church I 13 Nurse Office I 14 Police Officer Police Station I 15 Translator Police Station I 16 Educator School I 17 Lawyer School I 18 Pastor Church I 19 Business man Business I 20 Politician Office I 21 Vendor Business I 22 Vendor Business I 23 Clerk Business

PAGE 75

75 Table 4 2. Informant demographics Informant Age Languages S poken (Fluently) Occupation (Primary) Marital Status Children I 1 20 29 Fr, Cr Student S N I 2 20 29 Fr, Cr Student S N I 3 20 29 Cr Business man M N I 4 20 29 Cr Student M Y I 5 20 29 Cr Student S N I 6 20 29 Cr Receptionist M Y I 7 30 39 Cr Vendor M Y I 8 30 39 Cr Farmer M Y I 9 30 39 Cr Farmer M Y I 10 30 39 Cr Police Officer M N I 11 30 39 Cr Office Manager M Y I 12 30 39 Fr, Cr Educator M Y I 13 30 39 Fr, Cr Nurse M Y I 14 30 39 Fr, Cr Police Officer M Y I 15 30 39 Fr, Cr Translator M Y I 16 30 39 Cr Educator M Y I 17 40 49 Fr, Cr Lawyer M Y I 18 40 49 Cr Pastor M Y I 19 50 59 Fr, Cr Business man M Y I 20 50 59 Fr, Cr Politician M Y I 21 50 59 Cr Vendor M Y I 22 50 59 Cr Vendor M Y I 23 70 79 Cr Clerk M Y I=Informant Cr= Haitian Creole Fr=French M= Married S= Single Y= Yes N= No

PAGE 76

76 Table 4 3 1 st and 2 nd language choice Speaker 1st Choice 2nd Choice French French English non French French Creole Table 4 4. Is Haiti bilingual? Yes No French 8 0 Non French 8 6 Table 4 5. Official language of business French H.C French 8 0 Non French 0 14 Table 4 6. Victim of discrimination Yes No French 1 7 Non French 0 14 Table 4 7. Is your family bilingual Yes No French 1 7 Non French 0 14 Table 4 8. Language in schools French H.C French 8 0 Non French 10 4

PAGE 77

77 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION What is the true nature of man? To what extent and under what conditions does he develop his potential? Are all human races capable of rising to the same intellectual and moral level? (...)The Study of Man in his physical, intellectual, and moral dimensions as he is found in any of the different race which constitute the human species. All men are endowed with the same qualities and the same faults, without distinction of color or anatomical form. Antnor Firmin The Equality of the Human Races Equality The fight for equality has been written on the hearts of the suppressed since the beginning of time. From Toussaint Louverture to Martin Luther King to Nelson Mandela, human equality is something men and women have given their entire lives to achieving. Ma rtyrs such as Steve Biko valiantly fought for equality and lived life declaring the vitality of equality and freedom. This research on linguistic apartheid is not as explored as racial, gender and other social inequalities; however, it is just as pertinent and is intricately intertwined to all other forms of social inequalities. The goal of this study was to examine the differences between perceptions of the French language among French speakers and non French speakers in Haiti. By doing so, it has shown that the perceived cultural value, the perceived instrumental value and the p erceived life value of the French language vary depending on whether a person speaks French or not. In effect, this research has exposed attitudes that perpetuate and oppose the linguistic apartheid in Haiti. The data in this research has illuminated intri cate aspects of linguistic apartheid. This study and others like it are it are truly vital to the advancement of the nation of Haiti and humanity as a whole.

PAGE 78

78 The Future Although the fight has been long and hard, there is still hope for the linguistic sit uation in Haiti. Examples such as the Papiamentu primary and secondary schooling in Kolegio Erasmo have demonstrated that the expansion of first language education can be very beneficial for the education system of the host country The privately run schoo ls in Kolegio Erasmo were the first to implement the new Papiamentu curriculum in 1987 (Hebblethwaite 2012 : 270). Through this curriculum, students were experiencing positive psychological effects, high enrollment rates and higher rates of grade completio example of the benefits of employing Creole languages in educatio 2012 : 270). With regards to Haitian Creole, we can look at the Papiamentu example and be conf ident that Haitian Creole is capable of rising above the grips of its stunted and excluded past. The future of Haitian Creole appears to be bright. As mentioned throughout this research, there have been gains such as the Bernard Reform and intellectuals such as Trouillot using Creole as a vehicle for researching Haiti. One of the greatest gains has been the move to the IPN ,institut pdagogique national system of orth ography. Unlike other systems that embrace French like spelling, the IPN system eliminates most of the French patterns of spelling (Hebblethwaite 2012 : 284). Since its acceptance, the majority of major Creole literacy and scientific publicat ions after 1979 accept this official orthography. This gain shows that the battle to centralize Haitian Creole within Haitian society is advancing. The future of dismantling the linguistic apartheid looks bright and this research only further supports the advancement of this fight.

PAGE 79

79 LIST OF REFERENCES Accilien, Ccile, Jessica Adams, Elmide Mlance, and Ulrick Jean Pierre. Revolutionary Freedoms: A History of Survival, Strength and Imagination in Haiti Coconut Creek, FL: Caribbean Studies, 2006. Print A rthur, Charles, and J. Michael. Dash. A Haiti Anthology: Libte Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 1999. Print. Bayardelle, Eddy, and Yves Dejean. Ann Reflechi Sou Lang Nou Pale a S.l.: S.n., 1985. Print. Biko, Steve, and Robin Malan. The Essential Steve Biko Cape Town: D. Philip, 1997. Print. Biko, Steve, and Aelred Stubbs. I Write What I like New York: Harper & Row, 1979. Print. Brotz, Howard. The Politics of Sou th Africa: Democracy and Racial Diversity Oxford: Oxford UP, 1977. Print Chaudenson, Robert. ducation Et Langues: Franais, Croles, Langues Africaines Paris: L'Harmattan, 2006. Print Dejean, Yves. Ann Etidye Lang Nou an Ayiti: Demen Miyo, 1995. Print Dejean, Yves. "An Overview of the Language Situation in Haiti." International Journal o f the Sociology of Language 1993.102 (1993): 73 84. Print. Dejean, Yves. Yon lekl tt anba nan yon peyi tt anba. 2006. Print. Dubois, Laurent. Haiti: The Aftershocks of History New York: Metropolitan, 2012. Print. Essa, Saira, and Charles Pillai. Steve Biko: The Inquest: A Documentary Based on the Inquest Hearing into the Death in Detention of Steven Bantu Biko Johannesburg: Thorold's Africana Book, 1987. Print. Farm er, Paul, Abbey M. Gardner, Hoof Holstein Cassia Van Der, and Joia Mukherjee. Haiti after the Earthquake New York: PublicAffairs, 2011. Print. Firmin, Joseph Antnor. The Equa lity of the Human Races Urbana: University of Illinois, 2002. Print Garraway, Doris Lorraine. Tree of Liberty: Cultural Legacies of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World Charlottesville: University of Virginia, 2008. Print. Georgetown Website: http://pdba.georgetown.edu/Constitutions/Haiti/haiti1987.html

PAGE 80

80 Global Apartheid | The Nation." Global Apartheid | The Nation N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Feb. 2014. Girard, Philippe R. Haiti: The Tumultuous History -from Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken Natio n New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Print. Haiti Observer: http://www.haitiobserver.com/blog/language discrimination in haiti french vs haitian creole.html Harrison, Faye Venetia. Outsider Within: Reworking Anthropology in the Global Age Urbana: University of Illinois, 2008. Print. Hebblethwaite, Benjamin. French and underdeveloped Haitian Creole and development. John Benjamins Publishing Company. 20112. Print. Heinl, Robert Debs, and Nancy Gordon Heinl. Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492 1971 N.p.: n.p., n.d. Print. IHSI.HT: http://www.ihsi.ht/ Lefebvre, Claire. Creole Genesis and the Acquisition of Grammar: The Case of Haitian Creole Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1998. Print. Morgan, Marcyliena. Language and the Social Construction of Identity in Creole Situations. Los Angeles, CA: Center for Afro American Studies, UCLA, 1994. Print. Mngxitama, Andile, Amanda Alexander, and Nigel C. Gibson. Biko Lives!: Contesting the Legacies of Steve Biko New York: Palgrave Mac millan, 2008. Print. Nicholls, David. From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour and National Independence in Haiti N.p.: n.p., n.d. Print. Paquin, Lyonel. The Haitians, Class and Color Politics Brooklyn, N.Y. (1280 Flatbush Ave., Brooklyn 11226 ): Multi Type, 1983. Print. Price Mars, Jean. Joseph Antnor Firmin / Jean Price Mars Port au Prince?: Impr. Sminaire Adventiste, 1964. Print. Racine, Marie M. B. French and Creole Lexico semantic Conflicts: A Contribution to the Study of Languages in Conta ct in the Haitian Diglossic Situation N.p.: n.p., 1970. Print. Ridgeway, James. The Haiti Files: Decoding the Crisis Washington, DC: Essential /Azul Editions, 1994. Print.

PAGE 81

81 Ideology, Metalinguistics, and Orthographic Choice." American Ethnologist 21.1 (1994): 176 200. Print. Simmons McDonald, Hazel, Ian Robertson, and Pauline Christie. Exploring the Boundaries of Caribbean Creole Languages Kingston, Jamaica: UWIPress, 2006. Print. Spears, Arthur K., and Carole Berotte. Joseph. The Haitian Creole Language: History, Structure, Use, and Education Lanham: Lexington, 2010. Print. Trouillot, Michel Rolph. Haiti, State against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism New York: Monthly Review, 1990. Print. Trouillot, Michel Rolph. Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History. Boston, MA: Beacon, 1995. Print. Trouillot, Michel Rolph. Ti Dife Boule Sou Istwa Ayiti Port au Prince, Haiti: Edisyon KIK, Inivsite Karayib, 2012. Print. Winford, Donald. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2003. Print. Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apartheid_in_South_Africa Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soweto_uprising Yale: http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/fss_papers/2650/ Language choice, language use, language attitudes of the Haitian bilingual community

PAGE 82

82 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Bertrhude graduated from the University of Florida with a Master of Arts in Latin American Studies. Her focus was Development and Haiti. She was born in Haiti but moved to the US at the age of 8. In 2011 Bertrhude co founded a Gainesville based 501(c)3 Nonprofit called Projects for Haiti, Inc. (P4H). As CEO of P4H Ber is to see sustainable development and growth in Haiti. She is confident that she will be working with the Haitian people until her dying breath.