Changing Tendencies in French Gender Agreement

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Changing Tendencies in French Gender Agreement A Study of Inflectional Markers for Transgender Identity and Women in Professional Roles
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Gallant, Ryan E
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Master's ( M.A.)
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University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
French and Francophone Studies, Language, Literature and Culture
Committee Chair:
ANTES,THERESA A
Committee Co-Chair:
BLONDEAU,HELENE

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french -- linguistics -- transgender
Language, Literature and Culture -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
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French and Francophone Studies thesis, M.A.
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Abstract:
This thesis explores two main topics in the gender inflection of the French language, transgendered individuals and women in professional roles. This works seeks to understand which gender inflections speakers chose to use when referring to transgendered individuals. It also seeks to understand the ongoing process of the feminization of professional titles. After conducting a study with native French speakers, it has been found that speakers show a favorability for using masculine inflections when describing transgendered individuals. It has also been found that overall feminized form of professional titles are accepted. However, it has been found that not all feminized titles are accepted equally.
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by Ryan E Gallant.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2014.
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Adviser: ANTES,THERESA A.
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Co-adviser: BLONDEAU,HELENE.

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CHANGING TENDENCIES IN FRENCH GENDER AGREEMENT: A STUDY OF INFLECTIONAL MARKERS FOR TRANSGENDER IDENTITY AND WOMEN IN PROFESSIONAL ROLES By RYAN GALLANT A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR TH E DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014

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2014 Ryan Gallant

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To my mom

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my family, my professors, my cohort, and my friends for all their help and support while writing this thesis.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 7 LIST OF FIGURE S ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 10 2 LITE RATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 13 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 13 Social Gender ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 13 Two Areas of Inquiry: Transgender Issues and Women in Non traditional Professions -Changing Social Norms ................................ ................................ 14 The French Transgender Community ................................ ................................ ..... 14 Grammatical Gender ................................ ................................ ............................... 18 Morphology of French ................................ ................................ ............................. 21 Intersection of Social Gender and Language ................................ .......................... 23 Approach ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 24 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 25 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 25 Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 25 Rationale ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 26 Materials ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 28 Procedure ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 31 Analytical Process ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 31 4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF QUESTION OF TRANSGENDER INDIVIDUALS ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 33 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 33 ses to Task 1: Cloze completion ................................ .............. 33 ................................ .. 37 5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF THE FEMINIZATION OF TITLES .................... 46 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 46 .................... 46

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6 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 52 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 52 Conclusion of Results ................................ ................................ ............................. 52 Future Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 54 APPENDIX A S TUDY SHOWN TO PARTICIPANTS ................................ ................................ .... 56 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 64 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 66

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7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Levels of feminizations in nouns ................................ ................................ ......... 16 4 1 Participant responses Transgender male to female ................................ ......... 34 4 2 Participant responses Transgender female to male ................................ ......... 36 4 3 Agreement in Task 1 Transgender male to female transition .......................... 36 4 4 Agreement in Task 1 Transgende r female to male transition .......................... 37 4 5 Agreement in Task 2 Transgender male to female transition .......................... 38 4 6 Agreement in Task 2 Transgender female to male transition .......................... 39 4 7 Agreement in Task 2 Education ................................ ................................ ....... 40 4 8 Questions prompted by same photo female to male transition ........................ 42 4 9 Questions prompted by same photo male to female ................................ ....... 43 5 1 Female professional titles Global ................................ ................................ ..... 47 5 2 Feminine form of professional titles Ranking of acceptability .......................... 48 5 3 Le/la mdecin ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 49 5 4 Acteur/a ctrice ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 49 5 5 Le/la juge ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 50 5 6 Infirmier/Infirmire (photo of a male) ................................ ................................ ... 50

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8 LIST OF FIG URES Figure page 3 1 Example transgender question ................................ ................................ ........... 29 3 2 Example feminization of titles question ................................ ............................... 30 3 3 Example distractor question ................................ ................................ ............... 30 4 1 Example multiple choice question ................................ ................................ ...... 37 4 2 Example multiple choice question ................................ ................................ ...... 41 4 3 Example multiple choice question. ................................ ................................ ..... 41 4 4 Example test question ................................ ................................ ........................ 42 4 5 Example test question ................................ ................................ ........................ 43 4 6 Example test question ................................ ................................ ........................ 45 5 1 Example of feminization of titles question ................................ ........................... 46 5 2 Example of back formation ................................ ................................ ................. 50

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9 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requir ements for the Degree of Master of Arts CHANGING TENDENCIES IN FRENCH GENDER AGREEMENT: A STUDY OF INFLECTIONAL MARKERS FOR TRANSGENDER IDENTITY AND WOMEN IN PROFESSIONAL ROLES By Ryan Gallant May 2014 Chair: Theresa Antes Major: French and Francophone Studies This thesis explores two main topics in the gender inflection of the French language, transgender individuals and women in professional roles. It seeks to explore the changing usage of language, as caused by social changes in France. This work seeks to u nderstand which gender inflections speakers chose to use when referring to transgender individuals. It also seeks to understand the ongoing process of the feminization of professional titles. After conducting a study with native French speakers, it has b een found that speakers show a favorability for using masculine inflections when describing transgender individuals. It has also been found that feminized form s of professional titles are accepted overall however not all feminized titles are accepted equally.

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10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Issues relating to gender can play a major role in the use of language by its speakers. Speakers must often negotiate sociological and linguistic factors when considering gender and their use of language. These negotiati ons can very often be seen in the morphology of a language. The morphology of French prescribes certain rules which dictate linguistic forms. However, these forms do not always adequately facilitate the present sociological factors. For example, both a masculine and a (professeur) As new societal norms emerge, in this case towards the status of women, speakers attempt to negotiate these norms with linguistic use. Other times, speakers may be unsure of the proper grammatical gender t o employ without social context, such as direct instruction from the individual or previous linguistic forms used. Another emerging societal norm is th e acceptance of transgender individuals. These are individuals who chose to identity differently than the biologic sex they were assigned at birth. This is often regarded by society as transsexuality, cross dressing, etc. However, the key component here is that it is the individuals themselves who decide their identity, be it male or female. In languages such as French, which are heavily morphologically inflected for gender, the increased prevalence and acceptance of transgender individuals in society w ill have important ramifications on pronoun and adjective use. Will speakers choose pronouns and adjectives according to an their choices, and which social factors (a ge, gender, level of education, etc.,) condition these choices?

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11 French professional titles have linguistically been gender inflected by traditional (juge) (mdecin) traditionally only have ma a feminine form. However, as societal norms have shifted and women have taken their respective replace in the modern world, some of these nouns have begun to accept feminine forms. For whi ch professional titles will speakers accept feminine forms? For which forms will they not accept feminine forms? What linguistic and societal factors may be behind these decisions? The feminization of titles has been a movement gaining much ground in man y Francophone countries such as France, Canada, and Belgium. According to Armstrong (2001), the fixed character of French titles is an injustice towards women. One hundred society, this is commonplace. This begs the question of why linguistic forms have not evolved as quickly as societal norms. Why should a female doctor still be referred to with a masculine noun in her professional title? This thesis will focus on two mai n factors concerning grammatical gender in French. One section, dealing with transgender individuals, will explore choices speakers must make when assigning gender. This section will examine the choice of pronouns, adjectives, etc. that these speakers ma ke when referring to transgender individuals. A second section, dealing with the feminization of titles, will explore the creation and adoption of new forms for female professional titles. This section will examine to what degree speakers have adopted fe minized forms of traditionally masculine nouns.

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12 Chapters 1 and 2 of this thesis will discuss the general concepts of French gender morphology and the gender issues being researched. This thesis will use an empirical study of Parisian speakers to examine t hese questions; details of the methodology employed in this study can be found in Chapter 3 and the results of this study and the discussion of their implications can be found in Chapter 4. As shown below, in regards to transgender individuals, speakers prefer to use masculine forms more often, regardless of how the individual self identifies. It will be shown below that there are a variety of factors that may affect these choices however such as prompts, gender information given, linguistic information given, etc. In regards to the feminization of professional titles, speakers prefer to use feminine forms. However, not all professional titles are accepted equally in their feminine forms. It will be shown below that some are acc epted categorically, while others are less accepted.

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13 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Overview This literature review will describe and elaborate upon the major sociological and linguistic areas researched in this thesis. While this thesis consists primarily of linguistic research, a brief sociological background in the areas of gender and transgender studies is necessary. Social Gender Gender plays a role in numerous areas of research. This thesis will focus on its role in language. It is first ne cessary to distinguish sex from gender. According to the characteristics that define men and women. Gender refers to the socially constructed roles, behaviors, activities and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women (2013). Colebrook demonstrates the differences between sex and gender as the comparison of two constructs of society, not accounts of the male and female body. (2004, p. 1). Wa rdhaugh further illustrates this distinction in stating that sex is used in connection with biological characteristics, while gender refers to cultural traits and behaviors (2010, 334). Barrett (2009, 250) introduces the terms indexicality and performativ ity when describing language and gender. Indexicality refers to the to change extending beyond language. Barrett argues that speech is often performative in nature a This study will focus on social gender ; in doing so, it will attempt to examine the extent to which speakers may also consider sex, physical appearance, and other contextual

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14 f actors when determining how to ascribe grammatical gender to pronouns, nouns and adjectives that describ e transgender individuals Two Areas of Inquiry : Transgender Issues and Women in Non traditional Professions -Changing Social Norms In addition to t he issue of gender, this research will also examine the issue of Transgender is an umbrella term for persons whose gender identity, gender expression, or behavior does not conform to that typically associated with the sex to which they were assigned at birth. Gender something else; gender expression refers to the way a person communicates gender identit y to others through behavior, clothing, hairstyles, voice, or body characteristics. An important point to notice in this definition is that it makes it clear that the issue of transgender is entirely based on self identification. An individual person is the only one with the ability to identify as transgender. Again, this can be contrasted to sex as sex can be biologically assigned by others such as medical communities and governmental institutions. Bailly underscores this point in stating that one of t he largest linguistic To my knowledge, there has not been much research regarding linguistic choices and transgender individuals. As society changes, however, and t ransgender individuals become more prevalent, speakers will be forced to make decisions concerning gender inflections, with biological sex or gender identity. The French Transgender Community France has a vibrant and active transgender community similar to those of other Western European countries. One of the most important social organizations for the transgender community in France is Centre LGBT Paris IdF. This is an organization

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15 which has existed for over 20 years and is located in Paris. According to their website (2014), this association organizes events and speeches, and disseminates information. Importantly, the center also helps its members deal with government agencies in cases of discrimination. Similar groups exist in other French cities, such as STS Support Transgenre Strasbourg. Legally, the French transgender community has gained several advancements in recent years. In 2010, being a transgender individual was officially removed from the 010). This was an important step as it made sexual reassignment surgery, hormone therapy, etc. available through government funded insurance. In 2012, the French government passed a law prohibiting discrimination against transgender individuals (Ford, 20 12). This was an important move because many transgender individuals were victims of harassment, with suicide rates among these individuals being extremely high. Through these government actions, it can be seen that social norms are evolving more and mor e to accept transgender individuals. The use of titles in French, especially those referring to women in professions and careers, constitutes an area where there is much variation in the Francophone world. The status of this linguistic feature is indeed v ery different in Quebec and Belgium when compared to that of France. The feminization of titles became a topic of importance in Quebec starting in the 1970 s, while it did not reach France seriously until the 1980 s. It was in 1993 that the first official recommendation was made to the Belgian government on this issue (Armstrong, Bauvois, Beeching, & Bruyninckx, 2001, p. 155).

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16 Traditional standard titles such un crivain un professeur and un auteur were no longer seen as sufficient. Armstrong et al. speak of linguistic sexism (2001, p. 153). Minister of the Rights of Women (Arms This movement led to the creation and spreading of the feminization of traditionally grammatically masculine words. An example of this new level of femin ization is shown below (Armstrong et al., 2001, p. 161). This table shows the varying degree of feminization that nouns can accept. As the level rises, so does the level of feminization. Level I (not shown) represents unalterable masculine nouns. Nouns in level III have already reached their maximum morphological potential, this is what distinguishes them from nouns in level IV. They have already used all of the morphological resources the language allows them to feminize (p. 163). Tab le 2 1 Levels o f feminizations in nouns Level II masculins Un auteur Le dput Le ministre Le metteur en scne III fminins usuels Une auteur La dput La metteur en scne IV picnes La ministre V fminins mergeantes Une auteure Une autrice La depute La metteure en scne La metteuse en scne France under the direction of Bernard Cerquiglini This was an influential publication as it described the history and the present state of the feminization of professional titles in

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17 the French language. It made recommendations on many linguistic areas in regards to this matter. For example, it recomm ended guidelines for the use of articles/determiners, feminine forms for words borrowed from other languages, etc. Very importantly, it provided a large list of nouns with their suggested feminine forms. It is notable that it took some 20 years longer for the French to publish a document than it did the government of Quebec. Dister and Moreau explore the feminization of titles in depth in their 2006 article. They studied t he titles given to female political candidates in two separate European elections (1989 and 2004) in Belgium and France. The results show that forms have become more prevalent even in the five years separating the elections (p. 28). The y attribute this t o the increasing role of women in politics. For example, Prime Minister government consisted of eight women larger than traditionally seen (p. 33). The researchers found that terms used categorically masculine in 1989, such as admin istrateur ministre and reprsentant were used in the feminine forms in between 50% to 100% of cases in 2004 (p. 35). They conclude that feminized forms are in progression because of changing social factors such as the role of women in the work place (p. 38). In their 2005 article, Itsuk o Fujimura also explored the feminization of titles as portrayed in the French press. The author explains some of the reasons for the varying degrees of success certain titles have in feminizing. For example, nouns referring to the realm of politics, suc h as juge are feminized more, while nouns referring to education and research, such as docteur are feminized less (p. 43). Fujimura explains these

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18 occurrences in stating that political titles are being scrutinized publicly and are susceptible to pressur es of political correctness. To explain the reason for the lesser usage of research related feminized titles, the author links these professions to a tradition of written and standard language (p. 47). This thesis examines a variety of gender issues in Fr ench in the 21 st century, Grammatical Gender Before discussing grammatical gender, it is relevant to discuss the idea of the linguistic sign. According to Leon and Bhatt (17, 2005), a linguistic sign is made up of two inseparable faces. These two sides are the signifier and the signified. The signifier represents the phonic component, i.e. the sequence of letters and phonemes. The signified represents the mental image that occurs from the word. The relation between the signifier and signified is arbitrary. There is no reason for a string of sounds to create a mental image of the word other than social convention. This is relative to this thesis because a similar conc ept can be connected to gender marked pronouns in French, for mental image of a stereotypical male. However, as changing societal norms progress, this created mental image, the signified, may also be changing. Importantly, grammatical gender will be examined, which differs from the notion of socially constructed gender described above. Grammatical gender is a linguistic characteristic that is an inherent category of a noun in gender inflected languages; in French, it is determined by the structure of the noun itself (Antes, 94). For example, the to use feminine articles, feminine inf lectional markers, etc. with this noun. Grammatical

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19 gender is, therefore, a matter of linguistics, and until fairly recently, it has been little affected by socially constructed gender norms. The French language marks all nouns for gender and, until rece le mdecin (the doctor), un vaccin (a vaccine), interaction between semantics and grammatical gender can cause confusion. The noun However, it is very poss ible that the doctor in this sentence is a women, yet until recently the noun was always marked in the masculine form. French speakers must now decide whether to allow feminine articles and adjectives with such nouns, to reflect changing social roles, or w hether to maintain long standing linguistic constraints. As such, when studying language and its interactions with gender, we must also look at changing cultural norms surrounding the language. In an article examining gender morphology in German, Jobin (2011) argues that constructive changes are governed by semantic factors. Jobin describes grammatical gender and its dominance by the noun phrase. The author remarks that if gender tical genders on a noun or adjective, is it possible that it can also have constructive effects. A key inherent masculine grammatical gender. However, when semantic info rmation is added to the sentence, in this case that the TV star is a woman, nouns that follow can be inflected in the feminine. This is shown with the example below (Jobin, 2011):

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20 (1) Der krebskanke TV Star und hire letzten Stunden. Det Masc cancer stick TV star[Masc] and POSS[fem] last hours. Der krebskanke TV Star und seine letzten Stunden. Det Masc cancer stick TV star[Masc] and POSS[Masc] last hours. urs. The author concludes that the development of gender agreement markers on adjectives from derivational morphology of semantic core criteria is possible (317). This article is a good comparison with the case of gender morphology in French examined in this research because semantic information informs the gender inflection used. For As discussed above in the section regarding German gender morphology, semantic information can play a significant role in the choice of gender inflection. Francis and Hester (2000) explore this topic more in their article. The researchers in this work studi ed telephone interactions between speakers. They asked participants to identify the sex of the person they were talking to based on the voice they heard. Participants in almost all cases were able to classify the voices as either masculine or feminine. Francis and Hester found that after this classification had been made, the participants modified their discourse. When they had decided the voice was masculine, the conservations tended to play out as an attempt to negotiate and conserve their opinions an d reverse others (221). However, when they had decided the voice was feminine, the conversations became orientated towards more confirmation and support (221). The study at hand in this thesis does not give vocal cues for participants to make their lingu istic decisions as in the aforementioned study by Francis and Hester but

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21 instead visual clues. Howev er, it is similar in that the participants must make decisions on gender and act accordingly with their use of language. The participants must take pragm atic social information (voices on a telephone/pictures of an individual) and then make language choices with that information Morphology of French The main linguistic subfield examined in this thesis will be morphology. Antes defines morphology as the study of the formation of the words of a language (p. 77). Two of the main fields of morphology are inflectional morphology and derivational morphology. This study focuses on referents that have an animated and human component, i.e. nouns and pronouns re ferring to real people. Inflectional morphology is about function, the essential meaning of the word is left unchanged; it merely serves to signal the function of the word in the sentence (Baker & Bobaljik, 2008, p. 1). Virtually all adjectives in French inflect to show gender. Examples of this are grand/grande, noir/noire, intelligent/intelligente, and heureux/heureuse. In the examples above, the adjective listed first is the masculine form and the second adjective is the feminine form. These adjective s will inflect depending upon the noun for man and woman in French are masculine and feminine respectively. Therefore, this same adjective must inflect to modify the noun with which it is being used. French uses many different morphophonological aspects to denote the difference between the two genders. Tamine (1981) gives an exhaustive list of all of these feminine of an adjective from the masculine form which phonetically creates the

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22 realization of a latent consonant (Tamine, 35). This can be seen in the pairs The combination of morphemes in French nouns and adjectives is what leads to the meanin chanteur chanteuse chanteuses (noun) (fem. noun) (plural noun) All nouns in French have an inherent grammatical g ender, as is common in many Indo European languages (Spencer, p. 10), either feminine or masculine. Spencer states this concept as follows: formally on the nouns themselves because they have lost their case inflections. As a result, gender in French serves simply to differentiate between arbitrarily defined groups of words, or lexical classes, with no other morphological reflex. (p. 10) Gender is determined by the structure of the noun a nd therefore the choice is not given to the speaker (Antes, p. 94). The only exceptions to this rule are epicene nouns, which have the same form for both the masculine and feminine forms (Antes, p. 95). Examples include un Belge/une Belge, un enfant/une enfant, and un dentiste/une dentiste. Another major subfield of morphology is derivational morphology. Derivational morphology deals with the process of affixation, the adding of suffixes, prefixes, infixes,

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23 etc. to roots to create new words (Spencer, p. 9). This is a common linguistic pattern for category (Spencer, p. 9). As state d above, nouns in French, having lost their case endings, use derivational morphology almost exclusively to determine gender. The important exception to this is in the use of professional titles which can accept inflection. This allows the language to ad female judge. Professional titles are discusse d in greater detail later in C hapter 2 Intersection of Social Gender and Language In her article Cheshire (2003) describes how social gender and li nguistics can intersect. Though her research looked at the English language, her main conclusion is social roles of men and women change, so the English language will ch ange, to keep to this research at hand. As women take a larger role in the workplace, the professional titles are shifting to compensate. However, this change is mo re complicated in French than in English because of the role of grammatical gender. All French nouns have an inherent grammatical gender ; this is not the case in English. Cheshire describes the case of the professional title air hostess/steward/flight at tendant (8). She found that gender neutral terms account for 84% of use. She states this is a clear case of successful language reform. However, such a result is more complicated in French due to the fact that it is a linguistic impossibility to have a truly gender neutral form.

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24 Approach This thesis will take a descriptive approach to linguistics. This can be contrasted with a prescriptive approach. This descriptive approach seeks to create a representation of how things are in the real world. This ca n be compared to a prescriptive approach which focuses on the norms of language (Paolillo, 2002, p. 3). Gadet (2007) defines four main strata of varation; diachronic variation, diatopic variation, diastratic variation, and diaphasic variation. Diachronic variation represents change over time. Diatopic variation represents geographic and regional change. Diastratic variation represents social diversity. Diaphasic variation represents situational or stylistic change. An example of diachronic variation w ould be the loss of the pass simple over time in French. An example of diatopic variation would be lexical differences between girlfriend) in Qubec but not in France. An example of diastratic variation would be language differences between social groups, such as between men and women. An example of diaphasic variation would be language differences in formal and info rmal formal written forms. This may play a role in the use of female professional titles. In everyday informal speech, a speaker may use a feminized professional title. However, in written formal speech, they may choose to use a more traditional form.

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25 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Introduction In order to answer the examine how 21 st century French is changing to reflect new social norms such as the presence and acceptance of transgender individuals and the evolving role of women in the workplace, the following research questions were developed: How do French speakers use language whe n describing transgender individuals? What subject pronouns, adjective agreements, noun agreements, etc. do they employ? How do French speakers employ professional titles when describing individuals? Do they use more traditional forms or do they use newl y created forms to mark the feminine? To what extent are speakers consistent in their choice of gender markers, when asked to describe a transgender individual or a women in a particular career? Can differences in gender marking be explained based on speak gender, educational level, or acquaintance with transgender individuals? Chapter 3 describes the methodology used to research the aforementioned questions. Participants For this study, the author traveled to Paris to collect data, using funds pro vided by an Atkin Grant, which was awarded by the University of Florida Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures. In Paris, he recruited a total of 53 participants matching the following criteria: participants had to be 18 years of age or older a t the time of the questionnaire and they had to be native French speakers. The majority of the participants were recruited through Dr. Franoise Gadet of Paris X Nanterre and her doctoral student Anas Moreno. This participant pool yielded 23 useable quest ionnaires. The author was also assisted by Emilia V., who responded to a post in an online

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26 community forum focusing on Paris ( http://www.reddit.com/r/paris ). The post explained the nature of the study and the need for research participants. Emilia V., a linguistics student at Paris VII Denis Diderot, responded to this post and offered her help, yielding an additional five useable questionnaires. Other participants were recruited through the website http://www.onvasortir.com a social meet up website which connects people of similar interests. The author contacted meet up leaders via email to offer services as a native speaker of English for English conversations in exchange for their participation, yielding 15 participants. Additional participants, outside of the three aforementioned pools, were solicited on the campus on Paris X and Parix VII; this yielded 10 additional completed questionnaires. Rationale Written, as opposed to oral tasks, were chosen for this researc h because they were more efficient from a data collection point of view, and also could be more easily quantified. More importantly, however, many gender agreements cannot be detected in their oral form, so written tasks were used to ensure the accuracy o f the analysis. The pictures used in the multiple choice section of the questionnaire allowed participants to combine their visual perception of the agent in the sentence with the written prompt and with the language forms given as options. For distract or questions, approximately 25% of the questionnaire, recognizable people were used as their gender identity is more than likely already known to the general public. For each multiple choice question, participants had the option of choosing both A and B as acceptable. This was done to account for the fact that speakers may at times accept more than one option for a given language form. When speaking of a female

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27 same lo gic, for each multiple choice question, participants had the option of choosing neither A nor B. This allowed for the insertion of ungrammatical options within the Great attention was placed upon en suring that no gender inflection was given in any instructions, headings, or questions. For example, in the first activity, the noun enfant (child) is used to describe the subject of the paragraphs. Enfant is an epicene noun, which means it can be either grammatically masculine or feminine. When used in conjunction with the definite article le or la because of French phonological rules, the article elides to become From without further context, it is impossible to determine the gram matical gender of the noun. Another example of attention given to not providing gender cues to participants is the use of the verb natre in the present tense in the multiple choice questions, instead of the past tense. In the past tense, the past partic iple of the verb would have to show gender agreement as is standard with intransitive verbs in French ( il est n vs. elle est n e ). Therefore, in order to avoid gender agreement, or the lack of gender agreement which still shows a choice of the masculine form, the verb was used in the present tense. The absence of gender markers in the sentences providing context forced participants to choose gender themselves rather than relying on the text to do it for them. The manner in which they resolved conflicts b etween biological gender and gender identity, and their consistency willingness to use innovative feminine forms will also be examined.

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28 The rationale for choosing parti cipants was based on their status as native speakers and having attained the age of majority. Excluding those two factors, participants were chosen primarily on the basis of convenience. Materials The questionnaire was developed by the author with the as sistance of Dr. Theresa Antes, as supervisor. The consent form was written using guidelines provided by the University of Florida Institutional Review Board. It was translated into French by the author. The accuracy of the translation was verified by a n ative speaker, Dr. Sami Mustapha. The questionnaire itself contained three distinct sections. The first task was a fill in the was on the subject of a male child who identified and dressed as a girl. The latter was on the subject of a female child who identified and dressed as a boy. (See Appendix X for complete tasks.) Participa nts were asked to complete each story by filling in missing pronouns, adjective inflections, past participle agreements, and so on, based on the first sentence. According to directions, they could also leave the blanks empty when appropriate. Special atten tion was given to ensure that the responses of the participants were not primed in any way by gender inflection in the first sentence. The second task in the study was a multiple choice activity containing 19 questions. Each question featured a photograph of a person depicting the intended agent of the test sentence provided, in an attempt to avoid influencing the responses of the participants. The grammatical gender was not provided in any of these test sentences in order to elicit genuine grammatical cho ices from participants. The target items involved adjectival and

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29 nominal gender agreement. The participants were given multiple choices of A through f the pictures depicted transgender individuals with a description stating their sex at birth and their current gender identity. Half of the test pictures were males at birth who currently identify and dress as women, while the other half were females at b irth who currently identify and dress as men. The photographs used for the test sentences were gathered from inter net stock photography. Figure 3 1 shows a representative test sentence involving gender questions related to transgender individuals: 1. A. Il est beau B. Elle est belle C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 3 1. Example transgender question In secondary test sentences, participants were shown pictures of in dividuals wearing clothing suggesting a particular profession (such as nurse or judge) in order to feminization of professional titles. Figure 3 2 illustrates a representative question involving feminization:

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30 5. ville. A. Le mdecin soigne les malades. B. La mdecin soigne les malades. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 3 2. Example feminization of titles question Approximately 25% of the questionnaire items were designed to distract participants from the research questions in order to conceal the goal of the study and thus avoid biased responses. These sentences focused on morphological is sues such as pronominal v erbs in the past tense. F igure 3 3 provi des a sample distractor : 7. Jean Reno a visit le coiffeur. A. Ses cheveux, il se les est brosss. B. Ses cheveux, il se les est bross. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 3 3. Example distractor question To conclude the study, a series of demographic information questions was asked of participants in order to categorize participants for sociological analysis. These colle cted in writing. The demographic information gathered from each participant

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31 included age, sex, level of education, and whether the participant personally knew any transgender individuals. The analysis of this demographic information will be further discuss ed in Chapter 5 A full copy of the questionnaire and consen t form is provided in Appendix A Full copies of both tasks can also be found in Appendix A. Procedure Regardless of the source pool from which the participants were drawn, the procedure for administering the tasks was the same. Participants were first asked to read the consent form and were provided with the opportunity to ask clarifying questions. They were then asked to sign and date the form to indicate their consent to participate in the study. It was made clear to the participants that their participation in the study was completely voluntary. Participants were offered a copy of their signed consent form for their records. In the event that the participants elected to continue with the st udy, they were then administered the aforementioned tasks. The participants were directed to read the instructions provided and to notify the author of any questions. Participants were asked to complete the tasks in one session; however, no time limit was imposed on the length of this session. All documents were provided in French. Once the tasks were completed, they were given unique alphabetic codes so that the identity of the participants would remain confidential. Analytical Process Every questionnaire was a given an alphabetic code to identify it. All the data were coded in a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet. The demographic data provided by the participants was used for statistical analysis.

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32 For the fill in the nses were coded for every blank. The code for this section is as follows; 1 masculine agreement or pronoun, 2 feminine agreement or pronoun. For the multiple choice activity, every question was given an alphabetic code. Every answer was coded 1, 2, 3, or 4 mirroring the possible choices A, B, C, or D. The few cases of blank or unclear responses were omitted. Six questionnaires were excluded from the analysis after they had been collected. This occurred for two reasons; either too many test q uestions were left blank (over 90% of the test questions on a single questionnaire) or had multiple answers given (over 50% of the test questions were given multiple answers on a single questionnaire) or the questionnaires were not signed and dated appropr iately. The Microsoft Excel spreadsheet was imported into IBM SPSS, a statistical analysis software program, for further descriptive and inferential statistical analysis and study.

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33 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF QUESTION OF TRANSGENDER INDIVIDUALS Overview Chapter 4 will provide the results of the study of the research questions involving transgender individuals. Discussion of these results will follow. Participants were asked to complete two tasks which tested the ways in which they used the French language to describe transgender individuals. The tasks studied morphological markers such as subjec t pronouns, and adjectival and past participle agreements. The tasks contained an even number of questions involving male to female and female to male transgender transitions. Results from the two tasks suggest that participants responded differently dep biological sex and gender identity or whether they also had other contextual cues (physical appearance, for example) to consider. responses to Task 1: Cloze complet ion The following tables show the results from the study conducted as d escribed in Chapter 3 Several examples are shown where relevant to t heir corresponding tables. Where relevant, results of statistical analyses (two ta iled independent sample t test s ) are also reported. he first section of Chapter 4 include the combination of male to female and female to male transgender individuals. On Task 1, participants were asked to complete two cloze paragraphs concerning transgend er children: the first a male to female transgender, and the second a female to male transgender. Participants had to supply subject pronouns and

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34 adjective and past participle agreements as they deemed necessary based on the prompt: st n _____ _________ est trs intelligent_____, sociable, et grand_____. (See Appendix A for full texts from all tasks.) Table 4 1 shows the occurrences of the choice of agreement on the first fill in the blank on the first task of the questionnaire ( n __), which prompted participants to respond to a transgender male to female transition. This was the first blank participants were asked to fill in on the first paragraph of the task. The masculine form was chosen i n 100% of cases. Also shown are the occurrences of the choice of agreement for the first item appearing after gender identity information about the child described in the sent ence). The masculine form was chosen in 96.2% of cases and the feminine form was chosen in 3.8% of cases. In their inflections of adjectives and pronouns that followed, participants maintained the gender that they selected for the pronoun at the beginning of this second sentence overall. This can be seen in Table 4.5 which follows. Table 4 1 Participant responses Transgender male to female Masculine form Feminine form N Number of responses 53 0 % of total responses 100 0 First pronoun Number of responses 51 2 % of total responses 96.2 3.8 Thus, in this first cloze paragraph, despite being told that the child in question identified as a girl, the large majority of participants began the paragraph with masculine

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35 agreement on the past participle n; continued with a masculine pronoun ( il ) and subsequent masculine markers on nouns and adjectives. Fewer than 4% of participants recognized the gender identity of the child and changed to feminine agreement. Those who d id so maintained this feminine agreement qu ite consistently, however (see T able 4 3 and discussion, below). Table 4 2 shows the occurrences of the choice of agreement in the second paragraph of this first task ( n__ entifie comme garon ) which prompted participants to respond to a transgender female to male transition. Results for this paragraph differ notably from the first paragraph. In the first blank, the masculine form was chosen following n in 88.6% of cases while the feminine form was selected in 11.4% of cases. Once gender identity information about the child described in the paragraph was included, however, the feminine form was maintained in only 71.7% of cases while the masculine was chosen in 28.3% o f cases It appears that for this question, unlike the preceding one, participants had a more presented, or with gender identity. In contrast to the first paragraph, participants were less consistent in subsequent gender markings throughout the paragraph, however. While a majority apparently chose biological gender as the determining factor, the difference was less categorical than i n the first paragraph. Overall throughout the second paragraph, p articipants chose the masculine form in 45.4% of cases. Since these were the first blanks in a new line of questioning, it is possible that participants were primed by the word enfant Al though enfant is an epicene noun, participants may have decided to use the masculine as the default.

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36 Another explanation is that the word n came before any gender identity information was given about the child the paragraph describes. Since there was a lack of gender information, participants may have decided to use the masculine as the default. This is supported by T able 4 2, which shows that after in the second paragraph, in the vast majority of cases, participants switched to feminine forms in the paragraph even though it describ es a female to male transition. I would suggest that the participants were primed by the information given in the first sentence In this second paragraph, a larger percentage of participants do appear to recognize the gender identity of the child, and choose masculine markers, compared to the percentage using feminine markers in the first paragraph, however. Reasons for these differences will be discussed in the Chapter 5 Table 4 2. Participant responses Transgender female to male Masculine form Feminine form N Number of responses 47 6 % of total responses 88.6 11.4 First pronoun Number of responses 15 38 % of total responses 28.3 71.7 Table 4 3 shows the overall responses concerning the choice of agreement on questions which involved a transgender male to female transition, for Task 1. The masculine form was chosen in 94.1% of cases and the feminine form was chosen in 5.9% of cases. Table 4 3. Agreement in Task 1 Transgender male to female transition Masculine form Feminine form Number of occurrences 336 21 % of total occurrences 94.1 5.9

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37 Table 4 4 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of agreement on questions which involved a transgender female to male transition, for Task 1. The masculine form was chosen in 45.4% of cases and the feminine form was chosen in 54.6% of cases. These difference s will be discussed in Chapter 6. Table 4 4. Agreement in Task 1 Transgender female to male transition Masculine form Feminine form Number of occurrences 163 196 % of total occurrences 45.4 54.6 questions Task 2 asked participants to read sentences involving a photo prompt. Participants were then asked to choose one of four multiple choice options following the prompt to describe the transgender person: 1. femme. A. Il est beau B. Elle est belle C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 4 1. Example multiple choice question At first glance, these questions appear relatively straight forward, asking participants to choose g rammatical gender for pronouns, adjectives, nouns and past participles (based on either sex or gender identity) and to choose a response accordingly. Participant

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38 responses indicate that the process was anything but simple, however, and may have been influe nced by the photo included or the grammar point in question. Table 4 5 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of agreement on questions which involved a transgender male to female transition, for Task 2. In questions where there were no discrepancies between subject pronoun and adjective or past participle (see the discussion of question 4, below), the masculine was chosen in 27.2 % of cases, the feminine form was chosen in 27.8 % of cases both forms were chosen in 18.1 % of cases, and neither form was chosen in 26.9 % of cases. It would appear, then, that participants were rather evenly split between describing male to female transgender individuals with either a masculine or a feminine marked adjective / pronoun / past participle, in direct contrast to their strong preference for masculine forms on Task 1. Table 4 5. Agreement in Task 2 Transgender male to female transition Masculine Feminine Both Neither # of occurrences 87 89 58 86 % of occurrences 27.2 27.8 18.1 26.0 Table 4 6 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of agreement on questions which involved a transgender female to male transition for Task 2. The masculine was chosen in 35.8 % of cases, the feminine form was chosen in 25.8 % of cases both forms were chosen in 19.5 % of cases, and neither form was chosen in 18.8 % of cases. In these cases, again considering only those questions where there was no discrepancy between the subject pronoun and a later gender marked form (see

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39 the discussion of question 8, be low), there is a slight preference for the masculine forms. Also of interest in both Table 4 5 and 4 6 are the relatively high percentage of participants (26% and 18.8%, respectively) who indicated that neither A nor B were acceptable responses. One can o nly wonder here if participants were reacting to the message, rather than to the linguistic form. Table 4 6. Agreement in Task 2 Transgender female to male transition Masculine Feminine Both Neither # of occurrences 57 41 31 30 % of occurrences 35.8 25.8 19.5 18.8 From T ables 4 3 and 4 4 it is shown that masculine forms were chosen in 94.1% of cases for a male to female transition in Task 1. However, in cases involving a female to male transition, masculine forms were chosen in 45.4% of cases. This shows that there is not an even tende ncy to choose either the biological sex of the subject or the gender identity of the subject. It seems participants are first primed by the sex of the individual. However, as the participants continue through the study and move away from the initial gend masculine. In Task 2, as shown from T ables 4 5 and 4 6 it is shown that participants chose the masculi ne form less frequently, 27.2 % and 35.8 % respectively. However, in this task parti cipants had the option of selecting both forms as acceptable or neither form as acceptable. For male to female transitions in Task 2, both forms were chosen in 16.9 % of cases and neither form was chosen in 34.6 % of cases. For female to male transitions i n Task 2 both forms were chosen in 19.5 % of cases and neither form was

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40 chosen in 18.8 % of cases. This suggests that as speakers are faced with decisions about actual individuals that they can see, they appear to become more ambivalent about the forms tha t they will use. This can be seen in the high rate of choice in the I suggest two possible explanation s for this finding. Participants may be unsure of how to handle situations involving transgender individuals. This could lead to the rather large variation in re sults between different photographs Participants may also chose the masculine over the feminine because it is unmarked form and does not require them to add supplementary information. When these results were tested in taking account for social factors, no statistical significance was found. However, the effect of education nears significance (p= 0.09). These resu lts are shown below in Table 4 7 Table 4 7. Agreement in Task 2 Education Bac Bac 2 Bac 3 Bac 4+ Masculine 32.5 24.1 27 Feminine 35 31.3 25 Both 5 19.3 20.4 Neither 27.5 25.3 27.6 p value 0.09 Df 6 A more qualitative examination of these data provides some suggestions as to what might have motivated 8 shows the results of two questions in the second task, questions #6 and #13. These two questions prompted participants with the same photo Question #6 asked participants to choose a subject pronoun and question #13 asked participants to make agreement between a transitive verb in the past tense and a preceding direct object which referred to the photo Figures 4 2 and 4 3 show these test questions.

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41 homme. B. Elle C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 4 2. Example multiple choice question homme. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 4 3. Example multiple choice question. The results for question #6 (Figure 4 2) show that the masculine form was chosen in 13.2% of cases, the feminine form in 35.8% of cases, both forms were found acceptable in 30.2% of cases, and neither form was chosen in 20.8% of cases. The results for question #13 (Figure 4 3) show that the masc uline form was chosen in 35.3% of cases, the feminine form in 37.3% of cases, both forms were found acceptable in 13.7% of cases, and neither form was chosen in 13.7% o f cases (see Table 4 8 ) Thus, while the percentage of participants choosing the femini ne form did not change from question #6 to #13, the percentage choosing the masculine only (as opposed to both) increased from 13.2% in the #6 to 35.3% in #13. At first glance, it appears that these differences might be attributed to the fact that questio n #13 contains a more nuanced grammar

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42 point, a proceeding direct object with a transitive verb in the past tense, rather than simply choosing a subject pronoun as in question #6. Results for similar questions with other prompts suggest a different expl anat ion, however. Table 4 8 Questions prompted by same photo female to male transition Question #6 Question #13 Masc Fem Both Neither Masc Fem Both Neither Number of responses 7 19 16 11 18 19 7 7 % of responses 13.2 35.8 30.2 20.8 35.3 37.3 13.7 13.7 Table 4 8 shows the results of two questions in the second task, questions #4 and #12. These two questions prompted participants with the same picture, this time a male to female transgender. Figures 4 4 and 4 5 (below) show these test questions. Question #4 asked participants to choose a subject pronoun and question #12 asked participants to make agreement between a transitive verb in the past tense and a preceding direct object which referred to the picture. homme. A. Il est avocat. B. Elle est avocat. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 4 4. Example test question

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43 nait homme. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 4 5. Example test question The results for question #4 show that the masculine form was chosen in 45.3% of cases, the feminine form in 18.9% of cases, both forms were found acceptable in 15.1% of cases, and neither form was chosen in 20.7% of cases. The results for question #12 show that the masculine form was chosen in 47.1% of cases, the feminine form in 23.5% of cases, both forms were found acceptable in 13.7% of cases, and neither form was chosen in 15.7% of cases. Table 4 9 Questions prompted by same photo male to female Question #4 Question #12 Masc Fem Both Neither Masc Fem Both Neither Number of occurrences 24 10 8 11 24 12 7 8 % of occurrences 45.3 18.9 15.1 20.7 47.1 23.5 13.7 15.7 If we now compare question #12 to question #13, we can see that participants did not always respond in the same way to the same type of question. Both questions concern a female to male transgender individual, and both test past participle agreement with a preceding direct object. The masculine form was chosen by

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44 participants only 35.3% of the time in question #12, however, compared to 47.1% in #13. Clearly factors other than linguistic form are at play, as the introductory sentence was exactly the same, a nd the responses differed only in the verb chosen. It is posited such as these. The possibility that participant responses were influenced by the presences of the photos is further investigated through the use of two questions that presented a conflict in gender marking to participants. Two questions were created with one option that included a masculine subject pronoun followed by a feminine marked professional title (or vice versus). In taking a closer look at these individual questions, we can explore the results more in depth. Choice B for question #4 is ungrammatical from a prescriptive point of view, regardless of gender choice. However, this choice was still sel ected in 18.9% of indicates that roughly one description of the photo provided, perhaps indicative of their ambivalence toward gender markers to be used with transgender individuals even though this construction should be viewed as ungrammatical Further confirmation of this ambivalence can also be seen from test question #8, shown below in Figure 4 6. As previ ously seen, Figure 4 6 is s imilar in nature to Figure 4 5. Like F igure 4 5, Figure 4 6 perhaps shows an ambivalence to grammaticality and gender markers to be used with transgender in dividuals. This is the case because this construction should be viewed as

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45 ungrammatical, and yet some participants are still choosing to select this option in any case. nait femme. A. Elle est avocat. B. Elle est avocate. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 4 6. Example test question Again in this example, option A should be viewed as ungrammatical. Ho wever, it is still then, just under 30% of participants accept a response where there is a discrepancy between the gender of the initial subject pronoun and that of the noun following the how and when to make gender agreement for transgender individuals. To conclude the results on the research studying transgender individuals as the participants continued through the study and moved away from the initial gender informative noun, they returned to the unmarked form, the masculine. Also, this is consistent with the comparisons of exact photos used over multiple questions, it is n oteworthy to consider the effect the photos themselves and the choices given in individual test questions In the data shown in T ables 4 7 and 4 8 it is shown that two pairs of identical pictures elicited different results.

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46 CHAPTER 5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF THE FEMINIZATION OF TITLES Overview Chapter 5 will provide the results of the study of the research questions involving the feminization of professional titles. Discussion of these results will follow. Participants were asked to complete a task which tested the ways in which they used the French lan guage to describe feminine professional titles. The task explored morphological markers on these nouns and their accompanying articles. esponses to Task 2: Feminization of professional titles concerning gender markers used with transgender individuals, some questions in Task 2 also focused on professional titles. Participants were again presented with sentences including a photo prompt, and were then asked to choose from a series of sentences t hat followed. The sentences allowed for a variety of gender agreements; the point of interest was how gender would be marked for traditionally masculine or feminine nouns in French. For example, participants saw a prompt similar to the following: a con damn le criminel. A. Le juge est entr dans la salle. B. La juge est entre dans la salle. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 5 1. Example of feminization of titles question

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47 Table 5 1 shows participant responses concerning the ch oice of agreement on questions targeting the feminization of professional titles. The feminine form was chosen in 56.6% of cases and the masculine form was chosen in 30.8% of cases. Participants found both forms, feminine and masculine, to be acceptable in 8.1% of cases, while they found neither form acceptable in 4.4% of cases. Table 5 1 Female professional titles Global Masculine form Feminine form Both Neither Number of occurrences 49 90 13 7 % of occurrences 30.8 56.6 8.1 4.4 Overall, participants choose to use feminine forms for these professional titles in a majority of c ases : if we combine the 56.6% (option B) and 8.1% (option C), as shown in T able 5 1 participants accept the feminized forms of these titles 64.7% of the tim e However, some professional titles were viewed more acceptable in femin ine forms than others. Table 5 2 shows, from most acceptable to least acceptable, a listing of these professional titles. Participants found all of these titles acceptable in the m ajority of cases. However, actrice was found universally acceptable, in 100% of cases, by the participants. The masculine equivalent of actrice has a relatively more different form, acteur when compared to the masculine forms of la mdecin and la juge which are formed by changing the definite article. This is a possible explanation for their lower rates of acceptability. Also to be noted, actrice has been used for many decades, while other professional titles have entered the language much more recent ly. This may explain its consensus acceptability.

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48 Table 5 2. Feminine form of professional titles Ranking of acceptability Professional title % of occurrences actrice 100 la mdecin 70.6 la juge 54.7 It should be noted that options for female professional titles, other than those that the participants had to choose from, exist in the French language. For example with the noun mdecin the term femme mdecin exists. This may have played a role in the selection of certain choices when their preferred form was not given. Interestingly, these results do not reflect the findings of Fujimara (2005, 47) who found terms relating to doctors feminized less frequently than political terms such as juge Statist ical analysis showed that there was no significant difference in social stratifications in the results on the feminization of titles in regards to age, gender, education, etc. All social stratifications of the participants generally followed the same tren d as the overall results. Almost all categories favored the feminine form in the majority of cases. The only exception to this was participants with an education level of Baccalaurat of less, who chose feminine forms of the professional titles in 45% of cases. However, this result should not be taken as conclusive as there were a very low number of participants in this category, only seven. The followi ng T ables, 5 3 to 5 5, show the results for the feminization of certain professional titles in French. Table 5 6 shows the results for a case of masculine back formation. Despite an overall trend towards the feminization of professional titles, participants did not respond equally to all titles.

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49 Table 5 3 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of ag reement on mdecin la le was chosen in 15.7% of cases. Participants found both forms acc eptable in 11.8% of cases. Table 5 3 Le/la mdecin Masculine form Feminine form Both forms Neither form Number of occurrences 8 36 6 1 % of occurrences 15.7 70.6 11.8 0.2 Table 5 4 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of agreement on acteur actrice Table 5 4 Acteur/Actrice Masculine form Feminine form Both forms Neither form Number of occurrences 0 53 0 0 % of occurrences 0 100 0 0 Table 5 5 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of agreement on juge definite article form was chosen in 54.7% of cases and the masculine definite article form was chosen in 21.5% of cases. Both forms were chosen acceptable in 13.7% of cases. le/la juge

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50 Table 5 5 Le/la juge Masculine form Feminine form Both forms Neither form Number of occurrences 11 29 7 6 % of occurrences 21.5 54.7 13.7 11.7 However, back formation, the coining of a new word by taking an existing word and forming from it a morphologically more elementary word (Staskova, 2012), in this case from the feminine form to the masculine form, can occur. Table 5.6 shows the overall occurrences of the choice of agreement for the professional tit infirmire/infirmier This question was prompted with a photo of a male, as seen in the example below. The feminine form was chosen in 1.8% of cases and the masculine form was chosen in 94.1 % of cases. Both forms were chosen as acceptable in 3.9% o f cases. ville. C. Tous les deux, A et B Figure 5 2. Example of back formation Table 5 6 Infirmier/Infirmire (photo of a male) Masculine form Feminine form Both forms Neither form Number of occurrences 48 1 2 2 % of occurrences 94.1 1.8 3.9 3.9

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51 The results of the research performed on the feminization of titles in French is consistent with the research conducted by Jobin (2011) on gender morphology in German. In this work, Jobin showed that an inherently masculine noun can be inflected in the fe minine when semantic information is added to the sentence. This is the case of professional titles such as mdecin and juge inherently masculine nouns. However, when semantic information is added, in this case that the person these titles describe is fe male, the nouns are inflected in the feminine with the use of the feminine definite article, la From the results of this study, it has been shown that speakers are willing to adopt new forms of professional titles. Terms such as la mdecin and la juge wh ich would have been found unacceptable in the past are now being found acceptable in the majority of cases. As the changing social norms of the role of women in the work force continues to progress with time, it appears that language use in regards to pro fessional titles is also progressing. To conclude the results on the research studying the feminization of professional titles, participants favored using feminine forms in the majority of cases. Some titles, such as acteur / actrice were chosen solely in their feminine form, while other titles such as le / la mdecin and le / la juge were chosen in the feminine form in the majority of cases 70.6% and 54.7% respectively. Interestingly, a lower occurrence of feminine forms for juge over mdecin is c ontrary to the findings of Fujimura. This may be caused by several factors such as the individual photos themselves or the small sample size of the study.

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52 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION The research questions for this study were as follows: How do French speakers modify their language to describe transgender individuals? What subject pronouns, adjective agreements, etc. do they employ? How do French speakers describe women in professional roles? Do they use more traditional forms or do they use newly created forms to mark the feminine? gender, educational level, or acquaintance with transgender individuals? To what extent are speakers consistent in their choice of gender markers, when asked to describe a transgender individual or a woman in a particular career? Limitations There are several limitations that should be noted in this research. Firstly, the total number of participants in this study was only 53. Increasing t he number of participants could provide for more concrete results. Furthermore, certain social groupings, such as the level of education of the participants, included a small number of participants. Increasing the number of participants in these groups c ould lead to new findings. Furthermore, this study used speakers found mostly in Paris, France. Using speakers found in other Francophone regions, such as Canada or Belgium, could be useful in learning more about the research questions and exploring diat opic variation. This study used a written task based approach to collect data. Other forms of collecting data; such as oral interviews, free response questions, etc., could be useful in learning more about the research questions. Conclusion of Results The data presented here have shown that, overall, speakers of French prefer to use masculine morphological forms when describing transgender individuals.

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53 Comparisons between questions showing participants the exact same photos has also shown, however, tha t speakers are not always consistent in their choice of gender marker when referring to transgender individuals. It is possible that the physical appearance of the individual may cause participants to choose one gender over another, as responses to some ph otos were quite consistently the same. For others, response rates were much less consistent, suggesting that speakers make a decision on the spur of the moment, and may be swayed by other factors that have yet to be determined. Between Task 1 (verbal only ) and Task 2 (depiction of a photo), participants were much more consistent in Task 1. It appears that when presented with solely written information they tend to remain consistent in their choices. However, when presented with photos of actual individua ls, their responses vary more often. It has also been shown that when responding to questions concerning transgender individuals participants may default to the masculine in cases where no direct grammatical gender is shown, as in sentences with the epic ene noun enfant, before supplementary information is provided. Most sociological differences between the p articipants were found to make no significant different on the results. However, a difference approaching statistical significance was found between education levels when responding to questions concerning transgender individuals, although the small sample size of the study precludes any definite conclusions on this basis. It has also been shown that speakers of French prefer to use feminine forms when describing women in professional roles. Not all nouns are feminized to the same extent, however, with acceptability ranging from a categorical 100% for to a

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54 bare majority for la juge at 54.7%. Further research will be required to determine why a noun such as juge would be rejected to such a great extent. Are participants acting on linguistic or societal pressures in rejecting the feminine? Societally, a judge is a traditionally male profession, while an actress is categorically female. Linguist ically, actrice is a form reserved solely for females, while the noun juge may be masculine or feminine depending on the article attached, as shown in these results. I suggest that a combination of these forces is what leads to la juge not being as catego rically accepted as a female professional title such as actrice. From this study, we can see an overall trend in the French language in the 21 st century of increased acceptability of new social norms being represented in linguistic forms. Though the data suggest that speakers prefer to default to masculine forms, a sizeable number of speakers seem to respond to self identified gender identity and not biological sex when using linguistic forms regarding transgender individuals. I would interpret this as m eaning speakers are beginning to more concretely reflect changing social norms in their linguistic choices as the issue of transgender individuals becomes more mainstream. In the matter of the feminization of professional titles, the data suggest that a m ajority of speakers accept feminine forms on traditionally masculine nouns. Future Research The field of linguistics has not yet seriously studied language in use with transgender individuals. It would be possible to adapt the methodology used in this sec tion of this study cross linguistically to be used with other languages to explore how speakers of those languages describe transgender individuals. It would also be useful to conduct this study again after some time in order to gauge whether there is any

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55 diachronic variation. This would be especially useful as this topic deals with matters that are socially influenced, and social norms will continue to evolve in the years to come.

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56 APPENDIX A STUDY SHOWN TO PARTICIPANTS Consentement Eclair Titre du Protocol: e sicle Veuillez lire soigneusement ce document de consentement clair avant de dcider si vous participerez cette tude. Le but de cette tude : Il vous sera demand de procder la dmarche suivante: Premirement, on vous demandera de complter un sondage compos de deux sections. Ensuite, on vous demander a de remplir les vides dans un paragraphe. Dans la premire section, vous verrez une image suivie par des phrases qui la dcrivent. On de ces phrases. Dans la deuxime dmographique. 15 minutes Les risques et les avantages: Compensation: Confidentialit: Votre identit sera ga rde confidentielle en accordance avec les mesures prvues par la loi. Un numro de code sera assign vos informations personnelles. Votre nom ne Participation volontaire: Votre participation dans cette tude est absol pnalit si vous ne souhaitez pas participer cette tude. Votre droit de vous retirer de cette tude:

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57 Vous avez le droit de vous retirer tout moment de cette tude. Qui contacter si vous avez des questions: Ryan G allant, Candidat de matrise, Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures, 301 Pugh Hall, PO Box 115565, Gainesville, FL 32611 5565 USA, numro de tlphone 352 275 6590 Theresa Antes, PhD, Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures, 301 Pug h Hall, PO Box 115565, Gainesville, FL 32611 5565 USA, numro de tlphone 352 273 3767 Qui contacter au sujet de vos droits comme participant dans cette tude: IRB02 Office, Box 112250, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611 2250; numro de tlpho ne 352 392 0433. Consentement: Participant: ___________________________________________ Date: _________________ Chercheur: ___________________________________ Date: _________________

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58 Instructions: Ajoutez les pronoms et les accords ou ne rien ajouter, selon le cas. _____ trs intelligent_____, sociable, et grand_____. _________ est tudiant _____ une cole primaire. __________ veut tre mdecin_____ ou avocat_____. Je ______vois _________ est bavard_______, sociable, et petit_____. __________ est tudiant______ au lyce. ______ ____ veut tre crivain ______ou professeur______. Je ______vois chaque fois que je rends visite mon frre et sa femme. _________ sont n_____ le mme jour que moi, le 18 avril. Donc, nous partageons un anniversaire. Que lle concidence

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59 Partie I Instructions: Ci dessous, vous verrez des images et ensuite des phrases qui dcrivent semble le plus acceptable. 1. femme. A. Il est beau B. Elle est belle C. Tous les deux, A et B 2. a jou dans un nouveau film. A. Dans le film, il tait belle. B. Dans le film, il tait forte. C. Tous les deux, A et B D. 3. Catherine Deneuve est trs clbre. A. Elle est acteur. B. Elle est actrice. C. Tous les deux, A et B

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60 4. homme. A. Il est avocat. B. Elle est avocat. C. Tous les deux, A et B 5. ville. A. Le mdecin soigne les malades. B. La mdecin soigne les malades. C. Tous les deux, A et B 6. comme homme. C. Tous les deux, A et B 7. Jean Reno a visit le coiffeur. A. Ses cheveux, il se les est brosss. B. Ses cheveux, il se les est bross. C. Tous les deux, A et B

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61 8. femme. A. Elle est avocat. B. Elle est avocate. C. Tous les deux, A et B 9. femme. A. Il est belle. B. Elle est beau. C. Tous les deux, A et B 10. Franois Hollande a sign une nouvelle loi. A. On est content avec lui. B. On est contents avec lui. C. Tous les deux, A et B 11. ville. C. Tous les deux, A et B

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62 12. homme. vu hier soir. C. Tous les deux, A et B 13. comme homme. C. Tous les deux, A et B 16. Marion Cotillard est Cannes pour le festival de film. C. Tous les deux, A et B 17. femme. A. Il est professeur.

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63 B. Il est professeure. C. Tous les deux, A et B 18. Voici Jean Reno. C. Tous les deux, A et B 19. a condamn le criminel. A. La juge est entre dans la salle. B. Le juge est entre dans la salle. C. Tous les deux, A et B Questions dmographiques Quel ge avez vous ? ______________ Sexe: H F Et es vous mari? Oui Non Quel est votre niveau de scolarisation? _____________________________________________ Est ce que vous connaissez des transgenres ? Oui Non

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64 LIST OF REFERENCES American Psychological Association. (2014). Answers to your questions about transgender people, gender identity, and gender expression. Retrieved, 2013, from https://www.apa. org/topics/sexuality/transgender.aspx Antes, T. A. (2007). Analyse linguistique de la langue franaise New Haven: Yale University Press. Armstrong, N., Bauvois, C., Beeching, K., & Gadet, F. (2001). La langue franaise au fminin: Le sexe et le genre a ffectent ils la variation linguistique? Paris: Harmattan. Bailly, S. (2001). Identit sexuelle et communication. Franais Dans Le Monde, 78 86. Baker, & Bobaljik. (2002 2008). Introduction to morphology Barrett, R. (2009). Language and Identity in Drag Queen Performances. The New Sociolinguistics Reader (pp. 250 257). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Cerquiglini, B. (1999). Femme, j'cris ton nom...guide a la fminisation des noms de mtiers, titres, grades et fonctions. Retrieved, 2013, from http://www.ladocumen tationfrancaise.fr/var/storage/rapports publics/994001174/0000.pdf Cheshire, J. (2008). Still a gender biased language? English Today, 24 (1), 7 10. doi:10.1017/S0266078408000035 Colebrook, C. (2004). Gender Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. D ister, A., & Moreau, M. (2006). Dis moi comment tu fminises, je te dirai pour qui tu votes. les dnominations des candidates dans les lections europennes de 1989 et de 2004 en belgique et en france. Langage Et Socit, n 115 (1), 5 45. doi:10.3917/ls.1 15.0005 Ford, Z. (2012, July 16). France Passes Law Against Transgender Discrimination And Harassment. ThinkProgress RSS Retrieved March 23, 2014, from http://thinkprogress.org/lgbt/2012/07/16/5193 71/france passes law against transgender discrimination and harassment/ France: Transsexualism will no longer be classified as a mental illness in France. (n.d.). / News / Welcome to the ILGA Trans Secretariat / Trans / ilga Retrieved March 23, 2014, from http://trans.ilga.org/trans/welcome_to_the_ilga_trans_s ecretariat/news/france_trans sexualism_will_no_longer_be_classified_as_a_mental_illness_in_france

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65 Fujimura, I. (2005). La fminisation des noms de mtiers et des titres dans la presse franaise (1988 2001). Mots.Les Langages Du Politique, n 78 (2), 4 4. Gade t, F. (2007). La variation sociale en franais Paris: Ophrys. Jobin, B., Humanistisk samhllsvetenskapliga vetenskapsomrdet, Uppsala universitet, Tyska, Institutionen fr moderna sprk, & Sprkvetenskapliga fakulteten. (2011). Semantically driven change in German(ic) gender morphology. Folia Linguistica, 45 (2), 317 353. doi:10.1515/flin.2011.013 Jolle Tamine. (1981). Introduction la morphologie. L'Information Grammaticale, 10 (1), 37 39. Le Ce ntre Lesbien, Gai, Bi et Trans de Paris. (n.d.). Centre LGBT Paris le de France Retrieved March 23, 2014, from http://www.centrelgbtparis.org/ Leon, P., Bhatt, P. (2005). Structure du franais moderne (3rd ed.). Toronto: CSPI. Paolillo, J. C. (2002). Analyzing linguistic variation: Statistical models and methods Stanford, Calif: Center for the Study of Language and Information. Spencer, A. (1991). Morphological theory: An introduction to word structure in generative grammar Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwe ll. Staskova, N. (2012). English back formation in the 20th and the early 21st centuries. Linguistica Pragensia, 22 (2), 98 121. Stephen Hester, & David Francis. (2000). Le genre selon l'ethnomthodologie et l'analyse de conversation. Rseaux, 18 (103), 21 5 251. Tagliamonte, S. (2012). Variationist sociolinguistics: Change, observation, interpretation Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell. Wardhaugh, R. (2010). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (6th ed.). West Sussex: Wiley Blackwell. Wolrd Health Organization. (2014). What do we mean by "sex" and "gender"? Retrieved, 2013, from http://www.who.int/gender/whatisgender/en/

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66 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ryan Gallant is a graduate student in the Department of Language, Literatures, and Cultures with a major of French and Francophone Studies with a concentration in Linguistics. He received a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Florida in August 2010 with a major in French and Francophone Studies. He also received a Master of Arts degree from the University of Florida in May 2014 with a major in French and Francophone Studies.