Japanese and Brazilian Female Teachers' Directive/Compliance-Gaining Strategies


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Japanese and Brazilian Female Teachers' Directive/Compliance-Gaining Strategies A Language Socialization Perspective
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Nakamura, Mutsuo
University of Florida
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brazil -- classroom -- compliance -- directive -- discourse -- enculturation -- japan -- japanese -- portuguese -- schooling -- socialization -- teacher
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This is an ethnographic study of Japanese and Brazilian female teachers' directive and compliance-gaining strategies. With a language socialization approach, this study aims at illustrating female teachers' socializing practices performed in classrooms of one Japanese and one Brazilian elementary school, both located inJapan. First, it analyzes cross cultural differences in the use of directive speech acts performed by Japanese- and Brazilian Portuguese-speaking female teachers. Second, it sheds light on Japanese female teachers' directive and compliance-gaining strategies practiced in first grade mainstream classrooms with special focus on the interactional routines of aisatsu ("formal greeting") and happyoo("formal presentation"). Third, it illustrates Japanese and Brazilian female teacher's directive/compliance-gaining strategies performed in interaction with one non-conforming Brazilian pupil in the kokusai kyoshitsu ("international classroom") of the elementary school under scrutiny. The results of the present study demonstrate cultural differences between Japan and South America in regards to their attitudes towards authority and norms of group behavior. Specifically, the study illustrates one quantitative difference between the Japanese and the Brazilian female teachers' use of directive speech acts: Japanese teachers' requests versus Brazilian teacher's direct imperatives.Second, the study has discovered Japanese mainstream classroom teachers' directive/compliance-gaining strategies of kogoto ("small scoldings"), nagging, praising, and complimenting. Third, this research shed light on one Brazilian female teacher's use of direct imperatives and persuasive discourses in interaction with a non-conforming Brazilian pupil. In the end, the study provides recommendations for Japanese teachers who teach South American students in Japan and for researchers interested in elucidating issues of culture, power, socialization, and resistance by means of studying teacher-student interactions.
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by Mutsuo Nakamura.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2014.

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2 201 4 Mutsuo Nakamura


3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank Dr. Boxer for being a great mentor, supporting me during the process of writing this academic work I also thank Dr. Coady, Dr. Golombek, Dr. Lord, and Dr. McLaughlin for being on my committee. I thank Dr. LoCastro for the support she gave me in ma ny ways I would like to thank my UF friends who have supported me in th e process: Alejandro P., Amanda H. Ana Mara D., Antonio D., Antonio T., Asmeret M., Belle L ., Carolina G. David V., Dawn F., Elli S., Eugenio, P., Fabiola D., Jimmy H ., Juan C., Juan V., Machel M., Maria M., Martin M., Mnica A., Priyankoo S., Rosana R., Rui C. Yuko F. and many more friends I met in the Gatorland I thank my friends in Japan and in Mexico for their support: Cecilia A., Cristina Y., Edna T., Esteban G., Fukuhara san Irma san Izumi san Rosario P ., and other friends. I also thank my deceased Mexican and Japanese mentors: Franois L., Vctor F. and Tobita sensei I thank Hong L ing for accompanying me in the process of writing th is academic work Finally, I thank my parents for their support and understanding.


4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 3 LIST OF TA BLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 6 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 1 1 The Background of the Study ................................ ................................ .................. 1 1 Outline of the Theoretical Framework ................................ ................................ ..... 1 7 Statement of the Research Problem ................................ ................................ ....... 1 9 Definition of Terms ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 20 Significance of the Study ................................ ................................ ........................ 20 Persona l Motivation for the Study ................................ ................................ ........... 2 1 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 2 4 Cultural Norms of Behavior ................................ ................................ ..................... 2 4 The Theoretical Framework of LS ................................ ................................ ........... 30 Directives in LS Research ................................ ................................ ....................... 3 9 Directives in Pragmatics ................................ ................................ ......................... 4 5 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 5 2 Ethnography of Communication (EC) ................................ ................................ ..... 5 2 The Setting ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 5 3 Participan t Observation ................................ ................................ ........................... 60 ................................ ................................ ... 6 1 Data Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 6 2 Transcription ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 6 9 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 70 4 DIRECTIVE ROUTINES, STRATEGIES, AND SPEECH ACTS PERFORMED BY JAPANESE AND BRAZILIAN FEMALE TEACHERS ................................ ........ 7 7 Directive Routines ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 7 7 Directive Strategies ................................ ................................ ................................ 8 3 Directiv e Speech Acts ................................ ................................ ............................. 8 5 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 90


5 5 GAINING STRATEGIES IN MAINSTREAM CLASSROOMS ................................ ................. 9 4 Aisatsu (Formal Greeting) ................................ ................................ ....................... 9 5 Happyoo (Formal Presentation) ................................ ................................ ............ 1 0 4 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 1 1 1 6 DIRECTIVE/COMPLIANCE GAINING STRATEGIES IN THE INTERNATIONAL CLASSROOM ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 1 2 8 Background ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 1 2 8 Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 1 2 9 The Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 1 30 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 1 4 0 7 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 1 5 3 Jeitinho as Norm Avoiding/Norm Breaking Acts: Cultural Differences and Subjective Positions in Response to Hegemonic Classroom Practices ............. 1 5 3 S Perspective 1 5 8 Gaining Strategies: Directive Acts and Small Scoldings ................................ ................................ ................. 1 61 Directive/Complaince Gaining Strategies: The Use of Directives as Cultural Expressions of Trust and Human Closeness .................. 1 6 5 8 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 1 70 Practical Implications ................................ ................................ ............................ 1 72 Limitations and Future Research ................................ ................................ .......... 1 7 4 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 1 80 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 1 9 4


6 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Japanese directives in pragmatics ................................ ................................ ...... 50 2 2 Brazilian Portuguese directives in pragmatics ................................ .................... 5 1 3 1 Abbreviations used in Chapter 4 for word for word translations ......................... 7 3 3 2 Transcription symbols used in Chapters 5, 6, and 7 ................................ ........... 7 3 3 3 Interactional data transcribed and used for Chapter 4 ................................ ........ 7 4 3 4 Coding scheme for Chapter 4: Directive routines, strategy types, and act categories ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 7 5 4 1 Directive r outine categories and their occurences ................................ .............. 9 1 4 2 Distribution of the directive routine categories ................................ .................... 9 1 4 3 Occurrences of directi ve strategies ................................ ................................ .... 9 1 4 4 Results of c hi square test for Table 4 3 ................................ .............................. 9 1 4 5 Occurrences of directive strategies in instructing routines ................................ .. 9 1 4 6 Results of chi square test for Table 4 5 ................................ .............................. 9 2 4 7 Directive strategies employed in discipling routines ................................ ........... 9 2 4 8 Results of chi square test for Table 4 7 ................................ .............................. 9 2 4 9 Occurrences of the directive act types ................................ ................................ 9 2 4 10 Results of chi square test for Table 4 9 ................................ .............................. 9 2 4 11 Occurrences and distribution of directive acts in instructing routines ................. 9 2 4 12 Results of chi square test for Table 4 11 ................................ ............................ 9 3 4 13 Occurrences of the directive act types in disciplining routines ............................ 9 3 4 14 Results of chi square test for Table 4 13 ................................ ............................ 9 3


7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 5 1 Aisatsu in t eacher Kita third grade classroom [1.21.2010] ............................. 114 5 2 Aisatsu in t eacher Kawano [10.26.2009] ................................ ...... 115 5 3 Aisatsu in t eacher Hoshi [11.17.2009] ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 1 16 5 4 Aisatsu in t eacher Hoshi [11.17.2009] .... 1 17 5 5 Happyoo in t eacher Kita third grade math class [1.21.2010] .......................... 1 1 8 5 6 Happyoo in t eacher Kawano [10.5.20 09] .......................... 119 5 7 Henji (response to teacher) in t eacher Kawano [10.26.2009] ...... 1 20 5 8 Hannoo (reaction to peers) in t eacher Kawano [10.26.2009] ....... 1 22 5 9 Polite speakership in t eacher Kawano [10.26.2009] .................... 1 24 5 10 A class opening aisat s u event ................................ ................................ .......... 1 2 5 5 11 Teacher Kawano small scolding towards Masashi ................................ ......... 1 2 5 5 12 The first enactment of aisatsu ............................... 1 2 6 5 13 The second enactme nt of aisatsu .............................. 1 2 6 5 14 ................................ ................................ ................. 1 2 6 5 15 T he student appeared embarrassed, looking down at his artwork due to ................................ ................................ .................. 1 2 7 5 16 T he male student stayed quiet and looked at teacher K awano after being scolded by her ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 1 2 7 5 17 happyoo posture ................................ ................................ ........ 1 2 7 6 1 Teacher Honda attending to Adriano [11.25.2009] ................................ ........... 1 43 6 2 Teacher Suzuki student role [10.23.2009] ................................ ................................ ............................... 1 44 6 3 A student in A [12.17.2009] ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 1 45


8 6 4 Teacher Suzuk i att [10.23.2009] .......................... 1 46 6 5 The B razilian teacher rebuking Adriano [2.18.2010] ................................ ......... 1 48 6 6 The B razilian teacher persuading Adriano [2.18.2010] ................................ ..... 14 9 6 7 T eacher Sato persuading Adriano [2.18.2010] ................................ ................. 1 50 6 8 Teacher Sato [12.15.2009] ................................ ................. 1 50 6 9 Teacher Honda indulging Adriano [11.18.2009] ................................ ............... 1 51 6 10 attempt to hide his pencil to trick teacher Suzuki .............................. 1 51 6 1 1 Teacher Suzuki putting a worksheet and a pencil in front of Adriano ............... 1 51 6 1 2 The Brazilian teacher communicati ng with her face close to, and staring ................................ ................................ .................... 1 52 6 1 3 Teacher Sato ................................ ............................. 1 5 2 6 1 4 Teacher Honda bl owing ................................ .............. 1 5 2 7 1 Kogoto performed by the m language arts class [1.21.2010] ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 16 8 7 2 Kogoto performed by t eacher Kawano [10.26.2009] ................................ ...... 16 9


9 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy JAPANESE AND BRAZILI DIRECTIVE/COMPLIANCE GAINING STRATEGIES: A LANGUAGE SOCIALIZA TION PERSPECTIVE By Mutsuo Nakamura May 2014 Chair: Diana Boxer Majo r: Linguistics and compliance gaining strategies. With a language socialization approach, this study in classrooms of one Japanese and one Brazilian elementary school, both located in Japan. First, it analyzes crosscultural differences in the use of directive speech acts performed by Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese speaking female teachers. Second, it sheds light gaining strategies practiced in first grade mainstream classrooms with special focus on the interactional routines of aisatsu happyoo it illustrates gaining strategies performed in interaction with one non conforming Brazilian pupil in the kokusai kyoshitsu T he results of the present study demonstrate cultural differences between Japan and South America in regards to their attitudes towards authority and norms of group behavior. Specifically, the study illustrates one quantitative difference between the


10 Japane gaining strategies of kogoto persuasive discourses in interaction with a non conforming Brazilian pupil. In the end, th e study provides recommendations for Japanese teachers who teach South American students in Japan and for researchers interested in elucidating issues of culture, power, socialization, and resistance by means of studying teacher student interactions.


11 C HAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This dissertation is a report of an ethnographic study of directive and compliance gaining practices in Japanese and Brazilian elementary schools in Japan. 1 My research interest originated from a straightforward question: What cultural values and norms of behavior do teachers from distinct ethnolinguistic groups communicate in classrooms ? Based on this investigative interest, the study examines directive and c ompliance gaining strategies employed by Japanese and Brazilian female teachers The study was primarily based upon the direct observation of Japanese and Brazilian female teachers interacting with their pupils For this study, three types of classroom int eractional data were analyzed: ( 1) Brazilian teachers interacting with Brazilian children, ( 2) Japanese teachers in interaction with Brazilian and /or Peruvian children, and ( 3) Japanese teachers interacting with Japanese children. This first chapter of the dissertation presents the background and the theoretical framework of the study, the research problem, the definition of terms, significance of the study, and personal motivation for this research The Background of the Study The Nikkei South Americans in Japan A pproximate ly 12 6 0 00,000 Japanese native speakers reside in the world today ( Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications 20 13 ). It is characteristic that the great majority of the population is concentrated on the Japanese main is lands in the Far East 1 The 1990 revision of immigration law and the successive flux of Nikkei Brazilians led to the establishment of Brazilian schools in Japan.


12 Japanese society has been considered linguistically homogenous in comparison with other multilingu al and multicultural societies in the world F rom a historical viewpoint however, Japan was one of the countries that promoted e migra t ion overseas. In the late 19 th century it launched an internal policy aimed at building a modern nation state within the context of world imperialism. Due to this historical background, 2.6 million Japanese descendants called Nikkei or N ikkei jin reside abroad, with major concentration s in North and South America (The Association of Nikkei & Japanese Abroad, 2013). The South American Nikkei s immigration to Japan was trigger ed by the 1990 revised im migration control law that allowed the se descendants to work legally as temporal guest workers Th is policy change was motivated by domestic economic growth that experienced its peak in the 1980s and the early 1990s. The domestic industries of various sorts required large numbers of cheap and non skill ed laborers for the so K 3D in English). T h e 3K stands for kiken ( dangerous ), kitanai ( dirty ), and kitsui ( difficult ) (Linger, 2001; Tsuda, 200 3 ). Japanese society currently has a sizable number of im migrant and ethnolinguisti cally distinct groups In 20 11 for instance, approximate ly 2 0 00,000 foreigners resided in Japan; that is, 1. 5 % of the total population is non native Japanese. The official statistics show in 2011 that 6 74 879 Chinese, 545 401 Koreans, 210 032 Brazilians, 209 376 Filipinos, and 52 843 Peruvians were the five largest foreign populations ( The Ministry of Justice 20 13 ) As noted above, the presence of the Brazilian and Peruvian immigrants is outstanding ( third and fifth place s respectively). In


13 2009 Japan ha d approximate ly 3 37 ,000 Nikkeis and their families from South America ( Higuchi, 2011 ) At the moment, ethnographic data are limited and that renders it difficult to discern the detailed sociocultural and linguistic conditions of the South American Nikk ei diaspora in Japanese society. However, the overall trend is that since the mid 19 90s the y have become long term and/or permanent resident s, bringing their families or establishing families in the host society Therefore it is realistic to state that th e N ikkei population in Japan w ill remain or increase its size in the future Despite the economic growth experienced in the 80s and the early 90s, in the late 1990s Japan began to experience a constant economic recession The global financial crisis in 2007 caused the further downsizing of its economy. This global incident caused South Americans in Japan to go back to South America due to lack of employment opportunities Before the crisis, in 2006 there exist ed approxima tely 313,000 Brazilians and 59,000 Peruvians ( Ministry of Internal Affairs and C o mmunications 200 8 ). Despite the global incident as of 20 10, approximately 230,000 Brazilians and 54,000 Peruvians still remained in the country ( Ministry of Internal Affairs and C o mmunications 2011). School E ducation of Brazilian and Spanish Speaking South American C hildren in Japan In 2012 there were in Japan 24,700 Brazilian, 7236 Peruvian, and 1390 other Spanish speaking South American children and adolescents, 2 ranging in age from five to 15 (The Ministry of Justice, 2013). This means that approximately 33,000 South American children and youngsters were to receive primary and lower secondary 2 These Spanish speaking South Americans consist of 759 Bolivians, 295 Argentineans, 184 Colombians, and 152 Paraguayans.


14 education in Japan. Even though the actual number of South American stu dents enrolled in Japanese public schools is unavailable, in the same year, 2012, 11,742 of the South Americans out of 24,712 foreign students, enrolled in primary and lower secondary public schools of Japan needed support with learning Japanese for basic conversation and/or academic purposes ( Ministry of Educatio n 2013). Of this number, Brazilians were the majority with 8 484 (6,207 primary and 2,277 lower secondary students) and the rest, 3 258 (2,476 primary and 782 lower secondary students ), were Span ish speaking South Americans The refore, almost half of the foreign students who need support with learning Japanese and/or class subjects are South American stude n ts Aside from Japanese public schooling, Brazilians in Japan can choose Brazilian schoolin g via Brazilian private school s called Burajiru jin gakkou (literally, school(s) of Brazilian people ). A number of Brazilian private schools have been created so that Brazilian children/adolescents can prepare for the time they will return to Brazil and continue their schooling in Brazil (Kouchi, 2006, p. 60). In early 2000 t here were already 60 Brazilian private schools. Some of these were recognized by the J apanese government and/or accredited by the Brazilian M inistry of E ducation (MEC) and other s had no official status as schools (Imazu & Matsumoto, 2002; Ishikawa Eunice, 2004; Nomoto, 2005). In 2008, the number increased up to over 100 with 10,000 students (Mori, 2011). 3 Due to the downsizing of the domestic economy caused by the 2007 global financial crisis, i n 2011 the number of Brazilian schools 3 Sekiguchi (as cited in Kouchi 2006, p. 56) points out that in 2005 there were 8,000 students enrolled in Brazilian schools. Miyajima and Tsukidoi (2007) estimate that approximately 7,000, i.e., one fourth of over 30,00 0 South Americans between 7 to 12, were enrolled in Brazilian schools.


15 decreased to 72 (Ministry of Education, 2011 ). In 2011 26 Brazilian private schools were recognized by the Ja panese Ministry of Education as equivalent to Japanese secondary schools (Ministry of Education, 2011). In 2013 44 Brazilian private schools were recognized by the MEC (Embassy of Brazil in Tokyo, 2013). It is important to state that 23 of these schools w ere recognized by the m inistry of e ducation of both countries. Despite the practical needs of bilingual education for South American students in that can provide biling ual programs (Imazu & Matsumoto, 2002; Ishikawa Eunice, 2004; Nomoto, 2005). In Japanese public schools, on the one hand, no systematic support is being offered to help students cope with class subjects in their mother tongue (Ogawa, 2002). in secondary schools with South American and other immigrant students in need of assistance with learning Japanese and class subjects. Research studies point out that the pull out system 4 practi ced in these classrooms does not foster their learning of Japanese to meet academic demands (Imazu & Matsumoto, 2002; Ishikawa Eunice, 20 04; Nomoto, 2005; Ogawa, 2002). Brazilian (especially, secondary ) students tend to experience difficulties keeping pace with the academic demands and sometimes abandon school (Yamanouchi, 1999). It is important to mention here that the Japanese law requires its citizens to attend until ninth grade (lower secondary school); however, th is law does not appl y to foreign reside nts in the country Foreign parents are not required by Japanese domestic law to send their children to Japanese schools Due in part to this lack of the legal requirement many Brazilian 4 l anguage arts social studies, and mathematics (Ogawa, 2002, p. 4).


16 children and adolescents do not attend school. Sekiguchi (2005) calc ulates that in 2005 there were approximately 17,000 school age Brazilians who did not attend school Under such circumstance s i n 2010 the Ministry of Education of Japan launched a program to foster the integration of these children and adolescents into th e school education system. In 2011, 39 organizations provided classes in Japanese and in academic subjects for South American children and adolescents who were not attending school (International Organization for Migration, n.d.). T he existence of the Bra zilian private and the Japanese public schooling systems is unique to the Brazilian migrants in the Japanese context given the fact that no other Brazilian schools exist overseas (Ministry of Education of Brazil, n.d.). For instance, i n Hamamatsu city the site of this study, there were six Brazilian private schools in 201 0 The specific number of student enrollment was unknown, but a sizable number of Brazilian children and adolescents were enrolled at these Brazilian schools. The observations made by this research in Japanese and Brazilian schools indicate that many Brazilian children transfer from one educational system to the other. Due to the fluctuation in the global and domestic econom ies, the decisions Brazilian families have to make for their childr en s school education turns out to be a difficult matter. Given the historical the current trends of transnationalism, it is difficult for Brazilian Nikkei parents in Japan to choose one country either Brazil o r Japan, where they can settle down The choice for studying in one educational system implies differential experiences with language and culture, including the building of social and ethnic identities of their children. The s chool in the Japanese cont ext, is the key institution through which


17 children learn one language and one mainstream culture, gaining membership of one ethnolinguistic group. T eachers in each educational system, Japanese or Brazilian, play a relevant role as gatekeepers of cultural norms and commonsensical knowledge with respect to educating the children. The focus of the present study is teachers communicative practices in the process of enculturation of Brazilian and Spanish speaking South American children in Japan. O utline of the Theoretical Framework Language Socialization (LS) The theoretical framework of LS plays a relevant role in this research study because it is based on a detailed understanding of communicative practices and their sociocultural contexts. Within t his LS research framework, the present study aims at a detailed understanding of teachers as well as the sociocultural contexts of school education of immigrant children from South America in Japan whereby children and other novices are socialized through language . (Ochs, 1996 p. 408) LS is a field of cross cultural research that endeavors to understand socio cultural influences on communicative events and acts of humans who socialize and become socialized by, their group members through the use of language in a specific by moment and face to face interactions constitute an essential part of LS research The fundamental goal of LS is to understand through analyzing day to day mundane communicative practices, cultural continuity and change in an ethnolinguistic and/ or sociocultural group. The language involved in the socialization process is u sually the first language of the group


18 members. However, in this study, socialization through the second language is also involved. Socialization through the use of language and socialization to use language are the central theoretical concept s in the LS p aradigm. T he daily communicative practice play s an essential role in guiding novices to become members of their ethnolinguistic and/or sociocultural group. Becoming an insider implies obtaining membership within the community by sharing sets of knowledge a nd norms of behavior of the group This process according to the LS assumption, leads novices to develop communicative competence to speak and act in socially and culturally appropriate and legitimate ways. The Role of Language in Socializing Novices Within the LS paradigm, language both grammatical and discursive plays a crucial role because sociocultural knowledge is communicated, negotiated, reproduced or transformed through language in face to face interaction (Garrett & Baquedano Lopez, 2002). Here, indexicality allows children and other novices to understand subtle meanings conveyed in grammatical and/or discursive forms (Ochs, 1996). Indexicality dependency of natural language utterance 2001 p. 119) An indexical may infer sociocultural contexts such as time, space, social identity, social act/activity and/or affect ive or epistemic stance (Ochs, 1988). Indexical l competence and is an interface between language acquisition and socialization (Ochs, 1996). Interactional routines (Ochs, 1986; Peters & Boggs, 1986) are relevant speech events or activities through which indexicals are expressed, interpreted and negoti ated. LS research has studied interactional routines such as greetings, jokes, teasing, begging and clarification sequences (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). The major motive for


19 studying such routines is to understand how and to what extent their repetitivity and predictability guide novices to acquire culturally patterned interactions in which participant roles and obligations are created, reproduced and negotiated (Rymes, 1997). Children become competent members of their social groups through participation i n these and other routines in distinct social institutions (e.g. schools). T he LS perspective elucidate s t he socializing influence that adults exercise upon children while conveying sociocultural messages. For this process, language forms used in a spec ific speech context guide children to acquire a particular language and culture by internalizing and appropriating sets of feelings, emotions, thoughts, identities and social role s/ relationships that are legitimate to their group. This study views teacher s use of directive language as an indexical resource that provides sociocultural values and knowledge to the children so that they become schooled while also becoming members of an ethnolinguistic group be it Brazilian or be it Japanese Statement of the R esearch P roblem Th e present research focuses on two central questions: 1. What cultural values and norms of behavior do Japanese and Brazilian female teachers communicate in classrooms? 2. How do Japanese and Brazilian female teachers perform directives and other s ? Three sub questions are derived from the central questions: 1. What directive speech acts do these teachers perform in classrooms? Is there any difference between the J directive speech acts? 2. What cultural values and norms of behavior do these teachers communicate by means of their directives and other commutative resources? 3. What directive/compliance gaining strategies do these teachers perform to grapple with highly non conforming students?


20 Definition of Terms The terms used in the present dissertation are defined in the following ways: Cultural norms : Customary rules and assumptions that govern behavior in groups or soc ieties. C ultural norms elicit conformity from the members of the group. Compliance gaining: Communicative behavior in which teachers attempt to get students to do things or to comply. D irective acts : S peech acts through which teacher s attemp t to get stud ent s to perform some action. In this study, five directive act types were adopted from Koike (1992) : rder / command, assertion, suggestion, request, and hint. D irective strategy types : Two directive types, direct and indirect, compose the directive acts. T h e direct types are speech acts of either order/command or of assertion. Indirect types are speech acts of either suggestion, request, or hint. Directive routines: Directive language that teachers perform for certai n social purposes in classrooms. Directive routines tend to function to maintain c ultural norms social relationships, and commonsensical knowledge. Instructing routines: Directive speech acts/events that teachers employ for the purpose of teach i ng lesson content. Disciplining routines: Directive speech acts/events that teachers employ in reaction to their Significance of the Study The present research contributes to two subfields of Linguistics: Sociolinguistics and Applied Linguistics. Language s ocialization and T eacher l anguage are the areas of specific concentration corresponding to the respective subfields. This research is the first work that studies South American children s enculturation and schooling with in the Japanese context. This research contributes to the knowledge base of LS b y documenting Brazilian and Japanese teachers directive and compliance gaining practices and South Amer ican students in Japan. By aggregating ethnographic findings with the body of the LS theory, this case study contributes to the knowledge base of the linguistic sciences.


21 In addition to its theoretical contrib utions, the study makes practical contributio ns to the field of education in Japan. South American students need to acquire communicative competence in Japanese to order to meet the academic demands of Japanese schools. Japanese teachers in order to supp ort South American children in classroom learning need to be aware of e ffective instruction al language sensitive to crosscultural communication. The results of th is research study allow the Brazilian families and other South Americans to understand the socializing tendencies in Japanese schools With this information, South American parents can choose the appropriate educational institution to educate their children to become members of, at least, their preferred ethn olinguistic group in the era of trans nationalism. Personal Motivation for the Study My motivation for this research derived from a personal interest in bridging the cultural worlds of Japan and Latin America. Bridging the cultural worlds is neither a mechanic al nor a technical task. Language and culture based differences are conflict laden. An example of this is power relationships between the minority group and the host society s mainstream and the successive dilemma between fidelity to the minority group versus assimilation into mainstream c ulture. C rossing boundaries is a highly intricate matter that involves sociocultural dimensions such as nation, ethnicity, language and ideology that go beyond the scope commonly adopted by pragmatics and second language acquisition (SLA) research. 5 5 Rampton (1995 2005 ) work is an exception that goes beyond the scope commonly employed in SLA and pragmatics research. He studies codeswitching to Creole, Indian English, and Panjabi as practiced by you ng people in the U.K.: Anglo, Afro Caribbean, and Panjabi. His study dis cusses the sociolinguistics (including SLA), the political ideology, and the educational implications of the codeswitching phenomena.


22 My first encounter with Nikkei (i.e., foreign nationals with Japanese ancestry ) South Americans took place in the early 1990s. I started college in the Tokai region, as sizable numbers of Brazilian immigrants arrived in search of temporary work. During my four year undergraduate program, I had cultural exchanges with Nikkei Brazilians and Peruvians through a Latin American student club I belonged to. Moreover, I studied and learned Spanish and Portuguese motivated by my passion for world soccer. Upon conclu ding college I had the opportunity to do a masters in cultural anthropology in Mexico. My study was about indigenous language revitalization and the role of anthropology in this project. In 2004 I started a PhD program in linguistics in Florida. In 2008 I went back to the Tokai region to carry out my doctoral research. During my stay, I i nvol ved myself with local Brazilian communities through research ing and working in Japanese and Brazilian schools, voluntee ring at a local NGO providing educational supp ort for Brazilian children/adolescents an d their families. I n 2009 I started a four year undergraduate program offered by the Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso (UFMT) in the Tokai region. I graduated from it in 2013 with a teacher certificate. This progr am aimed at improving pedagogical practices of Brazilian teachers who were teaching in Brazilian schools in Japan. All of this involvement prepared me to look critically at the current school practices in Japan. My academic interest l ed to the present res earch that investigates socializing practices in classrooms in Japanese and Brazilian schools in Japan. In response to the current tendencies of globalization and transnationalism, Nikkei South American children and adolescents struggle to liv e in the cult ural worlds that are rul ed by multiple linguistic, institutional, and political realities. The school system as a modern institution


23 enhances and limits the children/adolescents possibilities to becom e legitimate members of the society they aspire to belong to. Thus, I stud ied socializing practices that are tak ing place in teacher student interactions My study focus ed on cultural knowledge skills and disposition that mainstream school practices intend to instill in children and their reactions to the societal force observed in classroom interactions Finally, it is important to point out that Nikkei South Americans are ambivalent ther for Japanese people ; they ar e many of them are descendants of the Japanese who emigrated to South America in the late 19 th and the early 20 th century. Currently Japanese society and its school system are assimilat ing the Nikkei South Americans with out consideration of their linguistic and cultural particularities. Japanese school education as a modern institution has based its assimilation policies on the ideology of monoculturalism and ethnic homogeneity without taking into account the diverse cultural backgrounds of children with foreign origins. This study documents the ongoing enculturation / acculturation processes of Nikkei South American children in t he Japanese educational system.


24 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW T h e present study focuses on Brazilian and Japanese female teachers use of directive language that socializes their students into cultural norms of behavior in classrooms T his chapter reviews literature on cultural norms LS theory and research in general and on classroom LS in particular Indexicality and interactional routines are the central concepts that are discussed in connection with cultural norms of behavior S pecific attention is given to LS research, pragmatic research and cultural studies on these languages and cultures because this study specifically deals with classroom LS practices in Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese. C ultural Norms of Behavior Japanese Norms of Behavior Japanese culture is highly group oriented. Japanese people do outstanding group work when they mak e collective efforts for the benefit of the group. Group harmony, wa has been a fundamental cultural credo of Japan (Benedict, 1946 ; Brown, 2007; Kramer & Ikeda, 1997 ). The sense of be longing to a group is strong in contrast with the West and the former colonies of the West, including Brazil and Spanish speaking America. Japanese group culture is maintained by its hierarchy, tate shakai ie rarchy is a notable aspect of social life in Japan where age and social status are major sociolinguistic variables. Politeness is prevalent in Japanese communication ; this contributes to maintain ing and reproduc ing the hierarchical social structure The Ja panese language has a highly developed honorific system within its grammar. V erb form must be chosen from one of two speech styles based on the polite/casual distinction. Japanese people display their polite face or casual face based


25 upon specific contextu al exigencies. Moreover, in correspondence with social hierarchy, Japanese verbs need to be conjugated in one of two ways that display either humbleness ( kenjyo go / humble form ) or one sonkei go /honorific form ) in relation with the interlocutor(s) or others in the conversation Learning the Japanese language implies acquiring knowledge of social relationships and hierarchy Japanese speakers display their relative role and stance within their specific social interactions. T herefore, Japanese speakers, when employing the language in proper context inevitably end up supporting the maintenance of the hierarchical social system Researchers of Japanese culture and language have highlighted this conservative nature of Japanese culture (B enedict, 1946; Hill, Ide, Ikuta, Kawasaki, & Ogino 1986; Ide, 1992; Bachnik, 1992; T o bin, 1992) Benedict (1946) has pointed out that the essential cultural trait of Japanese people resides in the ir role and position assigned by so ciety. Along the same line, Hill, et al. (1986) and Ide (1992) highlight t he Japanese concept of social discernment, w akimae as cultural norms of linguistic politeness. The notion of wakimae refers to behavior in accordance with one cial role and position in the hierarchy system. Bachnik (1992) highlights the cultural importance of kejime in Japanese social domains. Kejime is a sociocultural norm of discipline that tells one when and how to switch between the public and private modes of self display according to specific social contexts Tobin (1992) refers to this norm as c ultural knowledge that Japanese pupils have to acquire to become members of the class. In other words, children in Japan need to achieve mastery of this cultural norm in order to behave with the proper mode, either public or private that is signal ed by a specific social context Kejime is a n


26 attitudinal display of individual commitment to the formal activity /speech context, including classroom learning in Japanese public schools (see Chapter 5 for ethnographic documentation of these norms) As a first step for socializing hierarchy Japanese mothers inculcate children into the cultural value of empathy, omoiyari which has been researched from a LS perspective (Cl ancy, 1986). Clancy (1986) has pointed out that Japanese mothers employed a set of oriented behavior. She found that by telling the children what other people were thinking and feeling, the mothers encouraged them to emp athize with others. T hese caregivers, for instance, insisted up on respond ing attentively to non kin adults who made requests and asked questions. Here, the mothers used direct ive strategies that warned the children that certain behaviors were strange, frig htening, or shameful in the eyes of others These strategies communicate d to the children the cultural importance of individual conformity to the group. Moreover, the mothers used indirect strategies by citing wishes, needs, and feelings of others as reasons to conform to the group In so doing, they used certain adjectives and expressions such as kowai /scary kawaisoo /pathetic okashii /strange osoroshii /fearful hazukashii /shameful and x suru hito inai /no one does x. In sum, previous research on Japanese norms of behavior suggest s a firm relation ship between the Japanese language and its culture that together function to maintain the group oriented cultural values and a social system base d on hierarchy. The aforementioned knowledge base is necessa ry in order to understand and interpret gaining practices in Japanese public schools. Brazilian and Spanish speaking South American children in these schools go th r ough


27 enculturation processes in order to achieve mas tery of mainstream cultural values of Japan. At the same time they are expected to learn to display appropriate cultural and politeness behavior in teacher student interactions and relationships. Brazilian/Spanish S peaking South American Norms of Behavior Ethnic and racial diversity is a fundamental aspect of South American countries, including Brazil. The national culture of these countries is based on a mixture of ethnic groups such as indigenous peoples descendants from Portugal (in Brazi l ) or Spain (i n Spanish speaking South America), Africa n de scendants and descendants of other parts of Europe and Asia, including Japan. The integration policies adopted by these count r ies have contributed to maintain ing ethnic and cultural diversit y with in their popul ations. At the same time they have created a national unity and identity during two centuries since their independence from their former coloni zing nations Brazilian and Spanish speaking South Americans belong to different speech communities even though their languages originated from Colloquial Latin and their religious beliefs are based on Catholicism ( Torres & Dessen, 2006 ). Since these languages and cultures evolved in the geographical proximities between Spain and Portugal, the peoples in South Amer ica tend to share cultural values and norms of behavior. Emphasis on close familial ties for instance, is a fundamental cultural value that these peoples share ( Bron, 2003; DaMatta, 199 1; Dinez, 2003; Torres & Dessen, 2006 ). For instance, Romanelli (2000) reports that the Brazilian family has a hierarchical structure based on patriarchal authority and male dominance. Aside from the strong family connec tion, these peoples are considered to be group oriented in terms of their cultural orientation s towards f riendships (Green, 2011). It has been claimed that f riendliness and open mindedness are cultural traits of Brazilian


28 and Spanish speaking South Americans that are reinforced in the context of transnationalism ( Green, 2011; Rezende, 2008 ) Due to the coloni al heritage of exploitation, the rigid political systems, and the bureaucratic impasses, South Americans give importance to friendship s as a cultural resource that provides practical solutions to problems deriv ing from the social and institutional hierarch ies (Torres & Dessen, 2006) Such cultural practices are denominated as jeitinho little way out in Brazil (Barbosa, 1992) gauchada in Argentina (Garibald i de Hilal, 2006), and palanca in Colombia ( Fitch 199 8 ) Sociolinguistic and interactional research on Brazilian Portuguese and Latin American Spanish ha s reported that members from these speech communities actively involve themselves in the conversation by perform ing mutual overlaps and interruption s ( Pontes & Jung, 2011; Alfaraz, 2009; Burgos 2007; K ilpatrick, 1986; Berry, 1994 ). Pontes and Jung (2011) points out that Brazilian female interlocutors in a casual conversation overlapped and interrupted each other as a way of showing mutual involvement and conversational collaboration. 1 Along the same line, there is a cultural assumption that overlaps are considered to be conversational involvement across Spanish speaking speech communities in Latin America (Alfaraz about Cuba; Burgos about Colombia, and Berry & Kilpatrick abo ut Puerto Rico) These research studies suggest that there is an ideology of friendship across Latin American cultures that allow s their members to 1 It is important to note that the distinction between overlaps and interruptions ha s been discussed elsewhere in the lit erature (e.g., Tannen, 1983, 1984; West & Zimmerman, 19 83 ; Zimmerman & West, 19 75 ). This issue, despite the importance of understanding cultural influence, is beyond the scope of this study.


29 embody their cultural worldview through frequent high involvement discourse (e.g., Tannen, 1984) Portug uese and Spanish show social hierarchy and distance in the ir respective gramma tical systems. The V/T pronoun distinction is a normative orientation among romance languages. In Brazilian Portuguese the V/T distinction is based on senhor(a) / Mr(s) (V form) a nd v oc (T form) (Azevedo, 2005; Gensen, 1981). Here, the V form is used for those in higher status or distant others while the T form is used for those in equal or lower status or intimates. It is important to point out that these Brazilian Portuguese pr onouns must be verbally expressed if social status differences are going to be apparent, given the fact that both pronouns are conjugated in the same form (third person). The South American Spanish pronoun system is also based on the V T ( usted t ) distinc tion except for some regional dialects (Hummel, Kluge & Vazquez, 2012; Stewart, 1999). In contrast to Brazilian Portuguese, these subject pronouns can be omitted since the first is conjugated as third person while the latter is conjugated as second person. The Portuguese and Spanish pronoun systems are relatively simple in comparison with the Japanese language due to the fact that social relationships are not reflected in verb form s. In summary, previous literature on cultural norms of behavior i n these culture s and languages suggests that sets of cultural values and hierarchical orientations are prevalent in Japanese and Portuguese /Spanish speaking South American speech communities. However this literature does not provid e detailed information as to ho w to day verbal interactions. In order to


30 respond to this question, the next section reviews literature on LS research across languages and cultures. The Theoretical Framework of LS Children and other novices learn how to behave by following, and in conflict with, cultural norms. Socialization has to do with learning how to act and react in everyday life situations within soci o political, economic ideational and socio linguistic constraints. As mentioned in Chap novices are socialized through language . to use language meaningfully, p. 408). Socialization through the use of language and socialization to use language are the central theoretical concept s in the LS paradigm. Through the use of language, members of a sociocultural group are molding each other into particular worldviews by negotiation of situated meaning (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986 a ). Here, the notion of community (Anderson, 1991) is essential for humans to become socioculturally competent members of their group. At the same time children and other novices recognize social roles and relationships in relation to other m embers (e.g., teachers). This process guides them to speak in soci o culturally appropriate and legitimate ways. The theory of LS originally derived from three theoretical currents or approaches to socialization: symbolic interactionism, phenomenology/ethno methodology and sociocultural theory (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986 a ; Ochs, 1986). Symbolic interaction contributed to LS in terms of understanding reality as social construction, that is, concepts such as self social role and status are not fixed categories but they are constructed through communicative interactions. The major contribution of


31 construction of shared realities and commonsensical knowledge displayed and negotiated in interaction (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986 a ). Sociocultural theory contributed to LS by understanding the socio cognitive processes of novices as they develop intellectual (both linguistic and sociocultu ral) skills via guided interaction (i.e. the Zone Schieffelin, 1984), these approaches to socialization concur with one central view: language and culture [the] bodies of knowledge, structures of understanding, conceptions of the world, and collective representations . daily communicative pr actices constitute the primary focus of LS research (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986 a ; Garrett & Baquedano Lpez, 2002). The LS paradigm looks at both micro and macro levels of language and culture, that is, linguistic forms and sociocultural contexts (Kulick & Schieffelin, 2004). Supported by longitudinal and ethnographic research methods, this theoretical 126) L S, in portray [s] social structures as 408). As Kulick and Schieffelin (2004) succinctly pointed out, the LS paradigm has the potential of enriching so cial theory ( e.g., Bourdieu, Certeau) by documenting evidence as to how and why specific cultural practices could be differently acquired or not acquired in given concrete sociocultural contexts. This also challenges LS researchers to link social structure s and human agency (Garrett & Baquedano Lpez, 2002).


32 T he theoretical background of LS is useful because it allows the present study to understand the constructed nature of teacher student interactions and relationships that involve sociocultural influenc e and interlocutors T hrough the use of directive language teachers communicate particular values and norms of behavior as well as commonsensical knowledge of their speech communities. T hese elements of culture are shared and contested in p articular teacher student interactions that are developed over time in a given setting and scene (i.e. classrooms). In order to understand these socializing processes t he present study employs ethnographic and interactional approaches that allow us to un derstand the textual and contextual dimensions of teacher student interactions. This understanding of the constructed nature of interactional realities ultimately enables the researcher to analyze sociocultural reproduction and change. The Role of Indexicality in Socializing Novices paradigm, language, both grammatical and discursive, plays a cruci al role, given that through daily face to face interaction specific sociocultural knowledge is communicated, negotiated, reproduced, and/or transformed (Garrett & Baquedano Lpez, 2002). In other words, children and other novices learn to understand subtl e meanings conveyed in grammatical or discursive forms that i ndex sociocultural contexts such as social roles and relationships (Ochs, 1996). The i ndexical knowledge forms part of a group een language acquisition and socialization (Ochs 1996).


33 An indexical may infer time, space, social identity, social act/activity, affect and epistemic stance s (Ochs, 1988). In the present dissertation, directives are considered as indexical resources tha t infer contextual dependent cultural meanings. The Japanese language is rich in indexicals. A directive verb form can be attached by sentence final particles, such as ne This means that in one Japanese directive utterance we can observe multiple pieces of information that subtly identities. In Brazilian Portuguese, a directive form can also be understood as an indexical because it can be combined with specific pronouns and moods to express multiple meanings in different contexts. A comparative example of Japanese and is shown below: Japanese: Vitoru kun, chan to benkyoo shi mashoo, ne? Name kun, hard study do polite/inclusive, ok? Portuguese: Vtor, a gente vai estudar diret inho, t ? Name, we be going to study hard dim i n unitive ok? English translation: teachers use the confirmation request form to soften the directive force. In the Japanese example, the suffix kun is attached. This indexes stat us difference between teacher and student. The verb inflection shoo O therwise, the inflection s uru would be used because this form indexes casualness and non


34 teacher is using the future indicative mood vai estudar present indicative estuda or subjunctive imperative estude The Brazilian teacher is usin g the diminutive inho as used in estudar diretinho hard to soften the directive force. Moreover, she uses the address term V tor indexes close teacher student relationship common in Brazilian classroom s. In order t o understand language specific indexing of contextual meanings, we need to shed light on subtle differences between the statement s First of all, there is a difference in the use of forms of address. In Japanese, a variety of honorific titles index social relationships between/among interlocutors. In th e example, the suffix kun indexes hierarchy and intimacy. In contrast, the Portuguese example has no such indexical markings. Second, the Brazilian teacher uses the casual pronoun a gente ns Portuguese, a gente indexes informality and popular speech in contrast to ns that indexes formality and elite speech (Zilles, 2005) Therefore, a gente communicates the value of friendly ties that unites teacher and students as a group of we folks. In contrast, the Japanese teacher uses the polite/inclusive form of verbs mashoo instead of employing a pronoun. Third, the Brazilian teacher uses the dimi nutive ito in diretinho a soft en er of the directive force whereas in Japanese it is impossible for adjectives to take diminutive forms. Finally, in the example we can observe the use of a confirmation request both in Japanese and Portuguese: ne ? and t? It is important to note that despite the similarity n e index es speaker s affective stance that seeks common ground with interlocutors (Cook, 1990; 1992 ). In contrast, t (the short form of est does not have such indexical fu nctions.


35 As described above, teachers across languages indexically convey sociocultural knowledge (e.g., social roles and relationships) to their pupils. The pupils need to understand subtle meanings in order to become competent members of a sociocultural group. In order to understand such subtle knowledge, the present study intends to shed light on Portuguese. The Role of Interactional Routines in Socializing Novices (in Classrooms) As mentioned in Chapter 1, . calls forth one of a limited set of rs & Boggs, 1986 p. 81). Interactional routines (Ochs, 1986; Peters & Boggs, 1986) are relevant speech events or activities through which indexicals, including directives can be expressed, interpreted and negotiated. In addition, interactional routines are not only discursively predictable structures, but they also embed cultural values and knowledge. For example, g reetings, jokes, teasing, begging, and clarification sequences are some of the many interactional routines (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986 b ). Thes e routines fall along a continuum of formulaic expressions: from the most fixed/formulaic (e.g. greeting ) to the most flexible/least formulaic (e.g. other speech acts in casual conversation). Children become competent speakers starting with how to partic ipate in a routine and ending up an expert in the entire routine (Ohta, 1999). These routines provide situationally meaningful input or cultural messages so that children can develop linguistic systems while at the same time becoming socialized into approp riate ways of speaking and behaving (Peters & Boggs, 1986).


36 LS research has demonstrated the effectiveness of interactional routines across languages and cultures (Garrett & Baquedano Lpez, 2002; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986a, 1986b). The major motive for st udying such routines is that their repetitivity and predictability foster novices to become accustomed to, and achieve mastery of, culturally patterned interactions in which participant roles and obligations are created, reproduced and negotiated (Rymes, 1997). Children and other novices through participation in many routines become competent members of their social groups across social institutions (e.g. homes schools, peer groups and workplaces). Interactional Routines in First (L1) and Second Language (L2) Classroom Settings With respect to interactional routines in classroom settings, LS research has documented the roles teachers play in socializing pupils and students into communicative norms, cultural values, ideologies and identities (Ande rson, 1995; Baquedano Lpez, 1998; Boxer & Corts Conde, 2000; Cazden, Carrasco, Maldonado Guzman, & Erickson 1980; Cook, 1999; Kanagy 1999; Ohta, 1999, 2001; Poole, 1992; Willet, 1995). These studies suggest the role of teacher language in socializing children and novices into cultural patterns of behavior appropriate in the classroom setting s Cl assroom interactional routines promote s competences. In a study of L1 classroom interactional routines, Anderson (1995) found that the r elaxing of the teacher centered classroom discourse i.e., IRE (Initiation Response Evaluation) yielded positive effects on the developments of Japanese elementary students communicative competence in their mother tongue. He observed tha t a Japanese female teacher used the multiparty framework that he called umbrella interaction during presentation/ discussion sessions ( happyoo in Japanese ) at an elementary school. were


37 expected and retrieved in the reaction turns within the four part sequence of the Initiation Presentation Reaction Evaluation (I P Rx E) Anderson (1995) reports that this dialogical style of interaction led students to assume different participant roles while at t he same time enabl ing their linguistic and cultural scaffolds among members of the classroom. Similar communicative practices in Japanese with emphasis on attentive listener attitudes and peer scaffolds for proper group behavior were reported by Cook (L1, 1999), Kanagy (L2, 1999) and Lewis (L1, 1984, 1988, 1989). For instance, Lewis (1984, 1988, 1989) found that Japanese preschoolers and first graders socialized each child ( iiko in Japanese) identit that led them to group control Moreover, L2 socialization is a bidirectional process in which teachers and L2 students jointly construct roles and negotiate identities through interactional routines (Rymes, 1997). Kanagy (1999 ) and Ohta (1999, 2001) demonstrated that formulaic expressions used in classroom interactional routines were useful linguistic devices that socialized novice learners into L2 (1999) study on U.S. immersion kindergartens highlighted the Japanese formulaic expressions practiced in the routines of formal greeting ( aisatsu ), attendance taking ( shusseki ), and personal introduction ( jikoshookai ). These interactional routines provided the learners with opportuniti es for practicing culturally relevant fixed expressions. American preschoolers gradually developed communicative and cultural modeling for repetition, verbal prompts, nonverbal demonstrations, corrective feedback and praise).


38 I mportantly, this assistance led the children to model each other for appropriate L2 forms and group behaviors (Kanagy, 1999). In a similar vein, Ohta (1999, 2001) found that Japanese teachers in foreign language classrooms in an American university facilitated beginner learners to express formulaic expressions of alignment that included the appropriate use of the sentence final particle ne The American learners gr adually became socialized into the Japanese communicative style while receiving culturally appropriate guidance from the ir native Japanese teachers. values transmitted through face to face classroom interactions. In her study, the Anglo American teachers promoted the mainstream cultural value of egalitarianism in U.S. ESL programs by accommodating their speech style s to adult L2 beginner students Their primary communicative st rategy was based on the white, middle class cultural value of avoiding the obvious display of status asymmetr ies that is shared by the white middle class (mostly, female) members These findings are relevant to the present research that focuses on Japanese practic es with relation to South socialization in classrooms. Willet (1995) and Boxer and Corts Conde (2000) found the importance of L2 during peer task activities, a group of three L2 beginner learners appropriated chunk expressions to label, ask questions give instructions progress She also found that these children playfully t ook s This small group collaboratively attained scaffold s through the use of more complex syntactic structures In so doing, they also co constructed a


39 good learner identity. Along the sam e line, Boxer and Corts Conde (2000) found that ESL adult learners, without receiving teacher support co constructed emerging relational identities during peer activities that fostered the dialogic nature of peer interactions towards L2 linguistic and pr agmatic development. Both studies are relevant to the present dissertation in terms of investigating how and to what degree South American students in Japanese classrooms are allowed to achieve mastery of language and culture via peer interactions. I n sum t he previous research studies on classroom interactional routines have shown that a variety of routines are practiced as socializing r esources T eachers use these in order to communicate culture specific norms, value s, and ideologies of their cultural group s One area that has not yet been fully studied in LS research which the present research intends to do is to understand the function of directives performed in interactional routines for enculturation of values and norms of behavior. Directives in LS R esearch Directives in the Home Domain LS research has found that directive routines practiced in the home domain play a crucial role as a socializing device across languages and cultures (B himji, 2002; Burdelski, 2006; Clancy, 1986; Eisenberg, 1986; Field 1998, 2001 ). These research implicit socialization resources that communicate/elicit culturally appropriate ways of speaking and behaving. Bhimji (2002) studied dire ctive socialization in low income Mexican families. In her study, explicit and implicit types of directives were documented with special focus on parental use of imperatives, interrogatives and declaratives. These directive forms have


40 the function of retr s compliance to the family and of teaching verbal and cultural skills as relevant verbal skills were facilitated th r ough the dialogical processes that included various responses to t by the children in respon se to the parental directives were: (1) repeating (part of) the directive utterances, (2) asking confirmation questions, and (3) conforming to or refuting against the direct ives from the adult members. T he finding of research is important to the present research in terms of to directives are possible in classroom settings so that subsequent interactions can take pla ce towards effective socialization of cultural values and norms of behavior. Along the same line, Eisenberg (1986) found that in Spanish speaking Mexican homes caregivers employed the explicit forms of directive s d dle and dle que ( say to him/her that ) in both dyadic and triadic interactional formats These directive practices socializ ed their children into the verbal skills of a variety of speech acts such as thanking, apologizing and defending oneself against teasers. Moreover, Field (1998, 20 01) analyzed directive giving routines that involved a triadic participation structure between caregivers and children in a Navajo community. Field (2001) found that in the triadic directive pattern an adult initiate s a directive to an intermediary child who carries out the directive intention to another child who is the socializing target (e .g. help X to put back those toys ; tell ). Through triadic patterned interactions, Navajo children are socialized into the cultural values of autonomy, s elf determinacy, responsibility, respect that are captured in the Navajo cultural theme of ( group unity and solidarity ).


41 With respect to directive socialization in Japanese families, Burdelski (2006) documented direct ive strategies of Japanese caregivers with the use of prompts. In his study, the caregivers of two year olds from the middle class frequently employed the explicit directive form tte (say ) and the empty slot format (e .g ., ari [ gato o ] you ed a nd prompt ed culturally appropriate expressions an d behavior together with the speech acts of greetings, gratitude, apology and request. In the same vein, Clancy (1986) studied directive strategies of middle class Japanese mothers to control their childr and to promote a more socio centric behavior. In her study, the Japanese mothers employed a combination of explicit forms (e .g cha dame prohibition) and implicit forms (e.g. hints and rationales) of directives. These strategies facilitate d o f mode s of behavio r while guiding them to group conformity. As mentioned earlier, t he Japanese mothers encouraged their infants to empathize with others by warning them against certain behaviors including abrupt refutation s and failing to answer to adult members cultural sensitiv ity and feelings is a highly valued group norm in Japanese mai nstream culture In summary t hese research studies have demonstrated that caregivers across languages employ both explicit and implicit forms of directives. Across cultures, dyadic and multiparty participant structures are utilized in order to prompt ap propriate linguistic and cultural expressions while at the same time communicat ing relevant cultural values. The knowledge base these research studies provide is important to the present dissertation because both parents and t eachers are gatekeepers of cultural norms of


42 behavior that guide children and other novices to become members of their groups. T he school domain however, is different from the home domain due to its institutional constraints that affect in some way or another social roles and rel ationships as well as interactional qualities. Directives in the School Domain With respect to s a few research studies have been done from a LS perspective (He, 2000; Lowi, 2008, Field, 1998; Falsgraf & Majors, 1995; Furo 1996 ). He ( 2000), in her study on a Chinese heritage school, found that Chinese female teachers used grammatical and sequential patterns of directives for instructional and and the modalized directives ( keyi yao These directives form part of their instructional and disciplinary discourses that included rationales and moral appeals in favor of Chinese group culture and obedience to parental expectations. I n the same vein, Lowi (2008) conducted a multi modal discourse study of teacher directives in a U S preschool In her study, preschool teachers employ ed certain patterns of interactional moves using social modals such as need to, have to, must and can T h ese modals were used to socializ e their pupils into North American cultural norms of individual responsibility that the teachers promoted as appropriate student behavior. As mentioned earlier, Field ( 1998 ) discovered that in Navajo preschool teachers used triadic directive structures that socialized their children into the cultural importance of group unity and solidarity. Here, the teacher s assigned an intermediary student who took responsibility for other class mate s who were from the same kin group. Instead


43 of using a dyadic structure that directly would involve the socializing target their triadic interactional structure s created a collective atmosphere among students who took care of each other fo r the sake of group unity and solidarity With respect to a Japanese LS case study, Furo (199 6 ) studied Japanese male tive positions, Furo categorized s that together function to long classes in a Japanese school in U.S. with special focus on directive forms (imperatives or requests) and directive functions (instruction or discipline). She f ound that in instructional directives the female teachers avoided imperative forms by using reque s t forms. politeness that mitigated the imposition of directives to their students. Moreover, she discovered that these female teachers frequently used the affect particle ne as a positive politeness strategy that enhanced the solidarity between the teacher and students. With respect to disciplin ary their speech by using imperative forms instead of request forms. In so doing re le v a nt to the present research as to how Japanese female teachers use their directives to South American pupils in order to communicate Japanese cultural norms of behavior in classrooms In another Japanese LS case study Falsgraf and Majors (1995) demonstrated the challenge to compa re teachers studied


44 Japanese and American teachers use of directives in first to fourth grade classrooms in Japan and U.S. In their study, Falsgraf and Majors compared three sets of classes: (1) Japanese mediated subject classes at a primary school in Japan, (2) Japanese mediated subject classes at a n immersion school in U.S., and (3) English mediated subject classes at the same immersion school. The results of their statistical analysis show that Japanese teachers were more direct in their directive use than the American counterparts They contend that t h is is occurrence by the American counterparts. More specif ically, in the Falsgraf and the V root form in Japanese. I contend that it seems too simple to assume that these forms are equivalents in directness because of the rather simple scale Falsgraf and Majors created for their study. It is difficult to compare directive forms across languages and cultures without perform ing directives I n Japanese, for exampl e, there is a polite/casual distinction with which speakers display their formal /casual disposition through the use of verb endings. The use of Japanese sentence final particles also plays a role as a compliance gaining strategy. A LS research study on Jap anese directives needs to perform such detailed qualitative analysis In summary, previous research studies suggest that in the school domain teachers across languages and cultures use both explicit and implicit directive strategies in order to communicate cultural values and norms of behavior prevalent in their societies C ontextual features need to be in order to attain


45 crosslin guistic comparisons uch features are: activity type, interactional format, purposes of directive use and politeness Directives in Pragmatics Crosscultural Pragmatics Directive s as requestive speech acts ha ve been extensively s tudied in the field of p ragmatics. Within this research field, Blum Kul k a and Olshtain (1984) launched an investigative subfield called C rosscultural P ragmatics In this subfield, the Cross Cultural Speech Act Realization P roject (CCSARP ) has investigate d cross cultural variations in two speech act type s: requests and apologies (Blum Kulka House & Kasper, 1989) Here, I summarize t he CCSARP framework because Chapter 4 of the present dissertation employs the framework in order to compare Japanese and Por tuguese directives The CCSARP proposes a crosslinguistic coding scheme that treats directive acts as h ead acts A head act is the directive verb form identified as the nucleus of an action. The speaker uses each head act t o elicit Eac h h ead is classified in accordance with the following scale of directness: ( 1) mood derivable ( 2) performatives ( 3) obligation statements ( 4) hedged performatives ( 5) want statements ( 6) suggestory formulae ( 7) query preparatory ( 8) strong hints and ( 9) mild hints The directive force is strongest in ( 1) and decreases accordingly. Moreover, this analytical framework uses a dual distinction of directness ; that is, direct and indirect strategies whose division line is established between ( 5) and ( 6). That is direct strategies are those corresponding to ( 1 ) mood derivable to ( 5 ) want statements while indirect strategies are those corresponding to ( 6 ) suggestions to ( 9 ) implicit hints


46 The present study attempts to make use of the crosslinguistic c oding scheme in order to make comparisons of request phenomena across languages and cul tures. I t is important to bear in mind that the present study intends to use the scheme in order to analyze natural speech data collected in Japanese and Brazilian eleme ntary classrooms Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese Directives in Pragmatics This final section reviews both Japanese and Brazilian Portuguese pragmatic studies. T he section mak es explicit two aspects of the reviewed literature: (1) sociolinguistic aspects of directive use and (2) directive forms styles and strategies Japanese Directives in Pragmatics Smith (1992), in her study of women s directives in Japanese TV programs, found that fema le detectives and police officers used what she called Motherese Strategy and Passive Power Strategy (p p 77 78). These women, in contrast to their male counterparts, employed specific directive forms that invoked solidarity common in Japane se mother child interactions (Smith, 1992). Moreover, she points out that these women used t he PPS that consist s of polite and indirect ways of directive communication : (1) use of a noun instead of a verb, (2) obfuscation of overt directive morpholog ies, a nd (3) use of auxiliary verbs that indicate that the speaker receives favo rs from the interlocutor Following the Smith s (1992) research line Sunaoshi (1994b) studied w omen directive strategies in a workplace Her study based on naturalistic interactional data, dealt with two female manage in a local photo shop. Her study confirm s that these women frequently used both the M S (47% of total) and the PPS (16% of total). Sunaoshi (1994 a ) reports that the same wom en frequently used


47 the sentence final particle ne in and between their utterances, that indexes their affective feelings and stance of sharing information with their subordinates. Sunaoshi contends that, through the use of these s trategies, women in author itative positions create a mother like position with the image of a caring mother figure. Their strategies appear to be effective because they enabl e women to exercise power over younger subordinates. ar e relevant to th e present dissertation that directive and conformity gaining strategies. Hill et al. (1986) studied cross linguistic variations on the relationship between request directive forms and social relations. In their study, they asked Japanese and American English speaking subjects to select the most appropriate directive form according to the social variables: occupation/stat us, relative age, and degree of acquaintance of the interlocutor. T his research study established t he situation that the subject would borrow a pen from an imaginary interlocutor of the same gender The results show that the Japanese subjects, in contrast to the American counterparts showed high agreement of directive forms with the social variables: occupation/status, relative age, and degree of acquaintance Hill et al. (1986) contend that Japanese speakers tend to adhere to the cultural norm of discernment wakimae ; therefore, they tend to have clear patterns of use of directive forms based on the se social variables I n relation to Smith (1992) and Sunaoshi (1994 a; 1994b ), the result s of their study (p. 357, figure 5) show that the V te ( ne / yo ) d irective form identified as the MS, is an i ndexical that strongly appeals to the Japanese in group member ship that distinguish es insider members (close/intimate) from outside rs (distant).


48 In summary, the previous pragmatic research on Japanese directives suggest s that Japanese women have gender based directive and compliance gaining strategies when talking to interlocuto rs of a younger age. T he reviewed literature also suggests the importance of taking into consideration social/contextual factors that aff ect Japanese and degree of acquaintance Brazilian Portuguese Directives in Pragmatics A few research studies have been done concerning Brazilian Portuguese directives (Koike, 1986; 1992; Wher rit t, 1983). From a gendered language perspective, interview method, she asked 45 informants from Rio de Janeiro, each with a minimum of high school degree how to tell a child not to sit on the chair belonging to their very strict father The results show that most of the informants used orders and assertions (females 60% and males 70%). When giving an order or an assertion, both females and males frequently used present indicat ive imperatives in combination with a vocative / olha look ) Furthermore, some female informants, in contrast to the male counterparts, employed present subjunctive imperatives in addition to indicative imperatives. The results of her study suggest that Brazilian women, when speaking to a child, tend to employ direct and non polite language, asserting their power as adults and/or close relationship with the child Wherritt (1983) naturalistic mother infant daily interaction s S he found that the mothers used a variety of both explicit and implicit directive strategies. Their explicit st r ategies include the alternate use of subjunctive ( e.g ., faa dicative imperatives (e.g., faz


49 Wherritt points out that most of the mothers used both forms even though they preferred the subjunctive form when making a forceful argument with the child More concretely, Brazilian mothers, when emphasizing their power over their children, used the subjunctive imperative from the beginning or repeated their previous directive message with subjunctive imperatives. Wherritt documented these mothers employ men t of a variety of implicit directive embellishment of commands ter que poder g ., t ? ok ? n? no ? questions and other embellishments. Within the variety of other embellishments, there are: (1) explanation s (2) use of a gente vamos (third person plural volitional form), (3) infinitive/gerund verb forms, (4) syntactic elongators, ( 5 ) diminutives, ( 6 ) vocatives, and ( 7 ) expressions of courtesy. In summary, the limited number of pragmatic research conducted on Brazilian Portuguese directives suggest that Brazilian women seem to use frequently explicit directive strategies when interacti ng with their children. There are a gamut of politeness strategies that soften the force of the directive. The present research intends to examine what of these directive strategies Brazilian female teachers perform in primary classrooms


50 Table 2 1. Japanese directives in pragmatics. Sociolinguistic variables Directive styles/forms Data types References Gender Motherese Strategy (MS) (1)V no (yo) (2)V nasai (3)V te (4)V choodai (5)V te (i)rasshai Passive Power Strategy (PPS) (1)N[activity]+ (2)V koto / yoo ni (3)V te moraimasu (4)V te itadakimasu TV programs Smith (1992) MS from Smith (1992) Modified PPS (1)N[activity]+ (2)V koto / yoo ni (3)V te morau (its variations) (4)V te ikureru (its variations) (5)Other forms Naturalistic conversation Sunaoshi (1994a, 1994b) Occupation Status Age Degree of acquaintance Five levels of politeness on a sliding scale from 1 (least polite) to 5 (most polite) DCT(question naire) Hill et al. (1986)


51 Table 2 2. Brazilian Portuguese directives in pragmatics. Sociolinguistic variables Directive styles/forms Data types References G ender Education ( minimum high school graduate) (1) Orders and assertions (2) R equests (3) S uggestions (4) H ints (5) Avoidance of giving directives DCT (recorded interview) Koike (1986 1992 ) Gender (mothers) Direct strategies (1) indicative vs. subjunctive imperatives Indirect strategies (1) Clause que pr o cedes a command verb (3) Repetition of commands (4) First person plural subjects a gente vamos (5) Modals ter que and poder (6) Question forms as suggestions (7) Infinitive and gerund (8) Syntactic elongators (9) Diminutives (10) Tag questions (11) Vocatives (12) Indirect objects (13) Expressions of courtesy (14) Explanations and justifications Naturalistic conversation Wherritt (1983)


52 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Chapte r 2 reviewed literature on cultural norms as well as LS theory and research in general and on classroom LS in particular The present chapter describes the methods employed in this LS study. Ethnogra phy of Communication (EC) is the central methodological approach required for LS research. In addition to EC the present dissertation in Chapter 4 ma kes use of the crosslinguistic coding scheme provided by Crosscultural Pragmatics in order to compare Japanese and Portuguese directives Since this research is ethnographic by nature contextual understanding s of teacher student interactions are critical The chapter, therefore, includes detailed descriptions of the research sites, the participants and t he interactional data that together constitute the primary part of this investigation. Ethnography of Communication (EC) EC is a method of discourse analysis (Schiffrin, 1994) spearheaded by Dell Hymes (196 7 ), a linguistic anthropolog ist and sociolinguist O riginally from the field of linguistic anthropology EC has provided firm methodological foundation s for LS theory and research (Garrett & Baquedano Lpez 2002; Rymes & Wortham 2003) EC has the primary goal of understand ing patterns of communicative behavior and social functions of langu age in a given speech community (Gumperz, 1968). S peech community is a critical concept of EC because it refers to the collective therefore, shared dimensions of communicative behaviors; that is members of a cultural group share norms of speaking as well as interpret ing and understanding situated meanings of their speech (Hymes, 1972; Saville Troike, 1982, 1996).


53 In order to conduct EC research, Hymes (1974) provides us with six social units of analysis : (1) speech community (2) speech situation (3) speech event (4) communicative acts (5) communicative style and (6) ways of speaking According to Hymes (1974) the focus on one or some of the se units depends on the area (s) of interest that each EC research (er) attempts to illuminate The present study particularly takes into consideration the social units of (1), (3), (4), and (5); specifically: (1) Japanese and Brazilian/Spanish speaking South American speech communities and their cultural values and norms of behavior ; (3) classroom interactional routines, (4) directive speech acts, and gaining styles. The S etting The Town T he 1990 revision of the Immigration Control Law triggered an influx of South American im migrants into Japan. T he Tokai region especially, was the heart of the massive South American destination since it was the most industrial region in Japan. Hamamatsu located in the region, was one of the major destination cities due to the massive produc tion of motor vehicles by Honda Suzuki and Yamaha. As of May 2011 ( HICE News 2011), Hamamatsu had approximately 82 0,000 inhabitants among which 26,000 were foreign nationals. Of this number, there were 1 3 0 00 Brazilians (a half of the foreign population in town), 3,150 Chinese, 2,900 Filipinos, and 2, 10 0 Peruvians Hamamatsu was known as the city that had the largest number of Brazilians in Japan. Therefore, bilingual services, such as tsuuyaku (interpreters), sign boards, bulletin boards and announcements, were all available in Portuguese in both public and private domains, including governmental offices, schools, apartment complexes, hospitals, factories, and shopping malls. This formed part of the city s strateg y to help


54 the local indus tr y profit from the cheap labor force composed of Brazilians and other foreign workers. Brazilian ethnic restaurants and stores were found in areas where many Brazilians were concentrated. In the city, six Brazilian schools adopted their curriculums in con formity with the Brazilian Ministry of Education: Portuguese was the medium of communication. Many Brazilian adults and children benefited from these services available in the city even though they stay ed due to the limited opportunities to learn the local language and culture. The School s The Japanese primary school The Japanese public school under study was founded in 1977 in a residential area approximately two miles from d owntown Hamamatsu Single family h ouses ikkodate in Japanese were clustered close together in t h e area The area was located upon a small hill where fashionable boutiques and hair salons were along the main streets The area where I lived during the field research was typically middle class with nuclear families liv ing in ikkodate houses with their own cars. A lake was proximal to the residential area, and local people enjoy ed walking and jogging around the lake. The primary school under investigation was located in this relatively well off residential area in town In th is school, nearly 600 students were constantly enrolled during the time of the research: 2009 201 0 The n umber of students with foreign nationality fluctuat ed between 75 and 90 because their parents employment conditions and opportunities resulted in sc hool transfers In April, 2009, for instance, t here were a total of 90 f oreign students. Of this number, 55 were Brazilian s. Other students from foreign backgrounds were 30 Peruvians and five Filipinos This school district was one of those with the


55 larges t number of Brazilian students in town. The sizable Brazilian presence in this district was triggered by the presence of a prefecture owned apartment complex located in proximity to the school. In Hamamatsu, there were several state owned or city owned apartment complexes with low rent prices. Brazilian and Spanish speaking South American families were most likely to reside in these apartments. This was caused by their sociopolitical and economic status as tempora ry workers whose employment wa s unstable. Moreover, the Japanese middle class lifestyle with an ikkodate single family h ouse requires establishing a 20 to 30 year loan, which obviously means a long term plan to stay in Japan with a stab le family economy. T he buying and selling of used houses i s not commonly practiced in Japan. Consequently the great majority of Brazilian families lived in public apartments. 1 The kokusai kyoshitsu ( international classroom ) of the Japanese school 2 Given the presence of the Brazilian and other foreign students l iving in this district the school under scrutiny as in the other 30 primary schools in the city, was providing a tutoring program called kokusai kyoshitsu ( i nternational c lassroom ) At the time of the research in October, 2009 29 foreign students belonged to the international classroom : 18 Brazilian s, 10 Peruvians and one Filipino These students were pulled out from their regular classes to attend the tutoring classes offered by the international classroom The number of session s the students a ttended depended on their individual need for help with the Japanese language: some needed support for learning basic 1 T. Kouchi (2009) and Tsuzuki and J. Kouchi (2009), however, re ported a regional phenomenon observed in the cities of Ota and Oizumi in Gunma prefecture that 130 Brazilian families owned their houses in 2009. In my field research in Hamamatsu city, approximately 150 miles from Gunma prefecture, I encountered one Brazi lian family living in their own house. The great majority of Brazilian families in Hamamatsu rent ed apartments or small houses. 2 The interactional data collected from the international classroom were analyzed in Chapters 4, 5, and 6.


56 Japanese language literacy and others needed assistance with learning Japanese for academic purposes. In this school, there was a tendency for lower grade students and those who had just arrived in Japan to have higher numbers of tutoring classes: three to five classes a week. The international classroom was located on the third floor between a n all purpose room and a third grade classroom. In the hallway, in front of the classroom, a colorful world map indicated the countries where the foreign born students came from. There was no sense of exclusion perceived about the international class; however, Japanese students rarely entered the room. It appear ed to be a symbolic space allocated to the foreign students who belonged to the international class. Three Japanese female teachers in their 40s and 50s were in charge of the international class. T wo of them teacher Suzuki and teacher Sato w ere native of Hamamatsu and teacher Honda was from another region of Shizuoka prefectur e 3 Furthermore, t hree bilingual teacher assistants /interpreters one Brazilian 4 and two Japanese (including myself) helped Brazilian and Peruvian students with attaining basic literacy in Japanese. These assistants, in a tutoring format, interact ed with the stude nts in their L1 : Portuguese or Spanish. In th e international class room s tudents were allowed to use their L1 among themselves. Thus, the c lassroom was as an amicable and safe place for them to relax for a little while, away environment 3 The names of the research participants who appeared in this dissertation are pseudonymous. 4 directive/compliance gaining strategies are analyzed in Chapter 6.


57 The international class taught basic Japanese literacy and content subjects, primarily language arts and mathemat i c s. As mentioned earlier, su pport with learning Japanese literacy was provided primarily by the bilingual teacher assistant s via students L1. The c ontent subjects on the other hand, were taught by the three female teachers This was due to the employment conditions that the Board of Education set for the ir bilingual teacher assistants and interpreters. The international classroom was divided into four sp at ial subareas First of all, t he front area was equipped with a large chalkboard and desks and chairs that enabled up to four students to study The front area was accessed only by the female teachers that gave lessons in content subjects. The back area also had a capacity of up to four students with the difference that there was no chalk board. The space between the front and back areas was divided into two spaces: one space to the right facing a wall and the other space to the left facing a row of windows. E ach space ha d two small sets of three tables and three seat s. The se lateral spaces were mostly used by the bilingual assistants for teaching basic literacy In total, six simultaneous tutoring sessions were possible ; yet usually only two or three sessions t ook place simultaneously. The m ainstream c lass rooms of the Japanese school 5 T his study investigated six mainstream classrooms of the Japanese primary school : three first grade classrooms two second grade classroom s, and one third grade classroom As this research focuses on female teachers use of language and South American student the selected teachers were all female (ex c e p t for one male teacher of one first grade classroom) and their 5 The interactional data collected from the mainstream classrooms we re utilized for Chapter 5.


58 classrooms had South American students, who also belonged to the international classroom 6 T wo female teachers o f first grade classrooms teacher Kawano and teacher Hoshi were experienced ; one in her 50s and one in her late 40s respectively gaining strategies 7 The number of students in each of these classrooms w as approximately 35 T he maxim um number allowed in a public classroom in Japan is 40. This standardized number is considerably larger than that of Brazil which sets 25 as the maxim um and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development ( OECD ) average which is 21 (OECD, 2011) Moreover, in each of these classrooms two to four South American students were present among approximately 30 Japanes e children 8 The Brazil ian p rimary school The school under investigation was founded in 2003, as the first Peruvian school in Japan, with 13 preschool/primary age children and a few teaching and administrative staff. In 2006, t he Brazilian program began due to the increasing dem and for providing school education for Brazilian children in Hamamatsu. The Brazilian program especially three lower grade classes were investigated for this study. 9 T he Brazilian 6 The o riginal research project did not distinguish between male and female teachers; however, since the teachers of the schools researched for this study were predominantly female, female teachers were selected due to methodological and analytical concerns. 7 present research study 8 Further data concerning these children are depicted later in this chapter 9 The data collected from these classrooms are analyzed in Chapter 4.


59 classes in this school satisf ied the curriculum requirements recognized by the Brazi lian Ministry of Education (MEC) The school house was located two miles from downtown in a rather deserted area with a few wholesale stores The school was housed in a two story building that was formerly used as a local bank. At the time of this research, approximately 90 students were enrolled in the school ; they commute d every day from inside and outside the city by means of a school bus At the time of the research, 2008 2010, roughly 40% of the students were Peruvian s and 60% Brazilian s. Peruvian enrollment was steady while Brazilian enrollment was increasing. This situation was motivated by the fact that in this school tuition fees were lower than the other schools in town which had no subsidies from the local government. The Brazilian program ha d five Brazilian teachers Each of the teachers was in charge of one multi grade class. A classroom was usually comprised of two grades together, such as first and second grade students constituting a group. Their classes were base exercises/tasks to the class so that students individually worked on their own. This practice was due in part to the difficulty that teachers had in carrying out lessons in multi grade clas ses. In addition to the multi grade class system, insufficient physical space and low teacher quality constituted part of the precarious condition s that this and other Brazilian schools had as a provider of quality education. In response to the situation, a s mentioned earlier in 2009 the Federal University of Mato Grosso launched a four year teacher training program to improve the condition s of Braz ilian schools in Jap an I took


60 part in the program as a student/trainee. I went through its course work, group projects, seminars, thesis and teaching practices and obtained a teacher certificate valid to teach at preschools and primary schools administra ted by the MEC All of this allowe d me to know Brazilian teachers and better understand the conditions of Brazilian schools in the Tokai region The Brazilian students of this school were mainly fourth generation Nikkei (Japanese) Brazilians. These studen ts were racially mixed due to the tendency for interracial marriage among third generation Nikkei Brazilians. Most of them were predominantly Brazilian Portuguese speakers with limited fluency and literacy levels in Japanese. The rest a few of them had som e experience with the Japanese public schooling system; therefore, they were fluent and literate in Japanese. Participant Observation O bservation and participation are an essential component of e thnographic research The combination of observation and par ticipation techniques enables the researcher to understand behaviors performed by individual members of a speech community under scrutiny These field based techniques emic perspectives. Emic culturally based perspectives, i nterpretations, and categories used by members of the group under study to conceptualize and encode knowledge and to guide their own behavior (Watson Gegeo, 1988, p. 580). Th us, emic perspectives allow the researcher to understand the culture specific frameworks of thinking and behaving shared by members of a speech community These perspectives are achieved through their talks, and establishing conversations. Therefore, acquiring emic p erspectives


61 implies the researcher s communicative abilit ies and his relative status in the research field, as he is required to participat e In the schools under scrutiny I was an active participant for one and a half year (the Br azilian school) and two and a half years (the Japanese school) while playing multiple roles as a bilingual interpreter teacher assistant and language instructor. Th e prolonged insider status permitted me to gain trust from my research participants. This led to achieving natural interactional speech while overcoming, to a certain degree, the so called (Labov, 1966) Position in the Field The Japanese School My position at each school under investigation affected the way the research was conducted and the data were collected Visits to the Japanese public school started in September 2008, three months after the start of visits to the Brazilian school. I spent two and a half years in the Japanese school where I work ed three days a week as a bilingu al teaching assistan t and bilingual interpret er. The video recording research was started a year after I started working at the school. This is because I needed to find the appropriate time and manner to make a request in order to obtain a higher chance of acceptance. T he request was made to the school principal with t eacher Suzuki mediation. After gaining permission, the data collection processes flowed smoothly, including the participation and collaboration of Japanese teachers and South American studen ts/parents. The Brazilian S chool Research in the Brazilian school was conducted two or three days a week from Ju ne 2008 to October 2009 During this period, I observed classes in the Brazilian and


62 the Peruvian programs especially their lower grade classes At the school, I also worked as a bilingual interpreter and a Japanese instructor in addition to conducting research. The insider status while working at th is school was both beneficial and disadvantageous. It offered me the advantage of talk ing with teachers and students easily and naturally. The negative side of the was that the school administration, with no advance notice, suddenly required me to attend meetings and to serve as interpreter even when I was conducting class observations and recordin g class room interactions. The rough schedule that resulted from playing multiple roles constrained the data collection process at the Brazilian school. Data Collection Participants of t he Japanese School The primary participants in the Japanes e school were five female teachers: three (teachers Suzuki Sato and Honda ) of the international classroom and two first grade teachers (teachers Kawano and Hoshi). The next section provides basic information about these teachers. The three female teachers of the international classroom Teacher Suzuki a native of Hamamatsu took charge of the international classroom. She was an experienced teacher who served in local primary schools over three decades. Teacher Suzuki was a studious learner of Portuguese because she was willing to understand Brazilian and Spanish speaking South American students She never imagined decades ago that I would study Portuguese As a result of her studious efforts she had good listenin g competence that allowed her to understand spoken Portuguese of children and adults without the aid o f an interpreter. S he appeared to be fond of foreign students independent of gender,


63 nationality and origin. Her pedagogical philosoph ies w ere that learn ing should be fun and behav e accordingly. Consequently, she sometimes tough on disobeying and rule breaking students. Teacher Suzuki with her dedicat ion to promoting students acquis ition of basic Japanese, created a syst ematic way of learning it by way of the of exercises. Teacher Sato a native of Hamamatsu, was also an experienced teacher in her early 50s. At the time of the research 2009 and 2010 she was working in the international classroom for the first time in her teaching career. In the previous year, she was responsible of a fourth grade classroom at the same school; yet she experienced difficult ies C onsequently she transferred to the international classroom and was no longer in charge of a homeroom The classroom chaos, known as gakkyuu ho o kai in Japanese, is a relatively recent sociocul tural phenomenon in Japan due in part to the lowering of status in society at large. Teacher Sato appeared to be comfortable dealing with docile and gentle students. In fact, she experienced difficult ies grappling with a non conforming Bra zilian student in the international classroom (Chapter 6). Teacher Honda was not a native of Hamamatsu yet was from another region of the same prefecture She was also an experienced teacher in her late 40s working for two decades in Hamamatsu At the ti me of the research, she was in her first year in the international classroom as well as in the school under study Previously, she had taught South American children at another primary school of Hamamatsu with a sizable


64 Brazilian student population Teacher Honda was only partially involved in the international classroom for the teaching of South American students, because she had other responsibilities in the school She tended to show her affection and open mindedness towards foreign students thro ugh her daily conversations with them. She had a somewhat outspoken and cheerful character ; she was skillful at dealing with disobeying male students: foreign and Japanese. The two female t eachers of first grade mainstream classrooms Teacher Kawano was a n experienced teacher in her late 50s teaching in local primary school for more than 30 years Because of her expertise in teaching, the school administration assigned her as the supervisor for novice teachers of the school She took charge of one first g rade classroom E ven though she had a tranquil personality she frequently discipline d her students during the classes and consequently there was a solemn order in the classroom. H er students appeare d to ac knowledge her authority; there were no students wh o were talking back to her in more than 10 classes observed over a period of three months Teacher Hoshi was in her late 40 s; experienced as well; working for more than two decades in local primary schools. In more than 10 classes observed in her classroo m over a three month period, her students appeared to be animated. She had a good sense of balancing the Japanese disciplinary techniques of ame to muchi (literally 10 Ame behavior towards students while muchi 10 Japanese female teachers who participated in this research occasionally referred to this local theory


65 conformity. Consequently, her students appeared to show friendliness as well as politeness towards this teac her. The South American students of the Japanese school A total of s even South American first and second grade students participated in this study. All t hese student s four Brazilians ( two boys and two girls) a nd three Peruvian s (one boy and two girls) were receiving tutoring support i n the international classroom These students w ere novice learners of Japanese because their substantia l contact with Japanese started upon entering the primary school under scrutiny. Below, brief descriptions of four students Adriano, Isabel, Miwa, and Niko are offered, since are investigated in the subsequent chapters. Adriano was a Brazilian first grade student. Born in the State of S o Paulo, his parents brought him to Japan as a baby. His father wa s a third generation Nikkei Brazilian whereas his mother was a white Brazilian. At the time of the research, he was constantly displaying acts of non conformity and of disobedience in his mainstream and international classrooms. Due to his attitude, his te achers considered him a mondai ji an excellent command of oral Japanese and Portuguese. He frequently spoke Japanese with a highly rough/masculine style (e.g., ore international classroom frequently corrected his language and attitude during tutoring lessons. Isabel a fourth generation Nikkei Brazilian classroom. Like Adriano, she rapidly learned spoken Japanese since enter ing this primary school. She was a genki (cheerful) and otenba (tomboy) girl with whom I had


66 some difficulty leading tutoring sessions. Like Adr iano, she was strong willed; she was expressive ab out her wants and preferences. Due to their strong personalities, Adriano and Isabel did not get along with each other. Once they were paired up to receive teac her Sato were separated a fter the first session becaus e they ended up disrupting each other. Consequently, they had one on one, individualized tutoring sessions. classroom. Like Adriano and Isabel s he originated from an interracial family. Her mother was a third generation Nikkei and her father was a negro (black) or pardo (brown) Brazilian Due to her paternal heritage, she was also brown and had naturally curly hair. Unlike Adriano and Isabel, she was a quiet and gentle child; she usually spoke in a thin voice both in her L1 (Portuguese) and in her L2 ( Japanese ) In the international classroom, she was receiving tutoring with two Peruvian boys Niko and Koji both from class room. In tutoring le ssons, Misa sometimes appeared to be annoyed by Niko due to his floor taking and turn stealing acts. Female teachers of the offering floor/turn to her. Niko was born in Lima, Peru under a Nikkei mother and a mestizo mixed race between Amerindian and Spanish descent father. His parents brought him to Japan as an infan t Niko went to a Japanese childcare for several months before return ing to Peru He went back to Japan soon before start ing primary school ing Like Adriano, Isabel, and Misa, he did not speak Japanese when he started Japanese school ing Niko was a playful boy who liked to win over his study mates Misa and Koji during tutoring


67 classes. He was a mimado (spoil ed) child s command of spoken Japanese was good despite the short period of time he had spent in the school less than one year This was due to his involvement in the local communit y: h e used to join afterscho ol b asketball and Japanese classes Participants of the Brazilian School The three Brazilian f emale t eachers T hree female teachers (teachers Ana, Maria and Cristina ) of the Brazilian school participated in this study. All of them were native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. T his section provides basic data o n these teachers. Teacher Ana was teaching a second and third multi grade class. She was in her 50s at the time of th e research. She was an experienced teacher, having work ed in primary schools in th e state of S o Paulo for more than two decades. She was a white Brazilian, who went to Japan one year ago and was working at the present school. She went to Japan because she was interested in gaining new cultural experiences. T eacher Ana appeared to be a reliable person who was friendly, but respected by students. Teacher Maria was teaching a first grade class. She was a third generation Nikkei from the S tate of S o Paulo in her late 40s. She went to Japan two decades ago and worked as a tsuuyaku ( interpreter ) in l ocal factor ies. S he had a short time teaching experience in S o Paulo before she left Brazil. She was fast talking and somewhat in tolerant of noisy and disobeying boys of her class. Teacher Maria frequently complained to me about such non conforming pupils. She preferred an imperative speech style (i.e., direct imperatives) when talking to her students as to what and how to carry out exercises and tasks.


68 Teacher Cristina was teaching a kindergarten class. She was a white Brazilian from the State of Rio de Janeiro. She went to Japan a decade ago with her Nikkei husband. She taught in kindergarten in Rio de Janeiro for several years She had been working at t his Brazilian school for eight years. As the present study focuses on lower grade cla ssrooms, not preschool classrooms, her data was partially used: one lesson in which she conducted a literacy learning activity for both her preschool class and teacher Cristina The Brazilian s tudents of the Brazilian school This secti on provides general information about teachers Ana Maria students. Teacher Ana s class had approximately 20 students : five of them were first grade students and the rest were second grade students. Due to the difficulty attending two groups in one classroom, teacher Ana usually assigned the students individual work. She commonly adopted a tutoring format instead of a teacher fronted format. Thus, the recorded data were collected primarily when she was tutoring, or talking to, individual students. Teacher Maria first grade classroom had seven students three girls and four boys. T he female students were quiet and diligent i n contrast to the boys who were noisy and mischievous Thus, t eacher Maria frequently used directives and reprimands to such non conforming individual boys It is relevant to note that teacher Maria just as teacher Ana used to adopt the tutoring format based on individual work. The data deriving from her interactions were collected basically when she was tutoring or talking to individual students


69 The Audio and Audio v isual Recordings The audio and audiovisual recordings form part of the EC methods that aim at identify ing patterns of speaking in a given speech community. The audio taping (i.e. the recording of audio information ) is a practical mean s of registering natural speech because audio recorders are small and often finger size Audiovisual means (i.e., the videotaping) are advantageous to the audio taping method as they visually record contextual details of interactions an d non verbal communication Despite the advantage of the audiovisual recording, this recording method was not authorized a t the Brazilian school due to concerns of privacy Therefore the interactional data was collected by an audio recorder at the Brazilian school. F rom July 2008 to June 2010 I carried out audio record ings with a small recorder in my shirt pocket or in my hands. In the Japanese school, on the other hand, I was allowed to use a video camera to collect interactional data Consequentl y audio visual recording was carried out both in the international classroom and in lower grade classrooms over a four month period from October 2009 to February 2010. Transcription The distinction between the audio and the audiovisual recorded data turned out to be clear at the time of doing the transcription s As stated earlier, since the audiovisual recording was not authorized at the Brazilian school, a detailed understanding of the contextual and interactional information was limited with the audio recording method My knowledge of the Portuguese language was at advanced intermediate level at the time of starting the research, according to the CELPE Bras ( Certificate of Proficiency in Portuguese for Foreigners ) Furthermore, Brazilian pup s imultaneous speech rendered the transcription work even more difficult with out having visual


70 information. On the other hand, I found t he transcription work of t he audiovisual data from the Japanese school less difficult for three reasons: (1) the ava ilability of the visual information (2) the infrequency of simultaneous talking, and (3) my familiarity with Japanese as a native speaker. O f approximately 50 hours of the recorded data in the international classroom of the Japanese school, I fully trans cribed a total of 14 hours (30%) I thoroughly reviewed t he rest of the recorded data and extracted relevant examples and other information. In this way, I sought to understand patterns of teachers directive use and of their compliance gaining strategies. In regards to two first grade mainstream classrooms, I collected a total of 20 hours of audiovisual data from their lessons. Of this number, I fully transcribed six hours (30%). I thoroughly reviewed t he rest of the recorded lessons and utilize d relevan t interactional and other data for pu r poses of identifying patterns of interactions. In the Brazilian school a total of 14 hours of audio recorded data w ere collected in the two lower grade classrooms described above Six hours from these record ings were fully transcribed by two Brazilian teachers working at another Brazilian school. I transcribed the rest of the data, partially in terms of transcribing all directive speech acts performed by the teachers of these classrooms. Data Analysis Data Analysis for Chapter 4 Chapter 4 dr aws upon interactional data collected both from the international classroom of the Japanese school and from the two lower grade classrooms of the Brazilian school. To render crosslinguistic comparisons of directive s 322


71 Japanese directive speech acts and 293 Portuguese counterpart acts were extracted from the transcriptions (see Table 3 3 at the end of this chapter). With a crosscultural pragmatics approach, I created a crosslinguistic coding scheme for d irective speech acts in Japanese and in Brazilian Portuguese (see Table 3 4 at the end of this chapter). The identified directive speech acts were classified based on the context of their production: or re search done by He (2000) and Liu & Hong (2009). Chi square test was applied in an attempt to seek correlations between the directive speech acts and the aforementioned interactional contexts both in Japanese and in Brazilian Portuguese. Data Analysis for Chapter 5 Chapter 5 utilize s the afore mentioned 20 hour portion of the interactional data collected from the two first grade mainstream classrooms. In order to illustrate female nts or international routines: aisatsu (formal greeting) and happyoo (formal presentation). These interactional routines were selected since they reveal cultural themes (Spradley, s communicated by means of directive and other communicative resources. Furthermore, this chapter, through detailed descriptions, shed s difficulties participating in such formal events that contain cultural values and norm s of behavior relevant as part of Japanese modes of enculturation. Data Analysis for Chapter 6 Chapter 6 dr aws upon transcripts of eight class lessons a total of six hours performed by teachers Suzuki Sato Honda and by one Brazilian teacher in interactio n with a non conf orming Adriano. The chapter make searching


72 method (1979, p. 199) in an attempt to first identify and further analyze cultural themes or interactional scenes that involve s conflict, social control, and status mainten ance. communicative practices in classrooms, audio and audio visual data collection, and quantitative and qualitative data analyses, the present study see ks to understand gaining strategies. The results of the study are presented in Chapters 4, 5, and 6.


73 Table 3 1 Abbreviati ons used in Chapter 4 for word for word translations. COP various forms of copula verb be LK linking particle FP final particle IMP Imperative verb ending NEG negative maker O object marker TOP topic marker POL Polite verb ending PROG progressive QT Quotative maker S subject marker Table 3 2 Transcription symbols used in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. 1, 2 speech act sequence or speaker turn sequence T teacher S South American student under analysis S1, S2 unknown Japanese students Ss more than one student speaking [ ] word(s) inserted to facilitate understanding of the speech translated in English (( )) interpretive comment and/or activity associated with the speech polite register based on the use of the masu verb ending form casual register based on the use of the u verb ending form xxx unintelligible speech italics original speech in Japanese and/ or in Portuguese


74 Table 3 3 Interactional data transcribed and used for Chapter 4. School Teacher No. of students Transcribed lesson period ( min ) Subject No. of directives transcribed JS a Suzuki 2 40 Language arts and math 122 Sato 2 47 Math 78 Honda 3 42 Language arts 122 B S b Ana 17 72 Math 56 Cristina 18 20 Literacy 25 Maria 8 85 Math 189 8 27 Literacy 23 a Japanese s chool specifically its international classroom. b Brazilian s chool specifically its first and second/third classrooms.


75 Table 3 4 Coding scheme for Chapter 4: Directive routines, strategy types, and act categories Directive routines Directive strategy types Directive act categories Speech act subcatego ries Japanese illocutionary forms [nuance and meaning] Portuguese illocutionary forms [nuance and meaning] Instruct i ng d iscipli n ing Direct Order Command Imperative forms V e/(r)o and V se [rude/ masculine] V na [rude/masculine] V nasai [neutral] V koto ; V yooni [bossy] V no [affective] V te [neutral] V (second person inflection) V (third person inflections) Infinitives Lexical Noun phrase [e.g., Homework!] Adverbial phrase [e.g., Quick!] Assertion Obligation Prohibition V nakucha dame [It is no good if not V ing] V cha dame [It is no good V ing] Deve V [You must V] Tem que V [You have to V] Precisa V [You need to V] No pode Ninguem V [No one V] Instruction General Impersonal V (r)u [(You/one) will V] Faz se [(Something) is done] Permission V te ii [Doing is all right] V nakute ii [Not doing is all right] Pode V [You can V; V ing is allowed] No precisa Want Needs V te morau [I will have you V] V te itadaku [I will have you V/ humbling] V te hoshii [I want you to V] V te moraitai [I want you to V/ receiving a favor] V te itadakitai [I want you to V/humbly receiving a favor] Quero que V [I want you to V] Preciso que V [I need you to V]


76 Table 3 4 Continued Directive routines Directive strategy types Directive act categories Speech act subcatego ries Japanese illocutionary forms [nuance and meaning] Portuguese illocutionary forms [nuance and meaning] Instruct i ng d iscipli ni ng Indirect Suggestion Suggestion V te mi(te) [Try to V] V V tara/e ba ? [How about V ing] V ta hoo ga ii [It is better V ing] V te goran Tente V [Try to V] Vamos Por que voc no V? [Why do not you V?] Que tal V ? [How about V ing] Sugiro que V [I suggest you to V] Acho melhor que V [ I think better you V] Request Request V (te) ne [V, right?/seeking agreement] V te kure [Please V/informal V te kudasai [Please V/polite V te choodai [Please V/affective V te kureru ? [Will you please V? /asking for a favor] V te moraeru favor] V te kudasaru ? [Could you please V?/highly respectful] V te itadakeru ? [Can I have you do/humble] V to omotte [I am wondering if V] V to arigatai [I would be grateful if V] V, t ?/ okay ?/ n ?/ no ? [V, ok?/ right?/seeking agreement] Peo para voc V [I ask you to V] Devo pedir que voc V [I must ask you to V] Por favor V [Please V] Por gentileza V [Please V/formal] Pode V ? [Can you V?] D para voc V? [Is it all right for you to V?] Ser que voc V? [Is it that you V?] Voc se importa se V? [Do you mind if V?] Tem a bondade de V [Do you have the kindness to V?] No tem que V? [You do not have to V?] Gostaria que V [I would like you to V] Hint Hint V tte [reporting] Que V (giving explanations)


77 CHAPTER 4 D IR ECTIVE ROUTINES, STRATEGIES AND SPEECH ACTS PERFORM ED BY JAPANESE AND BRAZILI AN FEMALE TEACHERS T he objective of this chapter is to compar e the directive language of two ethnolinguistic groups of t eachers. The chapter analyzes three female native speakers of Japanese and three female native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. 1 Hereafter, the Japanese and the Brazilian Portuguese groups are deno ted by the abbreviations respectively By comparin g these two groups t h e chapter intend s to answer the following question s: 1. What directive routines do the Japanese and the Brazilian teachers employ in classrooms? 2. In each routine category w hat directive strateg ies and directive speech acts do the se teachers perform ? What are the differences between the Japanese and the ? T he chapter provide s three sets of analys e s that start wit h the macro and proceed to the micro categor y of speech behavior : directive routines, directive strategies and directive speech acts. In addition, contextual and ethnographic accoun ts of the presented examples are provided to capture the cultural meaning teachers communicate with directive usage that quantitative results alone cannot shed light on. Directive Routines D irective Routine Categories and t heir O ccurrences Routines are cultural practices that by their repetitiveness and regula rities tend to r eproduce the normative order (Bourdieu, 1984, as cited in Nash, 1990, p. 439). Directive routines are common classroom practices through which teachers reproduce 1 See Table 3 3 in Chapter 3 concerning the data sets utilized in this chapter.


78 cultural and academic knowledge for the sake of group continuity. The analysis conducted here has identified f ive routine categories , In terms of the global data, out of the total of 615 directives recorded for analysis, a great majority were perform ed for instructional purposes (67%) followed by d isciplin ary purposes (26%). The remainder : 2 g p o constitutes 7% of the total ( Table 4 1 ) Th e relatively hi gh percentage of the instructing and the disciplin ing routine categories support s the general assumption that school s as modern institution s play a role in providing academic knowledge and in producing well mannered citizens. Instructing routines Instructing routines were employed for the purpose of teach i ng lesson content Classroom learning takes place as an organized activity in which teacher s use directives for instructional purposes. In the examples below, the directives (marked in bold) were used to request stud ents to open their textbook (JPN) or to proceed to a task (POR) 1. J PN : A Japanese teacher is instructing her Brazilian and Peruvian students to open their textbook at the beginning of a tutoring lesson. Kokugo no hon to nooto o hiraki mashoo L anguage A rt LK book and notebook O open let s POL the Language A T he teacher us ed the polite suggestive form of the verb hiraki mashoo ( l T frequent i nstruction s to open textbook s and notebook s are part of the instructional routine observed in the Japanese primary school under study. The cultural 2


79 meaning of this practice is that: (1) Japanese teacher student relationship is based on the cultural assumption that students adapt to their teachers instructions but not vice versa and (2) teachers stick to textbooks while providing officially approved academic and subject knowledge. 2. P OR : A Brazilian teacher is tell ing her Brazilian students to do a task, immediately. Vocs vo fa zer agora esse aqui agora. you go make now that here now are going to do T he teacher referred t o making drawing s in a math ematic s lesson She used a compound construction with the auxiliary verb ir infinitive (be going to) referring to a f uture action. This directive use was frequently observed in Brazilian classrooms when teachers gave instructions. I n the examples above, the teachers employed different speech acts, yet both speech acts were performed for ins tructional purposes These directive practices were Disciplining routines Disciplining routines were performed when teachers react ed to their verbal or non verbal behavior. 3. JPN: A Japanese teacher is telli ng her Brazilian and Peruvian students to stop ting. Hai, shizukani well, quiet ly quietly T he teacher us ed a lexical shizukani ( literally, quiet ly ), considering the students chat ting as inappropriate The verb suru (do o r behave ) was omitted here T he teacher


80 directive weight was strong and the directive meaning was straightforward L exicals like this were categorized as command/order together with imperatives 4. POR: A teacher is giving a moral hint about not leav ing trash on the classroom floor. She insinuates a negative judgment or sanction as to leaving trash i n the classroom. Que coisa feita deixar lixo no cho. What thing bad leave trash on the floor What a bad thing In both examples above the directives were performed to stop students behavior: chat ting and leaving trash, respectively These directive speech act s were employ ed to achieve disciplin ary effects on their students These socializing practices were cate G were employed in order to call students to attention. T his category was created as an independent type, separated from either the instructing or the disciplin ing routine categories because there were cases in which judg ing expressions of this sort either as instructi on or disciplin e was practically impossible This category was established for such ambiguous directive utterances. Th e present study registered 27 of such occurrences which represent 5 % of the total P rompting politeness routines were performed to teach students verbal and/or non verbal manners and etiquettes. 3 This study identified nine occurrences ( 1 %) ; all of them t ook place in the JPN data. 3 Research on prompting routines was spearheaded by Demuth (1986) with h er work on Basotho language socialization. Prompting routines in Japanese parent infant interaction have been extensively researched by Burdelski (2006, 2010).


81 5. J PN : A Japanese teacher is correct ing the language of a Peruvian female student who forgot to bring a sheet of plastic to class Nai ja nai. Kashite kudasai NEG TOP NEG lend please T he teacher correct ed the expression rendered by th is student who did not bring a sheet of plastic to the tutoring class In the Japanese school under scrutiny students were expected to bring th is item every day T he Peruvian student in question responded with the casual form of the verb nai (there is no ) which s ound ed inappropriate to the teacher Consequently she prompt ed a polite expression from the student No directives corresponding to prompting politeness were identified in the POR data In lower grade classrooms of the Brazilian school I did not observe the ir teachers prompting polite ness from stude n ts This is because their interactional practices were based on close and intimate teacher student relationships. In contrast, in Japanese classrooms teacher student interaction s were hierarchy oriented (see Chapter 5) In Japan the use of politeness is imperative in formal social domains including lower grade classrooms Japanese l ower grade students are encouraged to use the polite form of verbs in class activities such as happyoo (formal presentation) ( Cook, 2008) South American pupils in the Japanese mainstream classrooms under study were also embedded in such enculturation practice s (see Chapter 5) Other routines T o was created to encompass those that I could not classify as any of the four categories mentioned above. The number of occurrences was merely five which represents 1% of the total. Specific g


82 announcing the end of the lesson were created as such. g iving : Giving permission 6. J PN: A Japanese t eacher is allowing her Brazilian female student to go to the bathroom. Ja i tte ki na. well go LK come IMP go [to the bathroom] and come back T he teacher us ed the contracted form of the imperative ki na (go and come back) Going to the bathroom during the class time was highly discouraged in the Japanese primary school under study. However t his Brazilian student requested it, knowing that teacher s of the international classroom could allow it even after the tutoring class began 7. P OR: A Brazilian teacher is tell ing her Brazilian male student to leave the class room because he already compl eted an assigned individual work S rgio, pode sair dai. S rgio, can leave from there T he teacher us ed the auxiliary verb of allowance/permission poder (can) in the third person inflection The student wa s staying a t the classroom door while some other classmates were still doing the assignment The directive form employed by the teacher Table 3 4 ), yet the performed act ion was s traightforward, clear enough for the student to understand and take the requested action Table 4 2 shows a notable similarity between the JPN and the POR groups with respect to their distribution of the five directive routine categories In both groups the majority of the ir directives were performed for instructional purpos es : 69% (JPN) and 63% (POR) The internal distributions of the ir disciplining routines were also highly similar: 23% (JPN) and 28% (POR). The analys is so far conducted has identified two


83 major directive routines : together cons tituting 93% of the total. Therefore, the subsequent analys i s focuses on these two directive routines. Directive Strategies D irective Strategy T ypes and t heir O ccurrences Direct directive strategies (hereafter, direct strategies ) are speech acts of command/order or assertion whose imperative force is stronger than its indirect counterpart s Speech acts of command/order consist of either an imperative ver b form or a lexical that denote straightforward directive intentionality An English example of the command/order type O pen This directive act type consists of a direct imperative form on & Levinson, 1987). A n example of the lexical type Quick! Speech acts of assertion contains a wide variety of declarative I ndirect directive strategies (hereafter, indirect strategies ) are comprised of speech acts of suggestion, request, or hint The realization of these indirect speech acts often involves such linguistic forms as question or request. T able 4 3 compares the directive strategies employed by the J apanese and the Brazilian female teachers. The table shows a clear quantitative difference in terms of the ir preferred use of direct and indirect strategies. The Brazilian teachers employed 30 % more direct strategies than their Japanese counterparts. In contrast, the J apanese teachers preferred indirect strategies. The difference in their prefer red strategies is statistically significant ( Table 4 4 ). T he quantitat ive analysis referring to the global data of instructing and disciplining routines, has show n a notable difference : Japanese


84 indirectness versus when performing directive speech acts D irective Strategies Perform ed for Instructi onal Purposes T able 4 5 shows the number of occurrences of directive strateg ie s perform ed for instructi onal purposes A total of 416 directive strategies were employ ed by the teachers when giving instruction. Importantly, t he quantitative difference between the JPN and the POR groups is notable in the instructional context of directive usage : JPN 56% (direct strategies ) and 4 4% (indirect strategies ) versus POR 87% (direct strategies ) and 13% (indirect strategies). T he chi square test confirms th e identified difference as statistically significant ( Table 4 6 ) T he results of the data analysis, pertain ing to the instructional routines indicate s that the Japanese teachers p referred more indirect strategies than the Brazilian teachers and that the Brazilian teachers preferred more direct strategies than the Japanese teachers D irective Strategies Perform ed for Disciplin ary Purpos es T able 4 7 shows the distribution of the directive strateg ie s performe d for disciplinary purposes Out of the total of 157 directive strategies identified for the analysis both groups predominant ly employed direct strateg ies : JPN 63% and POR 73%. Th is means that both groups demonstrate a distributional similarity in indirect strategies as well : JPN 37% and POR 2 7 %. T he chi square test ( Table 4 8 ) confirms that there are no significant differences between the groups of directive strategies in the context of giving discipline


85 D irective Speech Acts Directive Speech Act Types and t heir Occurrences T able 4 9 shows the numbers of the directive act s perform ed by the Japanese and the Brazilian teachers The result s of the analysis indicate a clear difference between them : the POR group performed speech acts of order/command more frequently than the JPN group : POR 55% and JPN 30%. T he JPN group on the other hand, performed speech acts of request more frequently than the POR group : JPN 24% versus POR 0% ( one occurrence). T able 4 10 confirms th is observ ed difference as statistical ly significant Directive S peech A cts P erform ed for I nstructi on al P urposes T able 4 11 shows the numbers of occurrences of directive speech acts performed for instructi onal purposes A total of 416 directive acts were employed by the Japanese and the Brazilian teachers when giving instruction. The results of the analysis show that the Brazilian group ha d a larger distribution of speech acts of : POR 53% and JPN 27%. The JPN group frequently performed speech acts of (26%) whereas the POR counterpart rarely performed reque stive acts (0%, one occurrence) Table 4 12 shows th eir preferred use of different speech acts as statistically significant. The following section provides examples from the data in order to illustrate the difference s here identified Example s of directive act s performed for instructional purposes Command/order 8. J PN: A Japanese teacher is instructing her Brazilian and Peruvian students to write down a phrase in their notebook s Hai, nani Kore kai te well what O write Q ? well IMP


86 to Write T he teacher us ed the te form of the verb, which indexes a casual relationship between interlocutors Matsumori (1981, pp. 327 328) points out that the te form is a mild command or request, frequently used by fem ale speakers. Smith (1992) an d Sunaoshi (1994a, 19994b) report that the te form of directives forms part of the Motherese Strategy that Japanese female professiona l s use as a compliance gaining strategy in work places In th e exa mple above the teacher employed this verb form to express her intimacy with the students while having them perform the requested action I observed that t eachers of the international classrooms frequently performed imperative speech acts by way of this directive form ) 9. P OR: A teacher is instructing how to do a mathematic s exercise about basic num erals Escrev a os numerais, um a menos e um a mais. Write IMP the numbers one to less and one to more Write T he teacher us ed the third person imperative command form escr e v a ( write ). In colloquial Brazilian Portuguese, either third person ( e.g. escrev a ) or second person forms ( e.g. escrev e ) are used as a directive. Wherritt (1983, p. 108) points out that Brazilian mothers preferred the third person imperative command when they strengthen ed the force of the ir command to gain children conform ity In the Brazilian classrooms under study I observed that the Brazilian teachers performed both forms of imperatives when speaking to students. Importantly, the se teachers preferred using the subjunctive third person imperative form when speaking to me, the resear cher. This insight adds perspective on Brazilian women age in that they perform imperative speech acts either to strengthen the force of their command s or to


87 create distance to the interlocutor. The teacher in the example employed the third person imperative command for either purpose or for both purposes. Request 10. JPN : A Japanese teacher is instructing her Brazilian and Peruvian students to go back to p age one of the textbook. Dewa, tsugi no pee j i. Ichi pee j i made modo tte kudasai well, next LK page. One page until return please [for our] next page. Please go back to p T he teacher added kudasai (please) to the requestive te form. T he teacher employed th is dependent morpheme kudasai (please ) as a politeness marker to soften the directive force I observed that Japanese teachers frequently performed speech acts of request when giving instruction. In so doing, they used this polite form at that indexed teacher student relationship s as formal distant and respect ful 11. POR: A teacher is requesting her Brazilian male student to pick up the exercise sheet s from those who have finished their exercise. Recolhe de quem terminou, Gabriel, por favor c ollect from who finished, Gabriel, please Collect [the exe rcises] from those who have finished, Gabriel, please T he teacher perform ed a requestive speech act by adding por favor ( please ) to the directive utterance Importantly, this example was the only one instance of request acts identified in the POR da ta I observed that t he Brazilian female teachers participating in this study rarely produced requestive speech acts when speaking to pupils My interpretation of their behavior is that Brazilian adults tend to employ the expression por favor (please) when they literally request a favor from their interlocutor (s) The example above represents such instances of speech realization of


88 Directive S peech A cts P erformed for D iscipli nary P urposes Table 4 13 show s the distribution of o ccurrences of the directive act s performed for disciplin ary purposes The chi square test ( Table 4 14 ) suggests that the JPN and the POR groups are statistically different in regards to their direc tive usage performed for disciplinary purposes. In Table 4 13 we can observe that two differences similar to those identified in Table 4 11 instructional contexts predominant use of order/command ( POR 51% versus JPN 38% ) and speech acts of request ( JPN 17% versus POR 0% ) Moreover, we can observe one more difference: t relatively frequent use of hint ( POR 26% versus JP N 12% ) I interpret th is result in the following way: The Brazilian teachers, especially teacher Maria frequently perfor med speech acts of irony with non conforming male student s in her class I am providing an instance of teacher Maria irony in E xample #1 5 Example s of directive act s performed for disciplin ary purposes Command/order 12. J PN: A Japanese teacher is disciplin in g her student to remain quiet when reading the textbook. Hai, yo nde kudasai tte i tt e masen. Yomi takatta ra, koe o dasa naide mede W ell read please QT say NEG. Read want if voice O out NEG eyes yonde nasai eye with r ead IMP asking you to r ead. If you want to read, read T he teacher us ed the command form of the verb te form + nasai T his command form sounds less forceful than the masculine counterpart yondero (read). Yet, t h is command form is the strongest directive form found in Japanese female teachers use


89 of imperative language in my class observations Importantly, Japanes e mothers commonly employ this imperative form when telling children to perform actions (Matsumori, 1981 ) Japanese female professionals also use th is form as part of the aforementioned Motherese Strategy ( Smith, 1992 ; Sunaoshi 1994a, 1994b ) 13. P OR: A teacher is disciplining her student to put a toy back in the box. O senhor vai at l e guarda o brinquedo dentro da caixa. the mister go IMP till there and keep IMP the toy inside of the box sir, go there and put the toy back T he teacher us ed the secon d person singular inflection of the verb vai (go) and guarda (put away) T he teacher also use d the honorific pronoun of you o senhor (sir) as a compliance gaining strategy by expressing a feeling of anger or irritation towards the student T directive performance was straightforward by effect of these direct imperatives. Hint 14. JPN : A teacher is reproach ing her Peruvian male student, who criticized his Peruvian class mate for running in the hallway right after their tutoring l esson. Hashi tte masen. Dooshite hashitte nai noni iu yo. Run NEG. Why run N EG although say PT though he is not running. h e Peruvian male student in question comment ed ity : This student said that his classmate was running in the hallway right after finishing the tutoring lesson T he teacher in response, used a question strategy ) so that he learn ed not to criticiz e his classmate The implicit directive force was realized by this question strategy performed by the teacher


90 15. POR: A Brazilian teacher is criticizing her s tudent, who is not making enough effort to learn to read Voc no consegue nem ler palavras. O que adianta, ne? You N EG achieve N EG write words. The w hat possible, right? [anything] T h is teacher teacher Maria criticiz ed a non conforming male student in her class T he student was frequently distracted and did not make much progress The frustrated teacher often performed speech acts of irony to criticiz e this and other non conforming male students in her class In the example above she used the double negative construction : no (no) and nem (at all) to emphasize the expression of her negative emotion or evaluation. She also employed a question strategy (what can you ) to hint her disapproval to him Final Remarks This chapter has analyzed the directive language of Japanese and Brazilian female teache rs. T he analysis has show ed one important difference between the se groups : Brazilian female teachers direct strategies versus Japanese counterpart indirect s trategies The results of the analysis at speech act level have demonstrated one further difference : Brazilian female speech acts of order/command and Japanese female preferred use of s peech act s of request The next two chapters qualitatively analyze Japanese and Brazilian female and compliance gaining strategies T hese chapters elucidate cultural values and norms of behavior that these teachers communicate through the ir directive s and other communicative resources


91 Table 4 1. Directive routine categories and their occurrences. Directive routines (%) Grou p Total Instructing Disciplining Getting attention Prompting politeness Others JPN 322 ( 100 ) 223 ( 69 ) 75 ( 23 ) 11 (3) 9 (3) 5 (2) POR 293 ( 100 ) 193 ( 66 ) 82 ( 28 ) 16 (5) 0 (0) 2 (1) Total 615 ( 100 ) 416 ( 67 ) 157 ( 26 ) 27 (5) 9 (1) 7 (1) Table 4 2 Distribution of the directive routine categories. Directive routines (%) Group Total Instructing Disciplining Getting attention Prompting politeness Others JPN 100 69 23 3 3 2 POR 100 66 28 5 0 1 Table 4 3 Occurrences of directive strategies. Directive strategy type Occurrence s (%) JPN POR T otal Direct 181 (57) 246 (84) 427 ( 70 ) Indirect 134 (43) 47 (16) 181 ( 3 0) Total 315 (100) 293 (100) 608 (100) Table 4 4 Results of c hi square test for Table 4 3. chi square 57.47 dof a 1 p value <0.01 a degrees of freedom Table 4 5. Occurrences o f directive strategies in instructing routine s Directive s trategy type Instructing routines (%) JPN POR T otal D irect 124 (56) 168 (87) 292 (70) I ndirect 99 (44) 25 (13) 124 (30) T otal 223 (100) 193 (100) 416 (100) Table 4 6. Results of c hi square test for Table 4 5. chi square 48.88 dof a 1 p value <0.01 a degrees of freedom


92 Table 4 7. Directive strategies employed in disciplining routine s Directive strateg y type D isciplining routines (%) JPN POR T otal D irect 47 (63) 60 (73) 107 (68) I ndirect 28 (37) 22 (27) 50 (32) T otal 75 (100) 82 (100) 157 (100) Table 4 8. Results of c hi square test for Table 4 7. chi square 2.00 dof a 1 p value 0.16 a degrees of freedom Table 4 9. Occurrences of the directive act types Directive a ct type Occurrence s (%) Directive s trategy type JPN POR T otal Direct Order/command 95 (30) 160 (55) 255 (42) Assertion 86 (27) 86 (29) 172 (28) Indirect Suggestion 38 (12) 20 (7) 58 (10) Request 74 (24) 1 (0) 75 (12) Hint 22 (7) 26 (9) 48 (8) Total 315 (100) 293 (100) 608 (100) Table 4 10. Results of c hi square test for Table 4 9. chi square 92.86 dof a 4 p value <0.01 a degrees of freedom Table 4 1 1. Occurrence s and distribution of d irective acts in instructing routines Directive act type Instructing routines (%) Directive s trategy type JPN POR Total Direct Order/command 60 (27) 102 (53) 162 (39) Assertion 64 (29) 66 (34) 130 (31) Indirect Suggestion 29 (13) 19 (10) 48 (12) Request 59 (26) 1 (0) 60 (14) Hint 11 (5) 5 (3) 16 (4) Total 223 (100) 193 (100) 416 (100)


93 Table 4 12 Results of c hi square test for Table 4 11. chi square 69.51 dof a 4 p value <0.01 a degrees of freedom Table 4 1 3. Occurrences of the directive act types in disciplining routines Directive act type O c currence s (%) JPN POR T otal Order/command 28 (38) 42 (51) 70 (45) Assertion 19 (25) 18 (22) 37 (24) Suggestion 6 (8) 1 (1) 7 (4) Request 13 (17) 0 (0) 13 (8) Hint 9 (12) 21 (26) 30 (19) Total 75 (100) 82 (100) 157 (100) Table 4 14. Results of c hi square test for Table 4 13. chi square 23.93 dof a 4 P <0.01 a degrees of freedom


94 CHAPTER 5 JAPANESE FEMALE TEAC LIANCE GAINING STRATEGIES IN MAINST REAM CLASSROOMS The chapter elucidates two first practices that socialize their students into the disciplined self in mainstream classrooms. For this purpose, two ordinary speech events or interactional routines emerged as salient : aisatsu (formal greeting) and happyoo (formal presentation/discussion) Anderson (1995) has analyzed these interactional routines from a language sociali directives and other speech acts in these socializing speech events in Japanese primary public schools. 20 These interactional routines were selected since they reveal cultural themes (Spradley, 1979) that teachers as socializing agents express in such formal speech events by way of their directive and other speech acts. The data descriptions and interpretations with whi The chapter makes use of the interactional data extracted from these mainstream classrooms in the primary school under observation. Hoshi sensei and Kawano sensei were the teachers in charge of these classrooms. In each of these classrooms, there were about 35 Japanese students, age six or seven. In addition, one Brazilian female student (Isabel) belonged to Hoshi American pupils in Kawano and two Peruvian male students (Niko and Koji). Since the general objective of this 20 Ande rson (1995) has analyzed these interactional routines from a language socialization perspective. This events in Japanese primary public sch ools.


95 dissertation is to elucidate language socialization practices of South American students, the chapter illustrates de participation and their comportment in the described speech events. For this purpose, the data was videotaped and their private speech was recorded by a small microphone attached around their nec k. Aisatsu (Formal Greeting) Aisatsu as a formal greeting is a directive speech event because it involves directive speech acts (see following Figure 5 1 ). It is also a performative speech act that announces and proclaims a for mal event characterized by its team spirit or group unity (Anderson, 1995, p. 145). Due to its formal and collectivist characteristics, the aisatsu routine is an important socializing event that connect s the pupils in the classroom to the outer world of th e adults. Previous research on Japanese schooling has pointed out that the aisatsu routine functions as a ritual that separate s situational boundaries (Anderson & Wolfe 200 9, p. 22) between the formal (e.g., class time) and the informal (e.g., recess time). It also functions to reinforce the cultural notion of kejime ( Anderson, 1995; Tobin et al., 1989) Kejime denotes the he for mal and the i nformal situations. Only a few ethnographic studies have documented Japanese posture (Anderson, 1995, p. 138) and bowing (Holloway, 2000, p. 75). It is im portant to document further instances of the aisatsu routine in Japanese mainstream classrooms. The Basic Structure of the Aisatsu Speech Event First of all, i t is crucial to describe the sp atial and postural orientations of the participants that unfold in the aisatsu routine. These orientations form part of the context


96 of the aisatsu speech event as a formal activity T he teacher is positioned in the front area of the classroom. T he students put their chair s underneath the ir desk s and stand straight facin g towards the teacher. The teacher and the students stand up and straighten up the ir bod ies, including the ir arms and their back Figure 5 10 i llustrates th ese orientations that take place in a class opening aisatsu event (see the photo at the end of this chapter). The basic interactional structure of the aisatsu event: 21 1. The teacher initiates the aisatsu sequence with a prompt such as Let s begin or 2. The tooban (d esignated student monitor(s)) per form(s) the aisatsu routine with the formulaic command 3. The students acknowledge the aisatsu command s by bowing 4. The teacher evaluates behavior, and then requests the students to repeat the aisatsu activity or opts for starting the lesson F igure 5 1 represent s the basic aisatsu routine as performe d in classrooms in this school. In line 1 the teacher cues the monitor to initiate the aisatsu event T he tooban (student monitor) carr ies out the aisatsu he monitor declares the start of the class (in line 4) and the students in unison perform the declarative act (in line 5) I n line 6, the tooban (student monitor in Japanese) commands the class to sit down. Finally, the teacher evaluates the collective aisatsu performance and reacts either verbally or non verbally Anderson (1995 ) ha s designated this participation structure interactional 21 Anderson (1995) found a similar interactional pattern of the aisatsu routine in his study of a second grade classroom.


97 umbrella in which students participation and collaboration are encouraged by the teacher, who controls the speech event by her initial and final turns or statements T his interactional structu re is slightly different from the IRE (Initiation Reply Evaluation) format common in Western classrooms (cf. Mehan, 1979 ) In Japanese classrooms, the R component is usually performed by students as a group instead of individual students. In the aisatsu ro utine, the monitors participate as an agent of directive acts. The teacher than directly exerting the directive acts. Th is act sequence appears to be similar to a triadic directive structure docum ented by LS researchers (e.g., Field, 1998, 2001) because the actual directive agent is not the teacher, but the student monitors ( tooban in Japanese) It is vital to point out that th ese student monitors, in the aisatsu routine, can take charge b o th o f ob serving the behavior of the classmates and of correcting their in appropriate beha v iors Compliance G aining Strategies in the Aisatsu (Formal Greeting) Speech Event This section provides a closer look at two Japanese first compliance behavior) observed in the lesson starting aisatsu routine. A part of the expected group beh classrooms leads their students to an understanding of the cultural significance of this performance. Kejime and shisei : Behavioral display of serious disposition In order to function as competent adult members in Japanese society, children need to be socialized into the appropriate way of performing greeting rituals in formal


98 interactional encounters. As mentioned in Chapter 3, kejime a in many situations in adult life. Examples of such rituals are job interviews and ceremonial occasions. In the greeting interactional routine, hierarchy is more noticea ble and social order is maintained when members comply to normative expectations. Such expectations are derived from social structure pertinent to a particular society. Therefore, in Japan, ther physical manifestations of seriousness become the target of enculturation, constituting part of the preferred cultural dispositions. shakai jin (literally, p erson in society). Thus, the aisatsu routine practiced in classrooms plays an important role as a socializing practice. It prepares children for formal social/interactional events while at the same time mai ntaining order in elationships. In F igure 5 2 teacher Kawano performs a series of directive acts and kogoto (small scoldings or nitpicking) in order to obtain formal aisatsu behavior from her students ostures, teacher Kawano employed a She also remained silent for five seconds un til the class straightened up. The act of remaining silent indexes the solemn tone that is commonly created in ceremonies. This is to obtain the cultural theme or goal of ittaikan (literally, feeling of one body or unity ) among participants.


99 Teacher Kawano uses the kogoto strategy to discipline four individual students who did not conform to her behavioral expectations (in lines 5 to 10). Kogoto literally, small words in Japanese implies picking on individuals and scolding them because of their small faults. Teacher Kawano Masa shi for his standing on tiptoe, was complemented by her approaching him. In fact, she got close to Masashi complaining tone and right in front of him. Her physical proximity appeared to be an effective means for socialization of formal greeting postures: Masashi and also the male student behind him straightened up their bodies and arms when teacher Kawano was walking toward them ( Figure 5 11 ) In a similar fashion, teacher Kawano gave discipline to four more individual students: two boys and two girls (in lines 7 behaviors varied according to each student: one boy for ti dying up his desktop (in line 7); another boy for twisting his body (in line 8); one girl for balancing on the back of her chair (in line 9); and another girl for rubbing her hands together while she held them in front of her belly (in line 10). Teacher K highlights the cultural significance of shisei (posture and attitude). The word shisei implies the manifestation of the mental/psychological state on the physical/attitudinal plane o r of their interconnected nature. In East Asian cultures like Japanese, the mind and the body are considered to be interconnected entities. In this cultural belief system, while their speech behavior may hide such genuine qualities. Taking such a cultural

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100 assumes relevance as a means of socializing students into the appropriate formal behavior t hat is required for a competitive participation in adult life. Self group control for order maintenance: Tooban One relevant theme for Japanese group culture is how to establish and maintain order, hierarchy, and harmony among its members. As mentioned in Chapter 3, researchers on Japanese culture and communication have heightened the cultural theme of wa (group harmony) and of wakimae (status based social discernment) found in Japanese societ y. Lewis (1995) has reported that peer based behavior control in primary classrooms is a method of discipline that Japanese teachers use to promote discipline while reducing their reliance on adult authority. In so doing, students tak e turns to accomplish their duties related to daily classroom activities. Examples are calling attention of the class for the start and end of a lesson, distributing lunch, and cleaning the classroom Tooban literally, person(s) on duty play an important r ole in organizing classroom activities. In Japanese primary classrooms, there are many duties the tooban in the rotation need to take care of. One of their duties is to conduct the formal greeting routine that starts off the beginning of a lesson. In tea These tooban took the initiative to create classroom order by carrying out the aisatsu performance, usually twice. They performed the first aisatsu e Figure 5 3 represent s the

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101 dialogue on tooban greeting enactment (photo in Figure 5 12 ) As observed, the tooban repeatedly gave commands to individual students in order to correct their shisei (posture and attitude). Their power, however, was fact that many students neither completely straightened up their body nor bowed in the first greeting enactment. Moreover, the class became noisy again immediately after th e first enactment. her arrival, some students immediately sat down and others stopped playing. This means that teacher Hoshi exercised massive power and control over her class. In the second greeting enactment, the tooban played the role of collaborating with her by creating order by means of a series of ritualized commands. Figure 5 4 i llustrates the effectiveness of the tooban at took place approximately 30 seconds after the first aisatsu enactment (photo in Figure 5 13 ) Figure 5 4 demonstrates the tooban Therefore, the teacher thanked the monitor/ tooban 1 for his leadership (in lines 9 and 10). More specifically, t he teacher appreciated him because he took charge of giving a command to the class and (re)gained order in the classroom. The teacher the classroom authority boration by means of their use of commands (in lines 12 14). It is because of their collaboration that she effectively attained a serious atmosphere in the classroom. In other words, the over her

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102 Hai students to straighten up their bodies even further. That is to say, the tooban commands gave the teacher the opportunity to pick on misbehaving students rig ht away. In response to the fear of being criticized by the teacher, some students even disciplinary act that gained from her students the behavioral display of a formal a ttitude appropriate to start a lesson. Difficulty in performing the aisatsu linked to the acquisition of basic literacy Acquisition of basic literacy 80 ideographic kanjis (Chinese characters) and two phonetic systems: hiragana and katakana is a n important daily chore that is practiced in first grade classrooms. First graders, during the first semester, are likely to master these phonetic based script systems, each of which has 47 letters. After mastering the phonetic scripts, they are likely to proceed to learn the kanjis Many Japanese children get a head start by learning these scripts before the start of their primary schooling. South American first grade students appear to be in a disadvantageous situation since they are still in the process of mastering these scripts even in their second semester. Throughout my observations of two first grade classrooms, all four South American students had relative difficulties in the reading and writing of Japanese in comparison with their Japanese classma tes. Their Japanese classmates appeared ready to start their lessons, since they had finished writing during the previous lesson period or within their recess. In the described aisatsu events from the first and Is abel Braz ilian female students were not ready to engage themselves to the greeting routine due to their relative difficulties with copying the Japanese script. Misa

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103 appeared to be distracted due to the pressure to finish copying a text written on the blackboard lef t from the previous lesson period on Language Arts. In a similar fashion, Isabel needed to copy the plan for the following day written from the blackboard into her notebook. Misa risked being scolded by the teacher because she kept the opened notebook of L anguage Arts a different subject on her desk. In order to avoid a possible reprimand from the teacher, she closed the notebook while teacher Kawano was reprimanding some students. Upon the end of the aisatsu enactment, she put the notebook into her drawer and took out her Math notebook and textbook. Isabel took advantage of her seating position position to finish copying before the lesson formally began with the second aisatsu enactment. During the first aisatsu enactment, sh el, who was talking to me, that is, the researcher, quickly went back to her seat. Then, she straightened up in reaction to the third tooban ( Figure 5 14 ) and successfully joined the The descriptions above rendered shed light on South American first accommodative behavior in response to the expectations of normative behavior in the aisatsu routine. South American first graders are faced with the pressure to conf orm to the multiple expectations of the tooban, of the teacher, and the literacy task of copying text from the blackboard. The tooban and the teacher have their collaborative agenda

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104 for establishing order by means of the greeting routine. South American fi rst graders need to cope with this agenda even though they have not finished their previous task. A cquiring basic literacy forms part of the relevant cultural skills that students need to master in their (early) first grade year in Japan. It is important f or such students to fully participate in classroom routines, including the formal greetings. Failure to follow the from their classroom community. Happyoo (Formal Pres entation) The Basic Structure of the Happyoo Speech Event The happyoo routine is a recitation speech event in which the students have the opportunity to make their answers, ideas, and opinions public in the classroom (Anderson, 1995). The basic structure of the happyoo routine is that (1) the teacher poses a question to the class, (2) the teacher chooses a student, (3) the chosen student hai hannoo (reactions) to the speaker who made his or her statement (Anderson, 1995). Hannoo ii desu onaji desu tsuketashi des u (I have shitsumon desu F igure 5 5 represent s the happyoo event as performed in classrooms in the school under investigation. The structure of the happyoo routine here illustrated was obse rved in other classrooms across grade years in this school. The dialogue in Figure 5 5 was Kanon. In line 1, the teacher started the happyoo recitation event with the question

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105 f Kanon chan happyoo routine that requires participation in the happyoo routine was not only about speaking performance but also about listening performance. This rule pertaining to the happyoo event was expressed with the request made by the tea event students should pay attention to the one who is speaking. speech was formal due to the consistent use of the formal register with the polite ending masu In addition, this He presented his idea in a logical fashion with the steps he would take in order to weigh the dog. After presenting his idea, he asked the class what they thought of it (in line 8). ay, the speaker received the support of his classmates even though he was not receiving explicit feedback from the teacher. These hannoo reaction turns constitute an important cultural expression performed in the happyoo event in Japanese primary classroo ms (Anderson 1995, Cook 1999). The reaction turns create a sense of community because students need to pay attention happyoo ) and add comments ( hannoo ). In this fashion, icipation, leads the group to the construction of a collective learning environment. In this multiparty interactional

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106 structure, the teacher plays the role of a facilitator rather than that of an evaluator of the pliance G aining Strategies in the Happyoo Speech Event gaining strategies in the happyoo routine. This teacher was selected for a detailed analysis because she employed disciplinary speech acts more frequen tly than the other teachers observed in the school. Teacher Kawano was assigned to take charge of supervising novice teachers in the school; this suggests that the school administration deemed her a role traditional teacher fronted lesson format. Socialization of attentive listenership: shisei (posture), henji (responses), and hannoo (reactions) sensei no iu koto o yoku kiku in Japanese) is a phrase that Japan ese parents commonly give to their children. According to the dictionary Daijisen kiku student relationships, students are expected to li sten to their teacher carefully and to follow her instruction uncritically. The teacher uses disciplinary strategies called muchi (literally directives serves to reify the roles and relationships between the teacher and students that exist in Japanese society at large. Shisei Kawano shisei ) at the

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107 the norm of attentive listenership in the classroom. In Figure 5 6 the teacher use d directives to make the class put their hands o n their lap in order to start the happyoo routine. More specifically, t he teacher used the declarative command with the polite masu indexes th at she was showing her polite face. Moreover, the use of the prolonged final vowels in lines 1 to 3 (as in m aa su and mas ee n ) indicates a display of her intimacy to the class as she adopted this child register. r attitudinal change toward the student(s). Her statement in line 6: /non polite register was efficient enough to embarrass the male student who was picked on ( Figure 5 1 5 ). His violation of the norm pertaining to attentive listening was obvious because the teacher picked on him in the middle of her instructional speech (between line 5 and line 7). Teacher Kawano had employed five directive acts between the polite command in line 1 and the first nomination of a student in line 9. This suggests that attentive listening behavior was required of the class before the teacher could initiate the happyoo routine. submissive behavior (i.e., attentive listenership) and, thus, to maintenance of classroom order during the happyoo event. Henji In Japanese communication, hierarchy becomes marked with the use of specific forms o forms in Japanese: hai ee and un Among these, hai is the most formal form that is

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108 used when a socially inferior individual (e.g., student) responds to a socially superior indi where teachers perform the role of maintaining social hierarchy and such teacher student rel ationships through their daily classroom interactions. F igure 5 7 appropriate way to acknowledge social relationships based on status differences ( wakimae in Japanese). In this dialogue, t eacher Kawano disciplined the students who calculation process (e.g., 7+6), in which a number (e.g., 6) is divided into two numbers (e.g., 3+ 3) so that first ten can be calculated (7+3=10) and then added to the rest (10+3=13). She requested the class to use the binary node that, in this case, would separa te 6 into two blocks of 3 (in lines 4 to 6). led her to take disciplinary action: she picked o n a male student ( Figure 5 1 6 ) and jir o san Later, the teacher resumed criticizing him for his inappropriate way of replying to the request. In lines 19 and 20, the teacher, using mimicry, commented that his response ( henji ) both the facial and tonal expressions was inappropriate due to his unwillingness to comply to the request. Moreover, the teacher shamed Sei jir o by calling ko no hito

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109 hito threatening or derogatory act in Japanese face to scoldings kogoto in Japane se was an effective strategy while giving the class the Hannoo Figure 5 8 is another instance to prompt hannoo In the dialogue the teacher nominates two students: Kanako (S1) and Hideki (S2). Upon her stayed silent for seven seconds in order to hannoo prolonged silence functioned as a disci appropriate reaction to the speaker. they did not feel confident of their own answers. In any case, teacher Kawano was displeased by their comportment and manifested her discomfort with the word hen Socialization of polite speakership: Voice and posture in the disp lay of the public self The Japanese way of speaking in the public requires polite demeanors aside from verbal skills. The happyoo routine fosters students to become independent speakers who can display the public self by means of appropriate voice and post ure. All of the three South American students in Kawano sensei

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110 difficulties in performing the competent speakerhood due to lack of verbal, reading, and postural competencies. In Figure 5 9 teacher Kawano nominated Niko a Peruvian boy and requested him to read aloud his answer that she already checked before choosing him. Niko was faced with the challenge of reading the text loudly with an appropriate posture that showed self confidence. Th e teacher patiently helped him perform his presentation by means of various directives: commands, prompts, and instructions. Specifically, these directives were employed to have him stand up, speak aloud, and read his answer aloud. The Japanese way of pub lic speaking requires the speaker to stand up straight while talking. Teacher Kawano reminded Niko to stand up, immediately after he started reading without following the norm. Moreover, she requested him to take off his mask s face and speaking aloud form part of the primary requirement for public speaking. However, Niko appeared to lack self confidence or competence on assuming the role of public speaking. Therefore, the teacher helped him by verbally prompting him to read th e text and by indicating with her finger the text he underlined on his notebook. Teacher Kawano demonstrated patience to lack of the It is import ant to mention that 16 was the number of nominations teacher Kawano performed during the lesson. Out of this number, Niko was nominated twice including the data presented here. The teacher persistently disciplined students so that they conformed to the nor m of speaking loudly and stand up properly by means of carrying

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111 out the happyoo routine. The students in her classroom were encouraged to adopt these speaking behaviors, which constitutes the public self image in mainstream society. Figure 5 17 happyoo event. in three corporal aspects: back ( sesuji ), face ( kao ), and arms ( ude ). The body is straightened up. The face is shown to the public, and the arms are straightened without touching the desk. These corporal aspects of behavior are important in order to show a competent public image to the audience. appropriate performance as a public speaker. Final Remarks gaining strategies in main stream classrooms. Specifically, the chapter focused on two first grade female aisatsu (formal greeting) at the start of a lesson and happyoo (formal presentation/discussion). In the aisatsu rou tine, the cultural ethos of kejime (switching between the casual and formal modes of dispositions) and shisei (posture and attitude) are inculcated strategies of kogoto (sm all scoldings or nitpicking) and physical proximity were effective means of socializing students into the appropriate formal behavior that will be required for competitive participation in adult life. Furthermore, the tooban (student monitors) played an im portant role in maintaining the cultural ethos of wa (harmony) and of wakimae (status based social discernment) by means of peer based behavior control in classrooms. For instance, teacher Hoshi's authority was highlighted by the collaboration

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112 of the tooba presence. In the happyoo routine, attentive listenership and polite speakership were muchi in Japanese) that Shisei (posture and attitude), henji hannoo were the specific components of the required listenership. In terms of the polite speakership, voice (i.e., speaking aloud) and posture (i.e., standing straight and showing the face) were constantly corrected in addition to the use of the polite register of the verb ending masu of speaking and li stening in group learning settings is supported by the cultural belief in maintaining wa (group harmony) by means of yielding to authority. sensei no iu koto o yoku kiku in Japanese) is a saying that epitomizes the Japanese way of teacher student relationships based on the value of wakimae (acknowledgement of hierarchy and status differences) in classrooms. In this process of socializing the specific cultural values that took place in group learning dynamics whose standard or performance was above their current competence or performance levels. As a consequence, these students were likely t o kyaku sama (honorific as strangers in mainstream classrooms.

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113 The next chapter is concerned with South gaining strategies observed in tutoring interactions in the international classroom of the primary school under study.

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114 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Prompt Hai, onegai shimasu. Well, please go ahead. Tooban : 2 Command Kiritsu. Stand up. ((Ss stand up)) Tooban : 3 Command Kiotsuke. Straighten up. ((Ss straight up)) Tooban : 4 Declaration Korekara nijikanme no sansuu o hajimemasu. Now, we are starting our second class with Math. Students: 5 Declaration Hajime mashoo. Tooban : 6 Command Chakuseki. Sit down. ((Ss sit down)) Teacher: 7 ((T starts writing on the board)) Figure 5 1. Aisatsu third grade classroom [1.21.2010]

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115 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: Teacher: 1 Declarative Command [polite] Yotei kaiteiru hito yamemasu. Those of you writing the plan for tomorrow, stop writing. 2 Prompt Gooree, Marina san Gooree Call attention. Marina san call attention. ((Ss stand up])) Tooban : 3 Command Kiotsuke Straighten up. ((in a very thin voice)) Teacher: Teacher: Teacher: Teacher: Teacher: Teacher: Teacher: Teacher: 4 Question [polite] Kiotsuke ni natte imasuka. Are you standing up straight? ((T stays silent five seconds until the class stands up straight)) 5 Question [polite] Masashi san, kiotsuke desuka, sore. Masashi san are you standing up straight? ((To a male student)) 6 Scolding [casual] Ne, wakkachau yo, sensei niwa. Hey. I see that. ((T gets close to the same male student)) 7 Command Kiotsuke. Straighten up! ((to an student who is next to T)) 8 Getting attention/ scolding Ne, Kakesu san. Hey, Kakesu san ((In a scolding voice, T talks to a student who did not straighten up.)) 9 Scolding [casual] Namiki san, itsumo osoi anata. Namiki san ((loudly)). You are always slow. 10 Scolding [casual] Honoka san no koremo kiotsuke ja naino wakacchau tte. Honoka san your way of doing is not [standing straight], I can see that. ((T imitates the gesture of rubbing hands that Honoka made)) 11 Declaration [polite] Hajimemasu We are going to start. Students: 12 Declaration [polite] Hajimemashoo Tooban : Tooban : 13 Command Ree Bow! 14 Command Chakuseki Sit down. ((Ss sit down)) Teacher: 15 Request [polite] Hai, nooto hiraite kudasai Ok, please open your notebook. Figure 5 2. Aisatsu in t eacher Kawano classroom [10.26.2009]

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116 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Tooban 1: 1 Command Satoo san, kiotsuke. Satoo san straighten up! Tooban 2: 2 Re quest [polite] Sekini tsuite kudasai. Please, go back to your seats. Students: 3 Response [polite] Hai Yes. ((few pupils respond verbally)) Tooban 3: 4 Command Yano san, kiotsuke. Yano san straighten up! ((to a student)) Tooban 1: 5 Command Nakaya san, kiotsuke. Nakaya san straighten up! ((to a student)) Tooban 1: 6 Declaration Ima kara, From now, Toobans 1, 2, and 3: 7 Declaration [polite] ni jikanme no benkyoo o hajimemasu. we are starting the second lesson. Students: 8 Declaration [polite] Hajimemashoo. absolute order due to lack of are students who talk to each other after finishing the aisatsu )) Figure 5 3. Aisatsu in t eacher Hoshi [11.17.2009]

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117 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Tooban 1: 9 Suggestion [polite] Shizuka ni shimashoo! Teacher: 10 Thanks [casual] xxx. Hai, arigatoo ne, Koosuke san name)) xxx. Well, thank you, Koosuke san. name)) Tooban 2: 11 Suggestion [polite] Tachimashoo. Tooban 1: 12 Command Kiotsuke! Straighten up! Tooban 2: 13 Command Kiotsuke! Straighten up! Tooban 3: 14 Command Kiotsuke! Straighten up! Teacher: 15 Prompt Hai Ok/well Tooban 1: 16 Declaration Imakara From now Toobans 1,2, and 3: 17 Declaration [polite] Sansuu no benkyoo o hajimemasu. we are starting the math lesson. Students: 18 Declaration [polite] Hajimemashoo. Tooban 1: 19 Suggestion [polite] Suwarimashoo. Teacher: 20 Command [polite] Meate o kakimasu. We are writing the lesson objective. Figure 5 4. Aisatsu in t eacher Hoshi

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1 18 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Elicitation [polite] Kanon chan no taijyuu ha doo sureba motomerareru deshoo ka. How can we measure Kanon chan Teacher: 2 Hai Hai ((Many students raise their hai attention)) Teacher: 3 Nomination [polite] Hai, dewa, Shiiki san kara ikimasu Ok, well, Shiki san goes first. Teacher: 4 Request [polite] Hai, ja, enpitsu o motteiru hito wa oite kudasai. Ok, those of you who are still writing please put your pencil down. Teacher: 5 Request [polite] Jibun no yarikata to kurabete mite kudasai. Please compare your method Teacher: 6 Prompt Doozo. Go ahead ((to S)) Student 1: 7 Presentation [polite] Happyoo shimasu. Etto, boku no kago ni irete hakarimasu. Saisho ni kago no omosa o hakarimasu. Kago no omosa ga 500 guramu dato shimasu. Tsugini Kanon chan o kago no naka ni irete hakarimasu. Ichi kiroguramu 500 guramu dato suruto, Kanon chan no taijuu wa ichikiro ni narimasu. I am starting my presentation. Well, I will weigh her by putting her in a basket. First, I will weigh grams. Then, I will put Kanon chan into the basket and weigh them altogether. If it is one and a ha lf kilograms, Kanon chan weight is one kilogram. Student 1: 8 Prompt for class participation [polite] Doo desuka? What do you think? ((S1 asks the class)) A few Students: 9 Reaction [polite] Ii desu. Good! Teacher: 10 Acknowledge Ummm Uh huh ((T remark)) Teacher: 11 Nomination Naoki san Naoki san ((T chooses Naoki and then his presentation starts)) Figure 5 5. Happyoo in t eacher Kita third grade math class [1.21.2010]

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119 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Command [polite] Ja, ima te wa hiza ni oki maasu. Well, now you are going to put your hands on your lap. ((T waits 15 seconds. Yet, some students are still working on their art pieces)) Teacher: 2 Scolding [polite] Mada ijittemaasu. Still touching [your pieces]. ((To some Ss)) Teacher: 3 Command [polite] Moo Sawarimaseen. [You] do not touch. ((To some Ss)) Teacher: 4 Command [polite] Hai. Ano ne, karada o ugokasu dakedemo taorechaisoo na hito nomo arimasunode, kubidake ugokashimasu. Kubidake, ii? Ok. Hey, you are going to only move your neck because some works may fall down by moving your body. Only your neck, ok? Teacher: 5 Elicitation De, nani o tsukutta ka And, what have you made Teacher: 6 Scolding [casual] Mada sawatteru Still touching ((A male student is raising his piece)) Teacher: 7 Elicitation [polite] Nani o tsukutta noka o itte moraimasu. I want you to tell us what you have made. ((Some students are still touching their works)) Teacher: 8 Request [polite] Chotto mienikui hito no mo arukamo shirenai kedo, ugokashite mite kudasai. Ne? works are hard to see, works] moving only your neck. Teacher: 9 Nomination Hai, Takeru san Yes, Kakeru san Student: 10 Response Hai Yes ((Presentation starts)) Figure 5 6. Happyoo in t eacher Kawano manual arts class [10.5.2009].

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120 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Elicitation [casual] Shiki niwa nani ga tsuku no? What are you supposed to put in the equation? ((How did you solve the equation?)) ((Ss vie to be chosen)) Teacher: 2 Nomination Koji san Koji san Student1: 3 Response [polite] Hai, oyama desu Yes. It is a mountain. Teacher: 4 Feedback [casual] Oyama tsuku ne. A mountain is added [in the equation], right? Teacher: 5 Request [polite] Mada oyama tsukete keisan shite kudasai yo. Please calculate, still using a mountain. Teacher: 6 Declarative Directive [polite] Keisan kaado o yaridashite kotae ga suisui deruyou ni narumadeha doriru mo nooto mo purinto mo zenbu oyama o tsukemasu. You write the mountain in your workbook, in your notebook, and in your printed materials, in all of them, until you can easily recite the flash cards with no mistakes. Teacher: 7 Question directive [polite] Wakarimashita ka Did you und erstand? Students: 8 Response Haai Yees ((overall the students react with no enthusiasm)) Teacher: 9 Compliant [casual] Nan ka chotto iyasoo ja nai, ne, Seijiro san You look rather a bit unhappy, san Teacher: 10 Elicitation [casual] Ne, nan de oyamka o tsukeru no? Look, why should we write a mountain? ((There is only one student who raises his hand)) Teacher: 11 Nomination Kaio san Kaio san Student2: 12 Presentation [polite] Hai, oyama o tsukutte suuji o futatsu kaku kara desu. Yes. It is because we make a mountain to write two numbers [underneath]. Teacher: 13 Question [casual] Nan de kakuno? Why do we write that? ((to S2)) Teacher: 14 Comment [casual] Datte kotae wakatte iru hito iruyo ne? But, there are people who know the answers [without writing a mountain], right? Figure 5 7. Henji (response to teacher ) in t eacher Kawano

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121 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 15 Comment [casual] Dakedo oyama kaite tte itta jan ne But, I told you to write a mountain, right? Teacher: 16 Cue Nande deshoo ne? Why? ((talking to the class)) Student2: 17 Presentation [polite] Tatoe ba 8 tasu 5 datta ra, 8 wa ato 2 de narukara, a, 10 ni naru kara, 5 o 2 to 3 ni wakete, 8 to 2 de jyuu o tsukutte 10 to 3 de 13 ni suru kara desu. It is because, for example, if [the problem] is 8 plus 5, 8 with 2 will be, ah, will be 10, so we s eparate 5 into 2 and 3, and then 8 plus 2 is 10, 10 plus 3 is 13. ((8+ 5 = 13)) 2 3 Students: 18 Reaction [polite] Onaji desu I agree! Teacher: 19 Complaint [casual] Sore o kakitaku nasa soo dattan dakedo kono hito, tte kao wa shinakatta kedo This person, Seijiro san looked unwilling to write it [a mountain]. He did not make a face like Un un talks to the class)) Teacher: 20 Complaint [casual] de ittan da kedo ((T talks to the class)) T eacher: 21 Question [polite] Sensei ga nande kakanakya ikeinai to itteiru to omoi masu ka Why do you think I am saying that [the mountain] should be used? ((Talking to S2, who is not able to answer)) Teacher: 22 Question [polite] Dooshite kakanakya ikenai n deshoo ka Why should we/you use [the mountain]? Teacher: 23 Permission [casual] Ii yo It is ok ((T uses gesture to permit S2 to sit down)) Figure 5 7. Continued

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122 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Nomination Kanako san Kanako san ((S1 does not react)) Teacher: 2 Nomination Kanako san Kanako san Student 1: 3 Response Hai Yes Teacher: 4 Command [casual] Henji motto ookii koe de When you respond, [respond] in a louder voice. Student 1: 5 Response Hai Yes ((in a louder voice)) Teacher: 6 Request [polite] Hiita tokoro o yonde kudasai. Please read the parts that you underlined. Student 1: 7 Reading the text Miwa san wa 7 mai, Masato san wa 6 mai tsukuri mashita. Miwa san made 7 bookmarks and Masato san made 6 bookmarks. class to understand)) Teacher: 8 Silence ((T stays silent for 7 seconds)) A few students: 9 Reaction [polite] Onaji desu I agree! Teacher: 10 Nomination Hideki san Hideki san ((S2 is surprised by the sudden nomination and holds his head in his hands. S2 takes 17 seconds until he starts to speak)) Teacher: 11 Question directive [polite] Hapyoo wa doko de shite masu ka Where are you doing your presentation? ((To S2 who reads aloud while putting his hands on his desk)) Student 2: 12 Presentation Miwa san wa 7 mai, Masato san wa 6 mai tsukuri mashita. Zenbu de nanmai tsukutta deshoo ka. Miwa san made 7 bookmarks, Masato san made 6 bookmarks. How many bookmarks did they make in total? Teacher: 13 Question Kikoeta hito? Who could hear her ((Raise your hand if you could hear her]? ((Half of the Ss raise their hand)) Figure 5 8. Hannoo (reaction to peers) in t eacher Kawano

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123 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 14 Question Kikoenai hito? Who could not hear her [Raise your hand if you could not hear her]?((Few Ss raise their hand)) Teacher: 15 Question Kiite nai hito? Who was not listening to her [raise your hand if you did not listen to her]? ((One student near T continues raising his hand)) Teacher: 16 Comment/ Evaluation [polite] Kikoeta noni nanimo hannoo ga nai tte hen desu nee. It is strange that no one reacts [to her response] even though you heard her. ((Still no reaction from the Ss)) Teacher: 17 Comment/ Evaluation [casual] Hideki san, hanashi kiite nai mon ne. Hideki san you are not paying attention, right? ((To S2)) Teacher: 18 Nomination Hayashi san Hayashi san ((Another presentation starts) Figure 5 8. Continued

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124 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Nomination [polite] Hai, Niko san itte kudasai. Niko san please tell us [your answer] ((T stands in front of Niko, points at the part that he underlined so that he reads it.)) Student: 2 Reading xxx xxx ((unintelligible)) Teacher: 3 Command [casual] Tatte Stand up ((T uses gesture so that Niko stands up)) Teacher: 4 Command [casual] Masuku totte, ookii koe de ii na yo. Take off you mask and speak loudly Teacher: 5 Command [casual] Sen hiita tokoro dake yonde. Read only the underlined part Teacher: 6 Prompt San hai Here we go! Student: 7 Reading nana mai to seven bookmarks and ((in a thin voice)) Teacher: 8 Backchannel Un Un ((T backchannels)) Student: 9 Reading roku mai xxx six book marks, xxx ((in a thin voice)) Teacher: 10 Instruct [casual] kaita tokoro dake. Kokodake. Only the part you underlined. Only this part ((T points at the underlined part in his notebook.)) Teacher: 11 Prompt San hai Here we go! Student: 12 Reading xxx xxx ((unintelligible)) Teacher: 13 Comment [casual] No tokoro dake ne. That is the part [you wrote], right? ((Niko sits down)) Figure 5 9. Polite speakership in t eacher Kawano [10.26.2 009]

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125 Figure 5 10 A class opening aisatsu event. Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. Figure 5 11 Teacher Kawano towards Masa shi Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura.

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126 Figure 5 12 T he first enactment of aisatsu Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. Figure 5 13 The second enactment of aisatsu Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. Figure 5 14 Isabel Photo courtesy of Mut suo Nakamura.

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127 Figure 5 15 The student appeared embarrassed, looking down at his artwork due to Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. Figure 5 16 T he male student stayed quiet and looked at teacher Kawano after being scolded by her Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. A B Figure 5 17 happyoo posture A) B efore B) After teacher Kawano Photos courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura.

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128 CHAPTER 6 JAPANESE AND BRAZILI DIRECTIVE/COMPLIANCE GAINING STRATEGIES I N THE INTERNATIONAL CLASSROOM This chapter elucidates issues of conflict, social control, and status maintenance that took place in interactions between Japanese/Brazilian female teachers and a first grade male student from Brazil. In so doing, it brings out themes of enculturation in Japan and Latin America (especially, Brazil) that were observed in the behaviors of these interactants. The case of one student in the international classroom/ kokuksai kyoshitsu (cf. Chapter 3) was selected for detailed analysis. The motivation for the selection was that it is the tutoring interactions that made most salient the themes of Japanese enculturation and Sou conforming behavior. Thus, gaining strategies in interaction with the most non conforming male student found at the research site. Background Japanese schooling appears to prom rules of the society and the norms of behavior necessary for learning in groups (Hess & Azuma, 1991). Japanese parents, too, support the socialization of rule governed behavior via schooling by inculcating in their children the values of group cooperation and compliance with authority (e.g., teachers). In Japan, such mainstream sociocultural adaptations to her instruction rat cognitive needs for learning (Hess & Azuma, 1991). South American students due in part to home school cultural mismatches appear to have difficulties acquiring such cultural dispositions that Japanese sc hooling

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129 former colonizing nations and their classist social structures have induced the masses to practice strategies to gain personal advantages in an unjust social situation or interpersonal treatment. In Brazil, malandragem (cunning/sly behavior) and jeitinho (the way of gaining an advantage by circumventing rules and conventions) are deemed modes of social navigation, becoming part of Brazilian national culture (Da Matta, 1990; Barbosa, 1992). In Spanish Latin American cultures, there are similar concepts: picarda (cunning/mischief/trick) widely used throughout the Spanish dialectal varieties, cantinfleadas used in Mexico (Merrell, 2004), gauchada known in Argentina (Garibaldi de Hilal, 2006), palanca practiced in Colombia (Fitch, 1998), and viveza criolla us ed in Argentina and Uruguay ( Achgar, 2003; Mafud, 1965). 1 Despite the distinct terminology used to designate the phenomenon, they share a characteristic tendency: the non compliant mostly masculine behavior in the face of established rules, norms, and conventions. Methodology For this study, four female teacher s (three Japanese and one Brazilian) were selected. It was these female teachers that gave lessons to the Brazilian boy under scrutiny ( Adriano). The Japanese teachers were those who were described in Chapter 3 (teachers Suzuki Sato and Honda ). All of th em were highly experienced teachers working in local primary schools for more than two decades. The Brazilian teacher was working at the same primary school as a bilingual interpreter/translator as well as a teacher assistant. She was close to the Brazilia n students in the school and their parents because she bridged language barriers between the Japanese teachers and 1 See Merrell (2004, Chapter 4) concerning malandragem jeitinho picarda and cantinfleadas

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130 the Brazilian stude nts/parents. Adriano was seven years old, an only child of a third generation Japanese Brazilian father and a white, Brazi lian mother, both in their 20s. At the start of data collection, Adriano had been in the Japanese school for six months. He received individualized one hour tutoring each day so that he could catch up with his class in Math and Language Arts. For the ana lysis, a total of eight lessons carried out by these teachers with Adriano were transcribed. In order to discover cultural themes (Spradley, 1979), I identified and further analyzed cultural scenes in relation with conflict, social control, and status main searching method (1979, p. 199) The study Fazendo Teatro e Palhaadas : Being Dramatic and Acting the Clown The Latin American concept of non conformist behavior described above was tricks during the tutoring sessions. Examples include hiding his pencils/notebooks, reversing teacher pencil, all conducive to disturbing the lesson progress. Figure 6 1 represents his m ischievous behavior that took place when interacting with teacher Honda It is obvious that Adriano attempted to deceive the teacher by fazendo teatro e palhaadas in Portuguese (figuratively being dramatic and acting the clown in English). Teacher Honda w as accustomed to such playful tricks that South American boys were likely to employ by virtue of having dealt with Adriano in this school and other South American boys in her previous school in Hamamatsu. Therefore, she neither was deceived by, nor lost he potentially conflictive situation and continued carrying out the lesson.

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131 Figure 6 2 is an instance of the teacher student role reversal that Adriano achieved when attempting to read aloud cards with the help of teacher Suzuki This is another example fazendo teatro e palhaadas behavior (being dramatic and Repete (Repeat!) cher Suzuki appeared to be embarrassed, yet not irritated, by his command. In fact, Adriano was mimicking her usual directive phrase: mischievous, and naughty ( sapeca travess o, and malcriado in Portuguese) boy, who instructional and socializing agendas. Adriano was surely a warugaki in Japanese, a malandrinho in Portuguese, and rascal in English. Th e cultural value of sunao (docility, receptivity, and obedience in English) has been reported as an important enculturation theme in Japanese child rearing and early schooling (Lebra, 1974; Lewis, 1984; White & LeVine, 1986). According to White and LeVine (1986), the quality of a good child ( iiko in Japanese) includes sunao and other related traits: otonashi (gentle, mild), oriko (obedient, smart), and hansei suru (to reflect does not allow for the idea that small children (e.g., preschoolers and lower grade primary students), when interacting with an adult, could tell a little lie ( uso o tsuku in Japanese) on purpose for individual gain or benefit. From a Latin American persp ective, the act of tricking or deceiving forms part of important survival strategies for its masses. In order to deal with their bureaucratic impasses and daily practices of socioeconomic injustice, peoples in Latin America are

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132 driven to utilize all sorts of resources including personal connections, tricks, and false excuses to take advantage of, and avoid confrontations in, any power laden his act of being dramatic and acting the clown may make sense as an important cultural asset. Such historically sanctioned mainly masculine endogenous behavior, however, is highly discouraged by Japanese schooling (i.e., its mainstream classroom practices). These practices lead childre n to mainstream values and behavior (e.g., the aforementioned value of sunao ). Palhaadas (clown acts) Adriano was an o kyaku sama Japanese) in his mainstream classroom due to his non conforming behavior. He neither followed instructions that his homeroom teacher a male in his late 40s issued to the class, nor participated in collective l earning routines such as happyoo ( formal presentation) events. In nearly 10 lessons that I observed over a three month period, conforming behavior; he almost gave up on him in order to carry out the lessons who se implicit agenda was to benefit the group, not disadvantaged foreign students. In one Language Arts lesson, students were playing an educational game of cards called karuta repeated ly broke the rules of the game. As shown in Figure 6 3 treated him as an outsider who did not understand the rule of behavior. Due to

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133 conforming behavior in the classroom, the teacher appeared to give up on insisting Adriano follow his instructions. The Japanese female teachers of the international classroom, on the other hand, conforming and clown acts. These However, the observations that I carried out in both mainstream and international classrooms in the school suggest a combination of three main factors: (1) t he Japanese on one tutoring and personalized teacher conforming behavior that drove them to employ amayakasu (indulging) and homeru (complimenting) approaches. Figure 6 4 illustrates teacher Suzuki malandragem / picardia (cunning, slyness, mischief). Teacher Suzu ki his pencil ( Figure 6 10 and Figure 6 1 1 ) It is vital to point out that teacher Suzuki needed 11 turns (out of a total of 21 turn exchanges) in order to have Adriano take his pencil out. For this purpose, she employed thirteen directive speech acts (bold in the transcript), including those used to make him sit up. Adriano, on the other hand, played the clown by means of two false excuses: (1) he could not reach his pencil box and (2) he forgot to bring his pencil. Furthermore, he uest. chispa in Portuguese) in his eye: Immediately before this event

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134 of teacher Suzuki It is difficult to confirm whether he used the word with an intention of creating confusion in teacher Suzuki Despite the confirmatory difficulty, it is clear to state that his improv isational ability was outstanding; the teacher was (almost) deceived by his trick. conforming behavior embodies the Latin American attitude of resistance to (often, despotic) authoritarianism rooted in its history. The popular saying: ( se obedece, pero no se cumple ) America expresses the separation between law and reality, which has been prevalent since its co lonial period (Merrell, 2004). To make a sweeping generalization, Latin Americans, wit h the sense of distrust in established rules, norms, and conventions, seek opportunities to get an advantage out of each and every situation while avoiding direct confrontations with authorities. In response to such cultural behavior, the Japanese female teachers showed patience by repetitively and insistently using directive speech acts. This played an instilling in him hierarchy and status differences between Japanese teacher and their conforming behavior, the female teachers of the international classroom patiently and persistently pointed out what he should do (e.g., take out a pencil). Overall, the female teachers of the interactional classroom reacted patiently to

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135 conforming behavior. s of Rebuking and Persuading Adriano teachers got truly frustrated at his non conforming behavior. The figure below with an exchange of 11 turns was extracted from a lesson that teacher Sato taught with the help of the Brazilian teacher. They became frustrated by his constant refutations and lack of respect for their instructional requests. In Figure 6 5 t he Brazilian teacher started a rebuke by criticizing his lack of respect and bad manners. respect , , 2 and 4, Brazilian adults and teachers ten d to use direct commands with no polite modifier in interaction with their children or students. In such a way, their directive intention becomes straightforward and clear to children. In addition to her loud voice and fast speech, proximity and eye cont act played an important role in communicating her serious disposition. Figure 6 1 2 evidences that her speech. Regarding her discursive content respeito (respect) and educao (good manners) are two cultural themes important for socialization of children, especially in acknowledging their authority and superior statu s. Furthermore, as Zentella (1997) cultural norms concerning appropriate speech . child

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136 Therefore, the Brazilian teacher, in order to g teacher Sato his parents could not teach him because of the language barrier. Emphasis on authority or status differences in Brazil serves to prevent manipulative actions from lay people of lower status in an attempt to gain personal advantages. The authoritative voice: voc sabe com quem est falando? ("do you know who you're talking to?") functions to re establish hierarchy in interpersonal encounters where the counter part interlocutor of lower status attempts to overturn such social and situational disadvantages by means of jeitinho Furthermore, e ducao in Portuguese is semantically wider than English, including the caballerosidad / cavalheirismo in Spanish/Portuguese) is a highly valued quality of men in Latin American contexts. The good manne rs starts in the home domain. Moreover, her reference to his parents was an effective socialization strategy because familial ties are a highly important cultural value in Latin America where patriarchal/paternal authority prevails (Romanelli, 2000). 2 appeal to their familial ties and relationships. Figure 6 6 continues from the teacher Sato expressed his non conforming behavior (turns 1 to 5 ). In response, the Brazilian teacher produced multiple reasons in an elaborated discourse in an attempt to persuade 2 See Chapter 2 of the present dissertation on Latin American norms of behavior.

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137 Adriano (turn 6 ). In so doing questioning and re asoning strategy ( ) Here, the Brazilian teacher posed, by herself, a question as to why teacher Sato por que ? (why?) porque Among the reasons that the Brazilian teacher brought up, it is crucial to mention her use of the term mendigo (beggar in English). This appeared to be a theme that may appeal to Brazilian consciousness. Extreme poverty and its consequent massiv e production of homeless populations have been a serious social issue that Brazil has been facing (New strategies for poverty eradication in Brazil, 2013). Despite the pressing social need to eradicate poverty, half of Brazilians are chronically hungry (Me rrell, 2004, p. 192). Putting the use of mendigo into a Brazilian perspective, the In Figure 6 7 t eacher Sato Japanese female who was co tutoring the sam e session, took the floor and attempted to persuade him by talking about feeling Teacher Sato attempted to appeal to the Japanese cultural value of omoiyari : ne want you to study Try to think pointed out in Chapter 4, Japanese female teachers tend to use politeness (i.e., request) s trategies in their directive speech acts in interaction with students. Teacher Sato ne and yo

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138 as their function as a polite modifier. The produced directive force, however, was much weaker than that of the Brazilian teacher. Furthermore, the proximity of her face to ma intained her distance as shown in the same photo. The socialization effect of her directive acts may be diminished without closely performed face to face and eye to eye communication. To conclude this section, the Brazilian teacher produced elaborated dis course in F reaction. Her face to face and eye to eye communication with direct command was effective vis vis this non powerful as that of the Brazilian teacher. Her directive speech acts wer e rather indirect due to politeness concerns performed by female teachers. Moreover, proximity (i.e., a me salient as a resource relevant for compliance gaining speech acts of rebuking and persuading. Indulging and C iiko (Good child) Disposition This final section provides an analysis of how Japanese female teachers drew out iiko (good child with docility, receptivity, and obedience). As so Despite the difficulties, the Japanese female teachers of the international classroom employed a series of indulging and complimenting (in Japanese, amaesaseru and

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139 h omeru respectively) strategies for catalyzing his emotional dependency on, and involvement with, them. Figure 6 8 is an instance of how these female teachers praised and complimented Adriano for his behavior as a good child (p hoto in Figure 6 1 3 ) Teacher Sato used the final particle ne seven times in this praising speech event. Ne functions to create affective common ground by means of expressing agreement and solicitation for agreement (Cook, 1990). Therefore, its use in a praising speech event can be a tool for bonding affective relationships between teacher and student in the Ja panese context. Teacher Sato compatible with the Latin American cultural habit of day to day physical contact as a way of communicating affection. In addition, it is of vital importance that this affective act should be performed when the teacher congratulates her student, and not when she attempts to make him study against his will. This is because positive politeness (Brown & Levinson, 1987) is the norm predominant both in Brazil and in Spanish speaking Latin America (Huelva, Santiago, & Rabasa, 2010; Felix Brasdefer, 2006). In Brazil, for instance, compliments ( elgios in Portuguese) are a well accepted social etiquette that image; and therefore they serve to maintain social relationships (Huelva, Santiago, & Rabasa, 2010, p. 202). Thus, teacher Sato indulging strategy performed in the praising speech event can be a useful resource for emes and perspectives for Japanese and Latin American enculturation. Figure 6 9 shows another instance Adriano (photo in Figure 6 1 4 ) Importantly, in this tutoring lesson, teacher Honda used

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140 plenty of praise and compliments to Adriano. Examples are: (1) atama ii (smart), sugoi (how wonderful), ii me shiteru (you have good eyesight) when he could read the kanji ; ( 2) Adriano san mo kawaii yo (you are also cute) when talking about guinea pigs, (3) Adriano san no kawaii okuchi mitai (I want to see your pretty mouth) when Adriano hid his jaw/mouth inside his sweater, and (4) sugoi jyoozu. Otoo san ni iwa nakya, sensei. Adriano san jyoozu desu yo tte (Superb! I need to report kun kanji neatly. These and other compliments employed by teacher Honda were an effective resource for gaining Final Remarks This chapter has endeavored to elucidate issues of conflict, soci al control, and status maintenance that took place in interactions between Japanese/Brazilian female teachers and Adriano a first grade male student from Brazil. For this purpose, the conforming and cunning/sly behavior as well as the gaining strategies. In so doing, the chapter has illuminated themes of enculturation in Japan and in Latin America. palhaadas (acting the clown) form part of an important Latin American cultural asset th at its masses need in order to deal with bureaucratic impasses and practices of socioeconomic injustice. This cultural value, however, tends to be discouraged by mainstream classroom practices in Japan. This is because Japanese schooling impels children to become iiko (good child) with docility, receptivity, and obedience.

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141 Despite the tendency, the Japanese female teachers of the international classroom conforming behavior and clown acts. They dealt effectiv ely with a manipulative Adriano by means of their patient disposition and repeated issuances of directive speech acts (e.g., take out a pencil). elucidated important issues of encu lturation in Latin American contexts. Her use of direct commands with no polite modifier is compatible with previous research (Koike, 1992; Wherritt, 1993) (cf. Chapter 2) as well as the results of Chapter 4. Furthermore, respei to (respect) and educao (good manners) shed light mendigo (begger) has been facing extreme poverty and its consequent generation of homeless populations. and of positive politeness (e.g., compliments) was highly compatible with the Latin American model of enculturation and social relationships. The qualitative analyses of the interactional data suggest that these strategies were an effective resource for g raised affectionate dependency and bonding between the Japanese female teacher and the Brazilian boy.

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142 The next chapter discusses issues that have already been presented throughout this dissertation. These issues a re socialization, cultural themes of Japan and of Latin gaining/directive strategies.

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143 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Suggestory Command [polite] Kokugo no noto o dashi mashoo. notebook. Student: 2 Reply [casual] Kokugo no noto note kite nai. I did not bring it. Teacher: 3 Suggestory command [polite] Kanji no noto dashi mashoo. Student: 4 Reply [casual] Kanji no noto, nani sore. Teacher: 5 Suggestory command [polite] Kanji no noto o dashi mashoo. Student: 6 Reply [casual] Nanda yo, sore. What is that! Teacher: 7 Complaint Adriano. Adriano. ((complaining tone)) Student: 8 Confession [casual] Hontoni wakaranai. I really do not understand. Teacher: 9 Command [casual] Sagashite, kanji no noto. Find your kanji notebook. Student: 10 Reply [casual] Nai yo. I do not have it. Teacher: 11 Question [casual] Attara, dosuru. What would you do if we found it? Teacher: 12 Threatening [casual] Attara, okoru yo. I would scold you if we found it. Student: 13 Reply [casual] Un. Yeah. ((casual response)) Teacher: 14 Claiming [casual] Kanji no noto, aru jan, aru jan, Adriano san. Your notebook is here, it is here, Adriano notebook)) Teacher: 15 Suggestory Command [polite] Hai, shitajiki dashi mashoo, shitajiki. sheet of plastic)), shitajiki. Figure 6 1. Teacher Honda attending to Adriano [11.25.2009].

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144 Speaker Original Translation Teacher: 1 Tobasanai! Tobasanai moo. ((T speaks in a strong tone to S who threw, onto the desk, the Anta, tatteru suwatteru? Are you sitting or standing ?((T complains about Student: 2 Teacher: 3 Why are you saying ( ( T takes the cards back from S)) Byooin [hospital] Go ahead with the next one. Student: 4 ((S takes the cards back from T and says:)) Teacher: 5 Student: 6 Repete! Repeat! Teacher: 7 Sensei ka? Are you a teacher or what? Student: 8 Repete! Repeat! Teacher: 9 Nani de sensei ga kurikaeshi teru ka!? Quickly, put the card on [the desk] Why am I repeating !? Student: 10 Student: Repete! Repeat! Teacher: 11 hai. Figure 6 2. Teacher Suzuki reverse teacher student role [10.23.2009]

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145 Speaker Original Translation Student1: 1 Sensei! Adriano otetsuki shita. Sensei! Adriano is not following the rule. Teacher: 2 Iikara. Adriano yoku wakaranai n dakara. That is fine. Because Adriano does not understand [the rule of the game] well. ((T speaks in a pacifying tone)) Adriano: 3 Omae mo otetsuki. You also broke the rule. ((S criticizes a male member of his group, yet his claim was observationally untruthful)) Figure 6 3. A s tudent in complaining about Adriano [12.17.2009].

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146 Speaker Original Translation Teacher: 1 Andriano san. Adriano san. Enpitsu o dashite kudasai. Adriano san. Adriano san. Please, take out your pencil [from your pencil box]. ((T points to his pencil box. S does not follow the desk, instead)) Teacher: Enpitsu o dashite kudasai. Adriano, enpitsu. Please, take out your pencil. ((T points to his pencil box)) Adriano, pencil. Student: 2 Toru no dekinai yo. Teacher: 3 Hora Look! ((T moves the pencil box closer to him)) Student: 4 Dekinai Teacher: 5 Hora Look! ((T moves the pencil box closer to him)) Student: 6 Dekinai. Hora dekinai. Teacher: 7 Nai o itteru! Hai, enpitsu hoshii desu. Enpitsu dashite kudasai. What are you saying! ((T smiles)) Ok, I want you to take your pencil out. Please, take your pencil out. ((T talks more seriously)). Student: 8 No , no , no . It is not, it is not, it is not. ((S playfully speaks in Portuguese)) Teacher: 9 Ah, zannen, zannen. Hai, yappari kocchi ni shiyo. Hai, doozo. Ah, too bad, too bad. Well, I change [it] to this one ((T speaks to herself. T changes the worksheet to another one)). Here you are. ((T puts the new worksheet in front of S)) Ara, atta no? Ah, did you find [the pencil] Student: 10 Nai. ((S hides his pencil under his arm)) Teacher: 11 Attano? Hai, namae wa? Adriano. Did you find it? Well, [Write] your name? Adriano. Student: 12 Yabee nai shi. noticing of it)) Figure 6 4. Teacher Suzuki [10.23.2009].

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147 Speaker Original Translation Teacher: 13 Adriano, hayaku dashite. Ah Adriano, nai. Doko enpitsu wa? Adriano, quickly take it out. Ah ((T opens looks inside)) Adriano, Student: 14 Ah, shita. Ah, below. Teacher: 15 Shita! Yada, moo. Wasureta. ja nai? Atta, Adriano, enpitsu? Below! ((T understands that he left his pencils in his downstairs classroom.)) Oh, no! You forgot [to bring his pencil] ((T hears Adriano stepping on his pencil)) on the floor ? Did you find your pencil, Adriano ? Student: 16 Mite. Kore chicchai. ((S goes to the underneath of the table and hands his tiny pencil to the teacher)) Look. This is tiny. Teacher: 17 Chiccahi. Adriano no da ne, kore. Adriano tte kaite aru. Hai, Adriano chicchaikedo atta ne. Atta yo. Hai. It is tiny. It is yours. Your name is written [on it] Well Adriano it is tiny but you found it You found it. Ok. Student: 18 Ja, Adriano doko itta? Well, where is Adriano? ((S acts playfully underneath his desk)) Teacher: 19 Shita Below Student: 20 Chigau yo. Ue da. Wrong. [I am] on top. Teacher: 21 Ue? Dokono ue da? Adriano kun, Isu no ue ni suwatte kudasai. Adriano, Adriano, Adriano. Suwatte. Adriano, Isunoue. Hai koko, koko, isuno ue. Suwatte. On top? On top of what? Adriano kun please sit on the chair. Adriano, Adriano, Adriano, sit on. On top of the chair. Well, up here, up here. ((T points to his chair by tapping it)) On top of the chair. Sit up. Teacher: Hai, jyozu ni suwaremashita ne. Hai, jya Adriano, namae kaite. Ok, you are sitting well, right. ((T pushes Adriano sitting on the chair closer to the table)) Ok, well, Adriano, write you name [on the sheet]. ((T touches his right arm, puts the sheet and his pencil right in front of him)) Figure 6 4. Continued

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148 Speaker Original Translation Brazilian Teacher: Tenha respeito, Adriano, tenha respeito. Voc no tem educao. Na sua mente, d educao o no d? Seus pais no esto te dando educao, no esto? Tem educao para a professora. Esse dai o que os seus pais ensinam para voc em casa? Eles ensinam para voc falar assim professora? assim com a professora. Faz bastante piada para assim na caf da manh, antes de voc vir a escola? isso que eles dizem para voc? Eles no mundo est preocupado com voc, Adriano, se voc no consegue fazer esse daqui. Have respect Adriano have respect You do not have good manners. Good manners are possible in your mind, or not? Your parents are not teaching you good manners are they? ( ( S looks down hangs his head starts crying )). Show the teacher good manners Do your parents teach you t hat one [a math exercise] at home? ( ( S hides his face and cries )) They are telling you to speak with the teacher in that way ? . Your parents are telling you : Go there [to school] and speak to yo Are they telling you to do a lot of nonsense with them ? Are they telling you to do [all of this] at breakfast before you come to school? Is that what they are telling you? teaching you [instead]: Behave well" Pay attention" "Study well Right? Everyone is worried about you Adriano [they are worried] that you cannot do this ((a math exercise)). Figure 6 5 The Brazilian teacher rebuking Adriano [2.18.2010]

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149 Speaker Original Translation Student: 1 Pode que no seja todo mundo. It is possible that not everybody is [worried about me]. Brazilian Teacher: 2 Todo mundo est preocupado com voc. Everybody is worried about you. Student: 3 Claro que no. Of course not. Brazilian Teacher: 4 Claro que sim, est. Of course yes, they are. Student: 5 Claro que no. Of course not. Brazilian Teacher: 6 Voc acha que a professora fica brava por qu? Porque voc no obedece a ela; porque ela quer voc aprenda esse daqui; porque se voc no consegue fazer nada disso, como que voc vai fazer? Quando voc ficar grande, voc vai ser o que? Um mendigo, eh? Is so o que voc quer? No, n? Tem que estudar. No verdade? xxx a nica coisa que um mendigo consegue fazer ficar e pedir dinheiro na rua. Tem que estudar, fazer matemtica, fazer japons, n? Voc no acha? O que que voc acha? Why do you think th e teacher gets mad ? It is because you did not obey her; because she wants you to learn that here Because if you do any of that what will you be ? When you become an adult, what will you do? A beggar eh? ? No, right? You have to study ? xxx the only thing that a beggar can do is to stay and beg money on the street. You have to study do math study Japanese right? ? What do you think ? Figure 6 6. The Brazilian teacher persuading Adriano [2.18.2010]

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150 Speaker Original Translation Teacher: 1 Maa, wagamama o itte nai de ne. ne Brazilian Teacher: 2 Ne? Ganbatte. ne )) Stick to it. Student: 3 Yada. Nope. ((in a small and weak voice)) Teacher: 4 Adriano kun no oto san ya oka san ha shikkari benkyo shite morai tai to omotteru yo. Konna koto o yattesu sugata o mitara doo omou ka kangaete mina. Your father and mother want you to study well yo Try to think over what the y would feel if they see you behaving like this. ((T reinstates tutoring and continues teaching)) Figure 6 7 T eacher Sato persuading Adriano [2.18.2010] Speaker Original Translation Teacher: 1 Seikai,hai,zenbu kuria dekita. Sugoi. Yokatta ne, yomete. Hai, Adriano kun, Subarashii desu ne. Jaa,hanamaru kaiteagerude ne. Kouyatte ne. Kurukurukuru. Hai,orikoo. Adriano, orikooda ne. Dekimashita. Jaa, youbi, janai, hizuke yometa ne. Hizuke ne. Adriano kun orikooda ne. Correct answer, ok, you clear ed a ll G reat you read it all ne Well, Adriano kun, it was very good ne So, I give you a big circle ne Like this ne kurukurukuru ((moving her hand in a spiral)). Ok ne You did it. Ok, yo u ne I ne Adriano kun ne Student: 2 Yomenai jan. shy but gratified)) Figure 6 8. Teacher Sato pra i sing strategy [12.15.2009].

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151 Speaker Original Translation Teacher: 1 H ana mo kamasete ageru. Hai, chiin. Student: 2 Arigatoo. Thank you. Teacher: 3 Iie. Doo itashimashite. Not at all. You are welcome. Figure 6 9. Teacher Honda indulging Adriano [11.18.2009]. Figure 6 10 Adriano s attempt to hide his pencil to trick teacher Suzuki Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. Figure 6 1 1 Teacher Suzuki putting a worksheet and a pencil in front of Adriano Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura.

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152 Figure 6 1 2 The Brazilian teacher communicati ng with her face close to, and staring Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. A B Figure 6 1 3 Teacher Sato A) She patted him on the head B) He looke d a little shy but gratified Photos courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura. Figure 6 1 4 Teacher Honda bl o w ing Photo courtesy of Mutsuo Nakamura.

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153 CHAPTER 7 DISCUS SION The purpose of this study has been to elucidate Japanese and Brazilian female gainin g Japanese schooling. This chapter explores and discusses the primary findings of the study. In so doing, it determines the contribution of the study to the knowledge base of Language Socialization (LS). There are four principal themes in the findings of this study: (1) Jeitinho : Norm bending/norm breaking acts: cultural differences and subjective positions in response to hegemonic classroom practices; (2) Research on Latin Ame directive/compliance gaining strategies. Jeitinho as N orm Bending/Norm Breaking Acts: Cultura l Differences and Subjective Positions in R esponse to H egemonic Classroom P ractices bending and norm breaking behavior s documented in Chapter 6 provide LS researchers in educational domains the oppo rtunity to discuss a relevant question in the current context of globalization and superdiversity (Bl o mmaert & Rampton, 2011 ; Vertovec, 2010 ) : How can we better understand, on the one hand, norms of behavior, values and ideologies emanating from multiple institutions and, on the other hand, tr ansnational multiple reactions in response to such multiple confluences? In order to explore and to speculate about the documented behaviors, I discuss the issue with two complementary perspectives: (1) a culturalist (i.e., culture as

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154 a bounded embedded in cultural and historical contexts ; and (2) a postmodern/poststructuralist view of multilayered norms, values, and indexicalities in the era of globalization and superdiversity. conforming acts as collective manifestation of cultural assets of Brazilians and/or Latin Americans. As described in Chapter 6, norm bending and norm breaking acts are an imp ortant cultural disposition for peoples of Latin America. Embedded in their rigid hierarchical and bureaucratic systems, its peoples often circumvent rules, orders, and social conventions. Such norm breaking behaviors are often referred to as jeitinho (Bar bosa, 1992; DaMatta, 1990), palanca (Fitch, 1998), picarda (Merrell, 2004), and viveza criolla (Mafud, 1965). The native terms denote Latin American sociohistorical i ndividual benefit. The present study contributes to the knowledge base of LS in documenting such Latin American cultural knowledge and mode of behavior in encounters with the Japanese school system and its predominant classroom practices. With this cultur breaking and street wise behaviors mean a manifestation of Latin American wisdom and witty mindset to Manda quem pode, obedece quem quer hose who can, give orders; those who want to, obey] (Duarte, 2006, p. 513) suggests commonsensical knowledge about the breakable and malleable nature of rules and orders in Latin America. The sociohistorical context of Japan, however, leads its ordinary pe ople to conform to authority even though this, in

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155 the end, is also adopted by individuals for their own benefit. The Japanese old adage Nagai mono niwa makarero our betters] suggests the Japanese sense of receptivity in the face of the powerful. In this cultural belief system, there is no room for individual ingenuity to subvert the authority; instead there is a need for behaving with the disposition of sunao (receptivity, gentleness, obedience) i n the face of the authority (e.g., teacher). The results of the present study suggest that this cultural value continues to be the core of child enculturation/socialization in Japan. This is not quite compatible with breakable and malleable rules/norms pra cticed in Latin America. jeitinho (tricky, norm bending, and improvisational acts) was noteworthy in the international classroom due ltural needs. Yet, this attention did not take place in his mainstream classroom due to more vertical teacher student relationships prevalent in this more formal learning context: it is the students versa. P revious literature (e.g., Hess & Azuma, 1991) succinctly points out that this is due to the fact that Japanese schooling promotes the normative orientations of the society and the norms of behavior necessary for learning in groups. In such classrooms, Adri authority and of nuisance for an ideology of group harmony ( wa in Japanese), a paramount cultural theme of any Japanese groups or organization s. Therefore, in mainstream classrooms as hegemonic spaces, there is no room for cultivating the Latin American values of jeitinho and simpatia (friendly disposition); instead, as shown in

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156 Chapter 5, the Japanese values of sunao (as mentioned above) and wa kimae (discernment of role and status differences) were discursively directive and compliance gaining acts/events reinforced as normative group behaviors in collective learning environments. Second, viewed in postmodern/poststruct uralist light, culture is not a bounded entity, but it is open to constant tensions and transformations. Therefore, the concepts such as cultural norms and values are better situated in multiple arenas for hegemonic practices, subjective contestations, and constant transformations. In this regard, Blommaert (2005, 2007) provides us with two relevant concepts to understand culture: orders of indexicality and polycentricity meanings or norms are stratified so me more valued and privileged than others in each of the multiple and multilayered centering institutions such as family, peer group, subcultural group, school, company, social class, ethnic group, nation state, democracy, and capitalism. Importantly, indi viduals participate in, are influenced by, and act across the polycentric institutions. This implies that whenever any individuals communicate with each other, they indexically (e.g., by means of speech style, register, and body posture) display subjective positions or voices in response to multiple expectations emanating from distinct institutions. the Japanese female teachers by way of scoldings or nitpicking s reinforced hegemonic expect ations on appropriate student behaviors such as formal body posture s and deferential

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157 responses in conformity with existing social stratifications and status differences Embedded in such hegemonic and normative practices the individual South American students showed their subjective reactions: most of them were receptive in harmony with other classmates, while Adriano was confronted with hegemonic pressures emanating from the Japanese school institution. Such pressures were: use of polit e register, display of teacher student status differences, and insistence upon the dominant mode of education with emphasis on group learning. In response to such normative pressures, he performed norm breaking and norm bending acts of the jeitinho Importantly, viewed in such postmodern/poststructuralist light, the cultural value of jeitinho is not a fixed cultur al act but is constantly challenged by polycentric systems. A recent study carried out by Almeida (2008) has captured the issue. His rese arch based on a survey applied to 2,300 Brazilian adults illustrates that social acceptance of jeitinho behaviors markedly differs depending on their levels of educational attainment. Specifically, his data suggests that nearly 70% of the participants with a college diploma responded negatively about the jeitinho ; in contrast, nearly or more than half of the participants with lower educational attainment accepted such behaviors. 1 to higher education, learn norms and values of democracy, which is understood as a transnational institution. institution that influences his subject position taking. For ins tance, his mother white 1 According to OECD (2012, p. 34), in Brazil college graduates are still a minority, representing 11% of the Brazilian adults ranging in age 25 to 64. Preschool/primary, middle, and high school graduates consist of 45%, 14%, and 30%, respectively.

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158 race, non college educated, factory working was critical about whom she thought were not capable of attracting his attention and of stimulating his curiosity to help his learning. In an interview that I had with her, I understood that there conforming acts ought to, in part, derive from multiple conflicts a nd gaps of stratified Barbosa (1992) defines jeitinho social procedure defined as a form of creativity and improvisation creating personal spaces in impersonal translation). jeitinho to the concept of improvisation. In so doing, he gives us a list of terms that express Brazilian jeitinho malandragem ginga jogo de cintura malcia gambiarra esperteza ax manha suingue astcia drible malabarismo balano equilibrista pirataria arranjar se molejo and cordialidade Brasilidade ), Brazilian national culture (Barbosa, 1992; Stanyek, 2011), and therefore they can be understood as acts of Brazilian identity ( LePage & Tabouret Keller, 1985) Spanish speaking Latin America also shares the cultural value of improvisation employed to evade often rigid institutional rules (Smith, Peterson, Ayestaran, Jesuno, & Ferdman, 1999). In other words, ordinary situated in Latin American contexts may constitute crucial resources or tactics (Certeau, 1988) so that those oppressed achieve

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159 (Abreu, Lustosa, & Oliveira, 1982; Duarte, 2006) and elsewhere they transmigrate in the era of globalization. tactful act of resistance and of self empowerment performed in a Japanese hegemonic institution (i.e., school). In this in stitution, teachers perform the socializing agenda of instilling in their children the Japanese mainstream values (Chapters 5 and 6): sunao (receptivity, gentleness, obedience), kejime (display of serious disposition), shisei (formal body and attitudinal p osture), henji (polite response to authority), hannoo wakimae ( status based social discernment). There is an attempt to socialize all these and other hegemonic norms and values after all for reifying the heg emonic ideologies of Japan: wa (group harmony), antei (social stability), and keizoku (cultural continuity). study contributes to the LS knowledge base; it elucidates the ongoing process in which teacher student face to er student), and self (serious and receptive dispositions). It is crucial to point out here that, from a LS perspective, there are no fixed categories and concepts in everyday life, yet they are negotiated and constructed through face to face interpersonal interactions that may involve non

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160 Such a dynamic view of realities has the potential to contribute to practice theory by shedding light on both structure and agency as well as the ir dialectic relationships in strategies and tactics (as cited in Frederick Erickson, 2004, p. 139 143) can be effectively incorporated into the LS approach. This is be cause institutional strategies are performed to discipline ordinary people for the maintenance of its structure, whereas ordinary people react to such disciplining powers by using creative tactics. As a backdrop to the analytical model for the present stud strategies to discipline Adriano, his tactics to resist their socializing agendas, and their dynamic interplay. In the same vein, LS research may contribute to critical discourse analysis (CDA) by focusing on issues o f social inequality, cultural conflict, and ethnic belonging in the era of globalization. For instance, LS approaches may be viewed from the perspective othering (Blommaert, 2005, p. 205): the structuring process of institutionali zed social categories and labels, enacted in, and embodied by, our daily face to others improvisational/norm breaking acts, perceived negatively in Japanese contexts, (re)production of social inequality and alienation in society at large. Discourse discourse

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161 endeavor to shed light on both the bi g D: dominant values, attitudes, body positions, beliefs, emotions, and ideologies (i.e., mainstream culture) and the small d: the way language is used by specific interlocutors to enact particular activities in a given social context (i.e., language in us e). Applying this analytical model to LS, the present study has the potential to illustrate unique value conflicts that affect South American students in succeeding in Japanese schooling. For instance, the present study found evidence that the Japanese mai nstream value of sunao (receptivity, gentleness, obedience) is not quite compatible with the Latin American value of norm avoiding and norm breaking improvisations (e.g., jeitinho ) conceived as resistant behavior towards authority. This line of research ma y also elucidate the process of cultural conflict, resistance, and alienation that are taking place in the Japanese school system. Gaining Strategies: Directive Acts and Small Scoldings The present study cont ributes to LS research by discovering Japanese female conformity in both international and mainstream classrooms. In order to discuss the findings in light of Japanese modes of socialization it is important to pose two questions: (1) What is salient about their compliance gaining strategies? and (2) Are these strategies gender specific? In the international classroom, female teachers showed their patient behavior towards Adriano by repetitively issuing him requests and other directive speech acts The female teachers of this classroom displayed their patient dispos ition

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162 towards a non conforming Adriano. They, too, patiently repeated the same requestive message by using a variety of directive speech acts. They also employed indulging ( amayakasu ) and complimenting ( homeru ) strategies for compliance gaining. These teac hers were playing a demanding yet at the same time indulging mother role when interacting with him. I contend that the socializing strategy that the Japanese female teachers of the international classroom employed is similar to the female nagging behavior elucidated speech acts/events in an American English speech community: (1) it often takes place compliance with a previous request issued among intim 50) and (2) women especially, mothers and wives frequently use these speech acts in response to their non conforming sons and husbands (p. 57). The characteristics gi ving behavior towards Adriano. Furthermore, their polite use of directives coincides with the an affectiv e, motherly disposition depicted in Chapter 2 (Smith, 1992; Sunaoshi, 1994a, 1994b). With the motherly (dis)position less impositive, but more affective than men these Japanese teachers grappled with a non conforming Adriano. I contend that these teachers solidarity with, and gain compliance from, children. I support the argument with evidence that amae (Doi, 1962) Japanese endogenous psychology of nevolence is based on the prototypical indulgent

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163 mother child relationship. Furthermore, Clancy (1986) highlights that this social ss to cooperate, empathize, and intuit what . interpersonal and interactional relationships. Viewed in this light, the Japanese female gies make sense as a vital resource for creating solidarity with, and gain compliance from, a non conforming boy. Thus, in the interactional classroom, both nagging and indulging acts were performed as Japanese gaining strategies. In mainstream classrooms, the female teachers Kawano and Hoshi frequently picked on misbehaving/non conforming students by using speech acts of kogoto that I translated vaguely as small scolding, complaining, nitpicking, or nagging in Chapter 5. The noun kogoto as defined by Meikyo (my translation) It is important to note that, as shown in the figure s presented in Chapter 5, k ogot o to her requests. By taking merely this aspect of kogoto it may appear t o be a sort of nagging speech act; yet I contend that kogoto lacks two components to be genuinely considered nagging: (1) intimacy and (2) gender specificity. As for (1), there is an emphasis on hierarchical relationships between teacher and students in m ainstream classrooms. I assert that this is because hierarchy is a requirement to achieve the Japanese group harmony; therefore, formal/polite behavior

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164 is a norm in these classrooms. Chapter 5 has demonstrated that the aisatsu and happyoo speech events or interactional routines function to socialize students into not allowed to retort to the teacher, because she held the right to nominate the speaker during the class. For th is reason, kogoto as a speech act/event, entails hierarchical relationships and status differences, not intimate relationships and solidarity. As for (2), I assert that male teachers also use the speech acts of kogoto in classroom. In fact, the male teac acts of kogoto towards non conforming students in his classroom. F igure 7 1 shows one of such speech acts performed by this male teacher As t he figure suggests kogoto can be a compliance gaining resource for both male and female teachers. Kogoto speech acts/events in mainstream classrooms function to pick on individual students and thus to sustain norms of group behavior. For this purpose, teachers, by means of kogoto disapprove and even shame non conforming students, publicly in front of the class. The core of the discussion is that belonging to a group is of vital importance in Japan, and therefore, teachers frequently employ the speech acts of kogoto that lead the class towards the normative order of the group. To illustrate this point, I am providing the data collected in Kawano sensei room ( Figure 7 2 ). Conformity to group is a crucial theme for Japanese modes of socialization that start in the home (Clancy, 1986). Continuing on in schools, teachers control individual kogoto are routinely implemented in order to reproduce the cultural model of socio centered in dividuals who ultimately will become socialized to behave for the benefit of the group.

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165 gaining strategies can be better understood as a means to gain habitus (Bourdieu, 1990). The habitual process of acquiring features of social structure (e.g., status and hierarchy) is attained through daily communicative practices. In their daily classroom practices, Japanese teachers implement dominant norms and values while (re)enforcing no rmative group behaviors. I argue that these communicative practices are the ideological base for the maintenance of a monolithically imagined community (Anderson, 1991). In this respect, Blommaert and Rampton (2011) succinctly point out that nation states were created and maintained under the ideology of homogenism one nation, one culture, and one language. Importantly, this ideology has been discursively reproduced by centering institutions (Blommaert, 2005), such as schooling. Viewed in this light, the fe gaining practices described in this study are in the end their political acts of reproducing dominant ideologies of monolithic Japan. Gaining Strategies: The Use of Dire ct Imperatives as Cultural Expressions of Trust and Human Closeness The present research contributes to the knowledge base of Crosscultural acts that took place in instruction al and disciplinary interactional contexts. The results of the analysis in Chapter 4 demonstrate d a major difference between the Brazilian and the J apanese groups : the Portuguese frequent use of direct strategies by means of

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166 behavior towards Brazilian children (Koike, 1986, 1992). The four Brazilian female teachers who participated in this study rarely produced requestive speech acts in interactions with Brazili an pupils. Instead, they employed direct imperatives or bald on record in terms of Brown and Levinson (1987) So apagar aqui, . Apaga 10. Precisa apagar Olha aqui na minha mo (Look here L, l, l Yuji, v pra frente and to avoid requests towards children expresses a Latin American idealized model of social relationships based on trust ( confianza ) and human closeness ( calor humano ) (Travis, 2006). The predominant use of direct imperatives in adult child interactions implies these core cultural values to which Brazilians and Spanish speaking La tin Americans adhere. Their use of direct imperatives indexes trust and human closeness in social relationships as a Latin American mode of language and culture socialization. The present study contributes to LS research because it documented a Brazilian she strived to gain compliance from a non conforming Brazilian boy. Her direct communicative style (i.e., close proximity, close eye contact, and direct imperative use) e manated from the idealized model of social relationships based on the cultural ethos of and becaus e of the Latin American sociohistorical contexts of hierarchies and of social problems.

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167 This chapter has explored and discussed the primary findings of the present study. It has also determined the contribution of the study to the knowledge base of LS. Th is research study illustrated the cultural differences between Japan and Brazil in terms of to hegemonic classroom practices in the era of globalization and superdiv ersity. Importantly, the present study contributes to LS by elucidating Japanese and Brazilian gaining strategies as practices of a hegemonic confluences of multiple norms and values emanating from poly cent ric institutions.

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168 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Request [polite] Hai, dewa, noto o dashite kudasai. Ok, well, please take out your notebook. ((T asks his teacher assistant to bring his camera request)) Teacher: 2 Kogoto [casual] Moo nani yaru noka wakaranai yatsu ga iruna, aikawarazu. Okottemo onaji dana, T oku san ni shitemo, Ume san ni shitemo. Nanimo dashite inai. There are guys who [still] know what to do now Toku san and Ume san there is no change [in your behavior] even though I have scolded you. You have not taken out anything [onto your desk s]. Student: 3 Response [casual] Datte, kokugo no noto, kyokasho wasurechatta n da mon. Cause I forgot to bring my Language Arts notebook and textbook. ((One of the students in question answers)) Figure 7 1. Kogoto performed by the m language arts class [1.21.2010].

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169 Speaker Speech act Original Translation Teacher: 1 Complaints Ano ne, konna koto iwarenakutemo dekiru yoo ja nakya dame nano yo. Hakkiri ittene, ima 35 nin iruto, 30 nin gurai wa minna dekiteru no yo. Ato nokori no go nin wa kiite nakkatari, fudebako dashite nakattari, hon akenakattari shiteiru none. ((T scolds individual students for their non conforming behavior, and then talks to the class)) You know, you should do it [opening your textbook and writing the date on your notebook] without being told to do so. To be frank, out of 35 people now, about 30 people can do [it]. The five remaining their their notebooks. Teacher: 2 Questions Saa, kono goni no naka ni hairu noha dare deshoo. Hairitai hito? Well, who will be in these five people? Do you want to join [them]? ((No one raises their hand)) Figure 7 2. Kogoto performed by t eacher K awano [10.26.2009]

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170 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION The present dissertation has had the objective of elucidating the overarching theme of classroom language socialization practices that South American transnational students experience in Japan. It has examined both Japanese and Brazilian female nce gaining strategies in interaction with their Brazilian and Peruvian students It has analyzed the particularities of Japanese classrooms. This final chapter aims at discuss ing implications and recommendations of the present research for educational policies/practices and future research. In so doing, I reflect on political implications of my findings in order to envision a potential for creating social justice and educationa learning in Japanese schooling. I consider that classroom socialization practices documented in the present study are byproduct of a strong hegemonic ideology of homogeneity of Japan as one nation, one ethn icity, and one common language (Befu, 2001). In the ir classroom practices, teachers play a crucial role in reinforcing and regulating national ethnic identity that leads children to become part of the group sanctioned society (Gordon, 2009, p. 177). In this prevailing classroom socialization practice, students (need to) learn to be based learning environment (Hess & Azuma, 1991; Hoffman, 2000, p. 197). South American transnationa l students, who are socioeconomically, linguistically, and culturally disadvantaged, tend to remain beyond the margins of the collective learning

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171 activities/routines as they advance into higher grades. This is the overall tendency of mainstream classroom s ocialization practices claimed by prior research and elucidated by the present dissertation. In these whole group and teacher spontaneous participation and other improvised contributions are highly discouraged as I have analyzed in Chapter 5, such as the happyoo (formal presentation). The crucial issue here is that teachers mold students into a pattern of group oriented behavior through fixed interactional structures. Students are expected to not butcher the establ educational belief based on egalitarianism between students (Gordon, 2006, p. 767). In this pr evailing belief system, children, regardless of background, can succeed academically according to their individual efforts and cultural dispositions they acquire preference for whole group instruction over individualized instruction in mainstream classrooms. In the international classroom of the Japanese school under scrutiny, however, cultural, and learning needs. In this classroom, the female teachers responded patiently individualized tutoring format gave them the advantage of learning academic su bjects and of acquiring spoken/written Japanese through spontaneous interactions. According to my observations in other international classrooms, teachers, on the bas is of their own

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172 philosophies of teaching, designed teaching/learning activities while flex ibly making practice s there is a practical need for this classroom as a learning/socializing space for the benefit of South American transnational students. Practic al Implications This study contributes to the instructional practice of Japanese teachers of international classrooms who are teaching South American students on a daily basis. The results of the present study suggest that South American students benefit m ost from the individualized tutoring format because teachers can perform their socializing agendas in addition to their instructional agendas according to their individual with indulging and praising strategies instills into non conforming students the Japanese mainstream value of sunao (receptivity, docility, obedience). For this enculturation effect to take place, it is necessary that teacher student interactions evolve sp ontaneously in a way similar to natural conversations in the family domain. The dyadic interactional style adopted in the international classroom facilitates the process by which Japanese teachers and thereby South American students accommodate to the form s and and norms of behavior prevalent in mainstream classrooms. should better reflect upon effects of their socializing practices on South American globalization: they can physically move across national borders, go back and forth, and

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173 live both in Japan an d in South America. My proposition is that teachers acquire awareness of their socializing agenda. This is because Japanese mainstream values and norms of behavior can negatively affect their re adaptation processes in their countries and cultures of origi n. For instance, teacher Suzuki of the interactional improvisational behaviors, however, can form part of an important cultural asset in Latin American contexts. The req attitude, however, can claim its validity only in contexts where there is a shared belief in democratic social order and trust in interpersonal relationships. Japanese teachers ought to bear in mind that many peoples in South America struggle for economic survival in everyday life, and South American families living in Japan often originate from such context s. The results of the present study also point to an important recommendation for Japanese teachers of mainstream classrooms. They should better consider potentially negative consequences of the teacher centered interactional format and of the group orien ted learning style for South American students, as the se practices are reproduced as a matter of course. South American students in socioeconomically, linguistically, and culturally disadvantaged positions cannot keep pace with academic demands and instruc tional language without interactional support in classrooms, such as help from peers. In order ought to implement more small group activities. Based on the Japanese collective value of empathy ( omoiyari ) teachers ought to encourage members of small groups to help

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174 each other rather than encouraging competition among small groups. In this way, teachers will be y learner has access to learning (Currie, 2006). Limitations and Future Research The present research has its own limitations. First, there is a limitation in the serendipitous nature of an ethnographic research process. This means that ethnographers mod ify their research themes and focus in response to the unpredictability of the field circumstances. to cover salient themes th at could potentially emerge in the processes of conducting ethnographic field research and data analysis. In fact, the recurrent theme of South conforming behavior emerged, and I have included an analysis of conflict laden teacher st udent interactions in Chapter 6. Due to the serendipitous nature of ethnographic research, the ethnographer of communication should approach his research with the awareness that there may be insufficient data to support all possible avenues of research ori ginally envisioned. Second, the methodological limitations of this study are: (1) selection of participants, (2) data recordings, (3) data analysis process, (4) link between the directive and the compliance gaining strategies, (5) combination of qualitat ive and quantitative analyses, and (6) comparison of Japanese and Brazilian directives. As for (1), the clear focus on female teachers in the face of one non conforming pupil has allowed me to examine their directive/compliance gaining strategies in depth

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175 additional conclusions. Analysis of data about other participants would allow the researcher to explore two possible cases: (1) other South American non conforming As for (2), the audio visual recording method was a crucial component for a and facial expressions). The B recordings undermined my detailed understandings of interactions in Brazilian classrooms. The video recordings of teacher student interactions in the Japanese classrooms allowed me to understand the role of non linguistic resources, such as proxemics and kinesics as target of socialization. As audiovisual data was a necessary component of the present research, it might have been preferable to explore other Brazilian schools in town in order to find an al ternative research site. As for (3), I was not able to find bilingual research collaborators who could have helped in the entire research process as transcribers (especially, for Portuguese n quantitative analysis), and had support from my Brazilian and South American friends, who voluntarily collected/transcribed data, provided me with their native p erspectives, and answered my inquires about native terminology. Due to moral reasons, however, I chose not to exploit the friendship in exchange for achieving a fine gained ethnographic analysis of s. As for (4), during the processes of data analysis and of dissertation writing, I realized the importance of extending the scope of data analysis to include compliance

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176 gaining practices. 1 This is because analyzing directive speech acts or events ends up confining the research(er) to a mere analysis of directive usage. In reality, however, such analysis is too narrow for an ethnographic study that aims at understanding both language and culture. Compliance gaining practices as a sort of (language) socializ ation practices require a gamut of linguistic and nonlinguistic/cultural aspects of communication as relevant resources for child socialization and enculturation. In behavior has multiple forms and is omnipresent in classroom interactions. Examples of such are: interactional routines, turn taking organization, participation structures, floor keeping, interruptions, proximity, silence, and speech acts/events. Directive acts/eve nts interactional practices. As for (5), I first did a quantitative data analysis in order to identify quantitative differences between Japanese and Brazilian female teachers As a second step, I did qualitative data analysis on directive/compliance gaining practices in Japanese classrooms. This analytical procedure was taken in order to facilitate later qualitative analysis. Yet, the quantitative an alysis has limited the qualitative analysis due to an insufficient focus on specific speech contexts, such as interactional routines, speech events, interactional formats (e.g., dyadic, multiparty), and learning activity formats (i.e., tutoring, small grou p, whole class). Therefore, it would have been preferable to start the data analysis from a qualitative perspective, and then (if necessary) carry out quantitative analysis to back up or further the qualitative results. 1 This realization was inspired by Fitch (1994).

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177 As for (6), there was a challenge t o comparing levels of directness between Japanese and Brazilian directive speech acts. Facing the challenge, I elaborated a crosslinguistic coding scheme of Japanese and of Portuguese in accordance with Crosscultural Pragmatics, more specifically CCSARP (C hapter 3). The challenge was how to incorporate contextual components of speech in its directive act analysis. This is because the CCSARP approach predetermines the contexts of speech (i.e., when, who, to whom, what, for what purpose) and collects data fro m participants on how they would speak in these imaginary contexts. To grapple with the issue, I incorporated contextual of this eclectic approach have shown its ep istemological limitations i.e., how we know what we intend to know in terms of combining a contextual/qualitative approach and a crosslinguistic/quantitative approach. Finally, but not less importantly, there is limited prior research literature on Portug uese sociolinguistics, Brazilian norms of behavior, and social relationships. Despite the situation, research on jeitinho in business communication, and the like have analyzed this phenomenon (Chapter 2). Yet, I could not find any research in linguistics or in related fields (e.g., education) that might have related the phenomenon to issues of language socialization. Due, in part, to this limitation, the present research had difficulties illuminating the links between Brazilian cultural contexts and their communicative behaviors. For future research, I propose the following investigative processes. First, I find non conform ing Brazilian students by visiting international classrooms of Japanese

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178 primary schools. In order to look at gender as one relevant factor for understanding non conforming behavior, both female and male students (by preference, equal in number) are include d in the research design. Second, I and collaborators by preference Japanese Brazilian Portuguese bilinguals audio visually record interactions between the Brazilian student and his/her Japanese teacher. In order to record their interactions solely or pr imarily, one on one Third, I and the collaborators individually transcribe recorded interactional data. gaining strategies, and student socializing agendas. Fourth, I and the collaborators meet periodically and check the produced transcripts; discuss potential issues of conflict while at the same time checking the notes/descriptions and watching video recorded conflict laden interactions. We also gaining strategies including directive usage and other communicative resources conforming tactics. Finally, in ord er to corroborate if the identified strategies and tactics are culture bound practices, I and the collaborators carry out two comparative analyses and two gaining conforming tactics. Such a

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179 corroborative/collaborative approach will elucidate cultural differences in socialization practices acr oss languages and cultures.

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180 LIST OF REFERENCES Abreu, C., Lustosa, F., & Oliveira, L. (1982). O "jeitinho" brasileiro como um recurso de poder [The Brazilian "jeitinho" as a resource of power]. Revista de Administrao Pblica, 16 (2), 5 31. Achgar, H. (2003). Una fotografia de mediados del ao 2002. In H. Achgar, S. Rapetti, S. Dominguez & R. Radakovich (Eds.), Imaginarios y consumo cultural: Primer informe sobre consumo y comportamiento cultural, Uruguay 2002 (pp. 7 40). Montev ideo, Uruguay: Universidad de la Repblica Uruguay Alfaraz, G. G. (2009). Conversing through overlaps: Information status and simultaneous talk in Cuban Spanish. Multilingua, 28 (1), 25 43. doi: 10.1515/mult.2009.002 Almeida, A. C. (2008). Core values, education, and democracy: An empirical tour of DaMatta's Brazil. In P. R. Kingstone & T. J. Power (Eds.), Democratic Brazil revisited (pp. 233 256). Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. A nderson, B. R. (1991). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism New York, NY: Verso. Anderson, F. E. (1995). Classroom discourse and language socialization in a Japanese elementary school setting: An ethnographic linguisti c study (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing. ( 9604132) Anderson, F. E., & Wolfe, S. (2009). Under the interactional umbrella: Presentation and collaboration in Japanese classroom discourse. In R. Barnard & M. E. T orres Guzmn (Eds.), Creating classroom communities of learning: International case studies and perspectives (Vol. 10, pp. 15 35). Tonawanda, NY: Multilingual Matters. Angles, J., Nagatomi, A., & Nakayama, M. (2000). Japanese responses hai ee and un : Yes, no, and beyond. Language & Communication, 20 (1), 55 86. d oi: 10.1016/S0271 5309(99)00018 X The Association of Nikkei & Japanese Abroad. (2013). Who are "Nikkei & Japanes e Abroad"? Retrieved from http://www.jadesas.or.jp/en/aboutnikkei/index.html Azevedo, M. M. (2005). Portuguese: A linguistic introduction New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Bachnik, J. (1992). Kejime : Defining a shifting self in multiple organizational modes. In N. R. Rosenberger (Ed.), Japanese sense of self (pp. 152 172). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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194 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH in international relations with major in intercultural relations from Nihon University in 1995. In 1997, he started to study cultural anthropo logy at Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologa Social (CIESAS), Mexico. In 2000, he graduated activities for language/culture promotion in Mexico. In 2004, he began his doctoral studies in linguistics at the University of Florida. During his doctoral field research: 2009 certificate from Universidade Federal de Mato Gross o (UFMT), Brazil. Nakamura was awarded his Doctor of Philosophy degree in May, 2014, and is now pursuing an academic career in linguistics and anthropology while he continues working on Latin Japan and elsewhere.