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VESSEL OF LIFE: A CASE STUDY OF A COLONIAL ANDEAN KERO By MEGAN KIRSOP A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UN IVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 0 1 3 Megan Kirsop
T o m y little family
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS At the University of Florida, I o f fe r m y si n c e rest g r a tit ud e t o my thesis chair and advisor, Dr. Maya Stanfield Mazzi, w hose patience, encouragement, and detailed advice allowed for the completion of this thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. Robin Poynor for generously agreeing to be on my thesis committee and for his invaluable feedback and support. I offer my gratitude to the Harn Museum of Art for providing photographs of the colonial Andean kero and for allowing me to be the first t o publish them. I extend a special thanks to the UF College of Fine Arts for providing an assistantship that afforded me financial peace of mind throughout my time at UF. Furthermore, I am thankful for the encouragement and support that I received during my undergraduate studies at Missouri State University especially from Dr. Billie Follensbee, who took me under her wing, challenged and encouraged me. A very special thank you goes to my daughter, Evelyn, and my significant other, Arif, for their continued patience, love, and support throughout this process. Finally, I extend my gratitude to my friends and family who kept me grounded throughout the grad school mini meltdowns, especially my mom, Susan, and my dear friends Jamie, Cody, Becca, Nikki, and Rae.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 6 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 9 2 ANDEAN COSMOLOGY ................................ ................................ ........................ 17 3 KEROS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 32 4 ANTISUYU ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 55 5 UCCHU ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 75 APPENDIX FIGURE CITATIONS ................................ ................................ .............. 95 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 96 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 102
6 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Kero Beaker (side showing two humans with bows and arrows) ................ 14 1 2 Kero Beaker (side sh ................................ 15 1 3 Rollout drawing of Harn kero beaker ................................ ................................ .. 16 2 1 Tawantinsuyu the four part Inka Empire ................................ ............................ 29 2 2 Pacch a showing chakitaklla with urpu and ear of maize. ................................ ... 30 2 3 Paccha in profile showing chakitaklla with urpu and ear of maize ...................... 31 3 1 Line drawing of kero with narrowest circumference at its base. .......................... 52 3 2 Line drawing of hourglass shaped kero ................................ ............................. 53 3 3 Drinking Vesse l ( Kero ) ................................ ................................ ........................ 54 4 1 Map of South America, highlighting Antisuyu ................................ ..................... 74 5 1 ucchu motifs as seen on the Harn k ero ................................ ....................... 88 5 2 ucchu ( Salvia dombeyi ). ................................ ................................ ................... 89
7 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for t he Degree of Master of Arts VESSEL OF LIFE: A CASE STUDY OF A COLONIAL ANDEAN KERO By Megan Kirsop December 2013 Chair: Maya Stanfield Mazzi Major: Art History Keros are one of the few pre Hispanic Andean artistic expressions that survived the Spanish Conquest and subsequent cultural suppression. Before and during the colonial period, these wooden cups were used to drink aqha or maize beer, in ritual ceremonies often associated with agriculture. This paper examines the imagery on a previously unpublis hed colonial Andean kero that is in the collection of the Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art. By examining the Harn kero and its iconography, we begin to better understand the larger cosmological importance of keros to the Inka, and subsequently, how the persist ence of kero production during the colonial period was likely due to the status as a metaphysical l ink to this heritage. The Harn iconography relate s to pre Conquest traditions and associations that were visually translated into representatio nal imagery during the colonial period. My objective is two fold: 1) to establish Inka keros as more prominent cosmological objects, both before the Conquest and during the Colonial period and 2) to analyze the iconography of a specific kero in order to s upport that position. I assert that the overall cosmological meaning of the Harn kero and likely of all Inka and colonial keros is irrevocably ro oted in the Andean worldview and the Inka conception of the circle of life.
8 Chapter 1 introduces the Harn k ero and gives a brief summary of kero scholarship. Chapter 2 offers a synopsis of Andean cosmology. Chapter 3 provides a general overview of Inka and colonial keros Chapters 4 and 5 deal directly with the iconography on the Harn kero The final chapter ev aluates the larger meaning of Inka and colonial keros.
9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Keros called aquillas when made from gold or silver are one of the few pre Hispanic Andean artistic expressions that survived the Spanish Conquest and s ubsequent cultural su ppression. Known by their Quechua name, k eros 1 are tall cups with flaring walls that were made in pairs, likely from the same block of wood. They were used to drink aqha 2 or maize beer, in ritual ceremonies often associated with agriculture. 3 This paper examines the imagery on a previously unpublished colonial period Andean kero that is in the collection of the Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art in Gainesville, Florida ( Figure s 1 1 and 1 2 ). Sadly, the Harn kero bea ker is currently unknown or lost. While the Harn kero is from the colonial era, the imagery on it reveals a connection to the pre Hispanic past of the Inka. The Harn iconography is related to pre Conquest traditions and associations th at were visually translated into representational kero imagery during the colonial period. This chapter briefly introduces the Harn kero while the subsequent two chapters provide a synopsis of Andean cosmology and a general overview of Andean keros Chapte rs 4 and 5 deal directly with the iconography on the Harn kero. The las t chapter evaluate s the overall meaning of Inka and colonial keros By examining the Harn kero and its iconography, we begin to 1 Alternate spellings of kero are q ero and q uero Alternate spellin gs of Quechua include Kechua, Kechuan, and Quichua. Quechua is the name of both a people of the central Andes and their language. Quechua was the main language spoken by the Inka. 2 Aqha is often referred to as or corn beer Asua is another ter m interchangeable with aqha. Aqha is an alcoholic beverage made of fermented maize. 3 The orthography in this paper follows Rodolfo Cerrn Quechua s ureo: Diccionario u nificado (1994) where appropriate. Sometimes standard English spellings are u sed in favor of familiarity instead of remains the standard spelling in English. Important words will usually have a footnote with alternate spellin gs.
10 better understand the larger cosmological importance of k eros to the Inka, and subsequently, how the persistence of keros during the colonial period was likely due to the status as a metaphysical link to this heritage In other words, my objective is two fold: 1) to establish Inka keros as more prominent cosmological objects both before the Conquest and during the Colonial period than kero scho larship has thus far permitted, and 2) to analyze the iconography of a specific kero in order to support that position. I assert that the overall cosmological mean ing of the Harn kero and likely of all Inka and colonial keros is irrevocably rooted in the Andean worldview and the Inka conception of the circle of life. There are numerous colonial accounts that describe or illustrate Inka keros One of th e most celebrated colonial sources is El primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno (ca. 1615 CE) written by Quechua noble and chronicler Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. Other early colonial chroniclers that refer to keros include Spanish conquistador Pedro Cieza de Len (1553 CE) senior Spanish official to name just a few. Two modern books have been dedicated specifically to Inka keros : 1) Qeros, arte inka en vasos ceremoniales (1998) written by three Peruvians: anthropologist Jorge A. Flores Ochoa, art historian Elizabeth Kuon Arce, and Cuzco 4 architect Roberto Samanez Argumedo; and 2) Toasts with the Inca: Andean Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels ( 2002) by U.S. a rt historian Thomas B.F. Cummins. Cummins has also been a contributing author and authority on Inka keros in numerous other publications. Additional contributions to kero scholarship have been made by U.S. archeologist and 4 Alternate spellings of Cuzco include Qusqu, Cusco, Cuscco, Ccozcco, and Cozco
11 Andean authority John H. Rowe, an d more recently, by Brazilian art historian Cristiana Bertazoni Martins. Without these early colonial chronicles and more recent groundbreaking books and papers, this essay would not be possible. However, much of the previous work has generally focused on surveying numerous Inka and colonial keros It has also primarily concentrated on the socio political role of keros in Andean society rather than their religious associations. Therefore, this project sets itself apart from other kero scholarship by largely focusing on the iconography of a specific kero as well as by positioning keros in a predominantly cosmological context. Before the Conquest, the Inka incised their keros with primarily abstract, geometric designs. In the colonial period, this linear abs traction gave way to pictorial representation and the incised images began to be inlaid with a substance called mopa mopa 5 For instance, the resin on the Harn kero is faded enough that one can clearly see the incised depressions in the wood. 6 Although no t so apparent in the photographs the wood is a rich, dark brown color. The imagery on the exterior surface of this footed kero is arranged in to three registers, each separated by either a re ddish orange or yellow stripe. The bottom register along the base consists of a repeated motif of a downturned flower alternating in colors of reddish orange and yellow. These flowers are probably representations of ucchu, a species of Salvia (sage) native to the Peruvian Andes. ucchu were sacred flowers to the Inka and are still used in religious 5 Thomas B.F. Cummins 35a d. Four Q ueros in The Colonial Andes: T ap estries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed. ( New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), 182. 6 One can also see repaired cracks on the Harn kero and there is a single bracket, visible on the interior of the cup, which holds together the largest crack. The kero does not appear to have been ritually shattered as it only has a few large vertical crack lines. Nothing is known about the provenance or history of this particular vessel so I cannot say when the repairs were made but they were not made by the Harn. The careful r epair, the deteriorated resin on the exterior surface, and remains of a white residue on the interior of the cup indicate that the Harn kero was a cherished object that was once frequently used.
12 ceremonies today. Above the bottom register, a plain band encompasses part of both the foot and the vessel. The second register up includes another row of the repeated ucchu motif, again alternating in the same colors as be low, b ut now with up turned flowers. The top register is separated from the second by two colored stripes of the same reddish orange and yellow seen in the ucchu motifs. As can be seen from the rollout drawing of the Harn kero ( Figure 1 3 ), the top register contains a pictorial composition that consists of two humans (each carrying a bow and arrow), one monkey, three stylized trees separating the figures, and sporadic ucchu motifs. The two human figures and the monkey are all shown in profile facing right. This imparts a sense of movement as they make their way around the kero The trees along with the monkey likely allude to the tropical environment of the Eastern suyu (region), Antisuyu, of the Inka Empire known as Tawantinsuyu 7 A ntisuyu bordered the modern day upper Amazon region and was inhabited by Antis (a collective term used to describe various ethnic groups of this region). On the other hand, the presence of ucchu seems to reference the Andean highlands, as these flowers do not grow in the tropical lowlands. This juxtaposition between the upper and lower regions expresses the ubiquitous Andean theme of opposing, yet complementary, dualities that is a crucial aspect of Andean cosmology, in which the Inka participated. 8 There are also numerous other dualities visible on the Harn kero such as the male and female figures within the 7 Antisuyu is also spelled Antisuyo and Tawantinsuyu is also spelled Tahuantinsuyu 8 Gordon F. McEwan, The Incas : N ew P erspectives ( Santa Barbara: W. W. Norton & Company, 2006), 137. See also The Inca W orld: T he Development of P re Columbian Peru, A. D. 1000 1534 ed. Laura Laurencich Minelli. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), 8.
13 pictorial composition and the up and down turned ucchu blooms in the registers below the principal scene. Cummins has noted the importance of this ideology, seeing each individual kero within a pair as a reference to one half of opposing dualities such as superior/inferior, upper/lower, right/left, and male/female 9 This project aims to shed light on another important set of complementary opposition s that were likely associated with keros before and after the Conquest: life and death. Antisuyu imagery and ucchu motifs depicted on kero had associations with both and can be understood as references to the circle of life. By positioning the iconographic elements of the Harn kero within Andean cosmology, we also come to understand the reverence the Inka had for life giving fluids such as water, urine, medicinal infusions, blood, and aqha The kero s association with these fluid s gave it a symbolic and physical role in the reciprocal exchange between life and death. 9 Thomas B.F. Cummins, Toasts with the Inca: Andean Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero V essels (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2002), 108 113
14 Figure 1 1. Kero Beaker (s ide showing two humans with bows and arrows ) South America, Peru, Southern Highlands 17th or 18th Century Pigmented r esin on wood 6 1/2 x 5 1/4 (diameter) in. (16.5 x 13.3 cm). S 73 131. Photos courtesy of the Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art, University of Florida, Gainesville; Gift of an anonymous donor, in honor of Professor Phillip Ward, in appreciation of his kind encourageme nt and interest.
15 Figure 1 2 Kero Beaker (s ide showing monkey between two trees ) South America, Peru, Southern Highlands 17th or 18th Century Pigmented r esin on wood 6 1/2 x 5 1/4 (diameter) in. (16.5 x 13.3 cm). S 73 131. Photos courtesy of the S amuel P. Harn Museum of Art, University of Florida, Gainesville; Gift of an anonymous donor, in honor of Professor Phillip Ward, in appreciation of his kind encouragement and interest
16 Figure 1 3 Rollout drawing of Harn kero beaker Photo courtesy of t he Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art, University of Florida, Gainesville; Gift of an anonymous donor, in honor of Professor Phillip Ward, in appreciation of his kind encouragement and interest. Drawing by Heather M. Foster
17 CHAPTER 2 ANDEAN COSMOLOGY Andean cul tures, especially that of the Inka, are perhaps best described as 1 Rather than exploit their environment, the Inka seem to have made strict efforts to stay in tune with or even to echo nature when constructing architecture, water systems, and terraces. According to Andean belief, the physical world was divided into three realms: Hanan Pacha (the upper world), Ukhu Pacha (the underworld), and Kay Pacha (the space in between the upper and lower realms where humans lived). 2 In addition to this ve rtical division, the Inka universe was horizontally sectioned by an imaginary cross formed by the four cardinal points with Cuzco at its center. 3 Combined, t he four intervening territories were known as Tawantinsuyu which was comprised of Chinchaysuyu, Collasuyu, Kuntisuyu and Antisuyu ( Figure 2 1 ). 4 Despite these divisions, the Inka still conceived of the world as a unified whole. The Andean worldview, in which the Inka participated, was based on the pr inciples of duality and reciprocity. The world was viewed as being balanced between a series of dual opposing forces in a state of constant conflict, yet always tending toward unity or completion: light and dark, upper and lower, wet and dry, hot and cold, and so on. 5 The 1 7. 2 Ibid. 8. 3 Ibid., 8. 4 Alternate spellings for Collasuy u include Qollasuyu Qullasuyu and Quyasuyu. Other spellings for Kuntisuyu include Contisuyu Quntisuyu Cuntinsuyu, and Condisuyu 5 Minelli Archaeologi cal Cultural 8.
18 relationship between the earth and the Inka was also characterized by reciprocity. 6 In Quechua, a reciprocal relationship is described by the word ayni 7 It implies an obligation to aid a partner, as well as a promise that help will be ava ilable from that partner when needed. 8 The primary goal of Andean religion was to delineate the basic divisions of the cosmos and maintain them in harmony through reciprocal exchange. 9 The Inka worshipped two types of supernatural beings: a collection of gods and goddesses and a great number of animistic spirits that dwelled in natural features and phenomena. The formal state religion included a pantheon of gods who were concerned with the well being of the world as a whole. 10 These deities were wo rshipped in temples that were ra n and maintained by a hierarchy of priests and priestesses. 11 Animistic spirits known as wak'as were worshipped on a local level. 12 A wak'a was any person, place, or thing, either natural or artificial that was considered sacred. 13 The Quechua term wak'a could be used to describe a mountain peak, a rock, a mountain pass, a deep cavern, a river, a lake, or an animal or plant. Similarly, the word wak'a was used to refer to certain forms of death or illness, to temples in the image of a god to tombs, and also 6 Carolyn Dean, A C ulture of S tone : Inka P erspectives on R ock (Durham: Duke University Press, 20 10), 68 7 Dean, C ulture of S tone 68. 8 Ibid. 68. 9 McEwan, The Incas 137. 10 Ibid. 137 11 Ibid., 1 43 12 Ibid., 137. 13 Dean, C ulture of S t one 2. Alternate spellings for include waka and huaca.
19 to funeral goods. 14 In the metaphysical sphere, wak'as were actual ancestors or mythical predecessors who were fed and given drink in return for the health, propitious weather, and bountiful crops that they provided. 15 The gods and wak'a s were considered responsible for all cosmic events. Therefore it was vital to venerate these beings because at the slightest provocation, they could bring about the end of the world. 16 Pachacuti, the ninth Inka sovereign, astutely integrated Andean re ligious tradition with Inka ideology in order to give cohesion to his empire, Tawantinsuyu 17 As the divine humble inhabitant was made to feel an active participant in the cosmos. 18 The idea was that through physical labor, fasting, and sacrificial offerings, each person participated in the principle of reciprocity by exchanging one service for another. 19 This interplay of give and take was seen as a cosmic force; in return fo r their efforts the inhabitants of Tawantinsuyu received the sacred gifts of nature and more importantly, cosmic order. 20 In reality, the requirement of tribute labor was likely due more to imperial political strategy than it was to make individuals feel like active participants in the cosmos. However, f raming the tribute requirements within pre existing Andean cosmology worked to the advantage of Pachacuti and his expanding Empire. 14 9. 15 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 41 42 16 8. 17 Ibid., 9. 18 Ibid., 9. 19 Ibid., 9. 20 Ibid., 9.
20 The Inka are not known for human sacrifice, or at least not in the same way that the Aztecs (their contemporaries to the north) are. However, human sacrifice did take place on certain occasions. For example, imperial state ceremonies known as Capacocha, or qhapaq ucha have been linked to major events in the life histories of Inka rulers such as coronations, severe illnesses, and death. 21 The Capacocha was an especially important state event that involved the sacrifice of select objects, animals, and sometimes (though not always) children. 22 As part of the Capacocha offerings we re made to all sacred entities and encompassed by the Inka domain. 23 Similar to keros it is likely that the Capacocha ceremony contained multiple layers of meaning that included political and economic interests, as well as religious ones. 24 When a Capacocha ceremony was to be held, the Inka would issue a levy upon all of the provinces of the empire, requiring them to offer tribute boys and girls, often between the ages of four and ten, as well as camelids objects of gold and silver, shell, cumbi (f ine cloth), and feathers. 25 All of the children selected had to be physically perfect, unblemished, and virginal. 26 Most of the females were chosen from the ranks of the acllas 21 Tamara L Bray chaeological Perspective on the Andean Concept of Camaquen: Thinking t hrough Late Pre Columbian Ofrendas and Huacas ," Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19 (2009): 358. 22 Tamara L. Bray et al. Inca R itual of C Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 24 (2005): 83 23 Bray et al , 83. 24 Ibid., 83. 25 Ibid., 83. 26 History of the Inca Empire: A n A ccount of the Indians' Customs and their Origin, Togethe r with a T reatise on Inca legends, H istory, and Social I nstitutions  trans. Roland Hamilton (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979) 235 237. See a
21 other th an that some were required to be children of local lords. 27 Once the various forms of tribute from the four suyus had been assembled in Cuzco, elaborate ceremonies highlighting the offerings were conducted in the central plaza. 28 The Sapa I nka and his royal court received the visiting dignitaries and Capacocha offerings from the provinces by engaging in ritual feasting, singing, performance, and prayers for several days. 29 S apa Inka was the title of the Inka emperor and is translated as 30 In co nference with priests, the Sapa Inka determined what sacrifices would be made to the in and around Cuzco, as well as how the remaining tribute would be distributed among the different deities and sacred locations around the empire. 31 Only the princip al of each region or ethnic territory would receive human sacrifices. 32 After completion of the religious observances and obligations in the imperial capital, the ritual caravan formally departed Cuzco following a prearranged route, likely along line s known as ceques to the Capacocha site. The ceque system organized at least three hundred twenty eight along forty two imaginary lines ( ceques ) that radiated out, indefinitely, from Cuzco. 33 The procession would have been comprised of 27 Cobo, History of the Inca 236. See a lso Bray et a The acllas or chosen women, had been raised in the houses of the mamaconas (cloistered women). These young girls were aqha etc.) and would remain in the care of the mamacon as until around the age of fourteen. 28 A 84. 29 Ibid., 84. 30 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 72. 31 A 84. 32 Ibid., 84. 33 Brian S. Bauer, Latin American Antiquity 3 (1992): 83.
22 Inka priests, record keepers, members of the Inka nobility, religious personnel from the provinces, as well as the sacrificial victims and their families. 34 T he chosen boys and girls were often paired as couples and interred as such. 35 Furthermore, each child was buried along with sacrificial objects, including anatomically correct figurines representing humans made of gold and silver. 36 For instance, i n a tomb of a sacrificed boy, the figurine (s) included would likely have been female, and vice versa. Like their human cou nterparts these flawless figurines were given symbolically to the deities, including lllapa (lightning) and Pachamama (Earth Mother). 37 Between 1470 C.E. and the Spanish Conquest in 1532 C.E., more than one hundred ceremonial, including Capacocha sites were built on summits above 17,060 ft. in elevation. Sites have been found at up to 22,109 ft. in elevation, constituting the world's highest archaeological remains. 38 These high altitude ceremonial sites were mainly concentrated in the southern region of t he Inka Empire, such as the southern Andes of Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina. 39 Most of the sites can be dated to after 1470 C.E., which means that they were constructed during the period of Inka imperial 34 85 35 Ibid., 83. 36 Ibid., 8 5 37 Elena Phipps in The C olonial Andes: T apestries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed. Elena ( New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), 128 Alternate spellings for Illapa include Illyapa and Iyapa 38 Johan Reinhard ial Site s, and Human Sacrifice a The Journal of Astronomy in Culture XIX (2005): 2 39 Reinhard and Ceruti , 2
23 expansion. 40 However, as of 2005, discoveries or reports of Capacocha sites involving human immolation number less than twenty. 41 In Andean cosmology, death was not an end to life. In the case of the Capacocha sacrificial victims, the children were essentially deified in death and worshiped along wit h the apu ( mountain gods) they were believed to reside with. 42 When someone died, his or her soul was merely forced out of the body. Both body and soul continued to live after death, and had the same needs they had in life. 43 It was thought that if the body was destroyed the soul would wander aimlessly, unhappy and suffering, and even haunt the living. 44 However, if it was conserved and allowed to maintain its links with the world of the living, the soul would reach its destination and subsequently help those to whom it had been attached during its lifetime. 45 This is probably why when human sacrifice did occur, the bodies were not mutilated. Camay is another key concept of Andean cosmology. The Quechua term camay, acting as both a noun and a verb, has no clear equivalent in Spanish or English but is understood as a kind of essence, force, or power that animates or imbues all things. 46 It has been loose 40 Ibid., 2 41 86 87. 42 Johan Reinhard, The Ice Maiden: Inca Mummies, M ountain Go ds, and S acred S ites in the Andes ( Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society, 2005 ), 29 43 9. 44 Ibid., 9 45 Ibid., 9 46 Camay is also spelled Kamay
24 47 Camay involves an ongoing r elationship between the camac (the animator) and its camasca (the matter that is being animated). 48 Many other cultures have shared a similar notion of this generative life force, including various Mesoamerican and Oceanic cultures. ple, animals, and natural and cultural objects are the 49 I would add that life giving fluids such as aqha blood, urine, and medicinal fluids were also likely understood as physical manifestations of cama y 50 This is not to say that only fluids could have been thought of as camay rather that fluids are also kinetic, making them a readily tangible association. Similar to this animating force or energy, fluids also take the shape of their container and are c rucial for sustaining life. The importance of fluids, especially water, to the Inka has only recently been given more scholarly attention. Springs and rivers were regarded as sacred and were animated by living spirits. 51 Water was transported through towns, cities, estates, and terraces by elaborate canal and piping systems with numerous fountains as places of access. 52 Moreover, some along ceque lines were related to water and might have also served to ritually direct the flow of water in and out of 47 Ibid., 358. 48 Ibid., 358 49 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 28. 50 This idea can also be found i n K'iche Maya cosmology C h'ul ( or k'ul ) refers to the vital force or power that inhabits the blood and energizes people and a variety of objects of ritual and everyday life See Steph en D. Houston and ulership among the Antiquity 70 (1996): 292 51 McEwan, The Incas 142. 52 Ibid., 142.
25 C uzco. 53 In fact, the ceque system was complemented by an underground system of canals that carried aqha offerings to the different temples of Cuzco. 54 One might say that the entire Inka landscape was imbued with life by the camay inherent in fluids such as w ater and aqha secretions, including those of humans, such as blood, urine, and perhaps even sweat, milk, semen, tears, etc., were categorized as 55 They all formed a part of a process of unending flow and transformation. 56 One of the focal points of the Capacocha processions were containers filled with llama blood mixed with crushed shell known as mullo. 57 These containers were replenished along the way with fresh camelid sac rifices. 58 This sanctified blood was dispersed among the local inhabitants of the different territories, fed to their and sprinkled upon the land itself. 59 In a ritual practice known as pirac the blood of selected animals was used to paint a line fr om ear to ear on participants and across in major Inka rites of passage. 60 This allowed 53 Constance Classen, Inca Cosmology and the Human B ody ( Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1993 ), 68 54 Classen Inca C osmology 68. 55 Thomas B.F. T rac d. Francesco Pellizzi Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics. 59/60: Sprin g/Autumn (2011): 17. 56 Cummins and Mannheim 17. 57 85. 58 Ibid., 85. 59 Ibid., 85. 60 Sabine MacCormack Religion in the Andes: Vision and I magination in E arly C olonial Peru ( Princeton: Princeton Univer sity Press, 1991 ), 200. See also Classen, Inca Cosmology 64.
26 the participants to physically share in the sacrifice. 61 Semen, another important fluid, was associated with flowing water. 62 Like semen, water was important for cr eating new life. As much as the coursing of water and blood throughout the Andes, drinking and urinating were also related acts tied to the cosmic circulation of life. 63 The t ransformation of aqha into urine and the continuous circulation of these fluids w ere essential to the fecundity of the earth. 64 Aqha was drunk from keros and then excreted from the body through urine. The urine would run into the ground and water. Water, in lakes and rivers, flows into the ocean where it is evaporated back into the atmo sphere and is carried by clouds. These clouds eventually burst and rain back down onto the earth. This precipitation is necessary for the growth of all plants, including maize. Maize is then harvested and converted into aqha thus completing the cycle and cosmically ensuring sufficient rain for the next harvest. 65 Today, this cycle is commonly known as indigenous Andean people. Cummins and Manheim see this cycle of fluids manifest in the ceramic vessels known as pacchas. A paccha is a central Andean ritual watering device that describes 61 Classen, Inca C osmology 64. 62 Dean, C ulture of S tone 43. 63 A round U 18. 64 Ibid., 17. 65 Ibid., 18.
27 the entire cycle of growing maize ( Figure s 2 2 and 2 3 ). 66 These photographs show two angles of a well pre served paccha that resides in The Michael C. Carlos Museum at Emory University. 67 This hollow ceramic paccha has three elements: a miniature chakitaklla (a traditional Andean foot plow), 68 a small ear of maize, and a miniature urpu (an arybolloid shaped jar for transporting aqha ). 69 Pacchas were thrust or planted in the ground during Andean agricultural rituals. 70 An offering of aqha not water, was then poured into the miniature urpu, which passed through the chakitaklla, and finally emptied into the ground. 71 This process symbolized the completion of a cycle of planting, harvesting, fermentation, and consumption. 72 It also engaged the Inka and Pachamama (earth mother) in an act of reciprocity. 73 By giving the earth their sacred drink -a drink that may have bee n understood as a manifestation of camay -the Inka 66 Rebecca Stone Miller and William B. Size, Seeing with N ew E yes: H ighlights of the Michael C. Carlos Museum C ollection of A rt of the Ancient Americas ( Atlanta: Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, 2002 ), 254. 67 It is estimated that only about twenty five of these objects survive today. See Stone Miller and Size, Seeing with N ew E yes 254. 68 Th e Andean foot plow is also commonly known simply as a taclla 69 Thomas B.F. Cummins, a Artistic Expression and Power, i n Variations in the E xpression of Inka power: a S ymposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 18 and 19 October 1997 ed Richard L. Burger et al. ( Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2007 ), 278 See also Cummins and Stone Miller and Size, Seeing w ith New E yes 254. 70 This act of thrusting the paccha into the ground can easily be interpreted as a reference to sexual intercourse. The Inka perceived the earth as female; so metaphorically, the phallic shaped paccha impregnated the earth when the fluid was poured through it. 71 Scientific analysis on this particular paccha has been performed on residue trapped in the hooked portion of the plow, below the urpu The results proved that it was indeed aqha that was poured through these vessels. See Stone Mil ler and Size, Seeing with N ew E yes 254. 72 1 6 73 Stone Miller and Size, Seeing with New Eyes 25 7
28 hoped to receive a good harvest in return Like pacchas keros too, played a critical role in this circulation of fluid that ensured the perpetuation of life.
29 Figure 2 1. Tawantinsuyu the four part Inka Empire 74 74 Adapted from EuroHistoryTeacher, cropped to South America only by Kinte tsubuffalo "Inca Empire South America," Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Inca_Empire_South_America.png (accessed October 31 20 13 ).
30 Figure 2 2. Paccha from p erspective showing chakitaklla with urpu and ear of maize. 75 South America, Central Andes, Inka 1440 1540 C.E. Ceramic. 13 x 5 x 3 in. (37 x 15 x 12 cm) 1989.8.161. Photos courtesy of Michael C. C arlos Museum Emory University, Atlanta; Gift of William C. and Carlos W. Thibadeau. B) Profile perspective showing chakitaklla (foot plow) with urpu (jar) and ear of maize. 75 Paccha (Ritual Watering Vessel). 1440 1540 C.E. Ceramic 13 x 5 x 3 in. (37 x 15 x 12 cm) Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, Atlanta http://www.carlos.emory.edu/conte nt/paccha ritual watering vessel (accessed October 31 20 13 ).
31 Figure 2 3 Paccha in profile showing chakitaklla with urpu and ear of maize. 76 South Amer ica, Central Andes, Inka 1440 1540 C.E. Ceramic. 13 x 5 x 3 in. (37 x 15 x 12 cm) 1989.8.161. Photos courtesy of Michael C. C arlos Museum, Emory University, Atlanta; Gift of William C. and Carlos W. Thibadeau. 76 Paccha (Ritual Watering Vessel). 1440 1540 C.E. Ceramic, 13 x 5 x 3 in. (37 x 15 x 12 cm). Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, Atlanta. http://www.carlos.emory.edu/content/paccha ritual watering vessel (accessed October 31, 2013).
32 CHAPTER 3 KEROS November 16, 1532 mark s the date of the infamous encounter between the Inka ruler Atahualpa 1 and Spanish conquistador Francisco Pizarro Gonzlez, as described by both Spanish and Andean chroniclers. The first widely circulated Spanish account of this encounter was written by ey e witness Francisco de Xerez. Subsequent versions were written by other Spaniards and the native authors Titu Cusi Yupanqui, El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, and Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. The exact details of the encounter vary by chronicler, 2 but Yupanqui 1571 C.E. ) version, written in 1570 C.E. alludes to an interesting component absent from the others: the offering of aqha in a golden aquilla to Francisco Pizarro. 3 According to this account, Atahualpa, while staying in the city of Cajamarca (See Map in Figure 2 1 ) received two of Francisco Hernando de Soto and Hernando Pizarro) sometime before the day of November 16, 1532. In an act of hospitality, he offered Hernando Pizarro a golden aquilla and de Soto a si lver aquilla filled with aqha but instead of drinking it, they poured out the liquid. 4 Then the Spaniards offered Atahualpa either a letter or a book 1 Alternate spellings include Atawalpa, Ata Wallpa, Atahuallpa, and Atabalipa 2 For a synthesis and critical literary int Latin American Research Review 26 (1991) 3 Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, An Inca A ccount of the Conquest of Peru, trans. Ralph Bauer (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2005), 59 62. See also Cristiana Bertazoni, W es tern Amazonian Indians on Inca C olonial Q eros Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia So Paulo 17 (2007): ; Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 15 17. Cummins notes that Titu Cusi Yupanqui says that Titu Cusi Yupanqui purposely conflated the events of two separate days because he saw them as a offering of aqha in aquillas 4 Titu Cusi Yupanqui, An Inca A ccount 59 62. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 1 6
33 (Yupanqui is unsure of which) and explained to him that it was the quillca (word) of god or of the king. 5 Still offended by their refusal of aqha importance to the Spaniards, the Sapa Inka (emperor) threw it on the ground and told them to leave. The two Spaniards did and relayed their encounter to their companions. Meanwhi le, Atahualpa also left Cajamarca due to altercations with one of his brothers. While away and staying in a town near Cajamarca called Huamachuco, he received word that the Spaniards had returned to Cajamarca. So, Atahualpa and his entourage, with little c oncern for the few Spaniards who had gathered, set out for Cajamarca, only bringing with them lassos and knives for hunting and skinning llamas. On November 16, 1532, the Spaniards met Atahualpa and his entourage at the springs of Conoc near Cajamarca, wh ere Atahualpa offered Francisco Pizarro a drink in the same manner as drink and Pizarro poured it out. Angered by Pizarro and his men, Atahualpa furiously decreed that he wished nothing to do with them. 6 cries as an excuse to kill his entourage, kidnap Atahualpa, and later execute him -even after the Inka had paid the ransom demanded by Pizarro. 7 Whether or not this story represents a n accurate account of this historic moment matters little to the larger point. Instead, this colonial account sheds light on the great importance of aquillas and keros to the Inka. Through keros the Inka achieved a system of visual representation that was understood throughout the Andes. Similar to 5 Titu Cusi Yupanqui, An Inca A ccount 59 62. Quillca 6 Ibid., 59 62. 7 Titu Cusi Yupanqui, An Inca A ccount 69 See also Cummins, Toa sts with the Inca 15; Bertazoni 322.
34 how Pachacuti integrated traditional Andean religion with Inka ideology, the Inka supplanted local pre existing kero traditions. 8 In other words, keros were not invented by the Inka. Indeed, beakers similar to I nka keros have a genealogy that dates back to as early as the Moche civilization (between 100 750 C.E.), but they achieved more complex developments in Tiwanaku (between 400 and 1000 C.E.). 9 Around 1200 C.E., a number of small ethnic groups began t o assert their power and by around 1450 C.E., they had virtually created a widespread Imperial culture. 10 By the time of the Spanish Conquest in 1532 C.E., the majority of the vast territory of Andean South America had been unified into a single political e ntity : Tawantinsuyu This empire included parts of the modern countries of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, and Chile, encompassing approximately 350,000 square miles. 11 The method the Inka used to initiate the incorporation of new territories w as simple. The Inka emperor Inka region where he would either meet face to face or via messengers with the curacas ( regional leaders) of that area. The Sapa Inka would say to them that he came in peace a nd only wished to bring their territory under his protection, to bring their people under his knowledge and 8 268. 9 Little is known about the early ritual use of keros in the Andes but archaeological remains do show clear evidence of an interest i n fancy drinking cups, including keros from Nazca (1 700 C.E.), Chim (900 1470 C.E.), Sicn ( 900 1350 C.E.), and Moche ( 100 750 C E ) cultures, see Jorge A. Flores Ochoa, Elizabeth Kuon Arce, and Roberto Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, arte inka en vasos ceremo niales 11. The archaeological evidence, such as kero and aqha brewery remains, from Tiwanaku does suggest that they used keros in a similar ritual feasting and drinking manner as the Inka. However, ritual shatte ring of these vessels occurred at Tiwanaku, whereas this is not evident among the Inka. For more on keros at Tiwanaku, see Tiwanaku: Ancestors of the Inca. Denver ( Denver Art Museum, 2004 ), especially 133 135. 10 eological Cultural Area of Peru 11 McEwan, The Incas 3
35 12 If the curacas accepted were bestowed upon them. 13 Inka keros and aquillas were symbols of both reward and punishment, or as Tawantinsuyu 14 If the Inka gift was not accepted, the Inka attacked and if vict orious, they decapitated the curacas made their heads into drinking vessels, and used their arms to beat drums made from their skin. 15 Outside of Cuzco, keros were given to curacas at various levels of authority, and their distribution probably extended be yond the rank of curacas 16 Approximately two thirds of all known Inka keros are between five and seven inches tall. 17 Two vessel shapes were commonly used: one with its narrowest circumference at the base that expands until it reaches its maximum width at the lip ( Figure 3 1 ) and the second with an hourglass shape with its narrowest circumference near the middle of the vessel ( Figure 3 2 ) 18 Inka keros exhibit a limited number of 12 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 80. 13 Relacin del origen, descendencia, politica Tres r el a ciones de antigedades peruanas ed. M. Jimenz de la Espada [Asuncin, Paraguay: Editorial Guaran, 1950], 46), quoted in Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 80 14 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 91. See also W estern Amazonian 32 4 325. 15 Thomas B.F. Cummins 7a e. Five Q ueros in The Colonial Andes: T apestries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed. ( New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), 136. 16 Cummins, 274. See also Cummins, 7a e. Five Q ueros 135. 17 Cummins Toasts with the Inca 25. The total height of the Harn kero is on the taller end of this spectrum at six and a half inches. Without its foot, it would fall on the shorter end of this spectrum at approximately four and a half inches tall 18 Both types were found together in an Inka grave from a single contact period site at Ollantaytambo, suggesting that there was not a sequential development. See Cummins Toasts with the Inca 25.
36 decorative, abstract geometric d esigns and are generally embellished with finely incised straight lines joined at angles to form sharp, rectilinear shapes ( Figure 3 3 ). 19 These patterns were typically arranged in two to four horizontal registers. Aquillas were eithe r incised on the exterior surface or decorated using a repouss technique, and many bear the same designs found on keros ( Figure A 1 ). 20 The most common motif among them is a series of four to five concentric rectangles. 21 Keros and a quillas were made in pairs from silver, gold, or wood, often from the same sheet of metal or block of wood. 22 Kero scholarship has cited various types of wood for the production of these vessels. 23 Scientific analysis is still needed to identify the specific type of wood from which the Harn kero is made. The archeological record indicates that fine ceramic keros were also made, but their almost complete exclusion from colonial texts indicates that they had much less prestige than the metal or wooden cups. 24 Co ncerning the politics of Tawantinsuyu the material of the drinking cups 19 Cummins 7a e. Five Q ueros 136. 20 Ibid., 136. 21 Ibid., 136. 22 23 The Inca W orld: T he D evelopment of P re Columbian Peru, A.D. 1000 153 4, ed. Laura Laurencich Minelli (N orman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000), 220. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 23; Bertazoni, W 323; Cummins, 7a e. Five Q ueros 135, 183. guayacan ( Guaiacum sp.), algarrobo ( Ceratonia sp.), cedar ( Cedrus sp.), or chachacomo ( Escellonia resinosa ). Cummins and Bertazoni cite montaa In The Colonial Andes Cummins cites Escellonia but also Prosopis and Alnus 24 Cummins Toasts with the Inca 30, 31. According to Cumm ins, t here is no specific Quechua entry for ceramic kero shaped vessels in the earliest Quechua dictionaries. He cites this as well as their lack of mention in colonial texts as indicative of their lower status in the hierarchy of vessel materials.
37 demarcated different levels of the hierarchical order, although the exact correspondence is not known. 25 Keros occupied a privileged place in Inka cultural production and social inte raction. 26 The fact that they were made in pairs points to their potential for creating social bonds between the two people drinking from them as well as the respective groups represented by them. 27 That relationship was predicated upon the moiety division o f ayllu communities into upper and lower halves. An ayllu is an Andean community formed of a number of lineage groups. 28 The ayllu was organized into kin based moieties called hanan (upper /right ) and hurin (lower /left ), and each moiety was ranked by age and had a curaca (regional leader ) 29 The Inka capital of Cuzco was divided into hanan and hurin as was every province of Tawantinsuyu For instance, Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu were considered hanan, while Collasuyu and Kuntisuyu were understood as hurin 30 The se dual social and symbolic categories continued into the colonial period. Each pair of keros acts as a materialization of these social divisions. 31 Kero and aquilla pairs embodied the concept of complementary opposition both in their production and in the way they were used in ritual: each vessel in a pair, 25 Cummi ns, Toasts with the Inca 107. See also Cummins, 7a e. Five Q ueros 136. 26 270. 27 estern Amazonian 323. 28 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 40. Each lineage group is also called an ayllu 29 Ibid., 40. 30 ), 37 31 274.
38 u nderstood as hanan or hurin was exchanged in festivals to affirm the solidarity of the two. 32 Reflecting ayllu organization, Andean feasts were also spatially organized according to hanan and hurin aff iliation, as well as the age ranking of each lineage group. 33 The Inka took control of the Andean feast as a way of validating their authority. By obligating curacas (regional leaders) to hold communal feasts, both the Inka and the community would hold a c uraca responsible if the requirement was not filled and could replace him. 34 The primary role under Inka rule was to bind his community and bring its resources to the Inka. 35 Andean feasts were usually held to honor a deity, to mark some aspect of t he agricultural calendar, or to celebrate a special event. 36 These feasts were ritual acts of reciprocity and provided a communal means of venerating the 37 They also conveyed communal solidarity, and when the entire community participated, the feasts indicated the elevated status and marked his obligation to the community. 38 The intent of the exchange of food and drink was to signify that one gave and received back what was needed to maintain the vitality of the 32 Thomas B.F. Cummins, Silver Threads and G olden Needles n The C olonial Andes: T apestries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed ( New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), 7 8. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 108 113. 33 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 41. 34 Ibid., 100. 35 Ibid., 100. 36 Cummins Toasts with the Inca 41. See also W estern Amazonian 323. 37 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 41. 38 Ibid., 41.
39 nce. 39 Inka k eros and aquillas were present in many of these Andean rituals and celebrations. 40 The status of keros and aquillas in Inka production quintessential rel igious and social crop. 41 Even though maize was eaten as food during Inka feasts, its symbolic importance was recognized in the drink. Only after the meal had been eaten would the second part of the feast, the drinking, begin. 42 Aqha was the most important e lement in these feasts and it was drunk using keros and aquillas According to Cummins, Andean gender relations were also on display in the way that keros and aquillas were manipulated in Inka rituals. 43 This aspect is much clearer in colonial visual eviden ce than in textual descriptions, in part because Spanish chroniclers focused more on describing social and political relations rather than gender relations. Cummins asserts that in many ( but not all ) of the colonial images involving keros males assume a superior position by consuming the drink. 44 As an example, he cites an illustration from Nueva cornica y buen gobierno (1615) that depicts an Inka earth breaking ritual after which keros or aquillas would likely have been used (Figure A 2 ) drawing shows a female carrying the two kero vessels toward the men tilling the soil, and according to Cummins, this illustrat es that it 39 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 41. 40 Bertazoni, W 323. See also Cummins Toasts with the Inca 40. 41 Cummins Toasts with the Inca 39. 42 Ibid., 39. 43 44 Ibid., 276.
40 was the women who transported aqha while the men were the ones who likely consumed it 45 He also cites descriptions of feasts in which rows of men sit facing each other exchanging toasts while the woman sit back to back with the men and refill the aqha that they have both produced and transported in order to reaffirm his assertion 46 Yet, neither the men nor women in this particular image are actually shown drinking from keros therefore it seems presumptuous to assume that only the men would have drunk from them. As we will see, there are other colonial images that do show females drinking from keros and in Chapter 5, I assert that female Capacocha sacrificial victims also drunk from keros It would not be correct to suggest that females were equal to men in Inka society, but based on Andean cosmological notions of opposing dualities and co lonial visual evidence, such as drawings by Guaman Poma, it would be fair to say that women played an important role in Inka rituals aimed at maintaining cosmological stability. Keros and aquillas were more widely used to feast the dead, as depicted by Gu aman Poma and substantiated by archaeology. 47 Similar to the Andean feasts that were held on special occasions, the Inka would line up the mummies of the past Sapa Inkas (emperors) in two rows in the main plaza of Cuzco for daily toasts and feasts. The mumm ies were divided according to hanan and hurin and were accompanied by servants who would send keros and aquillas filled with aqha to one another as moiety 45 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El p rimer nueva cornica y buen gobierno (C openhagen: A Digital Research Center of the Royal Library, 1615), accessed August 7, 2013, http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpa ge.htm 46 276. 47 William Harris Isbell, Mummies and M ortuary M onuments: A P ostprocessual P rehistory of C entral Andean S ocial O rganization (Austin: University of Texas Press 1997), 173. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 28.
41 representatives. 48 The reigning Sapa Inka would join the ceremony and sit on an usnu (throne and altar complex) in the center of the plaza next to a golden image of the sun. 49 Together, the sun and the Sapa Inka would also send cups of aqha to the mummies. 50 These daily feasts replicated the traditional Andean feasts that were held at the ayllu community lev el. Inka feasts with the dead help to further illustrate the political roles of keros in Andean communities, but they also suggest that keros had an association with life and death before the Conquest. Feasts were not only a means of demonstrating Inka aut hority, but were important for agricultural production, as illustrated in Guaman back to Figure A 2 ). Agriculture and the circulation of fluids necessary for a successful harvest had a direct association with life. According to Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, the seven keros can be divided into three different categories: 1) toasts to a good maize harvest 2) toasts to the dead 3) to asts to the deities, especially Inti Tayta the sun. 51 These three categories allude to the relationship with life, through agriculture, and death. Toasting to the sun and to a good maize harvest, with maize beer, create s a similar dichotomy to what paccha (refer back to Figure s 2 2 and 2 3 ). The Inka, in an act of reciprocity, held up the keros containing the very thing they hoped to receive in return. Toasting to the d ead, on the other hand, indicates that the Inka understood death to be necessary for the continuation of life. This may be best 48 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 104 49 Ibid., 104. 50 Ibid., 104. 51 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros 30.
42 which he demonstrates the relationship between Inka festivities and aqha ( Figure A 3 ). 52 In this image, each of the serving vessels, the urpu and four keros, is associated with aqha 53 The Inka ruler is drinking from a kero while a fantastical flying creature offers another cup to the anthropomorphic sun. Guaman Poma notes that it was a time of harvest and abundance, a time when the earth rests, and when the Inka played and the storehouses were filled. 54 of complementary d uality. The earth resting can be interpreted as a time of death directly after the earth has given its gifts (or given birth), while the abundant harvest and full storehouses would perpetuate life until the next harvest. Another likely reference to death i s that this harvest took place during the month of June. In the Andes, June is t he time of the winter solstice when the sun is at its weakest. T he inscription and illustration both allude to the association with the agricultural cycle and relate to the circulation of fluid in order to ensure a successful harvest. The offering of aqha to the sun in this image reiterates the role of reciprocity in that the sun, like fluid, is necessary for all life, which is sustained by the cultivation of maize. When Inka illapa, aya further association 52 Guam a n Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva cornica 246  See also Me lissa Goodman Elgar Chicha n Drink, Power, and Society in the Andes ed Justin Jennings and Brenda J. Bowser ( Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009 ), 87 53 Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva cor nica 245  246 . See also Goodman Elgar 88. 54 Goodman Elgar 88.
43 with fluid and death ( Figure A 4 ). 55 In this image, the Sapa Inka and the In ka queen pour aqha into an urpu in offering to the departed ruler and his deceased wife. This image stands in contrast to as it shows an Inka woman actually drinking from a kero next to the male ruler. The departed ru ler sits on a low stool while the mummified qu een kneels to the right of him. As stated above, mummies of previous rulers and their principal wives were commonly brought out during ritual festivals that involved drinking aqha from keros and aquillas Const ance Classen explains that as repositories of authority and tradition, these royal mummies represented the sun. 56 However, as sacred mediators, they were more closely related to rain and fluidity. 57 The use of the term lllapa (lightning), to refer to the Ink a dead 58 This connection can be visually observed in the rain like stream of aqha being poured into the jar in Guaman Poma illustration. The mummy of Inka Roq'a (the sixth Sapa Inka), who is credited with pr oviding Cuzco with its water supply, was believed to have the ability to attract rain. 59 The Spanish Jesuit missionary, Bernab Cobo wrote that whenever there was a need f ields and highlands, and this was believed to be in large measure responsible for 55 Guama n Poma de Ayala El primer nueva cornica 287  56 Classen, Inca C osmology 92. 57 Ibid., 92. 58 Ibid., 92. 59 Pedro de Sarmie nto de Gamboa,. The History of the Incas, t rans. and ed. Sir Clements Markham (Project Gutenberg, 1572), a ccessed May 18, 2013, http://archive.org/details/historyoftheinca20218g ut XIX. See also Classen Inca Cosmology 92.
44 bringing rain. 60 Thus, daily interaction with Inka mummies further reiterates their association with the cosmological circle of life, perpetuated through fluids. Anoth er intrinsic link between keros and cosmological notions of life and death lies in funerary towers called chullpas Keros were placed above lintels in these structures in the southern Andes and, according to Cummins, were also surely linked in some way to communion with the ancestors. 61 When a person died, his or her corpse was wrapped in a mummy like bundle and placed in the fetal position, surrounded by food, liquid refreshments, and a few personal objects. 62 The fact that mummies were placed in the fetal p osition may suggest a relations hip between life and death. It was well understood that the person who died was reborn in the after life where he or she still had needs and was tended to by th ose close to him or her in life. 63 However, the fetal position ( as suming the I nka were aware of its symbolism) also refers to the idea of life in the womb and birth. 64 Even if the Inka did not fully conceive of this connection, t he presence of keros reiterates the essential need for fluids even in the after life. Now tha t we have seen how keros looked and how they were used in pre Conquest Inka 60 Cobo, History of the Inca 125. 61 28. 62 Lucy C. Salazar, Variations in the Expression of Inka power: A S ymposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 18 and 19 October 1997 ed. Richard L. Burger et al. (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2007), 174 See also Guama n Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva cornica 293 [ 295 ] and 294  63 Minelli, 9. 64 There is no documented proof (that I am aware of) that the Inka knew that the position they placed their dead in was the same as the position of a fetus inside a womb. However, there is evidence that earlier Andean cultures were aware of the fetal position. For example, the ancient Chinchorro culture of southern Peru and Chile is known to have performed surgeries, and in a few instances actually mummified fetuses. It seems plausible that this knowledge was spread and underst ood over time throughout the Andes. For more information about Chinchorro mummies, see Bernardo T. Arriaza Beyond Death: The Chinchorro Mummies of Ancient Chile ( Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995 ).
45 contexts, we must shift our attention to their appearance and use during the colonial period. As access to silver and gold required for the production of aquillas decreased under colonial rule, wooden keros experienced a comparative florescence. 65 Thousands of polychrome wooden keros were made during the colonial period, with many examples now in museums and private collections around the world. 66 Most colonial exa mples follow the traditional Inka kero shapes and designs except that the imagery became more figural and representational. Furthermore, polychromy became a key colonial development as colonial keros began to be inlaid with a substance called mopa mopa, an exudate of the tropical plant Elaeagia pastoensis M ora 67 The surface of a kero was first prepared by excavating the shapes of the figures. The gum from the leaf of the mopa mopa was then mixed with different pigments (such as cinnabar for red), heated, pr essed into a flat sheet, cut into the desired shape, and placed into the excavated areas on the surface so that it was flush with the surface of the vessel. 68 This inlay process was used for the earliest known polychrome keros and continued to be use d throughout the colonial period. 69 M opa mopa inlay became the polychromatic technique of choice and was used throughout the 65 Cummins 35a d. Four Q ueros 182. This is due in large part to the Spanish exploitation of Andean silver and gold mines, in addition to the melting down of gold and silver objects classified under the 66 Cummins 35a d. Four Q ueros 182. 67 Ibid., 182. 68 Stone Miller and Size, Seeing with New E yes 27 4. See also d. Four Q ueros 182 ; Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 49. Mopa mopa plants grow in Colo mbia in the Putumayo River region. 69 d. Four Q ueros 182.
46 Andes to embellish keros with rich, colorful iconography. 70 Although the technique is completely different from painting, the finishe d result makes the images appear, at least to the untrained eye as if they were painted. 71 In fact, Andean artists using the inlay technique seem to have been trying to emulate the appearance of European images in order to depict their own past and their o wn rituals on these sacred objects, using their own Andean techniques to do it. 72 keros with figures arranged in pictorial compositions are an entirely colonial phenomenon, most of the imagery remain ed iconographically informed by A ndean traditions and contexts. 73 The Harn kero is a prime example of this although, as previously mentioned, the resin has worn off making many of the empty incisions clearly visible. However, in its prime the Harn kero would have easily fooled Spanish eye s and as we will see, its motifs are direct references to indigenous traditions and associations pertaining to cosmological notions of life and death The footed shape of the Harn kero ( See Figure s 1 1 and 1 2 ) is also probably a product of colonialism, as it is vaguely similar to a Spanish wine goblet or chalice. The foot of the Harn kero is not necessary for functionality. The hollowed interior of the cup does not extend into the foot. In other words, if the foot were to be removed, the body of the cup could probably stand on its own and would be more or less the same shape as a more traditional Inka kero Not much has been said about the footed aspect other than a discussion by Cummins about how social and mo ral conditions of drinking entered 70 Ibid., 182. 71 Ibid., 182. 72 Ibid., 182. 73 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 12 1 and 137.
47 Andean life after colonization and that the footed shape (since it is reminiscent of wine drinking goblets) may have been added in order to draw attention to these new social tropes. 74 B of the subject, h e explains how drunkenness was negatively perceived by the Spanish and how part of the native population might have also begun to see it negatively. However, footed keros number far less than their non footed counterparts, so if they were meant as a message of criticism, it was much less important than the greater message presented by keros to indigenous people s The footed shape of the Harn kero may prompt inquiry as to whether this type of vessel could have gained parallel associations t o the chalice used in Holy Communion, a ritual in which Christians eat and drink bread and wine that have been transubstantiated into the body of Christ. Cummins describes a group of four goblet shaped colonial keros one decorated with Christian iconograp hy but with Andean men and women, which suggest s that at least a few keros might have had a liturgical function in a native Christian context. 75 However, he states that these are the only such examples. The Harn kero lacks any overtly Christian iconography. The only two elements of the Harn kero that c ould be read as relatable to Christian ideology are its footed shape and its Antisuyu referents (to be discussed in Chapter 5). Yet, it is important to remember that during the colonial period, most keros were produced by native Andeans in rural areas, away from urban areas that were more profoundly influenced by the Spanish. And even today, many of these smaller communities still 74 Ibid., 221 223. 75 Ibid., 220
48 adhere to certain Inka traditions. Therefore it seems highly unlikely that eithe r of these element s of the Harn kero w as meant to advocate for European social norms or religion. After the famous November encounter and the subsequent execution of the Sapa Inka Atahualpa (emperor) the Inka continued to forcefully resist Spanish forces for the next forty years. During these first forty years of Spanish occupation, the Inka system of representation continued with very little alteration in areas where it was clearly established. 76 Inka resistance was followed by both small and large indige nous rebellions throughout the colonial period. 77 A relative amount of freedom was allowed to native artists prior to 1570 (thirty eight years after the Conquest) but after that date political events marked the end of native autonomy in Peru. 78 By the begin ning of the seventeenth century, polychrome keros were being made and sold in the marketplaces of the sierras. 79 The commodification of polychrome keros and other indigenous items actually ensured their continuation, despite attempts at prohibition in the c olonial period. 80 John H. Rowe, an early authority on Peruvian archaeology, identified two chronological periods of colonial keros based on style. Those in the first period were keros and began to be produced approximately 1600 C.E., 76 Ibid., 1 40 77 Ibid., 14. 78 The two primary political events are: the Taqui Onkoy Cummins Toasts with the Inca 1 44 150 79 Cummins Toasts with the Inca 11, 210 80 Ibid., 12
49 almost seventy years after the Conquest. 81 They are identified by their simple, repetitive, and geometric portrayal of human figures, in ways similar to traditional Inka art. 82 In these, the physical space that is painted is usually divided into four registers by rainbows emanating from feline mouths. 83 Many archaic colonial keros include images of the Sapa Inka and his wives ( coyas ). 84 Keros of the second period, ee ), which began to be produced by approximately 163 0 C.E., show greater realism and a wider variety of human poses. 85 Rowe makes clear that the different styles slowly evolved, coexisted, and did not immediately replace each other. Based on these two categories, the Harn kero fits best into the late colonia l period, and is probably from the seventeenth or even eighteenth century, when kero became more elaborate. 86 For example, the scene on the top register consists of ove around the cup. One can also comprehend a narrative of people hunting or hiking in the jungle. However, aspects from the archaic period can also be seen, such as the division 81 John H. Rowe, The C hronology of Inca W ooden C i n Essays in P re Columbian A rt and A rchaeology, ed Samuel K. Lothrop ( Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961 ), 327 328. See also Bertazon 238; Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 11, keros did not exist before 1600 C.E., just that a cohesive style among keros can start to be identified. As stated in the prev ious paragraph, polychrome keros quickly became the new method of production around 1570. 82 Diana Fane, Converging C ultures: A rt & I dentity in Spanish America ( New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996 328. 83 sentations of W 324. 84 Ibid., 324. 85 327 328. See also Fane, Converging C ultures 199 ; Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 180. 86 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 209
50 into four bands. And although the colored stripes that separate each part are not emanating Indigenous symbolic expressions clearly did not die out following the Conquest. Inka signs and symbols can be found throughout colonial art. Moreover, an understanding between t he Andeans and the Spanish was facilitated through these signs; the more complex the message, the more frequently such symbols were utilized. 87 In Peru, this symbolic communication may be most clearly perceptible in works from the Andean region that extends from Cuzco to Potosi. 88 There, for example, the presence of small square geometric motifs called tocapu ( the Inka rank insignia found on textiles) on keros and aquillas confirms the persistence of this "dialogue of memory" between native Andeans and the Sp anish during the colonial period. 89 As we will see in the next two chapters, the iconography on the Harn kero also participa tes in this dialogue of memory. The ongoing creation and use of pieces such as staffs for ritual dances, staffs of authority (varas), garment pins ( tupus and ttipquis), and keros confirms that these objects represent a tradition deeply rooted in indigenous culture. 90 Thus far, we have seen keros acting largely as socio political objects during the Inka Empire and, briefly, the colon ial period. Yet, as suggested by Flores Ochoa and Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, keros had a strong cosmological importance within the Inka Empire and were used to establish social, political, and religious 87 in The Colonial Andes: T apestries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed. ( New York: Metropolit an Museum of Art, 2004), 63. 88 Martin 63. 89 Ibid., 63. 90 Ibid., 63.
51 relations. 91 Before moving on, it should be made clear that in cultures with divine kingship, religion and politics are not always distinct. The Inka would not have thought about religion and politics in the same manner as we do today, as governing was inextricably bound with the gods and cosmology. For this reason, aspects of political and cosmological content can be read in the iconography on the Harn kero beaker. The following two chapters will exa mine this iconographic content and how it related to pre Conquest cosmological associations with the circ le of life. One of the most common themes among colonial keros and that most prevalent on the Harn kero refers to Antisuyu and its inhabitants. 91 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 20. See also Bertazoni, of W 321 322.
52 Figure 3 1. Line drawing of kero with narrowest circumference at its base.
53 Figure 3 2. Line drawin g of hourglass shaped kero
54 Figure 3 3. Drinking Vessel ( Kero ) 92 South America, Peru, Inka late 15th early 16th century Wood ( escallonia ?). 5 in. (12.7 cm) 1994.35.11. Photo courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; Bequest of Arthur M. Bu llowa, Arthur M. Bullowa Bequest, 1993. Reproduction of any kind is prohibited without express written permission in advance from the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 92 Drinking Vessel (Kero) Late 15 th early 16 th century, Wood ( escallonia ), 5 in. (12.7 cm) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, New York. Available from ARTstor, http://www.artstor.org (accessed October 30. 2013). This image was available for publication under the ARTstor Terms and Conditions of Use and through the Images for Academic Publishing (IAP) initiative.
55 CHAPTER 4 ANTISUYU As described earlier, the top register of the Harn kero features two humans one monkey, three stylized trees, and ucchu flowers. The three trees and the monkey likely allude to the tropical environment of the Eastern suyu of Tawantinsuyu : Antisuyu Antisuyu is generally defined as being the warm Amazonian areas to the east of Cuzco 1 Interestingly, it seems that Q erocamayocs (those specializing in qero [ kero ] making) were also from the east of the empire, living on the eastern forested slopes known as the montaa, located between Cuzco and the trop ical Amazonian basin. 2 Though technically in Antisuyu these communities have adhered more strongly to the Andean k ero making tradition and even today refer to themselves as 3 Furthermore, the wood used to make the keros as well as the mopa mopa use d for the colored resins derives from the tropical jungle covered areas to the east of the Andes. 4 There is no precise geographical definition of Antisuyu Bertazoni summarizes the many discrepancies in her dissertation For instance, dictionaries have described it and Apurimac provinces, along with the northern part of Bolivia. 5 Antisuyu has also 1 Bertazoni Martins 22 2 Michael E. Moseley, The Incas and Their Ancestors: The Archaeology of Peru ( New York, N.Y.: Thames and Hudson, 1992), 29. See also Cummins Toasts with the Inca 24 ; also W 324. 3 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca ntations of W estern Amazonian In 4 d. Four Q ueros 183. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 23 5 23.
56 been characterized as all of the hot and humid areas beyond the Andean cordillera (mountain range). 6 Alternately, it has been described as the eastern slopes of the Andes (the montaa ), or sometimes only the eastern slopes of the Urubamba and Vilcanota cordillera near Cuzco. 7 Some descriptions of Antisuyu include the Inka re fugee city of Vilcabamba (approximately 70 miles northwest of Cuzco), while others describe it as reaching all the way to the Atlantic Ocean. 8 Finally, other discrepancies have arisen because towns associated with other suyus have been included as part of Antisuyu 9 A n explanation for this complexity is that even the Inka saw the exact position of Antisuyu as flexible and its borders fluctuated during different times, such as imperial expansion and Anti invasions from the lowlands. 10 Therefore, a very genera lized map of Tawantinsuyu territories has been included ( Figure 4 1 ). In this generalized version, Antisuyu is shown in green but the vast Amazon basin and the tropical rainforest area of South America have also been shaded in. If An tisuyu can be characterized as all of the hot and humid areas beyond the Andes, then this entire area could theoretically be considered Antisuyu The Inka referred to the inhabitants of the forest as Chunchus (or Chunchos ), Yungas and Antis 11 The preferr ed term for these Amazonian peoples varies by scholar but the Quechua word Antis (pl.) by itself is a collective name used to describe a great 6 23. 7 Ibid., 24 2 5 8 Ibid., 24 2 5 9 Ibid., 24 2 5 10 Ibid., 26 11 Dean, Culture of S tone 22; Cobo, History of the Inca 185.
57 variety of ethnic groups living in Antisuyu 12 The term Antis is just one way in which the Inka stereotyped groups of people of whom they had limited knowledge. Nonetheless, following Bertazoni, the term Antis will be used to describe the western Amazonian Indians such as the Piro, Ashan i nka, Cashinahua, Shipibo, Amuesha and Mach iguenga, among others. 13 The tenth Sapa Inka (emperor) Tupac Yupanqui, wanted to annex their territories into Tawantinsuyu primarily because he wanted access to lowland products such as exotic feathers, song birds, insecticides, coca, and medicinal herbs. 14 The area also supplied fine wood, gold, and the coveted palm tree, palmera de chonta used for making spears and other weapons. 15 While there is evidence from the colonial period that suggests the Antis did keros it is uncle ar if they actually produced them or simply acquired them through trade with the nearby 16 However it is plausible that they began to make some polychrome keros in order to participate in the growing demand from the Colla people in the southern sierr as or at the very least, they may have supplied the increased demand for wood. 17 T he Inka also wanted the labor of 12 321 322. 13 Ibid., 321 322. 14 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qero s, 169. See also Teresa Gisbert and Jos de Mesa uero T echnique in The Colonial Andes: T apestries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed. ( New York: Metropol itan Museum of Art, 2004), 181. 15 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 169. See also Margaret Ashley Towle, The Ethnobotany of Pre Columbian Peru (Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology. New York: Current Anthropology for the Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, 1962), 28. Towle has it listed as a peach palm or Guillielma gasipaes 16 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 2 09 210 17 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 209 210. Colla is also spelled Kolla or Qolla Today, Amazonian peop le produce manioc chicha and drink it from polychrome painted bowls, see Miriam T. Stark et al, Cultural
58 Antisuyu ethnic groups for the production of coca because highland farmers were unwilling to adapt to the humid weather. 18 Surviving walkways, way stations ( tambos ), bridges, roads, and terraces are evidence of connections between the Inka highlands and the Amazonian lowlands. 19 The most common theme that appears on colonial keros refers to Antisuyu In fact, visual references to Antisuyu and its inhabitants are much more frequent than to any other suyu of Tawantinsuyu 20 There are a number of indications that the main scene on the Harn kero refers to Antisuyu. The first and most obvious sign is the natural environment that surrounds the human f igures. They are surrounded by lush tropical seeming trees, two of which are reminiscent of palms, with a monkey in between them. The species of monkey on the Harn kero may be a mono machn negro ( Cebus apella) Figure A 5 ). 21 A variety of monkeys including the mono machn negro known to us as the tufted capuchin, are characteristic of the Amazonian region of Antisuyu 22 Furthermore, the tufted capuchin appears as a repeated motif on other colonial keros 23 Similar to t he monkey depicted on the Harn kero tufted capuchins have patches of dark fur throughout their bodies and this dark fur caps their heads, ending in a diagonal point between their eyes, directly above their noses. This leaves Transmission and Material Culture: Breaking Down Boundaries ( Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2008 ), 110 18 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Ar gumedo, Qeros, 169. 19 Ibid., 169. 20 324. 21 There are seven subspecies of Cebus apella but not all of them are actually black. Many have dark brown fur. 22 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argume do, Qeros, 83. 23 Ibid., 86.
59 the rest of their faces a ligh ter color. While the monkey on the Harn kero appears in profile and was primarily painted in a yellowish orange color, one can see that the artist extended the resin onto its forehead, leaving the visible side of its f ace free of resin Furthermore, tufted capuchins typically have long slender tails similar to that on the Harn kero The monkey was a symbol of lust in medieval Christian iconography, but in pre Conquest Andean religion the monkey was a god of construction. 24 From a European standpoint, it woul d be simple to interpret the monkey as a bad omen. 25 Yet these monkeys were easily domesticated, highly appreciated by the Inka, and were thought of as supernatural beings. 26 Additionally, I have not come across a single source that suggests that they were p art of the Inka diet. 27 T he monkey on the Harn kero was probably just a visual indicator of Antisuyu In addition to the tropical environment surrounding the figures that alludes to Antisuyu there are numerous other indications that the human figures on t he Harn kero represent Antis One sign that the humans on the Harn kero are Antis is that they carry bows and arrows the most common way of depicting Antis This is deducible based on the numerous other examples of colonial keros portraying Antis carrying bows and arrows ( Figure A 6 ). Another indication that the human figures on the Harn kero are 24 Okada Hiroshige Inverted Exoticism? Monkeys, Parrots and Mermaids in Andean Colonial Art i n The Virgin, Saints, and Angels: South American Paintings 1600 1825, from the Thoma Collection eds. Suzanne L. Stratton and Thomas B.F. Cummins ( Milan: SKIRA, 2006 ), 74. 25 For a discussion of monkeys in hybrid Mesoamerican and European imagery, see Jeanette Favrot Peterson. The P aradise G arden Murals of Malinalco: U topia and E mpire in S ixteenth C entury Mexico ( Austin: University of T exas Press, 1993) 104 105. 26 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 83. 27 From colonial accounts, it is unclear if monkeys were part of the Anti diet during and before the sixteenth seventeenth centuries. However, there is evidence that mon keys are part of some of the hunted for food in the past. See Carlos A. Peres Synergistic Effects of Subsistence Hunting and Habitat Fragmentation on Amaz onian Forest Vertebrates Conservation Biology 15 (2001): 1495.
60 Antis is their hair length. Both figures have long enough hair for it to be pulled back. Usually, Inka are depicted in kero imagery wearing helmets and have short hair, while Antis wear a sort of hat or headdress and have long hair. 28 According to Cummins, hair length is a very important attribute since it was an indication of social and political status among the Inka, with longer hair being u ndesirable. 29 Dress is commonly used to identify the ethnicity of humans on colonial kero imagery. Before the Conquest, Inka men wore short tunics, while women wore an ensemble consisting of an anacu (a large, untailored rectangular cloth worn wrapped aroun d the body) and a lliclla (shoulder mantle). 30 Unfortunately, the clothing worn by the Harn further contribute to their identification. Their clothing lacks typical Inka insignia and motifs, such as tocapu (abstract geometric designs) often found on Inka garb seen on other keros and it also lacks jaguar spots (visible in Figure A 6 ) that are commonly used to delineate the Antis on colonial keros The clothing on the Harn human figures do es however, seem to indicate the gender of each person. Actually, both the combination of different hair lengths and dress helps contribute to their gender identification. Looking at the rollout drawing ( Figure 1 3 ), the figure to the left appears to be male while the figure at the right is likely female. The artist of the Harn kero has made a point of distinguishing between them by depicting the male with shorter hair as well as delineating his legs from his body, whereas the female has long hair, an d her legs and feet are substituted by two geometric blocks that form 28 W 325. 29 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca estern Amazonian 325. 30 Elena Phipps , i n The C olonial Andes: T apestries and S ilverwork, 1530 1830 ed s. Elena Phipps et al. ( New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004 ), 20
61 the shape of a skirt. The question might arise as to why they would be shown wearing so many clothes if they live in the hot tropical region of the Amazon Basin? A possible explanation will be suggested shortly. There are various colonial keros depicting tropical forest animals, Amazonian wooden houses and, most frequently, scenes of battles between Inka and Antis 31 More significantly, no other ethnic group is represented in colonial An dean imagery engaged in battle with the Inka -it is almost always Antis 32 Usually, when kero imagery includes depictions of both Inka and Antis within the same scene, it is often an attempt to demonstrate Inka superiority over the Amazonian Antis For in stance, hierarchical oppositions where superiority/inferiority and civilized/uncivilized are represented by way of an Inka/ Antis juxtaposition can be seen on a kero from the Museo de Amrica, Madrid, Spain ( Figure A 7 ). In this scene, the Inka on the left are tall, wear short hai r along with helmets and tunics, and hold spears, whereas the Antis on the right are shorter, wear long hair and garments with jaguar spots, carry bows and arrows, and share their space with exotic animals such as birds and monkeys. Antis were often depicted wearing jaguar pelts because to the Inka, jaguar s and Ant i s were the same, each representing the savagery of the untamed jungle. 33 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo have identified a re presentation of a type of Inka building, a sunturhuasi, on the side showing the Inka as well. 34 A sunturhuasi was a distinctive, 31 W 324. 32 Ibi d., 324. 33 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 255. 34 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 172. See also of W 325.
62 sacred circular building used for solar observations. 35 Thus, the image sets up a dichotomy in which the Inka occupy the space of architecture while the Antis occupy the space of tropical plants and animals. This reminds the viewer that the Inka are civilized due to their architecture, military technology, and visual culture, while the Antis are not, at least not from an Inka perspe ctive. 36 In fact, in almost all colonial images of Antis both. 37 While the battle scenes, such as the one shown on the kero from the Museo de Amrica, usually do not show a clear winner between the two battling groups, the grand the Inka. In other kero images depicting battles between Inka and Antis the Antis are actually seen being killed or taken as prisoners by the Inka. 38 Some col onial keros even take the form of the decapitated heads of Antisuyu Indians ( Figure A 8 ). 39 Bertazoni asserts that this was a very clear way of demonstrating what happened to those who refused Inka authority and rebelled against Inka p ower, which the Antis were known to do. 40 She also claims that these battle scenes served simultaneously as Inka propaganda and as a device to maintain peace and avoid insurgences. 41 However, her explanation does not account for their colonial context, 35 Carolyn Dean, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colon ial Cuzco, Peru ( Duke University of Press, Durham and London, 1999 ), 47. 36 325. 37 Ibid., 325. 38 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 173. See also of W e 326. 39 See also Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 17 40 326. 41 Ibid., 326.
63 when the need for that kind of imperial propaganda was far less in demand. More likely, anthropomorphic colonial keros recount the imperial Inka practice, in which the heads of rebellious Anti s were taken as trophies and were transformed into drinking vessels. 42 This pre Conquest act was thus translated into carved wooden heads during the colonial period. Aside from the lowlands people being viewed as uncivilized, in comparison to the civilized people of the highlands perhaps the Inka also associated Antisuyu with d eath. In sixteenth century Peru, a giant serpent was a general attribute of Antisuyu 43 This is the green anaconda ( Eunectes murinus ). The green anaconda can grow to mo re than twenty nine feet long and weigh more than five hundred fifty pounds. 44 Whether or not the Inka or Spanish chroniclers directly encountered these elusive giants is questionable but they undoubtedly heard tales about them. The Spanish conquistador Pe dro Cieza de Len described how frightened the Inka were of the ferocious Anti warriors as well as the huge snakes and jaguars that also inhabited the jungle. 45 A mythological serpent called amaru was also believed to reside in this tropical region. 46 The Je suit friar Giovanni Anello Oliva referenced the mythical amaru in his account of the Inka Conquest over Antisuyu, 42 Cummins, T oasts with the Inca, 25 6. 43 Ibid., 96. 44 Green Anaconda http://animals.nationalgeographic.com/animals/reptiles/green anaco nda/ 45 Pedro Cieza de Len La crnica del Peru. Las g uerras c iviles p eruanas.  Madrid: Mo n umenta Hispano Indiana (1985) 120 Quoted in Bertazoni, estern Amazonian I ndians 327. 46 G isbert and Jos de Mesa ed in Quero T echnique 181.
64 fierce and terrible that it made him afraid, because it was as big as the largest land a 47 Furthermore, according to Spanish chronicler Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, the Inka, accustomed to the moderate climate of the Andean highlands, succumbed to rampant disease and dea lost as a result of disease during an Antisuyu invasion. 48 These accounts suggest that the Inka actually feared the Amazonian lowlands and saw it as a place of death. The scene on the Harn kero may allude to death if one also reads it as a reference to hunting. Even though the rollout drawing label s the human figures as a bit more ambiguous W hile the two humans are holding bows and arrows poised to shoot, it is unclear if the two Anti figures are actually hunting the monkey or if the bows and arrows are just included in order to identify them as Antis If they are indeed hunting, the scene takes on a much more apprehensive feeling, the sense of the impending death of a beloved creature to the Inka. However, t his explanation i s too simple and does not match the i ntellectual complex ity of other Inka modes of artistic expression. Under the guidelines of Andean cosmology, i f Antisuyu was associated with death, it must have also had association s with life Indeed, these complementary forces can be seen on the Harn kero when we consider the monkey and the trees as sy mbols of life. While the Amazon Basin is flourishing with trees and other vegetation, the highlands have comparatively little tree cover (one of the many reasons it was so 47 1631] ed. Carlos M. Glvez Pea (Lima 1998), 46 quoted in echnique 181 48 Sarmiento de Gamboa, The History of the Incas 124.
65 important to incorporate Antisuyu into Tawantinsuyu ). The monkey and especially the trees on the Harn kero seem to represent specific forms of life missing from the Andean highlands. Furthermore, wooden colonial keros that take the shape of decapitated heads of Anti warriors often consist of three horizontal stripes of different colors pa inted across the face (See Figure A 8 ). Scholars have noted that this was a typical way in which the highlanders represented tropical forest people, 49 but these stripes may also refer to rainbows. The Inka associated rainbows with rai n and fecundity and rainbow motifs tend to stand for the elements needed for a productive harvest. 50 abundant flora and fauna, along with its consistent rainfall, make it readily associable with life. (i.e., life) and death in colonial church faades in a style he calls the Andean Hybrid Baroque. 51 Many colonial period church faades have tropical, often inappropriately Antisuyu imagery as equivalent to the Christian Paradise or the Garden of Eden 52 After all, this tropical imagery did not appear in Andean art until well after the Conquest. However, Bailey has demonstrated that this connection was made explicit by colonial 49 325 50 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 2 66 267 51 Gauvin A. Bailey, T he Andean Hybrid Baroque: Convergent Cultures in the Churches of Colonial Peru ( Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010 ), 334, 337. 52 Teresa Gisbert, El paraso de los pjar os parlantes: L a imagen del otro en la cultura andina (La Paz: Universidad Nuestra Seora de La Paz, 1999), 166. See also Bailey, Andean Hybrid Baroque 335 Gisbert argues that some of the passion fruits in Andean Hybrid Baroque faades are actually pome El P araso en el Nuevo Mundo (1645 1650) in which Pinelo located the Biblical Eden in the Amazon Basin and elected the passion flower as the Tree of Knowledge.
66 churchmen. 53 In order to assist with proselytization, some colonial priests t aught that Antisuyu was the Christian Paradise because it lay to the East and because it vaguely matched the Biblical descriptions of Eden. 54 Yet it seems unlikely that native Andeans ever actually equated Antisuyu with paradise (or hell for that matter). A s Bailey puts it, Antisuyu but more critically it is also devoid of any sense of cyclical time and mutual reciprocity, that delicate balance between the altiplano and the lowlands that 55 Alternately, art historian Hiroshige Okada has argued that the tropical and mythical imagery found on colonial Andean architecture, especially church faades, is a I nverted exoticism supposedly occurs when this case, and then use this imagery to represent themselves. 56 I cannot say as to whether or not that was actually the case for colonial Andean architecture though I have my doubts I am even more reluctant to accept th is argument for the tropical imagery found on colonial keros There is no doubt that kero makers did adopt a form of pictorial representation from European imagery. However, keros as ritual objects, had profound meaning well before the C onquest but, n eedless to say, Christian churches did not. While the mode of depiction on keros certainly changed, much of their 53 Bailey, Ande an Hybrid Baroque 334 336. 54 Ibid., 335. 55 Bailey, Andean Hybrid Baroque 334 Altiplano also known as the Andean Plateau, is a Spanish word 56 149.
67 traditional meaning and use persisted through out the colonial period. Furthermore, tropical referents in colonial kero imagery allude to a literal geographic place T herefore keros c annot be explained as just a reimagining of European notions of some mystical paradise. Finally, i t is highly unlikely that colonial kero makers, who identified themselves with the Inka, chose to represent themselves as Antis (who they believed to be uncivilized ) in an effort to simply adhere to Spanish ideas of exoticism. These scenes that include the Antis harken back to events and rituals that had a long history before the arrival of the Spanish. Returning to kero imagery depicting Inka/ Antis in battle, it has been suggested that m ost of these Anti themed polychromatic pictorial scenes refer to, in one way or another, mock battles and dances in which keros were used, as well as to Andean agricultural rituals. 57 The Inka held these ritual battles, between people dressed as Inka and Antis during a month called Camay Quilla identified as either December or March. 58 The name is significant as it translates to mean something along the lines of keros it is very clear that the figures are actually Inka dressed up as Antis because Spanish style dress can be id entified beneath their tunics. 59 During these rituals before the Conquest, the youth of hanan and hurin Cuzco would line up against each other and use slings with fruits or thistles as projectile weapons. 60 Some of these ritual battles were so realistic that their participants were 57 Cummins 35a d. Four Q ueros 183. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 250. 58 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 250. 59 Fane, Converging C ultures 200. 60 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 250.
68 often hurt, sometimes fatally. 61 A two day feast followed the mock battle and included the mummies of past rulers, which were brought to the plaza and seated according to their hanan and hurin affiliations. 62 According to Cummins, th ese battles were staged in Tawantinsuyu as a means to reiterate imperial hierarchy and ayllu moiety structure. 63 During the following twelve days after the feast, people worked the fields, as this was the period in which the maize kernels first began to ger minate. 64 Thus, these rituals give us a glimpse of cosmological associations with the circle of life through the acts of metaphorical and sometimes literal death of the participants and life through the germination of maize. These battles, and subse quently their cosmological associations, continued in certain Andean communities throughout the colonial period and even continue to be staged today, albeit in a much less lethal form. It seems that most Anti themed colonial kero imagery including that on the Harn kero references this pr e Conquest Inka festival or more accurately, the contemporary ritual that had survived the Conquest 65 In light of all of this, two questions must be asked: 1) do any of these images of the Inka battling the Antis depict actual historical moments within Inka h istory and 2) what purpose would this type of image serve over a century after the Conquest? In 61 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 243. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 327. 62 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 25 1 63 Ibid., 250. 64 Ibid., 251. 65 T he line between purely Inka keros (as in imperial Inka before the Conquest ) and colonial keros is blurred. In fact, there is a whole gray area with very little distinction in kero scholarship between the imperial Inka and co lonial period. As discussed in Chapter 3, traditional Inka keros continued to be made up to at least forty years after the Conquest. Furthermore, Andean feasting and toasting traditions involving keros as well as moiety divisions, continued to play a ro le in Andean society throughout the colonial period.
69 short, most of these battle scenes probably do not refer to actual historical moments in Inka history, with the possibility of rare exceptions. For instan ce, Teresa Gisbert, a renowned Bolivian scholar of colonial Andean art, has identified the Sapa Inka (emperor) Tupac Yupanqui and his father Pachacuti in the process of conquering Ant isuyu on an eighteenth century wooden container called a coffer from the Cal lahuaya area (region of La Paz). 66 However, archaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic evidence suggests that most Anti themed scenes are indeed references to the pre viously discussed ritual battles and dances still performed today in Andean communities from Bolivia to Ecuador. 67 Most Anti themed kero imagery denotes the ritual in which the objects that contain such imagery could actually be used. 68 Furthermore, Inka battles against the Antis do not play a major role in Inka histories. 69 In fact, the Inka were often defeated by the Antis and were only able to subjugate a limited amount of the ethnic groups within Antisuyu 70 Thus, the few historical instances of Inka/ Antis battl es do not account for the ubiquitous Anti themed imagery on colonial keros Usually, both Inka and Antis are depicted simultaneously within the same image on colonial keros but the Harn work appears to show only Antis thus presenting somewhat of an unu sual case. 71 Even though the Harn counterpart is missing, it 66 Gisbert, El paraso de los pjaros parlante s 92. 67 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 250. 68 Ibid., 259. 69 Ibid., 250 70 326 327 71 There are other examples of keros depicting only Antis such as Figure A 6
70 is likely that the other vessel solely depicted the Inka together completing an Inka/ Antis juxtaposition 72 elements. R 73 The notion that most Anti themed colonial keros refer to ritual battles also explains why supposed native Antisuyu inhabitants are shown wearing so much clothing in such a hot and humid environment T he Harn kero figures likely wear such clothing because they are actually meant to represent highlanders dressed as Antis for these mock battle s The chilly climate and social norms of the highlands would have required festival participants to be fully d ressed, even as they represented semi nude lowlanders. 74 Indeed, Guaman Anti men and women half nude, wearing short skirts ( Figure A 9 ). 75 His drawings may very well portray Anti s more accurately than coloni al keros As to the question of what purpose would these types of images have served over a century after the Conquest, the a nswer is a bit more complex. Besides functioning as ritual vessels, keros served as a visual medium that acted as a form of Inka propaganda before the Conquest but as a form of anti colonial resistance in the following centuries. 76 C olonial keros and every thing else that revived or celebrated Inka 72 I have not come across a pair of colonial keros that depict two sides of a single story, but my access to keros has been limited to what museums and scholars have published. Furthermore, most keros do not survive in complete pairs adding to the difficulty of identifying a similar example to what I am s uggesting for the Harn kero 73 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 25 4 74 Maya Stanfield Mazzi, personal communication, September 16 2013. 75 Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva cornica 291  and 322 . 76 estern Amazo 321. See also Cummins, Toasts with the Inca, 59.
71 culture w ere seen as a threat to the Spanish colonial order, and from the Spanish perspective, it was imperative that these expressions were extinguished. 77 Therefore, a new method of visual communication had to b e instituted as there was a new audience to cater to. This audience no longer consisted of just Andean people but now included Spanish colonizers and Catholic missionaries, who were suspicious of indigenous artistic modes. While abstract symbols were the preferred method before the Conquest, pictorial compositions were the ideal method of communication during the colonial era. already seen references to the pre Conquest tradition of turning decapitated Anti trophy heads into drinking vessels translat e into anthropomorphic wooden keros after the Conquest. It seems that the tradition of performing ritual mock Inka/ Anti battles w as also translated into European style pictorial compositions during the colonial period. Perhaps the inclusion of a monkey o n the Harn kero a symbol of evil to the European eye that further allowed for its acceptance, both by Spanish and Andean audiences. More importantly t hough to Spanish eyes, the scene on the Harn kero would have appeared as a harmless hunting narrative but would have resonated a different meaning to an indigenous audience. In other words, kero producers like the one of the Harn vessel, were able to ove rtly maintain a connection to cosmological and political Andean traditions right before Spanish eyes. Essentially, the continuation of kero production after the Conquest suggests that despite the upheaval of colonization, the history of the Inka and their traditions continued to play an important role during the 77 resentations of W 327.
72 colonial period thanks, fundamentally, to indigenous agency. 78 Andeans used Inka traditions and mental structures in order to accommodate, resist, and survive within the new state of affairs imposed by the Spaniards. 79 Rather than showing the natives as passive recipients of European traditions, kero imagery instead demonstrates indigenous agency responding to the socio economic changes initiated in 1532. 80 Colonial keros allowed native Andeans to main tain a link to a religious past that had undergone a serious transformation during the colonial period, but not eradication. Each k ero within a pair would have likely been cosmologically related to aspects of life and death. This does not mean that each c up would have had imagery pertaining to only one of those aspects. For instance, Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu were both considered hanan (upper) in relationship to the Tawantinsuyu. However, in relationship to each other, Antisuyu took on the hurin (lower) as pect, while Chinchaysuyu took on hanan (upper). As we have seen, Antisuyu probably had associations with death either due to its extreme environment, its fearsome beasts, disease, through historical battle s with its inhabitants or through mock battles perf ormed in the highlands Yet, its verdant environment also associated Antisuyu with life. Furthermore, the mock ritual battles between highlanders dressed as Antis and Inka were associated with life in terms of agriculture, specifically the growth of m aize. We know that maize was used to create aqha and aqha played an integral role in the circulation of fluid and subsequently, life. W hile the Harn k ero seems to visually omit the Inka, they are still very present. ndants were the ones who produced these objects which 78 W 329. 79 Ibid., 329. 80 Ibid., 329.
73 were used in Andean feasts and rituals Secondly, the human figures who appear to be Antis are likely referring to mock battles in which the Inka dressed up as Antis Finally, the artist included numer ous depictions of ucchu a flower that primarily grows in the Peruvian highlands and was a sacred flower to the Inka.
74 Figure 4 1. Map of South America, highlighting the greatest possible extent of Antisuyu 81 81 Adapted from EuroHistoryTeache r, cropped to South America only by Kintetsubuffalo, "Inca Empire South America," Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Inca_Empire_South_America.p ng (accessed October 31, 2013).
75 CHAPTER 5 UCCHU The most frequent motif appearing on the Harn kero is a ucchu bloom. 1 The flowers appear in repeated form in the two lower registers and are also sporadically distributed within the pictorial scene in the top register (refer back to Figures 1 1 and 1 2 ) Cummins relates both ucchu and cantu flowers (another c ommon motif) to fecundity associated with an Andean ceremony called Chacra Yapuy Quilla 2 He also describes their association with aqha and agricultural festivals, and hy pothesizes that their depiction on colonial keros may refer to an ancient means of predicting the precise time to plant or harvest. 3 However, a 2013 ethnobotanical study of new world sages published by the Journal of Ethnopharmacology may she d light on n ew possibilit ies This study included a discussion of the medicinal properties of plants from the ucchu complex. More than five hundred species of Salvia (sage) are used medicinally and ritually in numerous traditions of folk healing among indigenous cultur es of North and South America. 4 ucchu is a medicinal plant complex within the species of Salvia that is used as a symbolic element in religious celebrations and in the treatment of respiratory ailments and nervous system illnesses in Peru. 5 The ucchu com plex contains seven 1 For a chart comparison of Andean plant identifications on keros including ucchu motifs see Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 80. Also, a special thanks to my thesis chair and advisor, Dr. Maya Stan field Mazzi, for helping to make the identification. 2 contemporary Andean communities. See Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 234. 3 Cummins, Toasts wi th the Inca 233. 4 Aaron A. Jenks and Seung Ethnobotanical Study of N ew W orlds S Journal of Ethnopharmacology 146 (2013) : 214. Capitalizations for biological classifications fol low this article. 5 Jenks and Kim 214 219, 220. See also Towle, Ethnobotany 74. Other common names for ucchu are uk'chu chucchu, salvia uqchu, puka uqchu ucchu ), and
76 species of Salvia from the Peruvian Andes. 6 Some of these flowers only grow between 9,842 and 11,155 feet above sea level and bloom in the Andes between the months of November and May. 7 These highland flowers are not typically found in the Amazon basin, or Antisuyu Species of ucchu are usually characterized by their red corollas or petals; 8 however, only the blossoms of some species are actually red. Three of the seven species have blue flowers and one has purple red flowers, leaving just three with red flowers. 9 The red flowers are those associated with the Inka. For them, these flowers were sacred and appear to have been specifically associated with nobility and authority. 10 For instance, ucchu has been identified in the headdresses of Inka nobles in the colonial period. 11 As we will see, ucchu was also likely associated with fluid and the circle of life before the Conquest, followed by similar associations in the colonial period that operated under new conditions. I have narrowed do wn the specific species of ucchu depicted on the Harn kero to three possibilities: Salvia dombeyi, Salvia oppositiflora and Salvia tubiflora All three of these species have red blooms and look similar in shape but can be distinguished by their varying s ize s and other minor characteristics, at least in nature. By looking at the saqraq uqchu ucchu ). he spelling from the study published by the Journal of Ethnopharmacology Margaret Towle also offers ucchchu as a spelling. 6 The seven species are: 1) Salvia oppositiflora Ruiz and Pvon 2) Salvia tubiflora Smith 3) Salvia dombeyi Epl 4) Salvia revolu ta Ruiz and Pav 5) Salvia sarmentosa Epl 6) Salvia rhombifolia Ruiz and Pav 7) Salvia occidentalis Swartz See P 219 7 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 76, 78. 8 219 9 Ibid., 219 221 10 Ibid., 222. 11 P 222. See also Dean, Inka Bodies 140
77 flowers on the Harn kero ( Figure 5 1 ), compared with actual ucchu blooms ( Figure 5 2 ), we can see striking similarities. For instance the petals are fairly long and slender. Many of the flowers on the Harn kero are a reddish orange color very similar to the color of ucchu blooms in nature. The Harn ucchu motifs split at the end into two or more points. Protruding from between the poi nted tips is the stigma rendered as two parallel incised lines. These long, slim protrusions are common in all three of the natural ucchu possibilities. However, the Harn kero depictions of ucchu are fairly stylized and are not scaled to size in compari son to the other pictorial elements. Therefore, I am reluctant to attach one specific species to the Harn kero ucchu motifs, as I suspect the three types were used somewhat interchangeably before and during the colonial period. In fact, the Harn kero may very well feature all three species based on the various sizes and bloom suspension angles. The first possible species, Salvia dombeyi is known for its beautiful flowers that are up to five inches long, the largest in the genus ( Figure 5 2 ). 12 Its flowers are red and pendulous. The blooms protrude out of a purple encasing (the sepal ), and often vertically suspended The plant itself can become woody with age and grow to over six feet tall when supported. 13 A perennial plant, Salvia do mbeyi is not commonly found in the wild. It requires shelter and support and is typically found in cultivation. 14 Furthermore, it is endemic to Peru and Bolivia where it, like other species of ucchu 12 P 220. See also Towle, Ethnobotany 74. Additional synonyms for Salvia dombeyi include Salvia longiflora and S alwiya (Aymara and Quechua) Towle refers to this specific species as capac 13 Ibid., 220. 14 Ibid., 222.
78 was a sacred plant of the Inka. 15 Common names for Salvia dombeyi include Llagas ujchu (Quechua) and yawarkuma (Quechua). 16 Quechua term llagas ujchu yawarkuma in Quechua. 17 Linguistically speaking, this suggests a relationship between ucchu and blood. Today in the Andes, Salvia dombeyi is cultivated for use in the religious festivals of Holy Week, where it is wrapped around the arms of the figure of Christ. 18 Its flowers are readily understood as representing the blood of Christ. Andean communities also use a tea of this plant for respiratory ailments. 19 In Andean folk healing practices, an infusion is good for infirmities of the liver, epilepsy, muscular debili ty, spasms, and colds and chills, and for urine retention. 20 For rheumatism and neuralgia, a liniment of the herb macerated in alcohol is massaged into the affected area, and leaves are applied externally to wounds to stop bleeding. 21 15 Ib id., 220. 16 Ibid., 220. 17 Maya Stanfield Mazzi personal communication, Ju ly 1 20 13. Thanks to Dr. Stanfield Mazzi for the Quechua translation. 18 220. 19 Ibid., 220 20 P 220 Scientific stu dies are still needed to confirm or deny the reliability of ucchu medicinal practices. There may be some sort of compound within the plant that does contain clinical healing abilities. However, I doubt those studies would matter to the people who use them for healing purposes. I imagine that even if ucchu technically lacks any legitimate healing properties, the flowers would still work in a similar manner as the placebo effect. 21 Ibid., 220
79 Salvia oppositiflora is similar in form to Salvia dombeyi but is smaller and lacks the purple sepal 22 It is a low growing perennial herb with two red corollas per whorl 23 similar to many of the ucchu motifs on the Harn kero Like Salvia dombeyi the flowering tops are infused and used for respiratory illnesses such as pneumonia a nd asthma, acting as a sudorific and expectorant. 24 The tea is useful for colds and flu by eliminating phlegm from the esophagus. 25 The most important contemporary use of Salvia oppositiflora also occurs during Holy Week in Cuzco. 26 The red flowers are gather ed by children and then thrown onto a figure of Christ during the processions. 27 The streets become red from the large number of flowers thrown from the balconies, and the flowers are again representative of the blood of Christ. 28 The last of the three poss ibilities for the specific species of ucchu on the Harn kero is Salvia tubiflora This is another Peruvian endemic that has red flowers in pairs and is a perennial herb. Salvia tubiflora has smaller leaves than Salvia oppositiflora 29 Today, Andean communi ties use it to treat respiratory conditions, such as pleurisy, and 22 Synonyms for Salvia oppositiflora include Salvia grata Vahl, Salvia strictiflora Hook and Salvia cupheifolia Kunth Other common names are chucchu salvia uqchu, puka uqchu ucchu ), and saqraq uqchu ucchu ). 23 The raw leaves are also chewed to clean teeth and freshen breath. 24 Ibid., 220 25 Ibid., 220 26 Ibid., 220 and 222. 27 Ibid., 220 and 222. 28 Ibid., 220 and 222. 29 Synonyms for Salvia tubiflora include Salvia biflora Ruiz and Pavn Salvia excisa Ruiz and P av ., Salvia scrobiculata Meyen, Salvia biflora var. glabrata Benth. Other common names are aasqentu (Quechua Paria), Pampa salwiya (Aymara), and Ruda (Paria
80 as a sleep aid. A leaf infusion is taken for headaches and as a stomach tonic. Externally, Salvia tubiflora can be used as a wash for wounds and hemorrhoids. A reference to ucchu appears in the Inka drama Apu Ollantay written down for the first time in the late eighteenth century although the oral history, from which the written play derives, is dated as early as 1470 C.E. 30 ucchu is mentioned in relation to the newly installed Sapa Inka Tupac Yupanqui and his power to destroy. 31 A new king reigns in Cuzco now Tupac Yupanqui is installed. Against the universal wish, He rose upon a wave of blood; Safety he sees in headless trunks, The sunchu and the ucchu red Are sent to all he would dest roy. Doubtless you have not forgot That I was Hanan suyu's Chief. Yupanqui ordered me to come; Arrived, I came before the king, And as he has a cruel heart, He had me wounded as you see; And now thou knowest, king and friend, How this new Inka treated me. 32 From this excerpt and the descriptions of the three probable species of ucchu depicted on the Harn kero we find a common theme of blood or wounds. Needless to say, bleeding wounds have strong connotations with death, indicating that these flowers had clear associations with fluids and death well before the Spanish Conquest. 30 Clements Markham, trans., Apu Ollantay: A Dra ma of the Time of the Incas, trans. and ed. Sir Clements Markham (Project Gutenberg, 2005), a ccessed May 29, 2013, http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/9068 22. It was first published in 1853. 31 Apu Ollantay is the tale of Ollantay, a noble commoner who defies the Inka ruler out of his love for the princess Cusi Coyllor, and thereby puts the empire into a state of rebellion. For a discussion of the 220. 32 Markham, Apu Ollantay, 386.
81 H owever, if we abide by the notions of the Andean world view that consists of complementary dualities and if blood can be understood as a manifestation or symbol of camay then ucc hu must have also h ave had associations with life. After all, like camay, blood animates life. Indeed, there is another common theme in the usage of the three species of ucchu : the healing of respiratory ailments and in some cases, wounds. Although no c lear evidence suggests that these sacred flowers were used for medicinal purposes by the Inka before the Conquest, it is nonetheless a very plausible assumption. Like textiles and keros healing traditions have been passed down for centuries, beginning wel l before the Conquest. For instance, carbonized organic material, a piece of leather, fragments of burnt human crania, teeth, and a skull of a rodent were found in a repaired jar along with other grave goods, all dated to the Inka period at a burial in Ma chu Picchu. 33 Peruvian archaeologist L ucy Salazar suggests that this unusual combination of items recalls the traditional healing practices known today as curanderismo. 34 is a form of folk hea ling that includes various techniques such as prayer, herbal 35 Thus, 33 Salazar 172. 34 Ibid., 172. 35 Curanderismo http://www.cancer.org/treatment/treatmentsandsideeffects/complementaryandalternativemedicine/mindbo dyandspirit/curanderismo Although there are better s ources that discuss curanderismo I chose to use the website from the American Cancer Society to show that this healing practice is still very much a part of the Peruvian world; enough so that it is recognized by a national medical organization in 2013. Fo r a more in depth discussion on curanderismo I recommend Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 8 (1984): 399 430 or Lupe Camino, Cerros, plantas y lagunas pode rosas: La medicina al norte del Per ( Lima: CIPCA PIURA, 1992), especially p. 90.
82 C uranderismo is one example of an Andean healing practice that, in some form, survived colonization. Healing practi ces involving ucchu may have also survived. Since curanderismo includes herbal medicine, perhaps ucchu was even one aspect of it. ucchu is such a common motif in colonial kero imagery that it must have had significance before the Conquest. Perha ps its importance lies with the ultimate exchange of life and death that took place during Capacocha ceremonies. In 1999, a team of archaeologists led by Johan Reinhard and Constanza Ceruti uncovered the site of three burials near the summit of Mt. Llullai llaco (22,109 ft. above sea level), a high elevation volcano in the province of Salta, Argentina. 36 The expedition recovered the preserved bodies of two children and one thirteen year old adolescent girl known as the Maiden. 37 The three youths had been sac rificed to either the earth goddess Pachamama or the apu (god) of Mt. Llullaillaco, in the Inka ritual of Capacocha 38 This Capacocha site includes a summit platform and burials, a base camp ( tambo ) located 17,060 ft. above sea level, a small cemetery situa ted 984 feet below this camp, and several small groups of intermediary ruins located between the base camp and the peak. 39 On the summit, the three tombs were fashioned from natural niches in the bedrock for the child sacrifices which, due to the frigid cli mate, were naturally 36 Angelique Corthals et al, System Response of a 500 Year PLoS ONE 7 (2012) : 1 2. See also Bray et al, A 88. 37 2. 38 Ibid., 2. 39 al A 88. See also Johan Reinhard and Mara Constanza Ceruti Investigaciones a rqueolgicas en el v ol c n Llullaillaco ( Salta: Ediciones Universidad Catlica, 2000 ), 91 101
83 mummified and found to be almost perfectly preserved. 40 Tomb 1, located on the south side of the ceremonial platform, contained the body of a seven year old boy who was interred with two miniature figurines, spondylus shells, one arybol oid shaped jar (an urpu ), slings, extra sandals, and several small woven bags called chuspas that were used to carry and ritually exchange coca leaves 41 Tomb 2 on the north side contained the body of a girl known as the Maiden buried with seven ceramic v essels, a wooden comb and spoon, several chuspas spondylus shells, three miniature figurines, and two keros 42 The final burial was that of a six year old female situated on the east side of the platform. 43 Her funerary assemblage included eleven ceramic ve ssels, a comb, several chuspas a sling, five miniature figurines, and two wooden keros 44 Interestingly, of these three Capacocha sacrifices, only the females were interred with keros while the boy was buried with an urpu which was traditionally used fo r the transportation of aqha As discussed in Chapter 3, scholarship has largely suggested t hat women primarily made and transported aqha while the men dr u nk it. Yet, it appears those roles may have been r eversed for this profoundly important ritual. Indeed, i n a 2013 study published by the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, scientists measured the levels of a few key metabolites from strands of the Maiden's hair and discovered that she consu med large quantities of both coca and 40 88. Reinhard and Ceruti, Investigaciones 91 101 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid 44 Ibid.
84 alcohol in the months leading up to her death. 45 The two other victims also had traces of coca and alcohol in their systems but in smaller quantities, suggesting the Maiden may have required more sedation. 46 However, l ik e ucchu, coca also had medicinal properties so sedation may only be a partial explanation Grown primarily in Antisuyu coca is a potent leaf traditionally chewed by Andeans, including the Inka, often to counteract the effects of altitude sickness. 47 The s ite where she was found is one of the highest archaeological sites in the world. Scientists could not confirm that the traces of alcohol specifically derived from consuming aqha but the authors of the study did reasonably assume that it was the primary s 48 This in conjunction with t he fact that the Maiden and the other female victim were both buried with keros suggests that these girls did indeed drink aqha from these sacred vessels and subsequently, that females played a significant role in maintai ning cosmological balance. One possible reason is that females were associated with fertility and the earth. After all, the earth itself was perceived as a female goddess named Pachamama Child sacrifices, the most sacred and precious gifts that the Inka cou ld offer their gods, were often made to Pachamama The presence of keros in some of these sacrificial burials suggests a connection to agricultur e a nd the circulation of fluids Indeed, anthropologist Michael Moseley has pointed out that Pachama ma was offered coca leaf and aqha along with appropriate 45 nd Biological Evidence O ffer Insight into Inca Child Sacrifice, PNAS 110 (2013): 13326, accessed October 12, 2013, www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/iti3313110 46 iological, and Biological Evidence 13323 47 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 331. 48 13326
85 49 As previously mentioned, Capacocha has also been linked to major events in the life history of Inka rulers, suc h as coronation, severe illness, and death. Inka rulers were the sun Inkarnate and the sun, like fluid, is vital for the continuation of life. By offering fluids, such as the blood of camelids and aqha along the route to the primary site and in the end children who had ingested both coca and aqha the Inka were engaging in t he ultimate act of reciprocity. very profound way, the Inka were giving up what they wished to receive in return. In a sense, they provided the earth camay in the form of fluids and precious children in order to honor either a recently deceased or newly crowned divine king and t heir sacrifice would encourage the g ods, especially Pachamama to maintain cosmological order and ensure agricultural fecundity 50 during this transitional time. The fact that ucchu i s associated with blood and the treatment of respiratory ailments might help us better understand the ir widespread depiction on colonial Ande an keros. Respiratory ailments, such as pneumonia, are extremely common in the Peruvian Andes. In 2011, it was estimated that 80 percent of Andean children carry pneumococcus in their noses. 51 In 2012, a different scientific study analyzed tissue 49 Moseley, The Incas and Their Ancestors 55 50 Of course, there is a political side to this c osmological based interpretation. The Capacocha sites were laid out on the imaginary lines of the ceque system on high mountain peaks in the farthest reaches of the Inka Empire. Thus, this ceremony was also connected to the extension of social control over newly acquired territories and would have unavoidably created a climate of fear. See Wilson et al, 1332 3 13324 51 Vanderbilt Universit Weekly Newspaper June 6, 2011, accessed June 1, 2013, http://www.mc.vanderbilt.edu/reporter/index.html?ID=10818
86 proteins f rom the Maiden and the young boy. 52 The mummy of the other young girl showed signs of having been struck by lightning and therefore was not sampled. 53 The in the Maiden at the time of dea th. 54 In other words, she was suffer ing from some sort of respiratory infection when she was sacrificed. This proves that respiratory infections were also common in children before the Conquest. Knowing the Inka requirements of perfect children for Capacoch a ceremonies, it is likely that the girl became sick after leaving Cuzco, during the procession to the distant mountain peak. We know that healing practices using ucchu have a relatively long history in the Andes. It is plausible that these medicinal prop erties were understood by the Inka (and maybe even earlier civilizations) before the Conquest. Inka priests, aware of respiratory ailments, may have taken ucchu as a precaution during Capacocha health of the children chosen for sacrifice. Perhaps keros were even used to administer the medicine under such extreme and important circumstances. There is no evidence yet that suggests medicinal ucchu was used during Capacocha ceremon ies Yet if it was, this -in addition to its associations with blood and subsequently the circulation of fluids -could explain why it became such an important mot if on the Harn kero and various other colonial keros The possible presence of ucchu along with keros aqha coca, and child sacrifices among Capacocha assemblages, created the ultimate exemplification of the circle of life. 52 2. 53 Ibid., 2. 54 Ibid., 5.
87 Inka keros were key instruments in the politics of ayllu communities within Tawantinsuyu but the y were also exemplary symbols of life and death. We have already encountered examples of pre Conquest traditions related to Ant i suyu and the circle of life visually transla ted into colonial kero imagery. I t seems that ucchu may have also played an important cosmological role before the Conquest and was appropriated i nto kero imagery during the colonial period. T he various ucchu motifs on the Harn kero when viewed in relation to the other elements, create a set of visual associations to the circle of life that would have been r eadily understood by a native audience.
88 A B C Figure 5 1 ucchu m otifs as seen on the Harn k ero A) Cropped from area directly B) C ropped from middle register and C) C ropped from bottom register
89 Figure 5 2 ucchu ( Salvia dombeyi ) South America, Peru, Urubamba Valley 2012 Photog raph ed by and courtesy of Maya Stanfield Mazzi, Ph.D.
90 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION Kero imagery was only one aspect of these objects that threatened Spanish authority during the colonial period. Spanish concerns about drinking and idolatry became more suspect du ring the last third of the sixteenth century and throughout nearly all of the seventeenth century. 1 Keros were even seen, by the Spanish, as something demonic. 2 Furthermore, Andean religion was still so strong and alive that the Spanish tried to completely stop the production of keros during the seventeenth century movement of extirpacin de idolatras (extirpation of idolatries). 3 They failed. Aside from the fact that these keros were deeply rooted in Inka society, I believe they failed, in part, because they had such profound cosmological associations with life and death. Through the relationship of the vessels to the ritual act of drinking, kero imagery affirmed fundamental indigenous beliefs necessary for maintaining life during the colonial 4 T he demise would have been symbolic of something much greater than just the loss of a material object. In a very profound way, it would have meant the death of a way of life and of a culture. Today, the Harn kero attests to the remarkable perseveranc e of native Andean people and tradition. Returning to Andean cosmology, it is worth noting that another aspect of camay, or the animating force that imbues objects and life, has been proposed by Cummins. 1 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 150. 2 Ibid., 3. 3 Flores Ochoa, Kuon Arce, and Samanez Argumedo, Qeros, 38. See also W 327. The E xtirpation of I dolatry took pl ace in the mi d seventeenth century as the Archdiocese of Lima sought to bring about vast religious reform among indigenous people, meant to eradicate any surviving non Christian religiosity. 4 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 221
91 This aspect suggests that Andean objects, such as ke ros cross over or through other genres, media, and technologies to create new meanings through their placement, arrangement, and relationship to other objects. That relationship can be established in various ways, but by whatever means that relationship i s produced, it is a critical part of more of the same type or a collection of different objects) express a more expanded meaning than would each individual object on its own. T his moves each object beyond the sphere of functionality and inserts it into a spatialized field of meaning. For meaningfulness to take place, a degree of immediacy between things must occur. This can be done simply by bringing separate objects of different materials together in proximity, or by forming objects in a single material so as to express their relationship, as we have seen with pacchas 5 Moreover, a visual image does not e xist independently or virtually i t appears on or as the surfac e of something 6 Applying this concept to iconographic elements within a single composition and considering their relationship to the material form of the object on which they appear, can also produce a new field of meaning. This can be seen by evaluating the iconographic elements within the pictorial composition on the Harn kero in relationship to each other, and the kero itself. The imagery on this footed kero is divided into three registers, two of which consist of repeated ucchu motifs, a nd a large register that contains a pictorial scene. This composition depicts two humans (each carrying a bow and arrow), one monkey, three 5 270, 276, 278. 6 Cummins Toasts with the Inca 2.
92 stylized trees, and sporadic ucchu flower motifs. The humans, trees, and monkey all allude to the tropical lowlands of Antisuyu On the other hand, the presence of ucchu seems to reference the Inka highlands because these flowers do not grow in the tropical lowlands. As this essay has aimed to demonstrate, Antisuyu had cosmological associations with life and de ath The Inka likely associated Antisuyu with death as t he tropical lowlands were a place of dread and fear for the Inka, complete with disease, literal and mythical dangerous creatures, as well as rebellious indigenous ethnic groups collectively called the Antis humans on the Harn kero who seem to be Anti warriors are probably just Andean highlanders dressed as Antis for ritual battles related to agriculture. Some of these mock battles actually resul ted in death. These ritual battles took place in a month called creating an association with life Furthermore, in comparison to the virtually treeless lands of the Andean highlands, Anti suyu was alive with a variety of flora and fauna. Thus we have aspects of both life and death that relate to Antisuyu imagery These associations began before the Conquest and were subsequently visually translated into kero imagery during the colonial per iod. Like Antisuyu referents, ucchu is such a common motif in colonial kero imagery that it too must have had significance before the Conquest. Indeed c osmological facets of life and death are also found in the depictions of ucchu motifs. Of the seve n species of ucchu native to Peru, three specific types were sacred to the Inka and were probably used interchangeably in ceremon ies and imagery. Each had affiliations with blood and wounds before the Conquest. During the colonial period, these associatio ns were slowly appropriated into Christian ritual in the Andes.
93 As shown in a recent Journal of Ethnopharmacology study, their most common purpose is treating respiratory ailments, but they are also used to stop bleeding wounds. B y citing evidence of the traditional Andean healing practice called curanderismo that was used by the Inka and still exists in some form today, my paper has suggested a scenario in which medicinal ucchu traditions might also date back to before the Conquest. Since ucchu still ha s associations with respiratory healing among indigenous ethnic groups in the Andes, perhaps it also had similar meaning for the Inka and was taken on the long processions that were part of Capacocha ceremonies. We know from analyzed tissue proteins taken from the Inka mummy known as the Maiden that respiratory ailments afflicted at least some Inka children on the journey to the sites. Perhaps Inka priests would have taken ucchu in order to keep the children in pristine condition for sacrifice. Capac ocha ceremonies were the ultimate exemplification of the reciprocal exchange of life and death. If ucchu played any role in them, this would explain its ubiquitous appearance in colonial kero imagery because k eros also had profound associations with the c ircle of life. If the social life of an object begins with a productive act, then each object is 7 In other words, keros like all life, are brought into the world. T hese cherished objects were then handed down from generation to generation, surviving cycles of life and death. As we have seen, Antisuyu and ucchu referents on the Harn kero had cosmological associations with life and death that began before the Conquest and were translated into kero imagery during the colonial period In Andean thought, death was a necessary 7 Cummins, Toasts with the Inca 29.
94 component of the circle of life; it was necessary to perpetuate life. Thus each opposing element, within a pre existing system of complementary dual ities, was necessary to maintain the balance of the cosmos An other key Andean concept at play among keros is reciprocity, which can be understood through the circulation of fluids such as aqha water, and blood. Fluids can be understood as physical manife stations of camay because they are vitalizing forces that sustain and animate all life. The Inka offered fluids, and subsequently life, in hopes to receive the same in return. Aqha served in keros was a chief component of Andean feasts in which both the living and the dead, literally or metaphysically, engaged in drinking. Moreover, offerings such as those made to local or during Capacocha ceremonies included life giving fluids especially aqha and blood, which were presented to the gods in exchange for agricultural fecundity and cosmological balance. On the most rudimentary level, the function of a kero is to hold fluid. Therefore, a more metaphorical association to the circle of life can be seen in the act of filling and pouring. When the cup is full o f aqha it is a symbol of life, whereas an empty kero becomes a symbol of death. F rom death though, life is possible, as the fluid that is poured or consumed goes on to provide sustenance to the earth and its human inhabitants ; making keros the quintessent ial vessels of life
95 APPENDIX FIGURE CITATIONS Fi g u re A 1 The Colonial Andes: Tapestries and Silverwork, 1530 1830 New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004. pp134. Fi g u re A 2 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno. Copenhagen: A Digital Research Center of the Royal Library, 1615. Accessed August 7, 2013. ht tp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/Guaman Poma/252/en/text/ pp250 . Fi g u re A 3 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno. Copenhagen: A Digital Research Center of the Royal Library, 1615. Accessed August 7, 2013. http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/Guaman Poma/248/en/text/ pp246 . Fi g u re A 4 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno. Copenhagen: A Digital Research Center of the Royal Library, 1615. Accessed August 7, 2013. http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/Guaman Poma/289/en/text/ pp287 . Fi g u re A 5 McCann, Sean, Guyanan brown capuchin (Sapajus apella apella) in French Guyana 1,992 2,608 pixels, photograph. Wikipedia. Accessed August 7, 2013 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tufted_capuchin 1 Fi g u re A 6 Flores Ochoa, Jorg e A., Elizabeth Kuon Arce, and Roberto Samanez Argumedo. Qeros, arte inka en vasos ceremoniales. Lima: Banco de Fi g u re A 7 Flores Ochoa, Jorge A., Elizabeth Kuon Arce, and Roberto Samanez Argumedo. Qeros, arte inka en vasos ceremoniales Fi g u re A 8 Kero Carved in the Form of a Head 17 th 18 th Century, wood with pigmented resin inlay. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed October 13, 2013. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works of art/1994.35.26 Fi g u re A 9 Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe. El primer nueva cornica y buen gobierno. Copenhagen: A Digital Research Center of the Royal Library, 1615. Accessed September 21, 2013. htt p://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/324/en/text/ pp322 . 1 Unfortunately, this is the only good image of a tufted capuchin available on Wikipedia. Brown tufted capuchins are a subspecies of tufted capuchins ( Cebus apella ) The black tufted capuchin looks similar but has darker fur in the places we see dark fur on this monkey.
96 LIST OF REFERENCES Glvez Pea (Lima 1998). Quoted in Elena Phipps et al The Colonial Andes: Tapest ries and Silverwork, 1530 1830. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art 2004. Arriaza, Bernardo T. Beyond Death: The Chinchorro Mummies of Ancient Chile Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995. Bailey, Gauvin A. The Andean Hybrid Baroque: Converge nt Cultures in the Churches of Colonial Peru Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010. The Inca World: The Development of Pre Columbian Peru, A.D. 1000 1534, edited by Laura Laurencich Minelli, 7 34. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000. Minelli, Ramiro Matos Mendieta, Jean Pierre Protzen, Mara Rostworowski, and Izumi Shimada The Inca World: The Development of Pre Columbian Peru, A.D. 1000 1534 edited by Laura Laurencich Minelli, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000. Bartoo, Car Vanderbilt University June 6, 2011. Accessed June 1, 2013. http://www.mc.vanderbilt.edu/reporte r/index.html?ID=10818 Latin American Antiquity 3 (1992): 183 205. Qeros. Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia So Paulo 17 (2007): 321 331. Bonavia Duccio The Inca World: The Development of Pre Columbian Peru, A.D. 1000 1534, edited by Laura Laurencich Minelli, 133 140. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000. Bray, Tamara L. "An Archaeological Perspectiv e on the Andean Concept of Camaquen: Thinking through Late Pre Columbian Ofrendas and Huacas ," Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19 (2009): 357 66.
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102 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Megan Kirsop is originall y from a small town in Missouri. After high school, she attended a community college where her interest in art history began. After earning an Associate of Arts degree, she enrolled at Missouri State University and major ed in a rt h istory. There, Ms. Kirsop gained a strong background in the native art of the Americas and completed her Bachelor of Arts degree in a rt h istory with a minor in a ntiquities. After taking some time off, she began working on a Master of Arts in art history at the University of Flori da in 2011 and completed the program in December 2013 Much of her work at UF focused on P re Columbian art but she was also able to expand her knowledge of African and Oceanic art.