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1 TO THE EIGHT CHINESE BEAUTY TYPES By JING LIN A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ADVERTISING UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 2013 Jing Lin
3 To my family
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To my parents, Tezhang, Lin, and Lihui Yan, for giving me their respect, for supporting my college endeavors, and for providing so much love throughout my graduate education. To Dr. Robyn Goodman and Dr. Troy Elias, my thesis chair, who helped guide my thesis project. They always provide d excellent suggestions and advice, offered inspiration along the way, and encouraged me to think more deeply and professionally. To Dr. Jon Morris and Dr. Lu Zheng, members of my thesis committee, for their guidance and encouragement to be a professional communicator. To Diane Fischler and Aaron Miller my proofreader, who helped me with my thesis and provided many suggestions.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 7 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 11 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 16 Beauty: Universal or Culturally Based ................................ ................................ .... 16 ................................ ................ 22 Physical Attractiveness and Persuasion ................................ ................................ 24 Beauty Types and Beauty Match up Hypothesis ................................ .................... 28 Cultural Influences on Beauty Preferences in China ................................ ............... 33 Confucianism ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 33 Collectivism ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 34 Western Culture ................................ ................................ ............................... 34 Kawaii Culture ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 35 Similarities Between Taiwan and Mainland China ................................ .................. 36 Emotional Response ................................ ................................ ............................... 38 Theoretical Framework ................................ ................................ ........................... 40 Social Cognitive Theory ................................ ................................ .................... 40 Soci al Comparison Theory ................................ ................................ ............... 41 Research Questions and Hypotheses ................................ ................................ ..... 44 3 METHOD ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 46 Creation of Chinese Beauty Typology ................................ ................................ ..... 46 First Pretest Study Design ................................ ................................ ...................... 47 Second Pretest Study Design ................................ ................................ ................. 49 Main Study Design ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 51 Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 51 Procedure and measures ................................ ................................ ................. 51 4 RE SULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 54 Pretests ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 54 Main Study Demographics ................................ ................................ ...................... 55 Research Questions and Hypotheses ................................ ................................ ..... 56
6 Gender Differences ................................ ................................ .......................... 56 AdSAM Perceptua l Map ................................ ................................ ................ 61 5 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 67 Gender Differences ................................ ................................ ................................ 67 Emotional Responses and Hypotheses ................................ ................................ .. 70 Implications ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 76 Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research ................................ ........ 78 APPENDIX A BEAUTY TYPES FOR PRETEST AND MAIN STUDIES ................................ ........ 80 B AdSAM PERCEPTUAL MAP ................................ ................................ ............... 82 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 84 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 93
7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4 1 First pretest results (mean and std.) ................................ ................................ ... 63 4 2 Second pretest results (mean and std.) ................................ .............................. 63 4 3 Photographs for the main study ................................ ................................ .......... 64 4 4 Independent sample t test pleasure level ................................ ........................ 64 4 5 Independent sample t test arousal level ................................ .......................... 64 4 6 Independent sample t test dominance level ................................ ..................... 65 4 7 Comparison of pleasure scores among the eight beauty types .......................... 65 4 8 Comparison of arousal scores among the eig ht beauty types ............................ 66 4 9 Comparison of dominance scores among the eight beauty types ...................... 66
8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2 1 Attractive composite faces (left to right: African American, Caucasian, Chinese, and Japanese) (Rhee & Lee, 2010) ................................ .................... 45 3 1 Self Assessment Manikin ................................ ................................ ................... 53 A 1 Seven beauty types grid for first pretest study. [ Adapted from Wu, Carol, of Beauty (Thesis). Retrieved from University of Florida George A. Sm athers Libraries. (LD1780 2011) Photo courtesy of Prof. Goodman ] ........................... 80 A 2 Tomboy beauty type pictures for first pretest study ................................ ............ 80 A 3 Beauty types grid for second pretest study [ Adapted from Wu, Carol, 2011. Beauty (Thesis). Retrieved from University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries. (LD1780 2011) Photo courtesy of Prof. Goodman ] ........................... 81 A 4 Bea uty types grid for main study [ Adapted from Wu, Carol, 2011. Young (Thesis). Retrieved from University of Florida George A. Sm athers Libraries. (LD1780 2011) Photo courtesy of Prof. Goodman ] ................................ ........... 81 B 1 AdSAM perceptual map: female only ................................ ............................... 82 B 2 AdSAM perceptual map: male only ................................ ................................ .. 83
9 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Advertising YOUNG TO THE EIGHT CHINESE BEAUTY TYPES By Jing Lin August 2013 Chair: Troy Elias Major: Advertising advertising campaigns. Advertisers sometimes use the same attractive model in their worldwide advertisements to represent a brand or a product, especially a beauty product, in order to minimize their budgets. However, studies show differences between cultural definitions of beauty and various preferences for beauty between genders. Also, more than one single type of beauty exists in various cultures. Although numerous studies lo ok at beauty types in the United States, only a few studies have focused on the Asian culture. Based on previous research investigations, the present study explores several Chinese beauty types and discusses different perceptions of beauty between genders This study uses AdSAM as the measurement tool, a survey as the research method, and social cognitive theory and social comparison theor y as theoretical frameworks to various Chinese beauty types. The present study also shows that the Sexy Little Woman produces higher pleasurable feelings and arousal feelings for males than for females. The findings reveal that the Sexy Little Woman image produced the greatest degree of pleasure and the
10 highest degree of arousal among all beauty types in both genders. Findings also suggest that the Sexy Little Woman, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and the Girl Next Door images were the four most appreciated (pleasure and arousal) beauty types for ad vertisers appealing to Chinese consumers.
11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Advertisers use attractive models because eye catching models gain more consumer attention. Beautiful models tend to be more persuasive than unattractive ones, and they produce posi tive attitudes, emotions, and evaluations for the ads and brand name (Belch, Belch, & Villarreal, 1987; Chaiken, 1979; Frith, Shaw, & Cheng, 2005; Hyman, 2004; Joseph, 1982; Patzer, 1985). For example, attractive models are usually associated with being mo re trustworthy, which increases consumer willingness to buy the product (Shinners, 2009). Thus, an attractive model may become a mediator between consumers and the brand name or the product. As brands and markets globally expand, companies often use stand ardized ads with Western beauty ideals in their international marketing effort (Wu, 2011). For example, Agrawal (1995) indicated that most global brands focus on how to create an international brand image to appeal to all consumers. Companies are often fac ed with the dichotomy of globalization or localization and whether they should use standardization or adaptation strategies in their advertising campaigns. Because many similarities (e.g., universal based beauty and the concept of what is beautiful is good ) occur in this world of international consumers, using standardization as a marketing strategy produces huge benefits, such as efficiently reducing costs in planning and control and also building an international brand image (Agrawal, 1995). Some research ers also believe it is better to use standardized beauty to maintain the originality of the products and to get their brand image noticed in the marketing clutter (Levitt, 1983; Miletic, Vujovic, & Simonovic, 2011).
12 Although a standardized strategy is eff icient, it fails to recognize cultural preferences in beauty, which is particularly important given the power of attractive models in advertisements. Indeed, studies show differences between cultural definitions of and preferences for beauty (Li, Min, Belk kimura, & bahl, 2008; Mak, 2007). For example, the Chinese consider women with pale skin as being more independent and healthier, having higher self esteem, and being attractive compared to Americans who consider women with tanned skin healthier and more independent (Mak, 2007). Thus, tanning salons in the United States (Li, Min, Belk, Kimura, & Bahl, 2008). Furthermore, women with pale skin are viewed as smarter and rec eive more favorable impressions (Mak, 2007; Wu, 2011). Therefore, companies seeking entry into the Chinese market may encounter negative and unexpected effects if they choose tanned female models to represent their brand or product. In addition, there is no single type of beauty. Advertising models have different physical traits, such as skin tone, eye color, hair color, and so forth, as well as personified qualities, for example, sexy, elegant, or cute (Goodman, Morris, & Sutherland, 2008; Solomon, Ashmor e, & Longo, 1992). Given that models vary in types of beauty, Solomon and colleagues (1992) created an American beauty type classification system to explore how these beauty types are best paired with a particular product or brand. They found six beauty ty pes: Classic Beauty/Feminine, Cute, Girl Next Door, Sensual/Exotic, Sex Kitten, and Trendy (Solomon et al., 1992, p. 25), and they determined that several types matched up with tested products. More recently, researchers tested how consumers emotionally re act to these beauty types (Goodman
13 et al., 2008). Based on the typology established by Solomon et al Goodman et al. (2008) tested the six beauty types with young college women. They found that women categorized beauty along a two dimensional continuum: Se xual/Sensual to Classic Beauty/Cute/Girl Next Door (Goodman et al., 2008). Although numerous studies have looked at beauty types in the West, few studies have researched beauty types in Asian countries. Of those studies, all but Wu (2011) have applied the Solomon et al. (1992) beauty typology (Lin, 2008; Lin & Yeh, 2009). For example, Lin and Yeh (2009) conducted a content analysis on female portrayal i n s management magazines. Results re vealed that the classic beauty type is used most often finance and management magazines in Taiwan, followed by the Girl Next Door beauty type. Results also showed that the Cute beauty t ype was rarely used in those magazines because its feature is too incongruent with most of the products, and the Cute beauty type does not produce a strong impression (Lin & Yeh, 2009). Although these studies provide insight into how Asians view Western be auty ideals, they do not provide insight into how Asians see themselves and Asian beauty types. They also do not take into account cultural differences and predilections for beauty. The present study intends to address this problem for one of the fastest g rowing and largest markets in the world -China. In addition to cultural differences and predilections for beauty, gender differences also influence how consumers view beauty. China is a conservative masculine nation influenced by Confuci an concept s (Lin, 2008; Wu, 2011). Thus, men play an important
14 role i are physically portrayed (Feingold, 1990; Mazur, 1986). Generally, in Western countries, men prefer women to appear sexy more than wom preference for sex appeal is also a part of how they judge female beauty. Men in such as breasts, lips, and legs, whereas women do not pay that much attention to other factors such as facial features (Franzoi & Herzog, 1987). Scant research has been done, however, on gender differences based on beauty types in the East. question is : How do Chinese men and women emotionally respond to different Chinese beauty types? By gaining a better understanding of Chinese female beauty types, this research will help cross cultural advertisers build better brand images and connect better product traits distinctly in line with Chinese culture. Ultimately, this should help reduce inadvertent and undesired cross cultural communication problems and unexpected effects that might occur when marketing to Chinese consumers. Since 2012, Mainland China impo rted more than 100 billion dollars in goods from United States, an amount that highly affected the American economy (Statistic US, 2013). Furthermore, understanding gender differences in beauty type preferences will help cross cultural
15 advertisers better u nderstand the differences between male and female message factor preferences. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the existing literature on beauty, beauty types, and emotional response s as well as a discussion on social learning and social comparison theo ries. Specifically, it talks about how people perceive physical attractiveness, why advertisers prefer to use attractive model s in advertising, how perception and persuasion ha ve been presented, and how the beauty match up hypothesis and beauty type identification ha ve been used empirically. Chapter 2 also takes into account the cultural influences and gender differences on Mainland China, in eptions of beauty types on Mainland China. Chapter 3 explains the method used to answer the research questions and test the hypotheses. Chapter 3 also discusses the survey, introduces the measurement tool used, and includes choice of materials, selection of participants, as well as the procedure of the pretest and the main study. Chapter 4 provides the results of the research questions and hypotheses addressed in Chapter 2. Chapter 5 offers the implications of the findings and how these findings could hel p cross cultural advertisers.
16 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Chapter 2 provides 1) a review of the existing literature on universal or culturally based beauty, 2) a discussion about how people perceive physical attractiveness, 3) s in advertising, 4) an examination on how perception and persuasion ha ve been presented by literature in Western and Asian cultures, and 5) an assessment about how the beauty match up hypo thesis and beauty type identification ha ve been tested empirically. This chapter talks about the cultural influences on beauty types on Mainland China. It also shows the way females ha ve been portrayed from each gender perspective. Finally, this chapter explains the social cognitive and social comparison theories used for the present study. The purpose of this review is to give a general context about Chinese female beauty types and h ow Chinese consumers potentially perceive these beauty types. Beauty: Universal or Culturally Based This section reviews the literature about what is universally considered th century, the researcher addressed that hether they are or are not sensible of it, all men/women are daily influenced by physiognomy No matter who you are or what you do, beauty has always been a daily subject creating many types of perspectives. Beauty h as been explained as: The quality present in a thing or person that gives intense pleasure or deep satisfaction to the mind, whether arising from sensory manifestations (as shape, color, sound, etc.), a meaningful design or pattern, or something else (as a personality in which high spiritual qualities are manifest). (Beauty, 2011)
17 Beauty is therefore not only the physical attractiveness of a female body, but also inner beauty, seen as personality and value (Beauty, 2011). Numerous studies have discussed u niversal standards of beauty -physical 2005). People from different cultures generally agree that faces with large eyes, small noses, small chin, and highly set eyebro ws are attractive faces (Cunningham, Wu, Roberts, Barbee, & Druen, 1995; Langlois et al., 1990). For example, researchers conducted an experiment on Miss Universe contestants and found that the Black and Asian pageant contestants possessed facial traits s imilar to those of their Caucasian counterparts (Cunningham, 1986). Even though the pageant contestants were chosen from various countries and were different races, believed th at universal ly attractive women have large eyes, small nose s, and small chins, which are associated with infantile features. Narrow cheeks and prominent cheekbones are associated with mature features. Also considered universal ly attractive were women with high eyebrows, large pupils, and large smile s which are associated with expressive features. The Caucasian, Black and Asian pageant contestants were therefore chosen to represent their countries in the Miss Universe contest based on universal standards of beauty (Cunningham, 1986). Besides studies looking at specific universally attractive facial features, additional studies have looked at three major areas for universal beauty standards: averageness, symmetry, and youthfulness (Cunningham, 19 86; Langlois & Roggman, 1990; Rhodes, 2006; Thornhill & Gangestad, 1993). Beginning with studies on averageness, these
18 researchers found that average faces, that is, less distinct faces that are literally the st attractive faces cross culturally For example, Langlois and Roggman (1990) digitized samples of male and female faces using a mathematical approach to average them. They then asked participants to evaluate the attractiveness of individual faces and the digitized composite faces. Their findings showed that the composite faces were rated as more attractive faces than those individual male and female faces. Moreover, the mathematical average trait is close to the mean facial configuration of the population However, some studies disagreed with the average hypothesis, which states that average faces are rated as the most attractive faces cross culturally (Cunningham et al., 1995; Perrett et al., 1994). As an example, taking the evolutionary perspective as i t applies to beauty, researchers believe that special features may be considered more beautiful, as they are "more evolved." Therefore, these studies indicated that some extreme facial features, considered average faces (Rhodes, 2006). From this perspective, we therefore see that the average hypothesis has some caveats that need to be acknowledged ; not all average faces are attractive, yet not all attractive faces are average faces (Rhodes, 2006). Averagene ss is not the only cross cultural factor used to evaluate attractiveness. In addition, highly symmetric faces were more attractive than slightly asymmetric faces (Perrett et al., 1999; Rhodes, 2006; Rhodes et al., 2001). For example, Perrett et al. (1999) conducted an experiment on 30 Caucasian faces. Researchers mirror reversed these 30 normal Caucasian faces and compared them with the original faces. Results showed that increasing the symmetrical facial trait increased attractiveness. Because
19 this initial experiment was limited by different skin textures, they conducted an additional experiment using 32 males and 32 females who had normal and symmetric faces with consistent average skin textures. The results upheld their first experiment that symmetric fac es were more attractive faces (Perrett et al., 1999). Rhodes et al. (2001) conducted two experiments on Asian participants from China and Japan to see if the facial averageness and facial symmetry are attractive in Asian cultures. In the first experiment, nine male s and nine female s were asked to rate the images on attractiveness, and a different set of nine male s and nine female s were asked to rate the images on distinctiveness. Results showed that average Chinese faces are also attractive. Furthermore, re sults indicated that increasing the averageness of skin texture or the averageness of face shape increased facial attractiveness. In the second experiment, researchers tested whether or not averageness and symmetry are attractive to Japanese participants. The experiment consisted of 16 male s and 16 female s They were asked to rate 292 images on attractiveness and a different set of participants, 12 males and 12 females, was asked to rate those 292 images on distinctiveness. Results showed that both average Japanese faces and symmetric Japanese faces were also attractive. Furthermore, another factor to evaluate attractiveness is youthfulness. Studies revealed that faces with more infantile traits, such as high forehead, round face, small mouth, small nose, faces (Cunningham, 1986; Lorenz, 1943; Sternglanz et al., 1977). Lorenz (1943) was
20 groups to rate the attractiveness of a set of human faces with different vertical positions of the features in the face, different eye width, and different eye height. Findings discovered a significa nt preference for infantile looks (Sternglanz et al., 1977) According to the ecological theory, the infantile traits on adult faces should be McArthur & Berry, 1987, p. 167). Research has shown a preference for baby faced adults cross culturally (Keating, Mazur, & Segall, 1981). Luo, Li, and Lee (2011) tested if infantile features were applicable not only to infant faces but also to older faces. Luo et al. (2011) asked 60 Chinese university students to rate their preferred the infant features on the face (Luo et al., 2011). Adults not only liked baby faces, but they also liked adult faces with baby perception of baby faced adults in the Korean culture. They found that adult faces with infantile features were considered younger more honest, s ocially submissive, and intellectually nave, all of which Korean women preferred. A source on a Chinese website stated that famous Chinese celebrities with baby faces are more popular in the Chinese community. A reporter listed several celebrities aged 3 5 and older who are still very active and popular on the screen, such as Yihan Chen ( ) Qi Shu( ), Wei Zhao( ), Zhiling Lin( ), Ruoxuan Xu( ), and Xiyuan Xu( ). The author also stated that the infantile facial features on their faces hide their actual ages and give audiences the image that they are still very young
21 Some researchers have found cross cultural beauty prefere nces, which are based on biological factors, more than cross cultural beauty preferences based on cultural heritage (Langlois et al., 1991; Samuels, Butterworth, Roberts, Graupner, & Hole, 1994). Despite evidence showing a global preference for beauty (Cun ningham et al., 1995), other studies have found that universal beauty is not absolute and that cultural preferences for certain traits do exist (Darling & Donnelly, 2004; Langlois & Roggman, 1994; Rhee & Lee, 2010). Rhee and Lee (2010) conducted a composit e African) most famous celebrities to find out the differences of what has been perceived 1). Results showed that the Japanese ide 800). To Caucasians, regardless of gender, the ideal face has a relatively masculine height, angulated and square shaped mandible [the upper jaw], protruding cheek, and f Americans, an attractive African face regardless of gender (Rhee & Lee, 2010, p. 800). To Asians, an attractive face is associated more with pale skin rather than tanned or darker skin as perceived in Western countries (Li, Min, Belk, Kimura, & Bahl, 2008; Mak, 2007; Rhee & Lee, 2010). Furthermore, Cunningham et al. (1995) conducted an experiment on the consistency of p hysical attractiveness ratings across cultural groups to explain that
22 differences in perception and preferences of physical attractiveness are due to cultural differences. From their study, Asians viewed women with lower cheekbones and wider faces more pos itively. They viewed a wide smile and higher set eyebrows less positively than Caucasians viewed them. Sexual maturity and expressive features were therefore less attractive to Asians. They also tested Taiwanese groups and the result was similar to the Asi In addition to different cultures y preferences, gender differences also influence how Chinese consumers perceive beauty. Numerous studies have indicated that generally men place more important role than women do on women physical attractiveness (Feingold, 1990; Mazur, 1986; Solnick & Schweitzer, 1999). However, scant research has explore d how preferences in China, specifica lly. than women prefer to do so (Franzoi & Herzog, 1987; Pedersen, Markee, & Salusso, a part of how they judge female beauty and legs. Both men and women pay equal attention to nonsexual factors such as facial features (Franzoi & Herzog, 1987). Similarly, to test which characteristics of physical attractiveness are considered as important for physically attractive males and females, Pedersen et al. (1994) conducted two experiments gathering answers from men and women. Findings indicated that hair face, eyes, and body build were consistently ranked high by both male and female respondents. The major gender differences were that men rated
23 buttocks, bust, and hips as having greater importance in determining female attractiveness than women judged th em to be. Moreover, these males preferred characteristics (buttocks, bust, and hips) that are highly related to sexual features. In other words, males pay more attention to female sexual features than females do when it comes to judging female physical att ractiveness. To test gender differences toward physical attractiveness, Patzer (2006) indicated that no significant differences existed for importance of specific components between males and females because weight and face ranked as the top two important components of physical attractiveness when both males and females evaluated females. However, researchers recently revealed that gender differences do exist when judging females (Patzer, 2006). Results demonstrated that males judging females produced two factors related to facial components: 1) the labeled face that includes overall facial appearance, forehead, lips, facial complexion, nose, head shape, smile, chin, eyes, skin texture, and teeth; 2) only teeth. However, females judging females produced thr ee factors related to facial components: 1) the labeled face, including teeth, smile, lips, eyes, face, forehead, and overall appearance; 2) facial complexion, skin texture, and face; and 3) nose, profile, and chin (Patzer, 2006). Why study gender differe nces? The present study tested gender differences in emotional responses to beauty types for several reasons. First, the Chinese media 2004). Because men emphasize sexual ch aracteristics more than women in determining female beauty, it is likely that are different.
24 Another reason to study both men and women is related to their differential treatments in Chinese society. Dating bac Because of Confucian concepts and their feudalistic society, females in ancient China did not have the freedom to speak in public. They had to remain at home and do their h ousehold duties. At that time, their mission in the family was to serve their husbands and to give birth (Tao et al., 2004). Thus, the preference was for a submissive female. Moving to modern times, Chinese women became more independent but still did not h ave the opportunities for career development as men had Many stereotypes of men and women in the media enhance the traditional culture and gender discrimination. In addition, contemporary Chinese women are considered potential consumers instead of real co (Tao et al., 2004). It is therefore necessary to study the responses toward Chinese female beauty types from a gender point of view, as well as from a cultural point of view. Buil ding on universal versus culture specific beauty preferences, th e following section discusses literature concerning the relationship between physical attractiveness and persuasion. Physical Attractiveness and Persuasion In general, attractive people tend t o be more persuasive than unattractive people partly because of the positive associations we bestow on attractive people (Chaiken, 1979; Hyman, 2004). Research shows that people associate attractive women with greater social skills, self esteem, health, po pularity, and intelligence than unattractive women who are not associated with these attributes (Feingold, 1992). Because attractive models are usually associated with more positive personality traits
25 and are considered more trustworthy, these positive attributes are transferred to the product, thereby increasing trustworthiness toward the brand or the product, as well as consumer willingness to buy the product (Shinners, 2009). Thus, consumers would be happier if approached by an attractive model (versu s an unattractive model). This type of social behavior may occur through an unconscious process known (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995) which is generally explained as a cognitive bias in which individuals can subconsciously form opinions ab out unknown attributes of other s based on known aspects of If the person is attractive, for instance, other positive attribute s may be overestimated by others ( Greenwald & Banaji, 1995; Nisbett & Wilsson, 1977). For ins tance, when participants were asked to choose one of four models (attractive female, unattractive female, attractive male, and unatt ractive male) for a trust scenario, participants overwhelmingly chose the attractive female (Shinners, 2009). In short, the halo effect describes the tendency of individuals to evaluate novel attributes of a person based on the value of an already known, but objectively irrelevant, attribute. Greenwald and Banaji (1995), for instance, contend that in much halo effect research, physical attractiveness plays the role of the objectively irrelevant attribute that influences evaluative judgment on various other dimensions To participants, an attractive female tends to be more persuasive and trustworthy, and consumers are more willing to buy a product from an attractive female often as a result of halo effects (Nisbett & Wilson, 1977). These positive associations with beauty, therefore, are transferred to advertisements. Numerous studies have shown that attractive models produce opinion change (Joseph, 1982), positive attitudes (Caballero & Solomon, 1984), attitude
26 changes (Kahle & Homer, 1985; Shinners, 2009; Widgery & Ruch, 1981), emotions (Halliwell & Dittmar, 2004), evaluations (Baker & Churchill, 1977; Chaiken, 1979), and th ey create attention for messages, ads and/or brand s (Belch et al., 1987). Aside from positive traits, the relationship between attractiveness and opinion change was investigated. Chaiken (1979) conducted experiments to investigate if attractive communicat communicator and an unattractive communicator approached college students asking them to do a survey and sign a petition about banning meat in breakfasts and lunches. Results showed that attracti ve communicators have a more positive effect on receivers regarding agreement and behavior compliance (more receivers signed the petition than unattractive communicators). Moreover, Chaiken (1979) indicated that attractive communicators were considered fri endlier than unattractive communicators. From the attitudes in an unconscious way (Nisbett & Wilson, 1977). Widgery and Ruch (1981) investigated the effect of physical ly attractive females toward a Machiavellian attitude change. Machiavellian receivers were asked to read a persuasive message about a positive opinion on stiff jail sentences for all drunken drivers. An attractive female picture or an unattractive female pict ure was attached to the message. Findings revealed that the message with an attractive picture (versus a message with an unattractive picture) was more persuasive (Widgery & Ruch, 1981). In extend ing o the advertising context, using
27 opinion s on purchasing products. Thus, attractive communicators were more persuasive than unattractive ones. Furthermore, Kahle and Homer (1985) conducted an e xperiment to test if physical attractiveness could change attitude toward a product. Researchers manipulated three factors -celebrity source physical attractiveness, celebrity source likability, and participant product involvement -to measure attitude and purchase intention. Findings showed that if consumers saw an attractive model portrayed in an ad, or if the communicator/salesperson of the product was an attractive woman, consumers were more likely to purchase the product (Kahle & Homer, 1985). Aside fr om the relationship between attractiveness and opinion and attitude change, the relationship between attractiveness and purchase intention was tested. Baker and Churchill (1977) conducted experiments using prepared print ads to test 1) the effect of physic al attractiveness for both male and female models, 2) product type such as coffee versus perfume/cologne/after toward the ad, and 4) their purchase intention. In terms of purchase intentions, female purchase intentions were not influenced by product type or physical were highly influenced by product type or physical attractiveness of the female model. If the product wa intentions were triggered more by an unattractive female model. If the product was triggered more by an att ractive female model. In terms of product/ad evaluations,
28 receivers preferred the ad and the product if they were introduced or advertised by an attractive communicator or an attractive model (Baker & Churchill, 1977). Moreover, Caballero and Solomon (198 4) explored what the optimal level of attractiveness is, and they tested if purchase intention -after viewing point to purchase advertisements -changed according to the gender of the models presented in the ads, the sex of the buyer, or the various product s. In the experiment, products varied from the high involvement product (beer) to low involvement product (facial tissue). Photos varied from female to male to no photo. Results showed that highly attractive female models evoked greater purchase intention than medium and low attractive models evoked (Caballero & Solomon, 1984). Beauty Types and Beauty Match up Hypothesis Although research showed the positive influence of attractive women in ads (Chaiken, 1979; Hahle & Homer, 1985; Hyman, 2004), the problem that advertisers still face is a lack of a single type of physical attractiveness. Advertising models have different physical traits and personified qualities (Goodman et al., 2008). Researchers began looking at beauty as having multiple types, and they p ostulated that different beauty types match with different products. To understand how Americans perceive beauty, Solomon et al. (1992) created a beauty typology. They collected a set of photographs and American fashion professionals to categorize them by beauty type, and requested that they use adjectives to describe each beauty type they categorized. Results showed six beauty types -Classic Beauty/Feminine (perfect physical features, especially facial, and with a soft and/or romantic look), Cute (child li ke physical features and/or attire), Sensual/Exotic (sexual looks/non Caucasian), Girl Next Door (a natural, unmade up appearance and simple attire), Sex Kitten (sexual look but more overt and
29 youthful than Sensual) and Trendy (an off beat look, perhaps f lawed or asymmetrical facial features ) (Solomon et al., 1992, p. 25). Using these six beauty types, the researchers next tested the beauty match up hypothesis, which proposes that beauty types should be matched to products that claim similar traits and values to reduce part of their study, participants found several effective brand an d beauty type match ups: Cosmopolitan to Sex Kitten, Chanel to Classic Beauty, and White Linen to Girl Next Door (Solomon et al., 1992). Since the initial Solomon et al. (1992) study, several studies hav e applied the six beauty types to Asian cultures rat beauty type preferences (Frith et al., 2005; Karan & Feng, 2010; Lin, 2008; Lin & Yeh, 2009). For instance, Frith et al. (2005) conducted a content analysis of advertising eauty magazines from Singapore, Taiwan, and the United States to compare how female beauty portrayals, especially sexual portrayals, were different in the United States and the other two Asian countries (Taiwan and Singapore). Findings unveiled similaritie magazines tended to use Classic beauty types in ads. Thus, this beauty type is more or less universally shared by both Eastern and Western cultures. On the other hand, Western women were more likely depicted as Sex K itten or Sensual, Taiwan as Girl Next Door, and Singapore as Classic Beauty (Frith et al., 2005). Lin (2008) conducted a content analysis of three types of popular magazines: magazine s, and Taiwanese domestic management magazines. Results indicated that
30 Taiwanese magazines generally preferred to use Classic Beauty and Girl Next Door, which reflect conservative Confucian beliefs regarding their definition of beauty. In addition, the Tre ndy beauty type tended to be more popular among magazines (Chinese edition) in contemporary Asian soci ety (Lin, 2008). Similarly, Karan and Feng (2010) conducted a content analysis on several the image of women in magazine print ads. These magazines included the top selling Western Cosmopolitan China, Elle China ), the top selling Japanese Rayli Fashion and Beauty, Rayli Woman Custom Woman Friend (Love), and Woman Friend (Cute) (Karan & Feng, 2010). Results showed that advertisers prefer to use Caucasian models to represent sexual beauty types and Because the typology established by Solomon et a l. was based on how fashion Goodman et al. (2008) tested the six beauty types with young college women and found that the six beauty types were not mutually exclusive in They found that consumers categorized beauty along a two dimensional continuum. One end was Sexual/Sensual (SS) with more sexual appeal and the other end was Classic Beauty/Cute/Girl Next Door (CCG) with less sexual appeal. Next, they tes ted the two
31 models with high levels of CCG evoked more pleasure and arousal than high SS models regarding young women (Goodman et al., 2008). Thus, the researchers suggested attention because the CCG evoked more positive emotions (Goodman et al., 2008). Wu (2011) created a beauty typology for the Taiwanese advertisers by taking into consideration two d ifferent resear ch findings. Cunningham et al. (1995) showed that physical attractiveness is different due to cultural differences, sexual maturity, and expressive features that are less attrac tive to Asians. Goodman et al. (2008) indicated that models with higher levels of CCG produced greater pleasure, arousal, and dominance for young women. These beauty types were based on the influences of Taiwanese perceptions of beauty: Confucianism, Kawaii culture -also known as Japanese cute culture, and Western cult Classic Beauty (pure, docile, gentle, decorous, and quiet); Girl Next Door (pure, fresh, less makeup, easygoing, approachable); Cute Acting Beauty (a Japanese Kawaii type cute); Wildness (an expressive sexual l ook, mature, and strong facial features); Intellectual Beauty (mature, rational, wise, and generous); Edgy (with special makeup or unusual outfits, always outstanding); and Sexy Little Woman (pure and fresh as a girl, but also sexy and feminine as an adult ) (Wu, 2011, pp. 35 40). She found that Taiwanese women did not see these seven beauty types as mutually exclusive but saw them as three beauty types: Cute (formerly Girl Next Door/Cute Acting), Feminine (formerly Intellectual Beauty/Classic beauty), and W ild (formerly Wildness). Furthermore, Wu (2011) found Sexy Little Woman and Edgy were hard to differentiate from other beauty types (Wu, 2011). Her emotional response tests revealed that models
32 associated with sexiness (Wildness and Sexy Little Women) prod uced less pleasure, higher arousal, and less dominance. Wu explained that sexiness, which produced less pleasure, supported the argument that Taiwanese people are submissive and docile rather than strong, dominant, and competent, which are the ideas that s exiness expresses (Cunningham et al., 1995; Wu, 2011). Moreover, sexy women in Taiwan are viewed negatively and are believed to have lower intellectual competence, so they are not appealing to Taiwanese women (Wu, 2011). Wu also pointed out that since Taiw anese women have been influenced by Western culture, Taiwanese women are tired of being sexualized and objectified because of the effect of the Western media (movies, TV shows, magazines, advertisements) (Wu, 2011, p. 70). In terms of her findings about se xiness producing higher arousal, Wu (2011) stated that one possible reason might be that Taiwanese women felt highly influenced women (strength, dominance, and competence). his idea is opposite to Taiwanese Western culture via the Western media, Taiwanese women were shown to be sexy to gain power, individuality, and independence. Being sexy was considered as a sign of gaining equal rights with men (Wu, 2011). Despite the Taiwanese mainstream expectation that Taiwanese women should be submissive and docile (Cunningham et al., 1995; Lin & Yeh, 2009; Wu, 2011), Taiwanese women themselves are st ill striving to is arousing to Taiwanese women, but because of intimidation from Sexy models, sexiness does not bring Taiwanese women much pleasure (Wu, 2011).
33 In terms of her findings about sexiness producing less dominance, Wu (2011) suggested a possibility that Taiwanese women did not consider sexiness as an important component when they were evaluating a model. In addition, she pointed out that a very Cute (Cute/Girl Next Door) model produced a significantl y higher level of dominance than other types of models because a p. 73). Moreover, from the social comparison theory perspec tive, participants would likely make self enhancement comparisons (downward comparisons) to high Cute models (Suls, Martin, & Wheele, 2002). Models with strong infantile traits displayed an hey are more powerful than others. Thus, Taiwanese women naturally felt that they are more powerful and more dominant than high Cute models (Wu, 2011, p. 73). Cultural Influences on Beauty Preferences in China To better understand the Chinese consumer, it is necessary to understand Chinese cultural values, changes in Chinese society, the Chinese image/perception of beauty, and influences on beauty on Mainland China. Overall, the culture of Confucianism, collectivism, Western culture, and the Kawaii culture (or Japanese cute culture) highly affect Chinese consumers (Karan & Feng, 2010; Wu, 2011). Confucianism Chinese people are deeply influenced by the culture of Confucianism (Lin, 2008). Since the Han Dynasty, Confucian virtues --are a woman should obey her father before marriage, her husband after marriage, and her son in widowhood while the four virtues are morality, proper speech, modest manners, and d iligent work
34 (Chan & Leong, 1994). Thus, the ideal image of a woman is one who is pure, submissive, tender, elegant, and quiet ( Lin, 2008). This tradition illustrates a submissive image rather than a strong and sensual image of Chinese women. However, fol lowing the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, many Confucian values have been criticized as outdated and have been abandoned by some. Instead, and writing big in various ways, have since become the mainstream in Chinese society (Zhang & Harwood, 2002). Collectivism and to make the p roduct easier to remember, many Chinese companies advertise their products using famous celebrities as their spokesperson (Chiu, 1990). Because China is more involved with collectivism instead of individualism, as in the United States, an attractive model could have an even more profound influence on the Chinese community because outstanding (Chiu, 1990). Being a member of a large homogenous audience has been seen as a nor m in Chinese culture (Wang & Liu, 2010). Western Culture Meanwhile, globalization and multiculturalism have heavily affected the Chinese advertising industry ever since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. Thousands of foreign brands swarmed into the emerging Chinese market along with their Western standards of beauty. Chinese audiences, especially young people, have therefore shifted from collectivism to individualism because of Western culture. For
35 example, Zhang and Shavitt (2003) d id a content analysis of 463 ads to examine cultural values -modernity, tradition, individualism, and collectivism, which were promoted in Chinese advertising (Zhang & Shavitt, 2003). Their study found that advertising in China played a vital role in promo ting modernity and individualism, especially for the Chinese X Generation, that is, those 18 to 35 (Zhang & Shavitt, 2003). Their study implied that the Chinese media reflect the change in cultural values, particularly changes influenced by Western culture Chinese consumers started to welcome these Western values and ideals, which they always had associated with premium, high end, stylish, fashionable products (Chiu, 1990; Zhang & Shavitt, 2003). As a result, the marketplace has been greatly reformed. Kawa ii Culture Aside from Western culture and the culture of Confucianism, Kawaii culture, which is known as Japanese cute culture, also has influenced how Chinese people interpreted kit ten paw style gesture (Yano, 2009, p. 681). Kawaii culture has become a popular beauty trend not only in Japan but also in other Asian countries, such as China and Singapore. For example, one symbol of the Kawaii culture is Hello Kitty the mouthless icon Sanrio also owns Hello Kitty airplanes and a Hello Kitty hotel in Taiwan, a Hello Kitty restaurant in Beijing, and even a Hello Kitty theme park near Shanghai. In these places,
36 everything has been decorated in pink and white with images of the Hello Kitty Family (Pang, 2012, Dec. 19). Moreover, the m ain consumers of Hello Kitty products in Asia, including China, Singapore, South Korea, and Japan, are teen or adult girls whereas the main consumers of Hello Kitty in the United States are children (Yano, 2009). The Japanese cute culture is extremely popular in China, especially among young Chinese females. Similarities Between Taiwan and M ainland China Because this thesis proposes to develop a Chinese beauty typology based on differences between the two regions and cultures. Dating back to the Qing Dynast y when Taiwan was incorporated as part of China in 1683 and then as a province in 1885, Chinese and Taiwanese people shared similar cultural values, such as the Confucianism culture (Wu, 2011; Yu, 2000). Furthermore, the Chinese people are also deeply infl uenced by the Japanese culture and the West, as are the Taiwanese. However, slight differences still exist between Taiwanese and Chinese beauty influences, mainly the Middlesex Phenomenon ( ) that describes unclear gender boundaries for women (Pi, 201 0). This boundary has been viewed as a woman acting like a man, or the phenomenon of a feminine looking female presenting herself as a masculine looking female. The Middlesex Phenomenon grew in popularity after the tional amateur singing competition broadcast on TV. The winner, Li Yuchun, achieved instant fame with her unique boyish appearance and tomboy behavior (Pi, 2010). She became an overnight sensation when she proudly called herself a tomboy in the contest aft er performing songs written for
37 men (Nan, 2011). She was also selected as the cover person in October 2005 for Time Magazine Asia she was also selected as the cover person of Asian editio ns of Bazaar Vogue Cosmopolitan Elle and Figaro and had articles in Time The New York Times China Daily and The Guardian in the following year s. Her tomboy look and deep, steady voice ed a huge group of fans, mostly teenage girls (Pi, 2010). Because of the continued popularity of the Middlesex Phenomenon a Chinese beauty typology needs to include the Tomboy beauty type. A typical Chinese tomboy is described as always wearing dark clothing and baggy pants and having a short, boyish behavior emulates a male hip hop star or a skateboarder (Quan, 2012). Because Wu (2011) developed her seven beauty ty pes considering the influences of Confucianism, Japanese culture, and Western culture, her typology will be a suitable framework for Chinese consumers with the inclusion of an additional beauty type that is appropriate to China: the Tomboy. Because the Tom boy type is boyish and lacks typical femininity and beauty types After developing the Chinese beauty typology based on eight beauty types from previous studies, it is ne cessary to find a way to measure and define the effectiveness of each of the eight beauty type s. Accurately gauging these beauty types would enable advertisers to know which beauty type to correctly use to target consumer s more efficiently and productively Numerous studies have indicated that emotional response is an efficient way to measure and define beauty types.
38 Emotional Response Holbrook and Hirschman (1982) and Holbrook and Batra (1987) have studied emotion based consumption for 30 years. Researche rs originally believed that all consumers made purchasing decisions based on rational (i.e., cognitive) thought alone (Holbrook & Hirschman, 1982). However, focusing only on the cognitive process without understanding the emotional process completely imped ed understanding consumer behavior because emotion is considered the mediator of responses to advertising (Allen, Machleit, & Kleine, 1992; Holbrook & Batra, 1987; Morris, Woo, Geason, & Kim, 2002). To better conceptualize emotional responses, Mehrebian a nd Russell (1977) found that emotional responses can best be described by three independent and bipolar dimensions : pleasure displeasure arousal nonarousal and dominance submissiveness (PAD). Moreover, their results showed that different values of these three dimensions could appear concurrently without affecting one another, meaning these three dimensions are independent of each other. Holbrook and Batra (1987) were among the first to explore Mehrebian and dimensional emotional re sponses model in an advertising context. Their results showed that pleasure and arousal responses to ads and the attitude toward the ad and brand can be predicted by the ad content value as emotional, threatening, mundane, sexy, cerebral, and personal. T hese results also led Holbrook and Batra (1987) to conclude that brand attitudes are mediated by pleasure, arousal, and dominance. Although some research approaches have used adjectives to test emotional responses (Fleur & Jan Benedict, 2005), this approa ch is limited to those who
39 understand the language in question (Morris, 1995). Moreover, the respondent must use cognition to translate complex emotions into words (Holbrook & Batra, 1987). When using adjective checklists to describe feelings, the precise meaning of the adjectives may vary from person to person (Morris, 1995). In addition, asking respondents to describe their feelings using open ended questions is also problematic because answering open ended questions also requires a significant amount of cognitive processing (Holbrook & Batra, 1987; Morris, 1995). To overcome these issues, some researchers (Havlena & Holbrook, 1986; Morris et al., 2002) have used visual stimuli to test emotional responses using the PAD (pleasure, arousal, dominance) appro ach. Morris (1995) indicated that using graphic characters oriented to visual scales eliminated major problems associated with verbal measures. One of the more commonly used visual measurements of emotions is the Self Assessment Manikin (SAM). The tool AdS AM applies SAM to measure emotional responses in the advertising and marketing context (Morris, 1995), and it has been tested many times in advertising applications (Morris et al., 2002) Because AdSAM does not rely on specific definitions of words, it is also a useful tool for cross cultural measures of emotion (Morris, 1995). Furthermore, people respond more quickly because they do not have to verbalize their feelings. Thus, they can finish rating AdSAM within 15 seconds, which allows a great amount o f visual stimuli to be tested in a relatively short period of time versus verbal measures (Morris, 1995). In addition, participants express greater interest in AdSAM than verbal measures, and they are more likely to keep focused when using the SAM scale ( Lang, 1985; Morris, 1995).
40 When compared to the semantic differential scales used by Mehrabian and Russell (1977), AdSAM obtained almost perfect agreement on pleasure and arousal, which are the two primary dimensions that account for most of the variance in emotional responses. On the dominance dimension, AdSAM provided a more accurate measurement than the semantic differential because the human like graphic characters in AdSAM let respondents know that they should rate their own level of dominance and not the level of dominance of the stimulus object. Bradley and Lang (1994) and Morris (1995) confirmed the reliability of AdSAM globally. All agreed that it could be applied to both psychological and communication levels, such as brand awareness, preferen ce, differentiation, intent to purchase, ad interest level, and believability. Theoretical Framework The theoretical frameworks used in the present study are the social cognitive and social comparison theories. The researcher used these two theories to ex plore and explain the key processes in emotional responses and explain the assumptions made regarding The social cognitive theory applied to both men and women, whereas the social co (Goodman et al., 2008; Hatfield & Sprecher, 1995). Social Cognitive Theory The s behaviors and their conse quences (Bandura, 1989; Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, 1997). By observing others, individuals accumulate vicarious experiences, learn the behaviors that produce positive consequences, and try to avoid making the same mistakes as those they observed.
41 One way in which we learn about desired behaviors is through the media. The media have become major socializing agents for consumers allowing consumers to learn and exchange experiences from others. Moreover, the media are responsible for promoting the idea that beautiful receiving positive rewards, and emphasizing that women need to buy products to achieve the desired beauty shown (Goodman et al., 2008, p. 148). For example, when a woman sees a beau tiful, stylish model in an ad, she may imitate the model by be confident and be liked by her friends. The social cognitive theory, furthermore, applies to both men and women because men and women have been socialized to believe that beauty is good, desirable, and is evidence of success (Bandura & Bussey, 1999). For example, when a man sees a beautiful fema le model he likes or his girlfriend likes, he may buy the product for his girlfriend to achieve his goal: to make his girlfriend as beautiful as the advertising model or make his girlfriend happy by giving the product to her. Moreover, men learn from the m edia that a beautiful woman is evidence of high social status and others will envy him if he possesses a beautiful woman Because these are desirable traits, he will likely pay a great deal of attention (high arousal) to the beautiful woman. If he believes he can attain or has already attained such a woman, he will likely feel a high level of pleasure and dominance in viewing the ad (Hatfield & Sprecher, 1995). Social Comparison Theory The s ocial comparison theory indicates that people tend to compare them selves with others to evaluate their abilities and opinions. This theory shows that individuals will have a strong desire to reduce any discrepancy related to their abilities and opinions if
42 they think a particular ability or opinion is more important, suc h as beauty is for women (Festinger, 1954; Martin, & Gentry, 1997). For example, when a woman sees a very attractive model who is living a desirable lifestyle in an ad, she may evaluate herself as not attractive enough to reach that type of lifestyle, and she will take steps to achieve the desired level of attractiveness. The ad may therefore elicit high pleasure and arousal (a desire to be like the person shown), but elicit low dominance because she is not currently as beautiful as that female model. In ge neral, researchers stated that individuals attempt to compare themselves to others who are similar to themselves. However, when they do not compare themselves to others, upward and downward comparisons result (Festinger, 1954; Martin, & Gentry, 1997). An u pward comparison is comparing yourself with someone who is more attractive than you are, whereas a downward comparison is comparing yourself with someone who is less attractive than you are. Downward comparisons are made when women see an unattractive model in an ad with unattractive or undesirable traits they do not have and do not want in order to acquire self confidence and self satisfaction. This downward comparison may evoke a positive mo od (Festinger, 1954; Martin, & Gentry, 1997). On the other hand, Wills (1981) explained the downward comparison motive: self enhancement. He revealed that threatened people are more likely to compare themselves with others who are less fortunate to mainta in their self esteem and to increase their hope for life (Suls et al., 2002; Wills, 1981). For example, when a woman views a wizened female model in an ad indicating the negative effect of smoking, she may compare herself to the model and feel lucky that s he does not smoke.
43 Advertisers prefer to put more positive images in the media. It seems then as if more upward comparison occurs via the media than downward comparisons. Because we generally compare ourselves to those who are similar to us, upward compar ison is less likely to occur unless the trait is very important to have in society, such as the example of the importance of beauty for women. In the case of beautiful women in ads, an upward comparison is the most likely comparison type a consumer would m ake, meaning the consumer is comparing herself to a model who is more attractive than she is. Therefore, this upward comparison most likely will produce negative effects, such as the individual feeling less satisfied with himself or herself or the comparis on evoking a negative mood, such as lower feelings of pleasure and dominance (Richins, 1991; Tiggemann & Mcgill, 2004). For example, Tiggemann and Mcgill (2004) conducted research on 126 female ideally thin female models in the ads. Results revealed that these ideally thin female models evoked themselves. Moreover, participants felt less self esteem after viewing the models in the ads (Tiggemann & Mcgill, 2004). This process explains the upward comparison motive: self evaluation. Furthermore, social pressures could cause an individual with attributes that differ from the group to compare himself/herself with other s to reduce the difference for uniformity purposes (Festinger, 1954). For example, because thinness is very important for Chinese women in terms of the female body ideal, women who do not have an ideally thin body feel great pressure to conform (Farrer, 20 02; Wong, Bennink, Wang, &
44 Yamamoto, 2000). As a result, they diet and work out to approach the goal of having an ideally attractive, thin body (Festinger, 1954). Research Questions and Hypotheses This study departs from previous beauty types and emotion studies by comparing men and women. Because no prior studies exist on this topic, the first research question asks: Furthermore, t his study will follow previous research (Goodman et al., 2008; Wu, 2011) and a ddress the following research questions: RQ 2 : How do Chinese students emotionally respond to Chinese beauty types? Goodman et al. (2008) found that high CCG models with less sexual appeal evoked more pleasure and arousal than high SS models with high sexual appeal. However, Wu (2011) found that Taiwanese models associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) produced less pleasure, higher arousal, and less dominance with a female Taiwa nese audience. Additionally, Cunningham et al. (1995) determined that sexual maturity and expressive features were less attractive to Asians compared to Western people, according to their experiment using Taiwanese and Western participants. dy used a beauty typology that is closer to how Chinese people view beauty th an previous Western study (e.g., Goodman, Morris, & Sutherland, 2008) M oreover, Chinese culture is similar to Taiwanese culture in female submissiveness because both cultures are deeply influenced by the culture of Confucianism (Lin, 2008). Therefore, Chinese consumers will likely prefer more infantile looking, non sexual females rather than sexually mature looking females.
45 From the perspective of the social cognitive and social comparison theories, Chinese women may want to learn from the beauty type images or want to compare themselves to the images. If the image is what they like, they may have a high score for pleasure and they may want to compare themselves to the image. For example, if a Chinese woman saw a cute model she liked with a kitten pawn gesture next to her mouth (e.g., Cute Acting model), she may try to compare herself to the cute model to see whether or not she measures up to the cuteness of the model. She may try to imitate the kitten pawn gesture herself. Moreover, she may also analyze which of the image, such as makeup or tricks from the image. Therefore, the author hypothesized that: H1: Beauty types clearl y associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) will produce less pleasurable feelings than beauty types not clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Girl Next Door, Cute Acting, Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Tomboy). H2 : Beauty types associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) will produce more arousal feelings than beauty types not associated with sexiness (i.e., Girl Next Door, Cute Acting, Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Tomboy). H3: Beauty types clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) will produce less dominant feelings than beauty types not clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Girl Next Door, Cute Acting, Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beaut y, and Tomboy). Figure 2 1: Attractive composite faces (left to right: African American Caucasian, Chinese, and Japanese) (Rhee & Lee, 2010)
46 CHAPTER 3 METHOD Chapter 3 focuses on the method used to answer the research questions and test the hypotheses. This section includes selection of materials and participants and the procedure of the pretest and the main study. Employing both Goodman et al. (2008) and Wu (2011) as guidelines to explore the dimensions of beauty and the emotional responses of consumers in China, this study utilized the same method they used, which was a survey Creation of Chinese Beauty Typology To create a Chinese beauty typology, eight beauty types were tested: Cute Acting, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, Girl Next D oor, Wildness, Sexy Little Woman, Edgy, and Tomboy. With the exception of the Tomboy type, the present study used Her two strongest photos for each beauty type, which were determined by taking the highest mean scores, were tested for va l idating purposes (see Figure A 1 ). To establish the Tomboy type, the researcher started with a definition of or look and behavior (Pi, 2010). As mentioned previously, a typic al tomboy often wears dark clothing and baggy pants; she has a short, boyish hairstyle or a closely cropped hop boy (Quan, 2012). Using the definition of Tomboy, six photographs were selected to prete st. These six photographs were chosen from famous Asian shows (i.e., Super Girl and If You Are The One show -a well known TV dating show), Asian websites (i.e., ChinaDaily.com, sina.com, mop.com), and Asian edition magazines (i.e., Vogue Elle ) from the pa st two
47 years. The criteria for selecting photographs for each beauty type follows the criteria proposed by Solomon et al. (1992) the waist shots, no visible product logos or brand names, the models are pictured alone without other people or animals no pictures deviate markedly from the model size, no color photos, and only clothed Asian). First Pretest Study Design The first pretest was conducted to select the t wo best examples of the Tomboy beauty type and to valid ate types. Six photographs (Model A, Model B, Model C, Model D, Model E, and Model X, see Figure A 2 ) of the Tomboy beauty type were presented in the pretest questionnaire plus the 14 photographs (i.e., top two for each beauty type, which were named as Model G and Model H represent Cute Acting, Model J and Model K represent Classic Beauty, Model M and Model N represent Edgy, Model O and Model P r epresent Girl Next Door, Model Q and Model R represent Intellectual Beauty, Model S, and Model T represent Sexy Little Woman, and Model U and Model V represent Wildness, see Figure A 1 m that the photographs strongly represented each beauty type -but for a Chinese audience. The bilingual questionnaire was presented as an online survey in Chinese and English, and the photographs were randomized in the online survey to eliminate the possib who ranged in age from 18 to 33 years old, were allowed to participate in the study to eliminate the possibility of age as a confounding variable.
48 After collecting dat a from the first pretest survey a total of 42 questionnaires were returned. Thirty four questionnaires remained after eliminating incomplete or blank questionnaires, or individuals who were not in the 18 to 33 year old age group, or those persons who ha d lived in the United States for more than five years. Thus, for the pretest, there were a total of 34 participants: 16 males and 18 females. In the pretest, 27 participants were students from a Chinese student organization at a major university, and seven participants were alumni from a Chinese university. Their ages ranged from 23 to 30 years old. In addition, a screening question was asked to make sure all participants had not lived outside of China for more than five years, which ensured that they were p rimarily socialized into the Chinese culture. Participants were asked to rate how much the photograph represented each of the eight beauty types on a 5 point Likert scale immediately after viewing a photograph. The 5 point Likert scale ranged from strongly disagree to strongly agree Participants were asked to evaluate the model as pictured to avoid any knowledge bias, such as prejudice or preference toward the presented model (Goodman et al., 2008, p. 152). After analyzing the result of the pretest, two ph otographs for the Tomboy beauty type were selected based on the highest means and lowest standard deviations : Model C ( M = 4.79, SD = .479) and Model E ( M = 4.76, SD = .431). By comparing the pretest means calculator (http://www.answersresearch.com/means.php), which was typically used for testing the statistical differences of a t test for two independent samples, the author found one photograph for Classic Beauty (Model J, M = 4.38, SD = .697), Cute Acting (Model G, M = 4.53, SD = .706), Sexy Little Woman (Model S, M = 4.41, SD = .988), Wild (Model U,
49 M = 4.56, SD = .705), and Intellectual Beauty (Model R, M = 4.65, SD = .849) that did will therefore be tested in the main study (see Figure A 3 ). Second Pretest Study Design the Edgy and Girl Next Door beauty types, the author conducted a second pretest in which she ran all the Edgy and Girl Next photographs (Model L, Model W, Model I, Model D, Mode l O, and Model P [see Figure A 2 ]) of the Girl Next Door beauty type and six photographs (Model Z, Model Y, Model M, Model X, Model A, and Model N [see Figure A 3 ]) of the Edgy beauty type were presented in the second questionnaire. As with the first pretest design, the bilingual questionnaire was presented as an online survey in both Chinese and English. The photograph s were randomized in the online survey to eliminate the possibility that the order of the photos influenced participant ratings. Only students who were between 18 and 33 years old were allowed to participate in the study to eliminate the possibility of age as a confounding variable. Thirty participants were asked to take the second pretest survey: 16 males and 14 females. Twenty one participants in the pretest were students from a Chinese student organization at a major university and nine participants wer e alumni from a Chinese university. Ages ranged from 22 to 29 years old. In addition, a screening question was asked to make sure all participants had not lived outside China for more than five years, which ensured that they were primarily socialized into the Chinese culture.
50 Participants were asked to rate how much the photograph represented each of the eight beauty types on a 5 point Likert scale immediately after viewing a photograph. The 5 point Likert scale ranged from strongly disagree to strongly agr ee Participants were asked to evaluate the model as pictured to avoid any knowledge bias, such as prejudice or preference toward the presented model (Goodman et al., 2008, p. 152). By n means calculator ( http://www.answersresearch.com/means.php ), the author found, in terms of the Edgy beauty type, that Model Z ( M = 4.50, SD = .777), Model Y ( M = 4.37, SD = .85), Model M ( M = 4.83, SD = .461), Model X ( M = 4.56, SD = .705), and Model A ( M = 4.30, SD ( M = 4.30, SD terms of the Girl Next Door beauty type, the author found that Model L ( M = 4.20, SD = signi M = 3.67, SD = .844), Model O ( M = 4.47, SD = .681), Model I ( M = 4.17, SD = .592), Model P ( M = 3.73, SD = .907), and Model D ( M = 3.40, SD = .932). Based on the results, one photo graph for the Girl Next Door beauty type (Model O, M = 4.47, SD = .681) and one photograph for the Edgy beauty type (Model M, M = 4.83, SD = .461) were selected, based on the highest means and lowest standard deviations even though the Girl Next Door model (Model O) had a significantly lower mean than Wu (2011) found (see Figure A 4 ).
51 Main Study Design Participants The main study consisted of 410 participants and 318 participants completed the main study survey. Participants who had lived in the United Sta tes more than five years, those who were outside the age range of 18 to 33 years old, and those who did not answer more than the first three questions were eliminated. Thus, 219 surveys were used for the main study : 116 males and 103 females. A total of 74 participants were college students from a Chinese student organization at a major university, and 145 participants were alumni from a Chinese university. Four respondents did not respond about their group (alumni or student organization member) or give th eir age. A screening question was asked at the end of the questionnaire to make sure all participants had not lived outside China for more than five years, which ensured primary socialization in to the Chinese culture. Procedure and measures An online survey was conducted using Qualtrics a type of software that allows users to privately conduct surveys online. Data were collected during two weeks from March 27 to April 7, 2013. The survey included eight photographs (one for each beauty type) from the pretests. Questionnaires were in both English and Chinese. Participants received the survey either by QQ chatting machine or by e mail. emotional responses. Emotional responses to all eight photographs were measured using AdSAM a visual tool using graphic characters to measure emotional responses on the PAD level (Goodman et al., 2008; Morris, 1995). All photographs were randomly
52 ordered using the randomizer function in Qualtrics Participants were shown eight photographs and immediately asked to indicate their feelings on the AdSAM Self Assessment Manikin (SAM) and, by extension AdSAM is a set of graphic character s that depicts the three PAD dimensions on a 9 point scale (L ang, 1985). For the pleasure level, AdSAM ranges from smiling/happy to frowning/unhappy. For the arousal level, AdSAM ranges from sleepy with eyes closed to excited with eyes open. For the dominance level, AdSAM ranges from a small figure representing a submissive feeling to a very large figure representing a powerful feeling (Lang, 1985; Morris, 1995) (see Figure 2). The researcher chose AdSAM over other scales because it is a culture free and language free non verbal tool (Morris, 1995; Wu, 2011). In addition, this tool has been successfully used within the advertising context to measure emotional responses (Morris et al., 2002). The purpose the Tomboy beauty type. As with in the first pretest, participants were asked to rate how much the two Tomboy photographs represented each of the eight beauty types on a 5 point Likert s cale immediately after viewing a photograph. The 5 point Likert scale ranged from strongly disagree to strongly agree current status, and number of years they have been in the United States.
53 Figure 3 1: Self Assessment Manikin
54 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Chapter 4 introduces the statistical methods used in the pretests and in the main study, and also provides the results of each research question and hypothesis. T he software SPSS 21.0 was used to analyze the data. The t test for two independent samples analysis was employed to choose the best example s from the pretests. An analysis of variance (ANOVA) and a Tukey post hoc analysis were used to test Hypotheses 1, H2 and H3 to compare the emotions at the PAD level for each beauty type. The t test for two independent samples analysis was conducted to answer RQ 2 regarding gender differences. Furthermore, PAD scores were interpreted by the AdSAM perceptual map to help cross cultural researchers view and test data effectively. Pretests In terms of the Tomboy beauty type, a data table was created to show all the means and standard deviations. As mentioned previously, by comparing the means and sta ndard deviation of the six Tomboy pictures, Model C ( M = 4.74, SD = .511) was chosen as the best picture representing the Tomboy beauty type, based on the highest means and lowest standard deviation (see Table 4 1). In terms of the other seven beauty type s, the researcher compared her mean ( http://www.answersresearch.com/means.php ), which is a t test for two independent samples. (Model G), Classic Beauty (Model J), Intellectual Beauty (Model R), Sexy Little Woman
55 (Model S), an means (see Table 4 1). Both the Edgy (Model M and N) and Girl Next Door (Model O Therefore, the researcher condu cted a second pretest with all the Edgy and Girl Next Results showed that Model M ( M = 4.83, SD = .461) was the best example of Edgy, and Model O ( M = 4.47, SD = .681) was the best example of Girl Next Door (see Table 4 2). the main study are listed in Tabl e 4 3. Main Study Demographics Participants in the main study consisted of students from either a Chinese student organization at a major university (n = 275) or alumni from a Chinese university (n = 110). Qualtrics logged 410 people as having opened the main survey. However, upon closer inspection of the data, only 318 participants answered at least one of the States for more than five years, those who were outside the age range of 18 to 33 years old, and those who did not answer more than the first three questions. The study therefore consisted of a total of 219 participants: 116 males and 103 females. Among the 219 participants, approximately 73% were aged 18 to 25 yea rs old, and 27% were participants aged 26 to 33 years old with an average age of 24.6. Approximately 53% were graduate students, 14% were undergraduate, and 33% were currently working. Approximately 56% lived in the United States for less than two years, a nd 44% lived in the United States for more than two years but less than five years.
56 Research Questions and Hypothes e s Gender Differences independent samples t test was employed to test the differences between male and female participants rega rding their emotional responses at the PAD level toward the eight Chinese female beauty types. The significant differences are at a 95% confidence interval level. In terms of th e pleasure level (see Table 4 4) results revealed that Classic Beauty ( t (217) = 0.915, p = .031), Tomboy ( t (217) = 4.434, p = .000), Edgy ( t (217) = 2.577, p = .011), Girl Next Door ( t (217) = 4.031, p = .000), Cute Acting ( t (217) = 2.054, p = .041), and Intellectual Beauty ( t (217) = 3.301, p = .001) had significant differences b etween male and female participants ( p < 0.05). Specifically, Classic Beauty (Male M = 5.85, SD = 1.795; Female M = 6.40, SD = 1.917), Intellectual Beauty (Male M = 5.95, SD = 2.068; Female M = 6.78, SD = 1.578), Girl Next Door (Male M = 5.47, SD = 2.386; Female M = 6.76, SD = 22.311) produced significantly greater pleasurable feelings in females than in males. Tomboy (Male M = 3.24, SD = 2.169; Female M = 4.55, SD = 2.204) and Edgy (Male M = 3.82, SD = 2.016; Female M = 4.50, SD = 1.846) produced significantly less pleasurable feelings in male s than in female s The Cute Acting beauty type (Male M = 4.34, SD = 2.127; Female M = 3.74, SD = 2.245) produced significantly less pleasurable feelings in female s than in male s Sexy Little Woman (Male M = 6.62, SD = 1.914; Female M = 6.42, SD = 1.769) and Wildness (Male M = 5.11, SD = 1.910; Female M = 4.86, SD = 2.101) produced similar pleasure levels in both male s and female s (see Table 4 4 ).
57 Overall, male s and female s had similarly moderate to modera tely high pleasurable feelings toward beauty types highly associated with sexiness. They had significantly different pleasurable feelings, ranging from moderately low (mean ranges from 3.01 to 4.99) to moderately high (mean ranges from 5.01 to 6.99) towar d beauty types not clearly associated with sexiness. Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, Girl Next Door, and Sexy Little Woman produced the strongest levels of pleasure in women, all of which were moderately high. Although the same four types produced the strongest levels of pleasure for men, only Sexy Little Woman produced relatively h igh er pleasure than the other three beauty types for men (mean over 6). The other three produced moderate pleasure. In terms of the arousal level (see Table 4 5 ), results revealed that Wildness ( t (217) = 2.429, p = .016), Sexy Little Woman ( t (217) = 2.262, p = .025), Tomboy ( t (217) = 2.497, p = .013), and Cute Acting ( t (217) = 2.347, p = .020) had signific ant differences between male and female participants ( p < 0.05). Spe cifically, Wildness (Male M = 4.63, SD = 2.071; Female M = 3.94, SD = 2.114), Sexy Little Woman (Male M = 5.95, SD = 2.226; Female M = 5.26, SD = 2.258), and Cute Acting (Male M = 3.68, SD = 2.024; Female M = 3.02, SD = 2.147) produced significant ly greate r arousal feelings in male s than in female s The Tomboy beauty type (Male M = 2.53, SD = 2.141; Female M = 3.25, SD = 2.159) produced significantly greater arousal feelings in female s than in male s However, Classic Beauty (Male M = 4.95, SD = 2.059; Female M = 4.83, SD = 2.152), Edgy (Male M = 3.28, SD = 2.088; Female M = 3.80, SD = 2.031), Girl Next Door (Male M = 4.65, SD = 2.208; Female M = 4.93, SD = 2.434), and Intellectual
58 Beauty (Male M = 4.51, SD = 2.259; Female M = 4.99, SD = 2.131) did not have significant arousal differences ( p > 0.05) (see Table 4 5 ). Overall, male s and female s had significantly different arousal feelings, ranging from moderately low to moderately high, toward beauty types highly associated with sexiness, and the y had similarly moderate to moderately high arousal feelings toward beauty types not clearly associated with sexiness (except Cute Acting). In terms of the dominance level (see Table 4 6 ), results revealed no significant differences in the dominan ce level among the eight beauty types ( p > 0.05) (see Table 4 6 ). Specifically, Wildness ( t (217) = 1.063, p = .289), Sexy Little Woman ( t (217) = 1.289, p = .199), Tomboy ( t (217) = .520, p = .603), Cute Acting ( t (217) = .118, p = .906), Classic Cute Acting ( t (217 ) = .239, p = .812), Edgy ( t (217) = .024, p = .981), Girl Next Door ( t (217) = .438, p = .662), and Intellectual Beauty ( t (217) = 1.098, p = .273) did not have significant differences regarding dominance level ( p > 0.05) (see Table 4 6 ). Male s and female s had similar dominant feelings toward the ei ght beauty types (see Table 4 6 ). In terms of the second research question: How do Chinese students emotionally respond to Chinese beauty types? Hypothesis 1 stated: Beauty types clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) will produce less pleasurable feelings than beauty types that are not clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Girl Next Door, Cute Acting, Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Tomboy). According to their mean scores, Sexy Little Woman ( M = 6.53, SD = 1.846) produced the greatest amount of pleasure, whereas Tomboy ( M = 3.86, SD = 2.277)
59 produced the least amount of pleasure. Results also showed significant differences in the pleasure level among the eight b eauty types (F (7, 1744) = 64.894, p = .000). A post hoc comparison of means at a 95% confidence interval was conducted to determine significant differences between beauty types. Results indicated that Sexy Little Woman ( M = 6.53, SD = 1.846), Intellectual Beauty ( M = 6.34, SD = 1.895), Classic Beauty ( M = 6.11, SD = 1.869), and Girl Next Door ( M = 6.08, SD = 2.432) all produced the greatest amount of pleasure and were significantly greater than all the other types. However, no significant differences occur red among the four types. Although Wild ( M = 5.00, SD = 2.001) produced only an average amount of pleasure, this beauty type produced significantly more pleasure than Edgy ( M = 4.14, SD = 1.963), Cute Acting ( M = 4.06, SD = 2.199), and Tomboy ( M = 3.86, SD = 2.277), and significantly less that Intellectual Beauty, Classic Beauty, Sexy Little Woman, and Girl Next Door. No significant differences occurred among the Edgy, Cute Acting, and Tomboy beauty types. Thus, Hypothesis 1 was partially supported because the Wildness beauty type produced less pleasurable feelings than some of those less sexiness related types However, Sexy Little Woman produced more pleasurable feelings than all the other seven beauty types Hypothesis 2 stated: Beauty types associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) will produce more arousal feelings than beauty types that are not associate d with sexiness (i.e., Girl Next Door, Cute Acting, Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellect ual Beauty, and Tomboy). Again, Sexy Little Woman ( M = 5.63, SD = 2.262) produced the greatest level of arousal, while Tomboy ( M = 2.87, SD = 2.175) produced
60 the least level of arousal. Furthermore, significant differences occurred in the arousal level amo ng the eight beauty types (F (7, 1744) = 40.148, p < .001). A post hoc comparison of means at a 95% confidence interval was conducted to determine significant differences between beauty types. Results indicated that Sexy Little Woman ( M = 5.63, SD = 2.262) produced significantly greater arousal than all the other beauty types. Classic Beauty ( M = 4.89, SD = 2.099), Girl Next Door ( M = 4.78, SD = 2.415), Intellectual Beauty ( M = 4.74, SD = 2.208), and Wild ( M = 4.31, SD = 2.114) all produced moderate levels of arousal, yet no significant differences occurred among them. All four types also produced significantly greater arousal than Edgy ( M = 4.14, SD = 2.073), Cute Acting ( M = 3.37, SD = 2.104), and Tomboy ( M = 2.87, SD = 2.175). Cute Acting was not signific antly different from Tomboy and Edgy, but Edgy and Tomboy were significantly different from each other. Thus, Hypothesis 2 was partially supported because the Sexy Little Woman beauty type produced significantly greater arousal feelings than all those less sexiness related types However, the Wildness beauty type was not statistically different from Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door. Hypothesis 3 stated: Beauty types clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Wildness and Sexy Little Woman) will produce less dominant feelings than beauty types that are not clearly associated with sexiness (i.e., Girl Next Door, Cute Acting, Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Tomboy). All eight types produced moderate levels of dominant feelings. However, no differences occurred in the dominant level among the eight beauty types (F (7, 1744) = 0.943, p = .472). Thus, Hypothesis 3 was not support ed.
61 AdSAM Perceptual Map Figure B 1( B 2 ) shows the pleasure and arousal level reactions to the eight beauty types. Although the high levels of pleasurable feelings are elicited, they never go beyond a mid level of arousal feelings wit h each gender. Among wome n, as demonstrated in Figure B 1 the Girl Next Door, Intellectual Beauty, Classic Beauty, and Sexy Little Woman beauty types produced stronger pleasurable feelings than did the Edgy, Tomboy, Wildness, and Cute Acting beauty types. The Girl Next Door and Intellectual Beauty types produced more pleasurable feelings (eliciting emotions such as mature) than did Classic Beauty and Sexy Little Woman (eliciting emotions such as wholesome). These latter four beauty types elicited a moderate level of arousal Cute Acting produced the greatest negative feelings (medium) of all the seven beauty types (eliciting emotions such as unemotional and bored). Cute Acting also elicited the same low level of arousal as did Tomboy (eliciting emotions such as nonchalant). The Edgy and Wildness beauty types produced neither positive nor negative feelings, and they were more engaging than Tomboy and Cute Acting; they were less engaging than Girl Next Door, Intellectual Beauty, Classic Beauty, and Sexy Little Woman (eliciting emotions such as aloof and quietly indignant). Among men, as demonstrated in Figure B 2 Sexy Little Woman produced the greatest pleasurable feelings and elicited the highest level of arousal than did the other seven beauty types (eliciting emotions such as bold, childlike, and provocative). Girl Next Door, Intellectual Beauty, and Classic Beauty produced slightly stronger pleasurable feelings (eliciting emotions such as wholesome) than did Ed gy (eliciting emotions such as unemotional), Cute Acting (eliciting emotions such as skeptical) and Tomboy (eliciting emotions such as weary). Girl Next Door, Intellectual Beauty, Classic
62 Beauty, and Wildness had a relatively similar level of arousal (mode rate) and were more engaging than did Edgy, Cute Acting, and Tomboy. Cute Acting produced the same negative feelings as did Edgy, but had a higher level of arousal than did Edgy. Tomboy had the same low level of arousal score as did Edgy, but produced stro nger negative feelings than did the other seven beauty types.
63 Tabl e 4 1: First pretest results (mean and std.) Beauty Type Model Mean Standard Deviation Tomboy Model C* 4.74 0.511 Model E 4.65 0.597 Model D 4.62 0.739 Model A 4.50 0.663 Model B 4.36 0.859 Model X 2.15 1.019 Cute Acting Model G* 4.53 0.706 Model H 4.26 0.931 Classic Beauty Model J* 4.38 0.697 Model K 3.94 0.983 Intellectual Beauty Model R* 4.65 0.849 Model Q 4.50 0.961 Sexy Little Woman Model S* 4.48 0.677 Model T 4.35 0.661 Wildness Model U* 4.56 0.705 Model V 4.33 0.99 The best example of each representitive beauty type Table 4 2: Second pretest results (mean and std.) Beauty Type Model Mean Standard Deviation Edgy Model M* 4.74 0.511 Model X 4.65 0.597 Model Z 4.62 0.739 Model Y 4.50 0.663 Model A 4.36 0.859 Model N 2.15 1.019 Girl Next Door Model O* 4.53 0.706 Model L 4.26 0.931 Model I 4.38 0.697 Model P 3.94 0.983 Model W 4.65 0.849 Model D 4.50 0.961 The best example of each representitive beauty type
64 Table 4 3: Photographs for the main study Classic Beauty Cute Acting Intellectu al Beauty Sexy Little Woman Wildness Girl Next Door Edgy Tomboy Model J Model G Model R Model S Model U Model O Model M Model C Table 4 4: Independent sample t test pleasure level Table 4 5: Independent sample t test arousal level Beauty Type Mean t df Sig. Sexy Little Woman 5.95 5.26 2.262 217 .025 Intellectual Beauty 4.51 4.99 1.617 217 .107 Classic Beauty 4.95 4.83 .398 217 .691 Girl Next Door 4.65 4.93 .910 217 .364 Wildness 4.63 3.94 2.429 217 .016 Cute Acting 3.68 3.02 2.347 217 .020 Edgy 3.28 3.80 1.864 217 .064 Tomboy 2.53 3.25 2.497 217 .013 Beauty Type Mean t df Sig. Sexy Little Woman 6. 62 6.42 .813 217 .417 Intellectual Beauty 5.95 6.78 3.301 217 .001 Classic Beauty 5.85 6.40 2.171 217 .031 Girl Next Door 5.47 6.76 4.031 217 .000 Wildness 5.11 4.86 .915 217 .361 Cute Acting 4.34 3.74 2.054 217 .041 Edgy 3.82 4.50 2.577 217 .011 Tomboy 3.24 4.55 4.434 217 .000
65 Table 4 6: Independent sample t test dominance level Beauty Type Mean t df Sig. Sexy Little Woman 5.12 4.72 1.289 217 .199 Intellectual Beauty 4.92 4.57 1.098 217 .273 Classic Beauty 4.89 4.82 .239 217 .812 Girl Next Door 4.91 5.05 .438 217 .662 Wildness 5.00 4.68 1.063 217 .289 Cute Acting 4.66 4.71 .118 217 .906 Edgy 4.60 4.61 .024 217 .981 Tomboy 4.41 4.61 .520 217 .603 Table 4 7 : Comparison of pleasure scores among the eight beauty types 95% Confidence Interval for Mean Beauty Type (Model) Pleasure Mean Std. Std. Error Lower Bound Upper Bound Sexy Little Woman (Model S) 6.53 (1) 1.846 .125 6.28 6.77 Intellectual Beauty (Model R) 6.34 (1) 1.895 .128 6.09 6.59 Classic Beauty (Model J) 6.11 (1) 1.869 .126 5.86 6.36 Girl Next Door (Model O) 6.08 (1) 2.432 .164 5.75 6.40 Wildness (Model U) 5.00 (2) 2.001 .135 4.73 5.26 Edgy (Model M) 4.14 (3) 1.963 .133 3.88 4.40 Cute Acting (Model G) 4.06 (3) 2.199 .149 3.77 4.35 Tomboy (Model C) 3.86 (3) 2.277 .154 3.56 4.16 (1) No significant differences occurred among Sexy Little Woman, Intellectual Beauty, Classic Beauty, and Girl Next Door. (2) Wild ness produced significantly more pleasure than Edgy, Cute Acting, and Tomboy, and significantly less tha n Intellectual Beauty, Classic Beauty, Sexy Little Woman, and Girl Next Door. (3) No significant differences occurred among the Edgy, Cute Acting and Tomboy bea uty types.
66 Table 4 8 : Comparison of arousal scores among the eight beauty types 95% Confidence Interval for Mean Beauty Type (Model) Arousal Mean Std. Std. Error Lower Bound Upper Bound Sexy Little Woman (Model S) 5.63 (1) 2.262 .153 5.32 5.93 Classic Beauty (Model J) 4.89 (2) 2.099 .142 4.62 5.17 Girl Next Door (Model O) 4.78 (2) 2.415 .157 4.47 5.09 Intellectual Beauty (Model R) 4.74 (2) 2.208 .149 4.44 5.03 Wildness (Model U) 4.31 (2) 2.114 .143 4.02 4.59 Edgy (Model M) 3.52 (3) 2.073 .140 3.24 3.80 Cute Acting (Model G) 3.37 (3) 2.104 .142 3.09 3.65 Tomboy (Model C) 2.87 (3) 2.175 .147 2.58 3.16 (1) Sexy Little Woman produced significantly greater arousal than all the other beauty types. (2) No significant differences occurred among Classic Beauty, Girl Next Door, Intellectual Beauty, and Wildness. All these four beauty types produced significantly greater arousal than Edgy, Cute Acting, and Tomboy. (3) No significant differences occurred among the Edgy, Cute Acting, and Tomboy beauty types. Table 4 9 : Comparison of dominance scores among the eight beauty types 95% Confidence Interval for Mean Beauty Type (Model) Dominance Mean Std. Std. Error Lower Bound Upper Bound Girl Next Door (Model O) 4.97 (1) 2.415 .163 4.65 5.29 Sexy Little Woman (Model S) 4.93 (1) 2.309 .156 4.62 5.24 Classic Beauty (Model J) 4.85 (1) 2.235 .151 4.56 5.15 Wildness (Model U) 4.85 (1) 2.228 .151 4.55 5.15 Intellectual Beauty (Model R) 4.76 (1) 2.352 .159 4.44 5.07 Cute Acting (Model G) 4.68 (1) 2.800 .189 4.31 5.06 Edgy (Model M) 4.61 (1) 2.507 .169 4.27 4.94 Tomboy (Model C) 4.50 (1) 2.926 .198 4.11 4.89 (1) No significant differences occurred among these eight beauty types.
67 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION Chapter 5 discusses the results from the main study. This chapter also talks about implications to be considered for future research in advertising related fields. previou s studies, the author demonstrates the cultural differences and gender differences involved in the perception of beauty and the emotional responses to those beauty types, as well as the possible reasons for changes in perception that have taken place durin g recent years. Gender Differences The results demonstrated that males and females have similarly moderate to moderately high pleasurable feelings (mean ranges from 5.01 to 6.99) toward the two beauty types that were highly associated with sexiness -Wildn ess and Sexy Little Woman. One possible reason for this reaction could be that all participants experienced t is, the same aspects of Western culture and traditional Chinese culture. So each gender has had a similar social learn ing experience and thus each reacts similarly to these sexual images. The results also showed that males and females have significantly different pleasurable feelings, ranging from moderately low to moderately high, toward beauty types not clearly associa ted with sexiness. Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door produced significantly greater levels of pleasure in women th an in men. According to the literature, this finding could be the result of men focusing on sexiness more than women foc using on sexiness. So men did not feel as much pleasure as women did from looking at the non sexiness oriented beauty types (Franzoi & Herzog,
68 1987; Pedersen, Markee, & Salusso, 1994). However, though Cute Acting, Edgy, and Tomboy were not sexy oriented beauty types, no significant differences occurred between the genders because these three beauty types were not socially desirable and positively rewarded as Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door were rewarded. The potential differences s howed only what is acceptable. The two beauty types associated with sexiness (Sexy Little Woman, Wildness), as well as the Cute Acting type, produced significantly greater arousal in men than in women, whereas the Tomboy type produced significantly greater arousal in women than in oriented attractiveness, produced their significantly greater interest in models associated with se xiness (Franzoi & Herzog, 1987; Pedersen, Markee, & Salusso, 1994). Also, as modern Chinese women embrace the new concepts of being powerful and independent, women may be less interested in the Cute Acting models than are men becau se this type represents t he outdated, child like, docile image of women. Similarly, because the Tomboy type represents an independent, daring woman who eschews social expectations, and young Chinese women are embracing feminism in greater numbers, it is no t surprising that this beauty type evinced greater interest from women than from men. In addition, heterosexual Chinese men generally do not like girls to appear boyish and therefore would not find them appealing. From the social cognitive and social comp f view, men may not have been pleased by the Tomboy type because that t ype lacks sexuality,
69 Tomboy type. Thus, a woman may be willing to learn to be a comparing herself to the Tomboy type, and this interest results in a higher pleasure and arousal score in women than in men when viewing the Tomboy type. The remainder of the four beauty types (Edgy, Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door) showed no significant differences in reaction between male and female viewers. Generally, this study demonstrates no differences occurred in arousal levels between men and women when viewing non sexiness oriented types because 1) The E dgy beauty type was evaluated less favorably by both Chinese males and females given the lack of positive associations affiliated with this type of fe male models. Moreover, the Edgy beauty type is not very common in the mainstream Chinese media. As a resul t, this beauty type may lack strong affect for both Chinese males and females, and 2) Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door be auty types were the three that produce general positive feelings as these three beauty types were the social norm and therefore considered acceptable. Finally, an unexpected result was seeing no significant differences on the dominance dimension between genders. Perhaps in a collectivist environment, neither men nor women want to dominate t he other or be dominated by the other. These results reflect the Confucian concept of the Doctrine of the Mean, which is pronounced as Chung Young. Chung refers to a Middle Way that bends neither one way nor another, while Young refers to the quality of being unchanging (Confucius, 1951). In a way that is similar to collectivism, Chung Young has had a profound influence among Chinese people, encouraging them to remain neutral (i.e., neither dominant nor submissive).
70 Emotional Resp onses and Hypotheses In terms of the Tomboy beauty type in the Chinese culture, results revealed that the Tomboy beauty type possesses a clearer image than that of other beauty types. sh behavior, short hair, cool facial expression and wearing typically masculine Yuchun, as a typical Tomboy beauty model, achieved instant fame with her unique (P i, 2010). She then became a spokeswoman of this beauty group, and, for this reason, the author chose her (Model C) t o represent that particular beauty type. The result s of the present study confirmed that her image certainly matches the Tomboy beauty type. Hypothesis 1 predicted that sexiness associated models would produce less pleasurable feelings. However, the results indicated that H1 was only partially supported. As hypothesized, the highly sexualized Wildness beauty type produced less pleasurable fee lings than the several lower sexiness types (Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door). However, th e sexiness associated Sexy Little Woman beauty type (who is less wildly sensual than Wildness) produced the greatest level of pleasure althoug h Sexy Little Woman is not statistically different from Intellectual Beauty, Classic Beauty, and Girl Next Door. Both sexiness associated models (Sexy Little Woman and Wildness) produced greater pleasure than the Edgy, Cute Acting, and Tomboy beauty models One possible reason for these mixed results could be, first, the influence of (early 1980s), no one spoke about sex in public and premarital and extramarital sex was considered shameful (Jeffreys, 2006). The Chinese government had repressed sex in
71 China and expressed the view that sex was merely a part of the reproduction process concept aligned with Confucianism and its view of Chinese women as being shy, and Opening Up Policy in 1978 allowed the Western media to be disseminated, thereby bringing in Western s exual culture. As a result, Chinese consumers began to mimic Western sexual culture (Jeffreys, 2006; Zhang, Gao, Dong, Tan, & Wu, 2002), which everyone else). Moreover, because the traditional idea that sex is only for reproductive purposes changed, in the era after the 1980s, the Chinese began to accept the idea of sex for in thei r conceptualization of beauty. Additionally, the Chinese media, seen as major socializing agents for consumers, usually promoted the idea that only the beautiful person received positive rewards (Goodman et al., 2008). According to the social cognitive the consequences of those behaviors (Bandura, 1989; Snyder, Tanke, & Berscheid, 1997). For example, when a woman (a man) saw a poster of a beautiful Sexy Little Woman model representing a lipsti ck product outside of a cosmetics store, according to the social cognitive theory, she (he) would compare herself (his girlfriend) with the model in the poster. If the woman can be as beautiful as the model after putting on the lipstick, she would feel ver y happy when viewing the model in the ad, and she may want to walk into the store to buy the product to be as beautiful as the model is. If the man wants to
72 attain such a beautiful girlfriend, he would feel very happy when viewing the model in the ad, and he may want to walk into the store to buy the product for his girlfriend to make both of them happy. On the contrary, if the woman or the man saw an unattractive model holding a lipstick in the ad, they may pass the store because the ad may not make them h w to become beautiful from it. Another reason for the mixed study results could be the type of sexiness that Sexy Little Woman and Wildness represent. The Sexy Little Woman beauty type included a more submissive, innocent face; she exuded some sexiness on the outside while her sweet and innocent visage showed she still possesses conservative values on the outside. By comparison, the Wildness beauty type demonstrated only one sort of sexiness, the overt ly sexual sort, a type of sensuousness that was bolder and more blatant than that found in Sexy Little Woman. Although the participants were products of the Sexual Revolution and embraced their sexuality, they were also educated under Confucianism and in t his aspect of their socialization they were still encouraged to admire women who are submissive and conservative (Xiao, Palmgreen, & Zimmerman, 2011), making for an interesting and contradictory belief system that both embraced and avoided sexiness. Theref ore, the Sexy Little Woman beauty type may have produced great pleasure because she perfectly represents the contradiction. On the other hand, the Wildness beauty type represented only a product of Western culture, a type that is still outside the taste o f the mainstream Chinese consumers and failed to represent both the traditional Chinese culture of Confucianism (submissive, innocent) and the modern Western culture (very overtly sensual). Thus,
73 she produced less pleasure because her beauty type represent ed a too brazen, sexually wild woman, which the Chinese consumers are not yet culturally prepared to accept or with whom he/she cannot yet feel comfortable. In terms of why Wildness produced greater pleasure than Cute Acting, Tomboy, and Edgy, several poss ibilities exist. Cute Acting in the Chinese media was shown as being fake, which is not positively rewarded in Chinese society. From the social cognitive theory point of view, people may not have a happy reaction when viewing the Cute Acting model because of the negative associations with acting fake. Similar to Cute Acting, Edgy was also not positively rewarded by the Chinese media. The Edgy beauty type in the Chinese media was shown as having an indifferent attitude, and she acted too unconventionally. I n the Chinese media, these behaviors stand out too much to be accepted by people under the culture of collectivism. Moreover, the Edgy appearances were not positively rewarded in the Chinese media. Therefore, coming across as Edgy is not positively accepte d in the Chinese culture. For example, an Edgy female student with purple hair would be criticized by school officers because she did not conform to the school rules, one of which addresses the issue of dyed hair. From the social cognitive point of view, C hinese consumers may feel uncomfortable regarding the Edgy beauty type if that type of beauty is not part of the social norm. Thus, Chinese consumers may not feel happy toward this beauty type. Next, the Tomboy beauty type in the Chinese media was shown as sexless The boyish behaviors were too extreme to be accepted by people under the culture of collectivism. Moreover, in the Chinese culture, according to the social cognitive theory, a woman may feel uncomfortable regarding the Tomboy beauty type, that i s, to appear
74 as being unsexy. A man may feel uncomfortable when he saw his girlfriend dressing and acting as a Tomboy. Thus, the woman and the man may not feel happy towards this beauty type. Hypothesis 2 predicted that sexiness associated models would produce greater feelings of arousal. The findings demonstrated that H2 was partially supported. The Sexy Little Woman beauty type produced more arousal feelings than all the other beauty types. H owever, Wildness did not produce statistically different results from those obtained from the Classic Beauty, Intellectual Beauty, and Girl Next Door beauty types. A possible reason for these results could be that Sexy Little Woman is a combination of West ern culture (sexiness) and Confucianism (submission, innocence) more conservative years, the Chinese woman who demonstrated shyness and submissiveness possessed an eno rmous amount of sexual attraction. So the Sexy Little Woman offers a double type of sexiness: the shy, submissive woman exuding sex (conveyed through her sweet visage), and a slightly more demonstrative exhibition of sexiness. This would therefore explain why the Sexy Little Woman beauty type caused the greatest arousal. some sexual challenge is sexy and too much is not sexy. Sexy Little Woman looks more challenging than mos t of the other beauty types (Wildness is the exception). That for challenging tradition. The Intellectual Beauty, Girl Next Door, and Classic Beauty types all conform to re latively traditional norms in society and do not exude sex.
75 Because these three lack the sexual challenge that the Sexy Little Woman beauty type has, they received a lower arousal score because they were not daring enough to produce high levels of exciteme nt. Wildness scored significantly lower on arousal compared to Sexy Little Woman, yet Wildness scored similarly to the other three beauty types. Wildness included a more aggressive facial element that overtly and extremely challenged traditional Chinese be liefs. Although the audience clearly embraced challenges to tradition, Wildness was too great of a challenge and created a certain level of discomfort. Thus, Wildness did not excite participants as much because she was too much of a departure from the norm From a social comparison theory point of view, people are driven by three motives self evaluation, self enhancement, and self improvement to compare themselves to others (Martin & Gentry, 1997; Will, 1981). From the social comparison theory point of vie w, when a woman saw a Sexy Little Woman model positively presented in an ad, she may upwardly compare herself to the model. In this situation, she may make a self evaluation and a self improvement comparison between herself and the model. She may feel sad that she is not as beautiful as is the model, which evokes her motive to improve herself to achieve her goal: being more beautiful. On the other hand, when a woman saw a Sexy Little Woman negatively presented in an ad (saying Sexy Little Woman could not ga in true love), she may then downward compare herself to the model. In this situation, she has most likely made a self enhancement comparison between herself and the model. She may feel better about herself after viewing the ad.
76 One possible reason Cute Ac ting produced less arousal could be that the Cute Acting beauty type presents an image associated with faking and is perceived as being child simply may have been regarded a s boring, too slow in the development of a relationship, too childlike and not of general interest, if evaluated even briefly as a ideas and somewhat enjoying challenging au been seen by them as less sophisticated, less educated, less important, and therefore, less interesting. Hypothesis 3 predicted that sexiness associated models would produce less dominant feelings. However, the re sults did not support H3. No significant differences occurred in the dominance level among the eight beauty types, perhaps because of the impact of collectivism. Collectivism emphasizes the interdependence of every person in the culture in which individual than to be outstanding and different from all the others (Chiu, 1990). In a collectivism sameness concept. Individuals do not prefer to be more or less dominant but simply equal. Implications This paper provides advertisers in China a framework of eight Chinese beauty types to help them seek models and spokespersons who could best elicit the desired emotional response. T he results demonstrated that using the Sexy Little Woman beauty type appropriately can achieve the highest pleasure and arousal feelings among the
77 beauty type with care, be cause emotional responses to this beauty type suggested consumers saw it as too sexy and aggressive, whereas Sexy Little Woman arguably had the right balance of sexiness coupled with subtle submissiveness making it less overt and more socially acceptable. In terms of which beauty type works best with each gender, advertisers should use sexiness associated models when targeting male only consumers because male consumers had more pleasurable and arousal feelings toward sexiness than did female consumers. When targeting females, on the other hand, advertisers should consider using the Girl Next Door and Intellectual Beauty more often, followed by Classic Beauty and Sexy Little Woman, because these four bea uty types produced more pleasurable feelings and a h igher level of arousal than the other four beauty types. In terms of the beauty types not associated with sexiness, Classic Beauty and Intellectual Beauty are currently not considered part of the mainstream yet were acceptable by most consumers. Generally using these two beauty types would be a safe choice for advertisers. However, advertisers should be cautious in using the Girl Next Door beauty type to advertise luxury brands because she represents a docile, friendly, approachable image. The image of m ost luxury brands is more exclusive, elitist, and hard to approach. This beauty type would therefore best represent an everyday, low involvement product or a high involvement household good such as refrigerators. In addition, Chinese advertisers should ge nerally avoid using the Cute Acting and Tomboy beauty types because they produced boredom and unhappiness. However, a few cases in which these two types may work well are based on the beauty match up
78 hypothesis (Solomon et al., 1992). According to the b eau ty match up hypothesis, beauty types should be matched up with products claiming similar traits and values to research supported this hypothesis (Goodman et al., 2008). For exampl e, a Tomboy beauty type may work well for a daring, independent brand image. In fact, Vancl is currently using Yuchun Li (the Tomboy model) as a spokesperson to express its brand but we want to be different and to be a pi oneer. We Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research The present study provided many important findings, but it had several limitations. First, this study used a convenience sample of university students and alumni so all r espondents had a similarly high educational level and therefore did not represent the general population. Future research should use a random sample not limited by educational level. Second, participants of this study were 18 to 33 years old so the result s cannot claim to represent the tastes of all Chinese consumers (e.g., 18 years old to 33 years old or older Chinese consumers). Future research should test those under age 18 and over age 33 to better understand how various age groups emotionally respond to models. Third, all the models used to represent the beauty types consisted of both celebrities and non knowledge of all non celebrities to eliminate the unknown variable caused by celebrity status. Future
79 research also should focus on conducting research on brand positioning to see if any beauty types fit into a certain brand category.
80 APPENDI X A BEAUTY TYPES FOR PRETEST AND MAIN STUDIES Figure A 1: Seven beauty types grid for first pretest study. [ Adapted from Wu, Carol, 2011. of Beauty (Thesis). Retrieved from University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries. (LD1780 2011) Photo courtesy of Prof. Goodman ] Figure A 2: Tomboy beauty type pictures for first pretest study
81 Figure A 3: Beauty types grid for second pretest study [ Adapted from Wu, Carol, 2011. Beauty (Thesis). Retrieved from University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries. (LD1780 2011) Photo courtesy of Prof. Goodman ] Figure A 4: Beauty types grid for main study [ Adapted from Wu, Carol, 2011. Young (Thesis). Retrieved from University of Florida George A. Smathers Libraries. (LD1780 2011) Photo courtesy of Prof. Goodman ]
82 APPENDIX B AdSAM PERCEPTUAL MAP Figure B 1: AdSAM p erceptual map: female only
83 Figure B 2: AdSAM p erceptual map: male only
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93 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Jing Lin was born in Hunan, China. She went to the United States for a dual Bachelor of Arts degree after spending two years at North China University of Technology in Beijing, with a major in Digital Media Art, and Southern Polytechnic State University in Marietta, Georgia, with a major in Technical Communication and a minor in Business Administration. In 2008, she earned her dual Bachelor of Arts degree; in 2011, Florida in Gainesville. During her two years at UF, she gained practical experie nce as an intern in advertising agencies: a summer internship at DraftFCB Beijing and a spring internship at BBDO Atlanta, both programs as an account management intern. She received her Master of Advertising degree from the University of Florida in 2013. After graduation, Jing Lin plans to go into the advertising/marketing field as a cross cultural communicator.