Question Formation in Mehri

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Title:
Question Formation in Mehri
Physical Description:
1 online resource (184 p.)
Language:
english
Creator:
Alrowsa, Waleed A
Publisher:
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
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Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Linguistics
Committee Chair:
HENDERSON,BRENT MYKEL
Committee Co-Chair:
HATAV,GALIA
Committee Members:
HADDAD,YOUSSEF A
CAMPOS,MICHELLE U

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
arabian -- arguments -- benzabinut -- binding -- clefting -- dialect -- formation -- grammar -- in-depth -- in-situ -- mehri -- minimalist -- modern -- moved -- movement -- optional -- pesetsky -- question -- relativization -- semitic -- soltan -- south -- syntactic -- systematic -- topicalization -- undescribed -- unselective -- wh-adjuncts -- wh-arguments -- wh-fronting -- wh-movement
Linguistics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
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Linguistics thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract:
This thesis seeks to provide a systematic study of question formation in Mehri, a Modern South Arabian Language for which many syntactic facts remain largely undescribed. The thesis has three main goals: First, a presentation of a sketch grammar of the Ben Zabinut dialect of Mehri, a previously undescribed dialect; second, an in-depth description and discussion of question formation in Mehri; third, an analysis and theoretical discussion of the question formation facts within the context of minimalist syntactic theory and theories of Semitic syntax in particular. It is hoped this study contributes to the knowledge of the Mehri language and Modern South Arabian languages, as well as leading to better-informed analyses and discussions of the syntax of questions in Semitic languages and language in general.Mehri exhibits optional wh-fronting in which a question word may appear in situ or moved to the front of a clause (as well as to the front of an intermediate clause). I argue that the wh-movement facts from questioning arguments show clear resemblance with relativization and clefting, suggesting a movement approach. However, fronting of wh-adjuncts is not similar to relativization and clefting, but instead is similar to topicalization of an NP. In neither case, I argue, is movement of the wh-word responsible for licensing it as an interrogative. Instead, I suggest these are licensed through unselective binding (Pesetsky 1987) as has been suggested for other Semitic languages with optional wh-fronting, such as Egyptian Arabic (Soltan 2012).
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Waleed A Alrowsa.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2014.
Local:
Adviser: HENDERSON,BRENT MYKEL.
Local:
Co-adviser: HATAV,GALIA.

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UFRGP
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Applicable rights reserved.
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lcc - LD1780 2014
System ID:
UFE0046475:00001


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QUESTION FORMATION IN MEHRI By WALEED ABDULLAH ALROWSA A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVER SITY OF FLORIDA 2014

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2014 Waleed Abdullah Alrowsa

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To my parents Abdullah and Shaikah,

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is a result of an accumulative work of y ears of study at the linguistics department at the University of Florida. First, I am very appreciative to my supervisor and mentor Dr. Brent Henderson who not only taught me and supervised me throughout my stay at UF but he showed me support and patience. I am thankful for the long ho urs we spent together. His amazing patience for answering all inquires is honorable. Also, my thanks go to all members of my committe e Dr. Youssef A. Haddad, Dr. Galia Hatav, and Dr. I want also to thank all the people at the linguistics department both t eachers and colleagues. During these years I have met many people who helped me in many ways such as Dr. Erich Potsdam who taught me syntax and showed me how to love teaching it. Also, I would like to thank all those who introduced me to linguistics at th e University of Utah, especially my MA supervisor Dr. Edward J Rubin, and also Dr. Randall Eggert, Rachel Harb, Randall Gess, Moshira Eid. I am in great debt to Prof. Lyle Campbell who introduced me to minority languages, language revitalization. If it is not for him, I will never study Mehri. Also, my thanks go to LSU whom I owe great respect. I would like to thank Dr. M. Jill Broady who introduced me to anthropological linguistics, Dr. Janet Norise was great teacher, and to Dr. Michael H egarty who taught me how to be patience I was honored to meet with many fellow students and colleagues who learned so much. My thanks go Hosam Alawad, Majed Alhomaidi, Saeed Aljadhami and so many others.

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5 I wo uld like to thank Mehri community. Everyone who I met, worked with, and visited. Namely, I would like to thank the tribal leader, Mr. Saeed Baxit Ben Smodah Almahri. I also, thank my friend Mr. Ali ben Qamsait who was my guide in my trip to AlKharkir. He w orked with me to transcribe, and translate some data I collected. But, I am so grateful to my consultant, informant and friend Mr. Ahmed Ben Zabenut AlMehri who worked with me for a long period of time, and if it is not for him, this work will not be compl eted. He worked with me for a long period of time, and he is a well dedicated person to help his heritage language. I thank Imam University for their support throughout my study, if it is without their support, this work would have never be accomplished. I also, thank my teachers there Dr. Mohammad Omanr, Dr. Mohammad Fathi, Dr. Mostafa Ibrahim, Dr. Mohammad Telbah and Dr. Mostafa Othman. I am so grateful to my parents Abdullah and Shaikah who dedicated their lives to raise me and my brothers and sisters in the best ways. They showered me with their love and support during my stay in US. I was and am and will be in great debt to each one of them; their patience for staying away from them all these long years. May Allah SW bless them and shower their souls with His mercy and fill their lives with peace and tranquility. They taught me so many things but the most outstanding this is honesty and generosity. I would like to thank all my brothers and sisters who showed me support, help, and companionate I thank Khalid, Adel, Abd AlMohsen Mohammad, Ibrahim, Hadeel, Maram, Demah, AbdulAziz, Abd A lRahman, and Anfal.

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6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 10 LIST OF F IGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 13 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 14 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 16 CHAPTER 1 MEHRI L ANGUAGE ................................ ................................ ............................... 18 1.1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 18 1.2 Theoretical Framework of This Study ................................ ............................... 19 1.3 SAL Classification ................................ ................................ ............................. 19 1.4 Previous Work on SAL ................................ ................................ ...................... 22 1.5 Mehri Ethnography ................................ ................................ ............................ 24 1.5.1 Earlier Work on Mehri ................................ ................................ .............. 25 1.5.2 Geography of Mehri ................................ ................................ ................. 26 1.6 The Ben Zabinut Dialect ................................ ................................ ................... 27 1.6.1 Methodology and Data collection ................................ ............................ 27 1.6.2 Primary Data collection and Fieldwork ................................ .................... 27 1.6.3 Post Fieldwork Analysis and Data Collection ................................ .......... 30 1.6.4 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ............................... 31 2 MEHRI PHONOLOGY ................................ ................................ ............................ 32 2.1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 32 2.2 Mehri Consonants ................................ ................................ ............................. 32 2.2.1 Allophonic Variation ................................ ................................ ................. 35 2.2.2 Glottalic Consonants ................................ ................................ ............... 35 2.2.3 Pharyngeal Fricatives ................................ ................................ .............. 36 2.2.3.1 /g/ and ................................ ................................ ...................... 37 2.2.3.2 Geminates ................................ ................................ ...................... 38 2.3 Vowels ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 39 2.3.1 Variation in Vow els ................................ ................................ .................. 40 2.3.2 The Low Vowel /a/ ................................ ................................ ................... 40 2.3.3 /o:/ and /u:/ ................................ ................................ .............................. 41 2.3.4 / i:/ and /e:/ ................................ ................................ ................................ 42 2.3.5 Diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ ................................ ................................ ......... 42 2.3.6 Prosodic Properties ................................ ................................ ................. 43 2.3.7 Consonant Clusters and Syncope ................................ ........................... 43

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7 2.4 Stress ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 44 2.4.1 Long Vowel Shortening ................................ ................................ ........... 45 2.4.2 Consonant Devoicing ................................ ................................ .............. 46 2.4.3 Nasalization ................................ ................................ ............................. 47 2.4.4 /h/ Deletion ................................ ................................ .............................. 47 2.4.5 /l/ Vocalization ................................ ................................ ......................... 48 2.5 Conclusions ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 49 3 MEHRI MORPHOLOGY ................................ ................................ ......................... 50 3.1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 50 3.2 Nominal Roots ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 50 3.2.1 Gender ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 51 3.2.2 Number ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 54 3.2.2.1 The dual ................................ ................................ ......................... 54 3.2.2.2 The plural ................................ ................................ ....................... 55 3.2.2.3 Feminine plural nouns with suffixation ................................ ........... 58 3.2.2.4 Internal change nouns ................................ ................................ .... 60 3.2.3 Dimi nut i ves ................................ ................................ .............................. 64 3.2.4 Numerals ................................ ................................ ................................ 65 3.2.5 Ordinals ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 66 3.3 Pronouns ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 68 3.3.1 Personal Subject Pronouns ................................ ................................ ..... 6 8 3.3.2 Personal Object Pronouns ................................ ................................ ....... 71 3.3.3 Possessive Pronouns ................................ ................................ .............. 75 3.3.4 Reflexive Pronouns ................................ ................................ ................. 77 3.3.5 Reciprocal Pronouns ................................ ................................ ............... 78 3.3.6 Demonstrative Pronouns ................................ ................................ ......... 79 3.4 Verbal Structure ................................ ................................ ................................ 81 3.4.1 Verbs ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 81 3.4.1.1 Bi consonantal verb roots ................................ .............................. 81 3.4.1.2 Tri consonantal verb roots ................................ ............................. 82 3.4.1.3 Quadri conso nantal verb roots ................................ ....................... 82 3.4.2 Mehri Verb Stems ................................ ................................ .................... 84 3.4.2.1 Basic stems ................................ ................................ .................... 84 3.4.2.2 D/L stem ................................ ................................ ........................ 85 3.4.2.3 H stem ................................ ................................ ........................... 85 3.4.2.4 stem ................................ ................................ ............................. 86 3. 4.2.5 T stem ................................ ................................ ............................ 88 3.4.3 Tense, Aspect, and Agreement ................................ ............................... 90 3.4.3.1 Perfective ................................ ................................ ....................... 91 3.4.3.2 Indicative imperfective ................................ ................................ .... 92 3.4.3.3 Future ................................ ................................ ............................. 94 3.4.3.4 Subjunctive ................................ ................................ .................... 99 3.4.3.5 Conditional ................................ ................................ ................... 100 3.4.3 Voice ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 102 3.4.3.1 Active ................................ ................................ ........................... 102

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8 3.4.3.2 Passive ................................ ................................ ........................ 103 3.5 Prepositions ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 107 3.5.1 Prepositions for Time ................................ ................................ ............. 107 3.5.1.1 bd ................................ ................................ .............................. 107 o ................................ ................................ ........................ 107 3.5.2.3 sr ................................ ................................ ............................... 108 ................................ ................................ ............................... 110 3.5.1.5 t ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 110 3.5.2 Preposition for Place ................................ ................................ ............. 111 ................................ ................................ ............................ 111 ................................ ................................ ............................ 112 3.5.3 Preposition for Direction ................................ ................................ ........ 113 3.5.4 More Prepositions ................................ ................................ .................. 114 3.5.4.1 h s ................................ ................................ ............................... 114 3.5.4.2 sb b ................................ ................................ ............................. 115 ................................ ................... 116 3.6 Adverbs ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 118 3.6.1 Adverbs of Time ................................ ................................ .................... 119 3.6.2 Adverbs of Place ................................ ................................ ................... 120 3.6.3 Adverbs of Manner ................................ ................................ ................ 121 3.7 Adjectives ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 122 3.8 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 125 4 MHERI WH INTERROGATIVES ................................ ................................ .......... 126 4.1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 126 4.2 Wh Words ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 126 4.3 Movement and Wh Questions ................................ ................................ ........ 128 4.4 Questioning Arguments ................................ ................................ .................. 132 4.4.1 Subjects ................................ ................................ ................................ 132 4.4.2 Direct Objects ................................ ................................ ........................ 134 4.4.3 Indirect Object ................................ ................................ ....................... 135 4.4.4 Object of a Preposition ................................ ................................ .......... 136 4.4.5 Verbless Sentences ................................ ................................ ............... 139 4.4.6 Possessors ................................ ................................ ............................ 144 4.4.7 Questioning Arguments in Embedded Clauses ................................ ..... 146 4.5 Questioning of Adjuncts ................................ ................................ .................. 148 4.5.1 Adjuncts in Embedded Clauses ................................ ............................. 149 4.5.2 Differences between Adjuncts and Arguments Questions ..................... 150 4.6 Mehri Yes/No Questions ................................ ................................ ................. 151 4.6.1 Intonation ................................ ................................ ............................... 151 4.6.2 Yes/No Questions with b r ................................ ................................ .... 152 4.6.3 Yes/No Questions with ................................ ................................ ..... 152 4.6.4 Yes/No Questions with w la ................................ ................................ 155 4.6.5 Yes/No Questions with w lla la ................................ ............................. 157 4.6.6 Tag Questions ................................ ................................ ....................... 157 4.7 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 158

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9 5 ANALYZING WH FRONTING IN MEHRI ................................ .............................. 159 5.1 Wh Movement or Not? ................................ ................................ .................... 159 5.2 Optional Wh Fronting ................................ ................................ ...................... 159 5.3 Against a Movement Analysis for Optional Wh Movement in Mehri ............... 161 5.4 A Non Movement Analysis ................................ ................................ .............. 167 5.4.1 Clefted Arguments ................................ ................................ ................. 167 5.4.2 Wh Adjuncts and Topicalization ................................ ............................ 171 5.5 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 174 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 176 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 184

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10 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Mehri consonants in initial, medial and final positions ................................ ........ 34 2 2 Mehri Vowels ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 40 3 1 Mehri Gedner ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 52 3 2 Mehri Feminine words without suffix Gedner ................................ ...................... 52 3 3 Mehri Feminine Words ................................ ................................ ....................... 53 3 4 Mehri Dual ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 54 3 5 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ in] ................................ ............................... 56 3 6 Mehri Masculin e Plural Suffixation [ on] ................................ ............................. 56 3 7 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ ................................ .............................. 56 3 8 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ eit] ................................ .............................. 57 3 9 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixat ion [ ................................ ............................ 57 3 10 Mehri Feminine Plural Suffixation [ ................................ .............................. 58 3 11 Mehri Feminine Plural Suffixation [ ................................ ............................ 59 3 12 Mehri Feminine Plural Suffixation [ ................................ ................................ 60 3 13 Mehri Internal Plural [ o:C] ................................ ................................ .................. 60 3 14 Mehri Internal Plural [ CC o: Ci ] ................................ ................................ ............. 61 3 15 Mehri Broken Plural [ awC] ................................ ................................ ................. 61 3 16 ................................ ................................ ..... 62 3 17 Mehri Internal Plural [ CCajC ] ................................ ................................ .............. 62 3 18 Mehri Internal Plural [ C] ................................ ................................ ................. 6 3 3 19 Singular forms Different from Plural Forms. ................................ ....................... 64 3 20 Mehri Diminut i ves ................................ ................................ .............................. 64 3 21 Mehri Numerals ................................ ................................ ................................ 65

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11 3 22 Mehri Ordinals ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 67 3 23 Mehri Months ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 68 3 24 Subject Free Pronouns ................................ ................................ ...................... 69 3 25 Object Bound Suffixes ................................ ................................ ....................... 71 3 26 Mehri Free Object Pronouns ................................ ................................ .............. 72 3 2 7 M ehri Bound Possessive Suffixes ................................ ................................ ..... 75 3 2 8 Mehri Free Possessive Pronouns ................................ ................................ ...... 77 3 2 9 Mehri Reflexive Pronouns ................................ ................................ ................. 77 3 30 ................................ ................................ ....... 79 3 3 1 Mehri Demonstratives ................................ ................................ ........................ 80 3 3 2 Mehri Root System. ................................ ................................ ............................ 81 3 3 3 Mehri Bi Consonantal Verb Root. ................................ ................................ ....... 82 3 3 4 Mehri Tri Consonantal Verb Root. ................................ ................................ ...... 82 3 3 5 Mehri Quadr iliteral Verb Roots ................................ ................. 83 3 3 6 Mehri Reduplicated Quadriliteral Verb Roots ............................. 83 3 3 7 Mehri Pseudo Quinqueliteral Verb Roots. ................................ .......................... 83 3 3 8 Mehri Stems. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 84 3 3 9 Mehri G Stem. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 84 3 40 Mehri H CCuC. ................................ ................................ .................... 86 3 4 1 Stems. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 88 3 4 2 T stem Mehri and Arabic. ................................ ................................ ................... 89 3 4 3 Mehri Perfective. ................................ ................................ ................................ 91 3 4 4 Mehri Imperfective. ................................ ................................ ............................. 93 3 4 5 Mehri Future Suffixes. ................................ ................................ ........................ 94 3 4 6 ................................ ................................ ............ 98

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12 3 4 7 Mehri Tense Paradigms. ................................ ................................ .................... 99 3 4 8 Mehri subjunctive affixes. ................................ ................................ ................. 100 3 4 9 Some Mehri Verb Patterns. ................................ ................................ .............. 102 3 50 Mehri and Arabic Passive. ................................ ................................ ................ 103 3 5 1 Mehri T Stem Pass ive. ................................ ................................ ..................... 104 3 5 2 ................................ ................................ ................. 106 3 5 3 Mehri Passive. ................................ ................................ ............................. 106 3 5 4 Some Mehri Prepositions. ................................ ................................ ................ 118 3 5 5 Some Mehri Adverbs of Time. ................................ ................................ .......... 120 3 5 6 Some Mehri Adverbs of Place. ................................ ................................ ......... 121 3 5 7 Some Mehri Adverbs o f Manner. ................................ ................................ ...... 121

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13 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Semitic family Classification Phyla (Hetzron 1972:119) ................................ ...... 21 1 2 Mehri Isoglosis (SIMEONE SENELLE Marie Claude 1997) ............................... 22 1 3 Mehri Isogloss in South Arabia ................................ ................................ .......... 27 2 1 Mehri C onsonants ................................ ................................ .............................. 33

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14 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 1 First person 2 Second person 3 Third person com Common cop Copula comp Complementizer def Definite article du Dual dem Demonstrative pronoun f Feminine fut Future imp Imp erfective impr Imperative m Masculine SAL South Arabian Languages n Noun nbr Number neg Negation obj Object Pas Passive pf Perfective pl Plural pos Possessive pronoun sg Singular

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15 rel Relative marker subj Subject Ungrammatical fm Focus marker

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16 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy QUESTION FORMATION IN MEHRI By Waleed A. Alrowsa Ma y 2014 Chair: Brent Henderson Major: Linguistics This thesis seeks to provide a systematic study of question formation in Mehri, a Modern South Arabian Language for which many syntactic facts remain largely undescribed. The thesis has three main goals: First, a presentation of a sketch grammar of the Ben Zabinut dialect of Mehri, a previously undescribed dialect; second, an in depth description and discussion of question formation in Mehri; third, an analysis and theoretical discussion of the question f ormation facts within the context of minimalist syntactic theory and theories of Semitic syntax in particular. It is hoped this study contributes to the knowledge of the Mehri language and Modern South Arabian languages, as well as leading to better inform ed analyses and discussions of the syntax of questions in Semitic languages and language in general. Mehri exhibits optional wh fronting in which a question word may appear in situ or moved to the front of a clause (as well as to the front of an intermedia te clause). I argue that the wh movement facts from questioning arguments show clear resemblance with relativization and clefting, suggesting these are the mechanisms responsible for optional fronting of these arguments However, fronting of wh adjuncts is not similar to relativization and clefting, but instead is similar to topicalization of an NP. In neither

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17 case, I argue, is movement of the wh word responsible for licensing it as an interrogative demonstrating that the fronted phrases are insensitive to islands. Instead, I suggest these are licensed through unselective binding (Pesetsky 1987) as has been suggested for other Semitic languages with optional wh fronting, such as Egyptian Arabic (Soltan 2012).

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18 CHAPTER 1 MEHRI L ANGUAGE 1.1 Introduction Th is thesis has two primary goals. The first is to offer a basic description of a previou sly unstudied dialect of Mehri, that of Bin Zabinut, one of the so m orphological, and syntactic properties, making note of similarities and differences between the Bin Zabinut variety and other better studied varieties from the literature. The second goal of this thesis is to provide an in depth description and analysis of wh question formation in BZ Mehri. To my knowledge such a description does not exist for any Mehri variety. I show that Mehri exhibits so called optional wh movement, similar to what has been described for other Semitic languages such as Egyptian and Leba nese Arabic. Along with the description, I offer an analysis in the framework of the Minimalist Program, arguing that Mehri does not exhibit wh movement per se, but that fronted wh words in the language are based generated in fronted positions as part of clefting and topicalization structures and are licensed via unselective binding and not by wh movement. It is hoped this study will make contributions to linguistics in several ways, most notably (i) increasing our knowledge of Mehri, a n under studied So uth Arabian language potentially under threat due to increasing Arabic influence, (ii) increased knowledge of the typology of wh questions in Semitic and in language more generally. In addition, it is hoped this thesis will be of assistance to the Mehri co mmunity by bringing more attention to the South Arabian languages and Mehri language and culture, especially among other linguists and scholars in the Arab region.

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19 The remainder of this chapter is divided into ( 4 ) sections. Section 1.1 provides background information about the South Arabian languages (SALs) Section 1.2 and 1.3 review literature on Mehri language. And section 1. 4 provides the methodology used in this study. 1.2 Theoretical Framework of This Study For its descriptive goals, this thesis uses the set of categories of analysis commonly assumed for languages with Basic Linguistic Theory (Dixon 1997), drawing especially on common descriptions of other Semitic languages. The final chapter of the thesis shifts to a basic minimalist framework (Choms ky 1995) for the purposes of offering a theoretical account of optional wh fronting in Mehri. 1. 3 SAL Classification The South Arabian Languages (SAL, henceforth) of the Arabian Peninsula are a family of languages that belong to the South Semitic grouping of Semitic languages (along with Ethiopian Semitic languages, such as Amharica, Tigrinya, and Tigre). South Semitic itself understood to be a branch of the Western Semitic languages (which also branch). Semitic itself is a branch of the larger Afro SALs are often divided into the so (MSAs) extinct languages, such as Sabaeanic, Hadramautic, Minaean, Qatabanian, and are T his includes Ba ari, ar usi, Hobyot, Jibbali, Mehri, and Soqo ri. All of these languages continue to be spoken, though all are under threat and several are

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20 endangered. Some scholars at least have taken MSAs to be descendants of the Old South Arabian lang uages, though the precise relationships are not entirely understood (Johnstone 1987). Sima (2011: 2) takes the definite article, gemination and other syntactic properties to confirm that Mehri is a descendant of the Old South Arabian languages ( Sima: 2011: 2 ). The following subgrouping, which is based on geographical and cultural basis, is adapted from Hetzron, R obert. 1972 Ethiopian Semitic: studies in classification (Page, 119, Figure V.Agent Noun in CPWG ). Manchester: Manchester University Press. I. East Semitic A. Akkadian B. Eblaite II. West Semitic A. Central Semitic 1. Northwest Semitic a. Ugaritics b. Canaanite (Phoenician, Ammonite, Edomite, Hebrew, Moabite, El Amarna) c. Dier Alla d. Aramaic 2. Arabic B. South Semitic 1. Eastern (Modern South Arabian) a. Soqotri. b. Mehri c. Harsusi d. Hobyot e. Jibbali 2. Western a. Old South Arabian i. Sabean ii. Qatabanian iii. Hadramitic iv. Minean b. Ethiosemitic i. North Ethiosemitic 1. 2. Tigre 3. Tigrinya ii. South Ethiosemitic

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21 1. Transverse South Ethiosemitic a. Amharic b. Argobba c. Harari d. East Gurage 2. Outer South Ethiosemitic a. Gafat b. Soddo c. Goggot d. Muher e. Masqan f. Ezha g. Chaha h. Gura i. Gyeto j. Ennemor k. Endegen Figure 1 1. Semitic family Classification Phyla (Hetzron 1972:119) Relationships between the MSAs are not as well studied, though Johnstone (1975) suggests that Ba ari and ar usi mig Johnstone (1975). In the rest of this thesis I will use the term South Arabian Languages (SALs) to refer to these languages rather than Modern South Arabian languages. The distribution of SAL s is mapped in three countri es and along the Arabian Sea and inlands; Oman, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. The map below is taken from Simeone Senelle (1997):

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22 Figure 1 2. Mehri Isoglosis adapted Marie Claude Simeone Senelle 1997 Hetzron (ed.), Semitic Languages(Page 379 Figure 3 1) R outledge; New Ed edition (December 17, 2005) 1.4 Previous Work on SAL Though South Arabian Languages were often noted by Arab grammarians, historians, and travelers such as Al Hamadani, Ibn Battuta, Al Idrisi Amr Ibn AlAla and others as being different f rom Arabic, little description of them was undertaken until the documentation of an MSA. The next significant development would be that of Fulgence Fresnel, a French Arab ist and consul in Jeddah, who provided the first preliminary description of Jibbali in 1838. This discovery is sometimes noted as the beginning of the discussion of the SALs as a group of languages, see Leslau (1946), Johnstone (1980); Matthews (1969), Het zron (1997: 421 432) Hofstede (1998) and Izre'el (2002:394 400). More detailed data was not collected until the 1898 Sudarabische Expedition of the Imperial Academy of Vienna began. This expedition systematically collected texts

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23 from Mehri, Soqotri, and Ji bbali languages. This data would later be analyzed by scholars such as Bittner (1908), Jahn (1915), and Wagner (1953). Soqotri remained the mostly widely documented SAL with Leslau (1938) publishing a dictionary based on the Ba ari and ar usi as distinct varieties, categorizing these two languages with Mehri as a group and Jibbali as another different group. The discovery of Hobyot is regarded to be the last among all the SAL, thanks to Johnstone (1981). Johnstone argued Hobyo and Mehri, though he spoke of it as a separate language. Later work by French scholars Antoine Lonnet and Marie Claude Simeone Senelle collected enough data of Hob y ot which proves that it is an independent languag e. Speaking specifically of Mehri, Wellsted published a list of words and the first description of Mehri phonology in his popular travel narrative Travels to the City of Caliphs published in 1840. Heinrich Von Maltzan, a traveler and student of Arabic la nguage and culture, also published two short grammatical studies (Maltzan 1871, 1873). Some Mehri short stories have also been collected and published (Jahn 1902, Mller 1902, 1905, 1907, and Wagner 1953, as cited in Hofstede 1998) and Amshoosh (2001). The first dictionary of Mehri was published in 1987 (Johnstone 1987). Grammar sketches were written for Mehri as in Simeone Senelle (1997); Al Aidaroos (1996, 1999, 2001); Sima (2002), also in addition to Harsusi Johnstone (1970). T hese works contain very li ttle discussion of syntactic properties, focusing instead phonological and morphological descriptions.

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24 1.5 Mehri Ethnography Approximately 100,000 people speak Mehri in Southeast Yemen, the western part of Dhofar in Oman, and the southern part of Saudi Ar abia, especially the newly immigrated Mehri tribes in Al Kharkeer, Najran, Riyadh and Almadinah. The Mehri tribes are spread along the southern borders of the Arabian Peninsula. They live in isolated areas between the eastern part of Yemen and the western mountains of Oman, and from the Arabian Sea in the south to as far north as Thamud, on the border of Al Khali the Empty Quarter In addition to Mehri, there are five other languages that are spoken by minority populations on South Arabian Peni nsula: Bathari, Harsusi, Hobyt, Shehri (Jebbali), and Soqotri. For each, there are different dialects. As for the Mehri language, for example, two main dialects are observed: coastal and desert dialects, each perhaps having sub dialects. They are spoken i n nine main districts. These are Alghaydah (the capital city of the Mehri area), Almsilah, Haat, Hswain, Hawf, Sayhoot, Shahn, Qashan, and Manaar. This study will focus solely on a dialect spoken in Shahn, the northeastern district. AlGhaydah, the capital city of Almahara province, is regarded to be the locus of the dominant costal dialect. The second major costal dialect is centered in Qashin, which is the old capital city of the Mehri Sultanate. Additionally, there are minor dialects spoken in cities like Almsilah, Haat, Hswain, Hawf, Sayhoot, Shahn, Qashan, and Manaar. Modern scholars such as Rubin (2010) and Watson (2012) also speak of Mehri having ) and Mehrijat (Ye meni Mehri, see Johnstone 1975:94 ). There are several desert dialects in Almaharah province where Shahn is found; however, two tribal dialects are well known, namely Ben Samudah and Bin Zabinut.

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25 This study will focus solely on Bin Zabinut dialect, which is the dialect spoken in Shahn and the northeastern territories. 1.5 .1 Earlier Work on Mehri As mentioned above, Mehri was an early target for many researchers from early twentieth century. Alfred Jahn (1902), David Heinrich Mller (1902, 1905, 1907), Wilhe lm Hein and Maximilian Bittner among the first scholars who collected and published Mehri short stories. Also, see Hofstede (1998), Stroomer (1999: xiv) and Amshoosh (2001). An impressive grammatical study of Mehri was undertaken by Ewald Wagner in his Syn tactic study of Mehri in 1953. But the contribution of Thomas Muir Johnstone is regarded to be a landmark in the study of Mehri, for the number and depth of the articles on the Omani dialect he contributed (see Smith 1984), including the first dictionary of Mehri (Johnstone 1987). As for Yemeni Mehri, two scholars M C. Simeone Senelle and A. Lonnet have published work based on data from the Austrian South Arabian Expedition. A recent work that has been done on the Yemeni Mehri is by Alfadly (2007), who concentrated in his dissertation on the morphology of the Qishn dialect of Mehri. While a significant The Mehri Language of Oman. The work is an in depth grammatical description of the phonology and (chiefly) morphology of Omani Mehri, based solely on recording and data is taken into account and the discussion is limited to the word level. Very few (2012) recent dual grammar that contrasts the Yemeni and Omani dialects of Mehri,

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26 systematically discussing t heir phonology and morphology as well as many aspects of their syntactic structure. Interestingly, description and discussion of interrogative optional wh fronting phenomenon that will be the major contribution of this thesis. Both of these works have been helpful in analyzing the data in this thesis and in discovering differences that Ben Zabinut exhibits. 1.5 2 Geography of Mehri The word Mehri as a term covers two things: t he name of the language itself and the name of the tribe. Mehri constitutes the largest language among all of its SAL sisters, with a population that exceeds 135,764 according to Yemen 2004 census and (SIL, 2000). This language is spoken mainly in Maharah governance of Yemen, the governance of Dufar in Oman, three cities in Saudi Arabia: Alxharxi, Sharorah, and Najran, in addition to the other rural hinterlands in between. The geographical boundary of Mehri has not yet been completely identified. However, Mehri is pre dominantly spoken in Mahara province in Yemen. However, Languages isogloss is not always in line with official administrative geographical zoning. The western boarder of Mehri is believed to be Alshehr. Almukala has some Mehri families. As for the eastern boarders, Mehri reaches as far as Darbat Ali before the Omani city of Salalah. The Northern border is the Empty Quarter and AlKharkheer. The south is the Arabian Sea. The isoglosses indicate an approximate of Mehri is 600 kilometers across t he Arabian Sea. Historically, this has placed the Mehri as a central point of commerce between Indian, Java, China, the Levant and Europe.

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27 Figure 1 3. Mehri Isogloss in South Arabia 1 1.6 The Ben Zabinut Dialect Mehri constitutes at least ten major tri bes, and each tribe has its own dialect, in addition to other Mehri vernaculars. Ben Zabinut, the dialect under study, extends as far west as Dees, a town close to Al Mukalla, and Sadh in Oman. Due to its use in popular poetry, the dialect is often conside This thesis focuses its attention to the description of the grammatical structures of Ben Zabinut dialect. Where informative, contrasts will be drawn between the BZ dialect and data from previously p ublished works. 1. 6 1 Methodology and Data collection 1.6 2 Primary Data collection and Fieldwork I first became interested in Mehri in 2006 when I began studying language documentation and revitalization with Dr. Lyle Campbell at the University of Utah d uring my M.A. studies. A small group of young Mehri professionals in Dubai had established a 1 Adapted multitree.org on 4/9/2013 : http://multitree.org/codes/gdq.html

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28 website for social interaction. I introduced myself and explain my interest in studying the language. I was warmly welcomed and through these contacts got connecte d to Mehri poets and tribal leaders. Initial interviews were made via online website and through Skype as I began taking extensive notes and recording conversations. As Dr. Lyle Campbell 2 collecting lingu istic data is in a situation where you can observe, participate and engage My original plan for fieldwork was to visit AlGhaydah, the cultural and political center of the Mehri people; however, political tensions between Yemen and Saudi Arabia made securing a visa for the trip impossible. An alternative plan was conceived. In 2010 I conducted fieldwork for two weeks Alkharkhir, a small town with an approximate population of 10 thousand people. Alkharkhir was established in 1957 and it is regarded to be the capital city of Almaharah in Saudi Arabia. It is located on the south border of the Rub' al the administrative center for Almaharah in Saudi Arabia, where many Mehri (as well as non Me hri) people reside. Alkharkhir is nearly 500km from the nearest town (Sharurah) across a vast sand dessert, making transportation difficult. It required that I purchase a strong SUV (a 2010 Chevy blazer I purchases for $14,000) and carry my own fuel with m e. Contacts I had made online before my trip, in particular my friend Ali Ben Qamsit, made things less difficult, introducing me to local tribe leaders and others. Ali also served as my interpreter for the trip. In total, I interviewed 10 participants for extensive data collection, aiming at long time residents of the Ben Zabinut dialect area who were more than 20 years old. Due to 2 mentation in 2006 at the University of Utah.

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29 cultural conventions, all interviewees were male. Most of the speakers I interviewed were bilingual in Mehri and Arabic. I exp lained my purposed and asked for permission to record their speech for the purposes of my project. I spoke Arabic in the interviews and my participants responded in Mehri. Interviews typically took place at common places, such as the camel market or the M ajlis. Data collected includes conversations, narratives (folktales), poetry, participant observations, as well as a basic questionnaire to elicit morphological and syntactic structures. The latter was based upon questionnaires from Dahl (1985) and Bouquia ux and Thomas (1992). Informal interviews were conducted based on common practice from the literature ( Sankoff and Thibault 1977, Trudgill 1974, Labov 1984, Eckert 2000 Cukor Avila and Bailey 2001, among many others) with the goal of encouraging interview ees to speak freely without necessarily reflecting on the forms of their language, but on the content of their speech. Interviews lasted one to two hours, and participants were compensated financially for their time. In addition to reviewing and signing i nformed consent documents, participants were also asked if they would like to donate their interview to the AlGhaydah cultural center, which maintains Mehri oral history recordings. It is hoped the recordings collected will be archived and made accessible to community members either through the AlGhaydah cultural center or another venue at some time in the near future. Data was recorded on a PMD660 Portable Solid State Recorder. A pair of Sennheiser HD 515 model headphones were used for monitoring and play back.

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30 Transcription was done using the International Phonetic Alphabet (see chapter 2 for conventions used within this system). My primary consultant Ali Bin Q. who is a native speaker of Mehri accompanied throughout my stay as a translator. Ali helped me by facilitating communication with the tribal leaders. Those leaders were determined based on the community recommendation. While the narrative sessions were recorded, no Arabic was used. The communication between my consultant and the tribal leaders wer e only in Mehri My initial analyses of Mehri grammar were based on tokens from these natural texts. Direct elicitation methods were used for clarification and further exploration of grammatical structure For example, I used to ask my consultant clear a nd controlled making sure that my question was understood. Usually, my consultant would respond instantly. It is rarely the case that I need to modify my question. I would repeat his answer in Mehri to make sure that I understood correctly. 1. 6 .3 Post Fieldwork Analysis and Data Collection In this thesis, data from my fieldwork has been used to provide a basis for the basic description of BZ Mehri that appears in Cha pters 2 and 3. The data has also been used to find tokens of particular phenomena throughout the chapter as well as other tokens that have inspired further, more directly elicited data being collected. Post fieldwork, my most valuable consultant has been A hmed Bin Zabinout, a Middle School principle who is bilingual in Arabic and Mehri and highly regarded within his community (being one of the first Mehri to graduate from Makkah University). Ahmed and I regularly communicated via email, texting and Skype wh ere he provided new words for a lexical

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31 database (currently at about 14,000 words) and provided sentences that I directly elicited from him. All grammatical and ungrammatical examples that appear in this thesis were checked and verified with this consultan t as being a (un)grammatical structure of Ben Zabinut Mehri. Ahmed as well as a secondary consultant, Ali provided crucial confirmation of the data used in this thesis, as well as guidance for understanding it and important contextual/cultural informa tion. 1.6.4 Conclusion This chapter has offered background information on the Me hri language and its cultural and geographic context as well as presenting my basic approach to data collection and analysis. The following chapter starts presenting this ana lysis with an overview of BZ phonology.

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32 CHAPTER 2 MEHRI PHONOLOGY 2.1 Introduction Phonology is perhaps the area where the greatest amount of work on Mehri has been carried out. I will not be recapitulating all of that work here, and an in depth phonolog ical analysis of BZ Mehri is outside the scope of this project. Instead, I will offer a brief overview of the phonology of the language, including phonemic inventories and salient phonological processes. Of the descriptions available in the literature, Wat only a few minor differences. Below I present a basic phonemic inventory of sounds and discuss points of interest. I have strived to use a consistent IPA script in the data. 2.2 Mehri Consonants Among modern Semitic languages, the SAL consonant system is the closest to the Proto Semitic reconstructed system, and the only Semitic languages with the three alveolar fricatives [ s, ] found i ew scripts (Simeone Senelle 1997). A chart of Mehri consonant appears below. Note that sounds which likely represent allophonic variants are in parentheses (addressed below). Watson (2012:10) assigns an uvular articulation to the fricatives /x/ and / / rather than velar. The uvular consonant /q/ is found only in loanwords from Arabic and usually is in word initial position. Below I provide ex amples of each of t he consonants listed above in initial, medial, and final position in a word to illustrate a few of the environments where they may be found:

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33 Bilabial Labiodental Interdental Alveolar Alveo palatal Velar uvular Pharyngeal Glottal Stops voiceless t k q voiced b d g glottalic t' Fricatives voiceless f s x h v oiced z glottalic s ( Affricates voiceless (ts) voiced glottalic Laterals voiceless l voiced glottalic l' Nasals m n Trill r App roximate w j Figure 2 1 Mehri Consonants

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34 Table 2 1. Mehri consonants in initial, medial and final positions Initial Medial Final Word Gloss Word Gloss Word Gloss /b/ bxz t o b o b /m/ mji:t air /w / wqu:r /f/ fdur n f ot k lo // o nb o ol /d/ d lo:l guide m ndawq gi:d / / d' frut n l aj /s/ sus s awm s w alk at night /z/ zfur bxz / s' s' l q /l/ l o m ol /n/ w ajn tongue /r/ r jut blow r / / r it ju / x r b baj b aj / / ar bh aj /j/ o m r faj /k/ kub h kul fnuk /g/ r ajg / /x/ i r awx / / n m /q/ qabr o lla barber t / / u s awq qu / / oq k ajb /h/ q'haw h

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35 2. 2 1 Allophonic Variation In the artic ulation of both consonants and vowels, a great degree of variation is attested. For instance, in positions that are not utterance final, glottalics often appear unglottalized and sometimes appear to be voiced. Thus, the emphatic lateral may in some instanc es be pronounced as a / / like sound, as in words like oj particular note also is the palatal ejective / /, which is realized as an affricate / t most environments, a fact alluded to by Rubin (2010: 13) and described by Sima (2009). However, like all glo ttalics the sound often lacks glottalization, yielding / t /, and in a few words I have observed the pronunciation is closer to the original / /. As noted by both Watson and Rubin, the phoneme is fairly rare. However, I have made similar observations with glottalized. Understood in the context of the shift from /g/ to / / that has taken place in Yemeni Mehri, this might represent a general shift in these dia lects toward an inventory of affricatives in the language that is still in progress. I provide tokens of each of these allophones below: (2.1) a. b. c. o t d. ts najm 2. 2 2 Glottalic Co nsonants The set of glottalic consonants that contrasts with voiced and voiceless consonants at the same place of articulation is an important feature of SALs These sounds are sometimes referred to as ejectives (and are marked the same way in the IPA) or Semitic languages like Arabic where these consonants have been lost or have become

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36 pharyngealized. Instead, it places the SALs in a closer family with Ethiopian languages, which share this feature, a fact first noted by Johnstone (Johnstone 1975b). The precise articulatory features of SAL glottalics and how they relate to emphatics in Arabic is a topic of ongoing research with work by Watson and Bellem (2010) showing that the fac shows that glottalization as a contrastive feature is salient only for the velar series. Other emphatic stops are glottalized only in utterance final position (also a context fo r devoicing voiced stops, which are also glottalized). Therefore, the contrastive status of glottalics with their voiced and voiceless counterparts is not completely clear. Furthermore, as Simeone Senelle (1997) notes, the degree of glottalization of these consonants varies depending upon the position of the consonant in the word and across languages and dialects. He notes that in the Mehri dialect of Qishn, these consonants often have a laryngealized or creaky voice quality, often making the emphatics beco me voiced. In his study of Omani Arabic, Rubin (2010:13) lists six glottalic consonants: an alveolar and velar stop, and four fricatives (interdental, alveolar, lateral, and alveo palatal). All of these are present in BZ Mehri as well, with the addendum that the alveo that of these sounds, the alveo palatal is the rarest, appearing in just a few words. Rubin (2010) and Simeone Sennelle (1997) also make note of thi s, and it is true of SALs more generally. 2. 2 .3 Pharyngeal Fricatives The voiced pharyngeal fricative has mostly been lost in Mehri, as Rubin (2010) reports, and this appears true for the BZ dialect as well. When comparing with Arabic

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37 cognates, / / in Arabic is either absent or replaced by the glottal stop / / in Mehri. When absent, an initial vowel in Mehri often takes on a pharyngeal quality. (2.2) Arabic Mehri Gloss a. a li a:li b. a c. lm o d. ql o e. q oq Nevertheless, the voiced pharyngeal can be found in a few words, especially when it is followed by a diphthong in word middle position. Consider the following examples: (2.3) a. b ajr b. w ajl c. jw d. jwt e. u s f. awq g. qu The voiceless pharyngeal is very common as it serves and the morpheme for the definite article in most case s: (2.4) a. brit b. nuf c. r z 2. 2 .3.1 As Rubin (2010) and Watson (2012) note, the phoneme /g/ in Omani dialects of Mehri has been replaced by the affricate / / in the dialects of easter n Yemen, and this

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38 is true of Ben Zabinut Mehri as well. /g/ is still present, however, in Arabic loanwords. Interestingly, in many cases of Arabic words that contain / /, in Mehri the phoneme is converted to /g/: (2.5) a. r root b. c. d. e. ajg f. whajg Of the words that contain / /, few have a cognate in Arabic, as the examples below shows: (2.6) a. faj ka bar b. mh la c. awl awa d. mg ail e. u ama f. aj ra g. r 2. 2 .3.2 Geminates Geminates in Mehri are always either lexical, present in borrowi ngs from Arabic, or the result of assimilation. The latter is described by Rubin (2010) for examples such as *fat presence in the language: (2.7) a. q nn wn kid q n wn b. igge:n boy ig c. f rjjt f rjjt d. q t q

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39 e. s nnawr s nawrt Many words with geminates involve the patterns such as CaCCoC as in ( 2.8 .a c) a nd CaCCaC as in ( 2.8 .d e), used in Arabic to derive occupations. However, as Rubin (2010:21) notes, these words are simply borrowed from Arabic and not derived in Mehri. (2.8) a. fisher b. dallol merchant c. d. allaq e. ab Geminates can also occur in final position in Mehri: (2.9) a. b rr walk at night b. h dd destroy c. h ff d. ff e. nn 2. 3 Vowels Vowels in Mehri disp lay a high degree of variation, including many cases of free variation. The Mehri vowel system is dominated by a system of five long vowels, /a: e: i: o: and u:/. In addition, there are thre e short vowels, /a, i, and u/. The status of /u/, however, is uncl ear. As Watson (2012:23 24) notes, the basic contrast is between a high and a low vowel and in all places where /u/ and /i/ contrast, both vowels have been derived from their respective long vowel counterparts. /u/ does contrast with /a/ in some environmen ts, however. In my data as well, /u/ is found mostly in places (such as closed syllables) in which long vowels tend to be shortened. In many environments, unstressed

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40 vowels are reduced to schwa / / and I transcribe them as such. Finally, BZ Mehri has two d iphthongs, /ay and aw/ that occur in a number of environments, some of which I discuss below. Table 2 2 Mehri Vowels Front Central Back Close i: i (u) u: Mid e: ( ) o: Open () a: a 2. 3 .1 Variation in Vowels Mehri exhibit s a great degree of (sometimes free) variation in vowel quality. I mention a few of these here. For more extensive discussion, see Watson (2012). 2. 3 .2 The Low Vowel /a/ The most basic contrast in the language, especially among short vowels, is a high vs. low vowel contrast. This seems to allow a good amount of variation along the front to back parameter. Thus, the low vowel /a/ has a range of pronunciations, frequently taking on a more open and front quality when in the presence of back consonants, heard as //. (2.10) a. hygiene b. bxz c. n f d.

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41 The vowel /a/ also takes on a higher, more frontish quality in many places, heard much closer to / /, especially in closed syllables. 3 (2.11) a. b :r b. c. h t Because of this range for /a:/, /a:/, / :/ and even /e:/ are sometimes in free variation with pronunciations of particular words differing between speakers and even between utterances by the same speaker. There are a few minimal pairs for /a:/ and /e:/ in the language, however, such as le: la: velars, /e:/ is not a possible a llophone of /a:/. 2. 3 .3 /o:/ and /u:/ There are a few minimal pairs that demonstrate the status of /o:/ and /u:/ as distinct phonemes. (2.12) a. xu:r xo:r c. d. However, in many neutral environments either sound can be used, creating a great deal of free variation. (2.13) a. b. d. 3 : ] and [ :].

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42 2. 3 .4 /i:/ and /e:/ The contrast between these two sounds mirrors the relationship between /o:/ and /u:/ described above. Some minimal and near minimal pairs can be fo und in the examples: /i:/ /e:/ (2.14) a. b. c. 4 t .2m d. mge:t e. gji:s f. g. qji:d qe:d h i . lje:k j m aj k. In many cases, though, variation is free: (2.15) a. b. c. d. 2. 3 .5 Diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ The diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ mostly occur as variants of /u:/ and /i:/, respectively. In some cases this variation seems to be free and unpredictable. 4 Also, there is a simi minimal pair with the word t

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43 (2.16) a. b. hantawr hantur c. d. hajrim hirim e. nhajb nhib In addition, diphthongization occurs after velar, pharyngeal, glottal, and glottalic (emphatic) sounds. (2. 17) a. b. . c. hajtom d. 2. 3 .6 Prosodic P roperties Here we review a few prosodic properties of the language that are particularly noticeable. 2. 3 .7 Consonant Clusters and Syncope Mehri is striking in the consonant clusters it allows, particularly in initial position. I will not give a full description here, b ut simply illustrate that there are many such clusters, including stops followed by fricatives ( 2.18 ), fricatives followed by stops ( 2.19 ), and clusters with two adjacent fricatives ( 2.20 ): (2.18). Stop followed by a fricative a. b or n b. ksfayt c. khaym d f tx (2.19). Fricative followed by stop a. zkun

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44 b. kaif c. d. k fk e. jxawfq (2.20). Fricative foll owed by another fricative a. d. e. h. i. Many of these clusters result from a process of syncope in which an unstressed vowel of an open CV syllable can be delet ed in natural speech, especially in the initial syllable of a word. Below, we can observe the process when the definite article is added to the stem (see Rubin, 2010:69) (2.21) a. bqr b. t c. nhor 2. 4 Stress Word level stress in BZ Mehri follows a general pattern, though it is easy to find exceptions. The pattern is the same described by Watson (2012:34). Stress in a word generally falls o n the final syllable when it is super heavy (CVVC or CVCC) or when it is CVV (including where VV is a diphthong): (2.22) a. b. f c. x awfth

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45 d. r i:h e. kri. d u:d f. a:b g. b u:b h. m aj i. h In case the word does not end in such a syllable, stress is attracted to the rightmost heavy syllable (CVV or CVC) word medially. (2.23) a. b. ( between noon and late afternoon ) Finally, if there are no heavy syllable and no final super heavy syllable, an initial CV syllable can be stressed. (2.24) a. d. e. xwi.lul c. c. u:l b. i. ta w 2. 4 .1 Long Vowel Shortening Long vowels are shortened in a number of environments. Perhaps the most common, however, is the shortening of long vowels in unstressed open syll ables. We can see this below where the final syllable attracts stress away from the long vowel, which becomes shortened and sometimes reduced to schwa. In the right column, the dependent pronoun /i:h/ for a 3m sg object has been added. (2.25) a. iinuq nq i:h b. siibuq i:h c. i:h d. i:h

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46 Long vowels in monosyllabic stems are also often shortened before the additi on of a dependent pronoun: (2.26) a. kiid k d s b. zajt z t s c. bajt b t s d. majd s e. awt at h m f. a waj 2. 4 .2 Consonant Devoicing Mehri speakers systematically devoice the final consonants (Simeone Senelle 1997, Alfadly 2004:142). This occurs at word finally unreleased stops such as /b/ and /d/. SG PL (2.27) a. b. hajdud hajdut Consonant devoicing is also extended to Mehri approximants. When the approximant is at the onset of a syllable, it gets devoiced only when the preceding conso nant is voiceless. Consider the following examples for some approximants in ( 2.28 ). (2.28) a. o b. c. d.

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47 Devoicing is found not only after voiceless stop but also after voiceless fricatives as well. This occurs with words that end with voiceless fricative and followed by the negative particle l in Mehri. (2.29) a. b. t c. hij o d. thxls 2. 4 .3 Nasalization Nasalization is rare in Mehri. However, it is used with a few high frequency and m The former is pronounced only with nasalization. Furthermore, the velar sound /x/ appears to become uvularized and nasalized after a nasal. (2.30) a. ,: b. rair c. ays d. layt e. alsha 2. 4 .4 /h/ Deletion The preposition h is deleted whenever it is followed by another word that begins with [ h ] or [ as noted by Rubin (2010:17). (2.31) a. mr k mr k b. mr k mr k h:bu:n The process is not specific to this prefix, but also occurs with the perfect prefi x h when the latter prefixes to a stem with a first radical that is [h ] or [ ]. (2.32) a.

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48 b. to 2. 4 .5 /l/ V ocalization Rubin (2010:17) describes patterns of /l/ vocalization in Omani Mehri in which an /l/ sound occurring in the pattern CVlC undergoes vocalization, yielding C :C or Ca:C if the vowel is stressed and CVwC if it is unstressed. Watson (2012:35) claims that this is a feature of Mehreyyet (Omani) Mehri that is not shared by Yemeni dialects (including demonstrate The singular forms have undergone /l/ vocalization. The plural forms demonstrate that the /l/ is present in the root underlyingly. S G PL (2.33) a. q:d qil d b. q:s lus t c. lum d. kawb k lawb e. kawfejt k lawj f Third, we see deletion of the verbal prefix [t ] when it occurs before the consonants (t, s, , n). Consider some of the examples where on the left is the t and on the right is how it is actually pronounced. (2.34) a. t sajt sajt n b. t wis wis widen c. t ur ur consult d. t n ur n ur victory e. t n ul n ul deny f. t xtun xtun

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49 In general, /t/ seems especially susceptible to loss in rapid speech, in anticipation of other coronal sounds. (2.35) a. bei t r r] b. j t c. siri t d. t 2. 5 Conclusions This section has provided an overview of the phonological inventory of B Z Mehri along with a few notes on phonological processes and prosody. Perhaps most / in the language. Also interest ing is the phenomenon of /l/ vocalization, claimed to exist only in Omani Mehri and yet found to be present in the BZ dialect. This and other facts suggest that BZ Mehri is closer to Omani than Yemeni Mehri.

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50 CHAPTER 3 MEHRI MORPHOLOGY 3.1 Introd uction This chapter provides a basic overview of the structure of words in Mehri. Like other Semitic languages, Mehri has a root and pattern system of morphology with bound roots consisting of consonants supplying the lexical base and combinations of prefi xes, suffixes, and CV templates supplying other morphological information (McCarthy 1981). This chapter is arranged as follows. In 3.2 I will start by providing some preliminary notes on nominal structures, where singular, dual and plural forms with will be addressed, in addition to the masculine and feminine suffixations. In 3.3 Mehri personal, possessive, reflexive, demonstrative and interrogative pronouns will also be tackled. The verbal structure is an essential for Mehri typology and I will present t hat in 3.4. In 3.5 I will talk about prepositions of time, place and directions. Adverbs and adjectives will be addressed in 3.5, 3.6, and 3.7 respectively. 3.2 Nominal Roots The notion of root and template to describe Semitic languages was a source of co ntention for many years as pointed out by many Semitists such as Goldenberg (1998) Ephratt (2002), and others, but today it is standard to identify the root as a refer to the conson In Mehri, roots consist of a minimium of two radicals up to five though five radical roots are rare. The most common roots have three consonants. Here, I will use the sign indicate the root. Examples of these roots are given below:

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51 (3.1) a. Biliteral roots : /him/ /qul/ b. Triliteral roots: : b h c. Q uadr iliteral roots : /hqrir/ /nxrir/ s rr / s rir/ / dridud / d. Quintiliteral roots : /qsijbub/ /kridud/ 3.2.1 Gender Nouns in Mehri falls into two grammatical genders, masc uline and feminine. Masculine nouns are unmarked while feminine nouns are often marked with the suffix (V)t. The vowel of the marker varies. Many animate nouns have both masculine and feminine forms, as seen in Table 3 1

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52 Table 3 1 Mehri Gedner Not all feminine words, however, have the feminine suffix. Many inanimate nouns and even a few animate nouns are feminine, bu t lack the suffix. They are only distinguishable from the masculine nouns in context, where they will trigger feminine agreement. Table 3 2 Mehri Feminine words without suffix Gedner Masculine Gloss Feminine Gloss ajg hix r hkbaj d rhus Having the feminine suffix is not an indicator that a related masculine form exists, nor is being animate a guarantee for carrying the feminine suffix. The following words have no masculine equivalents Also, consider examples (3.2). Ma sculine Gloss Feminine Gloss hirg it kawb kawb it it it it uguf ukf ajt b ajr hajb it she it ut ut ut

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53 Table 3 3 Mehri Feminine Words Word Gloss bad ajt hr ajt ajt r d i waw 5 (3.2 ) Unmarked feminine subjects a. i waw ut fire ignite.pf 3f sg b. i q ut goat birth.pf 3f sg of nine c. hajbit r d this.f she.camel pregnant 5 Rubin (2010:59) notes that all nouns ending in the phoneme /t/ are feminine, whether or not /t/ is part of the feminine suffix. However, my data shows that some nouns ending in /t/ are not feminine as in words awt bwu:t hand span m nnu There are also examples of masculine words with feminine suffix such as u u a. bajt u x w this.m def house big.m and n ew.m b. t x this.f def farm.f big.f and new.f

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54 3.2.2 Number A three way distinction in number exists in Mehri between singular, dual, and plural. 3.2.2.1 The dual The dual marker is attested on the nouns, verbs, po ssessive, pronoun, and demonstratives in Mehri, as shown in Table (3 4). In this section we only discuss the dual on nouns. Dual marking on nouns is straightforward, adding an / i/ suffix to the ular feminine suffix, this is dropped in the dual (as in (3 7.d g). Table 3 4 Mehri Dual SG DU Gloss aig ug i ktub ktawb i i ut iqin i ut iqin i ajt aj t aj A dual marked nominal is often accompanied by the numera l immediately after (and sometimes before) the noun. Consider the following example in ( 3.3 ). It is rare for the dual noun to be used without the numeral. Note the verbs in ( 3 3) also inflect for the dual with the suffix oh ( 3.3 ) a. b ajr h qbaul camel h come.pf.3m sg A camel came b. b ajr i roh h qb oh camel du two.m h come.pf 3m du

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55 Two camels came ( 3.4 ) a. qit ut girl marry.pf 3f sg A girl got married b. qan i r ajt oh girl du two.f marry.pf 3f du Two girls got married Dual marking on nouns is optional, however. It is fine for the noun to appear in more common than marking dual o n the noun itself: ( 3.5 ) a. qut n r ajt oh girl pl two.f marry.pf 3f du Two girls married b. j r oh h oh men two du marry.pf 3 m du Two men married 3.2.2.2 The p lural The plural in Mehri can be classified into two types as suggested in Simeon e Senelle (1997). The first type is base is modified to form the plural. the base is modified by having an affixe Internal plurals are more common than external plurals, especially with masculine nouns. Some nouns have qualities of both, employing a suffix as well as internal change.

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56 Masculine external plurals are rare. Most of the examples I found are the same as those Johnstone found, as noted in Rubi n (2010:64 65) with the addition of a few others. Masculine external plurals can be placed in three groups. The first group exhibits plural suffix / in/: Table 3 5 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ in] Singular Plural Gloss in o b in in grus in m o in ob b in The second allomorph of the masculine plural is [ on ] is shown in table ( 3 6 ). Table 3 6 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ on] Singular Plural Glos s on h gor h gr on on frin frinj on Finally, the suffix / t/ occurs with quite a few nouns, mostly designating professions. Note that unlike the suffixes above, the stems that take / t/ usually undergo in ternal change as well. Table 3 7 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ ] Singular Plural Gloss bajb bob drol o o m toq r t q r ribaj rib t xbawz xbawz salesman

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57 An allomorph of the second type is [ ejt ]. I showed some illust rative examples in table ( 3 8 ). T able 3 8 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ eit] ejt Singular Plural Gloss ejt on n ejt kaj k ejt l ajn l n ejt nobet nwb ejt krajf krf ejt Finally, the third type of Mehri masculine plural is [ t n]. Table 3 9 Mehri Masculine Plural Suffixation [ Singular Plural Gloss hmo u ( 3. 6 ) a. m t lmu we student pl We are students. b. hibuh hajt m m r how you pl .m c omfortable pl c. m w m h rdu when fu t go 2m pl and fu t h return 2m pl and come back (from d hajt m arbu w m q u you pl fu t west 2m pl and fu t east 2m pl

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58 e q dru bajt i 6 def wall m pl of house my be break.pf 3m pl Th f lk m q b awr ri there bird.pl black.pl rare.pl g xrawq md rs i t go out.pf.3m pl children from def school f The children went out from the scho 3.2.2.3 Feminine plural nouns with s uffixation The main morpheme suffix for feminine plural nouns is [ tVn] and there are many allomorphs such as [ t n, o t n, ut n and wt n]. Examples are provided for some of them below. Plural suffix sometime s alternate with a singular fem inine suffix, but not always: Table 3 10 Mehri Feminine Plural Suffixation [ Singular Plural Gloss ajt kawb ajt kwbaj 6 The particle shows no agreement when used with the verbal sentences For more details, see section 4.4.5 (page 139 ) (3.6) a. h rus be marry.pf.3m.sg He got married. b ut be marry.pf.3f.sg She got married..

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59 it bjn it giri g n ut jen ( 3. 7 ) a. o t u t krt play.pf 3f sg girl ball.f b. n krt play.pf.3f pl girl pl ball.f Another common feminine pl ural suffix is [ o t n]: Table 3 11 Mehri Feminine Plural Suffixation [ Singular Plural Gloss o scent f q o ajd d o h m h m o t n gidor dr o t n o t n o t n o t n it o t n gr it gr o t n h t hg o t n o t n A second type of feminine plural suffix, unrelated to the one above, is [ t] som etimes it is attested as [ t].

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60 T able 3 12 Mehri Feminine Plural Suffixation [ Singular Plural Gloss l aj l skajn skawn rib t t t 3.2.2.4 Internal change n ouns Many nouns form their plurals not through suffixation, but by an internal change. In Mehri, this type of pluralization is the most common, similar to what is commonly c. It would not be possible to review every kind of possible internal change, which is often unpredictable. However, most internal changes involve a change in the vowel immediately before the final consonant of the root. I review a few of the most common s uch shifts here. The first type is indicated by a shift to a back vowel before the final consonant. These include both feminine and masculine nouns. Table 3 13 Mehri Internal Plural [ o:C] oC Singular Plural Gloss qfif qfof hmoq gidur bkor rs ros it ayt ir or

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61 This pattern is very similar to another, which is the same except for the vowel /i/ after the final consonant. However, this pattern is restricted to feminine nouns: Table 3 14 Mehri Internal Plural [ CC o: Ci ] Singular Plural Gloss CC o Ci m z t mz o i s nr it sn o ri nb nobi r b it robi b it robi Another common pattern is similar, involving a shift a to a back diphthong /aw/, often from a corresponding front diphthong, before the final consonant. This is represented in words like 3.8 .a b) ( 3. 8 ) a. h aig Hamad become.pf 3m sg man b. mbarut n h jaw g children become.pf 3m pl men Table 3 15 Mehri Broken Plural [ awC] Pattern Singular Plural Gloss aj jaw bajt aw t aj q jaw q aw it zajz zawz rikawb frajz frawz xajl xawl cousin r awr m rki mr aw ki

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62 Table 3 15. continuous Pattern Singular Plural Gloss k ajt kawj t The fourth type of pattern involves inserting the dipthong /ow/ after the first consonant of a root. This pattern seems to particularly affect nouns that are nominalizations formed from the prefix /m /. This prefix forms instrumentals from verbal roots (e.g., m n Table 3 16 Mehri Internal Plural [ m Singular Plural Gloss C pounder r n r n ow n n n x r n ow x A fifth common internal change involve a shift to a front diphthong before the fin al consonant, / ajC/. Usually the corresponding vowel in the singular is also front, but not always. Note some of these below have the singular suffix Vt in the singular, indicating they are feminine. Thi s shows that having a suffix in the singular does not determine whether the noun will form its plural internally or externally. Table 3 17 Mehri Internal Plural [ CCajC ] Pattern Singular Plural Gloss CCajC mr it majr coal rf i t rajf b hl it b hajl lum t lwajm q f ajt qfajf

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63 Table 3 17. continuous Pattern Singular Plural Gloss l f ajt lfajf re it r aj w l w ajl o r xbajr sk r skajr xtajm f lq h flajq h o l hajl A sixth pattern involves a front low vowe l before the final consonant / C/ Table 3 18. Mehri Internal Plural [ C] C(i)CCC Singular Plural Gloss hajx r hix r najh r nih r r i r t fi boil b gr it b q r w qm t o q m d gr it d i g r i Cases have been observed where there is no relationship between the singular form and its plural. Both words are mutually unrelated to each other. A good example of this would be in words like gzun ( 3 9 .a b). ( 3. 9 ) a. in s ee.pf 1sg woman b. in gzun see.pf 1sg women women

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64 Often in these cases of suppletion, one of the forms has a close cognate in Arabic, perhaps suggesting it has been borrowed. 7 Table 3 19 Singular forms Different from Plural Forms. Singular Plural Arabic Gloss t gzun xli xalac dabur h ktof gzun h h slajb h xul 3.2. 3 Diminut i ves Many parts of speech allow for diminutive patterns such as nouns, demonstratives and adjectives. Briefly, Mehri has many diminutive patterns, will tackle only some of them. The most common diminutive patterns are CwaCejC and CwaCC as i n table ( 3 20 ). Table 3 20 Mehri Diminut i ves 7 Note, plural forms have a strong tendency to appear with the definite prefix h In the case of these suppletive forms, my consultants insisted that the form had to occur with the definite marker or it might not be interpreted as the plural of the singular forms I have listed here. More research is needed to determine what is behind this strong preference. DM Pattern word DM Gloss CwaC jC bun bwa n jn f jl bub bwab jb ajg w jg CwaCC r sq f swq f jC brit b r j t igin j g j n b ir b j r

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65 T he diminutive is either used to show shortness of quantity such as quantity of food, or the second purpose is the motherly speech to show love for her little children. As table ( 3 2 0 ) shows, diminutive pattern is used for both nouns and adjectives. 3.2. 4 Numerals As for numerals, the general pattern for the masculine numeral is CCoC. As for the general pattern feminine counterpart, suffix it/ ajt is used. The following table indicates the numerals ( 3 21 ) in Mehri language. Table 3 2 1 Mehri Numerals Mas culine Feminine Gloss 1. a ajt 2. 3. tajt lejt 4. 5. xm o h 6. 7. Jbajt h o 8. oni 9. Sajt si 10. rit o r Normally, these numerals fo llow a noun, but they can precede it. The noun that accompanies the numeral appears in its indefinite form as in ( 3.10 ). ( 3. 10 ) a. d ll o l imp.1sg know one guide b. g hm k warx i travel.pf 1sg month du two c. o t aj o g invite.pf 3f sg four men

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66 Also, the numeral a one addition, a is attested accompanied with the quantifier k l shown in example ( 3.11 ). ( 3. 11 ) a. k l j gob hm all one imp.3m sg love with mother his In most cases, the numerals from 3 10 ( tajt rit ) precede the noun they modify while the numerals 1 & 2 follow it. The following are examples of Mehri numerals ( 3. 12 ) a. hm q o b a mother his imp.3f sg love all one b. n o ka i i come.pf.3m sg with me boy du two c. hi ni r r o h better for me but to wait five years d. aj k ut sajt ut def woman this .f pregnant .pf 3f sg nine moths deliver.pf 3f sg 3.2. 5 Ordinals The following table represents Mehri ordinals from (0 10) (cf., Rubin (2010:216).

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67 Table 3 2 2 Mehri Ordinals The general pattern for masculine ordinal is s imilar to CoC C and C CC it/ajt for feminine ordinals. The final it is an underlying feminine suffix. The ordinal follows the noun as in ( 3.13 .a). Also, the genitive particle may come between the noun and the ordinal as in ( 3.13 .b). ( 3. 13 ) a. ajg f juz b sboq warx man win.pf.3m sg in competition month third b. ajq fjuz b sboq warx man win.pf.3m sg in competition month third There is a noticeable variation in the months. For example, according to the Mehri ordinals, the word for feminine third is 3.14 ) show l it and it. ( 3. 14 ) a. ut l it r i stay.pf 3f sg th ird f night alone stayed up alone until the third of the night b. g hm k r it rgajb Masculine Feminine Gloss 1. h wlaj h wl it 2. ajt 3. it 4. o ejt 5. o ejt 6. ds i t 7. o ejt 8. o it 9. o ajt 10. o r o r aj t th

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68 travel pf. 1sg def night third f Rajab c. wz h ig ut s ajt goat h deliver.pf 3f sg nine f In add ition, the Mehri calendar, whic h consists of twelve months, contains some ordinals as shown here. I expected that the ordinal 11 th month to be f ri However, Table 3 2 3 Mehri Months 3.3 Pronouns Mehri expresses pronouns in both independent and dependent forms. Here I discuss personal pronouns for subjects, objects, and possessives. 3.3.1 Personal Subject Pronouns Personal pronouns are frequently used as subjects in Mehri. They are required in verbless sentences and optional in sentences with verbs. Pronouns express di stinctions in number, person, and gender. Dual forms are rare, but they are used. The set of Month Mehri Arabic 1 2 fajr afar 3 gmaid h wlaj rab i w l 4 gmaid rab i 5 gmaid maid w l 6 gmaid o maid 7 Rgajb ra ab 8 gaj r n 9 r o n r ama a n 10 f ri h wlaj 11 f ri o alqa dah 12 b l o h

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69 subject pronouns appears in table ( 3 2 4 ) followed by some examples. The pronouns are the same as those described by Rubin (2010) for Omani Mehri and by Watson for Mehreyyet. Again BZ Mehri patterns more with Omani dialects th an Yemeni dialects. Note that the pronouns that end with a vowel are sometimes pronounced with an /h/ at the end and this appears in some examples, as does the usual variation in the vowels the mselves. Table 3 2 4 Subject Free Pronouns ( 3. 15 ) a. huh l b k t h I ask.pf 1sg him b. heit l b tih m you. f. sg ask.pf 2f sg them pl c. s n ubu k they.f pl as k.pf.3f pl 2m sg d. n j w w we brother.pl bread and salt Person SG DU PL 1 st hu: kay a h 2m taj t m 2f heit t n 3m h : h j h : m 3f s : s : n

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70 We commented earlier that dual is not so common in Mehri. This is true especially the first c ommon dual 3 16 ) below. Interestingly, kay can also be combined with a noun phras in (3 17 ): ( 3. 16 ) a kay q lb k i lom l m d we.du send.pf 2 du def greet to Mohammad (both of us) b. kay k i m d m we.du give.pf 2 du Mohammad def key We (both of us) c. kay s k i s we.du walk.pf 2 du def market We (both of us) d. kay k i t h j we.du see.pf 2 du him last night We (both of us) ( 3. 17 ) a. kay g t m rob both .du poet m pl popular.pl We (both of us) are popular b. kay q m i we.du friend.pl lovable du We (both of us) are friends loving

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71 3.3. 2 Personal Object P ronouns Object pronouns come in two forms: dependent and independent. Dependent form s appear as suffixes to the verb when the verb does not have other required suffixes. When the verb does have other suffixes (such as those related to subject agreement, or the future tense suffix), the independent forms of the object pronoun are used. Ind ependent forms are formed by adding the prefix t to the dependent forms. 8 Tables with both forms appear below, with examples: Table 3 2 5 Object Bound Suffixes Person Singular Dual Plural 1 st i n 2f iki k n 2m k k m 3f s ihi s n 3m h h m Dependent object markers: ( 3. 1 8 ) a. s h ub t h m she ask.pf 3f sg 3m pl.obj b. s n ubu k they.f pl ask.pf.3f pl 2m sg c. um h k rm aj this.m honor.pf.3m sg me is ( the man) who c. li kr is Ali thank .pf.3m sg her 8 Watson (2012) re fers to this marker as an accusative case marker.

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72 ( 3. 19 ) a. s h ub t s n she ask.pf 3f sg them.f b. s n ubaj they.f pl ask.pf.3f pl you.f c. ajm h t aj this.f honor .pf 3f sg me ed d. M i k r t is Mai thank. pf 3f sg her Independent object pronouns: Table 3 2 6 Mehri Free Object Pronouns ( 3. 20 ) a. huh lb I ask.pf 1sg you b. hajt zm on j lajl h you invite fu t .2m sg me tonight Person SG DU PL 1 st 2m taiki 2f 3m taihi 3f

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73 c. b li r k r k God hurt.pf 2m sg hurt.pf 2m sg me a. t h denounce .pf 1 sg him e. ay m t r i tay ki we du fu t meet du you du We (both of us) Use of the bound pronouns is optional in some cases where the bound forms are allowed. ( 3. 21 ) a. u w zum ktub t his .m give.pf.3m sg def book you 2f pl b. u w zum k n ktub this .m give.pf.3m sg 2f pl def book Generally, the object pronoun may not co occur wit h a coindexed NP nor can the bound pronoun co occur with the free form of the pronoun: ( 3. 22 ) a. *s h ub t h m ajog she ask.pf 3f sg 3m pl.obj men Meant: b. *s h ubu k t k she .f ask.pf.3f pl you Meant: She asked

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74 Interestingly, the subject forms of pronouns may be used to double an object pronoun in order to add emphasis to the argument This construction merits further investigation: ( 3. 23 ) a. huh tay k i t aj I ask.pf 1sg you du you du b. huh ajn I ask.pf 1sg you.2f pl you 2f pl both of c. n ubu k h t they.f pl ask.pf.3f pl 2m sg you.2m sg The bound object markers are the same forms us ed with prepositions. ( 3. 24 ) a. mon who before them b. l uh 9 sijr h m 10 to where go.pf 2m sg with them .m To w c. h lk l uk def destruction on you it destruction comes down on you 9 uh u sometimes. 10 For more details on the particle see section 4.6.3 (page 151 )

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75 3.3. 3 Possessive Pronouns Personal possession is expressed in Mehri by suffixing bound possessive pronouns to the possessed noun phrase. The table of these markers appears below with examples. Table 3 27 Mehri B ound Possessive Suffixes Person SG DU PL 1 st 2m iki 2f iki k 3m ihi 3f ihi ( 3. 25 ) a. sjarj t i this.f car f pos.1sg b. h bajt k go to house pos.2m sg c. kl t ajki h ei t t both.f you .f and sister pos.2f sg d. h bajt h go.pf.3m sg to house pos.3m sg e. wa l ut gwajr t arrive.pf 3f sg to neighbor f pos.3f sg f. t aj ki f i ki

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76 you du hit.pf 2 du soul 2 du g. h j o h i hi they. 3 du hurt.pf 3 du soul 3 du h. bajt ah in def house pos.1pl fire f i. bajt k m seal.pf.3m sg house pos. 2 m pl k krm ajt k n now imp 2 honor f.pl sister pos.2f pl l baq m return.pf 3m pl to place f pos.3m pl by soul pos.3m pl m k o s n honor.pf 3f pl they.f pl father pos 3f pl father I ndependent possessive pronouns also exist in Mehri, derived from the bound forms plus the prepositional ele ment h used elsewhere in the language as the phrases.

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77 Table 3 28 Mehri Free Possessive Pronouns Singular Dual Plural 1 st h n i hi n 2m h o k k i h i 2f h i k i h i 3m h h h i h i 3f h s h i h i m ( 3. 26 ) a. h bait h ni this def house to mine.pos .1 sg b. h bait hu k this def house to yours. pos .2 m sg 3.3. 4 Refl exive Pronouns There are two ways to indicate reflexivity in Mehri. One is through a reflexive pronoun that consists of the noun n o :f ppropriate possessive pronoun. As a reflexive it always appears with the definite article pref ix Table 3 29 Mehri Reflexive Pronouns Singular Dual Plural 1 st o f i 2m i 2f i 3m i 3f s i ( 3. 27 ) a. huh i I hit.pf 1sg self 1 .sg d. s h ut she hit.pf 3f sg self 3f sg

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78 e. t aj k i ajk i you du hit.pf 2 du self 2 du h. k you .m pl hit.pf 2m pl self 2m pl The second type of reflexives in Mehri is a reflected in the template pattern of the verb itself, together with the prefix which indicates reflexives. Verbs in this form have an inherent reflexive or reciprocal quality. ( 3. 28 ) a. h t m o n you.m meet.pf 2m sg who b. b qrm admit.pf 3m sg by crime his c. s h ut she admit.pf 3f sg 3.3. 5 Reciprocal Pronouns Reciprocal pronouns exit in Mehri. It is expressed in two ways; the first is expressed with t or stem as in the above examples in ( 3 28 ). More discussion is presented in sections (3.4.1.4) and (3.4 .1.5). As for the second type, reciprocity is expressed by a complex construction consist of two roots: the numeral

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79 mean 3 30 ) show. The complex pronoun is conjugated for a greement and some times a preposition precedes it. Table 3 30 d 1m 1f 2m 2f 3m dajhi dajh m 3f ( 3. 29 ) a. j uh li w b jdajh i I mp 3 m love du Ali and Hamad by one hand du b. li w j qajb b jdajh i Ali and Hamad imp 3 m love pl by one hand du c. j qajb jdaj h m children imp .3m love pl one hand pl 3.3. 6 Demonstrative Pronouns Demonstratives in the Mehri language are free morphemes that are marked for number ut attested in some sentences. Most demonstratives have both a short and long form. In the table belo w, the short forms appear in parentheses. In my data, the long forms are attested more often. However, further work is needed to determine what factors determine their

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80 distribution. In many cases, they seem to be interchangeable with the long form preferre d. The dual distal demonstrative for masculine and one for feminine is naik Table 3 31 Mehri Demonstratives Demonstratives Proximal Distal M F M F SG DU nek PL ( 3. 30 ) a. igin this.m boy handsome b. aj git this.f girl handsome f f. those.m boy.pl handsome.pl g. ek igin this.m boy handsome h. ajk git this.f girl handsome f

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81 3.4 Verbal Structure 3.4.1 V erbs The verbal roots are represented as patterned roots displaying the slots where patterns vowels are interlocked, with the third masculine singular being the unmarked verbal form and therefore the basic stem. For instance, the root t b r be represented in the form tub t bur Mehri verbs distinguish the perfective and imperfective aspect and indicate agreement with a series of suffixes and prefixes. In particular, in the perfective agreement it is indicated by suffixation, while the imperfective is expressed through a combination of prefixation and suffixation. I begin by examining the types of Mehri verb roots. Verbs roots in Mehri consist of a set of consonants (or radicals), as few as two and as many as five though by far the most common are roots with three radicals. In my data I have found only one five ess common verb found in a poem). Table 3 32 Mehri Root System. Roots Mehri Gloss Bilateral r crawl Trilateral Quadriliteral f r ux Quinquiliteral xwll 3.4.1.1 Bi c onsonantal v erb r oots The two radical root s are few in Mehri but are highly used. Some of them are organized in the following table with A rabic cognates where they exist.

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82 Table 3 33 Mehri Bi Consonantal Verb Root. Mehri Arabic Gloss br adla a walk at night a nna hz hazza shake hf haffa r crawl sf saffa sr sara ( 3. 31 ) a. h j sir o h h they.3.du walk.pf 3 du to def market b. aig Hamad become.pf.3m sg man 3.4.1.2 Tri c onsonantal v erb r oots This type of roots is by far the most common. Most Semitic verbs are three radical roots. I have shown many examples in the previous sections, but here is table ( 3 34 ). Table 3 34 Mehri Tri Consonantal Verb Root Meh ri Arabic Gloss tm a t ara tbr kasara bx abaxa wq waqa a rkz rakaza 3.4.1.3 Quadri c onsonantal verb r oots There are two types of quadri consonantal stems: true quadri consonantal and reduplicated quadriliteral and the patterns for both of them are C1 C2C3 C4 and C1 C2C1 u C2 respectively.

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83 Table 3 35 Mehri Quadriliteral Verb Roots Mehri Arabic Gloss nxirur The second type of the quadriliteral i s the reduplicated one. It involves repeating each consonant twice: Table 3 36 Mehri Reduplicated Quadriliteral Verb Roots u C2. Mehri Arabic Gloss z zu za za a r u ra ra a r u q raqraq a r u q raqraq a strea m f uf af afa (2010:120) is well known in Semitic languages. The Arabic counterpart form IX is fa lala. This stem is originally trilateral root with final redup lication of the third radical consonant. This occurs in words such as rur dahlul Table 3 37 Mehri Pseudo Quinqueliteral Verb Roots Pseudo Quinqueliteral Arabic fa l ala Gloss rur ar ara h grur h ara j nidilul j ta ra al aza ski bxirur ra a reams ( 3. 32 ) a. rur r boat pull .pf.3m sg place d. li zilul h Ali puzzl e .pf.3m sg brother his

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84 3.4.2 Mehri Verb Stems As a Semitic language, verbs in Mehri are composed of a root radical (composed of a set of consonants) and a template (composed of a pattern for the consonants and particular vowels used with them). A both Rubin (2010) and Watson (2012) have pointed out, there are up to five different forms of the verb for any particular root. 11 The majority of roots have three consonants and I will stick to the patterns for these roots, following Rub in (2010: 89 terminology for these stems (cf. Watson 2012: 82). Note all except for the G stem (the basic form) involve prefixation or infixation (of /t/ in the T stem). Furthermore some of the templates have a different alternate pattern Table 3 38 Mehri Stems. G Stem D/ L Stem H Stem T Stem Stem A () CCu:C CCu:C B 3.4. 2 .1 Basic s tems Generally, there are two types of the first stem: [C CuC] and [CiC C] as shown in the following table and examples. Rubin indicated that G1 and G2 are sometimes interchangeably identical. Table 3 39 Mehri G Stem. G1 Stem G2 Stem ( 3. 33 ) a. igin boy be stop.pf.3m sg 11 Though not all roots will have all possible derived stems.

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85 b. li Ali wait.pf.3m sg Hamad 3.4. 2 .2 D/L s tem This stem is characterized by a long vowel at the initial position of the stem with the pattern [ CuC a f some examples of this stem in the following. ( 3. 34 ) a. li it Ali arrange.pf.3m sg def room f b. li Ali mark.pf.3m sg def sheep c. ut is Sarah wean.pf 3f sg son her 3.4. 2 .3 H s tem This stem is characterized by the presence of h or h at the initial position of the stem. The pattern is h CCuC. In most cases, this stem functions as a causative, as noted by Johnstone ( 1975a: 104), though not all of them do so. Arabic causative starts with whereas in Mehri, it starts with h as shown in table ( 3 40 ). This has been seen above with the plural form in section 3.2. 2 .2.

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86 Table 3 40 Mehri H CCuC. Mehri Arabic Gloss h zuz aza h luk laqa h zana h luq wqada h ub aba h u jqa a h wajb aba h fuz fza a ( 3. 35 ) a. li hrus Ali imp.2m sg want imp.2m sg marry b. i hdug def woman my imp.3f sg breastfeed 3.4. 2 .4 s tem This stem in Mehri allows for the prefix in words such as r e is : [ CCuC ]. According to Johnstone in his ML (p.ixiii) as in Rubin (2010:108) this pattern is mostly used for causative and reflexive verbs as shown in ( 3 36 ). ( 3. 36 ) a. gul hurry .pf.3m.sg b. t i resist.pf 3f sg me c. rbiq agree.pf 3m sg

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87 (each st a f examples with Arabic counterp arts followed by some examples of the D/L stems with prepositions. ( 3. 37 ) a. apologize.pf 1sg from him b. bi s enjoy.pf.3m sg with you.f .sg The sec ond pattern that is also attested using the same prefix is expressed in the pattern [ CaC C]. It is used in the sense of reciprocity as in Rubin (2010:108). Unlike the first patter, the latter one is characterized the imperfective suffix [ n] in words such as ja r n sg ja kad n sg ja xl f n sg ja t b n sg 3 38 ) ( 3. 38 ) a. h i h ja kad sd aj he imp.3m sg try to imp.3m sg help me b. i ja hm i b xdm ajt father my imp.3m sg compet to mother my in service f This form calls for a positive interaction with the listener and also calls for a the following examples.

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88 ( 3. ) a. wad wad def promise your coincide.pf.3m sg def promise my Your p romise coincided with my promise b. xajl .impr farewell .2m sg def uncle your Bid farewell to your uncle c. def donkey befriend.pf.3m sg waterskin his A donkey befriended his water skin 12 The two stems are illustrated with more examples in the following table. Table 3 41 Stems. Stem Pattern Mehri Arabic Gloss D/L1 CCuC rdud shul gul al xsara kraj ara tb it D/L2 tawafaq tawada a tamalaka ther waj tawa 3.4. 2 .5 T s tem In this stem, an infix t is inserted after the first radical consonant. There are two patterns for T stem. However, both forms are used in perfective, reflexives, reciprocals 12 This Mehri proverb is used when an unexpected friendship occurs between two alienated people.

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89 and passives Consider the following verbs in both Arabic and Mehri. More data is needed to determine whether the first type of D/L is limited to roots that begin with /n/. vowel at the beginning of the verb. Table 3 42 T stem Mehri and Arabic. Stem Pattern Mehri Arabic Gloss T Stem 1 n n tabaa n na aba dried n naza a drain n st nara n nt a blow nose n n takafa btada T Stem 2 sama bargain ltaga lta d kada mhala mtad Rubin sugge sted that T2 is the passive form of D/L stems, and that most of them are borrowed from the Arabic taf ala, or tafaa ala Also, he suggested that this stem is used to express reciprocity. For that reason, you will find it used with dual and plural form. Bu t sometimes this is used as a lexical as in the word ( 3. 40 ) a. li br Ali check.pf.3m sg def camel.pl Ali checked the camels b. b o hjb it ut here camel f roll.pf 3f sg Here, the she camel rolls in dust c. ga m jm h

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90 sit.pf 1 sg def today on def rill Today, I sat beside the rill In this stem, Rubin suggested that when the second consonant is [ sonorant] especially [s, , ] the infix t will b e assimilated to this consonant. In chapter two, we talked about the assimilation processes This assimilation involves this type of verb stem, as in ( 3.41 ). ( 3. 41 ) a. ur b. htuma ttu:m c. htur h ur d. *nat b na b e. move However, the infix has been observed in the following examples. ( 3. 42 ) a. ajt i s ut o h o q sister my Sarah buy.pf 3f sg five cloths My sister Sarah bought five cloth s b. tg ut t set.pf 3f sg fire in def farm f She lit fire on the farm Rubin suggested that T stem is the passive form of D/L stem. Also, looking at the above tables we assume that it is similar to the VI ta a3ala and VII n a3ala forms of Arabic verb patterns. 3.4.3 Tense, Aspect, and Agreement Mehri indicates perfective, imperfective, and future verb forms. The perfective and imperfective are distinguished based on the agreement affixation pattern used.

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91 3.4.3.1 Perfective The perfective is indicated by a set of subject agreement suffixes that indicate person, number and gender: Table 3 43 Mehri Perfective. Perfective Singular Dual Plural 1 st ( ) k ( ) ki n 2m ( ) k ( ) k m 2f ( ) n 3m o: h m 3f ut ( et) ( )t o: h In this table, there are three sets of identical suffixes across the Mehri language. The first one is the most basic form of the third masculine singular and third f eminine plural. Both of them are indicated by a null suffix. Second, the first common singular and the second masculine singular are identical where the suffix k is used. Finally, the suffix ki is used by three dual forms: the first, the second masculi ne and feminine. I want to emphasize that the third feminine singular is sometimes observed with suffix [ ut] or [ et]. Consider the following examples. ( 3. 43 ) a. huh t br k x lf t I break.pf 1sg window f b. it Sarah guess.pf 3f sg what c. x lf t t br ut window f broken pas.3f sg

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92 There are certain particles that are known to adjoin the perfective verb in Mehri. One of the obvious examples is b b r shows up in the sentence, it is usually best translated a participle. ( 3.44 ) a. hajbuh li what Ali become .pf 3m.sg b. aig Hamad become .pf 3m sg man c. mbarut n h ju g children become.pf 3m pl men d. li when Ali be dismiss.pas.3m sg (become) 3.4.3. 2 Indicative i mperfective The indicative imperfective is characterized by both suffixation and prefixation at the same time with the appropriate verb. The paradigm appears below in table ( 3. 44 ) Note there is quite a bit of syncretism in the paradigm with the plural and dual forms failing to distinguish second person from third person, the second person dual form

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93 failing to distinguish feminine and masculine, and the second masculine and third feminine singular being homophonous. Table 3 44 Mehri Imperfective. Singular Dual Plural 1 st o: h 2m o: h m 2f i n 3m j o: h j m 3f o:h n The following examples illustrate imperfective with the verb as the dual in ( 3.45e ). ( 3.45 ) a. huh mud i I i mp.1c praise father my b. h t mud you.m .sg imp.2m sg praise father your.m c. h ei t majd you.f .sg imp.2f sg praise father your.f d. hih j mod he imp.3m sg praise father his e. o h bajr both du you.m .sg and brother your imp.2m buy du def camel

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94 3.4.3. 3 Future In addition to the perf ect and imperfective, Mehri al so exhibits future tense morpho logically. The form of the verb in the future is CaCC and this is suffixed with the appropriate future marker indicating subject agreement. The suffixes appear in table ( 3 45 ): Table 3 45 Me hri Future Suffixes Singular Dual Plural 1m o n ej.. ej.. 1f 2m o:ni ej.. 2f i:t 3m o n ej.. 3f i:t ( 3.46 ) a. huh ml on sb o m h qbl I work fu t .1sg week def fut h next b. n a h m ej l sb o m h qbl we work fu t .1pl week def fut h ne xt c. h t ml o n sb o m h qbl you.m work fu t .2m sg week def fut h next d. ajt m m ej l sb o m h qbl you m pl work fu t .2m pl week def fut h next e. h ei t m l i:t sb o m h qbl you.f work fu t .2f sg week def fut h next

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95 f. ajt n m l u : t n sb o m h qbl you.f pl work fu t .2f sg week def fut h next g. hih m l o:n sb o m h qbl he wor k fu t .3m sg week def fut h next h. h m m ej l sb o m h qbl they.m work fu t .3m pl week def fut h next i s h m i: t sb o m h qbl she work fu t .3f sg week def fut h next j s n m u : t n sb o m h qbl they.f work fu t .3f pl week def fut h next The following examples show the dual future suffixes. ( 3.47 ) a. klajk i huh w aj tm o n aj b ajr both du I and brother my buy fu t .1 du def camel b. klajk m h t w k t t m o h b ajr both 2m you.m .sg and brother your.sg imp buy 2m du def camel c. k ltaj ki h ei t w ajt t t m o h b ajr both 2F you.f .sg and sister your.sg imp buy 2m du def camel

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96 d. klaj h m h j w haj j t m o h b ajr both 3m they.d u and brother his.du imp buy 2m du def camel e. klaj h m h j w ajt haj t m o taj b ajr both 3m they.d u and sister your.du buy fut. 2 f du def camel In Mehri future, there are three identical sets. Fi rst, the first common singular, the second masculine singular and the third masculine singular are identical. All of them are characterized by the suffix o n. Second, the second feminine singular and the third feminine singular are the same. They are cha racterized by the suffix t or i:t Third, the second masculine dual, the second feminine dual and the third masculine dual are all characterized by the suffix o h. Also, the second masculine plural and the third masculine plural share the same suffix ej.. In addition to t hese suffixes, the future can also be indicated with the future as in the following: ( 3.48 ) a. nk will imp come 3m. pl tomorrow b. nk will imp come 3f pl tomorrow

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97 However, the element may also be inflected for agreement along with the verb as exhibited the dual in (3.49e) rom the perfective paradigm with the exception of the prefix in ( 3.49 c e). More data is needed to analyze this prefix. ( 3.49 ) a. n tlum will 1pl imp.2m pl learn b. xdim will 2m pl imp.2m serv e pl him c. will 3m pl imp.3m do pilgrimage pl tomorrow d. snaj m ait will 1 sg to do pilgrimage in year f def fu t com ing f e. t oh bajr all du you .m .sg and brother your will du imp. 2 buy du def camel Finally, there exists a future participle of the verb, which is formed by the prefix ma with the subjunctive form of the verb. In addition, the prefix m has always been observed used in future tense. Consider the following examples and the list of words with prefix mh shown in table ( 3. 4 6 ).

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98 ( 3.50 ) a. y m tbr aj aj we.du fu t come 3m du you du We (both of us) b. ajq m tgaj def man fu t .3m sg awake Table 3 46 Mehri Future A rabic Gloss ris sajatazawa thaim s ajatahim s ajukrim gbala h tajdi s ajahtadi sajabta id ntajg s ajantagil Here are some examples. ( 3.51 ) a. ris b aj fu t marry with me b. h t m ntajtb you .m fu t fall c. kram fu t honor him A su mmary of Mehri paradigms appears in Table ( 3 47 ) using a tri consonantal root pattern.

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99 Table 3 47 Mehri Tense Paradigms. Perfective Imperfective Future SG DU PL SG DU PL SG DU PL 1 st k ki n o h o n ej.. ej.. 2m k ki k m o h m o n o:ni 2f ki n n t o:ni ej.. 3m o h m j o h j m o n o:ni 3f ut/ et ( )t o h o h n t oti ej.. 3.4.3.4 Subjunctive The subjunctive is used to express a wish, a hypothesis and conditionality. Also, there are verbs in Mehri that calls for subjunctive construction ns such as kajr kad ur examples in (3.53). ( 3 .53 ) a. kajr n l h bsur ali wish.1sg to imp.h 1sg see Ali b. hih ja kad n l j sd aj he imp.3m.sg try to imp.3m.sg help me c. ya xa hu mutailf la l xdmajt seem I accustomed no to work d. n nun h t krajm we imp.1pl believe you.m.sg generous

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100 In addition to subjunctive, there are four other moods in Mehri: imperative, indicative, interrog ative, optative mood. The subjunctive mood is attested sometimes to co occur after certain subjunctive particles such as the l as shown in ( 3.52 ). ( 3.52 ) a. um l x k lu k Imp 1.sg want to news 1sg to you .m.sg I want to ask about you. b. j um l r l ut ha imp.3m sg want to imp.3m sg stand on hand f.his He wants to stand on his hands (handstand). c. l um l mur hu k la ajr xair l imp want.1sg to imp.say .1.sg to you .m.sg no but good There are specific subjunctive affixes as table ( 3 48 ) shows. In this table, the dual suffix is h. Table 3 48 Mehri subjunctive affixes. 1c l l .. h 2m h 2f h h 3m h 3f h 3.4.3.5 Conditional Conditional mood is usually associated with certain conditional markers such as h m lq in addition to three borro wed forms from Arabic: law and n As the data demonstrates, these particles are optionally allowed at the beginning of the sentence or at the sent ence middle. Also, conditional mood is used with perfective,

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101 imperfective and future verbs as shown in examples ( 3.54 ). There is no specific morphological form of the verb to indicate the conditional. ( 3.54 ) a. h m o r k hu k nk t aj If wave.pf 1sg to you .m sg imp r .2m sg come to me come out to me b. h m mjut h d h q r j l h If def death leave.pf.3m sg him yet him age imp.3m sg busy him c. xb r k h m b r sd hmuh om r ask.pf.3m sg you.2m .sg if be Saad poison.pf.3m sg Omar you As for the second particle lq m, is located at the beginning of the sentence and at the middle of it. Consider the following examples. ( 3.55 ) a. lq t lm k t k If imp learn 2m sg imp succeed 2m sg b. aj ah t ha jawf bu k lq ha jaf k bi s Aesha imp.2 f sg h honor with you .m .sg if honor.pf 2m sg with her The borrowed Arabic conditional markers are also used such as ( 3.56 ) a. n wajq i oq l aj If happen.pf thing call to me

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102 b. m n ha owt t rub n hajm k t h what of def sound.pl imp.2m sg cheer if hear.pf 2m sg it 3.4.3 Voice Verbs in Mehri are classified into two major types: active and passive. The following subsection will tackle Mehri active and passive. This will be drawn from Rubin (2010) and Alfridy (2007) t houg h the data below is from my work. 3.4.3.1 Active Scholars who studied Mehri verb patterns indicated that there are many patterns for active voice. There are many Mehri verb variation but we could boil them down into two major categories: the first pattern is /CCu(i, o )C/ and the second one is /Ci(u)C C /. The following table summarizes active in Mehri. Table 3 49 Some Mehri Verb Patterns. Type Pattern Mehri Arabic Gloss 1.a CCiC qala xziw rafa a baka mhil nta ara 1.b CCuC hruq kalama saba a qatala ara 1.c CCoC xdom xadama a a ana taraka

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103 Table 3 49 Continuous Type Pat tern Mehri Arabic Gloss 2.a laqafa ara 2.b xatala kasara daxala 2.c CC br safara kn istakana rq raqa sa ana 3.4.3.2 Passive Mehri passive patterns are expressed in more than one way. Here, we will tackle only two types: vocalic passive patterns and passive pref ixes. We will discuss both of them with illustrative examples. 3.4.3.2.1 Vocalic passive p atterns In Mehri, as in many Semitic languages, the vocalic melody conveys the syntactic distinction between active and passive verbs, which consequently reflects p assive and active voice. The first vocalic passive pattern in Meh ri is /C (i)Ci(aj)C/. The Arabic counterpart is /CuCiCa/ as in the following examples. Table 3 50 Mehri and Arabic Passive. Mehri Arabic Gloss h ubida s uriqa q utila uriba ir w

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104 s wima bu Here some examples of the active and the passive counterpart. 13 ( 3.57 ) a. li mon fa Ali prohibit. pf 3m sg def smoking in hospital b. fa def smoking prohibit. pas in hospital c. li skawb Ali pour. pf. 3m sg water on def bed bed d. sikajb pour.pas water on def bed bed We have indicated in section (3.4. 1 5 ), that T stem is used sometimes as a passive. There are similarities between this form and Arabic passive or reflexive patterns, namely tafa ala and tafa a ala see Rubin (2010). Here are some examples of the passive. Table 3 51 Mehri T Stem Passive. Mehri G Arabic Gloss Mehri PAS Arabic PAS Gloss mut h amara n n akasa 13 The function of the particle in 3.57b is unclear. This particular frequently introduces relative clauses and complement clauses as well as possessives.

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105 b araka burika q alaba ( 3.58 ) a. li qura Ali drink. pf 3m sg water b. water drink. pas 3.4.3.2.2 Passive p refixes The second type of passive has to do with prefixes. It has been observed that certain prefixes are used to express passive voice. In what follows, I present three passive prefixes d m and ( see Simeone Senelle 1997 for further discussion ). It is possible to ha ve more than one passive prefix for the same verb, as we will show. 3.4.3.2. 2.1 Passive p refixes d This pattern shows up as d C CiC. This is attested in my data in two examples. ( 3.59 ) a. li Ali pas kill was killed b. li bu Ali pas hit was hit by a bullet 3.4.3.2.2.2 Passive p refixes m The prefix m can be used in more than one way. We indicated that it is used as a future prefix as in section (3.4. 3 .3). However, this prefix can be used as a passive prefix as well, giving the verb an adjectival passive use. Consider the following examples in table ( 3 52 ).

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106 Table 3 52 Mehri Arabic Gloss Mehri PAS Arabic PAS Gloss rub arafa rajb ma ruf wib wib btajr batara btajr mabtur akara kajr ma kur ( 3.60 ) a. li Ali pas witched was bewitched b. aig rajb def man pas known was 3.4.3.2.2.3 Passive p refixes The prefix is one of the most common prefixes in Mehri. It has many uses. In section (3.4. 1 .4), we tackled three uses: causative, reflective and reciproci ty. In addition to what has been said, the prefix is attested used as a passive with the pattern CCuC. Table 3 53 Mehri Passive. Mehri Arabic Gloss Mehri PAS Arabic PAS Gloss lbud labada lbud ulbida ltu qatala ltu qutila b u b u subi a h dlul dalla dlul dula h xtun xatana xtun xutina h mluk malaka mluk mulika h w awb sawaba w awb suwiba ( 3.61 ) a. li lbud Ali pas kill was shot dead b. b u t Sara pas hit f

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107 was 3.5 Prepositions Mehri prepositions represent spatial, temporal and other relationships and are us ually followed by a noun phrase or bound pronoun There are two types of prepositions in the Mehri language: simple preposition, and the compound prepositions. The former is when the prepositions can stand by themselves; the latter, when more than one prep osition can conjoin together. Usually, they consist of a bound preposition that is followed by a free preposition. The subsections below briefly discuss Mehri prepositions of time, place and directions . 3.5.1 Prepositions for Time 3.5.1.1 bd The prepos ition bd as shown in example ( 3.62 ). However, it is possible to be part of a complex preposition where bd is preceded by other prepositions such as m n 3.62 .b). ( 3.62 ) a s h maj hajbit bd she sell fu t 3 f sg she camel after tomorrow she b. awt qawt bd xruq Fatimah cook. pf 3 f sg def food from after def departure of Sa lih o The general meaning of this adverb of time f n o h n f n o h n has a preposition usage once it is associated with temporal or spatial context.

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108 ( 3.63 ) a. li nuka o s ajd Ali come. pf 3m sg before Saeed b. s ajd o snin Saeed do.Hajj. pf .3ms before years many The same preposition can function as a co pula whenever it is located at the initial part of the sentence and followed by a verb,similar to the Arabic counterpart kana ( 3.63 ) o before imp .1 c want meat 3.5.2.3 sr The opposite of f n o h n sr as sir) 3.65 ). It is sometimes difficult to determine whether sir bd above, it is possible in Mehri to form a complex preposition where sr is preceded by other prepositions, such as m n shown in ( 3.65 ). ( 3.65 ) a. s ajd nuka sir li Saeed come. pf 3m sg after Ali b. h sir brother his travel. pf 3m sg from after honor. pf 3m sg him

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109 c. ut s ajd sir give. pf 3 f sg Fatimah Saeed gift f from after def exam d. s ajd xrawq sir h t q bl k li Saeed go out. pf .3 m s g from after you .m .sg meet. pf 2m sg Ali Also, another basic meaning of preposition sr 3.66 .a b) shows free object pronouns joined future and past tense referring to both animate and non animate object. ( 3.66 ) a sijr sir ut aj k meet fu t 1sg you .m sg behind def turn f this. f b. sir i feel. pf 2m sg it behind def backbone my c. xlajq sr ba o b def cloth behind def door d. sr bajt behind def house example. ( 3.67 ) mon ini li sr ghajm

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110 who see. pf 3m sg Ali of after travel. pf 3m sg of Salih The basic meaning of this preposition r (sometimes ) is 3.68 ). This preposition is attested at the initial position of the sentence. Also, data shows that many Mehri prepositions allow for forming a complex preposition. For example, when is preceded by m n it could mean examples ( 3.68 .c). In example ( 3.68 .b) the prefix h ( 3.68.c ) ( 3.68 ) a. gbail ajq on def hill def man b. ajr uh bi h x hit. pf 1sg him on head his affect. pf 1 sg on him wound big c. wad b o imp 1sg promise you .m.sg here of above def noon 3.5.1.5 t This preposition t and its variations ( taj t same word can be used in the sense of adverbial meaning. This preposition is attested combining with many other pr epositions such as t b t b rk t

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111 t hal t nxali t is preceded by repeated verbs shown in ( 3.69 .a b). ( 3.69 ) a. o m o m t work. pf .3m s g work. pf .3m .s g unt il hurt. pf .3m .sg backbone his and b. t fqu drink. pf 1sg drink. pf 1sg until stomach to imp .3ms tear c. ajg m gdail t man intertwine. pf .3ms def b raid. pl his until on shoulder his raid 3.5.2 Preposition for Place We will limit our discussion on the following Mehri prepositions of place: n xali t woli hal sr below. Similar to other prepositions, n xali is found in many cases combined with m n giving basic The word n xali is is inflected with agreement as in n xalja n xalh n xals ( 3.70 ) a. un t u nxl it youngster.pl imp collect 3m. pl dates under def palm f b. s ni f f mt pull pf 1sg def rug from under def leg his

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112 As for the word m r 3 .71 ) ( 3.71 ) a. i son my bottom def vally This preposition t woli as shown below. It is commonly used in Mehri, namely w ith verbs of motion Rubin (2010:201). ( 3.72 ) a majt n w when imp.1 sg travel towards you. m. pl b j ug bait def men def black. pl come. pf 3m pl to def house When this preposition is located at the sentence initial position, it possibly means b t woli ( 3.73 ) a. then follow. pf .3m sg me man b. b i w h then stand. pf .3m sg by side me like this ( a man )

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11 3 c. t l r then from there utill arrive. pf 1 .pl over rill d. i with last of thing There is another preposition in Mehri that functions exactly as t woli This preposition is lh l (s ometimes h l or l h li ). Example ( 3.74 .a) shows that the wh word h n ( 3.74 ) a h n m n g h ajt sij r k to what of direction f .pl trave. pf 2 m. sg s c hu l k i gin h drive. pf .1 sg def boy to father his b. s d l Saad come. pf .3m sg to def suq 3.5.3 Preposition for Direction We will tackle only two prepositio ns of direction: x w r uf These words are flexible in meaning, i.e. x w r uestion ( 3.75 .b) is the prepositional phrase in ( 3.75 .c ). ( 3.75 ) a. his i gr xo

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114 imp .3m sg feel to there thing imp .3m sg pull him downwards els Rubin (2010:305) b. uh i q i n where boy c. uf in upstairs In the Upstairs. 3.5.4 More Prepositions I will tackle three more prepositions: h s sbeb k The latter one is a bound preposition. 3.5.4.1 h s This preposition h s functions as a comparative particle, with the basic meaning ( 3.76 ) a. h t h s you. m sg like brother your .m.sg b. s h s shum eyes his like def arrow. pl Also, the preposition h s combination of both, as shown in the following examples. ( 3.77 ) a. ut tuq r camel Fatimah angry. pf 3f sg when def merchant sell. pf .3m sg it

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115 b. h s ni huh sixud then when find. pf .3m sg me I there Sixud c. sr tik h s long. pf 1 sg you .m.sg when trave. pf 2m sg Makkah The preposition h s is attested preceded by another preposition, namely l In ( 3.78 ) a. xla o bali isa h s xla o cre at. pf .3m sg def God Isa as like creat. pf .3m sg Adam b. h s t mum habun mum tik as like imp.2m sg dispraise people imp .3m dispraise pl from you .m.sg 3.5.4.2 sb b sb b sb b can function as a preposition when it occurs as part of a larger compound as in b sb b ( 3.79 ) a. h b what reason ut fgaj This.f convicted f imp surprise.3m.pl because s h ajt

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116 know.pf 3m.pl she prison.pf 3f.sg 3.5.4 .3 Bound p Finally, we present three more prepositions that are particularly used in the Mehri b h as instrumental. ( 3.80 ) a. fr a jt is twai def knife f imp .1 .sg cut with it .f def mean The b. baw shot. pf .3m sg with rifle Similar to b the bound prepo sition k ( 3.81 ) a. li gh o m Ali travel. impr .3m sg with f atimah b. ut travel. pf 3f sg Fatimah with father her The same preposition is used with time and seasons such as k a b k taw mon 3.82 .b). Also, k is preceded by the demonstrative u m h as in ( 3.82 .c). ( 3.82 ) a. mon with who travel. pf 2m sg

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117 b. mon gh ai m who travel. pf .3m sg with Fatimah yesterday c. um h mon n o this. m wi th who come. pf .3m sg The preposition k has an allomorph that is usually used in perfective and never in imperfective. This preposition is ( 3.83 ) a. o k k m kilo with you .m .sg how kilo walk. pf 2m sg b. o k k m b ajr br with you .m .sg how def camel in those def camels c. xbr i i k i k m h t w hm as k. pf .3m sg me with me how ca mels you .m .sg and mother your how Similar to Arabic prepositions m nd can only be used with bound pronouns as its object. ( 3.84 ) a. h t i i you. m .sg with them .m .pl or with us b. i ki i with me nothing

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118 The following table will summarize some of the Mehri prepositions: Table 3 54 Some Mehri Prepositions. Prepositions of Pr eposition Gloss Time bd o t Place sr hal Direction bd Location Agent ajr his sbeb Instrument 3.6 Adverbs Mehri is similar to other Semitic languages, in that the class of adverbs is small and non productive (Rubin: 20 10:220). However, Mehri uses more than one way to create what is known in English as adverbs for example by using headless relative clauses as in (3.85) or using adjectives as in 3.86 ( 3.85 ) a. i b arrive. pf .3m sg father my h late

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119 late b. ghajm travel. pf .3m sg quick The adverb occurs sometimes post verbally as in the following words b s t k l j o m m k o n Mehri adverbs are in conjunctions with other prepositions such as b as in the following examples: ( 3.86 ) a. r ai impr 2m sg tie me with speed b. ot siyarj ajs run. pf 3 f sg def car f with speed ns fast c. iaw siyarj buy.p as def car f with cheap In what follows, I will tackle lexical adverbs briefly. 3.6.1 Adverbs of Time I will show some adverbs of time that Mehri uses: j m h j o m h (or jm h ) q hm h l r o m h m r o n l r o m h tween the subject and the verb in ( 3.87 a.) and after the verb in ( 3.87 .b). ( 3.87 ) a. huh l r o sawq

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120 I now come. pf 1 sg from def market b. i l r o father my now travel. pf .3m sg M akah Here are some adverbs of time. Table 3 55 Some Mehri Adverbs of Time. Mehri Arabic Gloss b o l a iqan bd ba d l r o al n ms a dan tw oli xiran twoli indama T woli talian 3.6.2 Adverbs of Place b o m h is possible in different position of the sentence. ( 3.89 ) a. wkuh 14 h t b o why y ou .m .sg here b. hajbit ut here she camel wallow. pf 3 f. sg c. wad b o imp 1sg p romise you .m.sg here of above def noon with 14 Another way to say t

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121 Here is a list of some adverbs of place. Table 3 56 Some Mehri Adverbs of Place. Mehri Arabic Gloss xari uf fawq asfal kul makan b o huna t rub arab 3.6.3 Adverbs of Manner f xr nction as an adverb of manner. The adverb x rxur ed at the end of the senten ce ( 3.90 ) h m o t f z d o ri hear. pf 3 f sg Fatimah and Zaid def story together verb it could function a ( 3.91 ) qraj b l mj o t nearly to death (He was) very c lose to die Table 3 57 Some Mehri Adverbs of Manner. Mehri Arabic Gloss s ari an f sawian f nuh n awa lan garaba gid ajad m rawn talyan taw ajad x rxawr ba i

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122 3.7 Adjectives Many authors suggested that adjectives in Mehri are not inflected. This is quite common in many cases. However, in the following examples adjectives are shown inflected for agreement with the noun it modifies in gender and number Here, we will briefly expand our discussion on adjectives. An adjective can be placed before or after a noun. As for definiteness, it coul d occur only when an adjective follows the noun. ( 3.92 ) a. h ei t o laj t attributive adjective agrees with def. you. f sg def crazy f crazy ( b. olaj t h ei t crazy f you. f sg c. h t ajwo l you m sg def crazy d. ajwo l h t crazy you. m sg e. hih ajg krajm this. m he def man def generous f. hih krajm ajg

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123 this. m he genero us def man Meant: A noun can function as an adjective when a noun is followed by what modifies it. ( 3.93 ) a. i fqair brothe my poor b. k so r bro the your .m magician Also, when an adjective is at the beginning of the sentence and followed by a complement, it must be definite. ( 3.94 ) a. bl def big this. m with owner it b. krajm k xdum b rj waj l def generous that .m imp .3 sg work in Riyadh arrive. pf .3ms An adjective can be modified by another adjective and this is in s ingular dual and plural. ( 3.95 ) a. tm k b ajr xfajf sell. pf 2m sg def camel def black def fast b. tm k b ajr i j roh xifawf sell. pf 2m sg def camel du two def black. pl def fast. pl

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124 c. tm k bi or xifawf sell. pf 2m sg def camel. pl def black. pl def fast. pl Rubin ( 2010 : 62 ) asserts that adjectives in Mehri do not have a dual form. While t h is is quite common in many cases some adjectives do inflect for gender and number: ( 3.96 ) a. h ajb it l it she camel. f fat f The she camel is fat b. h ajb it i r ajt l ut she camel. f du two. f fat f pl The two she camels are fat b. zm i ktub i r o h h j d o n give .impr .me book du two m new pl Give me the two new books Comparative Adjectives. The data provided confirm that Mehri has comparative adjectives in two different forms. f ajl and f l as in adjectives l ike xajr m n following examples: ( 3.97 ) a. d hin h harun majk n Hamad with him sheep many b. d hin h harun k aj r m n aj Hamad with him sheep more from me

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125 c. d hin h k aj r harun Hamad with him more of sheep The second type of adjective is f l The form is commonly used with a djectives such as ( 3.98 ) a. h u h san i m n k I def age m y younger from you .m .sg b. h u h s n aw j I younger def age brother .pl my 3. 8 Conclusion This section has provided an overview of the structure words in Mehri. A s a Semitic language, Mehri has a root and pattern system of morphology. Also, I addressed the nominal structures including singular, dual and plural forms in additi on to the masculine and feminine suffixations. Possessive, reflexive, demonstrative and interrogative pronouns were also addressed. I presented the verbal structures with examples, in addition to different types of prepositions, adjectives and adverbs.

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126 C HAPTER 4 MHERI WH INTERROGATIVES 4.1 Introduction This chapter provides a basic descriptive introduction to several constructions in which a constituent of the sentence is questioned we well as a discussion of Mehri interrogative wh phrases themselves Th is description build s on what has already been contributed by Johnstone ( 1975) and Simeone Senelle (1997) and Rubin (2010). Here I will concentrate on the BZ dialect and provide empirical first hand data to support. Below I present a basic grammatical de scription of wh phrases and disc uss points of interest. T he chapter is arranged as follows: section 4.1 will discuss wh words beginning with a summary of core properties. Section 4.2 examines the argument questions. Section 4.3 briefly summarizes the adjun ct questions, where we begin with types of adjunct questions (times, place, reason, and manner). Also, a discussion about differences between adjunct and argument questions will be presented. Finally, section 4.4 addresses the Yes/No questions. 4.2 Wh Wo rds There are two kinds of wh phrases in Mehri: wh words that can appear alone as in ( 4.1 ) and those that appear as modifiers of another noun phrase. I will tackle the latter kind later. (4.1) Wh Interrogative words in Mehri a. hh/h b. wk uh c. hibuh d. u h e. k m f. m n

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127 g. The difference between the pairs of words seen in ( 4.1 appears that h n (sometimes pronounced n ) is a morphologically complex word consisting of the root hh plus the morpheme an It is not clear what this latter morpheme is exactly or how these two words differ from one another. In many cases they are interchangeable. Consider the following examples. ( 4.2 ) a. hh / bx ut what cook.pf 3f sg Fatima h h b. hh/ what see. pf 2m.sg In addition, h n and m :n may be used as interrogative modifiers that occur with no un phrases. h n modifies inanimate or animate nouns while m :n modifies only animate nouns. These are linked to the NPs they modify by the element m n which is also a preposi Some examples of these appear below. ( 4.3 ) a. h ut Which from girls lose. pf 3 f sg got b. ajq gh o m who def man that .m travel.pf.3m.sg

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128 c qb t h Who from men imp wonder 2m sg if meet pf 2m sg him This section will describe types of wh questions in which an argument is questioned. This will include the questioning of subjects, direct objects, indirect objects, objects of pr epositions, predicate nominals, and possessors. Original data will be given, and structural and morphological properties of these constructions will be described. Below, I provide some preliminary examples, highlighting a few interesting points. I discuss both argument and adjunct wh questions. 4.3 Movement and Wh Questions One of the central facts to be dealt with in this thesis will be the fact that Mehri appears to exhibit optional wh movement. Wh words may remain in situ when an argument or adjunct is questioned. In such cases, the question word and intonation are the main indications that the sentence is a question. However, the question word may also be fronted. In every case we have examined, the choice seems to be optional: ( 4.4 ) a. y ou .m .sg imp .2 m know who b. h t who you .m .sg imp .2 m know The following word orders are also possible. This is probably due to the possibility of VS order, which is very natural an d common in Mehri, and also right and left dislocation of the subject, also possible in Mehri.

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129 ( 4.5 ) a. h t you .m .sg who imp .2 m know b. h t imp .2 m know you.m.sg who c. h t imp .2 m know who you.m.sg d. h t who imp .2 m know you.m.sg Another fact that will be important for the analysis of wh questions presented here is the presence of the c omplementizer in structures with a fronted wh word. This marker is probably a reduced form of the complementizer k which shares its form with a demonstrative in Mehri. It is worth noting that the complementizer k and thei r reduced prefix form are optional. The sentence without them would still be grammatical, as considered in the following e xam ples. All of the examples in ( 4.6 ) are grammatical. (4.6) a. s d k j t i sarah Saad that.m see.pf.3m.sg sister my S arah who b k j t i sarah Who that.m see.pf.3m.sg sister my Sarah is it that saw

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130 c k j t i sarah Who that.m see.pf.3m.sg sister my Sarah d j t i sarah Who see.pf.3m.sg sister my Sarah e j t i sarah Who see.pf.3m.sg sister my Sarah Also, the complementizer s k and aj k agree with the head of the relative clause as examples ( 4.7 ) show. ( 4.7 ) a. hajbit ajk is ut she camel that.f Hamad buy.pf.3m.sg it.f run.pf 3f.sg b. camel.m that.m Hamad buy.pf.3m.sg it.m run.pf.3m.sg Interrogative pronouns are not gendered; however, gender can be reflected in the form of the complem entizer in order to limit the gender of the possible answers to the question: ( 4.8 ) a. aj k aig kr is Who this.f that.f def man thank.pf.3m sg her was (the woman) that the man thanked

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131 b um h k kr t h Who this .m that.m def woman thank.pf 3f sg him (the man) When the marker is reduced to a prefix on the verb, it does not show gender distinctions. It is also option in most cases, and in all interrogative cases: ( 4. 9 ) a. nuh i sarah Who see. pf .3m sg sister my Sarah saw b. i sarah Who see. pf .3m sg sister my Sarah saw This marker does not appear with cases of wh in situ in (4. 10 .a). ( 4. 10 ) a. i sarah see. pf .3m sg who sister my Sarah Meant: saw b. j t i sarah see.pf.3m.sg who sister my Sarah The marker also appears (optionally) in relative clauses. This s uggests that wh fronting in Mehri involves relativization, probably in the form of a cleft or pseudo cleft construction. I address this in section ( 5 .3.1). Below I systematically discuss types of argument and adjunct wh questions, noting interesting differ ences where appropriate.

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132 4. 4 Questioning Arguments This section will describe types of wh questions in which an argument is questioned. This will include the questioning of subjects, direct objects, indirect objects, objects of prepositions, predicate n ominals, and possessors. Original data will be given, and structural and morphological properties of these constructions will be described. Below, I provide some preliminary examples, highlighting a few interesting points. 4. 4 .1 Subjects Subjects in Mehri may be questioned in situ. In transitive sentences, the subject may appear in the preverbal or post verbal position, as illustrated below. ( 4. 11 ) a. bx qut cook. pf 3 f sg who def food b. bx qut who coo k. pf 3 f sg def food This marker is a reduced form of the third masculine singular demonstrative um h The relative particle is attested with the sentential initial wh subject. The particle could prefix a verb as ( 4. 12 ) i llustrates. However, the particle is not possible when the subject is post verbal, as ( 4. 12 c) illustrates. ( 4. 12 ) a. i who see. pf .3m sg brother my is it that saw b. lbud s d who hit. pf. 3m sg Saad

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133 Who is it that c. lbud s d hit.pf.3m.sg who Saad Meant: that A questioned subject may also be right dislocated, giving VOS order. The fact that it is right dislocated is suggested by the fact that it in a negat ive question it must occur to the right of negation, which is otherwise sentence final. ( 4.1 3 ) a. bx t qut m n c ook. pf 3f sg def food who b. bx t qut la m n c ook. pf 3 f sg def food neg who c. bx t qut m n la cook .pf 3f sg def food who no Meant: Finally, I want to note that in subject position, sometimes the wh word mo:n is realized as mo:n I have not been able to investigate fully to determine the nature of this variation. ( 4.1 4 ) a. m n wajd who know. pf .3m sg what b. m n h t t r b who you.m.sg imp .2 m know

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134 c. h t t r b m n you.m.sg imp .2 m know who 4. 4 .2 Direct Objects Direct objects in Mehri can be questioned in situ. No movement to the fro nt of the clause is necessary. Also, in both ( 4.1 5 a,b), the subject could follow the verb and precede the object, yielding VSO order: ( 4.1 5 ) a. bx ut qut Fatima h cook.pf 3f sg the food h cooked the b. bx ut Fatima h cook.pf 3f sg what c. bx ut cook.pf 3f sg Fatima h what However, the wh word may also be fronted. Note the optional relative marker in ( 4.1 6 c) : ( 4.1 6 ) a. bx ut what cook.pf 3f sg Fatima h b. bx ut What Fatima h cook.pf 3f sg

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135 c. bx ut What Fatima h cook .pf 3f sg The wh word may also occur in the intermediate position between the verb and subject when the verb is in initial position and the subject is sentence final. It is likel y that in this structure, the object question is in situ, and the subject is a clause final adjunct. ( 4.1 7 ) bx ut hait c ook .pf 3f gs what Fatmah This data is consistent with the claim I will make in chapter 5 that Mehri is an optional wh movement language, similar to Egyptian Arabic. 4. 4 .3 Indirect Object An indirect object can be questioned in situ or fronted. Indirect objects have the optional prepositional prefix l Interestingly, when they are question in situ, l is optional. However, when the argument is fronted, l is required and cannot be left out ( 4.1 8 ): ( 4.1 8 ) a. azmo ut (l ) ktawb gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah (to) def children book b. azmo ut (l ktawb gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah (to )who book

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136 ( 4.1 9 ) a. l azmo ut ktaib to who gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah book To whom did Fatimah give the book ? b. azmo ut ktawb who gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah book Meant: Wo did Fatimah give the book ? Also, the wh word may also occur in intermediate position between the subject and the verb. Here, the indirect object may also be fronted with the marker clit icized to the verb as in ( 4. 20 b). It is likely that here the subject is topicalized. However, note that in ( 4. 20 b) even though the indirect object has moved, the l prefix is not required. ( 4. 20 ) a. azmo ut q nujon ktaib Fatimah gave.pf 3f s g the children book b. m n azmo ut ktaib Fatimah who gave.pf 3f sg book 4. 4 .4 Object of a Preposition Objects of prepositions in Me hri can be questioned in situ. Also, in ( 4. 21 a,b) the object of a preposition may appear in the preverbal or post verbal position, as shown below: ( 4. 21 ) a. m d nuka m n suq Mohammed came.pf .3m sg from def market b. m n suq nuka from def market came.pf .3m sg Mohammed

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137 c. m n suq m d nuka from def market Mohammed came.pf. 3m sg d. m d nuka m n u h Mohammed came.pf. 3m sg from where e. nuka m d m n u h came.pf. 3m sg Mohammed from where In addition to appearing in situ, a question word that is part of a prepositional phrase can also be fronted. However, the prepositi on cannot be stranded. Rather, the whole phrase must be fronted: ( 4. 22 ) a. m n u h m d nuka f rom where Mohammed came.pf. 3m sg b. u h nuka m d from where came.pf. 3m sg Mohammed Interestingly, the head of the object of preposition may appear with the marker cliticized to it. In this case, it must precede the verb, suggesting it has been fronted. ( 4. 23 ) a. m n u h nuka m d from where came.pf. 3m sg Mohammed

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138 b. m d m n u h nuka Mohammed from where came.pf. 3m sg c. nuka m n u h m d came.pf. 3m sg from where Mohammed Meant: ( 4. 24 ) a. m n u h m d nuka f rom where Mohammed came.pf. 3m sg b. u h nuka m d From where came.pf. 3m sg Mohammed The same facts hold if the prep ositional phrase is an argument of the verb: ( 4. 25 ) a. Mohammed take.pf.3m sg def letter from Fatimah Mohammed received the letter from Fatima h b. m d from who Mohammed take.pf.3m sg def l etter Who did Mo hammed receive the letter from? c. Mohammed take.pf.3m sg def letter from who Who did Mo hammed receive the letter from?

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139 4. 4 .5 Verbless Sentences Mehri allows a variety of verbless sentences compose d of a subject and a non verbal predicate. Such sentences may include predicates which are nominal, adjectival, or prepositional phrases as well as deictics. Just as in non question environments, the copula is optional. This copula agrees with the subject in gender and in number and is identical to the third person personal pronouns in Mehri. Similar facts ho ld for Hebrew (see Katz 1997 ). When the subject is a question word, the masculine form of the pronoun is always used. Furthermore, word order in these constructions is more fixed, with the subject preceding the predicate. This holds in the interrogatives as well. Below I present a variety of verbless sentences in which the subject is questioned: ( 4. 26 ) a. bajt x wij n def house big.m very b. (hih) x wij n wha t cop.m big very ( 4. 27 ) a. m n b mh who here b. m n lkm h who there c. m n b ajr who out

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140 ( 4. 28 ) a. m n r is who after h er b. m n nx l h who under him ( 4. 29 ) a. b rk h i:wa in it fire b. h n b rk h what in it ( 4. 30 ) a. s h f m h ajt li this f she Fatimah of sister Ali Fatimah the sister b. m n um h who this. m Even in verbless sentences, however, the relative marker can be optionally present: ( 4. 31 ) m n b aj who late (the one who is )

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141 Before we move on, it is befitting to introduce the particle b r since it occurs in many verbless sentences This particle is commonly used with an approximate meaning conveying an aspectual quality of completion. It may occur with verbs or alone (presumably with a null copula) This particle sometimes attested with another particle which functions as a kind of copula in some contexts: ( 4.32 ) a. li b r noka Ali be come.pf.3m.sg (already) b li b r wiq m alm Ali be was 3m.sg teacher has been a c b r w q ut ri it b rk xajm t be was 3f.sg snake f in tent f snake The same particle b r agreement suffix is attested. ( 4.33 ) a. li wajq w ajq Ali was. 3m.sg child and become.pf 3m.sg man b. li wajq fuk l w b faj t Ali happen.pf.3m.sg sick and become.pf 3m.sg with healt h f bec a me T he particle b r is used with interrogative constructions. Examples demonstrate that b r is used with no suffix when it occurs in verbal sentences and it is used with

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142 suffix in non verbal sentence. b r in ( 4.34 b) Note that when there is another verb in the sentence as in ( 4.34 a) the structure remains grammatical without it. T his particle deserves more research in order to more full investigate its properties. ( 4.34 ) a. m n ( b r ) udaq who be donate.pf.3m.sg yesterday b Ali b r h ha n Ali become.pf 3m.sg what c ha n b r wiq Ali be happen .pf 3m.sg It is also possible for a question word to function as th e predicate in a verbless sentence. ( 4. 35 ) a. Ali b r h ai Ali become.pf 3m sg man b. b r h Ali ha n become .pf 3m sg Ali what c. Ali b r h ha n Ali bec o me.pf 3m sg what

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143 The wh word may also occur in intermediate position between the verb and subject when the verb is initial position and the subject is sentence final. Also, the wh word could also occur in intermediate position between the subject and the verb when th e subject is initial position and the verb is sentence final. Interestingly, in these sentences, the cliticized is not observed even when the question word is fronted. ( 4. 36 ) a. Ali ha n b r h Ali what bec o me.pf 3m sg a. b r h ha n Ali bec o me.pf 3m sg what Ali However, the wh word may also be fronted. In that case, the subject must follow the verb, unlike in verbal sentences. Even here, the relative marker is not possible: ( 4. 37 ) a. ha n b r h Ali What beco me.pf 3m sg Ali b. ha n Ali b r h What Ali beco me.pf 3m sg c. ha n b r h Ali What beco me.pf 3m sg Ali Meant:

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144 4. 4 .6 Possessors In this section I examine how possessors can be questioned in Mehri. There are three methods for indicating possession in Mehri. One is possessive suffixes, used for personal possession only and described in chapter 3. The other two correlate w ith what 1996). Below I describe each of these constructions briefly, showing that only in the Free State possessive construction can the possessor or possessed NP be questioned. Possessive suffixes are suffixes attached to a noun to indicate its possessor. These suffixes indicate the number and gender of the possessor. However, they are only used for personal possession as show in ( 4.3 8 b). ( 4. 38 ) a. um h hih ba j t h t his .m he house pos.3 m. s g b. *um h hih bait t his .m is house pos.3m.sg Meant: Possessive suffixes also occur as resumptive items when the possessor is questioned and extracted. ( 4.3 9 ) a. m n i n bait who see.pf 2m sg def house pos.3m.sg ho did you see his b. h br h who see.pf 2m sg def camel.pl pos.3m.sg Who did you see his

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145 Possessive suffixes are also used in constructions in which the possessor has been moved for relativization, i n order to resume the possessor. ( 4. 40 ) a. it aj k b r l b q t i def girl that.f father 3fs was live here marry.pf 3 f sg brother my b. ks:uh huh qur k ktub Hassan met.pf.3m.sg def writer that.m I read.pf 1sg def book 3m s g In the so immediately prec edes the possessor NP. As noted for construct state possessives in Arabic and Hebrew (Ritter, 1991 and Siloni 1997, Benmamoun, 2000 ), the possesse d NP may bear the definite article but the possessor NP may not. In the so possessed and possessor are linked by a linking morpheme. This marker is identical to the relative marker we have seen in fronting and relatives above, nam ely ( 4. 41 ) a. aj Free State t his .f def food def man This b. aj Construct State t his .f food def man Constituents cannot be quest ioned in the construct state, as the data in ( 4. 42 a,c) below shows. However, it can be questioned in situ in the Free State, as in ( 4. 42 b, d). ( 4. 42 ) a. ajm h m n t his .f de f food who Meant: Whose food is this?

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146 b. m aj de f food who t his .f c. nut m n t his .f def girl who Meant: Whose girl is this? d. nut m n def girl what t his .f Whose girl is this? 4. 4 7 Questioning Arguments in Embedded Clauses In this section I discuss the questioning of an argument in an embedded clause. First, it is important to note that arguments may be questioned in situ in embedded clauses. In ( 4. 43 ), the same marker is uses as a sententia l complementizer with finite embedded clauses. ( 4. 43 ) a. m r bx t q ut Hassan say.pf.3m sg F a t i mah cook.pf.3f sg def food b. m r bx t h n Hassan say.pf.3m sg F a t i mah cook.pf 3f sg what The question word may optionally be fronted, either to the front of the embedded clauses or t he front of the entire sentence. ( 4. 44 ) a. m r h n bx t H assan say.pf.3m sg what F a t i mah cook.pf 3f sg

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147 b. h n m r bx t What say.pf.3m sg Hassan F a t i mah cook.pf 3f sg Finally, a resumptive pronoun may optionally be used to resume the extracted argument. This is not very common when the extracted argument is inanimate (as in ( 4. 45 b) above); however, it is common with animate arguments. In ( 4. 45 b) below, the resumptive pronoun is o ptional. ( 4. 45 ) a. li Ali imp .3m sg want imp .3m sg know meet. pf 2m sg who b. k Ali imp .3 m sg want imp .3m sg know who that .m meet. pf 2m sg him Even inanimate objects may optionally appear with a resumptive pronoun. ( 4. 46 ) a. k Fatimah imp 3 f sg know what that .m eat.pf.3 m sg( him) Hamad b. what imp 3 f sg know Fatimah eat.pf. 3m sg ( him) Hamad What does Fatimah know that Hamad ate When an embedded subject is questioned, it may be in s itu or fronted. When fronted, agreement on the embedded verb serves as resumption and a separate pronoun is not required. However, with some verbs at least, when the question word is

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148 fronted, a resumptive object pronoun may optionally appear on the matrix verb as in ( 4. 47 c). ( 4. 47 d) shows that the resumption is not possible when the question word is in situ. ( 4. 47 ) a. h Fatimah imp 3 f sg Hamad eat. pf .3m sg def food b. Fatima h imp 3 f sg who eat. pf .3m sg def food c. who Fati mah imp 3 f sg know( him) eat.pf.3m sg def food d. k Fatimah i mp 3 f sg know him who that .m eat. pf .3m sg def food Meant: 4. 5 Questioning of Adjuncts Like arguments, adjuncts may be op tionally questioned in situ or fronted. I have not systematically explored all adjunct types. However, the examples below seem to provide the general pattern. ( 4.4 8 ) a. xrawq n m n mdirs it k d hr leave .pf 3m pl children from def school f with noon b. xrawq n m n mdirs it majt n leave .pf 3m pl children from def school f when

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149 left ( 4.4 9 ) a. h t ir k majkn m h h t um k wajn y ou .m .sg drink.pf 2m sg much water you .m .sg def thirsty you sg lot b. ir k majkn m n m h du kuh drink.pf 2m sg much from water why c. du kuh ir k majkn m n m h why drink.pf 2m sg much from water ( 4. 50 ) a. m l t krsi b z n Fahima h do.pf 3f sg def chair from beech h b. m l t krsi hibu h Fahima h do.pf 3f sg def chair how h c hibu h aml t krsi how do.pf 3f sg Fahima h def chair h 4. 5 .1 Adjuncts in Embedded Clauses Adjunct questions may g enerally appear at the end of the embedded clause, fronted to the front of the embedded clause, or fronted to the front of the whole sentence. When at the end of the embedded clause and at the front of the embedded clause, the adjunct may only take scope o ver the embedded clause. When it occurs at

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150 the front of the sentence, the adjunct may take scope over the entire sentence or just the embedded clause. Thus, ( 4. 51 c) could be asking about when Mohammed left Al Ghaydah, but could also be asking about when Fa timah had the thought. ( 4. 51 ) a. hajm h Fatima h imp 3 f sg think Mohammad travel. pf .3m sg to Ghaydah when b. f m h t nun majt m d hajm h aj h Fatimah imp 3 f sg think when Mohammad travel. pf .3m sg to Ghaydah c. majt n f m h t nun m d hajm h aj h whe n Fatimah imp 3 f sg think Mohammad travel. pf .3m sg to Ghaydah 4. 5 2 Differences between Adjuncts and Arguments Questions Two interesting differences between adjuncts and argument questions have been observed. First, unlike in argument questions, adjunct questions that take a preposition in situ need not retain it in fronted position, unlike indirect object. ( 4. 52 ) a. sijar k i h m l u h go.pf 2m sg with them pl to where Where b. (l ) u h sijar k i h m t o where go.pf 2m sg with them pl ( 4. 53 ) a. azmo ut (l )m n ktawb gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah (to )who book

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151 b. l m n a zmo ut ktaib to who gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah book c. *m n azmo ut ktawb who gave.pf 3f sg Fatimah book Meant: Second, while fronted wh argume nts employ the optional complementizer fronted adjuncts do not. is not possible in fronted adjunct questions, except in the 4. 6 Mehri Yes/No Questions In this section, we will list s ome constructions which attested be used as Yes/No question. I will discuss t hem with examples. There are approximately six ways by which yes/no ques tions are expressed. I will show few cases illustrated with exmaples. 4. 6 .1 Intonation Mehri indicates Yes /No questions are predominantly expressed through intonation. Thus, it is possible for a declarative and interrogative clause to be syntactically the same, the only difference being intonation. ( 4. 54 ) a. noka m d c ome .pf.3m.sg Mohammad Mohammad cam e. b. noka m d come.pf.3m.sg Mohammad Mohammad

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152 4. 6 .2 Yes/No Questions with b r Second is the preverbal temporal marker b r There seems to be a preference for this preverbal temporal marker to appear in Yes/No questions. The particle b r may appear in non interrogatives as well, but are not as common. They seem to be strongly preferred in interrogatives, though the sentence is not ungrammatical without them. This is the only yes/no particle that allows agreement. ( 4. 55 ) a. (b r) n oka wlid be come.pf.3m.sg Waleed come? b. *(b r) wl i d noka be Waleed come.pf.3m.sg Meant: come? c. b r k nuk m d be 2m sg come.pf.3m.sg Mohammad 4. 6 .3 Yes/No Questions with First, data shows that has five different meanings. It could be used to mean er for a question. Also this particle is attested to Below examples illustrate that. In our discussion in section (3.4.1.4), we indicated that t he basic meaning of this particle where it co occur s with k some Arabic dialects such as in Lebaneas Arabic (see Aoun et al. 2010: 67). ( 4.56 ) a. k l i h every thing perfect

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153 b. tow m k l i eat.pf 3m.pl every thing y The second meaning of this particle is is possible to co occur with the negative quantifier as illustrated below. ( 4.57 ) a. h ih i l he have no but horse b. h u h i l i it I have no thing speech f speec h c. i draih m l a have money no The third meaning of the particle i negative particle i ( 4.58 ) a. i ki i with me nothing b. hih i n la w hih i h m la he with us no and he with them .m no

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154 However, this quantifier particle is also recognized used as a negative yes/no Example ( 4.59 a) sho ws that it is associated with the particle ( 4.59 ) a. u k i muh with you .m .sg any water b. i r m ajt jm h any rain f def today c. i t gu:b t b any imp 2m.sg love imp 2m.sg drink with water d. kas k m i j tiw with you. m. pl any imp pas eat Here, we will see some examples of wh interrogatives with the particle i joined by agreement pronouns. As examples illustrate that this particle occupies different positions of the clause. This particle may occur between the question word and the negation particle. ( 4.60 ) a. m n i n l a who with us no b. i n m n l a

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155 with us who no c. m n h l who with him no but horse Finally, this particle is tested againsed adjunct wh phrase. Examples obtained show the particle with resumpt ive pronoun. ( 4.61 ) a. (l u h sijar k i h m to where go.pf 2m.sg with them m. pl b. sijar k i h m l u h go.pf 2m.sg with them m. pl to where c. xbr i i ki k m h t hm ask. pf.3m.sg me with me how camels you.m .sg and mother your 4. 6 .4 Yes/No Questions with w la We know from facts shown in examples ( 4. 62 ) that negation with la in Mehri is placed at the sentence final. ( 4.62 ) a. bx ut qut la Fatimah cook.pf 3f.sg the food no

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156 b. bx ut la qut Fatimah cook.pf 3f.sg no the food Meant: c. bx t qut la m n cook.pf 3 f.sg def food no who d. bx t qut m n la cook.pf 3 f.sg def food who no Lets now address w la which is rare among all other question particles It is located only in sentence initial position, and it is used with negated yes/no questions with the close meaning to ultiple questions with w la is possible. ( 4. 63 ) a. w la i n k qwair i and not see.pf 2m.sg neighbor my b. w la i w d k i waw jm h and not any know.pf 2m.sg fire def today c. w la w d k and not know.pf 2m.sg when come.pf .3m.sg def guest

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157 4. 6 .5 Yes/No Questions with w l l a la Data shows that w lla la is located at the sentence final position. The best translati on for this compound is ( 4. 64 ) a. h ei t ti la you. f hear. pf 2 f sg or not b. t hmai n kwait la imp .2 f sg trave with us Kuwait or not c. h t k la you m divorce. pf 2m sg def woman your or not 4. 6 .6 Tag Questions Whenever the particle h is placed at the end of the clause, then it questions the truthfulness of a statement. I do not have this particule attested in cl ause initial position. ( 4. 65 ) a. f l m h kid.pl run. pf 3 m pl right The kids run away righ t b. f l m h run. pf 3 m pl kid.pl right T he kids run away right c. bx ai t jriz h Fatima h cook fu t 3 f sg def food right Fatimah will cook the food, right?

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158 d h f l m right kid.pl run. pf 3 m pl Meant: When the negative particle la appears at the end of question, it functions as a negative question marker. ( 4. 66 ) a. h i h m lajk la he king no b. um h gid la t his .m good no 4 7 Conclusion This section has provided an overview of several constructio ns in which a constituent of the sentence is questioned Also, I provided an in depth description of Mehri interrogative wh phrases with a concentration on BZ dialect Wh argument and wh adjunct questions were examined, and I provided a discussion about th e difference between them.

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159 CHAPTER 5 ANALYZING WH FRONTING IN MEHRI 5.1 Wh Movement or Not ? In chapter four, I illustrated that questioned arguments and adjuncts in Mehri may be fronted (resumed by an optional pronoun) or left in situ. In this chapter I offer a theoretical analysis of the data in a generative (Minimalist) framework. At the center of the analysis is the question of whether or not fronting of question words in Mehri is an example of wh movement or not. I argue that these structures do n ot involve movement, but rather license interrogatives via unselective binding in the sense of Pesetsky (1987). that Mehri questions are insensitive to islands, sugges ting movement is not involved. I then argue that fronted argument questions in Mehri are examples of (sometimes covert) clefting structures rather than wh movement. Fronted adjuncts, on the other hand, do not involve clefting but instead involve topicaliza tion. 5.2 Optional Wh Fronting It is well known that languages vary in whether or not they require movement of questioned words. For example, English requires such movement while Chinese does not (see for example Baker (1970) for English and Huang (1982); R. Cheng (1984); Kuroda (1986) and Cheng, 1997 for Chinese) Other languages, however, seem to allow for optional wh movement in Examples such as Egyptian Arabic (EA) and Bahasa Indonesian (BI), French as in Pesetsky (1993), Aoun and Li (1993). The wh wo rd can come at the beginning of the clause or remain in situ. Like Mehri, EA is a Semitic language with optional wh fronting. Consider the following examples. All EA examples are from Soltan (2012) unless otherwise noted.

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160 ( 5. 1 ) a. inta miin you see. pf 2m sg who yesterday b. miin (huwwa) illi inta uh Who cop .3m sg comp you see. pf 2m sg obj yesterday Interrogative Strategies in Mehri As discussed in chapter 4, Mehri uses two strategies in question formation: The wh word may appear in situ in their argument position as in ( 5.2 .a) or fronted in a left peripheral position with an optional resumptive pronoun as shown in example ( 5.2.b ). ( 5 .2 ) a. h t i n m n y ou .m .sg see. pf 2m sg who yesterday b. m n i n ( who see. pf 2m sg him yesterday The question is how interrogative words are licensed in Mehri. A common assumption is that interrogatives can be licensed via movement: overt movement in the case of wh moved interrogatives and covert movement in the case of in situ interrogatives. Another option for licensing interrogatives, however, is th e mechanism of unselective binding (Pesetsky 1987). In such cases, an interrogative can be licensed by a (often null) interrogative operator that binds it from a c commanding position. No movement is required. ( 5.3 ) [CP OP i wh phrase i ]]

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161 Deciding between these two possible analyses requires figuring out whether movement is involved in the Mehri interrogative structures we are considering. I tackle this in the next section. 5. 3 Against a Movement Analysis for Optional Wh M ovement in Mehri In this section, I follow closely the approach of Soltan (2011, 2012) in his examination of optional wh movment in Egyptian Arabic. I conclude that, like EA, Mehri does not license interrogatives via movement, but rather than unselective binding. I do this by show ing that Mehri lacks island sensitivity as well as intervention effects that would be expected if Mehri wh fronting involved licensing via movement. Since Ross (1967), sensitivity to islands has been used as a strong diagnostic for the presence of movemen t in a derivation. If a structural dependency is sensitive to islandhood, it is typically diagnosed as involving movement. If the sensitivity is lacking, then movement is not involved. As the data below illustrate, Mehri does not exhibit island sensitivity in in situ or fronted interrogative clauses. Facts show that Mehri allows in situ wh phrases to occur inside islands. Here we examine complex NP island s ( 5.4 ), adjunct islands ( 5.5 ), subject islands ( 5.6 ), and coordinated structure islands ( 5.7 ). The acce ptability of the following examples shows that wh arguments are insensitive to islands. Complex NP Island. ( 5.4 ) a. h t qabl aj k ut m n y ou .m .sg meet. pf 2m sg def girl that .f marry. pf 3 f sg who Who i did you meet the girl that got married to him i ? b. h t xbair m h m n

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162 y ou .m .sg hear. pf 2m sg def news Fatimah fut marry 3 f sg who Who i did you hear the news that Fatimah will marry him i Adjunct Island ( 5.5 ) a. g hm ut f nwi m d j ini m n Fatimah t ravel. pf 3 f sg before Hamad imp .3m sg meet who Who i did Fatimah travel before Hamad met him i b. m d n m u n h m q aud m n Hamad angry fu t 3 f sg if def poet meet. pf .3m sg m n Who i will Hamad be angry if the poet met him i Subject Island ( 5.6 ) rui m n j h n m q aud def speech of who imp 3m sg h annoy def poet Who i did the talk about him i Coordination structures ( 5.7 ) h t in k m w m n b rk y ou .m .sg see. pf 2m sg Fatimah and who in party f Who i did you see Fatimah and him i In the examples with fronting, a resumptive pronoun appears within the island, resuming the fronted wh word. The follo wing examples are all grammatical: 15 Island complex NP. ( 5.8 ) a. m n k h t qabl aj k t who that .m you .m .sg meet. pf 2m sg def girl that .f marry. pf 3 f sg him Who i is it that you meet the girl that got marr ied to him i ? 15 The resumptive pronoun is optional, but strongly preferred with animate NPs. It is typically absent with an inanimate wh NP.

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163 b. m n k h t xbair m fq t who that .m you .m .sg hear. pf 2m sg def news Fatimah fu t marry 3 f sg him Who i is it that you heard the news that Fatimah will get marri ed to him i Adjunct Island ( 5.9 ) a. m n k g hm ut f nwi m d j q bl h who that .m Fatimah travel. pf 3 f sg before Hamad imp .3m sg mee him Who i was it that Fatima h travel ed before Hamad m e et s b. m n k m d n mu n h m q aud q bl h who that m Hamad angery fu t 3 f sg if def poet meet. pf .3m sg him Who i is it that Hamad will be angry if the poet met him i Subject Island ( 5.10 ) m n k rui b j h n m q aud who that .m def speech of h im imp .3m sg h annoy def poet Who i is it that the talk about him i Coordination structures ( 5.11 ) m n k h t in t k t h hih w b rk who that .m you .m .sg see. pf 2m sg him he and Fatimah in party f Who i was it that you s aw Fati mah and him i The lack of island sensitivity in Mehri suggests that movement is not involved in the wh fronting structures, nor is covert movement involved in i n situ structures. Rather, another mechanism must be responsible for licensing these interrogatives. Another diagnostic test for movement involves certain intervention effects as argued by Beck (1996) and used by Soltan (2012) for EA. According to Beck (1 996) and Beck & Kim (1997), wh bearing phrase such as negation or quantificational c commands the wh phrase and prevent LF (or overt) wh

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164 movement which then result in a syntactic ill formedness. For example, in ( 5.12 a) th e German negative word niemanden c commands the wh phrase wo The result is ungrammatical. ( 5.12 ) a. *Wer hat niemanden wo angetroffen who has nobody where met Meant: b. Wer hat wo niemanden angetr offen who has where nobody met Beck (1996:6) Similarly, Beck and Kim (1997) show that in Korean sentences with expressions such as man and to are degraded when they c commad wh in situ phrases. The assu mption is that they cause an intervention effect with LF movement of the interrogative phrases. The same sentences are improved, however, if the wh expressions are scrambled to the left of the intervener, moving out of its scope. Data adopted from (Kim 200 1: 5) ( 5.13 ) a. ?*Minsu man nwuku ll manna ss ni? Minsu only who a cc meet Past Q Meant: b. nuku lli Minsu man ti manna ss ni? who a cc Minsu only meet Past Q ( 5.14 ) a. ?*Minsu to nuku ll mann a ss ni? Minsu also who a cc meet Past Q Meant:

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165 b. nuku lli Minsu to ti manna ss ni? who a cc Minsu also meet Past Q Similar effects are noted in Vietnamese ( see Bruening and Tran 2006). Soltan (20 12) shows that such effects do not arise in Egyptian Arabic, strongly suggesting that movement is not involved in EA interrogative constructions. Data ( 5.1 5 ) are adopted from Soltan (2012:108). ( 5.1 5 ) a. ma ammad bass a mi:n? Mohammad only fu t meet.ipfv.3sgm who b. ma ammad bar uh a mi:n? Mohammad also fut meet.ipfv.3sgm who Mehri exhibits facts similar to EA. The expected intervention effects seen in German and K orean above do not arise. For example, it is possible for an in situ wh phrase to be c commanded by scope bearing expressions such as the quantifier k l ( 5. 16 ) a. i g i n um xlig Every boy sell. pf .3m sg garment b. i g i n um Every boy sell. pf .3m sg what

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166 c. k i g i n what that .m every boy sell. pf .3m sg it Such blocking is also absent with other expressions such as b s w k m h as shown below: ( 5. 17 ) a. m d kurm Hamad only fu t .3m sg honor brother his Ham b. m d kurm m n Hamad only fu t .3m sg honor who c. m n k m d k rm who that .m Hamad only fu t .3m sg honor him Who i s ( 5. 18 ) a. m d w kurm Hamad also fu t .3m sg honor brother his Ham ad will also honor his b b. m d w kurm m n Hamad also fu t .3m sg honor who Who will Hamad also c. m n k m d w k rm Who that .m Hamad also fu t .3m sg honor him Who is it that Hamad will Together w ith the lack of sensitivity to islands, the lack of intervention effects strongly suggestion that Mehri interrogatives are not licensed via movement. Instead, I

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167 base genera ted in their fronted position and licensed via unselective binding. 5. 4 A Non M ovement Analysis In the unselective binding analysis, a null wh operator base generated at the left edge of the derivation binds wh words present in the clause, whether these a re in situ or generated in a fronted position giving them scope over the clause. Soltan (2012:109) adopts the following structures for unselective binding in EA. In ( 5. 19 a), the operator binds an in situ wh phrase. In ( 5. 19 b) the wh phrase has been fronte d in a cleft structure. The wh operator binds the fronted wh phrase, which in turn binds a resumptive pronoun lower in the clause. ( 5. 19 ) a. In situ (arguments/adjuncts) [CP OP i wh phrase i ]]] b. Ex situ argument [CP OP i [FocP wh phrase i [CopulaP Copula [C illi i ]]]]]] To make the case for ( 5.18 b), Soltan argues that fronted wh structures in EA are cleft constructions. The same case can be made for fronting structures in Mehri, which I show below. 5. 4 .1 Clefted Argume nts The possibility of analyzing fronted wh structures as cleft constructions goes back to Cheng (1997). In the case of Mehri, there are strong empirical resemblances between ex situ structures and cleft constructions that suggest this analysis is on the r ight track.

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168 First, as I observed earlier, fronted structure s employ the optional complementizer k /aik (homophonous with a demonstrative), as well as the reduced clitic form This complementizer is the same one used in clefts and relative clause con structions. While the complementizer is always optional in interrogative clauses, it is often not optional in cleft/relative structures, presumably because its absence would lead to the clause being interpreted as a declarative clause. ( 5.20 ) a. ajq k f m h t def man that .m Fatimah imp 3f sg know him This is the b. m n k f m h t who that .m Fatimah imp 3f sg know him is it that c. m n f m h t who Fatimah imp .3f.sg know him d. m n f m h t who Fatimah imp .3f.sg know him Second, both fronted interrogative structures and clefts can appear with an optional pronominal copula. The copula pronominal s hih and s h precede the

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169 verb which is prefixed by the particle Example s ( 5.21a b ) show cleft construction, and ( 5. 21c d ) shows clefted wh interrogative. 16 ( 5.21 ) a. gajq (hih) k s d def man this .m cop that .m hit. pf 3m sg Saad b. git ajk ut sd def girl this.f cop that.f hit.pf 3m.sg Saad c m n (hih) k s d Who cop that .m hit. pf 3m sg Saad d. m n (s h) ajk ut sd Who cop that.f hit.pf 3 f .sg Saad Note that Mehri differs from EA in that both the complementizer a nd the copula are optional. Thus, ( 5.21 c ) could also be expressed: ( 5.22 ) a. m n (hih) k sd Who cop this.m that .m hit.pf 3m.sg Saad b. m n (hih) k sd Who cop that .m hit.pf 3m.sg Saad 16 Note that in the data in (5.20) two instances of the complementizer are present. In the cleft, one of them is required (either one is possible). This is also true for the wh fronting construction, as in (5.21e).

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170 c. m n (hih) sd Who cop hit.pf 3m.sg Saad In cleft constructions, the copula is also optional. However, the complementizer is not. Presumably this is to avoid confusing the clefting NP for the subject of the clause. Wh interrogatives can also appear in pseudo cleft structures where the question word is sentence final, again suggesting that clefting is involved in ex situ wh movement in Mehri. I illustrate this for non question pseudo clefts also. ( 5.23 ) a. k Sd (hih) gajq that .m hit. pf 3m sg Saad cop def man this. m b. k Sd (hih) m n that .m hit. pf 3m sg Saad cop Who A third argument for an underlying clefting structure, is that, just like clefted NPs, interrogative argument NPs may appear in intermediate Spec,CP positions between their in situ position and the highest CP: ( 5.24 ) a. li nun f m h m fq ut ajq um h Ali imp 3m sg think Fatimah marry. pf 3f sg def man this. m thinks that b. ajq hih um h li nun f m h m fq t h def man he this. m Ali imp 3m sg think F atimah marry. pf 3f sg him thinks that c. li j nun k ajq um h hih f m h m fq t h

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171 Ali imp 3m sg think that .m def man this. m he Fatimah marry. pf 3f sg hi m thinks that it ( 5.25 ) a. li nun f m h m fq ut m n Ali imp 3m sg think Fatimah marry. pf 3f sg who b. m n k li nun f m h m fq t h who that .m Ali imp 3m sg think Fatimah marry. pf 3f sg him c. nun m n k f m h m fq t h Ali imp 3m sg think who that .m Fat imah marry. pf 3f sg him These three arguments strongly suggest that fronting of wh arguments in Mehri, just as in EA, are fronted via a (sometimes hidden) cleft derivation and not through wh m ovement. These arguments are then bound in their surface positions via unselected binding by a null Q operator. Interestingly, the arguments provided above do not apply straightforwardly to wh adjuncts in Mehri. We turn to these facts below. 5. 4 .2 Wh Adj uncts and Topicalization Unlike arguments, adjuncts (whether PPs or NPs) cannot generally appear in cleft constructions in Mehri: ( 5.26 ) a. *h rj hih k m d q hm n To Riyadh cop that .m Hamad travel fu t 3m sg It is to Riyadh that Hama b. (hih) k gajq s d yesterday cop that .m def man t his .m hit. pf 3m sg Saad

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172 Meant: Soltan (2011) shows that this is true for EA as well, and that, correspondin gly, fronted adjunct wh phrases in EA are marginal. He argues this is because anything in an A bar position must have a resumptive pronoun, but adjuncts cannot be resumed in this way: ( 5.27 ) a. ?? fein/ imtaa/ izzaay/leih ha yi saafir? where/wh en/how/why Ahmad fu t ipfv travel. 3m sg Where/ b. ?? li Masr/bukrah/bi l arabiyyah/li l diraasah yi saafir to Egypt/tomorrow/by car/for studying Ahmad fut ipfv travel.3 m.sg To Egypt/tomorrow/by car/for study ing Ahmad will trave Topicalization of arguments in Mehri also involves resumptive pronouns and is fairly common. The (usually definite) topicalized NP agrees with its resumptive pronoun inside the predicate. ( 5.2 8 ) a. bajt um h bl m ih def house this.m def owner his sell.pf.3m.sg it b. ri it r t s d ajs krkm ajt la def snack f def black.f Saad kill.pf.3m.sg her yellow f no Also, it is very common in Mehri to have topicalization where the independent pronoun is at the topic position.

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173 ( 5.2 9 ) a. s h t s and she story f her what b. h t t k and you.m.sg story f your what Unlike Egyptian Arabic, however, Mehri fronted wh adjuncts are perfectly acceptable, even though they are not resumed by a resumptive pronoun: ( 5. 30 ) a. h rj m d q hm n to Riyadh Hamad travel fu t 3m sg b. m d q hm n where/when/how/why Hamad travel fu t 3m sg Where/ It is unclear exactly why adjuncts cannot be clefted in Mehri, but can be fronted. It m ay be, as Soltan suggests, that clefting requires resumption and adjuncts simply cannot participate in resumption relationships in Mehri and EA, despite the fact that resumptive pronouns are often optional in Mehri. The difference between EA and Mehri, the n, would be that Mehri has an additional mechanism for base generating adjuncts at the front of a clause that EA lacks. I assume this mechanism is a form of topicalization. Evidence for this comes from the fact that Mehri freely allows topicalization of a djuncts with no resumption required: ( 5. 31 ) a. suq m d kusa ajb In market Mohammad meet. pf 3m sg father him

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174 In the m b. k m n i h ajm m d h aj with who travel. pf 3m sg Mohammad to Ghaydah With whom did Mohammad travel to Al The topic status of fronted adjuncts is also suggested by the fact that they may appear inside other topics, such as overt independent subject pronouns: ( 5. 32 ) a. h t majt n n y ou .m .sg when play. pf 2m sg yesterday b. h t hib u h n y ou .m .sg how play. pf 2m sg yesterday Ho c. h t in k you.m.sg where see. pf 2m sg Fatimah yesterday Where The above facts suggest that fronted wh adjuncts are derived differently than wh arguments: via topicalization rather than clefting. While the latter may require or allow resumption as part of its derivation, to picalization does not. However, I assume that in both cases the fronted interrogatives are base generated in their suface positions and licensed via unselective binding. 5. 5 Conclusion In this chapter, I have argued that fronted wh arguments in Mehri are not derived via wh movement, but rather by (sometimes hidden) cleft constructions, just as Soltan

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175 (2012) has argued for Egyptian Arabic. These interrogatives are then licensed via unselected binding. Wh adjunct interrogatives, on the other hand, are not f ronted via clefting, but via topicalization. In this way Mehri differs from Egyptian Arabic, a language in which the fronting/topicalization of adjuncts is marginal at best.

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176 LIST OF REFERENCES Al aidaroos Mustafa Zein (2001). Modern South Arabian Lan guages and Classical Arabic: A Comparative Study. Symposium on: Languages and Dialects of Yemen. University of Aden, March 19 21. Alfadly Hassan Obeid Abdulla 2007. A study on the morphology of Mehri of Qishn dialect in Yemen. PhD thesis, Universiti Sai ns Malaysia. Ali Idrissia and Kehayia, Eva (2004). Morphological Units in the Arabic Mental Lexicon: Evidence from an Individual with Deep Dyslexia, Brain and Language. 90 : 183 197. Amshoosh Masoude (2001). The Position of MSA Languages among Semitic Languages. Symposium on: Languages and Dialects of Yemen. University of Aden, March 19 21. Aoun, Joseph, and Yen hui Audrey Li. 1993b. Wh Elements in Situ: Syntax or LF? Linguistic Inquiry 24: 199 238. Aoun, Joseph, Elabbas Benmamoun, and Dominique Spor tiche, 1994. Agreement and Conjunction in Some Varieties of Arabic. Linguistic Inquiry 25: 195 220. Aoun, Joseph, and Elabbas Benmamoun, 1998. Minimality, Reconstruction, and PF Movement, Linguistic Inquiry 29: 569 597. Aoun, Joseph, Lina Choueiri, and Nor bert Hornstein. 2001. Resumption, Movement, andDerivational Economy. Linguistic Inquiry 32. 371 403. Aoun, Joseph, Elabbas Benmamoun and Lina Choueiri. 2010. The syntax of Arabic Cambridge: Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Baker C. L. 1970. Not es on the Description of English Questions: the Role of an Abstract Question Morpheme, Foundations of Language 6.2. Bateson, Mary. 1967. Arabic Language Handbook Washington: Georgetown University Press Beck, Sigrid. 1996. Quantified structures as barrie rs for LF movement. Natural Language Semantics 4:1 56. Beck, S. and S. S. Kim. 1997. On Wh and Operator Scope in Korean. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 6: 339 384. Beck, Sigrid. 2006. Intervention Effects Follow from Focus Interpretation. Natural Langu age Semantics 14:1 56.

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184 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Waleed Alrowsa received his Bachelor of Arts in English and Translation from Imam University, Qasim in 1998 His Master of Arts (Linguistics), was from University of Utah Salt La k e City in 2007 He received his Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics from University of Florida Gainesville in 2014 The doctoral dissertation was directed by Dr. Brent M. Henderson The title of his thesis was Question Formation in Mehri