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The Global Reach of a Fashionable Commodity

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Material Information

Title:
The Global Reach of a Fashionable Commodity A Manufacturing and Design History of Kanga Textiles
Physical Description:
1 online resource (586 p.)
Language:
english
Creator:
Ryan, Mackenzie Moon
Publisher:
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date:

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Art History, Art and Art History
Committee Chair:
Rovine, Victoria L
Committee Members:
Poynor, Robin E
White, Luise Susan
Meier, Sandra Lynn

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
africa -- cloth -- commodity -- dar-es-salaam -- design -- global -- history -- kanga -- khanga -- manufacture -- printed -- swahili -- tanganyika -- tanzania -- textile -- women -- zanzibar
Art and Art History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre:
Art History thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract:
This study examines the global forces and variety of players involved in the creation, design, and manufacture of a particular textile genre, kanga, popular throughout east Africa. The history of kanga textiles brings together a wide range of players, who work variously together and compete to create, market, sell, and consume this industrially manufactured textile. I illustrate how this regionally popular cloth, often worn as wrap garments by east African women, actually evolved from expanding trade networks and an enlarging global economy centered in nineteenth-century Zanzibar. Throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the manufacture and design of these textiles continued to be affected by both global and local politics. Based on colonial government reports, archival materials, published travelogues, import statistics, historical postcard photographs, interviews, hand-drawn designs, dozens of sample pattern books and thousands of extant kanga textiles, I argue that this genre of printed cloth was created through the interactions between a global network of players, who converged in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and subsequently centered in Dar es Salaam following World War I. Kanga textiles, in their history as well as visual impact, reproduce traces of the various players involved in their creation and subsequent manufacture. As political realities changed, so too did demands for graphic representations printed on these inexpensive, fashionable textiles. By emphasizing the changing dynamics of not only the historical moment but also the convergence of players involved in the kanga trade, this dissertation posits that kanga textiles are a reflection of the global forces that compete to capture the market in this regionally popular cloth. As the primary research presented in this work demonstrates, the history of this commodity points to global competition played out first in Zanzibar and subsequently in Dar es Salaam in women’s fashionable consumption during the colonial era.
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Mackenzie Moon Ryan.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local:
Adviser: Rovine, Victoria L.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
Classification:
lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID:
UFE0045692:00001

MISSING IMAGE

Material Information

Title:
The Global Reach of a Fashionable Commodity A Manufacturing and Design History of Kanga Textiles
Physical Description:
1 online resource (586 p.)
Language:
english
Creator:
Ryan, Mackenzie Moon
Publisher:
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date:

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Art History, Art and Art History
Committee Chair:
Rovine, Victoria L
Committee Members:
Poynor, Robin E
White, Luise Susan
Meier, Sandra Lynn

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
africa -- cloth -- commodity -- dar-es-salaam -- design -- global -- history -- kanga -- khanga -- manufacture -- printed -- swahili -- tanganyika -- tanzania -- textile -- women -- zanzibar
Art and Art History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre:
Art History thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract:
This study examines the global forces and variety of players involved in the creation, design, and manufacture of a particular textile genre, kanga, popular throughout east Africa. The history of kanga textiles brings together a wide range of players, who work variously together and compete to create, market, sell, and consume this industrially manufactured textile. I illustrate how this regionally popular cloth, often worn as wrap garments by east African women, actually evolved from expanding trade networks and an enlarging global economy centered in nineteenth-century Zanzibar. Throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the manufacture and design of these textiles continued to be affected by both global and local politics. Based on colonial government reports, archival materials, published travelogues, import statistics, historical postcard photographs, interviews, hand-drawn designs, dozens of sample pattern books and thousands of extant kanga textiles, I argue that this genre of printed cloth was created through the interactions between a global network of players, who converged in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and subsequently centered in Dar es Salaam following World War I. Kanga textiles, in their history as well as visual impact, reproduce traces of the various players involved in their creation and subsequent manufacture. As political realities changed, so too did demands for graphic representations printed on these inexpensive, fashionable textiles. By emphasizing the changing dynamics of not only the historical moment but also the convergence of players involved in the kanga trade, this dissertation posits that kanga textiles are a reflection of the global forces that compete to capture the market in this regionally popular cloth. As the primary research presented in this work demonstrates, the history of this commodity points to global competition played out first in Zanzibar and subsequently in Dar es Salaam in women’s fashionable consumption during the colonial era.
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Mackenzie Moon Ryan.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local:
Adviser: Rovine, Victoria L.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
Classification:
lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID:
UFE0045692:00001


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1 THE GLOBAL REACH OF A FASHIONABLE COMMODITY: A MANUFACTURING AND DESIGN HISTORY OF KANGA TEXTILES By MACKENZIE MOON RYAN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013

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2 2013 MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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3 To James, for everything

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing a dissertation can be a daunting and drawn out endeavor, but enforced focus, impend ing deadline s and financial support can do wonders for progress. Timely completion of this project was made possible by the American Association of University Women (AAUW). My year as an American Dissertation Fellow granted me the time, space and security to realize this project (2012 2013). I am also honored to have been chosen as a finalist for the Emerging Scholar Award and Madelyn Lockhart Dissertation Fellow on behalf of the Association for Academic Women at the University of Florida (2012). No disse rtation can make a substantial contribution to a field without some extended time devoted to research, and in the case of African art history, such findings are often in far flung locales. I am grateful to the Pasold Research Fund for Textile History and t he School of Art + Art History and Office of Research at the University of Florida for providing research support for my archival work in Manchester and London, UK, and in Helmond, the Netherlands (spring 2012). Fieldwork conducted in Dar es Salaam, Tanzan ia, and archival work conducted in Europe was made possible with the support of a Graduate School Fellowship, courtesy of the School of Art + Art History, College of Fine Arts, University of Florida (2011 2012). Initial fieldwork was funded by Center for A frican Studies Pre Dissertation Award and Madelyn M. Lockhart Summer Research Travel F und University of Florida (2010). Specialty skills were acquired in pursuit of this project ; my Swahili language study was funded by three United States Department of Ed ucation Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) fellowships (2009, 2009 2010, 2010 2011) Thanks also to the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, which welcomed me back

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5 as a Visiting Post Graduate Research Student (fall 2009). I h ave enjoyed continued support in my home department, not least through a Graduate School Fellowship, courtesy of the School of Art + Art History, College of Fine Arts, University of Florida (2008 2013). rewarding that the original discovery of new material. To this end, I have enjoyed the support of the Center for African Studies and the Graduate School Council, University of Florida (2012, 2011) and the Arts Council of the African Studies Association (2011). Permission to reproduce photographs in this work were kindly provided by Vlisco Museum, Helmond, t he Netherlands; t he Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University; Torrence Roye r; Trustees of the British Museum; Rudolf G. Smend and Bernhard Schau b of Gallery Sm end; and the East Indies Museum. Torrence Royer in particular shared images from his personal collection and extensive expertise on turn of the century Swahili coastal phot ography. In Dar es Salaam, research clearance was grated by the Tanzania Commission for Science and Technolog y (COSTECH). The Department of Fine and Performing Arts, the College of Engineering and Technology, and the Department of History at the University of Dar es Salaam each offered me support in times of need. My questions were warmly fielded by Professor Leonard Mwaikambo, and I am especially grateful to Professor Hashim A. Nakanoga, who first welcomed me at UDSM and subsequently invited me to the Voca tional Education and Training Authority (VETA). Mr. Thomas Mushi at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ) enlightened me on the finer points of kanga production, and Mr. Vijay Patankar explained digital design of kanga at MeTL. Fashion

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6 designers Ailinda Sawe, Vida Mahimbo, Kemi Kalikawe, Ally Remtullah among others shared their expertise and love of kanga At the National Museum and House of Culture in Dar es Salaam, Dr. Paul Msemwa, Mrs. Christine Ngereza, and Mr. Achiles Bufure also pledged their enthusiasm to this project. The kanga traders on Uhuru Street were always a delight, and the staff at Tanzanite and folks at Mamboz made sure basic needs were met. I cherish the short time I was able to spend with Mr. K. G. Peera. Before meeting him, I had only inkl ings into the interconnected and global nature of the kanga trade in the colonial era His lifetime of experience coupled with his keen and astute mind at the age of 99/100, brought to life the cursory mentions sprinkled throughout the written record. I a m ever grateful to his son, Mr. Ukera K. Peera, and his daughter in law, Mrs. Zakiya Ukera Peera, for opening their home to me and sharing so many memories. In Helmond, warm and eternal thanks belong to Mr. Ruud Sanders, who made unparall eled holdings of kanga available to me. He was a pleasure to work with and also kept a steady stream of caffeine flowing. In Manchester, I wish to thank Ms. Amy George for searching the collection holdings for potential kanga and Ms. Nicola Walker for shar ing her experience at the Whitworth Gallery, University of Manchester. In London, Mr. John Picton, Mr. Christopher Spring, and Ms. Elsbeth Court have long supported my research on kanga textiles. Their insights and collegiate supp ort, whether over cups of tea or via electronic means, have been invaluable. My interest in African art history was first supported by Professor Leonardo Lasansky. Under his guidance, I dove headlong into the field as an undergraduate at Hamline University. Through him, I had the o pportunity to work with Mr. Frank

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7 Herreman, and it was at his insistance that I pursue my initial studies at SOAS, where I studied under Dr. John Parker and Dr. Charles Gore. The support of Mr. and Mrs. Tom and Sandy Ehlers, through the Genevieve Rust Ehlers endowment, enabled me expand my horizons beyond SOAS in 2004-2005. Many have supported me throughout my time at the University of Florida. Dr. Victoria L. Rovine took me on as a m successful completion of both my and doctorate. She granted me the independence to development my own research concerns and offered constructive criticisms to hone my thinking and writing. Thanks also go to my dissertation committee members: to Dr. Robin Poynor, from his role as a teacher to his support as a colleague; to Dr. Luise White, for serving as the perennial voice of criticism; and to Dr. Prita Meier, for pioneering the study of Swahili coastal visual culture. Dr. Susan Cooksey offered me many opportunities at the Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art and has been a delight to know personally. In the School of Art + Art History, I would like to thank Dr. Melissa Hyde, Ms. Laura Robertson, and Dr. Elizabeth Ross. At the Center for African Studies, I would like to thank Dr. Leo nardo Villalon and Dr. Todd Leedy. Librarians Mr. Tom Caswell, Ms. Tisha Mauney, and Dr. Dan Reboussin were ever helpful. Dr. Roman Loimeier was instrumental in my choice to become an East Africanist, and I thank him specifically for confirming the use of Arabic-script Swahili text, which appears on kanga textiles from their inception ca. 1888 until ca. 1960. Professor Delphine Njewele helped with translations of Roman-script Swahili text on kanga textiles, for which I am grateful To Dr. Charles Bwenge, Dr. Chege Githiora, Ms. Ida Hadjivayanis, Dr. Rose Lugano, and Dr. Masangu Matondo, for their patience and

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8 persistence in teaching me Swahili. I would also like to thank the scholars I contacted in the various stages of this project. Their kind respons es aided me in my research: Drs. Kelly Armor, Ned Bertz, Jim Brennan, Simon Clarke, Dinah Eastop, L aura Fair, Sarah Fee, Jim Giblin, Jackie Guille, Malika Kraamer, Sheryl McCurdy, Philip Sykas, Barbara Thompson, and John Vanco. No professional endeavor ca n thrive without the sacrifice and support of those closest. For their personal support, I heartily thank Kieran and Leah Adcock Starr, James Bunting, Molly Moon, Larry and Rita Reid, and Paul and Gaby Sar c i a No amount of thanks can amount to the filial s upport I have enjoyed, not least in the form of houseroom, from Kenny and Roxy Moon and Clive and Sheila Ryan. My husband James has been living with kanga almost as long as I have resulting in a pursuit through three (or four?) continents and it is to hi m I dedicate this work.

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9 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 12 GLOSSARY ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 27 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 29 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 31 Theorizing Global Excha nge through Networks and Commodities ......................... 33 The Study of African Textiles ................................ ................................ .................. 36 Existing Research on Kanga Textiles ................................ ................................ ..... 37 The Fashionable Urban Settings: Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam ............................. 41 Research Methodology ................................ ................................ ........................... 43 The Case of Kanga : Dissertation Overview ................................ ............................ 45 2 GLOBAL NETWORKS OF TRADE AND THE EAST COAST OF AFRICA ............ 5 4 Emerging Global Net works of Trade ................................ ................................ ....... 55 Indian Ocean Trade ................................ ................................ .......................... 55 The Dominance of Zanzibar ................................ ................................ ............. 58 Demand for Luxury Goods ................................ ................................ ............... 61 The Rise of Trading Houses ................................ ................................ ............. 66 Growth of Indian Dukawallahs ................................ ................................ .......... 69 Anti Slavery Movement ................................ ................................ .................... 71 Manufactured Cottons as Trade Goods in East Africa ................................ ............ 74 3 THE HISTORICAL EM ERGENCE OF KANGA TEXTILES ................................ ..... 80 Textile Precursors to Kanga ................................ ................................ .................... 81 Kitambi : Transition from Hand Woven to Machine Woven Imported, Color ed Cloth ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 82 Merikani : A Crisis in Supply of Imported, Unbleached, White Cotton Cloth ...... 85 Kaniki : The Turn to Indigo Dyed Cloth, S ubsequently with Printed Designs .... 92 Design Influences and the Development of Kanga ................................ ................. 95 Kanga : Product of Local Demands, Indian Wo odblock and Tie Dyed Designs, and Indonesian Batik Designs ................................ ........................ 96 Shali : Introduction of the Paisley Pattern to East African Printed Cloth .......... 108 Leso ya Kushona : Handkerchiefs and the Turn Toward Fashionable Printed Cloth Intended for East African Consumption ................................ ............. 109

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10 4 POPULAR EARLY KANGA TEXTILES IN SAMPLE, IMAGE, AND WORD ......... 159 Kisutu : A Precursor to or Early Design of Kanga ? ................................ ................ 160 Dominance of Kanga Textiles and Early Popular Designs ................................ .... 176 1886 1899: A Few Popular Designs and Colorways ................................ ...... 182 1900 1917: A Plethora of Designs ................................ ................................ .. 196 5 THE KANGA TRADE : GLOBAL NETWORKS OF MANUFACTURERS, DISTRIBUTORS, SELLERS, AND CONSUMERS ................................ ............... 265 Textile Printers ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 269 P. F. van Vlissingen & Co. ................................ ................................ .............. 271 ................................ ................................ ............ 276 Merchant Converters ................................ ................................ ............................ 287 ................................ ................................ ........................ 289 Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd. ................................ ................................ ......... 292 Kanga Designers and Sellers ................................ ................................ ............... 297 Miwani Mdogo and the Peera family ................................ .............................. 302 Jiwan Hirji: The Khanga King ................................ ................................ ......... 309 6 A CHRONOLOGY O F KANGA SUPPLY: A MANUFACTURING HISTORY ........ 333 Brief History of Dar es Salaam ................................ ................................ .............. 334 Chronology of Kanga Players ................................ ................................ ............... 346 German East Africa ................................ ................................ ........................ 348 Colonial Tanganyika ................................ ................................ ....................... 368 7 THE ARTISTRY OF KANGA TEXTILES: A DESIGN HISTORY ........................... 380 Technological Developments in the Printing of Kanga Textiles ............................ 383 Cloth Kanga De signs ................................ ................. 391 1895 1919: Testing the Waters and Finding Success with Hand Stamped Kanga ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 393 1920 1939: Mechanical Production, New Co lors, and an Established Kanga Market ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 400 1947 1967: The Boom and Bust of Vlisco Kanga Production ......................... 411 1947 1952: Resuming produc tion following World War II ........................ 412 1953 1959: Kanga boom and divergent markets ................................ ..... 416 1960 1967: Independence, the shift toward Ujamaa and the end of Vlisco kanga production ................................ ................................ ........ 431 An Introduction to Kanga Designers ................................ ................................ ..... 437 Mr. K. G. Peera, Colonial Era Designer ................................ ......................... 439 Professor Hashim A. Nakanoga, Independence Era Designer ....................... 444 Mr. Furahi Kasika, Jr., Liberalizing Era Designer ................................ ........... 450 Mr. Vijay Patankar, Contemporary Designer ................................ .................. 451 8 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 507

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11 APPENDIX A DISCU SSION OF KANGA TEXTILES IN EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY BRITISH COLONIAL TRADE REPORTS ................................ ............................. 517 B KANGA IMPORTS TO COLONIAL TANGANYIKA AND INDEPENDENT TANZANIA, 1929 1981 ................................ ................................ ......................... 548 C AVERAGE RETAIL PRICE OF KANGA IN DAR ES SALAAM, 1951 1996 .......... 550 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 552 Publ ished Sources ................................ ................................ ................................ 552 Archives and Special Collections ................................ ................................ .......... 568 London Metropolitan Archives, London, UK ................................ ................... 568 Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester, UK ............................. 569 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands ................................ .................. 569 East Africana Collection, University of Dar es Salaam Library, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania ................................ ................................ ....................... 571 National Bureau of Statistics, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania ................................ 578 Tanzania National Archives, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania ................................ 579 British Government Documents ................................ ................................ ............ 580 Intervi ews and Personal Communications ................................ ............................ 584 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 586

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12 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Example of a kanga textile. ................................ ................................ ................ 52 1 2 Obama kanga ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 53 3 1 ks stamped on cloth. ........................... 127 3 2 Merikani ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 128 3 3 wearing merikani ................................ ................................ ............................. 128 3 4 Kaniki ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 129 3 5 kaniki. ..................... 130 3 6 Kaniki with fringed edges and p rinted white border. ................................ ......... 130 3 7 Eight locally embellished cloths with basic, all over, stamped designs, collect ed in Mombasa, 1901. ................................ ................................ ............ 132 3 8 Locally embellished cloth with stamped designs and a bordered composition, collect ed in Mombasa, 1901. ................................ ................................ ............ 132 3 9 Locally embellished cloth with stamped border and inner corner design s on tie dyed ground, 1901. ................................ ................................ ...................... 133 3 10 Woodblock stamps used for printing designs on industrially manufactured cloth to create kanga ................................ ................................ ....................... 135 3 11 Locally embellished cloth with tie dyed designs, collected in Zanzibar on 13 January 1901. ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 136 3 12 Locally embellished cloth with tie dyed designs, hand collected in Zanziba r on 20 August 1901. ................................ ......................... 136 3 13 Photocopy of record with accompanying photograph of cloth salvaged from an 1876 sample book. ................................ ................................ ...................... 137 3 14 Photocopy of record with acc ompanying photograph of cloth sa lvaged fro m an 1876 sample book. ................................ ................................ ...................... 138 3 15 Batiks from the North Coast of Jav a: kain panjang tumpal at each end, ca. 1880, from Lase m, Java. ................................ ........................ 139

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13 3 16 Unknown photographer, studio photograph with three girls holding mangoes and wearing printed cloth with tumpal designs, likely Zanzibar. ....................... 140 3 17 Printed cloth from 1886 with composition resembling Javanese batiked breast cloth, kemben ................................ ................................ ........................ 141 3 18 Batik from the North Coast of Java: kemben lokan elongated diamond shape in center, late nineteenth century, likely from Rembang or Pati, Indone sia. ................................ ................................ ............ 142 3 19 Printed cloth likely from 1886 with composition resembling doubled Javanese batiked breast cloth, kemben ................................ ................................ ........... 142 3 20 Hand drawn and colored designs for early kanga including horn and ke mben elongated diamond with eight pointed stars, 20 Novembe r 1886 ..................... 143 3 21 J. B. Coutinho, Female slaves who coaled the H.M.S. Agamemnon at Zanzibar, December 18 88. ................................ ................................ ............... 144 3 22 Engraving after J. B. Coutinho, Female slaves who coaled the H.M.S. Agamemnon at Zanz ibar, December 1888. ................................ ...................... 14 5 3 23 1880 1900; based on the printed cloth these women wear, likely 1888. .......... 146 3 24 Printed handkerchiefs sold to inland east Africa ................................ ............... 147 3 25 wear leso ya kushona likely ca. 188 6, Zanzibar. ................................ ............. 148 3 26 Unknown photographe eir ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 149 3 27 Printed handkerchief or leso, sold to east Africa. ................................ .............. 150 3 28 Geputzte Negerin, Sansibar: Ein ostafrikanisches Culturbild .......................... 151 3 29 n seate ................................ ... 152 3 30 Jakhalave ................................ ............................... 153 3 31 reproduce d in Karl Weule, Native Life in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition ................................ ................................ ... 154 3 32 Kanga sample with budding paisley and striped border design, in pink white and rose co lorway, 1 October 1887. ................................ ................................ 156

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14 3 33 Kanga with eight pointed stars, budding paisley motifs in inner corners, and striped borders in white and rose colorway, unda ted, likely after 1886. ........... 156 3 34 Kanga sample with dotted ground, budding paisley motif in inner corner, and striped border in pink whit e and rose colorway. ................................ ............... 157 3 35 Kanga samples with budding paisley and striped border designs in white and black and pink white and rose color ways, 15 March 1899. ....................... 157 3 36 Kanga sample with budding paisley and striped bo rder designs in white and rose colorway, 25 May 189 9. ................................ ................................ ............ 158 3 37 Kanga with budding paisley and striped border designs in red and b lack colorway, 29 May 1925. ................................ ................................ .................... 158 4 1 Kisutu ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 210 4 2 Folded and hanging kanga in a shop near Uhuru Street, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 210 4 3 Folded kanga for sale on Uhuru Street, Dar es Salaa m, Tanzania. .................. 211 4 4 Earliest known example of kisutu printed for Zanzibar, 30 Ju ne 1886. ............ 212 4 5 Kisutu sample, ten orders between 4 March 1891 and 1 February 1892. ........ 213 4 6 Kisutu sample with dotted ground, three orders on 14 October 1891, 2 March 1892 an d 26 October 1892. ................................ ................................ ............. 213 4 7 Kisutu samples. ................................ ................................ ................................ 214 4 8 Kisutu samples manufactured by rival printers on behalf of competitor merchan t converter firms. ................................ ................................ ................. 214 4 9 A. C. Gomes, postcard with two photographs, late nineteenth century Zanzibar. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 215 4 10 Unknown photo Coiffures et habits malgaches wearing printed cloth, two wearing kisutu ca. 1890. ................................ ........ 216 4 11 wea rs kisutu and woman seated below wears kaniki l ate 1890s. .................... 217 4 12 Countiho Brothers, woman wearing kanga around torso with kisutu thrown ove r shoulder, late 1890s. ................................ ................................ ................ 218 4 13 varierty of kanga woman at right wears kisutu before March 1901, reproduced in 29 no. 3 (March 1901). ............................. 219

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15 4 14 Variations on kisutu design, ca. 1901 1902. ................................ ..................... 220 4 15 Locally stamped kisutu designs on imported, industrially manufactured merikani like ly date to 1901. ................................ ................................ ............ 221 4 16 Locally stamped kisutu designs on imported, industrially manufactured merikani lik ely date to 1901. ................................ ................................ ............ 222 4 17 Dutch printed kanga samples with text, 1910. ................................ .................. 223 4 18 Dutch printed kanga sam ples with text, 1906 1916. ................................ ......... 225 4 19 J. B. C outinho or Coutinho Brothers, woman wearing kanga Zanzibar, ca. 1890 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 226 4 20 Guinea fowls. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 227 4 21 A. C. Gomes, woman seated wearing leso ya kushona around waist and kanga draped over left shou lder, ca. 1890, Zanzibar. ................................ ....... 228 4 22 A. C. Gomes, woman standing wearing leso ya kushona around waist and kanga draped acros s her shoulders, ca. 1890, Zanzibar. ................................ 230 4 23 Hand drawn and colored designs for early kanga including kofia with crescent and star moti f, 20 November 1886. ................................ .................... 231 4 24 Hand drawn and colored design for early kanga including Arabic script Swahili, hanjari and crown like bursts, 18 January 1887, for Zanzibar. ........... 231 4 25 H and drawn and colored designs for early kanga including rose water sprinkler bottle, likely 1886. ................................ ................................ .............. 232 4 26 Kanga samples with umbrella, rose water sprinkler bottle, and geometric designs in p ink rose and white colorway, likely 1886 1887, for Zanzibar. ........ 232 4 27 Corner of kanga with umbrella motif in center and rose water sprinkler bottle borde r, likely 1886 1887. ................................ ................................ .................. 233 4 28 Kanga with kisutu design elements and Arabic script Swahili text in pink rose and white colorway. ................................ ................................ .................. 234 4 29 Kanga with flower inner corner designs and striped double border in pink white and rose colorway, 1888 1889. ................................ ............................... 235 4 30 Kanga with geometric design and compound border in pink white and rose colorway, 188 8 1889, for Zanzibar market. ................................ ...................... 236 4 31 Kanga with geometric design and integrated border in red black and white colorway, 1891. ................................ ................................ ................................ 237

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16 4 32 Kanga with g eometric design and continuous border, 189 1 1892, Zanzibar. ... 238 4 33 Kanga with geometric design and doubled continuous border in pink yellow and rose colorway, with hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating fourteen orders be tween 1891 and 1892. ................................ ......... 239 4 34 Kanga with spotted central ground, geometric designs, and combination of compound and continuous border in pin k yellow and rose colorway, with hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating eleven orders be tween 1891 and 1892. ................................ ................................ .................. 239 4 35 Kanga with spotted central ground and striped, contin uous border, in white and brown and white red and black colorways, with hand written notations below cloth samples, indicating twelve orders of the former and ten orders of the latter be tween 1891 and 1892. ................................ ................................ ... 240 4 36 wears kanzu like tunic sewn from spots and stripes kanga paired with striped trousers an d shoes, ca. 1890, Zanzibar. ................................ ............... 241 4 37 Kanga with spotted central ground and striped, continuous border, 18 91 1892. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 242 4 38 Zanzibar. ........... 243 4 39 Coutinho Brothers, postcard, ca. 1890, Zanzibar. ................................ ............ 244 4 40 Kanga with spotted and s curves in central ground and striped, continu ous border, ten order s between 1891 1892. ................................ ........................... 244 4 41 ........... 245 4 42 L ikely Coutinho Brothers, five girls wrapped in kanga 1893, Za nzibar. ........... 246 4 43 Kanga with large spotted central ground and striped, continuous border, in burgundy and white and black on white colorways, six orders in 1892. ........... 247 4 44 Zanzibar. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 248 4 45 .......................... 249 4 46 A. C. Gomes & Co., seated woman wearing pair of kanga 1890s, Zanzibar. .. 250 4 47 ar. ................................ ................................ ... 251 4 48 te 1 890s, Zanzibar. ............... 252

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17 4 49 ibar. ............................. 253 4 50 Kanga sample with steam engine, in red black and white colorwa y, 25 November 1905. ................................ ................................ ............................... 254 4 51 1910 Zanzibar. ................................ .. 254 4 52 Kanga samples with Arabic script Swahili text, in red black and white and burgundy black and white colorways, five orders for Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam be tween 1906 and 1907. ................................ ................................ ..... 255 4 53 Kanga samples with paisley shapes and tangerine flowers in three colorways, eight orders for Zanzibar, Mombasa, and Da r es Salaam in 1906. 255 4 54 Kanga samples at lower left have square patterned border and diagonally striped interior, printed in two colorways, six order of burgundy destined for Zanzibar, Mombasa, Dar es Salaam, and Tanga in 1906 a nd 1907. ................ 256 4 55 Kanga samples with an early automobile, printed in two colorways, six orders destined for Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, and Mombasa in 1907. ........................ 256 4 56 Kanga samples with diagonally stripe ground and rose water sprinkler bottl e border, printed in two colorways, seven orders destined for Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Dar es Salaam and Tanga in 1906. ................................ .............. 257 4 57 Karle Weule, Native Life in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition. ................................ ................................ ....................... 257 4 58 Kanga samples with German style war helmet and Arabic script Swahili border, printed in t wo variations, two orders destined for Zanzibar and Dar es Sala am in 1906 and 1907. ................................ ................................ ................ 258 4 59 Kanga samples with crescent and star central motif and paisley bandhani border and rooster, M arch a nd April 1907. ................................ ....................... 258 4 60 Kanga samples with ship, flag, cannon, and Arabic like script motif, Sep tember 1907. ................................ ................................ .............................. 259 4 61 Kanga samp le with tumpal design 27 September 1907. ................................ .. 259 4 62 Kanga samples with eight pointed star and floral designs, May 1908. ............. 260 4 63 Kanga samples with geometric de signs, 10 June 1909. ................................ ... 260 4 64 Kanga samples with budding artichoke de signs, 22 July 1909. ........................ 261 4 6 5 Kanga samples with spots, paisley, and abstracted blossoms 15 September 1910. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 261

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18 4 66 Kanga sample with new blue tint, 27 Febr uary 1914, Zanzibar. ....................... 262 4 67 Kanga samples with new blue tint, one with cross and x shape, 27 June 1914. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 262 4 68 Kanga samples with new blue tint, budding artichoke and flower shapes, 1914 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 263 4 69 Kanga samples with new blue tint, right with Arabic script Swahil i text, 21 May 1915. ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 263 4 70 Kanga sample with airp lan es, 15 October 1915. ................................ .............. 264 4 71 Kanga samples with new blue tint, horn instrument and Arabic script Swahili te xt, 15 October 1914. ................................ ................................ ...................... 264 5 1 Commercial organization of kanga production, distribution, sale, and consumption during the colonial period in Tanganyika. ................................ .... 316 5 2 drawn design fo r the Afr ican market. ........... 317 5 3 Kanga of which Lancashire sends Millions to the Tropics. It is a Simple Development from a Piece of Cotton Des igned to be cut into six Pocket Hander cheifs. One is Wrapped Round the Body and Another Thrown over t .............. 318 5 4 CPA kanga 1940s. Compound border, no text, in an orange black whit e and gr een colorway. ................................ ................................ ......................... 319 5 5 CPA kanga 1940s. Tulip motif, continuous border, no text, in a yellow black and bl ue colorway. ................................ ................................ ........................... 319 5 6 CPA kanga with continuous border, 1940s. Arabic script Swahili text, in a white mar oon and yellow colorway. ................................ ................................ 320 5 7 CPA kanga handled by Ogdens, 1940s. Continuous border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a red black and white colorway. ................................ ............... 320 5 8 CPA kanga handled by Ogdens, 1940s. Leaf and heart motif, with compound border, no text, in a maroon white and yellow colorway. ................ 321 5 9 CPA member firm Dehns kanga printed for Portuguese East South Africa (Mozambique), 1915. Lion motif with continuous border, no text, in a red black and white colorway. ................................ ................................ ................ 321 5 10 CPA member firm Dehns kanga 1915. Fish and eight pointed star motif, Arabic script Swahili phrase, in red navy and white colorway. ......................... 322

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19 5 11 CPA member firm Dehns kanga 1935. Rooster motif with continuous border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a black white and red colorway. .......................... 322 5 12 CPA member firm Dehns kanga 1939. Mango and fl oral motif with continuous border, Roman script Swahili text, in a navy wh ite and orange colorway. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 323 5 13 Feather and tassel motif, no text, in a red white and black colorway. ................................ ...................... 323 5 14 CPA member firm Dehns lamba hoany 1955. Floral and paisley motif with continuous border, Roman script Malagasy text, in a gold maroon and white col o rway. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 324 5 15 S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. kanga no date. British Royal Air Force motif with compound border, no Swahili text, in a orange navy and white colorway. ....... 324 5 16 S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. uncut kanga June 1946. Botanical motif with compound border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a orange white and navy colorway. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 325 5 17 S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. kanga June 1946. Stripe and paisley motif with continuous border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a black white and red colorway. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 325 5 18 Smith, Mackenzie & Co. a dvertisements in Mambo Leo ................................ 326 5 19 Smith, Mackenzie & Co. diamond shaped logo affixed to kanga sample, 23 February 1951. ................................ ................................ ................................ 326 5 20 Order placed by Messrs. Molu Peera & Co. with Smith, Mackenzie & Co. of Kanga r 1916. ................... 327 5 21 K. G. Peera (right) holding one of his kanga designs, with his son, Ukera K. P eera. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 328 5 22 Kanga de sign by K. G. Peera. ................................ ................................ .......... 328 5 23 Hussein Jiwan Hirji of Jiwan Hirji & Sons Ltd. to Messrs. P. F. van Vlissingen 21 May 1965. ................................ ........................... 329 5 24 Jiwan Hirji Building, 2 Mosque St reet, Dar es Salaam. ................................ ..... 330 5 25 Photographs of Hussein Jiwan Hirji of Jiwan Hi rji & Sons, Ltd. early 1960s. .... 331 5 26 Vlisco kanga commissioned by Ji wan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. 1951. ......................... 332 7 1 Woodblock with Arabic script Swahili text, likely early twentieth ce ntury. ......... 456

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20 7 2 Woodblocks with floral and peacock designs made from c opper str ips. ........... 457 7 3 Woodblock with copper strip designs in process of creation ........................... 457 7 4 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. ................................ .......................... 458 7 5 Two Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1903. ................................ .................... 458 7 6 Rotary screen printing of kanga at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ), Dar es Salaam, Tanzan ia ................................ ................................ ............................. 459 7 7 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 5 October 1895. Earliest full cloth kanga in Vlis ................................ ................................ ............................ 460 7 8 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 22 December 1899. Note the similarities to bat ik design. ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 460 7 9 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 12 July 1901. Note the similarities to batik design, inc luding tumpal. ................................ ................................ .................. 461 7 10 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1903. Note the use of a continuous border. 461 7 11 Vlisco hand block p rinted kanga 10 March 1905. Note the similarities to batik design. ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 462 7 12 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. ................................ .......................... 463 7 13 Vl isco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the use of a continuous border and Arabic s cript Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ........... 464 7 14 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note to combination of Tower Bridge a nd lace like designs, and the use of a compound border and Roman script Sw ahili text. ................................ ................................ ............................. 464 7 15 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the geometric designs, the use of a continuous borde r and sentence case Roman script Swa hili text. ........... 465 7 16 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the writing desk, cushioned and patterned chairs, lace like designs, use of a continuous b order and cursive Roman script Sw ahili text. ................................ ................................ .... 465 7 17 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the crescent and star, crossed umbrellas, crossed rifles, target, and tree branch central mot if, use of a compound border and cur sive Roman script Swahili text. ................................ 466 7 18 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the crossed tusks, use of a compound border and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ .............. 466

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21 7 19 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the depiction of Mounts Kilimanjaro and Meru, use of a compound border and Arabic script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 467 7 20 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the crown like shape, use of ornate compound borders and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ 467 7 21 Vlisco ha nd block printed kanga 1910s. Note the ornate feather design, use of integrated borders an d no text. ................................ ................................ ..... 468 7 22 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the spotted ground, paisley and tria ngular compound border, an d no text. ................................ .................. 468 7 23 Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the use of integrated borders an d no text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 469 7 24 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the lighter color palette, the use of continuous borders and Roma n script Swahili text. ............................... 469 7 25 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the peacock feather and paisley designs, the use of continuous borders and Roman script Swahili text ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 470 7 26 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the circular, floral an d paisley designs, the use of compound borders and Arabic script Swa hili text. 470 7 27 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the brighter color palette, automobile, leaf, and geometri c designs, the use of compound borders and Arabic sc ript Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................. 471 7 28 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the ship, the use of a continuous geometric border and Arabic sc ri pt Swahili text. ............................ 471 7 29 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the horn instrument and floral design, the use of a continuous border and Arabic script Swa hili text. .... 472 7 30 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the umbrella and medallion central designs, the use of a paisley border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. .... 472 7 31 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the diagonal striped interior design, the use of a geometric border, an d no text. ................................ .......... 473 7 32 Vlisco machine printed kanga 19 25 1933. Note the coffee pot and medallions design, the use of a continuous border with crosses and tangerine flowers, and Ro man script Swahili text. ................................ ............ 473 7 33 Vlisco machine printed kanga 192 5 1933. Note the paisley designs, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ ...... 474

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22 7 34 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the kofia crescent and star, and paisley designs, the use of a compound border, and Roman script Swahili text ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 474 7 35 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the spade and rose water sprinkler bottle designs, the use of a co mpound border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 475 7 36 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the eight pointed star and tangerine flower design, the use of a compound border, and Roma n script Swahili tex t. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 475 7 37 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the eight and nine pointed star and medal design, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 476 7 38 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the crown like shape and pineapple motifs, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 476 7 39 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the budding paisley shapes, the use of an integrated border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ........................ 477 7 40 Vlis co machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the paisley shapes, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................................ ...... 477 7 41 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the mangoes, the use of a continuous though uneven border, and Arabic script Swa hili text. ................... 478 7 42 First known commemorative kanga, produced on the occasion of King machine printed by Vlisco, distributed by Smith, Mackenzie & Co., likely designed by Ji van Hirji, 1935. ... 479 7 43 Commemorative kanga, produced on the occasion of the Omani Sultan of Zanzibar printed by Vlisco, distributed by Smith, Mackenzie & Co., likely designed by Jivan Hirji, 1936. ... 480 7 44 Commemorative kanga, produced on the occas coronation, machine printed by Vlisco, distributed by Smith, Mackenzie & Co., likely designed by Jivan Hirji, 1937. ................................ .......................... 480 7 45 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the appearance of the early spots and stripes design, here with Arabic script Swa hili text. ......................... 481 7 46 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the paisley, stripe, and triangle design, the use of compound borders, and Arabic script Swa hili text. 481

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23 7 47 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the crescent and star, flower, and geometric motifs, the use of continuous bord ers, and Roman script S wahili text. ................................ ................................ ............................. 482 7 48 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the floral, stripe, and triangular motifs, the use of compound borders, and Arabic script Swa hili tex t. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 482 7 49 Vlisco machine printed kanga designed by Hussein Jiwan Hirji, 1925 1939. and paisley designs, the use of c ompound borders, a nd Roman script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 483 7 50 Vlisco machine printed kanga in three colorways, 24 May 1947, Zanzibar. Note the all over design with floral and geometric shapes, the use of contiuous borders, and Arabic script Swahili text. ................................ ............ 484 7 51 Vlisco machine printed kanga in three colorways, 28 July 1947, Zanzibar. Note the all over design with crosses, tangerine flo wers, and paisley, and Arabic script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................. 485 7 52 Vlisco machine printed kanga in one colorway, 18 August 1949. Note the budding artichoke and paisley design, compound border, and Ar abic script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 486 7 53 Vlisco hand printed kanga 1910s. Note the budding artichoke design, compound border, and no text. ................................ ................................ ......... 486 7 54 Vlisco machine printed kanga in four colorways, 12 October 1951, Dar es Salaam. Note the eight pointed star, bandhani design, and Arabic script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 487 7 55 Vlisco mac hine printed kanga in twenty seven colorways between 17 November 1950 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note the all over design, the rose motif, and Arabic script S wahili text. ................................ ................................ 488 7 56 Vlisco machine printed kanga in four colorways, 12 October 1951, Dar es Salaam. Note the all over design, the paisley border, the Roman script Swahili word pole in the central oval, and the Arabic script Swahili text. .......... 489 7 57 Vlisco machine printed kanga in seventeen colorways between January 1953 and 1956, Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar. Note the simplified central design, the continuous paisley border, and the Roman script Swahili text. ................... 489 7 58 Vlisco machine printed kanga in three colorways between 12 June 1953 and 1954, Mombasa. Note the intricate central design, the paisley accents and border, and the Arabic script Swahili te xt. ................................ ........................ 490

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24 7 59 Vlisco machine printed kanga in twenty seven colorways between 20 December 1953 and 1962, Dar es Salaam. Note the simplified central design, the roses motif, and the Roman scrip t Swahili text. ............................. 4 90 7 60 Advertising kanga machine printed by Vlisco in three colorways for Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd., January 1953, Dar es Salaam and Tanga. Note the the life ring motif, and the Roman script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................ 491 7 61 Advertising kanga machine printed by Vlisco in three colorways for Coca Cola, 25 August 1953, Zanzibar. Note the football trop hy cup and ticket, the lace of Swahili text. ................................ ... 491 7 62 Vlisco machine printed kanga in sixteen colorways between at least 1953 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note du ck and duckling central motif, the Arabic script Sw ahili text. ................................ ................................ ................. 492 7 63 Vlisco machine printed kanga in sixteen col orways between 9 December 1952 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note the pineapple and knife design with a floral, integrated border and Roman script S wahili text. ................................ ... 492 7 64 Vlisco machine printed kang a in twenty colorways between 20 December 1953 and 1956, Dar es Salaam. Note bowtie and abstracted floral design with continuous borders and Roman script Swa hili text. ................................ .. 493 7 65 Vlisco machine printed kanga in six colorways between 18 October 1955 and 1958, Mombasa. Note the all over tangering flower design, the intricate, compound borders and Arabic script Swahili text. ................................ ............ 493 7 66 Vl isco machine printed kanga in ten colorways between 1 August 1954 and 1957, Dar es Salaam. Note the coconut tree design with continuous, striped border s and Roman script Swahili te xt. ................................ ............................ 494 7 67 Vlisco machine printed kanga in eleven colorways between 11 April 1954 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note the postcard, tangerine flower border and Rom an script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................ 494 7 68 Advertising kanga machine printed by Vlisco in thirteen colorways for East African Brewers. Ltd., between 10 June 1954 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. nd Roman script Swahili ............................. 495 7 69 Christmas kanga machine printed by Vlisco in three colorways, 28 September 1955, Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam. Note the Christmas tree and Roman script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................ 495

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25 7 70 Commemorative kanga, produced on the occasi visit, machine printed in eight colorways in 1956 by Vlisco, likely designed by Jivan Hirji, Dar e s lace of Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ..... 496 7 71 Commemorative kanga, visit, machine printed in three colorways in 1956 by Vlisco, likely distributed by Smith Mackenzie, Zanzibar and Mombasa. Note the Roman script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 496 7 72 Vlisco machine printed kanga in seventeen colorways between 25 February 1958 and 1962, Dar es Salaam. Note the cross and x shape, the striped border, and the Roma n script Swahili text. ................................ ....................... 497 7 73 Vlisco machine printed kanga in nineteen colorways between 20 March 1959 and 1961, Dar es Salaam. Note the geometric and floral designs akin to bandhani and Roman script Swahili text ................................ ......................... 497 7 74 Early independence themed kanga machine printed by Vlisco in three colorways, 5 May 1953, Dar es Salaam. Note the giraffe motif and Roman script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ............................. 498 7 75 Independence themed kanga machine printed by Vlisco in eight colorways, 23 March 1960, Dar es Salaam. Note the map of Africa with the Swahili, Afrika si Ulaya the giraffe motif and Roman script Swahili text. ................................ ................................ ......... 498 7 76 Independence themed cloth, machine printed by Vlisco with photo of Bibi Tit Mohammed, 5 July 1960, Dar es Salaam. ................................ ........................ 499 7 77 Independence themed kanga machine printed by Vlisco in thirteen colorways between 11 October 1962 and 1963, Dar es Salaam. Note the map of Tanganyika with towns indicated and the Roman script Swahil i t ext. ... 499 7 78 Vlisco machine printed kanga in eighteen colorways between 16 September 1963 and 1968, Dar es Salaam, Mombasa, Madagascar. Note the all over abstract design, striped border, Huss ein Jiwan Hirji monogram, and Roman script Swah ili text. ................................ ................................ ............................. 500 7 79 Vlisco machine printed kanga in twenty five colorways between 21 February 1964 and 1969, Dar es Salaam, Marseille. Note the pa isley motifs, the integrated border, similarity to batik, and Roman script Swahili text. ................ 500 7 80 Kanga design by K. G. Peera, ca. mid 1960s, Zanzibar/Dar es Salaam. ......... 501 7 81 Kanga design by K. G. Peera, ca. mid 1960s, Zanzibar/Dar es Salaam ......... 502

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26 7 82 Kanga designed by Hashim A. Nakanoga on the occasion of the Universi ty of th anniv ersary, 2011, Dar es Salaam ................................ 503 7 83 Nkrumah Hall at the University of Dar es Sa laam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 503 7 84 Kanga designed by Hashim A. Nakanoga, for sale at the University of Da r es Salaam, Tanzania, 30 October 2011. ................................ ............................... 504 7 85 Kanga design with crescent and star, mosque, and rose water sprinkler bottle motifs, po ssibly by Furahi Kasika, Jr. ................................ ............................... 504 7 86 Mosque kanga design in production at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 20 Octobe r 2011. ................................ ............................... 505 7 87 Woman wearing mosque kanga designed by Furahi Kasika, Jr., Dar es Salaam, Tanz ania, 20 October 2011. ................................ ............................... 505 7 88 Kanga and its electronic design by Vijay Patankar, MeTL Textile Design office, Dar es Salaa m, Tanzania, 9 November 2011. ................................ ....... 506

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27 GLOSSARY *All terms in Swahili unless otherwise noted. BANDHANI Gujarati word for tie dye, used to refer to the process and the resulting designs on cloth ( based on the Sanskrit words bandhana and bandha ) DUKA shop (Swahili word borrowed from Hindi) DUKAWALLAHS shopowners (Swahili word borrowed from Hindi) JINA name ; here refers to the Swahili text printed on k anga textiles HANJARI curved dagger KANGA ( KHANGA ) type of printed cotton cloth worn by women throughout east Africa; composition usually conforms to central motif with surrounding border, completed by Swahili text KANGA ZA MERA the first of kanga KANIKI d yed blue black cloth KAN ZU type of tunic like shirt, usually white in color, worn primarily by men throughout coastal east Africa KEMBEN elongated diamond shape across the expanse of a narrow, rectangular cloth KISUTU type of early kanga design commonly associated with marriage; usually printed in red and black ink on white cloth; design features crosses and tangerine flowers in the interior KITAMBI type of imported cloth KITENGE printed cloth with all over design and no borders; often resemble s the crackling designs common to imitation wax and fancy prints worn widely throughout west and central Africa KOFIA hat LESO handkerchief LESO YA KUSHONA sewn of hand kerchiefs wn from six handkerchiefs to create a wrapper worn by women in east Africa ca. 1860 1890

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28 MERIKANI unbleached cotton cloth, originally imported from the United States of America MJI town; here refers to central design of kanga textiles PINDO hem, edge, bord er; here refers to border design of kanga textiles SHALI shawl, here likely in reference to the paisley design popular on mid ninteenth century shawls SLENDANG Dutch word or cloth worn wrapped around the body TUMPA L Malay word referring to the elongated isosceles triangle motif common to the edges of Indonesian batik textiles

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29 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Require ments for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE GLOBAL REACH OF A FASHIONABLE COMMODITY: A MANUFACTURING AND DESIGN HISTORY OF KANGA TEXTILES By MacKenzie Moon Ryan August 2013 Chair: Victoria L. Rovine Major: Art History This study examines the globa l forces and variety of players involved in the creation, design, and manufacture of a particular textile genre, kanga popular throughout east Africa. The history of kanga textiles brings together a wide range of players, who work variously together and c ompete to create, market, sell, and consume this industrially manufactured textile. I illustrate how this regionally popular cloth, often worn as wrap garments by east African women, actually evolved from expanding trade networks and an enlarging global ec onomy centered in nineteenth century Zanzibar. Throughout the twentieth and twenty first centuries, the manufacture and design of these textiles continued to be affected by both global and local politics. Based on colonial government reports, archival mate rials, published travelogues, import statistics, historical postcard photographs, interviews, hand drawn designs, dozens of sample pattern books and thousands of extant kanga textiles, I argue that this genre of printed cloth was created through the intera ctions between a global network of players, who converged in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and subsequently centered in Dar es Salaam following World War I.

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3 0 Kanga textiles, in their history as well as visual impact, reproduce traces of the various pl ayers involved in their creation and subsequent manufacture. As political realities changed, so too did demands for graphic representations printed on these inexpensive, fashionable textiles. By emphasizing the changing dynamics of not only the historical moment but also the convergence of players involved in the kanga trade, this dissertation posits that kanga textiles are a reflection of the global forces that compete to capture the market in this regionally popular cloth. As the primary research presente d in this work demonstrates, the history of this commodity points to global fashionable consumption during the colonial era

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31 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This study examines the global forces and variety of players involved in the creation, design, and manufacture of a particular textile genre, kanga popular throughout east Africa. 1 Today, kanga are easily recognizable due to their relatively standardized size and composition They are sold in uncut pairs and each cloth when a central graphic image ( mji surrounded by a wide, continuous border ( pindo completed by a Swahil i phrase ( jina bottom border along the long edge, cent ered beneath the central image (Fig. 1 1) 2 The kanga are printed on only one side, general Despite their somewhat fixed composition, the combinations of different colors, Swahili phrases, and designs make kanga textiles the subject of constant innovations. Designs range from decorative floral m otifs to everyday objects and commemorative themes, such as the Hongera kanga popular in 2008 (Fig. 1 2) 3 The Swahili phrase can take many forms, including familiar proverbs, provincial wisdom, benevolent blessings, or de fensive warnings. Women often carefully select each pair of kanga textiles for their applicability in saying, desirable motif, flattering color combination, and quality of material and printing. 1 Today this textile is commonly spelled kanga but for much of its history, khanga was more common. Most favor the s pelling kanga today, as it is correct in the Swahili language. Regarding east Africa, the study primarily deals with nineteenth century Zanzibar and tw entieth 2 Yote yatendwayo namkabidhi Mola 3 Upendo na amani ametujalia Mun gu

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32 The history of kanga textiles brings together a wide range of players, who work variously together and compete to create, market, sell, and consume this industrially manufactured textile. I illustrate how this regionally popular cloth, often worn as w r a p garment s by east African women, actually evolved from expandin g trade networks and an enlarging global economy centered in nineteenth century Zanzibar. 4 Throughout the twentieth and twenty first centuries, the manufacture and design of these textiles continue d to be affected by both global and local politics. Based o n colonial government reports, archival materials, published travelogues, import statistics, historical postc ard photographs, interviews, hand drawn designs, dozens of sample pattern books and thousands of extant kanga textiles, I argue that this genre of printed cloth was created through the interactions among a global network of players, who converged in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and subsequently centered in Dar es Salaam following World War I The broader aim of this project is to locate cultur al and economic networks and examine their effect on a regionally popular commodity. Rather than focusing on the cultural specificity of th is textile genre, or the meaning invested in the cloth through use this study explores the converg ence of interests that led to the creation and subsequent manufacture of this textile genre in essence, the history of the cloth up until the moment of purchase by the final consumer, rather than the life of the cloth following that purchase. As this dissertation argues, ma ny d isparate groups worked together, and 4 Kanga textiles are worn throughout present day Kenya and Tanzania, including the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba. They are also worn in the northern (Swahili speaking) portion of Mozambique, and extend to Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Malawi, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, and to Oman on the Arabian Peninsula. Oman and Zanzibar have been linked since the early nineteenth century, when the Omani sultan moved to Zanzibar to better control a portion of the Indian Ocean trade. Kanga textiles were formerly worn in southern Somalia, and related cloths are worn throughout the Comoros Islands, Madagascar, and Mozambique.

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33 competed with one another, to create and subsequent ly manufacture these textiles to capture the burgeoning market in fashionable cloth consumption across east Africa Kanga textiles, in their history as well as visu al impact, reproduce traces of the various players involved in their creation and subsequent manufacture. As political realities changed, so too did demands for graphic representations printed on these inexpensive, fashionable textiles. By emphasizing the changing dynamics of not only the historical moment but also the convergence of players in volved in the kanga trade, this dissertation posits that kanga textiles are a reflection of the global forces that compete to capture the market in this regionally po pular cloth. As the primary research presented in this work demonstrates, the history of this com modity points to global fashionable consumption. Theorizing Global Exchan ge through Networks and Commodities By focusing on the history of one specific commodity, I offer an historical case study in line with Africanist historian 5 vignettes that challen ge notions of discrete sociocultural sp aces and limited interactions that shape our understanding of the past an g [and offer] a reflection on the seemingly out of place, on the social lives of people and objects well beyond the boundaries of n ation, continent, or sea that we regularly imagine to have been historically restrictive. 6 My theoretical framework draws from the 5 Jeremy Prestholdt, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 8. 6 Prestholdt, Domesticating the World 1.

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34 embarking on extended analysis of one type of thing, its change throughout space and time can be chronicled ; a nd by looking to a network of relationships that gave rise to and continue to affect the thing itself, its creation cannot be attributed to one ultimate between manufacturers, distributors, sellers, and interactions within this network. By delving into the manufacturing and design history of this industrially produced c ommodity, I uncover global networks of trade that readers familiar with the discourse surrounding kanga textiles today might find surprising, as the subject of my study is often assumed to be the product of local traditions steeped in cultural meaning. Whi le encounter can, moreover, re member patterns of global interdependence, whic h, while 7 Historian of science Lorraine wh 8 By looking to things, as the growin 9 t hings exhibit a 7 Prestholdt, Domesticating the World 4. 8 Things That Talk: Object Lessons from Art and Science ed. Lorraine Daston, 9 24 (New York: Zone Books, 2004), 21. 9 The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cult ural Perspective ed. Appadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Bill Brown, ed., Things (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004); Lorraine Daston, ed., Things that Talk: Object Lessons from Art and Science (New York: Zone Books, 2004 ); and Wim van Binsbergen and Peter Geschiere, eds., Commodification: Things, Agency, and Identities: The Social Life of Things Revisited (Mnster: Lit Verlag, 2005).

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35 certain resistance to tid 10 I n examining the design and manufact uring history of this commodity, we can begin to grasp the power relations inherent to but ever changing within, global trade. I explore creation and exchange of a commodity through network relationships, and the range of global players involved in this s tudy is crucial. 11 Like Atlantic historian David cultural historians concentrate on consumptio focuses on a single commodity can highlight more easily the linkages among economic 12 The especial exchange between the spheres which are often perceived as separate the industrialized vs. non industrialized, t he West vs. the non West par ticularly describe this study. 13 As an art historian, I pay particular attention to the visual in writing the history of this cloth. Specifically, I combin e critical analysis of documented visual sources 14 with more traditional hi storical source s to reconstruct a 10 11 This theoretical approach is taken up after Atlantic histor ian, David Hancock, in his book, Oceans of Wine: Madeira and the Emergence of American Trade and Taste (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2 009). Another notable example comes from Sidney W. Mintz, who focuses on both production and consumption in his book, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Penguin Books, 1985). Others limit their analysis to the culture of a commodity; see Thomas Brennan, Public Drinking and Popular Culture in Eighteenth Century Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988) and Jordan Goodman, Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence (London: Routledge, 1993). 12 Hancock, Oceans of Wine xiv. 13 Of especial help in thinking through the perceived separation but actual fluidity in realms were Mary D Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration ed. Mary D. Sheri ff (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010) 1 16 and 17 42 14 In this case study, I employ turn of the century photographs from east Africa, hand drawn designs, dated kanga cloths to pen this manufacturing and design history of kanga textiles.

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36 history of kanga design and textile manufacture. T he commodity comes full circle today, as the global networks that united to give rise to this cloth are turned on their head. The commodity that was once manufactured in in dustrialized centers and distributed to consumers in unindustrialized locales travels back to those same industrialized cen ters as a value added commodity But in this reversal of supply, kanga textiles a re often reductively described as products origin, omitting the complicated global relations bound up in the history of this textile genre. The Study of African Textiles Broadly speaking, cloth in Africa has functioned in a multitude of ways over the centuries, including as a sign of wealth, a keepsake, of cultural functions, as well as the raw material for both wrapped and tailored clothing. The art historical study of African textiles began in the early 1970s, when scholars began investigating technical modes of production, cultural and use va lue, influence of trade routes and cultural exchange, and their use as clothing and items of prestige. 15 The vast majority of early research conducted on African textiles was limited to textiles that are hand woven, dyed, or painstakingly created or decorat ed by some other means. 15 See Justine M. Cordwell and Ronald A. Schwarz, eds., The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment (The Hague: Mouton, 1979); Dale Idiens and K. G. Po nting, Textiles of Africa (Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980); Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes, Nigerian Weaving (Roxford, Hertfordshire: H. A. & V. M. Lamb, 1980); Venice Lamb and Alastair Lamb, Au Cameroun: Weaving (Roxford, Hertfordshire: H. A. and V. M. Lam b, 1981); Venice Lamb and Alastair Lamb, Sierra Leone Weaving (Hertingfordbury, Hertfordshire: Roxford Books, 1984); Venice Lamb, West African Weaving (London: Duckworth, 1975); John Picton and John Mack, African Textiles: Looms, Weaving and Design (Londo n: British Museum, 1979); Claire Polakoff, Into Indigo: African Textiles and Dyeing Techniques (Garden City, NY: Anchor Press/Doubleday), 1980; Irmtraud Reswick, Traditional Textiles of Tunisia and related North African Weavings (Seattle: Craft & Fold Art Museum, 1985); and Roy Sieber, African Textiles and Decorative Arts (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1972).

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37 One early essay on industrially produced textiles appears in Cordwell and The Fabrics of Culture 16 Instead of technical artistry or cultural use value, Nielsen focuses on the development, trade, and widespr ead adoption of wax print cloth in Africa. Her contribution was followed by Christopher in 1985 in an essay that delved into the textile trade between Western European merchants and manufacturers and West Africans consumers. 17 Although in dividually produced textiles continued to garner more research than mass produced varieties, these two early essays paved the way for future scholars to discuss more specific aspects of these widely popular, industrially printed cloths. 18 Existing Research on Kanga Textiles Kanga in east Africa. In fact, the average retail price of kanga textiles has been documented throughout the past fifty years, as an example of a typical east Afric an consumer good. 19 Known as kanga in Tanzania and leso in Kenya, these textiles display colorful, graphic designs and are most often worn by women as wrap garments throughout east Africa Kanga are sold in pairs, and as mass produced, industrially printed textiles, they have retained a century long adherence to a standard composition: a central graphic 16 Printed Textiles Intended for West Africa and The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropolog y of Clothing and Adornment eds. Justine M. Cordwell and Ronald A. Schwartz (The Hague: Mouton, 1979), 467 98. 17 in West Africa, 1873 Ethnohistory 3 2, no. 2 (Spring 1985): 91 110. 18 Kathleen E. Bickford, Everyday Patterns: Factory Printed Cloth of West and Central Africa (Kansas African Arts 25, no. 3 (1992); 82 87, 104; John Picton, ed. African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex (London: Barbican Art Gallery), 1995; and Anne M. Spencer, In Praise of Heroes: Contemporary African Commemorative Cloth (Newark: The Newark Museum, 1983). 19 S Kanga in Dar es Salaam, 1951

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38 image surrounded by a wide, continuous border, completed by a Swahili phrase. Despite their somewhat fixed composition, the combinations of different colors, Swahili phrases, and designs make kanga textiles the subject of constant innovations. Designs range from decorative floral motifs to everyday objects and commemorative themes, kanga popular in 2008. Th e Swahili phrase is usually centered just above the lower border and can take many forms, including familiar proverbs, provincial wisdom, benevolent blessings, or defensive warnings. Women often carefully select each pair of kanga textiles for their applic ability in saying, desirable motif, flattering color combination, and quality of material and printing. Much interest in kanga textiles to date has been characterized by anthropological, sociological, and linguistic approaches. At their most basic level, k anga textiles are relatively affordable, mass produced, industrially printed cotton cloths u sed for a wide variety of purposes throughout east Africa 20 Most research to date agree s that kanga textiles are ubiquitous throughout coastal e ast Africa and consu med more widely for a variety of reasons One particular aspect of kanga textil es subject to the most research is how wrapped kanga garments possess meanings deployed by the wearers east African women 21 Wrapped kanga textiles are worn by east African women and often 20 Kanga textiles are also consumed wherever east Africans find themselves in the ever increasing diaspora, from central and southern Africa, Oman, the United Kingdom, Canada, and t he United States, to name just a few. 21 For examples of general writings on kanga Kanga Cloth and Swahili Society: mke ni nguo Kanga texti African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (August/September 1984): 24 ies, 1984); Marloes van der Bijl, Kanga s: The voice of Zanzibari women? Its present importance among young women in Zanzibar Stone 2 (2006): 1 22; and Sharifa Zawawi, Kanga : The Cloth that Speaks (Bronx, NY: Azaniya Hills, 2005).

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39 seen as culturally appropriate, respectful clothing ; as such, they are required modes of dress when visiting elders, in laws, and attend ing funerals. Women throughout e ast Africa culturally invest in these textiles by using them at critical junc tures in their lives: a new kanga cloth is the first thing a newborn child is swaddled in and the last thing a deceased woman is shrouded in. These textiles also protect adolescent girls while undergoing initiation ceremonies and are given to new brides at kitchen parties on the occasion of their upcoming weddings. A few brief essays provide helpful insight into the but they do not locate the cloth in a parti cular place or time, or provide su stained analysis 22 Others make init ial early history. 23 22 Mimi Kama Kanga Nafa na Uzuri Wangu I am like a Kanga Cloth, I Die in all my Art in Eastern Africa ed. Marion Arnold, 99 104 (Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2 008); Kanga Weekend Standard Kanga Rainbow NMK Horizons 4 no. 2 (2000): 19 21; tume Design in Tanzania: Historical Art in Eastern Africa edited by Marion Arnold, 105 Sorrow, Say it East African (Nairobi) 2000; Kanga vazi bora la 1 (March 1988): 18 19; Eleonore Schmitt and Rose Di e Garten des Islam edited by Hermann Forkle, 315 16 (Stuttgart: Linden Museum, 1993); Kanga Africa ed. Joanne B. Eicher and Doran H. Ross, vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion ed. by Joanne B. Eicher, 441 42 (O xford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Kanga s Angaza Africa: African Art Now (London: Laurence King, 2008), 11 13; Sue Willows Raznikov, Kanga Fiber Arts 21, no. 3 (Nove mber/December 1994): 7; and Zawawi, Kanga : The Cloth that Speaks 23 Sauti ya Siti: A Tanzanian 6 (June 1989): 16 19; Kanga : An Example of East African Text ile The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex ed. John Picton, 44 45 (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995); Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (June/July 1984): 5; Kanga : Popular Cloths with Readings in African Popular Culture ed. Karin Barber, 138 141 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997); Elisabeth Linnebuhr, Sprechende Tcher: Frauenkleidung der Swahili (Ostafrika) (Stu ttgart: Linden Museum, 1994); Kanga in East African Contours: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture ed. Hassan Arero and Zachary Kingdon, 73 84 (London: Horniman Museum, 2005); and Tony Trou Khangas Bangles and Baskets Kenya Past and Present 16 (1984): 11 19.

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40 Others discuss the p rinted Swahili sayings on the s e textile s that enable women to communicate beyond the bounds of appropriate verbal discourse literally wearing their opinions rather than voicing t hem. 24 Two linguists in particular have written extensively on this function, through worn and gifted kanga textiles. 25 Within the past few decades, kanga textiles have also carried political and socially active messages. 26 One scholar has discussed the texti displaying a particular identity when worn by lower class women in Zanzibar and the place of kanga textiles in the changing fashions of the early decades of the twentieth century. 27 Most scholars have chosen to explore the use value of kanga te xtiles following the design, manufacture, distribution, and sale, 24 Research Report no. 19 (Dar es Salaam: Women Research and Documentation Pr oject, 1993); Saida Yahya Kanga Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 51 (1997): 135 149 A recent dissertation on the subject combines analysis of kanga with makawa proverbs, Swahili poetry a nd taarab Interplay of Kanga Makawa Swahili Poetry, and Taarab (PhD diss., Arkansas State University, 2009). Often exhibitions and informal publications on kanga Kanga & Kitenge: Cloth and Culture in 5 April 2009; Kanga Culture, www.glcom.com/hassan/ kanga .html (accessed 17 May 2013). 25 Research in African L iteratures 31, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 104 124; Rose Marie Beck, e of the Kanga Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 68 (2001): 157 69; t zu K ln, 2001); Journal of African Cultural Studies 17, no. 2 (December 2005): 131 60; David Pour une Rhetoriques du Quotidien ed. Bertrand Masque lier and Jean Louis Siran, 155 82 (Paris: Harmattan, 2000); and as Text: Swahi li kanga Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies ed. Ruth Barnes, 44 61 (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003) 26 Simon Clarke, Kanga Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 38, no. 1 (2003): 166 167; Simon Clarke, Iconography on kanga East African Contours: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture ed. Hassan Arero and Zachary Kingdom, 85 97 (London: Horniman Museum, 2005) 27 Journal of African History 39, no. 1 (1998): 63 94 ; Performance, and the Cultural Construction of a Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress ed. Jean Allman, 13 30 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004).

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41 whereas this project instead seeks to document the development, manufacture and design history of this textile genre. 28 Extended research into the history of thi s textile genre documenting ch ange over time, precedence for design elements and the coalescing of a standard composition will augment and deepen understandin gs of not only this textile genre, but all of the cooperating and competing forces involved in its century and a half history. M y research is intended to compliment the interest already garnered from a broad range of scholars. By exploring the forces behind the development of this textile genre and the continued innovations in design, a more complete history can be written, acc ount ing for the entire life of the cloth, including both before and after the moment of purchase. The Fashionable Urban Settings : Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam This project spans over one hundred years in tracing the history of a fashionable commodity. Within tha t time, many economic, political, and social changes occurred that affected the east African region and history of kanga textiles; s ignificantly, the major urban cente r s shifted. As such, the urban back drop of this project changes, too. Following the histo rical trend, the nineteenth century portion of this project is focused on Zanzibar, while the twentieth ( and twenty first century ) portions shift focus to Dar es Salaam. In the nineteenth century, the city and island of the same name, Zanzibar, was the coa stal entrept for the region. Around the turn of the twentieth century when European colonialism was formally taking root 28 Two dissertations have tried to blend these approaches; the first focuses mostly on the textil communicative function and the second offers a personal response to the design and manufacturing Texte auf Textilien in Ostafrika t zu K ln, 2001); and in Contemporary Kanga Cloth: An Analysis and

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42 ports increased in significance ; mainland ports were more conveniently located to su pply the colonial expansion westward. From the late nineteenth century, east Africa, like the rest of the African continent, was carved up amongst European colonial powers. Colonial powers drew borders dividing previously cohesive areas and began administe ring newly defined regions guided by their own priorities The Swahili coastal region, made up of a string of settlements along the east coast of Africa, both on the mainland and throughout coastal island s was divided among British East Africa (present da y Kenya), German East Africa (present day mainland Tanzania Rwanda, and Burundi ), and Portuguese East Africa (present day Mozambique). Each colony developed its own port and capital city; in the case of German and Portuguese East Africa, the growing urban centers were one in the same: Dar es Salaam for the former, and Louren o Marque (renamed Maputo following Independence) for the latter In the case of British East Africa, Mombasa became the main port, but a new capital city Nairobi, was founded in the s outh central region of the British colony. eclipsed by the growing city of Dar es Salaam, located just 45 miles from the island on the coast of the African mainland. The island of Zanzibar was first made a British protectorate in 1890 and was administered by the British until the island gained its independence in 1963. Meanwhile, Germany lost its colonies follow ing defeat in World War I, and their east African holdings were renamed Tanganyik a Territory, a free trade colony administered by the British. Tanganyika gained its independence in December 1961. In April 1964, th e island of Zanzibar joined with independent Tanganyika to form the present nation of Tanzania, following the violent Zanzib ar Revolution in January

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43 1964. Throughout all of the changes in administration, Dar es Salaam continued to grow in size and importance. Initially, kanga textiles developed as a popular cloth worn as a wrap garment by women in the two urban centers of the n ineteenth century Swahili coast, Zanzibar and Mombasa. The demand for kanga textiles spread freely throughout east Africa, and trade in this commodity was centered in the coastal commercial center of the day. Around World War I, Zanzibar saw its relative i mportance decline as an urban center, while Dar es Salaam ascended in the region. Accordingly, the kanga trade followed this shift in urban centers. In this project, Chapters 2 and 3 explore the nineteenth century developments centered in Zanzibar, whereas Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7 discuss twe ntieth century aspects of kanga design and manufacturing as they converge in Dar es Salaam, a city variously located in German East Africa (1885 1919 29 ), Tanganyika Territory (1922 1961), independent Tang anyika (1961 1964) and Tanzania (1964 present). Research Methodology For this project, I conducted fieldwork in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and archival work in London and Manchester, the United Kingdom, and Helmond, the Netherlands. As an art historical project, I combined cr itical analysis of documented visual sources with more traditional historical sources to reconstruct a design and manufacturing history of kanga textiles. In Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, I interviewed local women, textile educators and practitioners, fashion d esigners, textile designers, manufacturers, and sellers of kanga 29 The British occupied Dar es Salaam and German East Africa from 1915 and administered the colony informally until the League of Nations Mandate was made official in 1922.

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44 textiles I visited factories that manufacture cotton cloth and print kanga textiles, interviewed their designers, and explored samples of their textile production. I collected kanga textiles and hand drawn designs; I photographed markets, stalls selling textiles, fashion shows, and women wearing wrapped kanga and tailored kanga garments. I analyzed archival sources, including governmental, manufacturing and import records, at the Tanzania Nat ional Archives and National Bureau of Statistics. I consulted materials such as Tanganyika Blue Books, Tanganyika Consular and Trade Reports, travelogues, local magazines and newspapers in the East Africana Collection at the Library of the University of Da r es Salaam and the National Library of Tanzania. In Europe, I traced the manufacturing and design history of kanga textiles back to the Uni ted Kingdom and the Netherlands. and design pattern books at the Manche ster Archives and Local Studies collection the special collection holdings at the Manchester Metropolitan University, the textile collections at the Whitworth Gallery and Platt Hall of Costume, the Museum of Science and Industry in Manchester, and the Lon don Metropolitan Archives. I consulted the unmatched collection and company archives of Vlisco, formerly P.F. van Vlissingen & Co., a Dutch textile printer from Helmond, the Netherlands. Vlisco possesses over 5,000 historical kanga textiles dating between 1895 and 1974, as well as priceless sample pattern books from the turn of the twentieth century, documenting its own production as well as the productions of its closest competitors, LKM ( Leidsche Katoenmaatschappij or Leiden Cotton Company) and HKM ( Haar lemsche Katoen Maatschappij or Haarlem Cotton Company), both now defunct.

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45 I have made use of the unmatched colle ction of historical photographs, postcards, and East Africana visual material in the Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs at the Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University, the British National Archives, and the African Collection at the Library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. I have also consulted publishe d accounts, including nineteenth century travelogues, British and American trade reports, and company histories at the British Library By consulting and analyzing numerous research materials, I seek to document the design and manufacturing history of kang a textile s. I look to facts and figures in import statistics governmental and colonial reports on manufacturing commodities for sale to colonies, business records from companies involved in the textile trade, firsthand descriptions written in travelogues, historical photographs widely circulated as postcards, full textiles and earlier samples in the archives of manufacturers, to assess color, design, and production methods I draw on interviews with textile d esigners, textile professionals practitioners, and educators to inform my arguments and provide empirical evidence to support my claims. The Case of Kanga : Dissertation Overview The emergence of the kanga textile genre finds its roots in a long history of trade in the Indian Ocean littoral. In Chapter 2 I briefly trace global networks of trade that rapidly expanded in the nineteenth century to incorporate e ast Africa These trade links led to a commercial dominance of the island of Zanzibar, which sought to feed a rising demand for luxury goods worldwi de. Both distributors in the guise of merchant converters and sellers embodied by local Indian traders in e ast Africa profited and manufactured cottons flooded into the region, acquired in exchange for slaves, ivory,

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46 and spices. Chapter 2 sets the stage fo r Chapter 3 and provides the historical background that paved the way f or the creation of this textile genre. Players as diverse as e ast African women, local Indian merchants, European, American, and British Indian traders, and manufacturers the world over contributed to the development of this textile genre Their influences are examined in Chapter 3 where I have utilized European travelogues, colonial government reports, historical photographs, cloth samples Swahili language handbooks and local accounts from the nin eteenth century to reconstruct the series of textile precursors that led to the creation and immediate popularity of these textiles. Evolved from a lineage of American cotton cloth, Indian indigo dyed cloth, European printed handkerchiefs, Ind ian woodblock and tie dyed designs, and Indonesian batik designs, the familiar composition of kanga textiles came into being around 188 6 Records indicate European manufacturers began producing manufactured textiles for export to e ast Africa at least as ea rly as 1874, by which point local hand stamping must have existed. The earliest kanga textiles in existence today were manufactured in Europe an d date from 1886 30 The earliest extant examples of loc ally hand stamped designs from e ast Africa date from 1901. 31 Chapter 4 examines early popular kanga textiles designs. I begin with a discussion of kisutu which is variously defined as a kanga precursor or very early design of the newly popular cloth. It is a design that does not conform to conventional kanga comp ositions and is still popular throughout east African today. I then present a handful of early popular kanga designs, relying on textile samples, number and frequency of 30 See Volume 6: Vlisco Slendangs 1886, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. 31 See Volume 16: LKM No. 230 Stalen OA Sarongs 1900 1932 and LKM No. 260 Stalen Slendangs O Afrika HKN vVL 1898 1915; both volumes in the Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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47 orders and late nineteenth century studio photographs showing women wearing these desi gns. I continue to explore the plethora of designs popular after the turn of the century, using textile samples, order records, photographs, and European observations, written in travelogues and government reports. Chapters 5 and 6 are two parts of a great er whole, and one informs the other. These chapters focus of the kanga history itemizing first the players involved and second the chronology of production In these two chapters, where I seek to chart the history of kanga from cir ca 1895 to the late 1960s I limit my parameters to the creation of European imported kanga cloth before it goes on sale. As previously stated scholars to date have almost exclusively focused on the history of this textile after it is sold especially th e use the cloth is put to by succ essive generations of women in e ast Africa. By and large, I hav e chosen to demarcate my study to before the point of sale. I n these chapters, I have relied on company archives import and export records, governm ental and man ufacturing reports, and interviews to reconstruct the players and chain of production of this textile genre, roughly corresponding to the colonial era. Chapter 5 discusses each node in the kanga textile network, comprising of manufacturers and printers, me rchant converters, and sellers and designers locally in east Africa. By looking to twentieth century manufacturing and import records, I show that kanga have been imported to east Africa by a surprisingly large number of British, Dutch, British Indian, and Japanese manufacturers throughout the past century. Generally speaking, at least three different groups were involved in the creation of a new kanga design: manufacturers (including textile printers), distributors (merchant

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48 converters), and sellers/design ers (local Indian merchants). Merchant converters functioned as middlemen: they purchased designs from local designers/sellers in East Africa and then commissioned the printing of the new textile design back in industrialized countries. With each new count ry of production, competition increased, affecting the quality and variety of designs of kanga Locally manufactured kanga textiles joined imported kanga textiles beginning in t he late 1960s. Clearly, kanga textiles prove to be good business, as they have held their value as a commodity and have been in constant demand by a substantial consumer base for the past century and a quarter. Building the networks of players involved in the kanga trade as well as the chronology of manufacturing charted in Chapters 5 and 6 Chapter 7 focus es exclusively the artistry of kanga textile designs. The chapter first briefly mentions technological advances that visibly manifest in kanga design and production. Changes in printing methods and cloth material are concisely chro nicled so that their effects can be referenced in relation to changing designs throughout the twentieth century Based on over 5,000 full cloth examples in the Vlisco archive Chapter 7 explores the artistry involved in kanga designs. Crucially, the secur ing of a conventional kanga composition will be chronicled, as well as how designs mirror the confluence of global forces active in east Africa. Although this dissertation centers on kanga in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and shifts to kanga in Dar es Salaam in the twentieth century, designs destined for the east African cities of Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, and Mombasa will all be considered. This chapter argues that kanga textiles, as imported commodities, featured designs that mirrored political realit ies, modern additions and desirable

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49 commodities in addition to long standing geometric and floral design elements As kanga textiles were fashionable consumer item s printed designs on the cloths were subject to change and innovate to accommodate passing trends Early design influences include Indonesian batiks, Indian woodblock printed and tie dyed designs, and familiar objects whether local, Omani or European inspired in origin. L ater d esigns re use these early motifs, and also expand to incorporate c ommemorative themes, advertisements, and independence or nationalistic s ymbols F embrace of socialism, protectionist policies were put in place that effectively spelled the end of European kanga production. Chapter 7 concludes with an i ntroduction to four kanga designers: Mr. K. G. Peera, a colonial era designer, Professor Hashim A. Nakanoga, an independence era designer, Mr. Furahi Kasika, a liberalizing era designer and Mr. Vijay Patankar, a contemporary designer Each designer was in formed by the time, place, and period in which he designed; each showcases a distinctive approach, outlook, and preference in design. Each designer conceived of his craft in different ways, predicated on the historical moment each experienced and the train ing each received whether formal, informa l, or self taught T hey chronicle the changing design emphasis and design practice of kanga textiles thr oughout the past seventy years, and the ir experiences bring the design of kanga textiles up to the present day The historical development manufacture and design of kanga textiles, involving global networks of trade, comes full circle in the contemporary moment which shows that global markets and imports continue to directly affect local kanga production and sal es. The conclusion hints at another thread in the history of kanga textiles : the

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50 role in tailored fashions especially today in the burgeoning fashion industry based in Dar es Salaam Today, kanga textiles are being claimed as distinctly ea st African; this textile genre is being hailed as the savior to the Tanzanian cotton, cloth, and clothing industries, while gaining greater recognition outside of the region. Through this case study of the manufactured and printed kanga textile, we can adv ance our knowledge of global trade networks, including the dynamics of foreign and local manufacture, competing imports, fluctuations in the global economy due to wars a nd changes in national political policies More generally, this project contribute s to the disciplines of economic history, cultural anthropology, linguistics, design history, and scholarship on dress and fashion. Within economic history, this project demonstrates how numerous players fought to capture a small but important market: German, B ritish, Dutch, British Indi an, Japanese, and Indian merchants have competed for predominance in e Within cultural anthropology, this project builds on anthropological research on local us women wear kanga textiles as daily apparel and use them in celebrations of birth, adolescence, marriage, and death. The Swahili sayings that adorn these textiles also have linguistic implications: women select kanga that display provincial knowledge, admonishments, and blessings to communicate a specific sentiment. Art history, fashion and costume history, and others interested in the implications of dress can find significa dress, while noting a contemporary turn towards its use in global fashions

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51 This dissertation shows how a printed cotton textile encounters agents, designs, manufacturers and con sumers from across the globe. Research on this regionally W estern Europe to Japan, Indonesia to east Africa and India to the United States. This project on the design and m anufacturing history of kanga textile s encapsulates the interconnected nature of economies, commodities, design, and fashion.

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52 Figures Figure 1 1. Example of a kanga textile. Final production, Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 2 0 October 2011. Photograph by James Ryan.

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53 Figure 1 2. Obama kanga Collection of James and MacKenzie Ryan. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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54 CHAPTER 2 GLOBAL NETWORKS OF T RADE AND THE EAST COAST O F AFRICA The history of kanga textiles sugge sts a complex interconnected nature of global networks of trade in the nineteenth century. Kanga textiles developed and succeeded due to two major d evelopments: on a macro level, e global economy brought increased wealth and manufacture d commodities to the region; on a micro level, demands for manufactured commodities that met with specific requirements increased among common, wo rking class, and very often, slave and ex slave women. First, background on the Swahili Coast will be provided long participation in global networks of tra de. Next, the rise of Zanzibar and the central role the small island played in international trade during the nineteenth century will be presented. I will then survey the demand for lu xury goods, both throughout e ast Africa and ar ound the world, documenting the emergence of kanga textile s from increased wealth and demand for imported articles and manufactured goods. To meet these demands, international trading houses and local Indian m erchants clamored to provide access to and generate income from these transactions. Additionally, the tripartite mission of many late nineteenth century Europeans will be described as abolitionists, capitalists, a nd colonialists (sometimes one and the same) united agendum se forces set the stage for increased consumption of imported manufactured goods during the late nineteenth century, when kanga textiles first emerged and enjo yed widespread popularity.

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55 Emerging Global Networks of Trade For over two millennia the coast of e ast Africa has been involved in long distance trade with the greater Indian Ocean littoral. The trade winds and seasonal monsoons enabled Indian, Arab, Persia n and other merchants to sail southwesterly from the months November through March They traveled to the coast of e ast Africa to exchange their goods during March and April. They then return ed via the summer northeasterly trade winds, from April through S eptember 1 Indian Ocean T rade The earliest recorded trade is mentioned in the Per iplus Maris Erythrae i written by an Egyptian Greek merchant between 40 and 70 CE. This handbook for merchants outlined t he trade between Roman Egypt and the Indian Ocean wor ld, from the coast of E ast Africa, through southern Arabia to the coast s of the subcontinent of India. 2 The author mentions that trade extended as far south as Rhapta o n the e ast African coast, posited to be somewhere near Dar es Salaam. 3 The e ast African coast is referred to as arly commodities from near Rhapta include d ivory, rhinoceros horn, 1 The Periplus Maris Erythraei trans. Lionel Casson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 11; Michael N. Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders: The Swahil i Coast, India, and Portugal in the Early Modern Era (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 51 52; Abdul Sheriff, Dhow Cultures of the Indian Ocean: Cosmopolitanism, Commerce and Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 20 23. 2 Lione The Periplus Maris Erythraei, trans. Lionel Casson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 7 8. 3 The location of Rhapta is based on the location of the large island called Menuthias. Scholars have debated which islan d Menuthias refers to Pemba, Zanzibar, or Mafia. General consensus slightly favors Pemba, on the assumption that the writer would have mentioned passing Pemba, if recording Zanzibar, an island to its south. On the assumption that Menuthias correlates with Pemba, the metropolis of Rhapta then corresponds to the area between one degree north and one degree south of Dar es Salaam. The Periplus Maris Erythaei trans. Lionel Casson (Prince ton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 140 41.

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56 tortoise shell, and nautilus shell 4 Principle luxury goods from Arabia included frankincense, myrrh and aloe, but the widest array of trade items ca me from India and included spices, gems, ivory, pearls, tortoise shell, and textiles. 5 Although its main purpose was to outline the foreign luxury goods traded into Roman Egypt, the Periplus also records Roman Egyptian goods traded throughout the Indian Oc ean world as well as a trade in commodities between Indian Ocean ports, quite distinct from Roman Egypt. 6 Rhapta is listed as the only Azanian port of substantial size in the first century CE a fact confirmed by Ptolemy in his Geography written a centur y after the Periplus. 7 The next firsthand, written account of the e ast Africa coast comes from Ibn Battuta the famous Arab traveler from Tangiers, in 1331, over a millennium later. By medieval times Kilwa, a small island south of Pemba and Zanzibar off th e e ast African coast, had become one of the most important Indian Ocean ports 8 This city sta te, known also as Kilwa Kisiwani or by the Portuguese spelling, Quiloa was founded around the ninth century CE and became a major trading site from the twelfth to the early sixteenth centur ies 9 Commodities from the African interior, including gold, ivory, iron, and coconuts were traded for cloth, jewelry, and porcelain from India and China, 4 5 6 7 8 Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders 43. 9 See G. S. P. Freeman Grenville, The Medieval History of the Coast of Tanganyika (London: Oxford University Press, 1962).

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57 respectively. Ibn Battuta of Tangiers described Kilwa as eautiful and 10 The Portuguese arrived in 1498, and both Pedro Alvares Cabral and Vasco da Gama visited Kilwa soon thereafter. Cabral reported seeing houses of stone and found Indians trading cotton. 11 In 1505, t he Portuguese attacked the trading port and da Gama forced Kilwa to pay tribute to the King of Portugal. 12 That same year, the Portuguese arrived in Mombasa a coastal town to the north located in present day Kenya, and found an even larger trading center. 13 Consequently before 1500 the e ast African coast was linked to a larger trading world, while after it was linked to a large r political world, as the Portuguese attempted to exert control over both the area and its trade 14 For the next two centuries, the Portuguese maintained nomina l c ontrol of the e ast Africa n coast, but their attempts to retain actual political and economic control of the coastal region led them to repeatedly burn Mombasa (no less than eight times) raze Pate and Lamu, and ravage Kilwa. 15 The Portuguese proved susce ptible to tropical diseases and trade along the coast dwindled over the next two centuries. Power over the e ast African coast fell in to Arab hand s from 1698 1885. In March 1696 Omani Arabs attacked the Portuguese Fort Jesus in Mombasa, finally taking it i n 10 diss., University of Chicago, 1961), 1 17. 11 12 Edward A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves: Changing Pattern of International Trade in East Central Africa to the Later Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 42. 13 Dana Seidenberg, Merc antile Adventurers: The World of East African Asians, 1750 1985 (New Delhi: New Age International, 1996), 3. 14 Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders 45. 15 Mercantile Adventurers 4, 6.

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58 December 1698. 16 Commercial relations between coastal populations and those nearer to the lake regions increased rapidly during these two centuries as the demand for slaves and other natural resources rose. 17 Slaves were required throughout the Indian Oce an world, in pla ces like Ile de France (Mauriti us) and Bourbon (Reunion) to tend sugar and cotton plantations in the late eighteenth century, and in Zanzibar, to tend coconut and clove plantations in the nineteenth century 18 This demand paved the way for t he r apid commercialization that enveloped the Swahili Coast during the nineteenth century. Coastal towns provided a convenient place in the exchange of goods manufactured goods flowing inland from coastal islands like Zanzibar, and natural resources flowin g outward from the mainland Commercial networks flowed through these coastal towns, and the increased economic activity aided growth of places like Bagamoyo and Zanzibar which developed into trading hubs. 19 The Dominance of Zanzibar From 1828 the Omani S ultan Seyyid Said bin Sultan, began dividing his time between Oman in the Arabian Peninsula and the island of Zanzibar, off the coast of e ast Africa in the Indian Ocean. 20 The Omani Sultan desired more control over Indian Ocean trade, and the island of Zan zibar was well placed for this purpose. As an island, 16 Pearson, Port Citie s and Intruders 46. 17 Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders 160. 18 Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East African Commercial Empire into th e World Economy, 1770 1873 (London: James Currey, 1987), 2, 41 42. 19 1862 Dar es Salaam: Histories from an Emerging African Metropolis ed. James R. B rennan, Andrew Burton, and Yusuf Lawi (Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, in association with the British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi, 2007), 15. 20 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 50.

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59 Zanzibar was more easily guarded than mainland ports. Zanzibar functioned as the entrept for coastal e ast Africa, and by extension the caravan routes to the interior. The Sul tan helped jumpstart planta tion farming on the island, especia lly in cloves, as the abolition of the slave trade adversely affected revenue at Zanzibar 21 Although cloves were reportedly introduced to Zanzibar from Mauritius in 1818, 22 Sultan Seyyid Said encouraged other landowners to clear coconut trees and plant cloves, developing a landed aristocracy whose wealth was dependent on the international demand for cloves and on the local slave population 23 In 1840, the Omani S ultan moved permanently to Zanzibar, to better control trade in slaves, ivory, and other natural resources from the mainland, and to cultivate clove plantations tended by slave labor on the island. 24 By mid centu ry, land formerly used for food stuffs was given over to the more lucrative clove trees, which necess itated imports of cereals and other staple items of food. 25 At the same time, clove production on Zanzibar and neighboring island Pemba had saturated the market, driving down clove prices and overall profitability. The landowners spiraled into debt to money lenders. 26 21 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzib ar 48; The Story of the House 1931 (Hamburg: Broschek & Co., 1931), 44. 22 William Samuel W. Ruschenberger, Narrative of a Voyage round the World, during the years 1835, 36, and 37 2 vols. (London: Richard Ben tley, 1838), 1:73. 23 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 50 51. 24 Alpers, Ivory and Slaves 234; nsin Madison, 1985), 1 2; Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders 160. 25 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 54 55. 26 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 64 65.

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60 These moneylenders formed a middle class primarily of Indian merchants, who provided the necessary credit and through whose hands the goods physica l ly passed. 27 Indian merchants migrated to ea st Africa in the second decade of the nineteenth centur y, to escape the economic downturn of their homeland. This downturn in the early years of the nineteenth century can be attributed to a destruction of cotton manufacturing in n orthwest India, as a result of British cloth imports supplanting Indian made var ieties. 28 Indian migrants came to Zanzibar as merchants and established themselves in the import and export trade. Although some Arab merchants also comprised the mercantile class, by midcentury the class was predominantly Indian. 29 As clove profitability dr opped around mid century, this Indian merchant class gained economic control of a system that united the wealthy Arab plantation owners and African slave laborers. 30 Trade in slaves, cloves, ivory and other natural resources was centered in Zanzibar until E uropean colonial powers began to carve up the continent of Africa and develop the interior, beginning around 1888. 31 In 1890, Omani dominance in Zanzibar came to a close when the island became a protect orate of the United Kingdom though it had long been un dermined by their indebtedness to the Indian 27 Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers 42; Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanz ibar 3. 28 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 86. 29 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 104 a cohesive group of people with commonalities. In reality, these immigrants came from dif ferent parts of present day India and Pakistan and practiced different religions. In the nineteenth century, the term Ismailis, who practice Shia Islam. Ka 1939: 68. 30 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 108 109. 31 41.

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61 merchant class 32 This Indian merchant class also handled much of the imported goods for sale within east Africa and played a vital role in the manufactured textile trade. Demand for Luxury Goods Global networks of trade in the nineteenth century were fueled by both supply and demand for natural resources and manufactured goods worldwide. The international ec onomy in t he nineteenth century, of which e ast Africa was a part, was largely dependent on slaves, the fru its of their unpaid labor, and the production of natural resources into manufactured goods. These value added goods were sold worldwide, but of especial interest here, back to east Africa one of the places where natural resources were hunted, mined, gather ed, or harvested. This system of importing value added goods while exporting raw materials kept protecto rates and colonies places like e ast Africa in constant debt to suppliers. By creating a market for value added goods, industrial manufacturers and tradi ng firms w ere assured of constant demand for fresh supplies of imported objects. To add to the imbalance, whereas natural resources from e ast Africa maintained or rose steeply in value and sho uld have benefitted the entire e ast African populace, the imbala nce instead contributed to large profit margins for middlemen: local Indian merchants and merchant converters firms 33 T he manufactured goods sent back to e ast Africa for sale to locals on the other hand, declined in price 32 Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders, 162; Smith, Mackenzie and Company, Limited, The History of Smith, Mackenzie and Company, Ltd. (London: East Africa, Ltd., 1938), 35 36. 33 The European trading houses are m neither manufactured nor consumed commodities; rather, they played effective middlemen bringing together the specific demands of consumers worldwide and the manufacturing abilities of industries located in metropolitan countries. It was through their presence in colonies (through branch offices) and close communication with their headquart ers in industrialized centers that successful orders could be placed, delivered, distributed, and eventually sold for profit. For further discussion on the role merchant converters played in the kanga trade, see Chapter 3.

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62 a nd whereas manufacturing commod ities was relatively sustainable and actually fell in cost during the nineteenth century supplies of natural resources continued to dwindle and were depleted by rising demand The reliance on international trade left places like e ast Africa extremely vul nerable to unpredictable market forces. 34 Imports to e ast Africa were comprised of items like cloth, beads, muskets, metal wire, and gun powder, and later rock salt, bicycles, umbrellas, metals, machinery, and other materials necessary for road building, ra ilroad construction, and other infrastructure developments. 35 is all brought from the interior of Africa, in exchange for American cottons, Venetian 36 Consumption of these and ot her goods only increased throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and demand could only be met through imports integration into the world economy effectively created a population of disadvantaged consumers open to the swings in the international economy ; however the population was not entirely disenfranchised and they made their preferences known, as will be shown with the kanga trade N atural resources such as ivory, copal, clo ves, skins, copra, sesame and sugar were exported to create luxury goods by other populations across the globe. Copal is hardened tree resin and was used in preparing varnish or lacquer. It was e specially 34 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivo ry in Zanzibar 128. 35 According to Sheriff, Zanzibar supplied the east African coast in these five staple items (cloth, beads, muskets, metal wire, and gun powder) that account for 90% of the total value of goods in 1859. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 129. 36 Commercial Reports received at the Foreign Office from Her st 1862 and June 30 th 1863 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1863), 240.

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63 popular with American merchants because copal was u sed to finish American made wood furniture and carriages Skins or hides of animals were tanned to create leather goods. Other natural resources, such as cloves copra, sesame, and sugar depended on slave labor in plantation farming. P rofit was made from s elling the spice oil, or natural product but cultivation of the cash crop relied on the system of slavery maximizing profits through the use of cheap or unpaid labor 37 Throughout the nineteenth century, trade with the interior of Africa was predicated o n caravans. Arabs traders secured imported goods on credit from Indian merchants in Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, and later, Dar es Salaam. 38 Because of the tremendous profitability of trade throughout the nineteenth century, Indian merchants could extend increasing amounts of credit to Arab caravans. 39 Natural resources, in the form of slaves and ivory, were generally expected to be delivered in the months following. 40 The Before 1888 few Indians and very fe w European traders lived on the coast, trade with the interior being a sort of monopoly of the Arabs. They obtained credits from big Indian merchants domiciled at Zanzibar, which they repaid when they returned from their safaris (raids). The goods taken on credit such as americani beads, Manchester goods, flintlock rifles, powder and shot (the latter probably often after being first inserted in their rifles) were exchanged by them for ivory and slaves. Slaves were a convenient substitute for modern motor l orries and could be sold by the Arabs at a good profit on arrival at Zanzibar which you generally cannot do with a second hand motor lorry. 41 37 Copra is the kernel of the coconut, f rom which coconut oil can be extracted. Similarly, sesame was cultivated to produce oil. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 205. 38 39, 41. 39 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 106, 108. 40 The Story o 39. 41 41 42.

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64 The closing line of this description affirms the dual use slaves could play on their travels to coastal centers. Th e slaves were sold as commodities themselves and could function as porters for valuable natural resources, such as ivory. Th e increase in leisure time and pursuits of the upper class and growing middle class around the world led to higher demands for luxur y items Some of these luxury items were carved or crafted from ivory, the raw material of animal tusks, most commonly from elephants. Ivory can be divided into two types: the softer, more expensive ivory was used to make European and American combs, pool balls, and piano keys, whereas the harder, less flexible ivory was used in canes, knife handles and fans. 42 Demand for i vory in India in the form of wedding bangles and art objects in China and Japan only added to caravan trade in central and eastern Africa 43 As on e of the most sought after export items fro m the interior of e ast Africa, t he demand for ivory, along with slaves, gave impetus to the caravan trade. 44 The softer, more expensive ivory came from elephants in plateau regions of East Africa The hard er, less flexible ivory came from elephants in the rain forest regions of central Africa. 45 Ivory has long been prized as a luxury good, but its trade before the nineteenth century was undertaken more as a supplemental pursuit, as elephants were valued loca lly in e ast Africa for the vast amounts of meat they provided. 46 Increasingly throughout the nineteenth century, however, the demand for ivory grew sharpl y T he 42 Alpers, Ivory and Slaves 234; Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders 161; Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 87. 43 Sheriff, Slaves, Sp ices and Ivory in Zanzibar 78; 44 45 46 Pearson, Port Cities and intruders 162.

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65 Industrial Revolution in Europe and America fueled a new middle class who had excess capital and the ability to demand and buy luxury goods Once e ast Africa was indelibly involved in the global capitalist economy, the local economy transformed 47 The promise of valuable sales of tusks, fueled by the insatiable demand for ivory internationally, shifte d employment away from subsistence production in e ast Africa. 48 Suppliers were compelled to undertake more extreme and extractive measure s to secure this raw material, ever increasing in price. As demand rose, supply fell ; elephants along the coast were dec imate d, and hunters had to venture fa rther inland to track the dwindling pachyderms. The cost of traveling greater distances and transporting the ivory tusks back to the coast rose in turn as the tsetse fly inhibited the use of pack animals for transport 49 The rising costs of ivory, however, did not equate to rising profitability or increase d prosperity for the majority of e ast Africans. In fact, it may have had the opposite effect, contributing to the underdevelopment of e ast Africa and the concentration of large profits in the hands of a few. 50 Second only to i vory slaves s ent to Zanzibar from the e ast African mainland were highly profitable. Although price and profitability of slaves decreased throughout the nineteenth century, the fruit s of their unpaid labor continued to be in demand 51 Zanzibar transformed its economy from one reliant on the slave trade to one reliant on the trade 47 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 109. 48 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 3 4. 49 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 103 104. 50 Alpers, Ivory and Slaves 264 267; Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 3 4. 51 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory 67 69.

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66 of lucrative agricultural products, cultivated by slave labor. 52 Although the international slave trade was progressively bar red, s laves continued to be bought and sold and were put to work on clove, coconut, sesame and sugar plantations. 53 Indeed, Zanzibar as the entrept for trade in e ast Africa, became the largest slave market in the region from 1840. 54 Without a doubt, the in stitution of slavery contributed to rapid economic development in e ast Africa. As international trade in slaves became more limited, slavery continued to be a powerful and profitable institution within ea st Africa The economy simply transitioned from maki ng profits on the sale of individuals, to the sale of 55 Furthermore, p lantation owners not only benefitted from their garnered by owning slaves 56 The Rise of Trading Houses Trading ho uses, shippers, and merchant converters also played a large role in the rapid development of global networks of trade in the nineteenth century. The arrival of American treaty wi th a foreign power was the Treaty of 1833 (ratified in 1835) with the United States of America. Described by missionary Charles New, advantageous treaty with the Sultan [Omani Sultan Sayid Said], and a consular and 52 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory 48 49. 53 The anti slavery movement will be discussed in greater depth shortly. 54 55 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory 228. 56

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67 commercial establi sh 57 In 1835, a surgeon to an American expedition, W. S. W. Ruschenberger noted while visiting Zanzibar, At present the commerce is very considerable, and, as Zanzibar will become the great commercial depot of the eastern coa st of Africa, is destined to increase. The Americans obtain here gum copal, ivory, and hides, for which they give American cottons and spe cie. ( The American trade is chiefly from Salem, Massachusetts. 58 The American treaty became the model for lat er treat ies with other nations. 59 In 1841 the British followed, and swiftly thereafter the French and Germans joined the trading nations. Charles W ard explained the importance of Zanzibar to American trading interests in a letter to the State Department, Zanzibar, dated February 12, 1846, just a month after he assumed the position of the second American Consul to Zanzibar: Zanzibar is a depot for all the products of trade on the East coast of Africa; the great bulk of the American Cottons sold at Zanzibar, are broug ht by the natives for the coast trade, and in return all the Ivory, Gum Copal, Tortoise Shell, Hides &c are brought to Zanzibar. Therefore you will at once see that Zanzibar is an important place of trade. 60 sed at length in the next chapter, as American manufactured unbleached cotton sheeting is one type of cloth that contributed to the development of kanga textiles. 57 Charles New, Life, wanderings, and labours in eastern Africa: with an account of the first successful ascent of the equatorial snow mountain, Kilima Njaro, and remarks upon east African slavery 3 rd ed. (1873; London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1971), 31. 58 R uschenberger, Narrative of a Voyage round the World, 1:65. 59 Norman R. Bennett and George E. Brookes, Jr., eds., introduction to New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 (Boston: Boston University Press, 1965), xxvii. 60 ters Concerning Eastern Africa: 21. Charles Ward to State Department, February 21, 1846, New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 eds. Norman R. Bennett and George E. Brookes, Jr. (Boston: Boston University Press, 1965), 355.

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68 The prominent Hamburg firm, Wm. & Company, established an office at Zanzibar in 1849 after fortuitous exploratory mission. 61 The subsequent voyage confirmed the lucrative market at Zanzibar and the vessel, Africa even carried a few different types of cloth for export textiles ; prints; shawls; muslins [ita 62 By 1873, the majority earnings of both O swald & Co. and Hansing & Co. were grey and coloured cotton goods, edging out sundry manufactured goods, and dwarfing profits in glassware, beads, arms and ammunition, s undry hardware, iron, sundry small ware, and sundry merchandise. 63 & Co exchanged cloth, beads, guns and gunpowder for hides, palm oil for copra gum myrrhae (myrrh) cloves, ivory, chilis sesame seeds, copal, and other natural resources from e ast Africa and dominated commercially before World War I 64 Indeed, as the company claimed in its centennial anniversary publication native produce because they realise that without such purchases imp orted goods could not be sold [italics in 61 instructed him to explore the trading possib ilities in East Africa and the Red Sea area. On his second voyage in 1846 to 1848 Rodatz took along the commercial officer, William Scheisser. Together they confirmed the earlier report that Zanzibar offered the most promising trading prospect in East Afri 62 36. 63 s Consuls on the Manufactures, Commerce Ec. Of the Consular Districts, Part 1 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1876), 181. Four other trading houses were active in Zanzibar at this time: the American firms of Messrs. John Bertram and Co., Messrs. Arnold, Hines, and Co., and Mr. John Ropes, as well as the French firm based 182. 64 38 39, 41 42.

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69 original] 65 Other European mercantile houses, such as the Hamburg based Hansing & Co and later the British firm of Smith Mackenzie & Co encouraged trade in rubber, copal, and palm oil. 66 These European trading houses sp awned a network of local agents and (storehouses for trade goods) that expanded up and down the coast and throughout the hinterlands, effectively displacing the centuries, if not millennia old, dhow trade. 67 Growth of Indian Duk a wallahs In addition to the rise of European trading houses, the gro wth of Indian run shops or dukas across e ast Africa paved the way for increased trade and consumption of manufactured goods. As was stated previously, Indi an merchants first migrated to e ast Africa in the second decade of the nineteenth century to escape the economic downturn in their homeland. This downturn can be attributed to a decline in cotton manufacturing in northwest India, as a result of British cloth imports supplanting Indian m ade varieties. 68 Indians came to Zanzibar as merchants and established themselves in the import and export trade. One factor in particular helped merchants establish themselves as a successful class of middlemen. Until the mid 1830s, most transaction s were conducted in cash, which required traders from around the world to anchor for several months while their cargo was sold and replaced with local commodities. American traders began to advance both goods and cash to local merchants as credit, who were then contracted to 65 wald 38. 66 67 Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers 47. 68 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 86.

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70 repay the debt in specific local products. This short t erm credit system continued interest free until the 1860s, and it was this system that enabled merchants to accumulate large amount s of capital. With ready capital, Indian merchants were able to finance both the plantation economy in cloves and the ca ravan trade in slaves and ivory, thus establishing themselves as an indispensable class of middlemen. 69 Beyond Zanzibar, m any Indian entrepreneurs sett led at coastal trading centers, including Mombasa, Bagamoyo and later, Dar es Salaam. Arab slavers and plantation owners asset rich but cash poor, required ready credit to continue their business and lavish lifestyles. Indian merchants set up shops, or dukas and supplied the inhabitants of e ast Africa with manufactured goods such as cloth, beads, brass wire, umbrellas bicycles and food stuffs such as rock salt, sugar, and tea. 70 Many of these new luxury items were associated with wealth and status, and acquiring such goods marked the owner as p rosperous and refined. A trade report from 1860 summarizes the network of Indian merchants: There are about 5,000 British Indian subjects residing in the Zanzibar dominions, and nearly the whole of the foreign trade passes through their hands. The ivory is consigned to them from the interior; the gum copal is purchased from the diggers by Indian Banians residing on the coast, and the entire cargoes of American and Hamburg vessels are purchased by them. All t he shopkeepers and artizans [ sic ] at Zanzibar are natives of India; they have settlements at all the towns on the east coast of Africa, as far south as Mozambique, at the Comoro Isles, and on the west coast of Madagascar. The number of settlers from India has greatly increased during the last few years, a nd they have obtained possession from the 69 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 96, 105. 70 Jeremy Prestholdt, Domesticating the World: Af rican Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 63 87; Seidenberg Mercantile Adventurers 35.

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71 Arabs, by purchase or mortgage, of a considerable number of landed estates in Zanzibar. 71 By the beginning of the twentieth century, Indian dukawallahs ( the term was originally Hindi but was adopted into Swahili an ) had spread throughout the hinterland, aided in large part by the newly completed railroads. 72 Small, upcountry stores were s upplied by coastal wholesalers in a chain of transfer, profitable for all of the sellers involved. Most importantly for the study at hand, Indian merchants became the main importers and distributors of manufactured cotton textiles, including kanga 73 Beyond shopkeeping, Indian immigrants to e ast Africa also came with a variety of vocational skills, from weav ing cloth, to tailoring, cobbling shoes, printing reading materials, carpentry and gold and blacksmithing 74 They often also had familiarity with trade, literacy in English and their native language (often Gujarati), and frequently became clerks and accou ntants for the colonial administration. 75 Anti S lavery Movement The British anti interests to expand the empire, which also meant expansion in commerce. Specifically, the opening up of new markets for industrially produced British goods, such as printed kanga textiles, was paramount. mission of many late nineteenth century Europeans will be described, as abolitionists, 71 Commercial Reports received at the Foreign Office from Her Majesty st 1862 and June 30 th 1863 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1863), 241. 72 Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers 35. 73 Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers 47. 74 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 147. 75 Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers 38 39.

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72 capitalists, and colonia lists (sometimes one and the same) united agendum in the name The movement was predicated on the replacement of the slave trade with free trade as much as it was concerned with liberating slaves themselves. And w ithin this free trade system, the British sought to gain economic footholds in the western Indian Ocean world. The anti slavery movement was fueled by three differently motivated groups : those who wished to increase ec onomic power through free trade, those who wished to bring civilization to what they saw as backward lands, and those who wished to spread Christianity as an antidote to Muslim regions that permitted slavery. 76 favored by David Livi ngstone, was often repeated by some who truly believed in the effectiveness of replacing the slave trade with legitimate trade, and others who paid lip service to the cause while clearly advancing only their commercial interest s 77 In e ast Africa, w ell know n British figures, such as the explorer and missionary David Livingstone and explorer 78 Others, such as the capitalist William Mackinnon, sympathized but maintained their focus on commercial succe ss. 79 Therefore, the movement harnessed three separate groups and united them to work towar d a similar if not complimentary goal. 76 77 See Edith F. Hurwitz, Politics and the Public Conscience: Slave Emancipation and the Abolitionist Movement in Britain (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973) for a discussion of the British abolitionist movement, Jenny S. Martinez, The Slave Trade and the Origins of International Human Rights Laws (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012) for a general discussion on the slave trade, and Suzanne Miers and Martin Klein, eds., Slavery and Coloni al Rule in Africa (Portland: Frank Cass, 1999) for particular case studies across the continent of Africa. 78 See Alastair Hazell, The Last Slave Market: Dr. John Kirk and the Struggle to End the African Slave Trade (London: Constable, 2011). 79 John S. Galb raith, Mackinnon and East Africa 1878 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 15

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73 T he Slave Trade Act of 1807 outlawed the slave trade within the British Empire but slavery itself was not abolished until the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833. As British imperial interests swelled, these acts affected policies in e ast Africa T he following treaties were introduced by the British and eventually capitulated to by the Omani S ultan in Zanzibar T he Moresby Treaty of 1 822 outlawed the export o f slaves south of Cape Delgado, the coastal point on the present day border between Tanzania and Mozambique The Hamerton Treaty of 1845 outlawed the export of slaves north of Lamu, the coastal town near the present day border of n orthern Kenya and southern Somalia A n 1864 proclamation forbid all slave trade during the monsoon season in an attempt to curb the flow of slaves to the Arabian Peninsula. 80 The 1873 T reaty, which banned the slave trade within the dominion of the Sultan of Zanzibar was signed into law only after the British naval force threatened to blockade Zanzibar; the S ultan had little choice but to acquiesce when threatened with the might of the British Empire. 81 A quarter century later a succession dispute fueled in part by the divisive opinions on slavery, led to the shortest war in history ( forty minutes), when the British bombarded Stone Town in Zanzibar on August 27, 1896 82 The entire system of slavery was abolished in 1897 when a British supported if impotent, S ultan was enthroned at Zanzibar 83 80 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 223. 81 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 236 238. 82 The History of Smi th, Mackenzie & Co, Ltd., 51. 83 Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers 10.

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74 Manufact ured Cottons as Trade Goods in E ast Africa Textiles have long been luxury goods on the Swahili Coast. 84 But with the intensification of the slave trade in the late eighteenth century cotton textiles began to be im ported in large quantities first from India, then from Europe and North Am erica to serve as currency in e ast Africa These textiles were in turn traded along the caravan routes fro m the coast to the interior of e ast Africa, along with beads and rifles as payment for slaves or free passage A publication from 1931 celebrating the centenni al of the Hamburg trading house stated part in trading with the natives; but when the latter became more civilised, they start ed 85 Despite the colonial rse this quotation reflects records the increase in demand for manufactured cloth. Cotton cloth was associated with elites throughout e ast Africa th e Swahili, the Arabs, and chiefs of the hinterland. Textiles were luxury goods, cited in the earliest known sources b ut the shift to trade in the increasingly affordable industrially produced textiles opened up the market to people with more limited means and therefore directly contributed to the development of kanga Throughout the nineteenth century as in earlier centuries cloth was used as currency throughout e ast Africa as it was prized by all. 86 The physical attributes of cloth made it useful : beca use cloth was wearable those who possessed it could display their 84 For a more sustained examination of textile and other material consumptions in the Early Modern era y Ordain: The Social Fabric of Material Consumption in the Swahili World, circa 1450 Working Papers 3 (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University, 1998). 85 37. 86 Pearson, Port Cities and Intru ders 48.

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75 wealth on their bodies. Cloth was also portable, relatively durable, and easily tradable. Both local accounts and European travelogues frequently refer to cloth. In his book, Customs of the Swahili People originally published in 1901, Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari explains that cloth was regularly charged as taxes or tolls in his hometown of Bagamoyo, a coastal town in what is today Tanzania. The genesis of the book came in the 1890s when Dr. Car l Velten, the German linguist, asked Mtoro to re cord tradi tions and customs 87 Mtoro explained that in the past probably in the decades before German colonialism began in 1885, taxation made to the jumbe (headman) an d his wives These gifts of cloth ensure d safe passage for caravans, allow ed in his region of jurisdiction. 88 T axation at the time of writing, around the turn of the twentieth century, was regulated by the German colonial government and extracted in the local currency, rupees. 89 Travelers were advised to keep ready stock of both cloth and beads for payment of tolls. One such example comes from missionary Arthur W. Dodgs hun, who traveled from Zanzibar due west across what is today Tanzania to Ujiji, located on the banks of 87 Noel Q. King, preface to The Customs of the Swahili People by Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, ed. and trans. J. W. T. Allen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), viii. Velten then compiled and published the original volume in 1903, in Ger man and Swahili. Mtoro was employed by the Germans as a clerk in charge of house tax collection in Bagamoyo before becoming a professor of Arabic in Berlin. While in Berlin, he married a German woman. When he returned to Tanganyika to work in Dar es Salaam the elected to live out his days in Germany with his wife. 88 Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, The Customs of the Swahili People ed. and trans. J. W. T. Allen ( Berkeley, University of California Press, 1981), 153. 89 Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, Customs 154.

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76 La ke Tanganyika, from 1877 1879. 90 Early on in his journey, Dodgshun itemized his kaniki ], 6 each of Dubwani, Kikoi, Sahari, Kitambi, Javi, 85 lbs salt, and 75 lbs of beads (35 Same Same, and about 40 of fancy 91 Dodgshun specifically lists each particular type of cloth. Similarly, Mtoro described the supplies a Swahili traveler might purchase before embar king on a journey. T he Swahili traveler first asks an Indian merchant to lend him goods. After some haggling they go to the government to write a bond for 1,000 dollars, and this is officially stamped. They go to the shop, and he asks him what goods he wa nts, and he tells him Twenty bolts of Bombay, thirty bolts of sun, fifteen bolts of m All these are varieties of white Cloth for turbans. Kareati, buraa, rehani, sturbadi, barawaji, kikoi mzinga pasua moyo. 92 And one barrel of beads, and four sacks of cowries, seven boxes of sugar, six co ils of brass wire, and a tent. 93 Like Dodgshun, Mtoro referred to different types of cloth by name, each differing in appearance, quality, country of origin, a nd of course, price. Explorer Richard Burton also comment ed on e ast African general preference for brightly colored cloths. Although his opinions confirm he was a product of his time, his comments do underscore the usefulness of cloth as tra de goods in the mid nineteenth century : 90 Dodgshun was part of a team comprised of members of the London Missionary Society, who were attempting to solve the problem of transportation across what is to day mainland Tanzania. The London Missionary Society planned to open a mission in Ujiji, on the eastern banks of Lake Tanganyika, and Dodgshun and company attempted to make the journey with oxen and wagons, until the wagons were abandoned, and both the ani mals and Dodgshun expired on route. 91 Arthur W. Dodgshun, From Zanzibar to Ujiji; the Journal of Arthur W. Dodgshun 1877 1879, ed. Norman Robert Bennett ( Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1969), 78. 92 loths, mostly originally from Indian looms, but mill made materials from Lancashire and New England were competing and taking over as European domina Customs 297. 93 Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, Customs 158 159.

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77 The principal of the minor items are coloured clothes, called by the people some regions, Ugogo for instance, the people will not sell their goats and m ore valuable provisions for plain piece goods; their gross and gaudy tastes lead them to despise sober and uniform colours. The sultans invariably demand for themselves and their wives showy goods, and complete their honga or blackmail with domestics and i ndigo dyed cottons, which they divide amongst their followers. Often, too, a bit of scarlet broadcloth thrown in at the end of a lengthened haggle opens a road and renders impossibilities possible. 94 Burton inflected his description with his own pejorative opinion of the brightly colored imported cloths bu t nonetheless accurately recorded e ast design preferences. He also allude d to the value of cloth and its ability to sweeten a deal or function as currency for tolls. The contin ued demand for brightly colored and increasingly patterned cloth eventually result ed in the development of kanga textiles. Late nineteenth century Europeans travelers mention ed demands for cloth and beads at almost every turn in their published accounts. Dodgshun however, specifically mentioned how many pi eces of cloth were demanded to ensure safe passage at least weekly in his travels between 1877 and 1879. For example accidently left a toy at their camp site after meeting the Wagogo T he Wagogo believed it was a charm and declared war on the caravan. To ease the misunderstanding, the Wagogo demanded eighty pieces of cloth. Dodgshun but was forced to send an additional thirty cloths and some brass wire to escape unha rmed. 95 A similar trip was undertaken just a few years later, again by members of the London Missionary Society a ttempting to find an economic al way of transporting 94 Journal of the Royal Geographical Society vol. XXIX (1859); 1 st electronic ed. 2007, http://burtoniana.org (accessed 6 May 2011), 428. 95 Dodgshun From Zanzibar to Ujiji 89 90.

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78 Europeans and their supplies across what is today Tanzania. The journey was recorded by Annie Hore, who accompanied her husband Edward with their infant son from Zanzibar to Ujiji. They set off in May 1882, with Hore riding in a wicker bath chair. She mention ed tolls paid via bundles of cloth among other commodities: On the fifth day we were assured we should reach Irundi, the first village of tired to go further. Edward sat up late at night doing up little bundles of cloth ready for the toll next day. In the morning, on e hour of march brought us to the ruins of an old village where a tent was pitched for a temporary halt, while the toll was arranged with the local chief. The business took about an hour and a half to transact, and we were left with many protestations of l asting friendship, a pair of new guides, the chief now sported a brightly polished gun and a yellow umbrella; and our own st ores lighter by 20 good cloths. 96 Cloth was clearly a very valuable commodity in nineteenth century e ast Africa Used as currency and as a display of wealth, imported cloth also symbol ized access to foreign markets. The Swahili Coast has long been connected to larger networks of trade throughout the Indian Ocean world. In the nineteenth century, the island of Zanzibar played a central r and the larger e ast Africa n region was indelibly linked to global trade. Natural resources from the region, such as slaves, ivory, and cloves were exported, while manufactured goods, such as beads, rifles, an d most importantly for this study, textiles, were imported for local consumption. Global demand for luxury goods spawned larger trade networks, and to meet these demands, trading houses and local Indian merchants clamored to provide access to and generate income from these transactions. T 96 Not all Bonnets and Bustles: Victorian Women Travellers in Africa ed. Yvonne Barlow (London: Bookline and Thinker, 2008), 144.

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79 nineteenth century Europeans also played a part in opening the region to manufactured goods, such as textiles, as abolitionists, capitalists, and colonialists (sometimes one and the same) united agendas in the name of manufactured goods during the late nineteenth century, paving the way for industrially printed kang a textiles.

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80 CHAPTER 3 THE HISTORICAL EMERGENCE OF KANGA TEXTILES While today kanga textiles are com monly thought of as bearers of e ast African or Swahili culture, this textile emerged from a complex history of global trade networks serving local consumer demands. Kanga textiles developed from a host of design influenc es and a lineage of industrially manufactured textiles. These textile precursors were manufactured overseas but often under went local changes to suit the e ast African market in increasingly af fordable machine produced textiles. Indeed, kanga textiles cannot be said to be wholly im ported, nor indigenous, making them a prime e xample of the interconnected nature of global networks of trade in the late nineteenth century. The historical emergence o f this textile involved many actors and a series of textile precursors. The development of kanga can be traced to a distinctly local and particular series of events, triggered by international factors but maneuvered by local players. This chapter employs S wahili poetry and language handbooks, European travelogues and business documents, consular and governmental trade reports, local accounts, studio photography and postcard photographs and extant examples of nineteenth century manufacture d cloth for sale i n e ast Africa to reconstruct the development of kanga textiles from a lineage of factory produced cloths. I t has already been e stablished that a variety of factory produced cloth was available for sale in e ast Africa in the nineteenth century. Although ma ny of these textiles may have generally influenced the development of kanga textiles a particular lineage of kitambi merikani kaniki shali, leso and leso ya kushona directly contributed to the creation of the kanga textile.

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81 Textile Precursors to Kanga Mombasa poet Muyaka (ca. 1776 1840) indicate d the importance of cloth in a handful of his poems, dating from roughly 1810 to 1840. The first Swahili poet whose work was predominantly secular, Muyaka often utilized humor to disc activit ies. 1 One of his works, entitled Cloth comes from India reminds readers that cloth is the privilege of the wealthy, but cloth and wealth can come and go. 2 The final stanza of the poem reads, When I look about me and see people in fine clothes, I know it i s just their luck, they are the lucky ones; Cloth comes from India and yet there some go naked! 3 Muyaka also recorded the fact that much cloth was imported from India and was likely hand woven in the early nineteenth century 4 Gujarat, on the n orthwest coast of India, was responsible for producing highly prized, hand woven cloth, which was subsequently ex ported to the Persian Gulf and e ast Africa. 5 L arge amounts of cloth in varying qualities were imported fr om India in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Captain Thomas Smee listed Indian cloth among the principle imports on a visit to Zanzibar in his travelogue, dated 6 th April, 1811 : Of imports the following are the chief: 1 Jan Knappert, Four Centuries of Swahil i Verse (Nairobi: Heinemann, 1979), 141; Mohamed H. Abdulaziz, Muyaka: 19 th Century Swahili Popular Poetry (Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1979), ix. 2 Hindi nidko kwenyi nguo Abdulaziz, Muyaka 166 167. 3 The original Sw ahili reads: Nami nimwapo kupewa nalingamana na wao Nindi ndiko kwenyi nguo, na wendao tupu wako. Abdulaziz, Muyaka 168 169. 4 Kaoru Suigihara, Om Prakash, Giorgio Riello, a nd Roy Tirthankar, eds., How India Clothed the World: The World of South Asian Textiles 1500 1850 (Leiden: Brill, 2009). 5 Dana Seidenberg, Mercantile Adventurers: The World of East African Asian, 1750 1985 (New Delhi: New Age International, 1996), 33, 42

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82 Surat and Dungaree c loth from Cutch goods on the continent was very great; and if the natives had any returns to make besides ivory and slaves, I have little doubt but we might here find an extensive and lucrative vent for numerous articles of our manufacture. 6 On the following page, a table li sts 7 H e made note that 8 He also describe d the dress of coastal people: wrapper round their loins. The better sort have, in addition, a loose white cloth over their shoulders, and round their body. The Arabs wear turbans, while the Souallies, 9 I n the first decade or so of the nineteenth century, much of the cloth in e ast Africa came from India and was hand woven. Kitambi : Transition from Hand W oven to Machine W oven Imported, Colored Cloth One popular imported cloth from the early nineteenth century is the kitambi It is difficult to apprehend what kitambi actually looked like given its dominance before the advent of photography; h owever it seem s clear that kitambi was an imported cotton cloth that often featured either blue or red printed or dyed embellishments. It also seems likely kitambi was a type of cloth that was originally handwoven in India, and 6 Ternate (Captain T. Smee,) and Sylph Zanzibar: City, Isl and, and Coast by Richard F. Burton (1811; London: Tinsley Brothers, 1872), 2:493. 7 Surat and Cutch are both areas in present day Gujarat, on the western coast of India near the border 8 9

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83 subsequently replaced with machine woven i mport s from the United Kingdom or British India Another of poems is entitled Give me back my Kitambi in which the protagonist rebuff s a lover for wearing his gift of c loth for the benefit of others 10 The third stanza reads: May be I have bought it on the tick, I will pay for it eventually; Debts should be paid, you know this yourself. A grasping woman comes to a bad end. There is no dispute between us, all I want is my piece of cloth. 11 By usin g the name of the type of cloth, kitambi Muyaka ref er s to the fashionable cloth of the day. I n the poem, Muyaka also mention s the protagonist buying the kitambi in question on credit at the Fort, referring to Fort Jesus. A further poem recounts how the protagonist b uys a kitambi for one Maria Theresa dolla r, which was at least four times the normal price at that time. 12 Paying higher than normal prices together with utilizing credit suggests increased demand for the current fashionable cloth. Indeed, Muyaka n his p oems 13 He also satirized the unending quest for women to be highly fashionable in early nineteenth century Mombasa, an observation that was shared by late nineteenth and early twentieth century visitors to the region 10 Abdulaziz, Muyaka 175. 11 The original Swahili reads: Ikiwa nimekikopa thamani mwisho tatoa Ada ya deni hulipwa nawe haya wayajua Minawe hatuna dawa, nataka kitambi changu. Abdulaziz, Muyaka 174 175. 12 Abdulaziz, Muyaka 179. 13 See Abdulaziz, Muyaka 180 181, 244 245, 252 253, and 276 277.

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84 By the 1830s and 1840s machine woven cloth was widely available manufactured in competing industrial centers such as the United Kingdom and the United States of America 14 These less expensive al ternatives displaced many hand woven varieties Their names though once likely referred to a han d woven cloth, may subsequently have be en applied to machine woven cloth s 15 For example, British explorer Richard Burton described kitambi in his 1859 publication, The Lakes Regions of Central Equatorial Africa : Of the second division [cotton cloths] the c heapest is the Barsati, called by the Africans kitambi; it is a blue cotton cloth, with a broad red stripe extending along one quarter of the depth, the other three quarters being dark blue; the red is either of European or Cutch dye. The former is preferr ed upon the coast for the purchase of copal. Of this Indian stuff there are three kinds, varyin 16 The late date 1859 suggests the kitambi Burton describe s was machine woven. Burton also reference s the printed border designs of some kitambi in his 1859 banyani; it is a thin white long cloth, called in Bombay kora (Corah, or cotton piece goods), with a narrow reddish border of madder or other dye stamped in India or 14 1800, The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200 1800 ed. Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 178; Prasannan Parthasarathi and Ian The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200 1800 ed. Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Cotton Textile s: Indian Cottons, Europe, and the Atlantic World, 1600 The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200 1800 ed. Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 286. 15 Abdul Sheriff, Slaves, Spic es & Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East African Commercial Empire into the World Economy, 1770 1873 (London: James Currey, 1987), 84. 16 The Lake Regions of Central Equatorial Africa Journal of the Royal Geographical Societ y vol. XXIX (1859); 1 st electronic ed. 2007 http://burtoniana.org (accessed 6 May 2011), 429.

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85 17 As a colored cloth, first handwoven and subsequently machine woven, kitambi marks the first transition in a line of manufactured cloth predecessor s of kanga Merikani : A Crisis in Supply of Imported, Unbleached, White C otton Cloth The next type of cloth in the lineage of kanga textiles is merikani an unbleached, white cotton cloth, machine woven in factories near Salem, Massachusetts. Merikani became popular throughout e ast Africa from the late 1820s, even serving as cu rrency in some areas. The interruption of merikani imports during the A merican Civil War from 1861 1865 may have prompted e ast African women to alter their inferior substitutes The American Civil War, half a world away, may in fact have led to the innovat ion of locally produced dyed and printed designs on imported cloth. These local alterations likely set the stage for woodblock printed designs, the earliest form of kanga textiles. American trading interests in e ast Africa began in 1823 with the first rec orded American trading visit to Zanz ibar by Captain Johnson. In 1827, Captain Millet brought a cargo that was comprised of nearly one third American cotton goods, produced in mills near Salem, Massachusetts. 18 By 1832, trade with America had proved lucrativ e, prompting the Treaty of 1833 19 By 1834 American merchants began to devote about one third of all cargoes to the ir unbleached, machine produced cotton cloth 20 Famed for its naturally bright white color and durability, this white cloth came to be known as merikani the Swahili word for 17 Burton, The Lake Regions 429. 18 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 92. 19 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zan zibar 93 94. 20 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 95.

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86 America still used in Tanzania today In 1835, Ruschenberger noted while visiting Zanzibar At present the commerce is very considerable, and, as Zanzibar will become the great commercial depot of the eastern coast of Africa, is destine d to increase. The Americans obtain here gum copal, ivory, and hides, for which they give American cottons and specie.* The American cotton manufactures have taken precedence of the Engl ish not only at this place and in many parts of the East, but on the Pacific coast of America. The English endeavour to imitate our fabric by stamping their own with American marks and by other means assimilating it; but the people say the strength and w ear of the American goods are so superior that, lest they be deceived, they will no longer even purchase from Englishmen *The American trade is chiefly from Salem, Massachusetts. 21 Ruschenberger mention s three key points in this short passage: first, Zan zibar was the center of trade for th e whole of coastal e ast Africa. The commerce centered at Zanzibar mad e it the most prominent location for the exchange of goods, including the arrival of imported products B ecause of this commercial dominance which gre w throughout the nineteenth century Zanzibar became the center of the regional e ast African fashion world in printed textiles during that century Second, Ruschenberger stat es that American cotton piece goods, primarily from Salem, Massachusetts, displace d English varieties, and subsequently the English attempted to ho odwink e ast African consumers by stamping their cotton cloths with marks to imitate American manufacture. A variety of images to indicate the company and by extension country of origin of goods Although dating somewhat later, white cotton samples from an LKM ( Leidsche Katoenmaatschappij or 21 William Samuel W. Ruschenberger, Narrative of a Voyage round the World, during the years 1835, 36, and 37 (London: Richard Bentley, 1838), 1:65.

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87 ma rks (Fig. 3 1). English manufacturers must have been quite desperate to regain their dominance and compete in the cloth trade if they resorted to such measures. Third and finally, Ruschenberger reference s local opinion, which favored American cotton cloth anecdotal evidence confirm that American manufactured merikani competed little with inferior imposters from either the United Kingdom or British India in the course of the nineteenth cent ury. American cotton cloth was stronger and thicker; British and British Indian manufacturers added a white substance to bolster the perceived weight and quality of imposter merikani ay upon the first launder, and e ast Africans were savvy consumers in differentiating true merikani from lesser quality imposter merikani A British official, writing of the preferences in cloth among the Bendair Coast (present day Somalia) in an 1891 trade report for Zanzibar, exp lain s the English and Indian stuf although a good deal cheaper than the American, are not liked by the Somalis and Gallas on account of their o flimsy. The natives seem to 22 S lave and lower class men and women who wore merikani were neither fooled nor impressed with the substitute. I 22 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 982 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1892), 11. ritish Indian shirtings is absent from the American article; the natives also say that the latter lasts the longer, whilst the former becomes thin in the process of washing. The test which is applied is that of smell, so that if some odourless substance we re to be used in the preparation of the gruel, the British goods would A fuller account of the difference between American merikani and British imposter merikani and British Indian membai is Diplomatic and Consular Reports Foreign O ffice No. 2129 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1898), 12 14.

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88 will quote one telling anecdote at length to demonstrate cloth quality. Frederick Jackson recalled an incident from 1896 when he was paymaster of the No. 6 Company of the Uganda Rifles ( note that payments at this time were made in trade goods ) : We officials in out stations were no tified that a consignment of merikani manufactured in England, was being sent out and we were instructed to Massachusetts. In due course it arrived, and I took a proportion of the bales, a nd passed the remainder on the headquarters. Then came pay day, when all my goods, brass, copper and iron wire, a variety of beads, coloured shawls, etc., etc., and the merikani were all laid out, in duka like (shop) fashion, so that every one could take t heir choice. On most occasions the men sent their wives to receive payment, and there was always a large contingent of Sudanese women present, and to my great satisfaction there was a run on the new importation. A few days later, however, I received a depu tation of infuriated Sudanese viragoes, and I shall never forget it. The spokeswoman, a very voluble creature, could have said what she had to say, and the whole lot could have retired within five minutes; but she was so frequently interrupted by her co de puties, that it was half an hour before I could get rid of them. Twice it was necessary to call three of them to order by a threat of ejection; and that started a cross fire between them and the dear old Sergeant major, who was always present on such occas ions. Finally, they ceased gabbling, and then began to produce evidence of their complaint in the form of what at one time had been beautifully white calico, but now looked more like dish cloths, both wet and dry; and as Baraka stepped forward with a piece just as issued, and with a vigorous rubbing between her hands, as is done in washing, shook out a white powder, and then held it up for me to look at and through That time I felt more than ashamed, and would have thrown up my job rather than be a party to foisting such rubbish on to natives whether under my immediate charge or otherwise. It was flimsy, and its flimsiness was hidden by a superabundance of dressing; a ramp and nothing les s.

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89 The result was that every bit of it was exchanged for the vastly superior American product and the remainder was used for food bags; all it was fit for. 23 From the early 1830s to the early 1860s, merikani continued strong, staple export t o East Africa Throughout the 1850s, two to three dozen American vessels carrying between 7,000 and 10,000 tons of good s docked each year in Zanzibar. 24 The vast majority of imports came in the form of domestic unbleached cotton sheeting from the cotton mil ls near Salem, Massachusetts. Two example s from a sample book from LKM in the Vlisco archives illustrate this type of cloth, both l abeled 1) This inexpensive American cotton sheeting was worn by lower class men and women in east Africa (Fig. 3 2) Burton mentioned favourite article of wear with the poor 25 A photograph by A. R. P. de Lord shows a group of women and children, mostly dressed in the bright white merikan i in Zanzibar (Fig. 3 3). The image was disseminated as a late nineteenth century postcard entitled, They appear to be sitting in a boat, with sacks of goods wrapped in plaid or spotted cloth. A few women wear minimal j ewelry, but all have their heads uncovered and wear short hairstyles, typical of slaves in the late nineteenth century. As production improved and com petition increased throughout the 1850s profits in American white cotton sheeting declined ; h owever, the decisive blow for American cloth 23 Frederick Jackson, Early Days in East Africa (1930, repr., London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1969),177 178. 24 Richard F. Burton, Zanzibar: City, Island, and Coast (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1872), 2:40 8. 25 Burton, The Lake Regions 429.

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90 came between 1861 and 1865 when the American Civil War disrupted the productivity of the United States and its trade in cotton. 26 Letters from American merchants bemoan ed the disruption in trade and profits: This is the fi rst Quarter for Several years that there has been no arrivals & departures of American vessels at this port. This is not only owing to the enormous price of Domestics at home but also owing to the extreme low price of Ivory & Gum Copal. The former articles being the only imports into an d the latter the only exports f r o after the crushing of the Rebellion Zanzibar business must revive. It is n ow 27 American merchants went on to articulate the d Before the present war there has been twelve thousand Bales of Manufactured Cotton Goods exported to Zanzibar per annum. I think since the war not more than one thousa nd Bales in all have been sent. 28 The gap in the market was quickly filled by merchants from the United Kingdom and British India who provided cloths woven from lesser quality Indian cotton. 29 According to an 1864 British Commercial the market was largely supplied with piece gods of America n manufacture, but since the way English cloth has taken its place, and American merchants have even imported 30 This, too, irritated the American merchants: 26 Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar 102; Burton, Zanzibar 2:414. 27 Zanzibar, New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 eds. Norman R. Bennett and George E. Brookes, Jr. (Boston: Boston University Press: 1965), 521. William W. Goodhue served as American representative from November 1862 to November 1863. 28 rn Africa: 51. Daniel H. Mansfield to William H. Seward, May 4, 1863, Salem, New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 eds. Norman R. Bennett an d George E. Brookes, Jr. (Boston: Boston University Press: 1965), 521 522. 29 She riff, Slaves, Spices & Ivory in Zanzibar 134 135. 30 Consuls between July 1 st 1863 and June 30 th 1864 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1864), 180.

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91 Before the war, nearly two thirds of the Cotton goods (which form on e of the principal articles of import) were imported from the U.S., but for the past four years the market has been supplied chiefly with goods of English manufacture from Bombay & England. In ordinary times, however, these can hardly be brought to compete with American Cottons. 31 D uring the Ameri can Civil War (1861 1865 ) when trade in unbleached, white cotton sheeting was interrupted, e ast African consumers had to make d o with inferio r imports from other countries. In time, these foreign substitutes came to be known by their country of origin too, helping to distinguish the highest quality merikani from cheap er imposters. In a British report on the trade and commerce of Zanzibar in 1897 the se distinctions were clarified: The most important class of piece go ods for which there is great demand in East Africa is a species of unbleached cloth which is in universal request throughout the interior, and forms in some parts of the country the only he better country to introduce it, and the inferior quality being recognised by the 32 Although trade in American cotton cloth res umed in later decades the gap in sup ply due to the American Civil War may well have contributed to the chain of events that led to the creation of kanga textiles To mask the inferior color and quality of British Indian cotton cloth imports, slave women resorted to dyeing their British India merikani loca lly produced indigo 33 The cloth changed from a dingy white to a deep blue or black from imposter merikani to what came to be called kaniki 31 Concerning Eastern Africa: 61. Edward D. Ropes to William H. Seward, October 5, 1865, Zanzibar, New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 eds. Norman R. Benn ett and George E. Brookes, Jr. (Boston: Boston University Press: 1 965), 538. 32 33 Laura Fair Pastimes and Politics: Culture, Community, and Identity in Post Abolition Zanzibar, 1890 1945 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001), 67.

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92 Kaniki : The Turn to Indigo Dyed Cloth, S ubsequently with Printed Designs Although references to kaniki can be found before the American Civil War led to shortages of merikani in East Africa, I propose the widespread adoption of kaniki dates to this interruption in supply. The indigo dyed cloth is easily identifiable in extant cloth sample books. F or instance, two LKM sample books include cuttings of kaniki imported to locations along the e ast African coast by various European merchant converter firms. One LKM sample book possesses three examples of kaniki (Fig. 3 4 ) The first sample in the left ha nd bottom corner is hand labeled as kaniki dates from 30 December 1895, and was imported by the Hamburg based firm, Hansing & Co. Although the subsequent samples are not individually dated, the volume possesses samples from between 1884 1900 so they must date from before the turn of the century Both samples display the printed exultation in German translates to full page sample also has a printed block both feature a signature, which if recognized, would likely indicate the merchant converter firm that imported the cloth to e ast Africa Two more samples of kaniki hand labeled as such appear in another LKM volume held in the Vlisco archive. These cuttings were imported by the merchant converter firm Hansing & Co on 26 August 1901; t he top sample also bears the insignia of a striding lion atop the na me The indigo dyed cloth is also readily apparent in late nineteenth century photographs a nd postcar ds, such as the mother who wears and wraps her child in kaniki from Zanzibar (Fig. 3 5 ) Although these examp les date from some years later than the 1860s the dyed blue cloth did not ceas e to be worn, used, or purchased with the introduction of other type s of cloth.

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93 Burton mention s merikani kaniki and shali together in his appraisal of the prices and types of cloth on sale in 1859. He confirm s merikani was worn by lower class coastal dweller, and goes on to compare kaniki to ukaya ukaya somewhat re sembles the kaniki but it is finer and thinne r. This jaconnet, manufactured in Europe and dyed in Bombay, is much used by female slaves 34 Missionary Charles New also described the ukaya as a blue cot ton cloth used by women as a head covering observed from his travels in Mombasa and Zanzibar in the 1860s. n some places the ukaya is pref e r red. This is, generally speaking, a long piece of blue calico or gauze, fastened over the forehead by a piece of cord round the chin, and f alling over the head down the back. 35 Dr. Christie, who served as personal physician to the Omani Sultan of Zanzibar from 1865 1874 wrote about the dress of Zanzibari s in his 1874 publication, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa : In Zanzibar some article of dress is always worn by the natives, though it be, in some instances, of a very slight description. The simplest dress of the males is a piece of blue cotton cloth, tucked round the loins, and the female dress is of the same material, but of greater breadt h, passing under the arm pits, covering the breasts, and extending to the knees. Material of a better description is used when it can be procured, but the fashion is the same. There are also various modifications of the female dress. With a taste for dre ss, the Zanzibar slaves have taken the initial step in civilization, and, as may be surmised, there is always a strong desire for the possession of such articles, although they may be considerably the worse for wear. Bleached cotton cloth of the purest whi te is the fashionable material in Zanzibar, and cloth is of coloured material, and there is always one of this description, there is much less attention as to its cleanliness, and it is apt to b e used for a great variety of purposes. o ur; 34 Burton, The Lake Regions 431. 35 New, Life, wand erings, and labours 41.

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94 much more sparingly for articles of a coloured texture, but seldom or never for washing the body. 36 In this passage C hristie mention s imposter merikani bleached to achieve the desired whiteness likely kaniki dyed with indigo He also ma kes purpose in describing modes of dress is to comment o n hygiene and the likelihood of spread of diseases. Certainly a product of his times, Christie judged Zanzibari slaves on scale but Christie also recorded detailed mention of the cleanliness of different types of cloth; in looking to these details, one might infer that white cotton cloth merikani was more highly prized than blue cotton cloth kaniki. This would certainly help account for the shift in the demand for printed cotton textiles: without access to authentic merikani Zanzi baris and other e ast Africans had to make d o with unsatisfactory substitutes. This dissatisfaction may then have led them to alter the cloth in some way or demand altered cloth either in the form of indigo dyed cloth, kaniki or bleaching the originally gr ey British Indian (imposter) merikani to a brilliant white. These local alterations (from merikani to kaniki ) together with imported printed and dyed cloth ( kitambi ) may have led to the addition of hand stamped designs. Returning to the LKM pattern book from 1884 1900, five further cuttings of potential kaniki warrant discussing. They appear on facing pages in this volume. T he left illustrates two indigo dyed cloths ; the middle sample dates to 24 April 1894, and was manufactured b y Heuer & Co., and import ed to e ast Africa by Hansing & Co (Fig. 3 6 ). The lower sample bears a Heuer & Co. identification sticker. Both samples end in a 36 James Christie, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa: An account of the several diffusions of the disease in that country from 1821 till 1872, with an outline of the geography, ethnology, and trade connections of the regions through which the epidemics passed (London: Macmillan and Co., 1876), 309 310.

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95 tasseled fringe, and the bottom sample has a printed white border, parallel to the fringe. The border is comprised o f two solid outer white lines that flank a central, meandering dotted zig zag pattern. The right hand page has an identical sample, labeled with a Hansing & Co. sticker, dating from 14 November 1894. The bottom sample on the left hand side is labeled as kaniki made for Hansing by van Vlissingen & Co. (Vlisco), and dates to January 1895. Is it possible these fringed, indigo dyed cloths with printed white borders are ornamented forms of kaniki ? Or perhaps the more expensive ukaya Burton mention ed which wa s worn by fr eeborn women over their heads? In his two volume 1872 publication devoted to Zanzibar, Burton clari fied distinguished out of indigo dyed cotton, or muslin 37 Either way, these decorations show tentative steps towards printed designs on indigo dyed cloth. By the late nineteenth century, t hese simple ornamentations gave way to a multitude of printed designs, both locally printed as well as imported varieties. Printed cloths became increasingly affordable in the late nineteenth century and were in great demand, a nd brought the development of printed textiles design one step closer to kanga textiles Design Influences and the Development of Kanga In his 1873 pub lication, drawn on his ast Africa, calico), sheeting, blue indigo stuffs, coloured pocket handkerchiefs, prints, coral beads of every colour, 38 His list confirmed the coexistence 37 Burton, Zanzibar 434. 38 New, Life, wanderings, and labours 41.

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96 merikani) kaniki ), along with pocket handkerchiefs (either leso or kisutu which will be discussed below), a nd pear patterned cotton shawls ( shali ), were imported and used simultaneously. 39 He also tantalizingly mention s conjecture about the specific type of textile, its method of production, or its pat terns ; h owever, the concurrent mention of merikani kaniki handkerchiefs ( leso or kisutu ) and prints points to the immediate forerunners and contemporaries of kanga textiles Furthermore, this confluence of bold printed design s bright colors, handkerchie f s and paisley combine d to produce the kanga leso ya kushona and kisutu Kanga : Product of Local Demands, Indian W oodblock and Tie Dyed Designs, and Indonesian Batik D esigns Dar es Salaam based informants assert tha t kanga designs were first created locally and only subsequently manufactured and imported from abroad. 40 Credit for this innovation is divided between two groups: most people agree that Indian merchants in either Zanzibar or Mombasa stamped designs on impo rted cloth, but a few insist that Indian merchants only improved upon the innovation of women in either Zanzibar or Mombasa. Some people I interviewed suggested women were the first to hand stamp designs onto imported imposter merikani cloth, embellishing the mediocre cloth available to them. A potential date may be in the early 1860s when imports of true merikani were interrupted, but when pressed for a likely date, my interviewees simply created stamps by 39 New also defines kaniki visutu articles of dress Life, wanderings, and labours 60. 40 Summarized from interviews with women in Dar es Salaam, Fall 2011.

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97 cutting shapes and designs into starchy vegetables like cassava. 41 The vegetal stamps were then dipped in locally produced dye, likely indigo. Basic geometric, repeating designs could then be stamped across imported grey cloth. Local India n merchants, potentially inspired by tion bega n to hand stamp designs onto imported merikani like cloth. W ithout further documentation or local records, the date of this innovation is impossible to confirm. These local Indian merchants, however, used carved woodblock s to create their print ed designs, which resulted in more complex, orderly designs. Back on the subcontinent, Indian artisans had long used carved woodblocks to stamp paisley, floral vegetal and other small, intricate and so metimes geometric designs on locally produced cotton cloth to create i nexpensive garments for women, known today as saris 42 This decorative technique of stamping or less frequently drawing designs on cloth is k nown as kalimkari in India. It p roduces less e xpensive patterned textiles t han those that are hand woven. 43 Tie dyeing is also a common method for decorating sari s, called bandhani in Gujarat. Many small spots are common features of this patterning. 44 Along the e ast Coast of Africa, local Indian merchan ts may have adapted one or both techni ques to create patterned cloth. Fortuitously, a dozen or more samples of locally embellished cloth exist in an LKM sample book in the Vlisco archives. Eight are white machine woven cloth, with 41 Africa Now (February 1984), 51. 42 Linda Lynton, The Sari: Styles, Patterns, History, Techniq ues (London: Harry N. Abrams, 1995), 25 27. See page 34 for examples of printed saris 43 See Indian Kalamkari (New Delhi: All India Handicrafts Board, Government of India, Ministry of Industry, 1978). 44 Lynton, The Sari 28. See pages 38 39 for examples of bandhani See also John Gillow and Nicholas Barnard, Indian Textiles (London: Thames and Hudson, 2008), 92 96.

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98 simple, re peating, black stamped designs (Fig. 3 7 ) These cloths were collected in Mombasa and likely all date to 1901. Affixed alongside four of the samples is a letter from the Hamburg based merchant converter Hansing & Co., on behalf of the Hamburg firm J. H. A. Heuer, d ated 2 7 February 1901 The letter discussed competition in the texti le trade, specifically mentions finished product are small and for various reasons the manufacturing of which is not feature stamps and woven designs along the edges of t he samples and all of the samples list the current selling price (10 14 rupees). These eight locally stamped examples conform to accounts of the earliest kanga designs: simple black repeating patterns printed on machine woven, imported white cloth. Two other samples of locally embellished cloth purchased in Mombasa in 1901 are more complex. The first reproduced a bordered cloth, which conforms to an established kanga composition (Fig 3 8 ) The second more complex Mombasa embellished cloth combines two methods of surface decoration tie dyed and block printing (Fig. 3 9 ) O ther samples were collected in Zanzibar also make use of these two methods, such as one ti e dyed red with black woodblock printed des igns The edges of the presumed woodblock are made evident by the break in the undulating wave and the thickness of the black dye, when compared against the entire length of the design. Nineteenth century Guja rati block printed cloth resembles the bordered cloth with small, intricate and repeating designs favored by the cloth 45 Hand stamping in east Africa is thought to have continued until the mid twentieth century. Woodblocks with decorative kanga designs or individual Swahili words, used to hand print ka nga borders, central 45 Indian Textiles (London: Thames & Hudson, 2008), 84 87.

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99 motif s and text have been collected at various places along the Swahili Coast (Fig. 3 10 ).The floral design on one woodblock was created by nailing thin brass strips into the wood, wher eas the paisley design on the other woodblock was carved directly into the wood. Both floral blocks were acquired in Zanzibar, and they may have been made locally or imported from India. 46 Other printing blocks were a cquired on Lamu Island, in northern coastal Kenya. These b locks were found at the bottom o f a disused well and have tentatively been dated to the 1940s. One possesses the crosses and tangerine flower design, common to the central ground of kisutu a particular type of kanga 47 Another displays the word, mfungo which can be translated to fasting a tie (as in to tie for first pl ace), or a conclusion A nother method perhaps more closely underscores t he direct influence between Guja rati cloth and kanga textiles. T ie and dye techniques were used in both Gujarati and east African embellished cloths. Two similar examples from Zanzibar have tie dyed circular shapes in red and white on a backgroun d of deep indigo blue (Fig. 3 1 1 ) They date to 13 January 1901 and commanded a higher price: 17 rupees. The final example has both large and small t ie and dye decoration (Fig. 3 1 2 ) It is hand labeled design with its likely origins, for the small, closely aligned 46 Christop section British Museum, Research, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?sea rchtext= kanga +block&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&numpages=10¤ tpage =1&partid=1&objectid=1401639 (accessed 17 June 2011). 47 Kisutu Kanga Textiles in Sample, Image, and

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100 circles used to create larger motif was a common method of embellishment for cloth in Gujarat i n the nineteenth century 48 European production of kanga on the other hand, dates back to at least 1876, based on archival material from the textile printer, P. F. van Vlissingen (Vlisco) in that devastated the Dutch textile printer in 1883, information salvaged from one record book from 1876 lists a blue and white slendang 49 Photographs of the slendang and handkerchief are included in the records; both cloths closely resemble Indonesi an designs (Fig. 3 1 3 and 3 1 4 ) 50 Although woodblock printed by hand, they both attempt to recreate the crackling present in hand dyed wax resist methods. The 1876 slendang printed for the Zanzibar market could arguably be the earliest extant kanga design, but it displays motifs more common to Indonesian batiks than the large, crisp, graphic designs more familiar to kanga textiles If the slendang incorpora ted tumpal the elongated triangular repeating designs common to borders of Indonesian sarongs, nothing save the destined market listed on the record would connect it with 48 and Indian Textiles (London: Thames & Hudson, 2008), 92 9 6; Linda Lyton, The Sari: Styles, Patterns, History, Techniques (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1995), 38 39. 49 History of Technology in the Netherlands: The Genesis of Modern Society 1800 1890 (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1993), 71. 50 Dutch companies often referred to kanga r a wrap garment (which applies equally to sarongs and kanga ) was used indiscriminately. The intended market defines the type of cloth, until markets become more discerning and developed regionally specific tastes. For as textile printers, Vlisco had littl e interest in local names for their printed cloths only in their survive in photographed form.

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101 e ast Africa 51 The Vlisco slendang displays a repeating design of small white posy fl owers with five petals, flanked on all four corners by white flowers comprised of six dots surrounding a central dot. Between each five flowered grouping are four white dots arranged in a square, all set apart from the dark blue background. This design rep eats to create a harmonious composition, overall dark in color. Below is a six part border. In the first register, a bold white design plays across a dark blue background. It is abstracted yet resembles a flower, complete in stem, leaf, and bud. In the sec ond register is a decidedly floral design in dark blue on a white background. The third register repeats the first, and is followed by a fourth register of a solid white line broken by thin, crackled blue lines. These crackles are reminiscent of the dye bl eeding that occurs in wax print and have become a signature design element of Dutch wax print cloth popular throughout West and Central Africa as well as imitation fancy print. Both of these styles of cloth were originally based on Indonesian batik, the ma nufacture of which was pioneered by Dutch and British textile printers, including van Vlissingen. The fifth register has white, curling v shaped designs on a dark blue ground, which bleed into the sixth and final register of slim, vertical lines in alterna ting colors. These small, intricate and repeating designs are typical of Indonesian batik. Although woodblock printed by hand, the designs on the handkerchief attempt to recreate the crackling present in hand dyed wax resist methods. The composition closel y follows kain panjang design, featuring tumpal elongated isosceles triangles p laced in rows facing each other, in the kepala head or border (Fig. 51 See the cloths illustrated on pages 58 59, 90 97, 130, 1 42 143, particularly noting edge and border designs; Isa Fleischmann Heck, Rudolf G. Smend, Donald J. Harper, and Maria Wronska Friend, Batik: 75 Selected Masterpieces: Rudolf G. Smend Collection (Cologne: Verlag, 2006).

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102 3 1 5 ) 52 The 1876 handkerchief design appears to be wholly Indonesian, even though the recor d states this handkerchief was intended for the Zanzibar market. One late nineteenth century photograph from an unknown photographer confirm s that tumpal once featured on early kanga textile s (Fig. 3 1 6 ). The three young girls here pose holding mangoes; th e two flanking girls wear cloth with printed tumpal designs. R ecords from the Dutch textile printer, Vlisco, indicate how Indonesian designs found their way to cloth printed for the east African market Vlisco initially printed textiles for domestic consum ption and for export to Dutch colonies, namely, to the Dutch East Indies (present day Indonesia) from the 1840s 53 From 1874, exports of printed batiks to the Dutch East Indies declined, due in part to competition from locally produced batiks as well as Dut ch political changes in export policies to colonies. 54 managing director P. F. van Vlissingen realized that to stay in business, a shift in production or destined market was necessary. To that end, he began inve stigating potential ex ports to e ast Africa already in 1875. 55 In a letter date 18 March 1875, van Vlissingen wrote to his associate, Mr. C.H. Deutsch, who was the technical director of the company from 1869 1874 and then Commissioner, I will go to England within a short time to see if there is something can be done 52 Fleischmann Heck, et. al., Batik: 75 Selected Masterpieces 167 169. 53 A brief history of Dutch textile printer P. F. van Vlissingen and Co., today known as Vlisco, will be chronicled in the following chapter. 54 M. G. P. A. Jacobs and W. H. G. Maas, Een leven in kleur: Textieldrukkerij V lisco, 1846 1996 Maas, Een leven in kleur: Textieldrukkerij Vlisco, 1846 1996 (Helmond: Uigeverij Historion, 1996), 154. 55 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven i n kleur 26.

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103 with Zanzibar through Hartwright in order to be 56 The Dutch printer tried to sell existing designs initially intended for one market to a new market, in hopes of increasing the ir production. It is already well documented that Vlisco supplied wax printed cloth to the Scottish trader, Ebenezer Brown Fleming, in the last years of the nineteenth century 57 Brown Fleming sold this manufactured and printed cloth inspired by Indonesian batik to consumers along the Gold Coast (present day Ghana) of West Africa, and it became very popular and spread widely throughout west and central Africa. 58 A similar attempt was made in e ast Africa, almost two decades earlier. Vlisco and their European m erchant converters that imported and sold their printed textiles, tried out existing designs and compos itions to see what might spark e ast African tastes. As Vlisco was already producing designs meant for the Dutch East Indies, they tried to sell similar d esigns to e ast Africa from 1875, with earliest records of exports to Zanzibar dating to 56 Letter from Mr. P. F. van Vlissingen to Mr. C. H. Deutsch, 18 March 1875, as quoted in Gerritt Vollaard, Netherlands, October 1972, 1. 57 John Pict African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex ed. John Picton (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995), 27. Others have proposed that merchants preceded Fleming, dating the introduct ion of wax printed cloth to the Gold Coast of West Africa to the 1870s. It seems that most agree wax prints were introduced to the west coast of Printed Textiles in (PhD diss., Indiana University, 1995), 32 33. 58 Kathleen E. Bickford, Everyday Patterns: Factory Printed Cloth of West and Central Africa (Kansas Printed Textil es The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment ed. Justine M. Cordwell and Ronald A. Schwarz, 467 98 (The Hague: Mouton, 1979); and Ethnohistory of European Cloth Marketed in West Africa, 1873 Ethnohistory 32, no. 2 (Spring 1985): 91 110.

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104 1876. This accounts for the inclusion of Indonesian batik motif and designs in early kanga some of which have been retained in kanga designs to the present day. 59 The o ldest ex tant pattern book dedicated to e ast Africa in the Vlisco archives shows other cloths of decidedly Indone sian design influence (Fig. 3 1 7 ) Possessing designs dating between 1886 and 1889, the composition of this cloth closely resembles half of a Ja vanese breast cloth, kemben 60 The sample includes a narrow isosceles triangle, filled with black and red crackle patterns on a white background. Though printed, these crackle patterns imitate cracks in hand dyed wax batik designs. Four large jagged diamond shapes, red in color but with a white eight pointed star in the middle, flank the central triangle on a black ground. A further two small red eight pointed stars grace the point of the triangle, before the cloth ends in a tripartite border next to a band of alternating red, black and white narrow stripes. Handwritten notations at the edge of the sample confirm this cloth was imported to Z anzibar by Hansing and Co. on 26 June 1886 Batik kemben of the same age are defined by their narrow, rectangular shape and use as breast cloths. A design typical of kemben is the flattened, elongated central diamond with ink like design within (Fig. 3 1 8 ) Note the narrow border along the length of the cloth, and the compounded, wider borders at the sides, as this approach to border designs characterize one type of kanga composition. A sample of a similar cloth, reproduced in its entirety, is affixed to the following pages of the 1886 sample book (Fig. 3 1 9 ) The sample displays the narrow cloth with a central, elongated di amond shape, common to Indonesian kemben In the center of the 59 Artistry of Kanga Textiles: A Design Histor 60 See Fleischmann Heck, et al., Batik: 75 Selected Masterpieces 76 77, 167 169; and Fiona Kerlogue, Batik: Design, Style and History (London: Thames and Hudson, 2004), 66 67, 82 83, 154 155, 158 159.

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105 red diamond, Arabic script text appears, with a similar black crackling design. Six large white designs with red and black eight point stars appear above and below the large diamond, and the cl oth finishes in the same tripartite border and alternating red, black and white narrow stripes. When seen from a distance, these narrow stripes on the edge of the cloth resemble fringe, as if mimicking hand woven cloth. The inclusion of text here, too, pro vides early precedent for Arabic script Swahili sayings. Thanks to a recorded event in east Africa, contemporaneous photography, and hand drawn designs in a Dutch textile sample book, it is possible to precisely date the inclusion of particular Indonesian batik design elements to kanga textiles. First, a LKM sample book possesses hand drawn designs that borrow motifs from Indonesian batiked kemben or breast cloths. The elongated diamond shape with eight pointed stars appears in a hand drawn and colored desi gn d ated 20 No vember 1886 (Fig. 3 20 ). A drawing of a circular horn is affixed alongside the sketched design of eight pointed stars and elongated diamond sha pes This borrowing of Indonesian batik design elements by Dutch textile designers had immediate ef fect as these same shapes, and indeed, compositions, appear on printed textiles worn by women in Zanzibar just two years later. After this time, such design elements are commonly included on kanga textiles, suggesting long term influence on the printed cl oths known as kanga Second, a n anecdote from the 1931 publication produced in celebration of Wm. kanga design: Between 1885 and 1890 a big German and a big British squadron came to Zanzibar They did their best to stop the remnants of the slave trade still practized [ sic ] on a retail basis, with the aid of canoes, between the mainland and the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba. The German men of war bombarded Bagamoyo and frightened the natives. An Indian trader

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106 khangas (native wear) with cannons printed on it, which became very everybody was satisfied. 61 T he event i n question is the bombardment of December 5 7, 1888, as chronicled in the House of Commons Parliamentary Papers from 1888. 62 This letter describes a rebellion by Arab slave traders centered in Bagamoyo. The ringleader, Bushiri, along with some 2,000 armed m en, engaged in a considerable amount of desultory and resultless fighting between the Germans and native insurgents, the latter, as usual, sustaining heavy loss German men of war appear to have bombarded the town on more than one occasion, and a large garrison of sailors was landed nightly from the German ships. Before leaving, [Bushiri] and his followers completed the destruction of the town of Bagamoyo, which had been begun by the fire ruined and deserted, without a single remaining inhabitant. The terror stricken natives had fled from the town, and had all taken refuge within the walls of the French Mission 63 Today kanga are often commissioned for special events or commemorations. This tradition of commissioning designs capitalizing on contemporary events appears to have begun with a savvy Indian merchant in relation to the December 188 8 bombardment of Bagamoyo. Third, a photograph illustrates these Indonesian inspired designs worn by an e ast African woman (Fig. 3 2 1 ) The origi nal photograph was taken in December 1888 by J. 61 30. 62 No. 34, Colonel Euan Smith to the Marquis of Salisbury, letter dated 14 December 1889, Zanzibar. Africa. No. 6: Correspondence respecting Suppression of Slave Trade in East African Waters, British and Foreign State Papers, 1888 1889 s Stationery Office, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1888) 101 103. 63 No. 34, Colonel Euan Smith to the Marquis of Salisbury, letter dated December 14, 1889, Zanzibar. Africa. No. 6: Correspondence respecting Suppression of Slave Trade in East African Wat ers, British and Foreign State Papers, 1888 1889 vol. 81, 102 103.

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107 B. Coutinho 64 A n engraving based on the photograph was publishe d in The Graphic a London periodical, on 11 March 1889 (Fig 3 2 2 ) The t itle indicates this is a grouping of kneeling woman in the center of the image; her printed wrap gar ment displays eight pointed star s and diamond shapes. A photograph from the s ame era captures the elongated diamond and eight point st ar motif clearly (Fig. 3 2 3 ) This group portrait of seven seated east African women shows a variety of printed cloths. Ei ght pointed stars can be seen at several places on the cloth worn by the young woman in the center, and the star and elongated diamond motif common to Indonesian batiked kemben is shown clearly on the cloth of the woman to right. The woman second from the right wears a printed cloth with the circular horn motif accounting for all three elements in the 20 November 1886 sketch Therefore, this photograph taken by an unknown photographer in Zanzibar likely dates to 1888. T hanks to Dutch textile designers and their familiarity with Indonesian design elements, kanga textiles absorbed these elements, likely adopted by east African women without knowledge of the original design influences. Although Indonesian compositions fail to become standard to later kanga th ese design elements the eight pointed star and the elongated diamond do suggest some lasting batik influences on kanga textiles for astute observers 64 The Coutinho Brothers, J. B. and Felix, were active ca. 1870s 1905. They established one of the first commercial photography studios in Zanzibar. Little is known of their lives, but they were probably Goan or Portuguese. They initially worked together for a little over ten years, ceasing when J. B. Coutinho partnered with A. C. Gomes & Sons ca. 1890 until 31 July 1897. The Coutinho Brothers began working together again, producing photogra phic picture postcards sold individually and in albums. The brothers Encyclopedia of Nineteenth Century Photography vol. 1, ed. John Hannavy (London: Routle dge, 2007), 342 43.

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108 Shali : Introduc tion of the Paisley Pattern to E ast African Printed Cloth A discussion of kanga precursors and design inspirations would be amiss without mention of the now familiar paisley pattern, commonly seen on kanga textiles throughout their history. Today the paisley pattern has been indigenized, with Tanzanians calling the tear hili for cashew nut. The similarity in shape is undeniable, and the local cash crop is associated with wealth, making the shape a popular motif in design and meaning. However, the origin of the paisley shape and pattern is from Kashmir 65 The name, paisley, comes from the Scottish town that based its local economy on producing imitation woven and printed paisley shawls during the fashion craze of the early to mid nineteenth century when t he paisley motif was in high demand for sha wls in both Britain and Fr ance. 66 In the 1852 publication that reported on The Great Exhibition at Crystal Palace of 1851, reporter Charles Wentworth Dilke devoted two pages to a descriptive Antiquity and 67 Shawls encompassed an entire subclass and over five pages were dedicated to listing manufacturers of the popular woven shawl from around the world, as opposed to o nly three pages each on cotton goods and printed or dyed textiles. 68 65 h (paper presented at international conference, Textile Trades and Consumption in the Indian Ocean, from Early Times to the Present, I ndian Ocean World Centre, McGill University, Montreal, Q uebec, November 2, 2012 ), np. 66 See Valerie Reilly, The Official Illustrated History: The Paisley Pattern (Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1987). 67 Charles Wentworth Dilke, Exhibition of the Wo rks of Industry of All Nations, 1851: Reports by the Juries on the Subjects in the Thirty Classes into which the Exhibition was Divided (London: Printed for the Royal Commission by William Clowes & Sons, 1852), 377 382. 68

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109 The paisley pattern likely came to e ast Afri ca initially in the form of s hali a n inexpensive printed cloth that featured paisley designs Burton describe d it as such in 1859 shawl pattern of the poorest cotton. Brig ht yellow or red grounds, with the pear pattern 69 T he must refer to the paisley pattern. To my kno wledge, this is the first mention of the paisley like patterns very common to kanga textiles, both early in their history and continuing today. T hroughout its history paisley has been referred to by many names, including pine, cashew, mango, tear drop, kid ney, Indian pine, Persian pickles and Welsh pears, pattern escribes the shape of paisley. 70 Leso ya Kushona : Handkerchiefs and the T urn T owa rd Fashionable Printed Cloth Intended for E ast African C o nsumption Kanga textiles also developed out of an innovative use of leno printed handkerchiefs the Portuguese first traded to East Africa in the sixteenth century. By the latter half of the nineteenth century, leso as the handkerchiefs came to be known in Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851 347 34 9, 374 382, and 456 459. Unfortunately, printed goods of the lowest class, such as those intended for export, were not thought would look best in an Exhi bition, and be best appreciated by the public. This in a great degree accounts for the absence of the large variety of those cheaper printed goods which form, after all, the great bulk of the English print trade the staple one, by which she commands almost exclusively all Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851 457. 69 Burton, The Lake Regions 431. 70 See Reilly, The Paisley Pattern Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851 746.

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110 Swahili, 71 were printed in the United Kingdom the Netherlands and Switzerland and had become a common import article 72 Missionary Charles New mention s them among a variety of goods s old at bazaar stalls in the 1860s : f the most incongruous articles, such as soap, cotton, lamp oil, spices, pocket handkerchiefs, candles, flour, medicinal drugs, plantains, fish, etc.; and all are found 73 Local knowledge asserts that Swahili women from either Mombasa or Zanzibar first sewed together six leso (three by two) to create a wrap garment that displayed printed designs This transformation of printed handkerchiefs to fashionable wrap garmen t for women must have occurred around 1860, 74 because b etween 186 3 and 1872 when New visited Mombasa and subsequently Zanzibar, the new leso ya kushona dered highly fashionable among the majority of Swahili women. 75 I n his description of Sw 71 Zawawi challenges this assumption that the Swahili borrowed from the Portuguese and posits that the Portuguese word leno may have in fact come from the Swahili les o Sharifa Zawawi Kanga : The Cloth that Speaks (Bronx, NY: Azaniya Hills, 2005), viii. 72 Christopher Spring, Angaza Afrika: African Art Now (London: Laurence King, 2008 ), 13; Christopher Spring Kanga East Afr ican Contours: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture ed. Hassan Arero and Zachary Kingdon (London: Horniman Museum, 2005), 74. 73 New, Life, wanderings, and labours 29. 74 eation of leso ya kushona Fair, Pastimes and Politics 79 Kanga : Popular Cloths with Readings in African Popular Culture ed. Karin Barber (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997), 87; Jeannette Hanby, Kang a s: 101 Uses (Nairobi: Ines May, 1984), 2 3. 75 Charles New arrived in east Africa in January 1863 and departed in May 1872. Alison Smith, Life, wanderings, and labours in eastern Africa: with an account of the first successful ascent of the equatorial snow mountain, Kilima Njaro, and remarks upon east African slavery Charles New, 3 rd ed. (1873; London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1971), 8.

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111 his observations into two categories, the 76 The latter is of particular interest in relation to the development of kanga According to New, Visuto square coloure d cloths, and kaniki, indigo dyed stuffs, are common articles of dress; but lesu, large coloured cotton handkerchiefs, are much affected. Six of the latter cut into two parts of three each, are sewn together so as to make one square cloth and the dress is complete. This is drawn round the body under the arms, and is secured by gathering the ends together and rolling them into a ball at the chest. A similar article is worn over the shoulders, or is hung from the head like a veil Dressed in this style, pa rticularly when the material is new and the colours are bright, the Msuahili woman is in her glory, and appears to admire herself prodigiously. 77 His final line may speak to the pride and fashionable sensibilities conveyed by lower class women who wore this new sewn handkerchief garment. E xample s of these leso or handkerchiefs reside in a sample book in the Vlisco archive The volume translates to 1890 1897 and contains samples from a few different Dutch te xtile printers, including van Vlissingen (Vlisco), LKM, KKM ( Kralingsche Katoen Maatschappij ), Roesing & Zoon, and de Vries & Co. The first image displays a dozen cuttings from red, black and white handkerch iefs dating to 29 May 1893 (Fig. 3 2 4 ) The six s amples that have spotted interiors and striped borders foreshadow popular early kanga designs. The second image shows only four samples, likely one quarter of each design ; t hese designs date from 1896. All of the handkerchiefs are primarily red in color, a nd most possess crisp, repeating geometric or floral designs. Combined with five others of the same motif sewn three by two this type of handkerchief would comprise the garment leso ya kushona 76 New, Life, wanderings, and labours 59. 77 discussion of kisutu e, the term is Life, wanderings, and labours 60.

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112 A late nineteenth century photograph from the Winterton Co llection presents a variety of pattern ed wrap garments (Fig. 3 2 5 ) Although the photographer is unknown, the photograph is of particular import ance album, which was likely compiled to commemorate the fiftieth annive rsary of the establishment of the merchant converter firm Wm. & in Zan zibar, celebrated in June 1899; t herefore, this photograph must have been taken provides little more than the obvious but upon closer examination, much information can be garnered about styles of printed cloth T he photograph was likely taken in Zanzibar; a s main trading port in the late nineteenth c entury, it served as the urba n fashion center for newly imported printed cloth. Zanzibar Stone Town was also the branch one might conclude that these three women were modeling an arr ay of new graphic, printed cloth fashions. They pose in front of a stone wall, a familiar feature of Stone Town but less common in other growing costal settlements at this time. The wo man in the center wears a bold print of repeating registers of leaves on vines and parallel zig zags. T he two women flanking this central figure unmistakably wear leso ya kushona The square designs of the handkerchief are discernible, with contrasting bor der designs and central motifs. Borders between each square handkerchief mark the edges of the separate pieces of cloth On the right, this border is dark and solid, and corresponds to the central panel of the handkerchief, which is also dark and solid. The border on the left is light and solid, which effectively stands out fr om

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113 the busily patterned border and central motif designs of the handkerchief. When examined closely, a stitched hem can be discerned, uniting the upper two leso and the lower two leso (The final two handkerchiefs are obscure d from view, as they are wrapped underneath those visible. ) However, no such st ich is present on the vertical border, indicating two pairs of uncut handkerchiefs were purchased to create these leso ya kushona garments. As Charles New explained, the origina l innovation occurred when women sewed six handkerchiefs t ogether to form a wrap garment. 78 Women could have easily purchased six single handkerchiefs or two sets of three continuous handkerchiefs that were sew n together to create the leso ya kushona garmen t. A fter the makeshift wrap garment had become a popular style, European manufacturers attempted to print leso ya kushona designs whole (three by two) to meet the demand for this garment. Indeed, the same merchant converter firm, Wm. tried to print for the e ast African market in Manchester in 1877. 79 A year later, the Dewhurst firm in oth or a higher production run. 80 Clearly, the abnormal size and print patterns would not secu re a market outside of Zanzibar. It appears t he Dewhurst firm was unwilling to accommodate the size of cloth to please only a relatively small market as the return on 78 New, Life, wanderings, and labours 60. 79 Kanga 80 Manuscript from 621 1/3 21, 1878; as quoted in Lutz J. Schwidder, in die Kolonien 1890 Kanga : Popular Cloths with 140.

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114 investment could simply not be guaranteed. The Manchest complaints indicate the distinctive tastes and demands of the coastal market in e ast Africa. Karl Wilhelm Schmidt arrived in Zanzibar in late 188 5, and recorded his observations of the island in his 1888 book, Sansibar: Ein ostafrikanisch es Culturbild He note s the fa shion co nscious Zanzibari women and provide s considerable detail on th e sewn handkerchief garment created from leso which I quote at length : The female part of the population remains loyal to her role here in Afr ica. Everything is expended in order to surpass in clothes and jewelry. From the chest to the ankles, the "dashing" Zanzibar native is wrapped in colorful cloth, and around the head, also wrapped in clever turn s, if she wants to be 81 These cloths are generally real, cotton handkerchiefs, which six or twelve pieces make up one contiguous piece; they are produced in Europe for the Zanzibar market. The colors, patterns and sayings printed on have to be carefully considered by the manufacturers or the customers. There is a fashion in Zanzibar as here in Europe. This type of cloth has become a "fashionable fabric," and may be sold by the supplier in dozen of thousands. The supplier makes no higher price, but the Indian small traders sell the cloth for m aybe two, yes three times the price of an unnoticed pattern, which must be sold under its value. But fashion here is a fickle goddess. Early in the next post perhaps a different pattern captures the favor of the people, and the old one is forgotten. Bright yellow and red colors are especially popular. Nothing about the desired pattern can be said, however; they must be quite large and conspicuous. 82 We come now to the colorful cloths, printed handkerchiefs, the Lezos or Kitambis. They are already signs of a greater luxury and therefore are mainly sold in Zanzibar and the coastal ports. The Lezos, six in a row comprise a piece, a Doti 83 in the native measure, find their use as hip and breastcloths. The allowable sizes of the individual cloths vary between 30 by 30 and 26 by 23 cm. As mentioned elsewhere, this is the actual fashion article in Zanzibar. Every four weeks, new patterns come to the market, and 81 82 My translation of Karl Wilhelm Schmidt, Sansibar: Ein ostafrikanisches Culturbild (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1888), 83 84. 83 One doti is the about the equivalent of four yards, although Schmidt p when measuring doti A Doti contains 4 Mikono, i e. f our times the length of the tip of the forefinger to the elbow joint This is the c ommon me asure; everyone expects a Doti and will watch with eagerness to be assured the fact that he is not deceived by a wide finger when metering. chmidt, Sansibar 143.

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115 depending on whether customers like them or not, the handkerchiefs achieve higher or lower prices. The Eu ropean houses present the Indian wholesalers with newly designed patterns, and after they examined them and agreed on color, size and price, the design is sent to the factories in Manchester, or even to Holland or Switzerland. 84 Schmidt confirms leso ya kus hona 1880s, its European manufacture, and constant demand for new patterns. In fact, many hallmarks of kanga textiles are already in place: the careful consideration colors, patterns, and sayings must receive to meet consume sought after, and European trading houses work together with local Indian wholesalers. B y 1885, European production of leso ya kushona garments was in full swing. 85 descriptions find visual confirmation in contemporaneous photographs and postcards. A photograph circa 1880 1900 from the Winterton Collecti on of East African Photographs shows three young women wearing three different types of clo th (Fig. 3 2 6 ) The recorded title des cribes native women, two carrying baskets on their heads. When carefully considered, however, this photograph reveals much more in light of the transformations in machine produced cloth and their accom panying designs. Three young girls stand, two facing the camera and the third seen in profile, in front of a backdrop cloth, clearly posed for this studio photograph. None wear shoes, although all three wear different types of cloth 84 My translation of Schmidt, Sansibar 144 145 85 Numerous extant examples of printed cloth intended for the east African market are held in the Vlisco archives. Vlisco not only retained their own late nineteenth century sample books, but acquired those of their vanquished competitors, HKM ( Haarlemsche Katoen Maatschappij or Haarlem Cotton Company) and LKM ( Leidsche Katoenmaatschappij or Leiden Cotton Co mpany). All three Dutch textile printing firms produced cloth, commissioned by European merchant converters, designed by local Indian merchants in the trading centers of east Africa, intended for east African consumers.

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116 (dark, patterned, or li ght), in differing ways (draped, wrapped, or sewn). The girl on the right wears merikani or machine produced cotton cloth, which could either be sheeting merikani imported from Britain or British India after Americ an imports slowed in 1861. 86 The merikani is tailored into a long shirt, called kanzu with accompanying fitted trousers. The young girl on the left wears kaniki or indigo dyed, machine produced cotton cloth presumably from British India. 87 She appears to b e wearing two pieces of cloth: one worn a round her body and secured under her arms by rolling the top edge over, while a second piece of matching cloth is draped under her right arm and thrown over her left shoulder. The young girl in the center wears the patterned garment described by Charles New, featuring large colored and patterned handkerchiefs called leso ya kushona T he manne r in which this young girl wrapped and secure d round the body under t he arms, and is secured by gathering the ends together and 88 F urther information can be garnered from this photograph, which suggests the leso ya kushona style was already entrenched First, none of these girls wear s hoes. Second, they do not cover their heads with cloth, and they wear their hair in short styles. Their lack of shoes, their uncovered heads and short hairstyles are all markers of servitude. Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari observ es these physical signifiers and c ontributed to 86 For a lengthy discussion on the va rieties, varying qualities, and competition among suppliers of merikani Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Offi ce No. 1765 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1896), 8 9. 87 10. 88 New, Life, wanderings, and labours 60.

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117 book, The Customs of the Swahili People Mtoro himself owned slaves, and thus could speak from firsthand knowledge of the difference between slav es in the 1890s and previously: In the past slaves were given no consideration by freemen on the coast. A slave was known by his dress, for never in his life did he wear a cap, whether a jumbe (headman) lived or died. He never wore sandals nor a women do not wear a veil or a headcloth. 89 T heir lack of shoes, together with their uncovered heads, marks these young women as part of the servile cla ss. Very often, members of the servile class were not afforded the latest trends in wrapped, sewn, dyed, or printed garment s, especially if they were manual laborers. Som etimes household servants were dressed to reflect the luxury and prestige of their masters, but very often they were then dressed in a more Arab influenced style. 90 Because the young woman in the center wears l eso ya kushona the style must already have been widely popular to be adopted by this young woman of modest means in the years 1880 1900, the approximate date of this photograph. Second, although all three girls wear different types of cloth draped, wrappe d, or sewn in various fashions, all three garments show unmistakable signs of wear. The girl on the right has a hole in her kanzu which is dingy and wrinkled. The designs of the leso ya kushona are less than pristine and crisp, confirming much wear and ma ny 89 Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari, The Customs of the Swahili People ed. and trans. J. W. T. Allen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 173. Carl Velten original published Desturi za Wasuaheli na khabar i in 1903, compiled from material provided by Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari and other Swahili people. John Willoughby Tarleton Allen edited and translated the original material to publish an edition in 1981 that credits Mtoro b in Mwinyi Bakari as original author of the text. 90 (paper presented at triennial meeting of the Arts Council of the African Studies Association, Los Angeles, CA, March 24, 2011), np.

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118 washings. T his photograph may have been taken to showcase the variety of cloth and garment designs worn by women of a lower class in the late nineteenth century. Another revealing detail demonstrates that the leso ya kushona style must already have bee n fairly commonplace by the time this photo graph was taken: no seams are appears to have been rolled off the bale whole. In fact, the handkerchief inspired design is not ev en reproduced in equal squares. Therefore, this leso ya kushona could not have been so ld as individual handkerchiefs and must have originally been designed, manufactured and sold as a wrap garment. Le so ya kushona garments were created using six or twelve handkerchiefs as described by New and Schmidt Since cloth was often worn by women in pairs, it is likely that six handkerchiefs were combined to create each cloth. Twelve handkerchiefs were then necessary to create two large cloths, each made up of six handkerchiefs, sewn three by two. One early extant example of a single handkerchief made for sale in Zanzibar dates to 1886 91 A sample from the Dutch textile printer van Vlissingen & Co. preserves an entire large handkerchief and part of the accompanying s quare composition (Fig. 3 2 7 ) Two details suggest its original function w as a leso ya kushona textile and not just a simple handkerchief. First, the volume contains printed textiles in recognizable compositions: kisutu and kanga which will be discussed at length below, are textiles worn as wrap garments almost exclusively by e ast African women. 91 However, individual samples t hroughout this volume are noted with the destined market (Zanzibar) and a precise date, as well as other information regarding commissioner and amount ordered. The samples affixed to the preceding pages date from 1886; the samples affixed to the following pages date between 1887 and 1889.

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119 retailers may cut apart bales of printed handkerchiefs without damaging the in tended design, so they are able to sell them individually. 92 This printed design features no cut line; rather, the square design re peats without clear distinction Finally, the fact that the sample includes more than one rectangle (intended to repeat in pri nting), it includes closer to one and one third, suggests this may in fact be leso ya kushona dating from 1886. But perhaps most significant gs printed on [these 93 Schmidt, writing in the mid 1880 s describes a ha llmark of the kanga textile Although it is difficult to discern whether or not Arabic script sayings adorn printed cloth worn by east African women in nineteenth century photographs handkerchiefs displaying text or script were fairly common in the late n ineteenth century. A sample book from the Calico Printer s Association archive illustrated printed handkerchiefs in a variety of sizes with a variety of texts, scripts, and designs presumably intended for a variety of markets around the world One commemo jubilee in 1897, others show calendars, in Roman and Arabic scripts, and others have alphabets, in Roman and Hindi scripts. One 1887 example even shows bank notes legal tender in the British Empire Even more crucially, exta nt samples from Vlisco suggest leso and by extension leso ya kushona garments di d indeed contain printed Arabic script Swahili sayings. The sample from 1886 mentioned above, which I argue is a portion of an extant leso ya 92 Much like kanga today, doti or pairs are cut from the bale for individual sale. Customers themselves cut apart the doti when home. 93 Schmidt, Sansibar 83.

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120 kushona has four different Swah ili sayings printed in Arabic script placed around the centr al rectangular design Therefore, t he presence of a printed Swahili saying in Arabic script may have originated with either leso ya kushona or kanga It clearly featured on both from a very early date. T he inclusion of text on these printed cloths, whether intended as handkerchiefs or wrap garments, is not a later addition then but original to the cloths themselves While the majority of leso ya kushona and early kanga designs do not displa y prin ted text, text is included on many extant examples. The date of this leso ya kushona 1886, and Schm 1887, is decades earlier than most estimate s for the appearance of printed sayings on cloth so common on kanga today. 94 leso ya kushona and kanga Four photographs may further illustrate the direct linkage between these two types of cloths popular among e ast African women for use as wrap garments in the late nineteenth century. Schmidt illustrates a photograph, likely dated between 1885 and 1887, to accompany his text (Fig. 3 2 8 ) ; this photograph taken by an unknown photographer shows a woman wearing the leso ya kushona garment. 95 It is 94 Existing literature is far from conclusive on the matter of te xt on kanga textiles. Two camps seem to exist: one credits the Kaderdina family, a textile trading firm in Mombasa, and the other credits women from either Zanzibar of Mombasa with this innovation. The shift from text appearing in Arabic script to Roman sc ript is also disputed. Archival samples found at the Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands, point to a much earlier date (pre 1900) in both Arabic and Roman script. These features will be discussed at length in Chapters 4 and 7. 95 Christopher Spring repr oduces this photograph, courtesy of the Zanzibar National Archives, in his article on kanga wearing a printed cloth, the design of which derives from the practice of sewing t ogether six leso Cloth of this pattern, known as guntino is still popular in southern Somalia woman is likely from the Benadir Coast, as an 1891 trade report on Zanzibar, with specific mention of trade with the Ben dress for Somalis is one piece of 8 yards long by 27 inches broad, which they cut into two equal parts and ilk handkerchief. The kanekis [ sic ]

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121 captions Geput zte Negerin Much like the four handkerchiefs unit e at the front of this woman the design addition created by sewin g square handkerchiefs together N ote the three dark stripes of each square handkerchief, which enclose a budding paisley like shape in each corn er. T his specific design composition budding paisley like shapes in each corner surr ounded by a multi lined border is a widely popula r early kanga design. Compare this leso ya kushon a pattern with a studio photograph likely from Zanzibar (Fig. 3 2 9 ) This photograph by an unknown photographer was taken between 1880 and 1900 and ar kanga printed cotton cloth wrapped aro und their bodies, reaching from their armpits to their ankles. The wrap garment s can be identified as kanga cloth due to their composition s : wide, graphic border enclosing a central motif of differing pattern. Each Take special note of kanga worn by the woman seated in the middle The six light stripes alternate with the darker background, creating a wide, striped border. This striped border encloses four buddin g paisley shapes in each corner. The design is very similar to the leso ya kushona 1887. The large, repeating square composition has effectively been elongated so that the garment i s now rectangular in shape (rather than square) and budding paisley like shapes in the corners have been diminished in number though enlarged in size. The the Trade o Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 982 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1892), 32.

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122 colo rs (dark to light) have been reversed and the border has been increased from three to six lines but the similarities overall are undeniable. The woman has draped a contrasting light colored cloth around her shoulders. A second studio photograph from an unknown photographer shows a Zanzibari woman wearing a similar kanga around 1886 (Fig. 3 30 ) This cloth reaches the length of her body; the bright, striped border is thicker, but the budding paisley shape is still located in the corner. The Zanzibari woman has paired this early popular kanga design with a thick, horizontal striped cloth around her tor so. The final example comes from a photograph published in German ethnographer Karl 1909 book Native Life in East Africa (Fig. 3 3 1 ). Weule spent only six months in e ast Africa in 1906, mostly inland, about two decades after Schmidt recorded his o bservations in Zanzibar. I n his kanga composition around her waist The six border lines have been maintained, and the central m otif, when examined closely, appears to be id entical. Even though the photographs may be a decade or more removed in date, the identical kanga patterning can easily be accounted for : a s a British colonial report from 1900 on the island of Pemba clarifies Kanga s which have begun to be out of fashion in Zanzibar will in their turn, constitute the height of fashion in Pemba and on the coast, where they will sell at a 96 This early paisley design likely first was shipped to Zanziba r, where it fetched high prices when the design was new. After the market was saturated or a new design displaced its 96 Report on the Island of Pemba for the Year 1900 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Afr ica 1901), 15 16.

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123 popularity, the kanga was likely peddled to Pemba, Dar es Salaam, and finally further inland. The photograph was taken in Mahuta, which is located just north of the border of present day Mozambique in southern Tanzania, almost three hundred miles from Dar es Salaam. It is likely this style of kanga reached far removed locales such as Mahuta some years after the design was first introduced to urban centers, such as Zanzibar. 97 Furthermore, some designs retained their popularity and enjoyed reprinting in different colorway s and in variations for decades The black and white photographs that display this leso ya kushona and early kanga design pr ovide little indication of each original, vibrant colors. Fortunately samples from European textile printers, likely the original manufacturers of these leso ya kushona and kanga shed some light on the colors of early designs. T his design in vary ing incarnations appears in at least a dozen examples from the archive of the Dutch textile printer Vlisco 98 The sample book from 1886 which possesses Indonesian kemben inspired designs, leso and other early kanga cloths, preserve s very large portions o f yet larger cloths and compositions. One example 97 The terms leso and kanga clearly referred to different types of textiles by 1907, when Carl Velten writes that one korja (twenty items) of kanga sold f or eight riale (dollars) while one korja of leso sold for five. The variation in term as well as price indicates that by 1907, kanga textiles were firmly established as something separ ate to leso (handkerchiefs) or the garment leso ya kushona The term les o is still used in Kenya today to refer to kanga textiles, though the original leso simply referred to handkerchiefs. Carl Velten, Prosa und Poesie der Suaheli (Berlin: Im Selbstverlag des Verfassers, 1907), 221. 98 rtant for three reasons: the longevity of their production (1830s present day), the geographical regions to which their printed textiles catered (Europe, Indonesia, Rangoon, East Africa, West and Central Africa, to name only a few), and most especially in this instance, those firms closed. In the East African market, HKM ( Haarlemsche Katoen Maatschappij or Haarlem Cotton Company) and LKM ( Leidsche Katoenmaatsc happij or Leiden Cotton Company) both printed slengdangs or kanga When HKM went bankrupt in June 1918, LKM acquired their machinery. When LKM folded in 1936, their equipment and pattern books (and the equipment and pattern books acquired from HKM) were b ought by van Vlissingen & Co. History of Technology in the Netherlands: The Genesis of Modern Society 1800 1890 (Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1993), 81; and Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 42.

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124 illustrates a corner of the early paisley kanga design (Fig. 3 3 2 ) It is a cutting from a larger kanga cloth, as the sample in question is the equivalent size to one leso or handkerchief. The budding paisl ey like shape seen here, has identical curves and highlights to the kanga worn in both the Winterton and Wuele photo graphs T he imperfection in the six border lines due to hand stamping appear in both this sample and the Winterton photograph most apparen The y likely come from different runs or different yea rs, however, because the weave differs. The sample is printed on a checkerboard weave, while the Winterton kanga is printed on a diagonal weave. Hand written letteri ng and notes that appear just to the right of the sample suggest the cloth was commissioned by the German merchant converter firm Hansing & Co. on 1 October 1887 In addition to the differing weaves, a nother variance may lie in the colors. Although the ph otographs are in black and white and thus only communicate darker and lighter portions of the composition, the textile samples are preserved in their full color, original state. O nly two shades are discernible in the Winterton photograph : light and dark. I n the sample, however, three colors are present: rose, outlined by pink completed by bright white stripes and highlights. O ther samples in the Vlisco archive show this design printed in two color varieties. Four are especially noteworthy, as they are pres erved in their full cloth size. Although they are undated, it is likely they are early versions of this design and date to circa 1886. Three have a border comprised of six plain stripes and budding paisley shapes in the corners of the interior, though the outlines are broken One full cloth sample also incorporates eight pointe d stars across its center (Fig. 3 3 3 ) This example incorporates motifs likely borrowed from Indonesian

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125 batiks (eight pointed stars) and Indian or European shawls (pai sley shapes) to create a new and widely popular early kanga design, based on the design of an earlier leso ya kushona O ver a dozen samples of this design are preserved in the Vlisco archives to further demonstrate the popularity of this early design. The samples date from 1886 to 1925 and appear in different colorway s and all are variations on this popular early bordered paisley design. For example, one cloth was ordered no less than twelve times between March 1891 and August 1892 (Fig. 3 3 4 ) It retains t he striped border and the budding paisley inner corner motifs and adds repeating spots to the central ground. A nother Hansing & Co. commission, this time printed by LKM and dated 15 March 1899, shows the tail edge of the paisley motif bordered by six plain white lines on a field of black, while the sample on the facing page is similar to the 1886 sample (Fig. 3 3 5 ) A commission by Hansing & Co. from 25 May 1899 displays a nother two color variety: rose and white on simil ar checkerboard weave (Fig. 3 3 6 ) A red and black full cloth printed example by Vlisco for the British merchant converter firm, Smith, Mackenzie & Co dates to 29 May 1925 (Fig. 3 3 7 ) Leso handkerchiefs and the garment leso ya kushona were popular among e ast African women from at least the 1860s through the 1880s. Charles New wrote about the new garment in the 1860s, Karl Wilhelm Schmidt describes the popular style in the mid 1880s, and late nineteenth century photographs and extant examples of leso bear witness to this somewhat short lived design. 99 The similarity in design and characteristic elements, including paisley, Arabic script Swahili sayings, borders, and crisply printed 99 Christopher Spring mentions the leso ya kushona garment is still worn in southern Somalia, where it is called guntino

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126 designs, unite leso and the garment leso ya kushona with early kanga Indeed, leso ya kushona and kanga likely co existed f or some time. Around 1888 however, kanga textiles overtook this type of cloth to become the most pop ular and widespread wrap garment for women in e ast Africa. In this chapter, I have shown how the kanga developed from a host of design influences and a lineage of industrially manufactured textiles. Factors as widespread as the American Civil War, British interests, Dutch enterprise, and Indian expertise all coalesced in Zanzibar in the late nineteenth century to create the textile known today. Text ile predecessors, including kitambi, merikani, kaniki, shali, leso, and leso ya kushona together with Indian woodblock designs, Indonesian batik motifs, and locally demanded crisp, bold, repeating designs, contributed to the creation of kanga textiles, st ill popular throughout east Africa today.

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127 Figures A B Figure 3 stamped on cloth Located in LKM Oost Ind. Ruwe en Witte Stalen 1860 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by Mac Kenzie Moon Ryan.

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128 Figure 3 2. M erikani Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs Etc. 1884 1900 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 3 3 women wearing merikani Zanzibar. Late nineteenth century. Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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129 A B C D Figure 3 4 K aniki A, B, and C) Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Af rika Slendangs Etc. 1884 1900 sample book. D) Located in LKM 1901 1902 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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130 Figure 3 5 Mother and Child, Zanzibar, woman wearing kaniki. Zanzibar. Late ninet eenth century. Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer. A B Figure 3 6 K aniki with fringed edges a nd printed white border. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs Etc. 1884 1900 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs b y MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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131 A B

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132 C D Figure 3 7 Eight l ocally embellished cloth s with basic, all over, stamped designs collected in Mombasa, 1901. Located in LKM 16 No. 230 Stalen OA Sarongs 1900 1932 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlan ds. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan Figure 3 8 L ocally embellished cloth with stamped designs and a bordered composition collected in Mombasa, 1901. Located in LKM 9 No. 260 Stalen Khangas Sarongs Echte Batiks 1901 1902 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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133 A B C Figure 3 9 L ocally embellished cloth with stamped border and inner corner designs on tie dyed ground 1901. A) Collected in Mombasa. Located in LKM 9 No. 260 Stalen Khangas Sarongs Echte Batiks 1901 1902 sample book. B) Collected in Zanzibar. Located in LKM 16 No. 230 Stalen OA Sarongs 1900 1932 sample book. C) Collected in Zanzibar. Located in LKM 260 Stalen Slendangs O Afrika HKN vVL 1898 1915 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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134 A B

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135 C D Figure 3 10 Woodblock stamps used for printing designs on industrially manufactured cloth to create kanga A) Floral d esign created with thin, brass strips nail ed into woodblock. Acquired in Zanzibar. Af2002,09.15 B) Paisley d esign created by carving directly into woodblock. Acquired in Zanzibar. Af2002,09.14 C) Cross and tangerine flower design common to kisutu Acquired in Lamu. Af2003,21.8. D) Mfungo Swahil Acquired in Lamu. Af2003,21.10 Trustees of the British Museum.

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136 Figure 3 11 Locally embellished cloth with tie dyed designs, collected in Zanzibar on 13 January 1901. Located in LKM 16 No. 230 Stalen OA Sarongs 1900 1932 sample b ook. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan Figure 3 12 Locally embellished cloth with tie dyed designs, hand collected in Zanzibar on 20 August 1901. Located in LKM 9 No 260 Stalen Khangas Sarongs Echte Batiks 1901 1902 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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137 Figure 3 13 Photocopy of record with acco mpanying photograph of cloth sa lvaged from an 1876 sample book. Earlies t record of Vlisco production for Zanzibar: blauw & wit slendang Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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138 Figure 3 14 Photocopy of record with accompanying photograph of cloth s a lvaged from an 187 6 sample book. Earliest record of Vlisco production for Zanzibar: Zanzibar handkerchiefs Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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139 A B Figure 3 15 Batiks from the North Coast of Java: kain panjang tumpal at each end, ca. 1880, from Lasem, Java. A) Chinese design with birds in interior. B) Possesses prada or goldleaf. Collection of Rudolf G. Smend, Photograph by Bernhard Schaub.

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140 Figure 3 16 Unknown photographer, studio photograph with three girls holding mangoes and wearing printed cloth with tumpal designs, likely Zanzibar. Late nineteenth century. Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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141 A B Figure 3 17 Printed cloth f rom 1886 with composition resembling Javanese batiked breast cloth, kemben A) Entire cloth sample. B) Detail of date, 26 June 1886, hand written under edge of sample. Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. P hotographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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142 Figure 3 18 Batik from the North Coast of Java: kemben lokan elongated diamond shape in center, late nineteenth century, likely from Rembang or Pati, Indonesia. Silk, hand drawn batik, natural dy es. 8 380 119. East Indies Museum. Figure 3 19 Printed cloth likely from 1886 with composition resembling doubled Javanese batiked breast cloth, kemben Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph b y MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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143 Figure 3 20 Hand drawn and colored designs for early kanga including horn and kemben elongated diamond with eight pointed stars, 20 November 1886. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs, etc. 1884 1900 sample book. Vlisc o Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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144 Figure 3 21 J. B. Coutinho, Female slaves who coaled the H.M.S. Agamemnon at Zanzibar, December 1888. Note the woman kneeling in the front row who wears printed cloth based on 1886 hand drawn design in LKM sample book with elongated diamonds and eight pointed star s Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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145 Figure 3 22 Engraving after J. B. Coutinho, Female slaves who coaled the H.M.S. Agamemnon at Zanzibar, December 1888. Printed i n The Graphic (London) 11 March 1889. Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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146 Figure 3 23 Photographer unknown, Zanzibar, ca. 1880 1900 ; based on the printed cloth these women wear, likely 1888 Note the elongated diamon d, eight pointed star, and rounded horn motifs based on the 1886 hand drawn design in LKM sample book. The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies Northwestern University.

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147 A B Figure 3 2 4 Printed handkerchiefs sold to inland east Africa A) de Vries & Co., 29 May 1893. B) van Vlissingen 1896. Located in LKM 15 Stalen van T. Binnenland O.A. Foulads KKM VvL 1890 1897 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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148 Figure 3 25 Unknown photographer, wear leso ya kushona likely ca. 1886, Zanzibar. The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs, Melville J. Hers kovits Library of Africa n Studi es, Northwestern University

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149 Figure 3 26 Unknown photographer, kaniki, woman in center wears leso ya kushona and woman on right wears a kanzu tailored from merikani Photograph likely ca. 1886, Zanzibar. The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs, Melville J. Hers kovits Library of African Studi es, Northwestern University.

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150 Fi gure 3 27 Printed handkerchief or leso, sold to east Africa Note the eigh t pointed star motif and Arabic script Swahili text. Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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151 Figure 3 2 8 Unknown photographer, Geputzte Negerin, n Sansibar: Ein ostafrikanisches Culturbild (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1888), 83. Note she wears leso ya kushona with budding paisley corners and striped borders around her torso.

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152 Figure 3 29 Unknown photographer, All three women wear kanga and the woman in the center wears the budding paisley with striped border design. Photograph likely ca. 1890 Zanzibar. The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library o f African Stu di es, Northwestern University.

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153 Figure 3 30 Unknown photographer, Jakhalave kaniki, woman in center wears leso ya kushona and woman on right wears a kanzu tailored from merikani Photograph likely ca. 1886, Zanzibar. The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East African Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies Northwestern University.

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154 Figure 3 31 Unknown photographer, photograph reproduced in Karl Weule, Native Life in East Africa : The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition Translated by Alice Werner. (1909; reprint, Chicago: Afro Am Press, 1969), 153. Photograph taken in 1906.

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155 A B

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156 C Figure 3 3 2 Kanga sample with budding paisley and striped border design in pink white and rose colorway 1 O ctober 1887 A) Entire sample. B) Detail of checker board weave and evidence of hand printed design C) Hand written information to the left of sample, including da te. Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan Figure 3 33 Kanga with eight pointed stars, budding paisley motifs in inner corners, and striped borders in white and rose col orway undated, likely after 1886. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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157 Figur e 3 34 Kanga sample with dotted ground, budding paisley motif in inner corner, and striped border in pink white and rose colorway Twelve orders indicated in hand written text between 4 March 1891 and 17 August 1892. Located in No. 290 Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmon d, The Netherlands. Photograph by James Ryan Figure 3 35 Kanga samples with budding paisley a nd striped border designs in white and black and pink white and rose colorways, 15 March 1899. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs Etc. 1884 1900 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmon d, The Netherlands. Photogra ph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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158 Figure 3 36 Kanga sample with budding paisley and striped border designs in white and rose colorway, 2 5 Ma y 1899. Located in LKM 260 Stalen Slendangs O. Afrika HKM vVL 1898 1915 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmon d, The Netherlan ds. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan Figure 3 3 7 Kanga with budding paisley and striped border designs in red and black colorway, 2 9 Ma y 1925 Hanging sample, SM 2276 Vlisco Museum, Helmon d, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan

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159 CHAPTE R 4 POPULAR EARLY KANGA TEXTILES IN SAMPLE, IMAGE, AND WORD The last chapter established the variety of textile precursors and designs that contributed to the creation of kanga textiles. In this chapter, I will discuss early popular kanga designs, drawn fr om sample books, late nineteenth century studio photography, and contemporaneous textual descriptions by European observers. I begin with a widely popular ( and still familiar ) design called kisutu which is at once a precursor to and an early design of kan ga textiles. I continue with a discussion of early popular kanga designs and colorway s to clarify printed textile trends from 1886 to 1917 in east Africa. I n most cases only portions of full cloth kanga textiles were saved to record the production of Dutch textile printers. Particularly popular samples, judged from many orders placed, often appear in l ate nineteenth century studio photograph s from Zanzibar Professional photographers such as the Coutinho Brothers, A.C. Gomes, and A. R. Pereira de Lord had p rosperous studios in Zanzibar around the turn of the twentieth century. They captured many of these printed textiles in postcard images of east African women who wore kanga textiles either wrapped or tailored into garments. Th e addition of textual descrip tions alongside samples from Dutch textile printers and Zanzibari postcards can help augment our understanding of these trends Many early twentieth century visitors to east Africa were struck by the bold, graphic designs printed on brightly colored cotton cloths favored as items of dress by local women. Other early descriptions of kanga textiles are provided by British colonial officials, with an eye to expanding markets for British made goods.

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160 Turn of the century descriptions often cast east African wome 1 I will argue that these women actually functioned more as masters of fashion. As I will show, for the handful of designs that became widely popular, many dozens of designs fell flat and failed to secure sales in east Afri ca This suggests that east African women consumers had an element of control over their purcha ses; they were savvy consumers who did not passively accept whatever deliveries were available. Kisutu : A Precursor to or Early Design of Kanga ? Local knowledge asserts that k isutu is a very old design of kanga but references to kisutu predate kanga by thirty years. 2 Several E uropean visitors mention ed the kisutu as the garment of choice for Swahili women in the mid nineteenth century Richard F. Burton writes a bout women wearing the kisutu in 1856: The feminine garb is a Kisitu [ sic ] or length of stained cotton, blue and red being the pet colours. It resembles the Kitambi of the Malagash, and it is the nearest approach to the primitive African kilt of skin or tree bark. Wrapped tightly round the unsupported bosom, and extending from the armpits to the heels, this ungraceful garb depresses the breast, spoils the figure, and concea ls nothing of its deficiencies. 3 Notwithstanding his otherwise unflattering descrip tion of the effect of kisutu on Swahili ces, Burton accurately described the fashion in which the wrap garment was worn, observed by later travelers to the east African Coast as well. 1 Report on the Island of Pemba for the Year 1900 Beare, Diplomatic and Cons ular Reports: Africa 1901), 15 16; Robert Nunez Lyne, Zanzibar in Contemporary Times: A Short History of the southern East Africa in the nineteenth century (London: Hurst and Blackett, 1905), 234; Ethel Younghusband, Glimpses of East Africa and Zanzibar (London: John Long, 1910), 34 35; Captain C. H. Stigand, The Land of Zinj: being an account of British East Africa, its ancient history and present inhabitants (London: Cons table and Company, 1913), 122 123; and Harold Ingrams, Arabia and the Isles 3 rd ed. (1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), 33 34. 2 This assertion was made repeatedly during informal interviews with women consumers, sellers, and designers of kanga textiles in Dar es Salaam in 2011. 3 Richard Burton, Zanzibar: City, Island and Coast 2 vols. (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1872), 1:434.

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161 Missionary Charles New mentions visutu (plural of kisut u during his t ravels to East Africa in the 1860s. 4 Bishop Edward Steere compiled his Handbook of the Swahili Language from 1865 1870 in which he defines kisutu 5 He mentions again in his 1870 publication, Swahili Tales in an end note that further Nimekwenda njiani, nimeona kisuto; mwenyi kisuto sikumwona, 6 He later expand s on his description of kisuto A kisuto [ sic ] and headcloth make the dress of a woman slave. The headcloth is a piece of blue calico covering the head and hangin g down the back nearly to the ground in two long ends, which are often adorned with spangles. It is tied on by a string passed loosely under the chin, from which generally hangs a silver ornament called a jebu. The kisuto is a large piece of calico about t wo yards square, wrapped tightly round the body and immediately below the armpits, and reaching to the ankles. It may be of blue or of printed calico; a pocket handkerchief piece is very commonly used, and it is often of some red stuff. 7 handk erchief piece common to both kisutu and the garment leso ya kushona is of particular importance to the kanga its square printed designs, provides the pivotal fulcrum between generic printed cloth for sale in east Af rica and commissioned printed textiles made for export to east Africa 4 Charles New, Life, wanderings and labours in eastern Africa: with an account of the first successful ascent of the equ atorial snow mountain, Kilima Njaro, and remarks upon east African slavery 3 rd ed. (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1971), 60. 5 Edward Steere, A Handbook of the Swahili Language, as Spoken at Zanzibar 10 th ed. (1871; London: Society for Promoting Christia n Knowledge, 1917), 313. 6 Edward Steere, Swahili Tales as told by Natives of Zanzibar 2 nd ed. (1870; London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1889), 490. 7 Steere, Swahili Tales as told by Natives of Zanzibar 497 498.

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162 the crucial link to kanga textiles. Zanzibar commodities. 8 For the three years documented (1876 77, 1877 79, 1878 79), the total value of cloth articles accounts for roughly 39% to 47% of all total imports, the la rgest Bombay types that likely refer to types of merikani. into European and Indian types, while three further categories of cloth are itemized: 9 han dkerchiefs that form the sewn garment, leso ya kushona ? Or perhaps these handkerchiefs were used in the cloth design kisutu ? It is impossible to tell from brief titles in tables, however, it is clear that imported, printed handkerchiefs had a long lasting effect on printed cloth designs worn by women in east Africa. Kisutu cloths are still well known today and are defined by a specific design and composition. Today they are generally associated with marriage among coastal communities. 10 They are also commonl y described as a very old type or design of 8 Reports from Commercial Trade Report No. 36 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1882), 1164. 9 10 Mimi Kama Kanga Nafa na Uzuri Wangu I am like a Kanga Cloth, I Die in all my Art in Eastern Africa Marion Arnold, ed. (Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2008), Kanga Textiles from Tanzania

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163 kanga Indeed, a British trade report on Zanzibar from the year 1899 defined kisutu as kanga 11 However if the style of cloth popular today is a direct descendant of the kisutu mentioned in the mid nineteenth century by Burton, New, and Steere, then kisutu actually predate kanga In that case, kisutu is one type of cloth in a lineage of manufactured textiles that paved the way for the creation of kanga If, however, the name kisutu first ref erred to a generic type of machine woven, imported cloth, at times dyed red or blue or printed with patterns around the mid nineteenth century, which, in the late nineteenth century was subsequently applied to the design still popular today, then this desi gn of kanga may very well be one of the oldest known today. It certainly is among the oldest continuously popular designs, reprinted, altered, and sold to subsequent generations of women in east Africa. Either way, the history of kisutu is embedded in the second half of the nineteenth century, when it developed, gained popularity, and certainly contributed to early kanga designs. The kisutu design has been the subject of many variations in color and design recently, but they all are related to a longstandin g design and composition. A good example of a conventional kisutu can be found in the Brit 4 1) First, kisutu are characteristically printed in two in colors red and black in equal Kanga : It is More Than What Meets the Eye A Medium of African Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 Kanga : The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex ed. John Picton, (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995), 106 Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (August/September 1984): 24 25; Kanga East African Contours: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture eds. Hassan Arero and Zachary K ingdon (London: Horniman Museum and kanga Hazina: Traditions, Trade and Transitions in East Africa, eds. Kiprop Lagat and Julie Hudson (Nairobi: National Museums of Kenya, 2006), 32; and Marloes Kanga s: the voice of Zanzibar Women? Its present importance 2 (2006), 15 16. 11 Diplomatic and Cons ular Reports of Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 2520 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1900), 10.

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164 proportion on white industrially manufactured cloth. Second, the kisutu features a composition divided into thirds; when seen length wise, the inner third is comprised of alternating small crosses and tangerine flowers, and the outer two thirds that flank the center are comprised of mirrored vertical strips of varying design. Generally, the motifs are small, intricate and repeating. A slim, horizontal border at the top and bottom edges may complete the design. No Swahili saying is incorporated into conventional kisutu cloths, and they are sold in iden tical pairs, uncut. In the British Museum example, the central third is actually less than one third of the length, but it retains the alternating cross and tangerine flower motif. The flanking thirds are made up of no less than fifteen smaller vertical re gisters, each with its own repeating motif. The horizontal borders at the finished edges (top and bottom) of the cloth are narrow in width and comprised of three registers of repeating designs. The customary method of folding kisutu relationship to handkerchiefs. Whenever I asked about the origins of this design in Dar es Salaam, women and men with a relatio nship to the cloth would take a kisutu and quickly demonstrate the ordinary folding technique to show me how the design is made up of six squares, three by two: the flanking panels are comprised of two identical squares each for a total of four (striped) squares, and the central panel is comprised of two (cross and tangerine) squares, also identical to one another. When seen togeth er, the six squares unite to form this pleasing design. Kanga and kisutu cloth are actually folded in twelfths in east Africa. First, the doti or pair of cloths is folded in half, so each cloth mirrors its twin. Next, the pair is folded in a half again, s o that the total length of each cloth is halved. Starting with the cut edge,

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165 one third of the cloth is then folded over on itself. The opposite edge (the folded edge) is then folded over on top of the cloth to create a bundle that is one sixth the total le ngth of one piece of cloth, but spans the entire width of the cloth. Finally, the one sixth bundle is folded in half, to create a folded cloth that displays the finished selvage edge and border as well as portions of the central motif. When folded into thi s rectangular shape, the kanga or kisutu can easily be hung for display or stacked in sturdy piles (Fig. 4 2 and 4 3) East African women also store new or keepsake kanga or kisutu cloth folded in this manner in wooden trunks. If the cloth were folded in h alf one more time to create a square bundle, then cut along fold lines, each cloth would be divided into twelve pieces of cloth, similar in size to twelve small pocket handkerchiefs. Whether the kisutu developed from twelve small pocket handkerchiefs (ar ranged four by three), or six larger pocket handkerchiefs (arranged three by two, as in the leso ya kushona ), the kisutu suitable for women to wear as a wrapper, seems likely. This certainl y would account for kisutu This places the kisutu between the innovation leso ya kushona which clearly display s its construction of six handk erchiefs, and kanga which simplified this design to display one contiguous border and central motif. Many tales surround the creation of typical elements of this design, and many derivations for its name, kisutu have been posited. Certainly the small, re peating shapes that often appear on kisutu are abstracted enough to support many interpretations. A few local experts suggest the name comes from a ghastly tale of murder. Fatma Shabaan Abdullah, a Zanzibari artist and textile designer, cites

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166 information f rom the Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ), the first fully integrated textile mill in Dar es Salaam Kanga Textiles from Tanzania 12 The same story is given by Farouque Abdela, a Zanzibari fashion designer. 13 The story is al so included in a brief article published on t he occasion of the same 1984 exhibition of kanga and kitenge at the Commonwealth Institute, London. 14 As the story goes, when this design was new a woman demanded that her husband buy it for her. When he did not, she was overcome with anger and killed him while he slept. When she was interviewed by the police, she was asked how she murdered her husband. She full name becam e known as kisutu cha chinja waume which has been shortened to kisutu 15 Abdullah also provided another derivation for the name pointing to the word msutu a screen used as a partition in Swahili homes, combined w ith kiswat an Arabic word for an elaborate garment. 16 Julia Hilger suggested that kisutu comes from the Tanzanian 12 Kanga 13 Mimi Kama Kanga Nafa na Uzuri Wangu 14 isutu legend: a husband who had failed to purchase kisutu design when it first appeared on the market, was at night knifed and killed by his wife. Its full name after this incident was kisutu cha chinja waume kisutu of murdering husbands. Its irony lies in that it is Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (August/September 1984): 27. Fatma Shabaan Abdullah wrote the brochure to accompany this small exhibition, and it is lik ely she is also the author of this and one other short article, Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets The first was published on page 5 of the June/July 1984 editi on, and the second was published on pages 24 27 of the August/September 1984 edition. 15 Kanga Van der Bijl cites the same story, garnered from her time on fieldwork in Zanzibar in 2004. It is likely the st ory was told to her by the same Farouque Abdela, who along with Gill Shepherd published a similar article in Africa Now (February 1984), which extended the text and added images in an undated pamphlet, and subsequently republished the same information in 2 008, the publication cited here. 16 Kanga

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167 town by the same name. 17 Kisutu is the name of a town in central Tanzania as well as a neighborhood in the Uhindini (Indian) district of Dar es Salaam. As for the inspiration for the design, Christopher Spring offered Zanzibari journalist pointed to the saying once printed on kisutu Wewe kisu fanya utakavyo which 18 Based on the early kisutu do not have sayings, it seems more likely that Swahili sayings were added after the design became popular. Van der Bijl suggests the crosses on kisutu may have derived from Portuguese handkerchiefs, decorated with the Christian symbol. 19 Another expert possib ly Fatma Shabaan Abdullah, contends that the kisutu textile remains popular because of I ts aesthetic value maintained in traditional symbolic representations of tangerines chenza, of crosses karantini, o f lines boriti, of dots, domes and arches; ass embled in rhythmic movement of geometric motifs which are a close reflection of African music. The Swahili design er of Kisutu who probably preferred to remain anonymous (as did most Swahili poets), was influenced by Swahili architecture and wood carving. 20 One story in particular, mentioned in two sources, accounts for the cross motif. Zawawi cites Zanzibari artist and textile designer Abdullah, and Klopper and Nchimbi make passing reference to the design inspiration for kisutu They agree the cross motif 17 Kanga 18 19 Kanga s 20 Kang a 25.

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168 or iginated in Zanzibar during an epidemic that required assistance from the Red Cross. 21 Zanzibar did fall victim to five cholera epidemics in the nineteenth century, in the years 1821, 1856, 1860, 1869, and 1870. 22 The two epidemics of 1821 and 1856 are not w ell documented, but Richard Burton and David Livingstone mention the outbreak of 1860 from various locations in eastern Africa. 23 Thanks to Dr. James Christie, the outbreaks a re well documented in his 1876 publication, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa as Christie experienced them firsthand. 24 The cholera epidemic of 1869 1870 devastated Zanzibar, both the city and the island. Christie estimated 12,000 15,000 deaths in Stonetown and 25,000 30,000 deaths across the entire island. 25 Christie believed cholera was first brought to the island of Zanzibar on 27 October, though the official date of the appearance was listed as 22 November. 26 island, at the close of October, did not become epidemic centres, or they were not apparently so, and probably a considerable number of cases had been imported until at last one appeared 21 Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion eds. Joanne B. Eicher and Doran H. Ross, vol. 1: Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 155 ; Sharifa Zawawi, Kanga : The Cloth That Speaks (Bronx: Azanya Hills Press, 2005), 15. 22 Myron Echenberg, Africa in the Time of Cholera: A History of Pandemics from 1817 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 50 51. 23 Echenberg, Afric a in the Time of Cholera 52, 55 57. 24 Christie spent the years 1865 1874 in the employment of the Omani Sultan of Zanzibar. James Christie, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa: An account of the several diffusions of the disease in that country from 1821 til l 1872, with an outline of the geography, ethnology, and trade connections of the regions through which the epidemics passed (London: Macmillan and Co., 1876). 25 Christie, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa 421. 26 Christie, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa 364 365.

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169 like a spark among the combustibles, and then the epidemic broke out with 27 Christie recorded how the disease decimated the population in height when death was in every house, and when homes were being laid desolate the inhabitants were not panic stricken, and there was no rush from the place to escape 28 Though he closely observed mu ch suffering, death, and burial, he made no mention of the Red Cross or its involvement. 29 Kisutu is at least as old as other more familiar printed textiles in east Africa. The earliest extant sample of kisutu can be found in an 1886 sample book in the Vlis co archives. The kisutu design is printed in blue and red ink on white machine woven cloth (Fig. 4 4) The feminine garb is a Kisitu [ sic ], or length 27 Christie, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa 365. 28 Christie, Cholera Epidemics in East Africa 387 88. 29 Certainly the Red Cross emblem familiar today is sufficiently old; the Red Cross organization itself came into being at an 1863 conference in Geneva, Switzerland. It was conceived of as a confederation of rgeons, nurses, attendants, and sick or wounded men, and their safe conduct, when they bear the sign of the organization, viz: the national or widespr ead calamities, such as plagues, cholera, yellow fever and the like, devastating fires or could have benefitted from the relief 0, and perhaps again in April 1872 w reaked havoc across the island. for the Year 1873 y Prideaux, &c., of their Consular District Commercial Trade Report No. 36 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1876),183. Still, it is not clear whether the Red Cross were on hand during either cris is bearing their insignia to give rise to the kisutu design American Association of the Red Cross, The History of the Red Cross: The Treaty of Geneva, and its adoption by the United States (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1883) 14, 16.

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170 of stained cotton, blue and red being the pet colours. 30 Next to the sa mple, a logo is drawn, featuring the letters HHO, potentially referring the Hamburg based merchant converter firm, Hansing & Co The destination for the printed kisutu is also noted: Zanzibar, as is the date: 30 June 1886. 31 Two earl y example dates from 18 91 1892 (Fig. 4 5 and 4 6) Unmistakably kisutu the first version differs from the 1886 sample in color, where it has shifted from a blue and red to black and red colorway This change in color was certainly popular, as this new black and red colorway was printed ten times between March 1891 and February 1892. Another version retains the black and red colorway though it does not display the familiar cross and tangerine flower motif on the interior panel. Rather, it has a series of white dots on a backgrou nd of black. Not as successful as the previous version, this kisutu was ordered only three times during the same years. Four more examples of kisutu for African wrappers, etc. 1884 the kisutu are dated individually and appear to be the products of competitor firms. One sample shows only a small portion of the kisutu design, in a deep blue, almost black with red (Fig. 4 7) The kely referring to the date (March 1893), the type of cloth ( kisutu ), and pe rhaps a competitor company. Another sample dates from 1894 and is pri nted in black and red Two of the kisutu samples illustrated in this volume may directly correspond to informat ion printed in a British trade report on Zanzibar from 1899. The popularity of this 30 Burton, Zanzibar: City, Island and Coast 1:434. 31 The date may refer to the when the order was placed or when the cloth was printed; without further information, it is difficult to be sure.

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171 cloth and difference in price depending on the country of manufacture are of specific importance: One of the German firms in Zanzibar imported certain kisutus* of one kind of Dutch printing some months since, and the demand was so great for this particular article that 20 cloths of it realised 22 rs. (the probable cost to the importer being 12 rs. to 12 rs. 12 a.), as compared with the amount realised by the Manchester print ed article of about 12 rs. to 13 rs. 9a. for the same number. *A special design of kanga s. 32 T he kisutu examples are almost identical and appear on facing pages, but they were manufactured by different printers on behalf of competi tor merchant converter fir ms (Fig. 4 8) They both date to 19 April 1899; the left was imported by (the German firm) Wm. O swald & Co. and printed by (the Dutch firm) van Vlissingen (Vlisco), whereas the right was imported by (the German firm) Hansing & Co. from an English manufact urer (l ikely in Manchester) A late nineteenth century postcard by the Goan born, Zanzibari photographer A. C. Gomes captures a woman wearing two kisutu cloths (Fig. 4 9) 33 The kisutu wrapped around her waist displays the familiar repeating strips, while the kisutu wrapped around her shoulders shows part of the interior motif, likely with repeating cross and tangerine his career, between the 1870s after he arrived i n Zanzibar and 1890, when he partnered with J. B. Coutinho though it may date from just after this partnership, between 1897 32 Diplomatic and Consular Reports of Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 2520 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1900), 10. 33 Goa is the smallest Indian state and is located on the western coast of the subcontinent, just south the state of Maharashtra, better known by its largest city, Mumbai. The Portuguese first landed in Goa the early sixteenth century and held the region as a colony for 450 years until it was annexed by India in 1961. Because of Portuguese colonization, Goans have lon g been noted for their differences in cuisine, religion (many are Roman Catholic), artisanal knowledge and cosmopolitan nature.

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172 and 1902 34 Kisutu cloths appear in a handful of other photographs from the last decade of the nineteenth century. Two studio photo graphs from Zanzibar show women wrapped in this cloth, the first facing the camera and the second by the Coutinho Brothers dressing ano 10 and 4 11) Two outdoor photographs also show women wearing kisutu the first by the Countiho Brothers shows a seated woman with the cloth thrown over her shoulder and the second captures a variety of women walking on the main road to Zanzibar in March 1901 (Fig. 4 12 and 4 13) The woman with her back to the camera at the far right is draped in a kisutu cloth. As evidenced by the kisutu samples described above, references in the British trade report from 1899, and late nineteenth century photographs, kisutu was a highly popular cloth by the 1890s. An LKM sample book from 1901 1902 indicates that the company was making use of information gained through competitor samples of this popular design in the following years. This volume includes conventional kisutu designs as well as several more innovati ve compositions (Fig. 4 14) For example, two design s appear on facing pages; the left hand page features a kisutu with the standard design, though the cross and tangerine motif has been replaced with red spots alternating with white spots encircled by a red border; though the shapes are different, the effe ct is very similar. 34 Photographs by A. C. Gomes can tentatively be dated by the credit line given. A. C. Gomes established his commercial photograp hy studio in Aden as early as 1869 and moved to Zanzibar sometime in the 1870s. He likely opened the first commercial photography studio in Zanzibar. He then partnered with J. B. Coutinho in the late 1890s. After this partnership dissolved on 31 July 1897, credit lines change to A. C. Gomes & Son, Zanzibar, and following, A. C. Gomes & Sons, Zanzibar. A. C. Gomes died in 1917, and second branch was opened in Dar es Salaam by P. F. Gomes and another of his sons, E. Gomes, in Royal Commonwealth Society Photographers Index Cambridge University Library. Accessed 13 September 2012 < http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/rcs_photographers/entry.php?id=208 Eastern Africa and Rhodesia: Historical and Descriptive Commercial and Industrial Facts, Figu res, and Resources (London: W. H. & L. Collingridge, Ltd., 1930), 314.

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173 However, the right hand page contains large paisley like shapes made up of irregularly shaped while spots encircled by a red border. This large panel replaces the registers of small, intricate designs. Four other samples from this volum e demonstrate additional kisutu designs from the turn of the century printed by LKM. Six other kisutu appear in dating between 1898 and 1915. The three kisutu illustrated are almost identical, save for very minor details. 35 In this same LKM pattern book, two kisutu feature the hand written notation, 15) What look to be cutt ings from the same locally produced kisutu appear on facing pages in another LKM pattern book in the Vlisc o archives (Fig. 4 16) This volume contains cloths made by competitors from 1900 1932. While printed cloths from England, Switzerland, and fellow Dut ch Mombasa and Zanzibar. Most date nearer to the turn of the century, are labeled as such, and list the country of origin. Of particular interest here are the two illustra tions of kisutu both of which feature black and red ink printed on bleached white machine e Although the place of manu facture or collection is not noted on these pages, the predominately black cloth is labeled as 35 For example, the central motif of repeating crosses and tangerine flowers alternates starting shapes, from the corner: the first begins with a tangerine flower, while the second begin s with a cross. Similarly, each strip of patterning begins with a slightly different starting point. Finally, the strip just to the left of the cross and tangerine motif is printed in red on white in the first two examples, but black on white in the third example. The sample is pinned or pasted down, obscuring this fact, but a small edge of the black design can be seen. Also, a similar design, outlined in black, can be seen at the opposite end of the kisutu

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174 inexact, with dyes bleeding into one another, obscuring a continuous flow of design. While perhaps aesthetically clumsy, these qualities actually confirm that these kisutu were hand printed locally. The edges of the printing blocks, whether made of wood or otherwise, are readily apparent, suggesting these samples are indeed cut tings of hand printed kisutu made in east Africa, likely Mombasa or Zanzibar, around 1900. 36 And because these samples have been kept between the pages of books in Dutch company archives for the last century, away from light, humidity, wearing and washings, they have likely retained much of their original color and quality. These locally produced, hand printed kisutu from the turn of the century are a truly remarkable find, probably in near original quality. The existence of these locally produced kisutu cal ls into question whether European manufactured kisutu or locally produced kisutu developed first. Although nearly impossible to ascertain from extant examples, locally produced kisutu hand stamped in Mombasa or Zanzibar with designs on imported, manufactu red, bleached white cloth, gives credence to local assertions that maintain Europeans only capitalized on a demand first met by local merchants of Indian descent in those trading centers. Clearly, the kisutu with its familiar design and composition were v ery popular around the turn of the twentieth century and likely have been continually produced since then. Although generally thought of as a type of kanga kisutu may predate kanga an intermediate design between the clear joining of handkerchiefs in leso ya kushona garment, and the kanga designs that augment and simplify these designs. Whatever its 36 An expanded discussion of vegetal and woodblock prints used to create printed designs on manufactured cloth in east Africa will follow in the next section. Equally, similar hand stamped examples of early kanga from Mombasa and Zanzibar will be discussed in the following section. These examples, labeled by their place of origin or collection, support my conclusion that these locally hand printed kisutu came from one of these urban centers around the turn of the twentieth century.

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175 specific role, kisutu surely contributed to the development of kanga textiles. In 1931, the of native cloth preferences: At first they preferred plain grey cloth, but subsequently they adopted printed cotton wear and other kinds of textiles. The richer Arabs and natives wore coloured woven articles imported from Muscat. A kind of shawls called k issutos came from India; and such names as malabari, madrasi and madapolam show that India formerly supplied East Africa with many goods of better quality. Nowadays, however, she chiefly furnishes very coarse and cheap textiles. When mechanical production developed more and more in England and the other European countries, machine made goods gradually supplanted the Indian and Arabian handmade articles. Khangas now a very important article of trade were not introduced until about 1885 to 1890. 37 Although gen erally accurate if a bit simplistic, neglecting leso ya kushona this brief overview suggests the progression of cotton cloths that led to the creation of kanga and posits that the kisutu design came from India. The Vlisco pattern book from 1886 provides a snapshot of a three year period in the development of printed cloth worn by east African women in the late nineteenth century. This volume includes leso ya kushona, kisutu and kanga each with its varying composition The leso ya kushona dwindled out of fashion for Zanzibar and much of the mainland by 1890 but retains its popularity to this day in the Comoros Islands. 38 The kisutu design proved popular by the 1890s, mentioned in a British trade report and appearing frequently in pattern books. Generally th ought of as a specific type of kanga it has retained its popularity and has been the subject of much reinvention and 37 37. An anecdote in the same publicatio n mentions a new style of kanga designed to reference a German military excursion in Bagamoyo between 1884 and 1890, implying that familiarity with, popularity of, and demand for kanga was already established by this time. See page 30 for the entire passag e. 38 Christopher Spring mentions the leso ya kushona garment is still worn in the Comoros Islands. Spring,

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176 reprinting over the last century. Finally, kanga with their rectangular composition featuring a central motif and a border of varying wid ths, were already represented in this volume from 1886. Dominance of Kanga Textiles and Early Popular Designs The earliest published mention of printed cloth referred to as kanga comes from none other than well known British explorer Henry Stanley He requ ested this particular type of cloth in a letter to Mr. Edmund Mackenzie, of the British merchant converter firm Messrs. Smith, Mackenzie & Co. dated 31st of December, 1886. 39 He specifically request ed four pieces of twenty four yards each of kanga equalin g 96 yards. Additionally, he request ed a wide variety of cloth, including brown sheeting, kaniki handkerchiefs, kikoi bindera and fine sheeting. 40 By 1889 competition between European suppliers of printed cotton textiles was already rife. Frederick Jacks on, Lieutenant Governor for the East Africa Protectorate from 1907 1911 and Governor of Uganda from 1911 1917, comments on the fashions of east African women during his 1889 1890 expedition with the Imperial British East Africa Company: While on the questi on of changing fashions, it may be of interest to record that nowhere did fashion change so quickly as in Zanzibar and the larger coast towns; but it was confined to women only. It is a fact that if importers of coloured shawls ( kanga or leso ) had not sold out one consignment before another one of different design arrived, sometimes only a month later, they had difficulty in disposing of them, and had either to reduce the price or dispose of them to up country traders. It is also a fact that at the time whe n the Germans cut out Manchester in the matter of these coloured shawls, and in other commodities too, they sent out special agents to study the question of native requirements on the spot. Consular reports, however 39 Henry Stanley, In Darkest Africa, Or, the Quest, Rescue and Retreat of Emin, Governor of Equatoria 2 vols. (New York: Ch 40 Stanley, In Darkest Africa 1 : 37.

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177 strongly worded and inviting, were not e nough for them. One of those agents conceived the brilliant idea of obtaining from a Swahili priest short and suitable texts from the Koran, which were stamped in black Arabic characters, and formed a very attractive border; they were not merely snapped up at once, but women actually fought for them. 41 This passage records the fierce competition between European merchant converters by 1889 1890, and t o my knowledge, this is the first mention of the addition of Swahili proverbs, stamped in Arabic characters, on garments clearly referred to as kanga The passage, along with cloth samples of similar date, confirms the inclusion of Arabic charac ters was an original feature to kanga textiles, rather than a later addition. 42 During the last decades of the nineteent h century, Swahili was most often written in Arabic script, following the centuries old prevailing tradition for writing the various dialects of the Bantu language 43 Swahili written in Roman script was introduced by European missionaries from the 1840s, bu t it was not officially adopted until the late 1920s. 44 The earliest kanga textiles that possess Roman script Sw ahili text date to 31 March 1910 (Fig. 4 17) Kanga including cursive, se ntence case, and block capitals, were all used to write Roman script Swahili text in the first decades of the twentieth century (Fig. 4 18) Arabic script Swahili text and Roman script Swahili text existed on contemporaneous kanga in the 41 Frederick Jackson, Early Days in East Africa (1930; repr., London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1969), 177. 42 Much of the existing literature on kanga te xtiles suggests that printed text appeared around World War I. While it is true that printed text, in both Arabic and Roman script, becomes a more standard feature or inclusion around World War I, the innovation of including text is original to the emergen ce of the cloth genre itself. 43 Sudanic Africa 15 (2004): 13. 44

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178 first years of the twentieth century, and text in both scripts became a standard inclusion by the 1910s. 45 Kanga are first itemized in a British Trade Report for Zanzibar from the year 1891. 46 read day Somalia) and include a handkerchiefs; Indian silk handkerchiefs and head covers; Mucculla print goods; Dhanga (dyed p 47 certainly be kanga By 1895, kanga were a significant enough import to warrant a lengthy description in the British trade report on Zanz Kanga handkerchiefs measuring about 50 by 72 inches, which form the principal garments of 48 From 1895, kanga a re mentioned in greater or less detail in every British Trade Report from Zanzibar until 1912, when the reports become much more 45 Kanga t extiles from the 1910s more regularly include Swahili text printed in either Arabic script of Roman script. Examples will be discussed in due course. 46 Ye Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 982 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1892), 31. 47 Report for the Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 982 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1892), 31. 48 The entire pas sage is reproduced in Chapter 5, A Manufacturing Chro nology of Kanga Textiles in A ppendix A: Discussion of Kanga Textiles In Early Twentieth Century British Colonial Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trad e and Finance Foreign Office No. 1765 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1896), 9 10. Other textiles are also described at length, including Americani Membai Gumpty, Hindessa, Madduf, Kaniki, Bandera, cambric, twill, Vilemba, and Vikoi r the Year 1895 on the Trade 10.

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179 streamlined, offering values of general categories imports and exports but much less detail, both in value and description, abo ut individual commodities. The report from 1896 confirms kanga to Zanzibar, and refers to a particular design commissioned to capitalize on the events of the day: Piece goods continue to hold the first place of all a rticles imported to Zanzibar, and enormously exceed (as was the case in the year 1895) in kanga or printed handkerchiefs, which form the principal dress of Swahili women, and of the trade i n these articles Germany practically holds the monopoly. Those made in England are machine printed, and much more expensive than those imported by German firms, which are block printed in Holland. With this report is sent a sample* of the above, with a dev ice printed upon it palace, advantage having been taken of this incident to enhance the value of the article. 49 The incident referred to here was the Anglo Zanzibar War, which has the d ubious honor of holding the record for the shortest war in history (forty minutes). The conflict took place on 27 August 1896 over a succession dispute. The British wanted the sultanate to pass to someone who shared their anti slavery sentiments, and the a ccession was to be sanctioned by the British consul. The sultanate instead passed to another, who was not favorable to British interests, so British forces opened fire on the palace in Zanzibar, where the new sultan had barricaded himself. No doubt an impo rtant moment in 49 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1961 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1897), 8 9. The a sterisk denotes the sample was forwarded to the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. The other cotton piece goods mentioned are: American and English grey cotton sheetings, superior American grey cotton drill and the corresponding English type; other piece good s mostly received from Great Britain: cricketing flannels, tweeds, canvas, and Turkey red twills, and from Bombay: gunny bags and indigo dyed co 10.

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180 Zanzibari history, it is quite fitting a kanga would be designed around this incident, much like the German bombardment of Bagamoyo in 1888. kanga points to their clo se association their direct predecessor, the leso ya kushona The term kanga is reputed to have been adopted from one of the first popular styles of this printed cloth, called kanga za mera kanga studio photograph from Zanzibar by the Coutinho Brothers from ca. 1890 may show a woman wea ring a similar printed cloth (Fig. 4 19) Its name is said to refer to an early design that resembled the guinea fowl, a common bird in east Africa that has white spots on black feathers; kanga literally translated, means guinea fowl (Fig. 4 20) Others explain the pattern as a comparison of the tendencies of guinea fowl to women: they both have a tendency to strut, (women in particular while wearing this cloth), and both tend to travel in groups and constantly chatter. 50 The term kanga came to apply to this new type of cloth in present day Tanzania, transcending the original design; the older term leso ( originally meaning handkerchief) was retained in present da y Kenya to r efer to this genre of printed textile. By 1876 Vlisco was already producing both kanga sized garments and handkerchiefs for the east African market. The handkerchiefs could have been sewn three by two to create the leso ya kushona kerchief joined the early slendang century photographs indicate that both types of garments were worn concurrently, such as this wom an who wears a leso 50 Kanga Struts in Style, Weekend Standard (Kenya) 2 July 1982, 11; Robert Nwiga, East Africa (Nairobi) The Kanga

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181 ya kushona around her waist and a kanga thrown over her shoulders in two A. C. G omes photographs from ca. 1890 (Fig. 4 21 and 4 22) It is likely these two types of cloth were commissioned, printed, and sold simultaneously in the late n ineteenth century. Some pattern books in the Vlisco collection possess samples of both handkerchiefs and slendangs in the same volume, but gradually, the pattern books shift to illustrating only slendangs One book from 1891 1892 contains only slendangs b ut a shift to single cloth volumes became more common following the turn of the century. By then, it appears that the simplified composition of a central motif and surrounding continuous or compound border, common to kanga today, had taken hold. I posit th at kanga had displaced its predecessors to become the fashionable wrap garment for women in east Africa by 1888 and designs proliferated around the turn of the century. At least as early as 1876 Dutch slendangs were manufactured in Europe for sale in east Africa, by 1886 Europeans were asking for kanga by name to trade with Africans in the interior, by 1888 new designs were being commissioned to capitalize on current events, and by 1889 European competition was fierce and research into the demands of locals resulted in the addition of Swahili proverbs or Koranic excerpts stamped in Arabic script along the border of these textiles, although there is evidence that printed Arabic script Swahili phrases existed from at least 1886. Therefore, many of the hallmark s of kanga are already present by 1889: the addition of Swahili proverbs, the presence of at least one border, designs based on local happenings, and sustained competition among European importers. In the next section, a few of popular designs, motifs, an d colorway s will be analyzed from samples of early kanga textiles, turn of the century studio photographs

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182 from Zanzibar, and contemporaneous publications that report on the new fashions worn by women in east Africa. After 1900, new designs for kanga textil es proliferated, and many Europeans who visited e ast Africa described widespread popularity, insatiable demand for new designs, and the regular appearance of bold, graphic images featuring fam iliar, often imported, objects. 1886 1899: A Few Popular Designs and Colorway s Earlier, I argued that the earliest printed cloth by Vlisco intended for an east African market dated to 1876. 51 Judging from sample books in the Vlisco archive from their now defunct textile printer competitors LKM ( Leids che Katoenmaatschappij or Leiden Cotton Company) and HKM ( Haarlemsche Katoen Maatschappij or Haarlem Cotton Company), Dutch textile printers manufactured the earliest recognizable kanga textiles using woodblocks. The earliest sample book with recognizable kanga including textile precursors such as kaniki leso and kisutu includes samples dating between 1884 and 1900. 52 stamped production for the east African market; not only does it provide dozens of cloth samples, bu t early hand drawn designs are also included. 53 These hand drawn and colored images, dating between 1886 and 1887, feature d not only on early kanga textiles, but were absorbed into the repertoire of common images often seen on kanga over the next century an d a quarter The first drawing dates to 20 November 1886 and depicts a fez or kofia in 51 Kanga 52 See LKM 274: Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs, Etc. (1884 1900) As not all individual samples are labeled, better resources for early designs are the volume s Vlisco Slendangs 1886 No. 281: Slendangs OA 1891 1892 and No. 290: Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 53 Kanga Trade: Global Networks of Manufacturers, Distributors, Sellers, and proce ss of designing successful ne w kanga

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183 Swahili, adorned with a crescent and star (Fig. 4 23 ) In 1887, a hand drawn design shows the curved dagger known as hanjari in Swahili alternating with an abstracted cr own like burst, contrasted with a ph rase in Arabic script (Fig. 4 24 ) 54 One fina l example shows a drawing o f a rose water sprinkler bottle (Fig. 4 25 ). T his object, easily recognizable by its shape, is a regular feature on kanga textiles, from the earliest known examples to the la test design in production today 55 It appears this design was immediately put into production, based on cuttings from a larger design included lat er in the same volume (Fig. 4 26 ) Although it is difficult to discern what the entire design may have looked like from just small cuttings, larger samples help to clarify the design and composition of early kanga textiles (Fig. 4 27 ) In this sample, the rose water sprinkler bottles repeat to form a continuous border, which enclose s a cent ral ground of umbrellas. If this sample displays roughly a quarter of the design, then it is likely that six or eight umbrellas were arranged throughout the central ground one in each inner corner, and either two or four in the middle. This early kanga con forms to the familiar composition of a central ground bordered by a thick, continuous design around the edges of a rectangular cloth. But this continuous border composition existed alongside other approaches to borders until at least the mid 195 0s, when it became dominant A full cloth example from the same volume, likely also dating to 1886, sh ows an alternative composition (Fig. 4 28) Although similar, the central ground has been contracted giving room for an expanded rectangular border. But instead of extending the border across the length of the cloth, 54 The drawn scissors on this image may indicate cut lines; if so, this printed cloth would be too small to be considered a kanga textile. Nevertheless, the motifs of hanjari and Arabic script Swahili phrases are commonly seen on kanga textiles. 55 See Figure 7 85, discussed in Chapter 7.

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184 narrow strips flank the thick, rectangular frame along the width of the textile. The elements of design in each portion of this cloth are familiar shapes on kisutu The central ground has designs in the inner corners around what may be Islamic prayer beads, sala shanga in Swahili, or perhaps it is simply a necklace. It encloses Arabic script lettering. 56 In addition to the early popular kanga designs discussed in Chapter 3 the Indonesian kemben inspired, I ndian woodblock printed and tie dyed, and the budding paisley three distinct compositions and approaches to design existed from 1886. The first was a design with a large central ground with a wide expanse of solid color, bordered by a thick, continuous and mostly simple design around the entire rectangular cloth. The central ground might have four inner corner motifs or one large, centered design, or both, but overall this continuous bordered kanga featured simple, bold designs, such as the very popular kan ga from 1888 and 1889 (Fig. 4 29) The design is closely related to the budding paisley design and features a bold, simple and continuous border made up of parallel stripes, which enclose a flower in each inner corner. Some of the textile samples in this 1886 volume have notations next to the cuttings. These notations indicate orders of the design and often give the dates and intended destination. All designs in this volume were printed for Zanzibar, likely for the Hamburg based merchant converter firm, Ha nsing & Co. The vast majority of textile samples in volumes that record orders are only printed once according to the hand written notations next to designs Others are printed between two and four times, and the ones illustrated here are the lucky few th at succeeded beyond four, separate orders. 56 The following image is included to give readers a sense of scale of these textile samples. Although the volumes might appear to be akin to normal books, the volumes actually are hugely oversized.

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185 This continuous bordered floral design was ordered no less than eight times within a space of less than a year, between April 1888 and February 1889. The second compositional approach that can be first seen in 188 6 is the compound border (Fig. 4 30) In this layout, wide strips of a contrasting pattern flank the central design, creating a smaller central ground and an overall more complex composition. An inner border may or may not set off the central ground. Effec tively, the borders along the width of the cloth are thick, and the borders along the length of the cloth are thinner and are comprised of a contrasting design. The motifs that often appear within these compositional elements are smaller, more intricate, a nd largely abstract and repeating. The composition and design elements common to the compound border kanga make for an overall busier design. This example, also in t he pink and rose on white color way, was ordered for the Zanzibar market five times in as ma ny months, between November 1888 and March 1889. Judging from the samples illustrated throughout the 1886 volume, paisley, geometric, and abstracted floral motifs were already popular with kanga consumers. A few examples in this volume display desirable co mmod ities, like the umbrellas discussed above. Animals, too, are featured, including peacocks, fish, and even squirrel s Additionally, the colorway pink and rose on bleached white cloth, was hugely popular between 1886 and 1888 and likely continu ed in its success during the 1890s. The volume also has a few samples that are blue and navy on white and orange and black on white, though these colorway s do not appear to have captured east African and red on white designs ex ist and likely indicate a shift in color trends. Colors, like designs, have a habit of falling in and out of

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186 favor, and sometimes, designs that failed to sell in one colorway had huge success in another, such as this sample from 1891 (Fig. 4 31) This desi gn appears in the 1886 volume in the pink and rose on white colorway but it found popularity a few years later when it was transformed into a red and black on white design. Seven orders for this early kanga design for sale in Zanzibar were placed in the e ight months between January 1891 and August 1891. Although it ma y not strike viewers familiar with kanga today, this textile features a third approach to border design the integrated. Perhaps the least common in terms of examples, this kanga has a border t hat is undulating and integrated into its overall composition. Kanga with integrated borders continue d to crop up throughout the twentieth century. Although the pink and rose on white colorway continue d to be popular in the early 1890s, by the first years of the new century, red and black on white dominated at least the imports of one Dutch manufacturer. This red and black on white design was ordered twenty three times between March 1891 and February 18 92 for the Zanzibar market (Fig. 4 32) Only part of th e border and central ground are available in this sample, but both feature small, intricate, and repeating motifs. The border is comprised of geometric shapes, while the central ground has a more floral design. Fortuitously, a sample that includes the corn er was saved in another colorway Two colorway s are shown in this image, the familiar pink and rose on white and a new pink and rose on dyed yellow. The dyed yellow ground is a subsequent innovation on the original bleached white grounds that were popular in the mid 1880s. By changing just this one aspect, a whole new array of textiles could be produced, using the same woodblocks and the same ink

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187 colors. Although these pink and rose colorway s did not achieve popularity to rival the red and black version, fo urteen orders were made between May 1891 and June 1892. The pink and rose on yellow colorway continued in popularity over the next year. Another example was also printed fourteen times; the design has a continuous border comprised of simple lines and repea ting geometric shapes (Fig. 4 33) The central motif is filled with small, alternating paisley and eight pointed, star like shapes. The final, popular design from this volume is again in the pink and rose on yellow colorway (Fig. 4 34) It was ordered elev en times between June 1891 and January 1892 and the design is comprised of a number of bands of repeating, geometric shapes. The central ground d esign of small spots foreshadowed an even more successful design from 1891 and 1892 the spots and stripes. The spots and stripes kanga was an extremely popular design between at least 1891 and 1892 and likely throughout the final years of the nineteenth century. Many variations on the basic design exist, but all share the striped, continuous borders and a centra l g round filled with spots (Fig. 4 35) The earliest versions were printed in September 1891; the more popular brown on white colorway was printed twelve times until April 1892 and the red, black and white colorway was print ed ten times until June 1892. A Cou tinho Brothers studio photograph from Zanzibar shows a young woman in a garment sewn from this design of kanga ca. 1890 (Fig. 4 36) The striped borders have been sewn together down the side of her body, and the corner portions of the original cloth have b een paired at the bottom of the garment to create a dynamic half box like design. The stripes are aligned along the bottom hem but become increasingly off kilter as the garment travels up her body. This misalignment gives the garment a sense of

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188 movement; t he alternating lines play on the eye. The portion of the sleeve below her elbow uses the striped portion, along with the bottom center of the tunic. The central panel of the tunic, in both front and back, are sewn from the spotted inner portion of the kang a She wears striped trousers, though these appear to be made from a different striped fabric. She also wears sandals that may indicate she is a free born woman. The too pleased to be posing. She stands on gentle striped tex tile, still partially rolled near the bottom of the painted backdrop. 57 Zanzibar functioned as the fashionable urban center in late nineteenth century east Africa and was home to the established studio photographers A.C. Gomes, the Coutinho Brothers, and A. R. Pereira de Lord around the turn of the century. As Dutch textile manufacturers realized the success of the spots and stripes motif, they responded by printing variations on the theme, while conforming to the basic composition. A month after printing th e first version, Dutch textile printers sent black and white versions with slightly bigger spots (Fig. 4 37) The sample on the left has black spots on a white ground, with the spots arranged in orderly rows. This design only garnered eleven orders between October 1891 and June 1892, about half of the version on the right. This sample has white spots on a black ground, arranged in alternating positions. It was by far the most popular version of the spots and stripes kanga with twenty three orders. The foll owing month, a pink and rose on yellow colorway was printed, and eleven orders followed between November 1891 and August 1892 Like some versions of the budding paisley design, this sample is printed on a checkerboard weave cloth, and the pink functions m uch like an outline or accent color 57 My attribution to the Countiho Brothers is based on t he appearance of the floor covering and painted backdrop which appear in other studio photographs by the Countiho Brothers

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189 to the otherwise basic design of simple spots and stripes. In comparing samples from the three shipment dates in late 1891, the spots are gradually enlarged. The characteristic of larger spots, combined with the three co lor design, feature on another studio photog raph from the ca. 1890 (Fig. 4 38) This photograph was taken by the Zanzibar based studio photographers, the Coutinho Brothers. The woman on the left wears a sewn garment similar to the woman in the previous fig ure The front (and likely back) panel features the spotted portion of the design, and the striped borders unite down the sides of her body. The stripes, arranged perpendicularly to the side portions, also form a cuff on her cropped sleeves and across the bottom edge below her knees. A particularly notable design addition can be found between the vertical stripes at the bottom of the garment and the spotted central panel: a chevron like design. This portion characterizes the corners of the original kanga de sign, where horizontal and vertical stripes meet at a ninety degree angle. The tunic is finished with a Nehru or Mandarin style collar, with a deep placate outlined in a light color and decorated by a line of small, light spots. Her trousers also have hor izontal stripes, with a small decoration adorning the lighter stripe. She wears a printed, striped cloth wrapped around her hair and jewelry including a number of earrings, at least one bracelet, and a nose piercing. Unlike the woman in the last photograph she does not wear shoes. The woman next to her wears a set of wrapped, printed cloth s ; she has wrapped one piece around her waist and the second underneath her arms. The pair of textiles is consistent with early kanga designs, many of which have small, intricate borders that outline the central ground; here, the central motif is comprised of small, repeating, heart like shapes and the border is positioned to emphasize the contrasting patterns.

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190 She, too, wears no shoes perhaps indicating her bonded statu s though she does wear two bracelets a sign of conspicuous consumption They stand on the same soft, striped textile, curling up behind them. The painted backdrop completes the studio photograph. A second Couhtino Brothers photograph capturing the same w omen as the previous figure appears on a multi image postcard (Fig. 4 39). The poses of the women are slightly different, and the woman on the right drapes a contrasting spots and stripes kanga over her right shoulder. The appearance of the same design in multiple colorways in the same photograph is quite remarkable and gives credence to the popularity of this early kanga design. Another variation to the popular spots and stripes motif was printed along with the pink and rose on yellow version in November 1 891. This variation retains the striped border, but embellishes the central motif to include larger spots a nd gently s curving shapes (Fig. 4 40) Where the curving shapes are solid, the spots are filled with Arabic script lettering and a laurel branch, ti ed together with a bow. This design was ordered ten times between November 1891 and August 1892. Although not the exact sample, a similar textile appears in a contemporaneous studio photograph from Zanzibar (Fig. 4 41) The photograph by A. C. Gomes captur es two young women with pots balanced on their heads both wearing wrapped, printed cloth The woman on the right wears a printed cloth with the same striped border wrapped around her torso, underneath her arms. The central motif has the same large spots an d thick s curving shape. This cloth is certainly another variation on the theme; when comparing the two, it is clear that the Arabic script lettering, laurel branch and bow design do not appear within the spots and the colorway has changed. Based on the po pular colorway s indicated by early 1890s

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191 Dutch sample books, it is likely it is either pink and rose or red and black in color. Although impossible to tell what the original colors may have been, they certainly juxtapose a medium tone with a dark tone, cle ar when compared against the bright light tone possibly white of the cloth worn by the woman to the left. That woman wears two matching pieces of printed cloth, each with thick, continuous stripes and a largely plain, dark ground in the interior. She wears a dark cloth wrapped in her hair, and the woman in the spots and stripes cloth has an all over printed cloth thrown over her shoulders. Neither woman wears shoes or obvious jewelry. Like other studio photographs of the period, they pose in front of a pain ted backdrop. A studio photograph from 1893 perhaps best exemplifies the range of popular early kanga textiles (Fig. 4 42) The photograph is tentatively credited to A. R. Pereira de Lord, but the same softly striped floor covering and painted background may indicate the image was taken by the Coutinho Brothers. Five girls, likely in their early teens, stand facing the camera. All are bare breasted and are wrapped from the waist down in a variety of printed kanga cloths. The girl on the far right wears the spots and stripes design with the s curving shapes Within each medium toned spot ligh t Arabic lettering, laurel branch and bow motif is enclosed. The s curves are mostly light in color, though they are accented by a medium tone. Similarly, the light str ipes on the border are also accented by a medium tone, indicating this is a three color design. The girl to her immediate left wears two designs of early kanga : one wrapped just below her breasts and a second wrapped around her waist on top of the first c loth. This first cloth is gathered around her torso and the design is mostly obscured, but it peeks out and drapes freely behind the girl on the far right. It is another spots and stripes

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192 motif, here with plain, medium sized spots and stripes in a medium t one that contrast against the darker central ground and stripes. With only two tones indicated, this spots and stripes kanga textile was probably printed in a red and black or pink and rose colorway The second cloth wrapped around her waist also features a continuous border and a contrasting interior motif. The border is comprised of sun bursts in two colors, placed on a dark ground. The inner motif has stripes in alternating light and medium colors, with a dark zigzag line printed on top of the medium ton ed stripes. The zigzag decoration is continued in the light color placed on top of the medium color and functions as part of the framing border. The girl in the center also wears two designs of printed cloth. The cloth worn as a wrap skirt and gathered aro und her torso features design elements commonly seen on kisutu cloths the small, intricate designs, the thin line of spades, s curves, and hearts, and the elongated designs seen most clearly on this cloth. Her second cloth is less visible, only visible dra ped by her right hand. The wispy designs are light in color against a dark ground, and a contrasting border design can be discerned against a busier central portion. It is impossible to tell whether this is a four bordered kanga or a portion of the earlier popular leso ya kushona textile, which come created from six square designs. As all of the women wear early kanga designs, it is likely this is also kanga and not leso ya kushona The two girls on the left side of the photograph also wear kanga textiles, though these fall into the integrated border category. No strict, straight border is apparent, as in so many other kanga textiles. However, the swooping lined design which encloses snake like shapes and swooping birds effectively create a border around the light

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193 grounded center. The repeating squiggles and bold, contrasting designs, combined with the integrated border and all over printed design confirm this as a kanga though perhaps not a typical one. The girl on the far left wears an equally bold design of light graphic shapes against a dark ground. The integrated border is formed by light, eight pointed stars with dark circular interiors that frame a long, angular shape with palm frond like extensions. None of the girls wear shoes but three do wear neckl aces. The girl second from the right even wears a wristwatch. A design of another spots and stripes kanga dates to 1892, when six orders were placed between February and September (Fig. 4 43) The two color design was printed in two colorway s, burgundy on white and black on white. The white spots are even larger than the last design without s curves. It is possible the design retained is popularity throughout the 1890s, but a gap of a dozen years in Dutch sample books leaves the question open. What can be certain is the popularity of bold, clear, crisp designs; the vast majority of designs in the volume from 1891 1892 feature busier, more intricate designs. Many also retain Indonesian batik inspired elements, such as the triangular tumpal With few exceptio ns, east African women made their preference for large, bold, and simplified designs clear, for in the years that follow, these characteristics come to define kanga textiles. Preference in kanga designs shifted from small, intricate and repeating decorati ve motifs to large, bold, and striking elements. This shift is discernible from studio photography from Zanzibar taken around the turn of the twentieth century (Fig. 4 44) In one photograph from the late 1890s a young woman faces the c amera with a water pot on her head. She stands on a floral rug and behind her the

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194 same painted backdrop with the indication of palm fronds, a stone building, and a stone plinth with a bouquet of flowers. The woman wears a printed cloth wrapped underneath h er arms. The cloth has a wide border at the bottom and a contrasting central design of diagonal stripes. These stripes alternate in color, and a floral design is highlighted in the lighter tone on top of the darker stripes. Compared with earlier kisutu des igns, this cloth is certainly simpler, with bold stripes running diagonally across the cloth. However, the retention of small, intricate and floral motifs falls somewhat out of fashion around the turn of the century, as evidenced by the following photograp hs. e late 1890s indicates a shift to favor printed cloth with large, simple designs (Fig. 4 45) Three seated women pose for g pairs of kanga cloths, one gathe red and wrapped underneath the arms and the second t hrown over the shoulders, and in the case of the woman on the left, over her head, too. The women in the back wear designs with small, simple designs in the borders and b old, repeating designs across the central ground. The woman in the foreground wears a kanga with a wide, floral border, with a potentially plain interior. The design elements are quite large and bold: the cloth worn by the woman on the lef t has circles wit h a rectangle placed across; inside the rectangle are a line of six, dark spots. The woman dressing hair wears a light kanga with dark, bold paisley shapes. A similar design is worn by another woman in a studio photograph of similar d ate, taken by A. C. G omes (Fig. 4 46) In this figure the kanga design is clear: a simple, undulating botanical border in mid tones contrasts with the large, bold paisley shapes scattered across the

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195 interior. This design was printed in three colors, and the crisp, printed des igns contrast greatly with her woven headscarf. The large, bold paisley design must have been popular as it was printed in a number of variations and colorway s (Fig. 4 47) The same design in reverse tones can be seen in another 1890s Coutinho Brothers st udio photograph. The woman on the left wears a pair of kanga in the same design, although the central ground is dark and the paisley shapes are light, accented by a medium tone. The small, continuous botanical border has a light ground, and dark undulating wave, and the leaves revealed in a medium tone. She also wears three large ear plugs and a necklace. The woman in the center also wears ear plugs, bracelets, and two manufactured cloths. The cloth wrapped around her torso is printed with a checked design, and the cloth thrown around her shoulders is dark and solid in color and may be kaniki The woman at the right wears four visible ear plugs, a necklace, three bracelets, and a ring on her pinky finger. The cloth draped across her left should er is solid in a medium tone, while the cloth wrapped around her torso bears a design familiar to many later kanga textiles a plant with three leaves and two jagged buds that resemble artichoke buds. Th e motif is repeated at regular intervals across the dark, central gr ound. The kanga is bordered by a continuous line of light, daisy like flowers across a background of medium toned wispy greenery. Two final studio photographs confirm the trend towards large, bold, and striking designs. The first photograph is by the Cout inho Brothers and shows a woman standing in profil e with her eyes downcast (Fig. 4 48) She wears four ear plugs, a necklace and two bracelets. Her printed kanga is wrapped underneath her arms and drapes down the

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196 length of her body. The bold, dark border i s accented with small, light spots and a series of large, light paisley shapes. Instead of the plain paisley shapes seen in the last three images, these shapes have interior patterns of lines, spots, waves, and circles. This bold border contrasts greatly w ith the light, likely plain interior ground, seen toward the of the century photograph (Fig. 4 49) This photograph is included in an album from 1905, and although the photograph er is unknown, i t certainly is a studio portrait. The full length portrait shows a woman facing the camera, so the composition of her printed kanga textiles is easily discernible. This design features a compound border, in which the border along the length of the textile is thinner and plain in comparison to the T he ground of both borders is dark with medium toned polka dots; along the width, this basic border design is augmented both in size and by the addition of l arge, light paisley shapes. The paisley shapes are scalloped around the edges with intricate designs within their interiors. The light, central ground bears large tangerine flowers with concentric circle interiors. Overall, the preference for large, bold, and increas ingly simplified designs characterizes kanga designs around the turn of the twentieth century. 1900 1917: A Plethora of Designs British colonial officials, stationed in Zanzibar and the neighboring island of Pemba, were keen to help British manufacturers succeed in the market for fashionable printed cloths demanded by women in east Africa. As such, they offer particularly sensitive descriptions of popular kanga around the turn of the twentieth century. One official, writing from Pemba in 1900, had this to say :

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197 There is much rivalry amongst the women as to who shall soonest appear arrayed in the latest thing in kanga s which sell at a high premium during the early days of their novelty. Thus newly arrived kanga s will fetch as much as 4 s. for the set of two, during, say, the first week, after which time the price declines, as the articles goes out of fashion, until a pair of the same cloths can be had eventually for 1 s 4 d. which is the lowest figure at which the Indians sell them. Zanzibar is the Paris of Ea st Africa, and the Zanzibar belles are admittedly the glass of fashion. To keep up their reputation for smart dressing involves the frequent purchase of new kanga s of which, I understand, a Zanzibar girl will possess as many as two to three dozen sets at one time. Kanga s which have begun to be out of fashion in Zanzibar will in their turn, constitute the height of fashion in Pemba and on the coast, where they will sell at a premium until superseded by a later consignment from Zanzibar, and so on. 58 This pa ssage encapsulates the trendiness central to kanga design and consumption. The latest design is sold at a premium, but never for too long, before the market is saturated and the price declines. The colonial official also notes the conspicuous consumption r elated to kanga purchases, detailing the array of some dozens of cloths owned at any given time. Other officials comment generally on themes or subject matter that tended to succeed, such as this British colonial official regarding the Zanzibar market in 1899: Before leaving the subject of these articles [ kanga textiles] it may be mentioned that the native is greatly taken with any bright and striking device, and clearness in the printing of these cloths or handkerchiefs is a matter of great importance. In the year 1896 a fanciful picture of the bombardment of the Palace had a good sale along the coast, and the native is much taken with devices of bicycles, flags, &c. 59 As I established in the previous section, a preference for bold, graphic designs is simil arly noted in this passage. A design from 1905 may correspond to this description 58 Report on the Island of Pemba for the Year 1900 Beare, Diplomatic and Con sular Reports: Africa 1901), 15 16. 59 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Tr ade and Finance Foreign Office No. 2520 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1900), 10.

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198 engine approaching the foreground diagonally (Fig. 4 50) The attached swatches indicate both colorway s printed as well as the presence of a contrasting, geometric border. Early twentieth 51) Although not the same kanga design, the woman at the far left midground of this A. R. P. de Lord photograph wears a kanga with a large steam engine drawn in profile. The steam billowing from the smokestack perfectly frames the curve of the contrasting border is evident near her heels. The woman in left foreground wears a pair of kanga with a central motif covered in paisley designs and a contrasting spotted border. The woman in the right foreground likely wears kaniki or indigo dyed manufactured cloth. rom time to time. A particular combination of colors is mentioned by a British colonial official commande [ sic ] the readiest sale at the present moment; the most popular this year consist of fancy designs in red, black, or yellow, but it is quite possible that in a few 60 The samples in the Dutch and black on white varieties, but of cours e many other textile printers were active in the kanga trade around the turn of the century. The theme of Zanzibar taken up by Robert Nunez Lyne. Lyne was the Head of the Agricultural Department for the Zanzibar 60 Diplomatic and Consular Report s: Africa ionary Office by Harrison and Sons, 1901), 13.

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199 Governme nt in 1901. He writes in his 1905 publication, Zanzibar in Contemporary Times : Women are simply clad in two square cloths of colored calico, one of which is tucked under the arms, and the other thrown over the shoulders. They are very particular about the patterns of the prints, the fashions of which but the women, as in other countries, are the slaves of fashion; and I have no doubt Zanzibar sets the fashion for all that part of the world, as Paris does for Europe. The people of Zanzibar are in more prosperous circumstances than those on the mainland, and dress better. 61 A handful of early twentieth century travelers make especial note of the array of elements found on popular kanga de signs. A British journalist, Edward Vizetelly, described From Cyprus to Zanzibar by the Egyptian Delta in this way: I was rather struck by the look of the African lady, when taking a stroll in the cool of the evening. Of course the complexion was dark, the nose flat, and the lips thick, but the eyes were bright, the figure was good, and the gait decidedly graceful. Perhaps the most attractive feature about her was her dress. This consisted of the usual yard or so of longcloth fastened about the loins, supplemented by a large square of printed calico thrown over the shoulders, and so arranged that the principal central design figured in the middle of her back. The drawing thus exhibited in red or black sometimes took the form of a large circular clock, a gigantic butterfly or a bird with expanded wings, a fish, a spider in his web with a fly, a tomahawk, a sunflower, a crab, a life size roo ster on the crow, and so forth. 62 tion of this woman (which becomes decidedly more sexual as the passage continues ), he does make careful note of the array of motifs featured on kanga textiles Several popular samples from 1906 1907 can give a sense of the range of designs and subject matt er typically included on these printed 61 Robert Nunez Lyne, Zanzibar in Contemporary Times: A Short History of the southern East Africa in the nineteenth century (London: Hurst and Blackett, 1905), 234. 62 Edward Vizetelly (Bertie Clere), From Cypru s to Zanzibar by the Egyptian Delta: The Adventures of a Journalist in the Isle of Love, the Home of Miracles, and the Land of Cloves (London: C. Arthur Pearson, Ltd., 1901), 395.

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200 textiles (Fig. 4 52, 4 53, 4 54, 4 55, and 4 56) All of the samples come from the same volume and record colorway orders, and destination for each design. I have included particularly popular designs that were order ed more than four times in the space of one year. The first example was initially ordered in March 1906; it was re ordered four times in differing quantities for differing markets, suggesting that the popularity of kanga textiles had spread beyond the turn of the century east African urb an center of Zanzibar (Fig. 4 52) This design had a main motif of Arabic lettering on a check ground, completed by an undulating dark border. A second group of samples includes established kanga motifs (Fig. 4 53) The bord er is comprised of paisley shapes and tangerine flowers. The central ground is filled with small, closely aligned spots; a larger, central motif may exist, but it is impossible to tell from this small sample. Compared with a studio photograph previously di scussed, the similarities are undeniable (Fig. 4 49). The burgundy and black on white colorway s of this printed cloth design were ordered seven times within the space of three months in 1906. Although most of the orders went to Zanzibar, a good number were also sent to 63 Similarly, striking geometric designs were also popular, as evidence d by the next samples (Fig. 4 54) The sample on the bottom left, the burgundy sq uare patterned border with a striped central ground, was ordered no less than six times between 1906 and 1907. Desirable commodities or simple items of modern life were also included on popular kanga in 1906. A design featuring an early automobile was orde red six times 63 Report on the Island of Pemba for the Year 1900 16.

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201 between the two available colorway s (Fig. 4 55) Tried and true devices were re used, such as a cloth with rose water sprinkler bottles (Fig. 4 56) Originally from 1886, the design found favor twenty years later with seven orders in red and burgundy colorway s. The array of destinations including Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, Bagamoyo and Tanga indicates that kanga were certainly a coastal wide fashion by 1906; presumably these printed textiles traveled through overland trade routes and reached muc h of inland east kanga and other printed cloths had spread throughout east Africa by the early years of the twentieth century. A a, observed a variety of kanga in use in 1905: The piece goods chiefly consist of kanga i.e. a large square of cotton cloth, 6 feet 6 inches by 4 feet 6 inches, printed in colours, two kanga forming the complete dress of a native woman. Of these there is an enormous sale not only in Pemba but all over East Africa, for the women are very fanciful about the latest fashion in pattern or colouring, and if a man wishes for peace in his house he must present his wife or wives with a new pair of kanga at least o nce a month. These kanga s, though imported by German firms, are almost entirely made in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. A few years ago the Netherlands almost monopolised this item of trade, but of late the British export of these kanga s has far ex ceeded the exports of the Netherlands and Germany together. A big German firm, which has many branches all over British and German East Africa and in Zanzibar, buys the whole of the kanga made by a Scotch manufactory. It must be remembered that native wome n prefer quiet colours, the favourite at the present moment being a cotton cloth of a pale lilac with a wide black border, and in the centre some design in black. I have seen traction engines, a hand of playing cards, or simple black stars, and many other designs. I should think animals, excepting dogs or pigs, would prove attractive, especially lions or leopards. The sale price of kanga is 1 rupee (or 1 s 4 d .) each, or 2 rs. (2 s 8 d .) the pair. 64 64 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Harrison and Sons, 1906), 3 4.

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202 Further inland, Dr. Karl Weule, the German ethnographer and l ater Director of the Leipzig Ethnographical Museum, spent six months in east Africa in 1906. He published his findings in his 1909 book, Native Life in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition His comments are not limited to the coa stal areas, though he does visit Mombasa, Dar es Salaam, and Zanzibar, the majority of his observations are from inland. Perhaps most importantly, Weule reproduced 162 illustrations, dozens of photographs taken by him and drawings sketched by him or solici ted from informants. Although not his explicit intention, in photographing women throughout German East Africa in 1906, he reproduced no less than forty three photographs and nine drawings of people, mostly women, wearing printed cloth. From those, eleven photographs show women wearing kanga and two show women wearing leso ya kushona Weule mentions kanga by name only once: In outward appearance these Yaos can scarcely be distinguished from the Swahilis of the coast. The women are dressed in precisely the same kind of kanga (calico printed in brightly coloured patterns, and manufactured in Holland), as the Coast women, though not so neatly and fashionably as the girls at Dar es Salaam, where the patterns in vogue change faster than even at Paris. 65 Weule re produced a photograph of Yao women at Mtua all wearing printed cloth, and more than a few in what is easily recognizable as kanga (Fig. 4 57) 66 He also reproduced photographs of women from various ethnic groups around the region, all dressed in kanga 67 St ill, he expressed his disdain that so many women had abandoned 65 Karl Weule, Native L ife in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition trans. Alice Werner (1909, repr., Chicago: Afro Am Press, 1969), 49. 66 Weule, Native Life in East Africa 33. 67 See Weule, Native Life in East Africa 33, 35, 47, 48, 121, 130, 153, 20 5, 278, 369, 375, for women from the ethnic groups Yao, Makua, Makonde, and Wangoni dressed in kanga

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203 day, nearly the whole she has no other garm ent handy, will still put her little one into a kilt of bark cloth, which, after all, looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African surroundings, than 68 Although Weule considered the bold, str iking, and graphic motifs printed on kanga to be ridiculous, the designs played on the variety of influences converging in east Africa at the time. Objects decidedly European in influence, like the German war helmet, would have been a familiar sight around 1906 1907, when thi s date of this design (Fig. 4 58) 69 Omani influenced symbols, such as the star and crescent, appear on other kanga from this period (Fig. 4 59) The border design is comprised of small, closely aligned dots that are arranged to create d iamonds, triangles, and paisley shapes. These are juxtaposed to familiar local themes, such as the crowing rooster on the facing page. Ships, flags, and cannons are all symbols of power and might be associated with any number of powerful parties in coastal cities including those involved in trade (Fig. 4 60) Older design influences did not wholly cease, either, such as this kanga that borrows Indonesian tumpal design (Fig. 4 61) Another detailed description from a European observer comes from a 1910 book Glimpses of East Africa and Zanzibar written by Ethel Younghusband based on her experiences in 1908. The author accompanied her husband, a member of 68 Weule, Native Life in East Africa 274, 277. 69 The shape of the helmet is German, but the badges on the front of each indicate British affiliation. A si mple explanation might be that the British monarchy is actually German, which may account for the mixing of influences. Note the Arabic lettering in the border design, too. The commonality may be that all of these symbols related to powerful parties in eas t Africa at this time.

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204 African Rifles, to e ast Africa. They first lived in Mombasa and then in Zanzibar. Her observa tions discuss the graphic renderings of modern life on kanga and the tendency for designs and color schemes to fall out of fashion rapidly: kanga under both arms, and the other thrown over the ir necks and arms. A manager of an English firm that imported these kanga s told me the material was made near Manchester; copper rollers for printing are made in London, one for each colour or shade; then all these things are sent over to Holland to be p rinted. The ladies are so fastidious they will not wear the kanga s when the fashion has passed, several thousand of one pattern are ordered the first time, but it never pays to re order. Patterns of flowers or dogs do not sell; generally their taste is goo d, but just now it is rather startling, brilliant reds and yellows mixed with black happen to be the latest style. Sometimes large patterns of trains or ships appear just spread over the broadest part of their bodies. Even in beads they are most particular 70 She verifies that women in east Africa are particularly fashion conscious and that styles fall out of fashion qui ckly, and judging from the array of designs recorded in Dutch his demand. Captain C. H. Stigand also recorded 1909, culled from his time in both Mombasa and Zanzibar. He writes: women. It consists genera lly of two big robes of Manchester cotton bearing the same device. Of these, one is worn folded round the chest and reaching to the ankles, while the second is worn either thrown over the shoulders or head as a shawl. These robes bear all manner of strange devices, every mail nearly brings a new assortment, and the old ones go out of fashion. The new arrivals are sold at a price of from two to six annas more than those of patterns which have been in vogue for some time past. The commonest kinds are white wi th a coloured border. Different devices on this groundwork are, palm trees, bunches of three oranges, motor cars, monkeys climbing poles, a lion in a cage, horses, cashew, apples, pineapples, red fezzes, and every conceivable object which could possibly 70 Ethel Younghusband, Glimpses of East Africa and Zanzibar (London: John Long, 1910), 34 35.

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205 ap peal to the coast natives. Other robes are in different colours, one in Other kinds of robes are of thin flannelette, m uslin, or silk. Nearly every one of the hundreds sold has a special name of its own. 71 Stigand accurately describes the style in which kanga textiles were worn as well as typical colorway s and designs. An account from Pemba again confirms the popularity of kanga textiles throughout the region. Ca ptain J. E. E. Craster describes in Pemba from his experience surveying the island for the Zanzibar government in January 1911: The women were dressed in cotton cloths wrapped round them close under th eir arms and reaching to the knees. The patterns on these cloths were very large and brightly coloured. Some of them were merely huge circles of colour, or simple geometrical patterns, but the more elaborate were representations of some adjunct of civiliza tion. One of the most popular was a picture of an electric light standard, with a large arc light in a wired globe hanging from it. 72 Although most early twentieth century European visitors were perhaps drawn to commenting on kanga due to their inclusion o f modern elements including trains, planes, and automobiles, it appears that most kanga were in fact geometric or abstract in design with a contrasting border. In a handful of Dutch kanga designs dating between 1908 and 1912, the paisley, spots, abstracted flowers, diamonds, and other shapes greatly outnumber objects and animals (Fig. 4 62 and 4 63) Designs range from the very basic repeating small motifs across a white ground with a contrasting black border to the more bold and busy, exemplified here by I ndonesian kemben inspired diamond with intricate swirl like ground. Colorway s established in the late 1880s and 71 Captain C. H. Stigand, The Land of Zinj: being an account of British East Africa, its ancient history and present inhabitants (London: Con stable and Company, 1913), 122 123. 72 John Evelyn Edmund Craster, Pemba, the Spice Island of Zanzibar (London: T. F. Unwin, 1913), 40.

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206 early 1890s continue to be printed twenty years later, including black on white, pink and rose on yellow, black and red on white, and burgundy a nd black on white. Shapes and designs are repeated and re used from earlier examples, such as the artichoke like bud, which was printed in three popular colorway s (Fig. 4 64) Spots, paisley, and abstracted blossom s are favorite subjects, as s amples from 1 910 show (Fig. 4 65) One innovation in colorway appears in samples from 1914. Samples produced during World War I show grounds in not only bleached white but also a tinted blue (Fig. 4 66) In this example from 27 February 1914, large black stripes are pr inted on a tinted blue cloth. Enclosed within each stripe are rows of dots and wavy lines. The tinted blue cloth color, much like the dyed yellow ground added in the early 1890s to the ever popular pink and rose colorway gives red and black designs new li fe. Designs in the 1910s follow established kanga precedents and include geometric shapes, abstracted floral designs, spots, stripes, and familiar objects (Fig. 4 67, 4 68, 4 69, 4 70 and 4 71) Some of the early design elements continue to feature in lat er kanga textiles, such as the cross a nd x shape (Fig. 4 67) and the budding artichoke motif and tangerine flowers (Fig. 4 68) Arabic script lettering, included from the earliest examples, continues to feature throughout the 1910s (Fig. 4 69) Desirable c ommodities, modern methods of transportation, and familiar local objects also are regularly seen, such as airplanes (Fig. 4 70) and horn instruments (Fig. 4 71) A further mention of kanga Ingrams, a Britis h officer of the Colonial Administrative Service. In his 1942 book, Arabia and the Isles Ingrams discusses some of the more notable aspects of Zanzibar before

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207 1933. 73 Ingrams lived in Zanzibar and Mauritius in 1919 and drew on his experien ces while on appo intment there. 74 Ingrams described the dress of two particular sisters on the island of Pemba. One was married to the local leader, and the other to his brother, and they both enjoyed considerable comforts because of their wealth and status. I ngrams describ es their clothing: They [the sisters] were always well dressed and I rarely saw them wearing the same clothes twice. Kanga s were originally so called because they were grey and spotted white like a guinea fowl, for kanga also means guinea fowl. But days when they were as plain as that had long since passed, and among the Swahilis all sorts of extraordinary patterns had their brief mode. You would see a lady with a flat iron or a standard arc lamp pictured across her shoulders. You might even see a wondrou s multirayed sun rising on her back: but Arab ladies of high degree did not go in for devices such as these. Their kanga s were more expensive and of flowered cloths that did not come amiss as curtains. Kanga s for the most part used to be made in Manchester but I believe there has been considerable Japanese competition in late years. There is quite an element of gambling about their manufacture, for patterns may fall absolutely flat. As a general rule the commercial travellers would consult the big wholesale Indian merchants in Zanzibar. If they were lucky in their choice of design the kanga s would sell well. But where one succeeded ten woul d fail to tickle 75 Ingrams confirms much of what earlier travelers wrote, but adds mention of kanga import ed from Japan. British writer Ferdinand Stephen Joelson provides a lengthy discussion of kanga in his publication, The Tanganyika Territory from 1921. Note he even mentions blue tinted kanga varieties and possibly the rose water sprinkler bottle motif : 73 Harold Ingrams, introduction to the third edition, Arabia and the Isles 3 rd ed. (1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), 5. 74 Bernard Reilly, foreword to Arabia and the Isles by Harold Ingrams, 3 rd ed. (1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), ix. 75 Harold Ingrams, Arabia and the Isles 3 rd ed. (1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), 33 34.

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208 In and out amongst the stalls saunter attractive women attired in rich flaming silks, black cottons or blue prints of strange designs, design which advanced lands. Neither are the dusky be lles behind their fairer sisters in the matter, we have merely to question the manager of a firm of wholesale importers, who will reveal to us some of the astounding secrets of Da me Fashion. This cloth was de rigueur for a few weeks; that held sway for as many moons; while that other proved almost unsaleable from the start, though why it is impossible to say. Fantastic patterns, some of which seem to be the creation of a disordered brain. Here on the pretty light blue background are four bicycles, one in each corner; there is a dead lion as the central figure, with a porcupine on either side; another features a row of gaudy bottles; a fourth might be a cunning advertisement for a we ll known watch; the fifth depicts a negro gentleman beneath a wide spreading umbrella; the next declares in gay letters that the wearer is a bibi mzuri a ad infinitum There appear to be no rules as to designs. Everything conceivable is reproduced for the approval or otherwise of the fastidious negresses, whose taste it is out of the question to anticipate. Time alone will show the value and suitability of any given pattern. Some have even been known to fail entirely when first introduced to a market, though a year or two later for no apparent reasons they may cause a boomlet. Those who have the cloth in stick will sell it at top prices, but by the time a fresh supply can be expected from home the demand will probably have exhausted itself as quickly as it started. 76 All of these European visitors to east Africa were struck by the bold, graphic designs and inclusion of modern elements on printed cloth worn by east African women in the first decades of the twentieth century. From these fleeting descriptions, paired with photographs and sample designs, I have shown that east African women were very selective in their purchases of kanga textiles around the turn of the twentieth century. For every design that found success, many dozens fell flat, echoed in contemporaneous 76 Ferdinand St ephen Joelson, The Tanganyika Territory (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1921), 33 34.

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209 Some early designs, such as kisutu continue d to be reprinted and purchased by generations of east African women. Othe rs, such as the spots and stripes design, enjoyed success but have not resurfaced to join the ranks of lasting kanga designs. Design components, including geometric, floral, and desirable commodity motifs, together with bordered compositions, characterize early kanga textiles. Many of these general features, and some specific ones, such as the rose water sprinkler bottle and paisley shapes, will become standard inclusions on kanga textiles throughout the twentieth century.

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210 Figures Figure 4 1. Kisutu Printed in India, acquired in Mombasa, Kenya, 2003. Af2003,21.11 Trustees of the British Museum Figure 4 2. Folded and hanging kanga in a shop near Uhuru Street, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 9 November 2011, Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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211 F igure 4 3. Folded kanga for sale on Uhuru Street, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 9 November 2011. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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212 A B Figure 4 4. Earliest known example of kisutu printed for Zanzibar, 30 June 1886. A) Entire sample. B) Detail of hand wr itten information to right of sample. Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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213 Figure 4 5. Kisutu sample, ten orders between 4 March 1891 and 1 February 1892. Located in No 290 Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 4 6. Kisutu sample with dotted ground, three orders on 14 October 1891, 2 March 1892, and 26 October 1892. Located in No. 281 S lendangs OA 1891 1892 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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214 A B Figure 4 7. Kisutu samples. A) Red white and blue colorway, March 1893. B) Red white and black colorway, 1894. Both samples located in LK M 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs Etc. 1884 1900 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 8. Kisutu samples manufactured by rival printers on behalf of competitor merchant converter firms. Left h and sample printed by van Vlissingen and hand sample printed by an English manufacturer and imported by Hansing & Co. Both date 19 April 1899 and are located in LKM 374 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs Etc. 1884 1900 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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215 Figure 4 9. A. C. Gomes, postcard with two photographs, late nineteenth century Zanzibar. Left photograph shows two women wearing printed cloth, the woman on the right wea rs kisutu in the streets of Zanzibar. Image courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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216 Figure 4 Coiffures et habits malgaches wearing printed cloth, two wearing kisutu ca. 1890. Courte sy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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217 Figure 4 wears kisutu and woman s eated below wears kaniki late 1890s. Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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218 Figure 4 12. Countiho Brothers, woman wearing kanga around torso w ith kisutu thrown over shoulder, late 1890s. CO1069 176 3, British National Archives.

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219 Figure 4 varierty of kanga woman at right wears kisutu before March 1901, reproduced in Scribne 29 no. 3 (March 1901).

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220 A B Figure 4 14. Variations on kisutu design ca. 1901 1902. A) Kisutu with spotted ground. B) Kisutu with large, paisley panel. Both samples located in LKM 1901 1902 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherl ands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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221 A B Figure 4 15. Locally stamped kisutu designs on imported, industrially manufactured merikani likely date to 1901. A) Full samples. B) Detail of top edge of right hand page, showing hand in LKM 260 1898 1915 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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222 A B C Figure 4 16. Locally stamped kisutu designs on imported, industrially manufactured merikani likely d ate to 1901. A) Full sample with black ground B) Full sample with white ground. C) Detail of top edge of left hand page, showing hand Nat ive made LKM 16 No. 230 Stalen OA Sarongs 1900 1932 sample book Vlisco Museum Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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223 A B Figure 4 17. Dutch printed kanga samples with text, 1910. A) Earliest example with Roman script Swahili text, 31 March 1910. Not e use of lower case lettering. B) Examples with Arabic s cript Swahili text, 9 December 1910. Samples located in Slendangs Sarongs Lijmdruk (No. 4531 4737) sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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2 24 A B

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225 C Figure 4 1 8 Dutch printed kanga samples with text, 190 6 1916. Blue tint of samples suggests likely date of 1910s. A) Arabic script Swahili on sample second from right, and cursive Roman script Swahili on sample on far right. B) Roman script Swahili printed in combination of capital and lower case letters. C) Roman script Swahili printed in block capitals. Samples located in 283 Slendangs OA 1906 1916 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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226 Figure 4 19 J. B. Coutinho or Coutinho Brothers, woman wearing kanga Zanzibar, ca. 1890. Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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227 Figure 4 20 Guinea fowls. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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228 Figure 4 21 A. C. Gomes, woman seated, wearing leso ya kushona around waist and kanga draped over left shoulder, ca. 1890, Zanzib ar. Photograph courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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229 A

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230 B Figure 4 22 A. C. Gomes, woman standing wearing leso ya kushona around waist and kanga draped across her shoulders, ca. 1890, Zanzibar. A) Original photograph, courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collectio n of East African Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University. B) Tinted postcard, courtesy of Torrence Royer.

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231 Figure 4 23 Hand drawn and colored designs for early kanga including kofia with crescent and star motif, 20 November 1886. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs, etc. 1884 1900 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 2 4 Hand drawn and colored design for early kanga including Arabi c script Swahili, hanjari and crown like bursts, 18 January 1887, for Zanzibar. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs, etc. 1884 1900 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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232 Figure 4 25 Hand dr awn and colored designs for early kanga including rose water sprinkler bottle, likely 1886. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs, etc. 1884 1900 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 26 Kanga samples with umbrella, rose water sprinkler bottle, and geometric designs in pink rose and white colorway, likely 1886 1887, for Zanzibar. Located in LKM 274 Stalen voor Afrika Slendangs, etc. 1884 1900 sample

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233 book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The N etherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 27 Corner of kanga with umbrella motif in center and rose water sprinkler bottle border, likely 1886 1887. Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Pho tograph by James Ryan.

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234 A B Figure 4 28 Kanga with kisutu design elements and Arabic script Swahili text in pink rose and white colorway A) Composition melds continuous border with compound border. B) Author with kanga to indicate scale of printed cl oths. Kanga l ocated in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, The Netherlands. Photograph by James Ryan.

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235 A B Figure 4 29 Kanga with flower inner corner designs and striped double border in pink white and rose color way, 1888 1889. A) Entire sample showing corner of kanga B) Detail of hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating eight orders. Located in Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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236 A B Figure 4 30 Kanga with geometric design and compound border in pink white and rose colorway, 1888 1889, for Zanzibar market. A) Entire sample showing corner of kanga B) Detail of hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating five orders. Located i n Vlisco Slendangs 1886 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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237 Figure 4 31 Kanga with geometric design and integrated border in red black and white colorway, 1891. Corner of kanga with hand written notat ions to right of cloth sample, indicating seven orders. Located in No. 290 Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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238 A B Figure 4 32 Kanga with geometric design and continuous border, 1891 1892, Zanz i bar. A) Portion of kanga in red white and black colorway with hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating twenty three orders. B) Corner portions of kanga i n pink white and rose and pink yellow and rose colorways, with hand written notations beneath cloth samples indicating fourteen orders. Located in No. 290 Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph s b y MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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239 Figure 4 3 3 Kanga with geometric design and doubled continuous border in pink yellow and rose colorway, with hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating fourteen orders between 1891 and 1892. Located in No. 290 Sle ndangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 34 Kanga with spotted central ground, geometric design s, and combination of compound and continuous border in pink yellow a nd rose colorway, with hand written notations to right of cloth sample, indicating eleven orders between 1891 and 1892. Located in No. 290 Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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240 Figure 4 35 Kanga with spotted central ground and striped, continuous border, in white and brown and white red and black colorways, with hand written notations below cloth samples, indicating twelve orders of the former and ten orders of the lat ter between 1891 and 1892. Located in No. 281 Slendangs OA 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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241 Figure 4 36 Coutinho Brothers, woman wears kanzu l ike tunic sewn from spots and stripes kanga paired with striped trousers and shoes, ca. 1890 Zanzibar Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University

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242 A B C Figure 4 37 Kanga with spotted central ground and striped, continuous border 1891 1892. A) Black and white colorway with white ground, eleven orders. B) Black and white colorway with black ground, twenty three orders C) Pink yellow and rose colorway, eleven orders. All three cloth samples l ocated in No. 281 Slendangs OA 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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243 Figure 4 38 Woman on left wears kanzu like tunic sewn from spots and stripes kanga paired with striped and patterned trousers, while woman on right wears intricately patterned wrapped kanga Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collect ion of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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244 Figure 4 39 Coutinho Brothers, postcard, ca. 1890, Zanzibar. Inset photograph shows woman on left wrapped in kanga and woman on right dressed in kanzu like tunic sewn from spots and stripes kanga paired with striped trousers and draped in a constrasting spots and stripes kanga over her right shoulder. Postcard printed in Germany, ca. 1895 1900. Courtesy of Terrence Royer. Figure 4 40 Kanga with spotted and s curves in central ground and striped, continuous border, ten orders between 1891 1892. Located in No. 281 Slendangs OA 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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245 Figure 4 41 A. C. G Woman on left wears matching pair of kanga and woman on right wears spots /s curves and stripes kanga around her torso. C ourtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Mel ville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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246 Figure 4 4 2 Likely Coutinho Brothers, five girls wrapped in kanga 1893, Zanzibar. Woman on far right wears the spots /s curves and stripes kanga around her torso. Courtesy of The H umphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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247 Figure 4 43 Kanga with large spotted central ground and striped, continuous border, in burgundy and white and black on w hite colorways, six orders in 1892. Located in No. 281 Slendangs OA 1891 1892 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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248 Figure 4 44 1890 s, Zanzibar. Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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249 Figure 4 45 176 9, Britis h National Archives.

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250 Figure 4 46 A. C. Gomes & Co., seated woman wearing pair of kanga 1890s, Zanzibar. Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University

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251 Figure 4 47 kanga Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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252 Figure 4 48 Courtesy of The Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Stu dies, Northwestern University.

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253 Figure 4 49 Unknown Humphrey Winterton Collection of East Africa Photographs, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, Northwestern University.

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254 Fig ure 4 50 Kanga sample with steam engine, in red black and white colorway, 25 November 1905. Located in No. 312 Slendangs 1905 1906 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 51 1910, Zanzibar. Note the woman at the far left in midground wears a kanga with a steam engine. Courtesy Terrence Royer.

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255 Figure 4 52 Kanga samples with Arabic script Swahili text, in red black and white and burgundy black and white co lorways, five orders for Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam between 1906 and 1907 Located in No. 306 Slendangs OA 1906 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figu re 4 53 Kanga samples with paisley shapes and ta ngerine flowers in three colorway s, eight orders for Zanzibar, Mombasa, and Dar es Salaam in 1906. Located in No. 306 Slendangs OA 1906 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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256 Figure 4 54 Kanga samples at lower left have square patterned border and diagonally striped interior, printed in two colorway s, six order of burgundy destined for Zanzibar, Mombasa, Dar es Salaam, and Tanga in 1906 and 1907. Located in No. 306 Slendangs OA 1906 sample book. Vlisco Mu seum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 55 Kanga samples with an early automobile, printed in two colorway s, six orders destined for Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, and Mombasa in 1907. Located in No. 306 Slendangs OA 1906 s ample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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257 Figure 4 56 Kanga samples with diagonally stripe ground and rose water sprinkler bottle border, printed in two colorway s, seven orders destined for Zanzibar, Bagamoy o, Dar es Salaam, and Tanga in 1906. Located in No. 306 Slendangs OA 1906 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 57 Karle Weul e, Native Life in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition. Translated by Alice Werner. (1909; reprint, Chicago: Afro Am Press, 1969), 33. Photograph taken in 1906.

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258 Figure 4 58. Kanga samples with German style war helmet and Arabic script Swahili border, printed in two variations, two orders destined for Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam in 1906 and 1907. Located in No. 306 Slendangs OA 1906 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 59 Kanga samples with crescent and star central motif and paisley bandhani border and rooster, March and April 1907. Located in No. 309 Stalen v. Slendangs Sarongs 1907 1911 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Mo on Ryan.

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259 Figure 4 60 Kanga samples with ship, flag, cannon, and Arabic like script motif, September 1907. Located in No. 309 Stalen v. Slendangs Sarongs 1907 1911 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 61 Kanga sample with tumpal design, 27 September 1907. Located in LKM 260 Stalen Slendangs O Afrika HKN vVL 1898 1915 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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260 Figure 4 62 Kanga sample s with eigh t pointed star and floral designs, May 1908. Located in LKM 310 Slendangs OA 1908 1912 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 63 Kanga sample s with geometric designs, 10 June 1909 Located in LK M 309 Stalen v. Slendangs Sarongs 190 7 191 1 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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261 Figure 4 64 Kanga samples with budding artichoke designs, 22 July 1909. Located in LKM 309 Stalen v. Slendangs Sarongs 1 907 1911 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 65 Kanga samples with spots, paisley, and abstracted blossoms, 15 September 1910. Located in LKM 309 Stalen v. Slendangs Sarongs 1907 1911 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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262 Figure 4 66 Kanga sample with new blue tint, 27 February 1914, Zanzibar. Located in LKM 260 Stalen Slendangs O Afrika HKN vVL 1898 1915 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 67 Kanga samples with new blue tint, one with cross and x shape, 27 June 1914. Located in HKM No. 253 Sarongs Slendangs en Rangoon 1914 1916 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherla nds. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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263 Figure 4 68 Kanga samples with new blue tint, budding artichoke and flower shapes, 1914. Located in HKM No. 253 Sarongs Slendangs en Rangoon 1914 1916 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photogra ph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 69 Kanga samples with new blue tint, right with Arabic script Swahili text, 21 May 1915 Located in HKM No. 253 Sarongs Slendangs en Rangoon 1914 1916 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph b y MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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264 Figure 4 70 Kanga sample with airplanes 15 October 1915 Located in 212 S lendangs en Sarongs 1913 1917 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 4 71 Kanga samples with new blue tint, horn instrument and Arabic script Swahili text 15 October 1914. Located in 212 Slendangs en Sarongs 1913 1917 sample book. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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265 CHAPTER 5 T HE KANGA TRADE: GLOBAL NETWOR KS OF MANUFACTURERS, DISTRIBUTORS, SELLER S, AND CONSUMERS A thorough history of kanga textiles would be incomplete without analysis of the players involved in not only the production, but also the distribution, sale, and consumption of kanga I n this chapter I will describe the network of players involved in the kanga trade, who were primarily active during the colonial period (ca. 1885 1964) in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam. First, a few of the major European textile printers and distributors of kanga will be discussed Next, I will introduce two major mid twentieth century designers and wholesalers of kanga who have not featured in written histories to date These networks were effectively ended by the advent of local production of kanga in Dar es Salaam begi nning in late 1967 Local production, together with protectionist policies of a newly independent nation state, completely changed the dynamics of the kanga trade. M y purpose here is to demonstrate the convergence of players involved in kanga manufacture a nd trade during the colonial era in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam whereas t he next chapter will chronicle the chronology of participants within the manufacturing history of kanga textiles The commercial organization of kanga production distribution, sale, and consumption during the colonial period in Tanganyika can best be described in re lation to the shape of the infinity sign ( diagram demonstrates the interaction of players involved, who handle commodities specific to the kanga trade; the location of each type of participant is also noted (Fig. 5 1) Through this diagram, the motion of kanga textiles, raw materials such as cotton, and new designs can be traced. Beginning on the left hand side, European cloth manufacturers process cotton, spin thread, weave cloth, and finish textile s to order such as with printed designs Next

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266 halfway between the left hand side and the cen tral convergence point, European shippers transport finished textiles from the metropole to the colony In the center, where all four lines converge, European based trading houses with branch offices in colonial cities handle new kanga textiles Often refe rred to as merchant converter firms or merchant converters, these middlemen united European production and African consumption. H alf way between the central convergence po int and the right hand side, Indian merchants function as sellers of imported kanga te xtiles These Indian merchants were based in colonial cities and throughout the colonies of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. 1 On the upper branch of the right hand side of the symbol, these Indian merchants designed new kanga cloth. On the lower branch, these Indi an merchants sold kanga cloth. Within the colony, they served as middlemen, connecting European merchant converters with African consumers. On the far right hand side, Africans are the final consumers of kanga cloth and also the p roducers of cotton and oth er natural resources the raw material necessary for the cycle to begin all over again In the German colonial period, cultivation of cotton was introduced to German East Africa by colonial officials 2 This cotton was then exported through the hands of Indi an merchants to European merchant converters, operating at branch offices in colonial cities. Meanwhile, Indian merchants were busy assessing African consumer preference and creating new kanga designs. Orders for new kanga based on designs by Indian 1 Much of this discussion also holds true for Mombasa in British East Africa; it is less persuasive in 1895 1939: Some Aspects of University, 1978), 115 117, for further elaboration of the economic system centered upon colonial Mombasa. 2 William H. Rodeman n, 1914: Selected A spects of German Administration ( PhD diss, University o f Chicago, 1961), 141 147, 200.

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267 merch ants, were place d with the same European merchant converters. At this stage then, both raw cotton (cultivated by African laborers) and new kanga designs (created by Indian designers) were in the hands of European merchant converters. Representative at bran ch offices, in colonial cities such as Dar es Salaam, sent both the cotton and designs to their home offices in metropolitan cities by way of European shipping lines. Moving to the bottom far left of the infinity symbol, t he raw cotton and kanga designs ma de their way to Europe ; raw cotton was purchased mainly by factories near Manchester, England, in the county of Lancashire The cotton was sold to cotton processing factories, which spun the cotton into thread. This thread was subsequently purchased by wea ving factories, which wove the thread into cloth. The merchant converters purchased unfinished cloth to supply to textile printers. Simultaneously, merchant converters commissioned specialty textile finishers to print the new kanga designs supplied by Ind ian merchants. 3 3 The interconnected nature of the economic network involved in the kanga trade is key to its operation. A mid twentieth century re port on the calico printing industry in England stressed its reliance on a number of outside factors: (b) is on cloth for export. Export markets may be closed or contracted by tariffs or other political measures, or by a fall in local purchasing (c) The bulk of printing is done on a commission basis, and the printers accordingly depend on merchants for supplies of grey cloth. They cannot command these supplies, and the question of printing (d) Printing is as near an art as any industry can be, and there is not and cannot be stand ardisation. The problem of labour and staffing is exceptionally difficult, and it is essential to keep trained staff together. First, [calico printing] is a processing industry, for the supply of the material on which it works and for the disposal of its finished products. Secondly, it is dependent on export markets for the sale of the greater printing has had its full share of difficulties the cott on industry has had to face owing to the decline in its It is the merchant, not the printer, who has to sell cloth in overseas markets in competition with foreign producers. If the merchants are to compete successfully, they must be free to offer that combination of quality and price which, in their judgment, the market demands. They depend for their cloth on other sections of the textile trades spinners, weavers, dyers and printers and small differ ences in price at each of these stages may have a significant effect on the price of the finished cloth and determine whether an order is taken or lost.

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268 After European textile printers completed the surface de sign, new kanga textiles were ready for shipment to the colonies. European shippers transported bales of new kanga to the branch offices of merchant converters in colonial cities such as Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, and Mombasa ; each order was then dispatched to Indian wholesalers. Indian wholesalers then sold bales 4 to Indian retailers, who sold pairs to petty traders who dealt in small numbers of cloth and other consumer goods I ndividu al pairs of kanga might pass through any number of hands on the way to their final consumer. This co nsumer was most often a member of the working class in e ast Africa; men bought kanga for their wives, and women also purchased kanga for themselves and to s erve as gifts. East African women wore kanga as items of dress and for other ut ilitarian and cultural purposes and continue to do so today. The production, distribution, and commercial organization just outlined were not unique to kanga textiles. Indeed, t his network of trade was common to many other imported commodities available for sale in east African colonies, from lesser quality cotton piece goods (also comprised of cotton) to soap (created using copra or coconut oil) 5 The production of these commodi ties by and large took p lace in metropolitan countries using raw material and natural resources cultivated in colonies. In the case of kanga cotton was grown in colonies and then shipped to the metropole for pr oduction Stationery Office, 1954), 65 70. 4 200 pieces of cloth equals 1 bale. Interview with kanga wholesaler on Uhuru Street, 4 October 2011. 5 the global economy in mind. For example, ivory, hides, copal, sisal, clove, sesame, coffee, tobacco, rubber, cashew nuts, among others were exported for processing and consumption of populations throughout the globe. Some agricultural production was intended for domestic consumption, but these of the Year Book & Guide to East Africa

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269 into value added goods, such as fini shed cotton cloth. Firms dedicated to processing cotton, spinning thread, weaving cloth, and applying decorative finishes worked in tandem in places like Glasgow, Scotland; Manchester England; and Haarlem, Leiden, and Helmond in the Netherlands. Very ofte n, the textile was identified with the merchant co n verter despite the chain of production just outlined Many people of an older generation in Dar es Salaam those cotton piece goods imported by the British merchant converter, Smith Mack enzie & Co 6 Few remembered the Dutch textile printer, P. F. van Vlissingen & Co. (Vlisco), who printed kanga for nearly a century. Still the Association. 7 M any remembe red good quality kanga 8 which I take to refer to the products of Vlisco Association. No one was concerned with where the raw cotton was source d from, where the cotton was spun into thread, or where t he thread was woven into fabric. Their major concern was with the fastness of the dye, and less often, the thickness of the textile. 9 Textile Printers Specialty textile printers were in large part responsible for the production of kanga textiles. Two of th e major European textile printers will be discussed to serve as 6 Information summarized from informal inte rviews with a clerk at the National Library of Tanzania on 8 October 2011 and with Edna Mahimbo on 18 October 2011 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Hashim A. Nakanoga, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 28 October 2011. 7 Ukera K. Peera, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011. 8 Various interviews with women in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, fall 2011. 9 These concerns were repeatedly mentioned in dozens of interviews with women in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, fall 2011. For a particular ly insightful contribution, see Edna Mahimbo, Dar es Salaam, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 8 October 2011.

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270 examples. 10 European production of kanga textiles also involved spinners, weavers, bleachers, finishers, and other textile manufacturing specialists. A mid twentieth century report on calico pr inting in the United Kingdom concisely describes the chain of production: The rapid expansion of the Lancashire cotton industry up to the first decade of the 20 th century was associated with an increasing degree of specialisation among the concerns employe d, and consequently led to a structure on predominantly horizontal lines. Thus the industry became organised in four main sections the spinners, weavers, merchant converters and finishers. The spinner bought raw cotton and turned it into yarn, either again st firm orders or, within limits, for putting into stock against future sales. The weaver bought yarn and made it into cloth, which he sold in the grey (unfinished) state to the merchant converter, frequently working co nverter had the grey cloth finished to his own requirements by bleaching, dyeing or printing, handing it over for this purpose to a finisher engaged in one or other of these processes. The cloth, supplying and being paid for a service which was consequently described 11 Even within factories specializing in textile printing necessary components might still be outsourced. For example, some textile printers outso urced the carving of woodblocks or the incising of copper rollers, and many of the products used (blank copper rollers, synthetic dyes, etc.) were themselves acquired independently. Still, one usually at least is able to identify the textile printer or par ent association even if the textile weaver, thread s pinner, and cotton cultivator are unknown T wo of the largest and longest producing European textile printers will next be examined, as they were responsible for much of the European produced kanga from the end of the nineteenth century through the 1960s. First, a short history of the Dutch 10 New research by Seiko Sugimoto and Hideaki Suzuki, Japanese textile scholars, will illuminate the role of Japanese manufacturers an d printers in the kanga trade. 11

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271 textile printer P. F. van Vlissingen & Co., today known as Vlisco, will be recounted, as it relates to kanga production. Next, the history of the British Calico Printe frequently referred to as CPA, will be chronicled. CPA member firms printed kanga for the e ast African market, and these two competed for dominance in the kanga market from the end of the nineteenth century through the eve of World War II in what is today Tanzania. 12 P. F. van Vlissingen & C o. Pieter Fente ner van Vlissingen founded the calico printworks P. F. van Vlissingen & Co on 15 August 1846, after taking over the calico printing factory of P. A. Sutorius in Helmond, the Netherlands 13 Known today as Vlisco, the company printed textiles for both the domestic and export market. 14 His son, Pieter II (b. 12 March 1 826) joined him in the business. I n 1852, the company started exporting batiks to the Dutch East Indies (present day Indonesia). 15 Van in law Frederik Jacob Matthijsen subsequently joined the management, and the factory continued as a family business in Vlissingen an d Matthijsen hands for four generations. The printworks produced articles 12 Import records indicate British and Dutch textile printers competed for dominance in printed textiles during this time. See the following publication series for import figure s on cotton piece goods and kanga : 1924) and Tanganyika (1921 1948); East Africa Trade Report (1949 1950; 1953 1960); East African Customs and Excise: Trade and Revenue Report for Tanganyika, Uganda and Keny a (1951 1954); East African Community Annual Trade Report (1961 1976), Annual Trade Statistics Report of Tanzania (1972 1981; 1998 2001; 2006 2010). Statistical information on the number of imported kanga from each kanga producing country will be considere d in Kanga Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929 13 van Vlissingen & Co., Extract of the Memoria l Volume van Vlissingen & Co, Helmond, 1846 1946 (Helmond: van Vlissingen & Co., 1946), 7. 14 M. G. P. A. Jacobs and W. H. G. Maas, Een leven in kleur: Textieldrukkerij Vlisco, 1846 1996 by M. G. P. A. Jacobs and W. H. G. Maa s (Helmond: Uigeverij Historion, 1996), 154. 15

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272 for domestic consumptio n, but its largest interest was in the export market, particularly in printed sarongs sold to the Dutch East Indies. 16 These were entirely p r inted by hand until the company acquired its first roller printing machine in 1863, originally intended to print art icles for domestic consumption. 17 The 1870s and 1880s were a particularly difficult time for the printworks at P.F. van Vlissingen & Co. Van Vlissingen senior died on 27 January 1868, and over the next five years mana gement changed hands several times Tech nological advances warranted a shift in dyes; around this time, the factory began adopting synthetically produced dyes. From 1874, exports of printed batiks to the Dutch East Indies declined due in part to competition from locally produced batiks as well as Dutch political changes in export policies to colonies 18 Knowing that to stay in business a shift in production or destined market was necessary, Pieter II began investigating potential ex ports to e ast Africa in 1875 19 Then one disaster after another ri ddled the business: first the power plant was destroyed by fire in 1876, and then much of the factory, including the printing, drying, and bleaching departments burn ed down on 19 September 1883. 20 Pieter II worked to rebuild the factory after the 1883 fire and changed the organiza tion to a limited partnership. Business was still unsteady until about 1897 when sales improved and profits were sustained until World War I Export s 16 These printed sarongs sought to imitate wax batik methods, a lengthy processed that included drawing decorations in wax to protect portions of a cloth from d ye. 17 At the time of writing in 1946, this original machine was still in use. van Vlissingen & Co., Extract of the Memorial Volume 7. 18 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 19 Jacobs and Maas, Een leve n in kleur 26. 20 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 25; Extract of the Memorial Volume 8.

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273 to e ast Africa also became steady right around the turn of the century, when Vlis archives show regular exports of kanga textiles Export to West Africa likely began in the first decade of the twentieth century when a new market for printed batiks was found in West Africa. 21 W artime conditions seriously affected business between 19 14 and 1919 : lack of raw materials and chemicals the factory could work only irregularly and 22 The company changed from privately owned to a limited liability company at t he end of 1916, and the factory reopened its doors in April 1919 to produce printed cotton goods for domestic and export markets. Vlisco stopped hand printing products for the domestic market in 1918 but continued to utilize hand printing for the export m arket in both kanga and Dutch wax and Java prints 23 The company thrived in the 1920s and according to their sesquicentennial publication, Vlisco produced both hand stamped and roller printed kanga for the e ast African export market. 24 In 1932, Vlisco succe eded in 21 a sample pattern book with explicit reference to textile s printing specifically for the coast of West Africa dating to August 1852 in the Vlisco archives, but this likely comes from a sample book originally produced by a competitor company. Picton documents a design dated 25 November 1904 from an HKM ( Haarlemsc he Katoen Maatschappij Indonesian The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex ed. John Picton (London: Barbican Art Gallery, returned to th e Gold Coast with pieces of batik, admired for their designs, bright colors, and crackling effects from the batik process. Vlisco began producing designs tailored to the West African market, 22 Extract of the Memorial Volume 8. 23 Dutch wax prints were expensive to manufacture, whereas the java print was an imitation of batik and Maas, Een leven in kleur 26, 31. 24 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 46.

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274 prints and production by hand. 25 Vlisco formed a subsidiary in Belgium in 1932 to ease export difficulties, restructured during the Great Depression to avoid bankrupt cy, and yielded profits once again after 1936. 26 For kanga in particular, hand stamping ceased by the 1930s and all kanga produced in in that decade shifted to roller printed technology. 27 The German invasion of the Netherlands in May 1940 interrupted produc tion once again. The staff of the factory was reemployed as peat diggers and avoided recruitment by the Germans, and savvy camouflage methods were enacted to protect the fa ctory 28 Domestic production continued during wartime, and on liberation day, as Vlis c centennial publication noted everal million yards were ready for export to our 29 The factory resumed normal production after World War II and enjoyed continual growth from 1946 1960. 30 Due to increased international competition and protectionist policies implemented by newly independent African nations Vlisco stopped printing cheaper types of cloth in the 1960s, including fancy prints, (imitation wax print), Java prints for the West and Central African market, and kanga for 25 innovation, see Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 46, 51. 26 During the 1930s, doors: Roesingh & Zoon in 1935, LKM ( Leidsche Katoen Maatschappij ) in 1936, and KKM ( Kralingsche Katoen Maatschappij ) in 1932. Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 42. 27 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 45 46. 28 van Vlissingen & Co., Extract of the Memorial Volume 9. 29 van Vlissingen & Co., Extract of the Memorial Volume 9. 30 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 4.

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275 the e ast African market ; the latter will be discussed in detail in Chapter 6. 31 Th e changes in political policies and the launch of fully integrated text ile mills in newly independent e ast African countries in the late 1960s severely limited imports. V lisco redoubled their focus on designs destined for the West African market, by acquiring shares in domestic wax print factories in Ghana, C day varieties in 1973. 32 Vlisco stopped producing new kanga designs in 1967 ceased exporting printed textiles to east Africa in 1974, and ended production of textiles for the European market in 1981. 33 The company took the brand edge of wax prints. 34 Hand block printing completely ceased on 15 December 1993 35 More recently Vlisco has changed their approach, seeking further exclusivity and protecti on for their designs. From 2006, the company has launched limited seasonal collections of their Dutch wax print s and select accessories in their boutique stores in major cities across West Africa. 36 31 Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur latest kanga that production did indeed cease in the late 19 60s. 32 33 34 35 36 que stores, examples of their limited edition cloth collections, and general turn towards embracing a high fashion approach, where quality and exclusivity is emphasized over quantity. www.vlisco.com

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276 The British Cal ico Pr Association, Ltd. (CPA), active between 1899 and 1950s, was comprised of dozens of member firms across the United Kingdom who specialized in printing s urface designs on manufactured textiles 37 CPA worked with related British associations made up of dozens of member firms that specialized in other aspects of textile manufacturing. comprised of member firms that specialized in the bleaching and finishing of textile tion, Ltd. was comprised of member firms that specialized in dyeing and finishing textile fabrics. 38 By cooperating with these textile associations, CPA gained access to manufactured cloth, the raw material necessary for their printing trade. CPA was formed in 1899, and it brought nearly eighty percent of the textile printers under one management. 39 Originally comprised of 46 printing and 13 merchant firms as well as some weaving and spinning interests CPA sought to centralize the finances purchases of grey or unfinished cloth and production of textile printing, to avoid undue competition and overlap in design, sampling, engraving and pattern distribution. 40 Initially at least it was largely unsuccessful though the individual 37 Most of the membe r firms were located in and around Lancashire, near Manchester in the north of England. Some member firms were also near Glasgow, Scotland, and only a few were located in 38 location of works in existence in 1941. 39 Visit of Their Majesties King George V and Queen Mary to the Br th 1913 (Accrington: Broad Oak Works, 1913), 11. By contrast, another CPA publication from some years later estimated the founding of the association amalgamated 85% of the British cali co printing industry. Calico Fifty Years of Calico Printing: A Jubilee History of the C.P.A. (Manchester: Calico 40

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277 firms remained successful print ers. In efforts to streamline sales, CPA restructured brands to sections and individual branch names were left off in favor of a more inclusive CPA branding. 41 the East and West Africa Section is located at 42 Portland Street. 42 The pamphlet is undated, but must date to the early twentieth century, after CPA restructuring. U nfortunate ly, the East and West Africa section does not list the firms that forme rly would have printed textiles for this market, like other regional sections. 43 Advice was administered to bolster restructuring efforts, which sought to enhance competition of CPA against rival foreign textiles printers: The market committees would have u nder them important departments, whose duty it would be to accumulate information with regard to trading prospects in the respective markets. No fact relating to a foreign market should be regarded as insignificant. Whilst direct trading may not be possibl e, all facts influencing market conditions, whether political, economic, or social, should be accumulated and studies with a view to the extension of trade. Blue Books and British and Foreign Consular Reports would be systematically studied in this departm ent. Fifty Years of Calico Printing 17 18. 41 natural that a customer should prefer dealing with (say) the Rangoon Section rather than with Bayley & Craven or the Strines Printing Co., when it is remembered that these two firm names stand for rd July, 1913, 3. Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Calico Printers Association, M75/1/5/1 2 Reports and Returns 1900 1968. 42 sociation, 2. Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Calico Printers Association, M75/1/5/1 2 Reports and Returns 1900 1968. 43 kanga throughout the first half of the twentieth century. A 1942 report indicates that Messrs. M. & F. St. Goar of Manchester provided th June, 1942 Smith Mackenzi e and Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS28126. But fleeting mentions such as this hardly illuminate kanga

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278 manner, it might be possible to lead the way in trade development, instead of being a bad second, as we so often are. 44 World War I saw CPA printers shift prod uction to war time efforts, and in 1916, a trade association, the Federation of Calico Printers, was formed. This federation sough t to institute minimum prices, to protect production and ward off undercutting profits of fellow member firms. 45 British textil e production faced serious competition following World War I and began its long decline. 46 Countries such as Japan, China, India, and Brazil ular continued to rise. 47 extile industries paid lower wages, required longer working hours and ran double shifts in production, effectively undercutting the costs of British te xtile manufacturers 48 In 1931, the fixed minimum price for CPA member firms was abandoned, which led to f ierce competition and undercutting profits to the point of bankruptcy during the Depression era. 49 Association to protect profits by streamlining sourcing and production in the British textile printing industry was underm ined as competition increased. British firms competed with one another amid the shrinking worldwide market for British textiles. 50 In 44 7. 45 46 from 1914 19 50, see page 65. 47 Fifty Years of Calico Printing 31. 48 Clive R. Hargreaves, Some Comments on the Calico Printing Industry in its Relationship to the Cotton and Rayon Textile Industries, with special reference to the report b y the Monopolies Commission on the Process of Calico Printing (C. Nicholls and Co., 1954), 4. 49 50 Hargreaves, Some Comments on the Calico Printing Industry 5.

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279 essence, British textiles firms had a much greater capacity to produce textiles than the market required for purchase at hi gher British prices, and soon CPA member firms were undercutting one another deep into bankruptcy. S ome forty percent of firms closed during World War II, and others shifted production to war supplies 51 Although the initial years following World War II wer e promising, m anufacturing on the whole in the United Kingdom declined rapidly following World War II. Minimum prices were again set in 1954 on a number of CPA printed Kanga s and Sarries kanga printing. 52 By 1954, the future of the British textile industry, and CPA in particular, was bleak: We must face the fact that it is not possible from this country, or from any other western country, to compete with Japanese printed calicos, except at a heavy loss. is the only remaining criterion for the discriminating buyer at home or overseas in giving preference to British prints and the real hope for the future of the entire cotton and rayon textile industries lies in maintaining the 53 In 1954, a government study on CPA to do with whether or not the association was guilty of a monopoly found that printing was commissioned by merchant converters a practice common since at least the turn of the century In that year CPA possessed a commission printing showroom where all the branches can display their work and available designs to converter customers. Some of t he designs are produced for the branches by a central service department using a process peculiar to C.P.A. C.P.A. also provides hand coloured designs on 51 Hargreaves, Some Comments on the Calico Printi ng Industry 7 The Monopolies and Restrictive Practices Commission 2 Reports and Returns 1900 1968, Manchester Arc Fifty Years of Calico Printing 49. 52 53 Hargreaves, Some Comments on the Calico Printing Industry 20 21.

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280 paper (the common method) for customers who prefer them. Duplicate overseas showrooms to facilitate ordering. The originals for these designs are brought by each branch from outside designers in Manchester, London, Paris, New York or elsewhere or created in its own atelier. In about 50 per cent. of cases customers choose a design from the selections offered; in other cases they provide their own, the modifications commonly needed for technical reasons being provided in the branch atelier. 54 Therefore, tracing the factory or firm that actually printed the designs of kanga is difficult, a fact made nearly impossible by the dearth of extant records. The association of European produced kanga with the merchant converter firm who commissioned, imported, and sold the textiles is quite understandable, given that, according to the 1 954 concerns on cloth owned by their customers, the merchant converters. The goods most textile printing is now done on the calico printing machine, the remainder being accounted for principally by hand block and screen printing. 55 Regarding the rel ationship of specialty pri nters, such as CPA, to merchant output of t he [calico printing] industry about 85 per cent. consisted of commission work, 56 was increasingly vulnerable to shifts in the global economy and the rapid industri alization of other countries. The same report points to the challenge s posed by 54 Manchester productions the following week in showrooms abroad. See page 40 for interior photographs o Fifty Years of Calico Printing 44. 55 56

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281 been something of a struggle to maintain its share of t vulnerable than other concerns to particular market contractions or a general 57 This shift is part icularly clear in the case of kanga production; essentially a very inexpensive, simple cloth to print kanga production was first in European hands, then it shifted to Japanese manufacturers, and over the past quarter century Indian and are of the market. 58 D uring the 1960s textile producers and finishers, including printers, went out of business rapidly. Unfortunately no systematic effort was made to save the business tion records in the Manchester Archives and Local Studies and found a random selection of employment records, meeting minutes, limited correspondence and only a handful of sample pattern books, none of which displayed cloth for the e ast African market. I d id track down one that displayed hand (Fig. 5 2) Still, repeated mention of British textiles in colonial reports, im port records to Tanganyika, and the limited holdings of CPA archive in Manchester confirm that the United Kingdom 57 58 See the following pu blication series for import figures on cotton piece goods and kanga : British colonial 1924) and Tanganyika (1921 1948); East Africa Trade Report (1949 1950; 1953 1960); East African Customs and Excise: Trade and Revenue Repo rt for Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya (1951 1954); East African Community Annual Trade Report (1961 1976), Annual Trade Statistics Report of Tanzania (1972 1981; 1998 2001; 2006 2010). Statistical information on the number of imported kanga from each kanga p roducing country will be considered in earnest in Chapter 6, Kanga Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929

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282 was certainly a larg e producer of textiles for the e ast African market. 59 Through limited cloth samples advertisements, and off hand mentions of British textile printers, some CPA member firms that produced kanga can be identified The CPA visit to the Broad Oak Works in Accrington near Manchester on July 9 th 1913 mentions clot h block printed for the African market: It is the human quality, the touch of the hand of man which the machine cannot get the hand which lingers over its work, the hand which sometimes falters and sometimes even fails. And it is this which gives to the fa bric printed by block a character, an atmosphere which does not belong to the product of the machines. The workman at this table before one is working for one of the great African markets, printing on a deep blue background some pagan symbolism. He may be seen deliberately varying the intervals in the design, fitting the tracery of pattern loosely, imperfectly, leaving ends that will not meet the negro will not have an art which is too precise in every part, and the negro is aesthetically right. When he has mastered quite a number of the sciences the Calico Printer must begin the study of man. 60 Although the writer is certainly a product of his or her times, this passage does accurately represent the advantage of block printing designs on cloth by hand. The a uthor may be referring to East or West African markets here, providing no other A nother article dating from a decade later confirms kanga production by CPA mem ber firms. The Ma n chester Guardian Commercial was a weekly periodical that review ed industry, trade and finance. A supplement from 17 May 1923 entitled included an article 59 See Append Kanga Textiles in Early Twentieth Century British Colonial Trade Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929 60 12.

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283 that makes plain production of kanga for the e ast African market. 61 work, especially in production for foreign markets. I quote from the article at length b elow; n ote kanga and its for bearer, leso ya kushona are both mentioned: The singular thing about the calico printing industry is that the average Manchester resident does not see the wide range of designs produced by the various firms. In the shops one se and fancy dress fabrics made up or sold by the yard. This class of goods is well known, being home trade, but there is the immense output for foreign markets, India, China, Africa, Egypt, Persia, and the Levant. Designs for these far away places are very distinctive, and are never seen in our shops. Where does the inspiration come from for the variety of designs? A designer must be told the kind of pattern wanted, and the general plan is for the indication to come throu gh the salesman, who in turn usually gets the idea from his customer, often from abroad. Someone must be in touch with the coming trend of fashion, whether it be in England, India, or Africa, as the designer, sitting in his room has no such opportunity. Designs are drawn on drawing paper in body water colours, in any number from two to seven colors, and are drawn to scale for engraving on a copper roller 16 inches girth and up to 50 inches wide. A large trade is also done with the east coast of Africa At one time the natives there wore a piece of cloth with was six handkerchiefs uncut. This the designer developed by drawing a border round and a large animal in the centre, till its appearance now is like kang a knowledge of the geography and customs of the world must be quite extensive in order to cope with the enormous trade Manchester does in printed cott on goods, origina ted by the designer, and distribu ted all over the world. 62 This short article confirms that inspiration for export designs comes directly from those with direct access to consumer desires It also notes that CPA firms print kanga for the e a st African market. It even describes the leso ya kushona garment, comprised of six 61 Manchester Guardian Commercial 17 May 1923. 62 Manchester Gu ardian Commercial 17 May 1923.

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284 handkerchiefs sewn together, which gave way to the four bordered kanga here, likened to a rug. A photograph accompanying the article displays five e ast African women all we aring printed cloth (Fig. 5 3) The three women in the middle wear cloth with borders, one flowered, one spotted, and one with floral or paisley motif. The two women on the edges wear cloth that is entirely spotted. t Garment in the World is the Kanga of which Lancashire sends Millions to the Tropics. It is a Simple Development from a Piece of Cotton Designed to be cut into six Pocket Handker chiefs. One is Wrapped Round the Body and Another Thrown over the Shoulders 63 Although this is confirmation that CPA member firms did indeed print vast quantities of kanga the specific fir ms still elud e identification. Fleeting mentions of CPA member firms that produced kanga for the e ast African export market can be found in a smattering of far flung records and very limited holdings of CPA kanga For instance, a list in the Smith Mackenzie archives records a few of the Manchester based textile printers that produced kanga for the British merchant converters. The document lists st Kanga 64 C PA and oth er British c alico printers appear on the acquisition information or original identification stickers affixed to mid twentieth century kanga in the collection of 63 64 st Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS36447/2: General correspo ndence.

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285 the Whitworth Gallery at the University of Manchester. 65 Eight display CPA stickers like two fr om the 1940s (Fig. 5 4 and 5 5) T hree also near the corner of the central motif (Fig. 5 6, 5 7, and 5 8) This refers not to the CPA member firm that printed the kanga but rather the merchant converter firm that commissi oned the printing of this kanga design. In this case, Ogdens & Madeleys, Ltd. 66 as a trademark for the merchant conve rter firm 65 The Whitworth Art Gallery at the University of Manchester has a superb collection of textiles from around the world. Unfortunately, the collection does not hold exhaustive or even explanatory collections of British textile production. Their holdi ngs of CPA printed textiles were equally limited, but the curators and I did manage to locate 22 kanga related printed cloths, seven of which were donated by Dehns (Africa) Ltd., four were donated recently by individuals who acquired examples in East Afric a, three by S. kanga were found in a trunk in the basement in the 1980s and only formally accessioned in 2001. When I inquired about the circumstances of the discovery Head of Collections Nicola Walker to ld me that her predecessor likely accepted the trunk in the midst of CPA member firms declaring bankruptcy in the 1960s, and the trunk remained untouched (with eleven folded kanga inside) for two decades until she une arthed the textiles. Therefore, little acquisition information accompanies the textiles, but luckily, original identification stickers remain intact. She also lamented the fact that no systematic collection or archive was established as the Manchester area textile industry folded in the 1960s. Many documents were burned, left to rot, or otherwise destroyed. The fate of many pattern books was the same, though some have entered public and private collections, as acquiring firms sought to recoup their investme nt by selling any profitable supplies or equipment to the highest bidder. 66 (Nairobi: East African Standard Limited, 1922), 498 499. A more verbose explanation of their business ap pears in a similar with the piece goods trade. Anyone interested in that trade and inspecting the extraordinary range of textile materials and sundry nat ive requirements imported by Messrs. Ogdens & Madeleys, Ltd., would receive many impressive object lessons in the great differentiations of designs and chromatic effect created and sustained by the preferments and fashions of the native and Asiatic peoples of East Africa. Amongst the merchants there the firm are regarded with esteem and appreciation because of the swift efficiency with which they manufacture new designs embodying the most approved tribal idiosyncrasies of each district; and the field of the ir operations in that connection is very extensive. Achievements such as theirs are only possible by long specialised knowledge and experience. Established since 1830, Messrs. Odgens & Madeleys, Ltd., have their own manufacturing connections in Lancashire, and recently took over certain departments of the prominent business of Henry Bannerman and Sons of the same city. Messrs. Odgens & Madeleys, Ltd., had been engaged for decades in the piece goods trade of East Africa before they opened their Mombasa offic Eastern Africa and Rhodesia: Historical and Descriptive Commercial and Industrial Facts, Figures, and Resources (London: W. H. & L. Collingridge, Ltd., 1930), 92.

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286 Acquisition records indicate that seven kanga related cloths were donated to the Whitworth Gallery by Dehns (Africa) Ltd. in 1961 Five are kanga created for the e ast African market; 67 tw o date from 1915 (Fig. 5 9 and 5 10) one from 1935 (Fig. 5 11) and one from 1939 (Fig. 5 12) Two other circa 1935 cloth s are square in shape and are identified in the accession records as s 68 Only one was availab le to be photographed (Fig. 5 13) The other features roosters and is reported to resembl e the rectangular kanga with roosters, though it is smaller and square in shape. The seventh example is a lamba hoany the Malagasy cousin of kanga which dates to 1955 (Fig. 5 14) Mid twentieth century lamba hoany from Madagascar are easily recognizable, due to their dis tinctive color palette (maroon and marigold on bleached white cloth ) and their use of the Malagasy language instead of Swahili for the short sayings. From this small we can assume that a large variety of kanga related clothes were being produced in the UK fo r the east African export market. The final three European printed kanga were manufactured by S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. The first is a rather striking kanga ; it feat ures ally across the cloth (Fig. 5 15) Together with nine airplanes l Air Force The printed information along the selvage edge may refer to the n ickname of the 67 kanga s are given in the acquisition records. The 68 term used by Muslims to describe non Muslims. It was adopted by Europeans in southern Africa as a derogatory term to describe Black Africans (as opposed to white Africans, or the settler communities the floor.

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287 No date is recorded in acquisition records. The two other kanga printed by S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. fortuitously do record their dates of manufacture June 1946 (Fig. 5 16 and 5 17). The first is an uncut pair of kanga with differing borders on the long and short sides The second has a continuous paisley border, and both have sayings printed in Arabic scripts Like the last Schwabe kanga the selvage edges give credit to Fundi particular person skilled in kanga design. The inclusion of this information becomes more common around the mid twentieth century, when kanga designers of Indian descent gained a level of success to be able to demand their names be included within the printed design. This practice will be discussed in subsequent sections on local kanga designers. Merchant Converters The European trading houses are often referred to as merchant converters. The term merchant converter refers to their role in the trade as savvy distributor s Indeed, merchan t converters neither manufactu r ed nor consumed commodities; rather, they played effective middlemen, bringing together the specific demands of consumers and the manufacturing capabilities of industr ies locate d in metropolitan countries. T hrough their presence in colonies (through branch offices) and close communication with their headqua rters in industrialized centers, successful orders could be placed, delivered, distributed, and eventually sold for profit. European merchant converters who dealt in kanga and other piece goods included the British firm s Smith, Mackenzie & Co. Ltd. and Ogdens & Madeleys, Ltd., the German firm s Hansing & Co., and Wm.

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288 and the French firm L. Besson & Co. On e Japanese firm, C. Itoh & Co., came to prominence in the 1920s and there were undoubtedly others active throughout the course of the t wentieth century. Mid twentieth presence, and new research by Hideaki Suzuki wil l illuminate the Japanese role and dominance in the Tanzanian kanga trade from 1955 1981 when records ceased. 69 Cotton piece goods, including kanga constituted only one portion of their total sales. Most trading firms were loath to specialize in one type o f good only, for fear that Afric an consumer tastes could change 70 European and American merchant converters controlled much of the trade between e ast Africa and the wider world from the 1830s through independence. Merchant converters moved their branch off ices to capitalize on the main entrept for trade throughout that time. These m iddlemen first stationed themselves at Za nzibar, the center of trade in e ast Africa in the mid nineteenth century. They then established branches at Mombasa or Bagamoyo, followi ng the caravan trade routes, and finally, when colonial headquarters moved down the coast, they opened branches in Dar es 69 For example advertisements, see Directory: Trade and Commercial Index (Nairobi: East African Directory Co., 1963). See the following publication series for import figures on cotton piece goods and kanga Zanzibar (1881 1924) and Tanganyika (1921 1948); East Africa Trade Report (1949 1950; 1953 1960); East African Customs and Excise: Trade and Revenue Report for Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya (1951 1954); East African Community Annual Trade Report (19 61 1976), Annual Trade Statistics Report of Tanzania (1972 1981; 1998 2001; 2006 2010). Statistical information on the number of imported kanga from each kanga producing country Kanga Supply: A M Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929 70 articulate the economic network that closely parallels kanga production and distribution in Dar es Salaam.

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289 Salaam. 71 A British trade report from 1908 concisely describes the role of merchant Imports from Europe are effected almost entirely by the local commission houses, and by them are distributed to wholesale Indian traders who supply the retailers. It is well to note that it is the usual practice for local houses in Zanzibar to place their orders with their head offices in Europe, and not customary for Indian merchants to have direct dealings with exporting firms in Europe, and commission houses here find it n ecessary to allow credit. 72 T wo of the largest and longest dealing European merchant converters who dealt in kanga Mackenzie & Co. They commissioned, arranged transport, and distributed E uropean produced kanga from the end of th e nineteenth century through the 1960s. Both firms commissioned printed kanga for the e ast African market from the Dutch textile printer van Vlissingen & Co. (Vlisco) Mackenzie & Co. following at the outbreak of World War I. Wm. & Co 1831 The son of a chief accountant of the Preussische Seehandlung (Prussian Overseas circumnavigated the world twice on merchant ships before founding the trading house that bears his name. 73 It was headquarter ed in Hamburg, which was a free port until 1871, when the city state beca me part of the German 71 72 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanziba r and Sons, 1909), 10 11. Similar points are made in the 1909 10 on Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzi bar No. 4716 (London: 10 73 (Broschek & Co., 1931), 7 8, 22.

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290 Empire. 74 Initially, the trading hous e was appointed agents of th e Prussian Overseas Trading Co. and traded mainly around the Baltic Sea. 75 Their involvement in the Indian Ocean happened by chance, when the firm bankrolled Captain Rodatz and his German schooner Alph in 1843, which had run shor t of funds. The schooner returned to Hamburg by way of Zanzibar in 1845, handling goods at every port. From then, Captain subsequently established a branch of the trading hou se there in 1849. 76 was comprised of two American firms specializing in merikani cotton sheeting one French firm, and another Hamburg firm, A. J. Herz S hne, who were involved in the cowry trade. 77 Trade was steady t hroughout the 1850s, 1860s, and 1870s Africa) and into ship owning ( to support their main business of trade) Co. increased most rapidly after 1884 with the partitioning of the continent The colonial powers improved infrastructure by building roads, railroads, and increased shipping, established regional branche s in the following locations, primarily in Germa n East Africa (or present day mainland Tanzania): Mombasa 78 (1899), Bagamoyo (1902), Dar es Salaam (1904), Mwanza (1906), Tanga (1910), Tabora (1911), Bukoba (1912), and 74 ain a section of the quay as a free port, arguing that trade would be irrevocably damaged if obliged to pay duties. One of The 20. 75 Th 8. 76 10. 77 10. 78 Mombasa is in present day Kenya on the coast of east Africa.

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291 Kigoma (1914) and even more in Madagascar. 79 During World War I, the trading anches were liquidated as enemy property, but resumed trade in Mombasa, Dar es Salaam, and Kampala and reduced their holdings at Tabora, Mwanza, Bukoba, Nairobi, Tanga, and Zanzibar following the war 80 World War I also had severe effects on kanga trade. As a German lost their most valuable contract in printed textiles due to World War I. 81 F ollowing the war, van Vlissingen & Co. started producing kanga for Smith, Mackenzie & C o. when the British firm was appointed to administer the former 82 business arrangement with van Vlissingen & Co., the Dutch textile printer continued to work with Smith, Mackenzie & Co. only, which role as middleman in the kanga trade. 83 The 1930 edition of Eastern Africa and Rhodesia: Historical and Descriptive Commercial and Industrial Facts, Figures, & Resources by Allister Macmillan provides No German firm was better known nor more firmly established in East & Co. Founded in 79 Madagascar is a large island off the coast of east Africa. The Story of t 18. 80 18. 81 Netherlands, October 1972, 2. 82 Archives, 3. 83 Letter fr Archives, 3. Some kanga in the Vlisco Museum d & Co. identification stickers attached, similar to the CPA kanga in the Whitworth Gallery.

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292 1831 at Hamburg, they had their connections throughout the world, and o pened in 1841 a branch at Zanzibar when that place was in the height of its prosperity, twenty eight years before the opening of the Suez Canal. Later, with the development of German East Africa, they established branches throughout that territory, also in British East Africa, Uganda, and Madagascar, having altogether before the war between thirty and forty branches, and giving employment to upwards of 110 Europeans besides merchandise of every descrip tion and exporters of all kinds of East African products. Besides their Mombasa branch they are also established at Kampala and Dar es Salaam, and have agents all over East Africa. 84 Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd. The origins of the British merc hant converter firm, Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd. are closely associated with the Scottish businessman, William Mackinnon. Along with Robert Mackenzie, William Mackinnon established the trading firm of Mackinnon Mackenzie & Co. around the Bay of Bengal alo ng the east coast of India in 1847. Mackenzie died tragically when the SS Aurora shipwrecked off Queensland in 1853. Mackinnon went on to found the shipping company British India Steam Navigation Co. in 1856, which expanded operations to include the whole of the Indian Ocean, including the Persian Gulf. The trading firm of Smith, Mackenzie & Co was founded by growing business empire. First, Archibald Smith began to manage business affairs for the British India Steam Navigation Co. in 1874, upon the death of his employer, Captain H. A. Fraser in Zanzibar. In 1875, E. N. Mackenzie arrived from the staff of Mackinnon Mackenzie & Co. of Calcutta, and the two joined trading interests. Along with Archibald Gray, nephew to William Mackinn on, and Edwyn S. Dawes, and Archibald Brown, they founded the British trading firm of Smith, Mackenzie and Company in 1877, ba sed on the assumption that the e ast African coast 84 Macmillan, Eastern Africa and Rhodesia 314.

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293 was likely to grow in importance. 85 Gray and Dawes were founders of the London tr ading house Gray, Dawes & Co., and provided the necessary capital to finance this new Zanzibar based firm. As a British trading house, Smith Mackenzie & Co. enjoyed opportunities in Co. (IBEA) before the cr own took over the colonies of British East Africa (now Kenya) and Uganda. Much like the German East Africa Co. (DOAG), the IBEA tried to open up the interior of e ast Africa to trade before relinquishing rule to their respective governments and declaring ba nkruptcy. Smith, first tried to open a branch office in Mombasa in 1887 and succeeded in 1893. 86 The merchant converter firm followed with a new branch in coastal Lamu in 190 7. 87 Following World War I, Germany lost her colonies and German East Africa became Tanganyika Territory, mandated by the British. Therefore, British trading interests, formerly limited in German East Africa, were now enhanced by the change in rule. Smith, Mackenzie & Co. established a branch in Dar es Salaam in 1919, another in Tanga in 1920, and a third in Lindi in 1923. 88 Coinciding with the Dar es Salaam branch opening in 1919, Smith, Mackenzie & Co. secured a contract with the Dutch textile printer van V lissingen & Co. to print kanga 85 The History of Smith, Mackenzie and Company, Ltd. 10 11. The young company expanded to Mozambique in 1879, but ab andoned the branch in 1882, when Archibald Brown was killed in a shark The Story of 19 20; Percival Griffiths, A History of the Inchcape Group (London: Inchcape & Co., Ltd., 1977), 58. 86 87 Lamu is in present day Kenya on the northern coast, near the border with Somalia. 88 Tanga is a coastal town in the north of present day Tanzania, and Lindi is a coastal t own in the far south of present day Tanzania. The History of Smith, Mackenzie and Company, Ltd. 60.

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294 for the East African market. 89 The acquisition of this contract coupled with the increasing demand for kanga throughout e ast Africa, helped Smith, Mackenzie & Co. (or rather, e firm was colloquially known, ) bec ome synonymous with excellent quality kanga Advertisements in the Tanganyika popular publication Mambo Leo suggest Smith, Mackenzie & Co. became more and more associated with kanga and other imported cotton piece goods throughout the 1920s. Mambo Leo (Swa was a government initiated publication founded in January 1923 and produced monthly until 90 earliest advertisement appears in the tenth v olume of the monthly periodical; Smith, Mackenzie & Co. took over much of the title page (Fig. 5 18) 91 The advertisement includes two Smith, Mackenzie & Co. logos, and short Swahili phrases extolling the variety and quality of cotton piec e goods: s: Everyone knows these prints. If anyone sees leso kanga and dark kaniki obtain one immediately. Because these printed cloths are absolutely the best, they cannot be beaten. You will agree when A variety of Smith, Mackenzie & Co. a dvertisements appear ed monthly over the next four years of Mambo Leo publications. In 1924, Smith, Mackenzie & Co. alternated their rectangular and diamond shaped logos in their monthly advertisements Near the end of the y ear, they bega n simplifyin g thei r designs The firm continued with the design 89 3. 90 Martin Sturmer, The Media History of Tanzania (n.p.: Ndanda Mission Press, 1998; elec tronic edition by afrika.info), 51, 90 91. 91 Mambo Leo No. 10 (October 1923): title page.

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295 and alternating logos in 1925, condensed in size but retaining all of the sam e components In 1927, the firm lists their line of products, highlighting their variety of cloths. kan ga kaniki prints, shirtings, burrahs, hodrunks, tassors, Muscat cloth, shawls, and Americani The new accompanying Swahili text translates as : Everyday when you go to purchase things at the shop, you are first Good printed cloth have been added. Increasingly, the advert isements beca me more streamlined and feature d less t ext and relied more on the recognizable diamond shaped logo. In the January 1928 edition, the merchant converter firm took out a half page advertisement with only the following information: the name of the firm, the logo, and the Swahili phrase: [Smith Mackenzie] has very good things and excellent prints The progression of 1920s Smith, Mackenzie & Co. advertisemen ts reveals that the firm increasingly associated themselves with printed cloth, including kanga and relied more and more on their brand name and r ecognizable diamond shaped logo, which also featured as an identifying sticker on their printed textiles. The diamond shaped logo, printed in full color, was affixed to all Smith Mackenzie printed textile imports. Evidence of these stickers can be found on dozens if not hundreds of sample kanga rchive and collection (Fig. 5 19) O ne is affixed to a k anga dated 2 3 February 1951, which was printed for the Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar markets by Vlisco. The recognizable logo features script text at the top of the diamond and Devanagari script at the bottom of the diamond, which lik ely in standard Hindi. The crossed flags in the center of

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296 is the British Royal Standard. According to Smith Mackenzie & Co. archives, fou r different ways of acquiring, handling, and selling commodities were practiced by the British merchant converter firm in the 1930s; the second applies to their dealings in kanga textiles: [The company] purchases goods and simultaneously sells to recognis ed dealers who sign a contract to Japanese piece goods. 92 Unfortunately, much o f the busi ness archives of the e ast African branches of Smith Mackenzie & Co. have been lost. S eventeen boxes of files, which were originally housed the Zanzibar arc hives and subsequently housed in the Dar es Salaam archives, have gone missing. 93 A letter in the com pany archives, part of the Guildhall Library Collection, now housed in the London Metropolitan Archives, gives indication an invitation to host files in the newly formed Oxford Colonial Records Project in 1964 (now alth Studies) 94 Mr. Ledger of the Zanzibar branch of Smith Mackenzie & Co. responde d positively to this invitation, but voiced concerns about the actual transfer of the documents. The letter is dated 28 th January 1965, just one year following the violent Zanzibar Revolution. Although nominal peace 92 th 2, 4, Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS28126. 93 A l ist of the boxes of files is available at the Tanzanian National Archives in Dar es Salaam, but upon 94 John J. Tawney, Oxford University, Institute of Commo nwealth Studies letter to Mr. A. C. Ledger of Smith, Mackenzie & Co. Ltd., Zanzibar, 25 th London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS36469.

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297 had been restored to the island through its political unity with mainland Tanganyika to form the present country of Tanzania, the author alludes to the limitations faced because of widespread suspicion from the new class of officials : 95 Now we come to the problem of getting them out as under present conditions everything is scrutinised and subject to prohibition. My personal effects involving ornaments, clothes, picture, books have been ruthlessly searched by qu coming mentioned will help get them through particularly if I saw, as I propose to do, and is the case, that I am using them for re to write you short ly saying they are o n their way 96 T he records never arrived in Oxford 97 Perhaps the records will turn up in the future, but for th e present, the archives of the e ast African branches of Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd. must be assumed lost. 98 Kanga Designers and Sellers Whereas Eu ropean merchant converters can be considered the middlemen in the kanga trade that unites the entire spectrum of producers, consumers, distributors, shippers, and sellers, t he role of the Indian trader can be seen as that of a middleman 95 For an extended discussion of the Zanzibar Revolution and immediate aftermath, see Anthony Clayton, The Zanzibar Revolution and its Aftermath (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1981), especially 50 155 and Esmond Bradley Martin, Zanzibar: Tradition and Revolution (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1978), especially 55 74. 96 A. C. Ledger of Smith Mackenzie & Co. Ltd., Zanzibar, letter to John J. Tawney, Oxford University, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, dated 28 th 2, Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS36469. 97 been trying to find any information about the Smith Mackenzie files offered to this library as described in the letters from 1964 and 1965 which you sent. I have found a card recording the dealings with Smith Mackenzie in the 1960s and learnt that, despite the willingness shown to deposit files, nothing O xford University, email to author, 23 February 2012. 98 The business archives of Smith, Mackenzie & Co. Ltd. are extremely piecemeal, and as is expected, record more of the financial triumphs and concerns of their east African branch offices than detailed i nformation on the daily running of said branches. Still, the names of successful Indian merchants with whom Smith, Mackenzie & Co. worked are notated. See Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/M36447, vols. 1 3: Gener al Correspondence.

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298 within the colony This class of merchants who function as wholesalers and retailers of kanga did not produce the commodity they sold to African consumers. However, Indian merchants provided the crucial link between African consumers and European manufacturers and supplier s; they were responsible for canvassing African tastes and communicating design preferences to representatives of merchant converter firms. In this way, they placed orders for new kanga hoping for success based on their intimate knowledge of market tastes Sometimes, these Indian wholesalers and retailers also doubled as kanga designers. 99 Through networks of retailers, imported goods such as kanga found their way beyond Dar es Salaam to the far reaches of the colony and beyond. A short article from 1 924, p ublished in The British South African Export Gazette concisely articulates the integral role o f Indian traders in e ast Africa, and their relationship to all of the economic the players within the commodities trade: It is not too much to say that the impor tant native trade of Kenya Colony, Uganda and Tanganyika and, indeed, the greater part of East Africa could not be carried on without the services of the Indian merchant and retail distributor. The fact has to be recognised equally by the British manufactu rer and shipper and by the European wholesale importing houses in the territories concerned, even though they may qualify the admission by peripatetic trader, that the large nativ e population is reached commercially and through them not only are imported goods carried to native consumers, but the latter are stimulated to various forms of industrial activity in order to find the wherewithal to buy the goods. 100 Indian merchants played the following parts within the kanga trade. F irst, a n Indian designer with links to European merchant converters, create d a template for a new kanga design that would meet the needs and dem ands of a discerning clientele e ast 99 It is my understanding that kanga designers prior to the Independence era (specifically the nationalization of kanga production in 1967) were primarily of Indian descent. 100 The British South African Expo rt Gazette 33, no. 385 (August 1924):

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299 African women, who desired fa shionable yet affordable textiles. Local Indian merchants in e ast Africa, primarily in Zanzibar, Mombasa, and Dar es Salaam, rose to fill this need. These local Indian traders of kanga created new designs and sold them to merchant converters. They may have also reordered older designs or commissioned a revamping of old designs in new colorway s, with new sayings, or even to undercut success. 101 Information in the Vlisco archives confirms these recollections of east African kanga designers: The K hanga trade was characterized by a continuous demand for new designs, in c ontras t with West African markets, where a large part of the textile trade is driven in traditional patterns, which might for many decades be ordered again. Designing new Khanga desi gns for East Africa was for years a regular occupation of our artists, but this was done mainly on descriptions of the customers themselves, which were made on paper and developed in accordance with the technical requirements for engraving and printing in Helmond 102 As has been previously stated, m erchant converters were effectively the middlemen in kanga manufacturing they bought designs locally in e ast Africa and commissioned the textile production abroad. Most often, merchant converters were headquartered in industrialized countries and kept branches in major colonial cities. Representatives at local branche s sent newly purchased designs back to their headquarters. From there, T he mercha nt converters routinely enlisted the services of specialty manufacturers: cotton was sourced from cotton producing countries or colonies, shipped to industrial centers to be processed, spun and woven into cloth by industrial weavers, and bleached or dyed b y 101 Drawn from interviews with K. G. Peera and his son, Ukera K. Peera, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, November and December 2011. 102 Helmond, The Netherlands, October 1972, 3.

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300 finishers. Then, the cloth was sent to specialty textile printers for surface design. Finally, the finished commod ity was ready to be shipped to e ast Africa. The merchant converters arranged for shipping between manufacturers and also from the final plac e of prod uction to the branch office in e ast Africa. The new shipment of kanga desig ns was received by the merchant converter branch office and subsequently delivered to the kanga designer, if he doubled as a kanga wholesaler. The distribution of new desig ns was the prerogative of the designer/wholesaler; many bales were sold to retail shops, who in turn sold scores to individual sellers. Many shops and stands also sold directly to customers. And each time a doti (pair) of kanga changed hands, the price cli mbed. An example of an order placed by Messrs. Molu Peera & Co. with Smith ur border Manchester Kanga features of a kanga order in 1916 (Fig. 5 20) 103 The order uses a standard format, with blanks fil led in with hand written detai ls specific to the particular order. T his letter dates to 14 October 1916, before Smith, Mackenzie & Co. secured an agreement with Dutch textile printer van Vlissingen & Co. following the end of World War I Therefore, the ord Association. The quantity (1,200 corges 104 ), type, (four border 105 Manchester Kanga s), 103 Kanga s by Messrs. Molu Peera & Co. to Smith Mackenzie & Co. of Za nzibar, 14 October 1916, Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS36454. 104 pieces of cloth. Where cloth is sold in pair s, one corge or corja equals ten pairs, or twenty single pieces of Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended 31 st December 1926 3. 105 kanga as opposed to borderless or two borde r kanga affected the price of cloth dramatically.

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301 quality (7660), number of colors (two) on a particular ground (Blueywhite), price (Rs. 18/12/ per corge), duty (7%) and delivery (Godown Zanzibar) were all noted in the first sentence. 106 Three designs were commissioned, details of shipment (in three lots), and the terms (C.O.D. immediately on arrival of the goods, strictly nett [ sic ] cash ) The ord er form also indicates that the three designs were due to be delivered to Smith, Mackenzie & Co. withi n fourteen days. This confirms the fact that designs were supplied by the Indian merchants who doubled as sellers and designers of kanga The order form also specifies that repeats of the design should be held back from sale for at least a month from the initial delivery. This may be to protect against the new design flooding the market, at which point its value might drop significantly. Two particular kan ga designers, both active in Dar es Salaam in the mid 1960s, deserve mention for their large contribution to the history of kanga M ost publications on the history of kanga mention the Indian trader Kaderdina Hajee Essak, known as Abdulla. He was the propr ietor of Mali ya Abdulla on Biashara Street in Mombasa; the shop is still in business today. However, very little else has been written about the number of kanga sellers and designers, active in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar from the late nineteenth century, through the twentieth century, continuing today. Through my research, I hope to shed light on two more of these dynamic figures and their fa milies, who devoted their lives to the kanga trade. 106 Kanga s by Messrs. Molu Peera & Co. to Smith Mackenzie & Co. of Zanzibar, date 14 October 1916, Smith Mackenzie and Company Li ground color; this order coincides with the broad design history of early kanga textiles established in the previous chapter.

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302 Miwani Mdogo and the Peera family Mr. K. G. Peera, whose full na me is Kassamali Gulamhussein Peera, was known Spectacles Mdogo was born in Zanzibar on 4/5 January 1911 or 1912 to parents of Gujarati descent who were also born in Zanzibar He died in Dar es Salaam on 9 December 2011 at the age of 99 or 100 (Fig. 5 21) A photograph of Mr. Peera and his son, Mr. UK, was taken just four weeks before his death. He hold s one of his kanga designs; a design that was subsequently gifted to me by his son foll ow 5 22) Mr. Peera, or Miwani Mdogo, as he was colloquially called, was actively involved in the kanga trade, as a designer, distributor, wholesaler, and retailer of imported textiles in Zanzibar between circa 1928 and 1964. He continued to design kanga until his final years. The Peera family was involved in the textile trade in Zanzibar from at least the turn of the twentieth century. According to son, Yes, my grandfather was actually born in Zanzibar. My great g randfather as far as he was concerned, there were three brothers: Muraj Ukera, Mam a d Ukera, and Peera Somalia. My great The other, they came to build the railway. the British Raj, Peera how we started then. Then Gulamhus sein, my grandfather, he was born in Zanziba r. If you have been to Zanzibar, and you know the theatre, Majestic City, he was born just behind that. 107 emigrated from Guja rat to Zanzibar. It is unclear whether Peera Ukera was involved in the textile trade in the late nineteenth father, G. P. Ukera, whose full name is Gulamhussein Peera Ukera, was a designer, importer, and seller of kanga and other textiles in Zanzibar in 107 Ukera K. Peera, interview by author, Da r es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011.

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303 the first decades of the twentieth century. Like his father, Mr. P ee ra and his elder brother, H. G Peera, whose full name is Hassanali Gulamhussein Peera, also made their livelihood trading textiles. elder brother was known by the d these nicknames from the Zanzibari women who were their customers, because both of referring to a living being, and m Around 1928/1930, Miwani Mdogo and his brother Miwani Mkubwa entered the textile business in Stonetown beginning with just two pieces of kikoi hand woven cloth often featuring striped edg es popularly worn by men on the e ast African coast At the height of their success, they owned and ran a 2000 square meter store with a variety of textile products, including kanga kitenge 108 shuka 109 and kikoi 110 Both brothers functioned not only as seller s of textiles, but also as designers of kanga Miwani Mdogo had the gift for designing kanga and according to his son and daughter in law, was always combining patterns and colors to create new designs. 111 Miwani Mkubwa also 108 Kitenge is the Swahili word referring to fancy prints, popular throughout West and Central Africa. This type of cloth was originally based on Indonesian wax batik designs, mechanically reproduced by Dutch textile imitation prints. In Zambia, this type of cloth is called chitenge which derives from the same Bantu word as kitenge meaning cotton cloth or wrapper. 109 Shuka is another manufactured and imported cloth popular throughout East Africa. Shuka translates their pattern and typical color scheme. Shuka are often majority red in color with blue or black accents, and generally they resemble the plaid common to Scottish tartans. Shuka are most often worn by the Maasai, a semi nomadic, pastoralist people who live near the border of present day Kenya and Tanzania. 110 K.G. Peera, aka Miwani Mdogo, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 11 November 2011. 111 Ukera K. and Zakiya Ukera Peera, interview by Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011.

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304 designed kanga thoug h he was mo re business driven and tended to design kanga with veiled political themes. 112 Miwani Mdogo took pleasure in conceptualizing new designs, tweaking color combinations, and thought of himself first and foremost as a designer. fondly remember s cuttings of patterns from textiles, paper, and old kanga everywhere as a child. 113 Many inspirations for shapes and designs come from everyday objects, such as beans, grain, pili pili (chili peppers), bananas, oranges, flowers (including tangerine flowers and jasmine), and cashew nuts (more universally recognized as paisley) The Swahili sayings printed on kanga came from a variety of sources. Sometimes, Miwani Mdogo and his wife would sit around the kitchen table thinking up new sayings. Other times, the M iwani brothers would pay two to three shillings or offer new kanga in exchange for new sayings Zanzibari women would provide, whether at their shop in Zanzibar or while on sales trips to shambas (farms) 114 e business. Mr. UK as he is colloquially known, was born in 1943 and played in various roles in the kanga trade, as a designer, seller, and local agent for the Japanese textile printers, Nishizawa & Co. from 1961 1975. At that time, Mr. UK went by the nam e Ukera Kassamali Gulamhussein. 115 He deliberately did not use his family name of Peera, so that his Japanese employers would not be aware of his close familial connection to his father and uncle. He of course had an unfair advantage, as an agent for Nishiza wa, a 112 K.G. Peera, aka Miwani Mdogo, interview. 113 Ukera K. Peera, interview, 11 November 2011. 114 Ukera K. Peera, interview, 11 November 2011. 115 Any extant kanga designs by Mr. UK listed his name on the selvage edge as Ukera K. Gulamhussein. Ukera K. Peera, interview, 11 Novembe r 2011.

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305 grandson, son and nephew to three successful kanga designers. Of course locally in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam, everyone knew of his relations. During the height of his involvement with the kanga trade, Mr. UK was known locally by the nickname, Mtoto wa the name Ukera K. Peera (Ukera Kassamali Peera) in deference to his father. The Peera brothers devel oped their business in Zanzibar but became very well known in Dar es Salaam and Mombasa and supplied both thro ugh their business in Zanzibar until 1964. They were also very enterprising; a lthough their shop was previously in Stone Town Zanzibar the brothers regularly travel ed upcountry to sell kanga textiles Miwani Md explained these trips from his experience in the late 1950s and early 1960s : We would go by this boxcar, station wagon, sell them come back, midnight, normally we start at 2:30 3 in the afternoon, we would go up to the point of Zanzibar, Nungwi, we would come back, stopping every station, and we get back around 1 or 2 in the morning. I would not go all the time, we had people going out, m (So would you sell kanga or was this the reservation?) First when we go, we take the samples, we get the booking, they pay deposit, 25 cents or 50 cents, and then we would come back in Swahili months, funga mosi the Swahili way of calendar, we would give them dates, also in English calendar. We would come back, you have your money rea dy, you give us your receipt and the balance and we give you the kanga So again same area we would go twice: one time for booking, for reservation, and second time for delivery. 116 T y heralded ne w arrivals: oice, a small one, you know, and then, a box one, a square, with record inside, and we would crank it, 116 Ukera K. Peera, interview, 14 December 2011.

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306 and then put the plate, and it will play, you see? You know? Sometimes if uld take a small transistor radio and use the local station, Sauti Mbuya Most of them Indian songs. 117 T wo other sources make note of another way new kanga designs were advertised In her 1984 article, Abdil lah writes about these kanga criers in the 1950s and 1960s: Waswahili remember how 20 or 30 years ago each new kanga design, coming out as often as monthly, would be greeted with excitement. Big towns such as Zanzibar and Mombasa would have town criers hi red by merchants to walk around the narrow streets, chinking a brass tray for attention and calling out a description of the new kanga : its colour, its pattern, its central motif, its motto and which shop had it in stock. Women would compete to be seen fir st in the new design. 118 salesman, Hamadi Makong oro announcing the arrival of new kanga designs th rough the stree ts of Zanzibar 119 Fatma Shabaan Abdullah, Zanzibar artis t and kanga designer, In Zanzibar in the 1940s, Homadi Makongoro, a comedian, was employed to advertise new kanga designs. Although there were many other design vendors with their brass trays, he was spectacular in combining t he art of dancing with that of costume. His pushcart was decorated with samples of new designs while he also adorned himself with colourful cloths and make up to look like a woman. He would stop and dance to the rhythmic beating of two drums attached to th e cart. One he had his audience of women, he danced vigorously before announcing the details of new designs. Women were said to have left their food burning in the kitchen and left babies to cry 120 nds on the d emand for certain kanga designs: 117 Ukera K. Peera, interview, 14 December 2011. 118 kanga Africa Now (February 1984): 49. 119 Sharifa Zawawi, Kanga : The Clo th that Speaks (Bronx, NY: Azaniya Hills, 2005), 25. 120 African Now (February 1984), 51.

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307 If a lady wanted a kanga and the husband did not provide it, oh my, there was no peace at home, there was no peace at home. The wife would not speak to the husband for days and days, and not cook, just throw her self at him, I want that kanga So the husbands would come to us, Sell me this kanga Upset my marriage, any price you want, you name it. Just tell us. So once in a while kanga s, in that way, would reach 30 shillings! We would not sell, we as a distributor importers, and wholesalers, we would give to other shops al so. Those are the ones who know the shops that this kanga will be in demand, They would keep it behind til l the time comes, they sell at a high price. They would keep some for such situation, not because we wanted a high price, but we knew the method and the system, that if these people would keep a few scores, 15 20 scores, for such situation, so there is no, otherwise they ge that I have it. All these kinds of things involved back then. 121 kanga trade was interrupted by revolution and political upheaval on the island. The Zanzibar Re volution took place in 1964, when Zanzibaris of mainland descent overthrew the Sultan and the mainly Arab government of Zanzibar. Zan zibaris of Arab and Indian descent were targets of violence, as they were judged to be unfairly in control of government, trade, and bu siness on the island. Miwani Mdogo escaped the island with only the clothes on his back, and tellingly, his most prized possession a suitcase of kanga designs. The kanga designs illustrated and discussed in Chapter 7 c ame from this very suitca se. 122 Miwani Mdogo did not save the final kanga the printed cotton textile, but rather his working designs. 121 Interview with Mr. Ukera K. Peera, Dar es Salaam, 14 December 2011. 122 Twenty of these designs were gi fted to me foll owing six of which I donated to the British Museum. I believ kanga It is my sincere hope that some posthumous recognition will come to Mr. Peera ; one has already been featured in African Textiles Today (London: British Museum, 2012), 128 One of kanga in th kanga century designs, have already been displayed (along with a photograph of Peera, taken just four weeks before his death) in the temporary exhibition, Social Fabric: African Textiles Today on view from 14 February 21 April 2013 at the British Museum, London.

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308 Afte r fleeing Zanzibar in 1964, Miwani Mdogo made Dar es Salaam his home. Since 1966, he even lived in the same apartment in the Jiwan Hirji buildin g located a t 2 Mosque Street, which was once the center of the kanga trade in Dar es Salaam. Miwani Mdogo died on 9 December 2011 in Dar es Salaam, under a month shy of his 100th (or 101st) birthday. Miwani Mdogo and the Peera family rem ains wholly unknown outside of e ast Africa, though he has not gone without recognition in Zanzibar. Within the last five years, Miwani Mdogo was honored with the Dhow Award for contribution to Zanzibar, the first person of Indian descent to be recognized with this honor. He was credited with giving Zanzibar the gift of kanga and some of his extant designs (in the form of the finished printed cotton textile) went on display at the National Museum and House of Wonders in Stone Town His son was interviewed by Zanzibari televis ion and accepted and his renown, and any of his original kanga (marked by his name in the selvage edge) are snapped up by those knowledgeable few. 123 Miwani Mdogo was friends with his more famous Mombasa counterpart, Abdulla, and considered him a fellow kanga designer ka nga 124 forces that kanga career in Zanzibar, Abdu lla is better known outside of e ast Africa. Further research into Japanese printed kanga may 123 Farouque Abdela, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 30 November 2011. 124 K.G. Peera, aka Miwani Mdogo, interview, 11 November 2011.

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30 9 unc and restore his contribution the twentieth century kanga design 125 Ji wan Hirji : The Khanga King Today, the kanga trade in Dar es Salaam is centered on Uhuru Street. The street is lined with wholesalers, retailers, and pet ty traders all selling kanga and lesser amounts of kitenge However, this was not always the center of the kanga trade. In fact, around the mid twentieth century, kanga trade was centered on Mosque Street. The streets are only blocks from one another in th e commercial Uhindini (place of the Indians) district of Dar es Salaam. 126 One Deco era building in particular, the Jiwan Hirji Building, located a t 2 Mosque Street, attests to the prominence of the kanga trade and one of its largest merchants in Dar es Sala am. The Jiwan Hirji Building was b uilt by and named for the proprietor Hirji also was known colloquially Correspondence in the Vlisco archive contains a letter dated 1965 on letterhead from the firm, Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. (Fig. 5 23) The letterhead itself displays the founding year of the firm (1899), an image of the building that housed its headquarters (located at 2 Mosque Street), logo to the left (a crown) with van Vlissingen s logo to the right ( the m onogram VH, for Vlissingen Helmond ). 127 The building itself still success, even if the kanga trade has relocated (Fig. 5 24) 125 See Christopher Spring, African Textiles Today (London: British Museum Press, 2012) for publication n, Social Fabrics: African Textiles Today on view between 14 February and 21 April 2013 at the British Museum. 126 More will be said regarding the racially based city planning first implemented by German colonial officials and then continued by British colo nial officials in the next chapter. 127 This VH serves as a trademark and is one of the defining characteristic of Vlisco printed kanga : a

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310 indicates. I n 1938 minutes from a Smith, Mackenzie & Co. board meeting recorded a partnership between the merchant converter firm and four of the largest kanga sellers in Dar es Salaam. 128 Minutes from a Smith Mackenzie & Co. board meeting that took place two months later c kanga seller associates in Dar es Salaam. 129 The Hirji fortune was indeed made from kanga according to an unpublished manuscript of kanga recol lections in the Vlisco Archive: eep quotations and distant shipping continued to put pressure on the prices in Helmond, and over the years the thought aroused that better prices in East Africa were not feasible for the traders. Yet afterwards, the accuracy of this conclusion was highly q uestionable, because this writer [witnessed] a confidential conversation and met with 128 es Salaam, in an endeavour to minimise competition in this trade, between the Indian merchants there, had been successful in bringing about the formation of a partnership between four of the largest merchants, and to mention that an agreement had been completed between the partnership, Messrs. Jiwan, Ladha, Hasham & Co, and the Company, which provides for all purchases of khangas by the partnership being made from this Company, the partnership receiving a commission of 1%, which will be held by this Company as security for sales, until it has accumulated to Shs 250,000. The agreement also provides that the buyers shall deposit with the Company, Shs 100,000 as additional security, against any liabilities incurred by the purchases, such sum being increased by 1/3 d per cor ge of khangas arriving in East Africa after the date of the agreement. [The Agreement, copy of which was produced, was approved and the Managing Director was asked to write to Mr. Stone, the Branch Manager at Dar es Salaam, congratulating him on the succes sful result of at 122 Leadenhall Street, London, EC3, on Wednesday, 30 th Trade, Smith Mackenzie and Company Limit ed, London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS28121. 129 Purchase Agreement between this Company and Messrs Jiwan, Ladha, Hashm & Co., Jiwan Hirji, one of the membe rs of the Partnership, had agreed to transfer two plots of land, owned by him and situated in Dar es salaam to the Company. To place on the table a draft conveyance formally transferring the ign and seal the conveyance between Jiwan, Ladha, Hasham & Co., of the first part, Jiwan Hirji of the second part, and the Company of the third part, formally transferring two plots of land situated in Dar es Salaam, and owned by Jiwan Hirji, to the Compan y as security against breach of the Khanga Purchase Agreement between his firm and the property handed over to the Company, it is proposed to hand Jiwan Hirji a release to the equitable Meeting of Smith Mackenzie and Company, Limited, to be held at 122 Leadenhall Street, London, EC3, on Wednesday, 25 th January, 193 London Metropolitan Archives, CLC/B/123/MS28121.

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311 surprise that the distributors of Smith Mackenzie, with whom we were in direct contact with in 1948, their fathers traded with 100% profit, and their family fortune [had Khanga] to thank! In those earlier times there was no market research on our part, and visit to these areas never happened, but [if] this case is true, then had the actual market value of Khangas at that time came to light then the factory [would have] had more lucrative basic work. 130 A decade later, Hirji was serving as the key representative for the British merchant converter firm, Smith, Mackenzie & Co As Vlisco printed all of Smith, kanga Jiwan Hirji also developed a working relations hip with the Dutch textile printer The relationship even translated into a visit to the factory in Helmond in 1948. 131 Certainly visit can be seen to be a mark of how important, successful, and integral the textile seller was to the kanga trade in D ar es Salaam and colonial Tanganyika more generally. According to the unpublished memoirs of Vlisco the first trip of his life. He was accompanied by his youngest son and was fu ll of 132 Sadly, Hirji never made it back to Dar es Salaam, as his plane crashed on his departure from Brussels en route to London. H is dest son Hussein, aged 22 at the time. 133 grandsons, not sons. If so, t his succession tallies with a probate notice dealing with their e Kenya Gazette, Tajd in Jiwan Hirji of Dar es Salaam died at Leopoldville in Belgian Congo on the 9th day of 130 131 132 133

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312 August, 1958, and his sons are identified as Hus s ein Jiwan Hirji and Gula banu Tajdin Jiwan Hirji. 134 In any case, the working relationship between Hirji kanga sales in Dar es Salaam and van Vlissingen & Co. kanga printing in Helmond continued to flourish. Hussein Jiwan Hirji made frequent trips to Helmond and contributed new ideas and marketing strategies to ensure van Vlissingen and Smith Macke nzie kanga textiles hel d their share of the market in e ast Africa until the independence era. 135 By 1965, Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd., (and likely Hussein Jiwan Hirji, when closely examining the signature) was corresponding directly with van Vlissingen & Co. (F ig. 5 23) This letter discusses ccessful fashion show of dresses 136 The increased popularity of kite nge is also mentioned, the type of cloth Vlisco is most associated with across West and Central augments the status of the firm Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. The penultimate line also 137 The letterhead indicates the firm Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. functioned as general merchants 134 Kenya Gazette (28 February 1961): 246. 135 Furthermore, the work ing relationship between van Vlissingen and the Hirji companies appears to be responsible for introducing Java prints, known locally as vitenge 1961, and 1963, an intensive sales promotional campaign was conducted i n the [east African] region by outstanding service in sales. On his frequent visits to Helmond, he bought assorted lots of four yard pieces to the market to test, 136 Katoenfabrieken, dated 21 st May, 1965. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Nethe rlands. 137 Hirji to P. F. van Vlissingen & Co.

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313 and commission agents, dealing in piecegoods, building materials, provisi ons tea, khangas, and scrap metals. 138 A page of photographs enclosed with the letter is also instructive in assessing the importance of the firm Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd (Fig. 5 25) The first photo graph likely shows Hussein Jiwan Hirji and his son, the gr andson and likely great grandson of the founder of t he firm, Jiwan Hirji They wear kanga festooned with a photo graph of the first president of independent Tanganyika/Tanzania, Julius Nye rere, which likely dates the photographs to the early 1960s. In the s econd photo graph a caption notes that Husein [sic] Jiwan Hirji appears with K. F. Sobhan, the High Commissioner in East Africa. Hirji is holding another piece of the kanga with Nyerere pictured. I n the third photo graph Hus s ein Jiwan Hirji appears with hi s family in showroom, likely in the Jiwan Hirji Building located at 2 Mosque Street. 139 Various kanga can be seen hanging in the background, and all members of the family wear the same Nyerere cloth, printed in different colorway s and worn tailored or wrap ped in different configurations. Vlisco began identifying their printed textiles with the use of their monogram along the of their products. By the mid 1930s, the company Jiwan Hirji began commissioning designs with their own monogram, usually integrated into the inner corners of select 138 Hirji to P. F. van Vlissingen & Co. 139 Incidently, Miwani Mdogo, a designer and seller of kanga moved into an apartment in this very building in 1966. As this street was the center of the kanga trade in the 1 960s, it was a logical place to relocate.

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314 kanga design s The monogram features the letters HJH, with one H incorporating a grandson and the director of the company from 1938. Both of these monograms served as trademarks or logos for each company and an assurance of the quality each name the commissioning, and likely designing of new kanga textiles (Fig. 5 26) In the example at the left, the bold (Hussein) Jiwan Hirji monogram is displayed in corner medallions within the thick, continuous border. In the example at the right, the central motif of the kanga is a telephone, whic near the bottom of the phone, and the telephone number i n the center of the rotary dial Both textiles were commissioned in December 1951 for the Dar es Salaam market. Although little information has been pu blished on the importan ce of the Khanga King and Miwani Mdogo, this section has demonstrated a small portion of their contributions to the kanga trade during the mid twentieth century. Jiwan Hirji and K.G. Peera and their families clearly played a dynamic role in kanga design and sale s in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar throughout the first two thirds of the twentieth century. This chapter has de scribed the network of players involved in the kanga trade, who were primarily active during the colonial period (ca. 1885 1964) in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam. The involvement of two major European textile printers, Dutch P.F. van Next, the participation of two European merchant conve rter firms was considered, the Hamburg Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd. after World War I. Finally, two key mid twentieth century

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315 designers and wholesalers of kanga who have not featured in written histories to date were presented, Miwani Mdogo and the Peera family in Zanzibar, and the Khanga King and the Jiwan Hirji family in Dar es Salaam The networks discussed were effectively ended by the advent of local production of kanga textiles i n Dar es Salaam, beginning in late 1967. Local production, together with protectionist policies of a newly independent nation state, completely changed the dynamics of the kanga trade. My purpose here has been to demonstrate the convergence of players invo lved in kanga manufacture and trade during the colonial era in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam; the next chapter will chronicle the chronology of participants within the manufacturing history of kanga textiles.

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316 Figures Figure 5 1. Commercial organi zation of kanga production, distribution, sale, and consumption during the colonial period in Tanganyika. Created by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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317 A B Figure 5 drawn design for the African market. A) Entire design. B) Detail of top center showing intended destination. Located in Calico Printers Patterns Vol. 1 Manchester Metropolitan University Special Collection s

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318 Figure 5 Kanga of which Lancashire sends Millions to t he Tropics. It is a Simple Development from a Piece of Cotton Designed to be cut into six Pocket Hander cheifs. One is Cra Manchester Guardian Commercial 17 May 1923.

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319 Figure 5 4. CPA kanga 1940s. C ompound border, no text, in an orange black white and green colorway. T.20 01.181 Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 5. CPA kanga 1940s. Tulip motif, continuous border, no text, in a yellow black and blue colorway T.2001.182, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. P hotograph by James Ryan.

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320 Figure 5 6. CPA kanga with continuous border 1940s. Arabic script Swahili text, in a w hite maroon and yellow colorway. T.2001.177, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 7. CPA kan ga handled by Ogdens, 1940s. C ontinuous border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a red black and white colorway. T.2001.179, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan.

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321 Figure 5 8. CPA kanga handled by Ogdens, 1940s. Leaf a nd heart motif, with compound border, no text, in a ma roon white and yellow colorway. T.2011.180, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 9. CPA member firm Dehns kanga printed for Portuguese East South Africa (Mozambique) 1915. Lion motif with continuous border, no text, in a red black and white colorway. T.10943.1, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan.

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322 Figure 5 10 CPA member firm Dehns kanga 1915. Fish and eight pointe d star motif, Arabic script Swahili phrase, in red navy and white colorway. Selvage edge: Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 11. CPA member firm Deh ns kanga 1935. Rooster motif with continuous border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a black white and red colorway. Selvage University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan.

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323 F igure 5 12. CPA member firm Dehns kanga 1939. Mango and floral motif with continuous border, Roman script Swahili text, in a navy white and orange Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 13. CPA member firm Dehns square Feather and tassel motif no text, in a red white and black colorway. T.10943.7, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Mancheste r. Photograph by James Ryan.

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324 Figure 5 14. CPA member firm Dehns lamba hoany 1955. Floral and paisley motif with continuous border, Roman script Malagasy text, in a gold maroon and white colorway. T.10943.5, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Mancheste r. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 15. S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. kanga no date. British Royal Air Force motif with compound border, no Swahili text, in a orange navy and white colorway. tworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan.

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325 Figure 5 16. S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. uncut kanga June 1946. Botanical motif with compound border, Arabic script Swahili text, in a orange white and navy number, Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 17. S. Schwabe & Co. Ltd. kanga June 1946. Stripe and paisley motif with continuous border, Arabic script Swahili text in a black white and red Whitworth Art Gallery, University of Manchester. Photograph by James Ryan.

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326 A B Figure 5 18. Smith, Mackenzie & Co. advertisements in Mambo Leo A) October 1923 with two logos and text. B) January 1928 with diamond logo and statement East Africana Collection, University of Dar es Salaam Library. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 5 19. Smith, Mackenzie & Co. diamond shaped logo affixed to kanga samp le, 23 February 1951. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by James Ryan.

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327 Figure 5 20 Order placed by Messrs. Molu Peera & Co. with Smith, Mackenzie & Co. of Kanga CLC/B/123/MS36454 Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, London Metropolitan Archives. P hotograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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328 Figure 5 21. K. G. Peera (right) holding one of his kanga designs, with his son, Ukera K. Peera. Note the suitcase full of kanga designs on the floor. Photograph taken in his home in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on 11 November 2011, just four weeks prior to his death on 9 December 2011. Photograph by James Ryan. Figure 5 22. Kanga design by K. G. Peera. Note the instructions hand written in Gujarati. Gift 2011. Collection of James and MacKenzie Ryan. Photograph by James Ryan.

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329 Figure 5 23. Hussein Jiwan Hirji of Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. to Messrs. P. F. van 1 May 1965. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by James Ryan.

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330 Figure 5 24. Jiwan Hirji Building, 2 Mosque Street Dar es Salaam. 15 December 2011. Photograph by James Ryan.

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331 Figure 5 25 Photographs of Hussein Jiwan Hirji of Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. early 1960s. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by James Ryan.

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332 A B C Figure 5 26 Vlisco kanga commissioned by Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. 1951. A) Kanga in foreground shows Hussein Jiwan Hirji monogram in corner medallio ns. Kanga in background shows telephone advertising Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. firm. B) Detail of left half of telephone motif. C) Detail of right half of telephone motif. Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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333 CHAPTER 6 A CHRONOLOGY OF KANGA SUPPLY : A MANUFACTURING HI STORY As the last chapter established, the history of kanga textiles, including the ir manufacture distribution, sale and consumption, involved many p layers, all whom had a stake in the success of the venture. Because of the global nature of kanga production, chan ges in international relations affected kanga trade and manufacture. In this chapter, I will trace the chronology of kanga manufacture. I will begin with a brief outline of the history of Dar es Salaam; as the e ast African locus for the kanga trade for much of the twentieth century Dar es Salaam provides the backdrop for much of the sale and consumption of kanga I will next provide a timeline of kanga consumption, foc using on two eras: German East Africa, from approximately 1895 to 1916, followed by Colonial Tanganyika, from approximately 1920 1961. Competition between nations of manufacture and distribution will be noted, until continuous reco rds ceased in 1981 By using colonial and governmental reports, statistical data business records, and contemporaneous travelo gues I will show how manufacture and distribution of kanga textiles changed hands between competing nations throughout the twent ieth century. In doing so, we see that consumers in east Africa and manufacturers in industrialized nations interact ed and were interconnected. W hile co nsumption of kanga textiles in Dar es Salaam and Tanganyika generally increased throughout the twentieth century manufacture of these textile commodities shif ted showing constant competition by foreign powers to capture the market in this regionally popular cloth. Not at all a story of

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334 helpless colonial consumers marginalized by dominant industrialized pow ers, the manufacturing history of kanga textiles instead suggests a global interdependence 1 Brief History of Dar es Salaam Dar es Salaam is located on the east coast of present day Tanzania. Although not the political capital of the country, it is the maj or city and the economic, cultural, and for all intents and purpose s, the de facto capital of the e ast African country. While a booming city of nearly four million people today, 2 Dar es Salaam had humble beginnings. A relatively young city, Dar es Salaam w as founded in 1862 by the Omani sultan of Zanzibar. 3 In 1865 or 1866, Omani Sultan Majid bin Said began building a new town on a natural harbor on the coast of mainland east Africa. British colonial anthropologist J.A.K. Leslie chronicled the history of Da r es Salaam in his 1957 Survey of Dar es Salaam He states that Sultan Majid bin Said gained the permission of local Zaramo chiefs, who were living in the area in small villages, by presenting them with presents of cloth and money. 4 Cloth, thus, was a part addition to the Zaramo, other Africans living in and around what was to become Dar es 1 Jeremy Prestholdt, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 4. 2 The CIA World Factbook lists the population of Dar es Sa laam at 3.207 million in 2009. A recent article in the BBC Magazine estimates the population of this major city nearer to four million in July 2012. The World Factbook 2012 (Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 2012) and Joe BBC News Magazine (30 July 2012). 3 Dar es Salaam: Histories from an Emerging African Metropolis ed. James R. Brennan, Andre w Burton, and Yusuf Lawi (Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, in association with the British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi, 2007), 14. 4 J. A. K. Leslie, A Survey of Dar es Salaam (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 19.

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335 Salaam include members of the Shomvi and Shirazi ethnic groups 5 The sultan brought slaves from the island of Kilwa 6 t o clear the land, Arabs from Hadramaut 7 to develop coconut plantations, and Indian merchants to promote trade. 8 According to Brennan, the bandar as salm ). 9 Dar es Salaam was founded to counter the economic power of Bagamoyo, a coastal town about forty miles to the north. 10 However, for the first half century of its existence, Dar es Salaam struggled to compete with the more established and prosperous Bagamoyo. The coincided with a key period of European exploration and missionary zeal. 11 Many European visitors passed through the young town on their way to explore the interior, whether for economic or religious purposes. 12 Many of these early visitors to Dar es Salaam comment ed on the potential role in the eradication of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade, though most of their efforts were focus ed on Zanzibar as the entrept of trade in the region. 13 The town was largely 5 David Henry Ant Salaam, 1865 in present day Somalia, and the Shomvi came from Southern Arabia, Bra va, or other places and 6 Kilwa is an island of the coast of present day Tanzania, located about 200 miles south of Zanzibar. 7 Hadramaut is located in present da y Yemen on the Arabian Peninsula. 8 Leslie, A Survey of Dar es Salaam 201. 9 10 Brennan a 11 12 Tanganyika Notes and Records 71 (1970). 13 The following is a list of early visitors to Dar es Salaam who chronicled their experiences; the year of their visit is noted: British Lieutenant Colonel Lewis Pelly (1862), British Bishop Edward Ste ere (1865),

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336 abandoned in 1870, incrementally until large German and British colonial powers. As demand for ivory and slaves grew, the town and region attracted other industrial interests before the turn of the century. Indian merchants settled in the town to supply passing caravans with trade goods. 14 Others associated with the caravan trade, Nyamwezi porters, for example, also added numbers to early population estimates. As economic interest in the area grew, so too did the population. Sir William Mackinnon, a Scottish ship owner and businessman, had commercial interests in Indi a before turning his sights to e ast Africa. In Dar es Salaam, Mackinnon spearheaded the construction of the Mackinnon Road in 187 7, which was to connect the coast to Lake Nyasa and pave the way for increased trade with the interior. Howev er, the road stretched a mere eighty one miles before it was abandoned in 1881. 15 Although the overall project failed, helped secure Dar es Salaam as the center of for trade; where Zanzibar was enmeshed in the slave trade, Dar es Salaam could be a British government official G.E. Seward (1866), British surgeon Dr. John Kirk (1866 67 & 1868), German missionary Pere H rner (1867), British Commander Richard Bradshaw (1867), British abolitionist George Lydiard Sullivan (1868), British Bisho p William Tozer (1868), renowned caravan leader Tippu Tip (1868), Adrien Germain (1868), British missionary Charles New (1871 72), British government official Henry Bartle Frere (1873), British government official J.F. Elton (1875), British Captain Colomb (between1868 and 1872), British explorer and journalist Henry Morton Stanley (1874), British explorer Keith Johnston (1877), British explorer Joseph Thomson (1877), British government official Dr. John Kirk (1883?), German August Leue, representative of DO AG (1884 & 1887), German explorer Carl Peters (1884), German Bernhard Gronemann, representative of DOAG (1885), Carl Velten (between 1893 and1896), and German August Seidel, secretary of the German Colonial Society (1898). 14 204. 15 The Story of the 1931 (Hamburg: Broschek & Co., 1931), 52.

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337 de in the region. 16 Additionally, other Mackinnon ventures, including Smith Mackenzie & Co Ltd. would continue to play a key role in the town and region. Later, Dar es Salaam fell within the remit of the Protectorate of German East Africa, which extend ed from present day mainland Tanzania to the countries of Burundi and Rwanda. Germany was granted the colony during the Berlin Conference of 1884 and subsequent Berlin Treaty of 1885, where European powers effectively divided up the continent of Africa and claimed the right to rule. But Dar es Salaam itself was first briefly held by the Deutsch Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft (DOAG) or German East Africa Company, a private organization tasked with improving infrastructure and securing trade opportunities for t he benefit of the colony and the financial gain of the company. Trading rights in Dar es Salaam were first secured by the German East Africa Company in 1885, and taxation rights were granted in 1888 by Omani Sultan Barghash of Zanzibar. 17 The company made i ts base in Dar es Salaam and attempted to revive the largely abandoned town. In September 1890, direct shipping began between Hamburg and the 16 56. Indeed, t he changing fortunes of coastal entrep ts like Dar es Salaam and Mombasa spelled decline for the older trading center of Zanzibar, as Island and City of Za nzibar would seem from present indications to have reached its limits... With the English established at Mombasa and the Germans and perhaps others at more southern ports, the chances for African produce finding its market here will be very considerabl y reduced. And Zanzibar will, Assistant to Secre tary of State, 20 September 1887, as cited in Karim Kassam Janmohamed of Mombasa, c. 1895 1939: Some Aspects of Economic and Social Life in an East African Port Town 17 Brenna

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338 fledging town and its northerly neighbor of Tanga. Two years later, shipping links between India and Dar es Salaam were established. 18 On 1 January 1891, the German East African Company relinquished administration of the coastal area to the German government, which proclaimed the area a protectorate. 19 The colonial government moved their capital from Bagamoyo to Dar es Salaam, effectively shifting the administrative and economic center of the colony. 20 In the 1890s, the colonial government instituted a taxation system and continued building roads and other infrastructure. The population of Dar es Salaam grew both in Germ an immigrants who came to establish plantations or embark on missionary work, and in African laborers, such as the Nyamwezi, who became plantation laborers after initially coming to the region as caravan porters. 21 In 1897, the Deutsche Ostafrica Linie ship ping line moved its headquarters from Zanzibar to Dar es Salaam. 22 Mercantile firms would follow suit over the course of the next decade. Dar es Salaam also served as the center of German colonial military power. 23 Initially, the German colonial government c 24 Wars and rebellions, including the Maji Maji Uprising, plagued the protectorate until 1907. 25 The colonial government instituted the use of Swahili as 18 19 20 21 22 23 Brennan 24 25 66.

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339 the lingua franca in German East A frica. 26 By 1907, increased trade and economic growth due to the completion of the railroad helped Dar es Salaam eclipse the economic superiority of nearby Bagamoyo. 27 German merchant converters and trading cated from Zanzibar to Dar es Salaam. Trade soon became the backbone of the new town, and with economic opportunities came larger numbe rs of immigrants from the Indian subcontinent 28 The German colonial administration welcomed economic growth, and the grow ing city attracted many different people wage laborers, traders, wealthy businessmen, missionaries, and government officials, among others. By and large, these groups of people were separated along racial lines as well as divided by differences in class an d employment The years leading up to World War I saw colonial policy tailored around racially segregated urban planning which enhanced racial categorization 29 Dar es Salaam saw little combat during World War I and was occupied by British forces from 9 O ctober 1916 The town served as temporary quarters for the Allied Forces until food and housing limitations forced populations to seek pro visions upcountry. Germany was defeated in 1918 and was forced to concede its colonies; in Dar es Salaam, the German p opulation and military personnel were expelled from the town 30 I n 1919, civilian rule returned under the administration of the British. 31 With this 26 B rennan 27 Brennan 28 For simplification purposes in reference only, I will refer to this varied and diverse population as an Asians hails from the subcontinent (not just the modern nation state of India), practices a variety of religions, and refers to themselves in a multitude of ways. 29 Brennan 30 The majority of the former colony, German East Africa, was transferred to the British via a League of Nations mandate. The exceptions were present day Rwanda and Burundi, which formed part of German

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340 dip in population and relief of strain on infrastructure, the British continued German colonial plans for rac ially segregated urban planning. 32 The colony of German East became a free trade colony administered by the British in 1922. Throughout the interwar period, Dar es Salaam was firmly established as the political, economic, and social center of the newly named territory. In 1928, a railway expansion to Mwanza was completed, better linking the extremities of the colony to the capital, and in turn, the rest of the world. Urban pla nning in Dar es Salaam under the British ensured not only racial division in residential areas but also in commercial quarters. Europeans enjoyed tree lined streets and large estates near the coastline, in their aptly named quarter, Uzunguni European and African districts. This geographic location mirrored their intermediary economic role, as merchants and traders, serving both the interests of Europeans and Africans. 33 As merc hants and the owners and proprietors of shops, the Indian district, Dar es Salaam. The African district, known as Kariakoo, from the phonetic spelling of Carrier Co r ps, wa s farthest from the coast and least developed between the wars, East Africa but were assigned to Belgium under the Treaty of Versailles. A small portion of land known as the Kionga Triangle was reassigned to Portuguese Mozambique following World War I; today it remains part of Mozambique. 31 Brennan 32 For a lengthy discussion of urban planning policy predicated on racial boundaries in Dar es Salaam, diss., Northwestern University, 2002). 33

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341 featuring mostly single story, often wattle and daub structures. 34 With the prosperity of Indian merchants, the commercial district improved in infrastructure and three and four story building s were built in a variety of styles from the mid 1930s to the mid 1960s. 35 These Indian entrepreneurs became both landlords and proprietors of shops, ensuring their continued financial success throughout the colonial period. Surrounding villages were encroa ched upon and gradually the borders of the growing town expanded. Africans, on the other hand, were free only in so far as they had the ability to sell their labor for a wage. 36 They were not allowed to participate in commerce, as Indians were, which led to a distinct class divide European plantation owners, colonial administrators, and entrepreneurs comprised the upper class; Indian merchants, shop owners, and middle men in the import/export trade comprised the middle class; and finally, African wage labore rs made up the working class. Typical employment for Africans in the interwar period included dock laborer, casual laborer, and domestic service. 37 There were of course many exceptions to this generalization, as mission educated Africans often worked as sch ool teachers, lower level civil servants, and sometimes, landlords in the sprawling urban center of Dar es Salaam. Resentment brewed between poor and better off inhabitants, especially between the lower class Africans and middle class Indians, a theme that reprises throughout the history of Dar 34 Leslie, A Survey of Dar es Salaam 96. Carrier Corps was a British military organization founded to fulfill porterage and other supporting tasks during World War I. Other towns in East Africa also have quarters named for the pr esence of the Carrier Corps, likely given housing in these locations, such as Kariakor in Nairobi and Kariakoo in Dodoma. 35 Brennan 36 For an extended discussion, see Frederick Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters: Pla ntation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890 1925 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997). 37 Brennan

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342 es Salaam. In the 1930s, when the Great Depression affected economies worldwide, migrations to the territorial capital decreased as many Africans looked to farming as a means of survival in the countryside. 38 During World War II, the population of Dar es Salaam expanded quickly. However, urbanization and infrastructure failed to keep pace with the rapid migration into the city. Housing and sanitation were inadequate to accommodate the growing population, and limited i mports following austerity measures of World War II led to high inflation for basic consumer goods, such as food and clothing. The colonial government responded with a rationing system, designed to make basic necessities affordable and available to inhabit ants. However, the rationing system, which guaranteed access to necessities, had the unintended consequence of actually encouraging migration to the city. 39 The rationing system also exacerbated tensions around racial lines, as the amount, type, and quality by the colonial government. Some Indian merchants also benefitted from the squeeze on commodities; they participated in a black market in both food stuffs and clothing. Tensions reached their breaking point in a strike, when dockworkers and women brought the capital to a halt for a week shortly after the war in 1947. 40 Following the war, Dar es Salaam continued to grow in population and importance. The post war period was a boom ti me for the economy, and as Leslie remarks pent up demand for consumer goods, for exports, for outlets for capital, all conspired to 38 Brennan 39 Brennan 40 Andrew Burton, African Underclass: Urbanisation, Crime and Colonial Order in Dar es Salaam (Oxford: James Currey, 2005), 184 85.

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343 41 Housing construction, both formal and informal, continued. To counter housing shortages, info rmal settlements were transformed into planned suburbs for the growing populations of Dar es Salaam, and the colonial government even encouraged self construction in unplanned areas for Africans. 42 Industrial construction, too, increased, as well as school s, hospitals, and other necessities to support a growing population. Increasingly, the city became the hub of not only economic and political trends, but also so cial and cultural innovations 43 The improvements in infrastructure, amenities, and working cond itions in Dar es Salaam were meant to stabilize the urban African population, but in the period after World War II, these developments had the effect of encouraging larger number of migrants to the city. The colonial government lacked the ability to assert effective control over this growing urban population, and witho ut means of self representation African political organizations promoting anti colonial politics were founded from the late 1940s. 44 Tanganyika (later Tanzania) African National Union (TANU) w as founded in 1954, and as the successor to other political organizations, it gained widespread popularity with its criticisms of racial discrimination and its calls to increase expenditure on African participation in government, education, and constitutio n reforms to more widely benefit the African population. 45 41 Leslie, A Survey of Dar es Salaam 22. 42 Brennan 43 Brennan and Burton, Geiger, TANU Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tanganyikan Nationalism, 1955 1965 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997) and Andrew Ivaska, Cultured States: Youth, Gender, and Modern Style in 1960s Dar es Salaam (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011). 44 Brennan 49. 45 Brennan

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344 Independence was attained i n 1961, when TANU gained power in a peaceful transaction from the British. TANU was widely supported by Africans in Dar es Salaam, and the ruling party quickly abandoned t he racial organization that colonialism supported and in some ways had institutionalized, but they maintained policies of price regulation and restrictions on movement. 46 Migration from rural areas continued to fuel other populations diminished following independence. Other developments marked the new nation state in the first decade of its existence. The University of Dar es Salaam was founded in 1961 and was host to a number of radical thinkers in the 1960s and 1970 s. 47 Industrial development improved, with the first fully integrated texti le mill, a cement factory, and a ne w industrial estate opened in 1967 and the expansion of deep water berths at the port in 1970. 48 Newly independent Tanganyika became Tanzania when the mainland united with the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba in 1964 in the aftermath of the Zanzibar revolution. 49 Although urban development took place during this time, the government formalized their commitment to a policy of socialism, which was decisive ly anti urban. The Arusha Declaration of 1967 espoused a policy of socialism and self reliance, known 46 aam, Tanzania, 1916 diss., Northwestern University, 2002), 359. 47 Cultured States: Youth, Gender, and Modern Style in 1960s Dar es Salaam (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011), 124 165. 48 Brennan 49 On 12 January 1964, a violent revolution overthrew the government of Zanzibar. A simplistic explanation is the exploited African majori ty rose up and overthrew the oppressive ruling minority, comprised of Arabs and Indians. See Anthony Clayton, The Zanzibar Revolution and its Aftermath (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1981), Helen Louise Hunter, Zanzibar: The Hundred Days Revolution (Santa Barb ara: Praeger Security International, 2010), and Esmond Bradley Martin, Zanzibar: Tradition and Revolution (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1978) for a complete discussion.

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345 colloquially as Ujamaa urbanization was viewed as exploitative of rural populations. 50 Politic al propaganda praised agricultural work and life in cooperative villages, while damning the morally suspect and instable life in the city. 51 The government attempted to exert control over the urban population with forced repatriation to rural areas for the info rmally employed, the under employed and unemployed. New villages were organized, people were relocated, and al most everyone was instructed to become a self reliant agriculturalist, shunning the opportunities and modern associations with the city of Da r es Salaam. A pass system was even put in place to ensure that only those with full employment remained legally in Dar es Salaam. 52 But urban migration continued unabated. African resentment of Indian prosperity in Dar es Salaam continued to fuel tense rel ations in the post colonial era. The Acquisition of Buildings Act (1971) ostensibly brought equality to Tanzanians, but in reality it simply nationalized second homes and businesses of a certain value. Between 1971 and 1973, nearly 3,000 buildings in Dar e s Salaam were nationalized of which 96% were owned by Indians. 53 Many Indians saw the writing on the wall and left Tanzania In just over a decade, Indian population had effectively been cut in half. 54 In 1974, Dodoma, a town in the geographica l center of Tanzania, became the political capital of Tanzania, but this 50 51 52 53 Brennan 54

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346 decree did little to change the reality that Dar es Salaam was not only the de facto manufacturing, so cial, and cultural activities. Perhaps unsurprisingly, this policy of self reliance did not flourish, and by the mid nflation was high, industry struggled and resident took office in 1985 with the promise of liberalizing reforms. The transition from state run to cost sharing, in education, healthcare, sanitation, social security among others, has marked the past history. A move away from socialism has also seen a growth in conspicuous consumption of luxury goods. 55 The media, too, has been liberalized, with large increases in the number s of newspapers, magazines, radio stations, and the coming of television in 1994 56 Today, Dar es Salaam is highly paradoxical: large scale building projects feature on every block in the old Uhindini and Kariakoo neighborhoods, closest to the city center. Investments are pouring in from abroad, but basic infrastructure electricity, ro ads, potable water, and sanitation 57 Exports are a fraction of the number of imports, and t he chasm between rich and poor grows ever larger. Chronology of Kanga Players The city of Dar es Salaam served as the loca tion for much of the import, sale, and consumption of kanga textiles for much of the twentieth century. With the br o a d 55 Brennan 63. 56 Brennan 65. 57

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347 kanga history. The following sections document the chronology of kanga players, production, and distribution as they converge d in Dar es Salaam, through import statistics colonial trade reports, pub lished accounts, and archival sources. In this section, competition between merchant converters, countries of manufacture, and larger economic, political, and global forces come to bear on the trade in this re gionally popular textile. This chronology is organized into eras distinguished by political changes affecting Dar es Salaam. Kanga consumption during the era of German colonial rule is viewed through the lens of Zanzibar as the entrept for tra de and commercial relations in e ast Africa around the turn of the twentieth century. During this period, Dar es Salaam fell within the remit of German East Africa b ut in many ways still relied on goods transshipped through Zanzibar which was a British Protectorate Dutch imports of kanga textiles reigned supreme, followed by British imports in the hands of German and sometimes French merchant converters. World War I interrupted German colonial rule; when Germany was defeated at the end of the war the country was stripped of its colonial holdings. Next the Tanganyika Territory era is detailed when Dar es Salaam served a s capital of a free trade colonial territory a dministered by the British. Generally, the United King dom was the largest producer of kanga textiles before 1950, beating out its closest competitor, the Netherlands British India ( later India ) and Japan a lso maintained steady presence in the kanga trade during this time. Japan took o ver as the largest producer of kanga textiles in 1950, largely maintaining this place until 1981 when records ceased.

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348 Tanganyika gained its independence in 1961 and united with the islands of Zanzib ar and P emba to become Tanza nia in 1964 These years will be briefly outlined, as s tatistical records indicate that kanga textiles were steadily imported to Dar es Salaam until local pr oduction began in the late 1960s when government policies shifted to embrace socialism and protect the fledgling textile industry. 58 A flurry of Asian competition accompanied this shift in policies, when Japan, China, Hong Kong and India struggled to dominate kanga imports between 1966 and 1970. I mports largely dwindle d throughout the 1970s, when J apan served as the sole importer between 1971 and 1981. The remainder of this chapter will show that the market for this regionally popular cloth was important, as industrialized countries completed throughout the course of the twentieth century to produce this commodity. D ominant countries of manufacture changed many times throughout the twentieth century and included the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Japan, and even India a nd China, before imports ceased in the early 1980s. This fierce competition among ind ustrialized nations indicates that kanga textiles, an inexpensive commodity demanded by east African women, was worth fighting over. German East Africa As has previously been established, Zanzibar was t he regional commercial hub for e ast Africa in the nine teenth century. 59 Around the turn of the twentieth century, 58 Records such as statistical abstracts for the colony of Tanganyika and subsequently the independent nation of Tanzania record amounts and value of imported kanga : Retained Imports of Certain Textile Goods: Cotton Piece Goods: Printed Khangas), Tanganyika Statistical Abstract 1938 1952 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1953). For complete statistics, see Appendix B, Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and I ndependent Tanzania, 1929 59

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349 commerc ial interests gradually began to shift away from the island of f the coast of e ast Africa to mainland ports, which could more directly serve the growing colonies of German East Africa (presen t day mainland Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi) and British East Africa (present day Kenya) Whereas Zanzibar was dominant throughout the nineteenth century, by 1905 its economic stronghold had been broken. 60 This was due to a number of factors: ss of status as a free port in 1899, new direct steamship connections between Germany and German East Africa through Dar es Salaam, and completion with the railway line beginning in 1907 61 O ne 1 903 British t rade report remarks on the opening up of direct s teamship lines through Dar e s Salaam: There is nevertheless little doubt that a general and growing tendency has sprung up amongst the merchants on the mainland to take advantage of the frequent opportunities offered to them by the steamers of the various lines which now call at their ports to deal direct with other countries instead of through Zanzibar as in former times; the result is that Zanzibar, though it still retains its position as a financial centre, is undoubtedly losing some of its old importanc e as the emporium of the east coast of Africa. 62 Indian traders and shopkeepers in Zanzibar were lamenting the lost trade by 1906: olden days nearly every Government official, planter, &c., going to and from the mainland, used to look to Zanzibar for h is wants while he was at his post, and spend freely on his way out and home; now he goes direct from his port of entrance and either gets his supplies direct from home or from local merchants, and in many cases does not 60 61 62 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Harrison and Sons, 1904), 3.

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350 63 B y 1910, trade in piece goods, the category that included kanga textiles was notably affected in Zanzibar goods has steadily declined in recent years as a result of the extension of direct steamer communication between Europe and India and the East African ports, and the consequent rapid development of these ports as distributing centres at the expense of 64 But Dar es Salaam had not yet supplanted Zanzibar as the center of fashion in 1910 : The loss in the transshipment t rade would not, however, appear to have any disturbing effect upon the imports of kaniki kanga s and piece goods East African natives, sets the fashion in the two former articles of female dress, and any surplus which remains after the local demand is satisfied finds a ready sale on the mainland. 65 with imports shifting to the growing coasta l town of Dar es Salaam in the case of German East Africa and Mombasa in the case of British East Africa. 66 C olonial records formerly housed in the Tanzania National Archives f rom German East Africa (ca. 1885 1916 ) were unavailable in fall 2011 67 British co lonial trade reports on nearby Zanzibar often discussed kanga textiles in the early years of the twentieth 63 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar and Sons, 1907), 6. 64 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar 65 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar fice, 1911), 6. 66 1939: Northwestern University, 1978). 67 Records in the Tanzania National Archives indicate files from the German colonial period were purposefully destroyed.

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351 century. During this period, Zanzibar was declining in commercial importance, but the trade reports from this former regional hub effectively describ e regional developments. As one Zanzibar annual report for the year 1901 notes [O]wing to excellent grain crops and the consequent prosperity amongst the native population on the mainland, t here was a greater general demand for this class of goods [piece goods], which first entered Zanzibar (thus figuring as an import) and was afterwards transshipped to the east coast of Africa. This fact tends to show the value of this port [Zanzibar] as a distributing centre. 68 Furthermore, in the early years of the cent ury, reports from Zanzibar provided extensive discussion on the lucrative but exacting kanga trade, for great success was possible, but only if suppliers heeded the specific demands of consumers. By looking to imports to Zanzibar and the recommendations fo r manufacturers, much can be garnered about the manufacturing history of kanga textiles. In 1895, trade in cotton piece goods was supplied to Zanzibar by only five countries: British India, Holland, the United States of America, Great Britain, and Germany, in amounts relative to the order listed. 69 A British trade report from that year included the first lengthy discussion of the trade in kanga textiles I quote this report at length to show the established demand for this commodity and the competition in it s manufacture already in 1895 : Another important branch of this trade is in connection with what are known Kanga by 72 inches, which form the principal garments of native women. At one tim e a large business was done in these with both Manchester and 68 Cornish, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, No. 2893 (London: P and Sons, 1902), 4. 69 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance : Africa No. 1765 (London: Printed for His M Office by Harrison and Sons, 1896), 8.

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352 Glasgow, the goods received being roller printed and good in quality and pattern, but of recent years a demand has set in for a cheaper article, and it has been met by the import by German firms of a common block printed Kanga superior and more expensive English variety, although the cloth itself is still supplied from Manchester. The printing of these handkerchiefs is in Holland perfor med by hand by a very cheap class of labour, consisting chiefly of old women and children, and Dutch manufacturers are willing to supply different patterns in comparatively small quantities, whereas the only business house in Great Britain that has, as far as is known, been approached with a view to taking up this particular line, has only been willing to do so on the understanding that merchants here would order such large quantities of each variety that the latter were afraid that they would be unable to dispose of them, and therefore declined the offer. Whether English could compete with Dutch labour at the price at which these goods are sold is a question that can only be decided at home, but there is little doubt that it is a matter well worth the serio us consideration of the British manufacturer, more especially as the trade is one which his bound to increase with the extension of civilization into the interior of Africa. The enclosed samples will be sufficient to show the class of art icle which is most ly in demand 70 This report, combined with the historical research discussed in the previous chapter, illuminate s local demand, global networks of trade and basic manufacturing processes deployed in the kanga trade as early as 1895. For example, the standar d noted A divergence in manufacturing process and shift in dominant manufacturers was already articulated: first, roller printed kanga were commissioned from British firms (based in Manch ester and Glasgow; likely firms that would become members of the Cali Association in 1899). By 1895, however, consumers demanded a cheaper alternative : block printed kanga whose designs were hand printed in Holland on Manchester woven cloth, a nd subsequently distributed by a German firm. These cheaper kanga 70 10. Other textiles are also described at length, including Americani Membai Gumpty, Hindessa, Madduf, Kaniki, Bandera, cambric, twill, Vilemba, and Vikoi A. H. Hardinge, 8 10.

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353 were likely printed by specialty Dutch textile printers, such as van Vlissingen & Co. (Vlisco) HKM, or LKM. The less expensive Dutch printed kanga were distributed by German merchant conver The savvy nature of Dutch printing here must be stressed even though British roller printed kanga were of better quality, the expense of engraving copper rollers dictated that very large runs were requir ed to break even on the printed textile commission. The German distributors realized that small print runs even of lesser quality kanga were safer and more lucrative investment s than large print runs of the same kanga design. Consequently the commission w ent to Dutch textile printers, who wisely used a cheaper class of labor old women and children thus keeping their labor costs down, and accepted sma ller print runs to satisfy e insatiable demand s for new kanga designs. One of the pu r pose s of annual trade reports was to aid British manufacturers in their quest to improve their businesses by expanding to new markets or regaining former dominance. B y 1895 the production of kanga textiles was already established as a safe investment, where r eturn on investment was guaranteed if the market was carefully considered. Many of these reports were accompanied by samples of the textiles in question, to help British manufacturers produce sought after commodities. 71 Again in the 1895 report, the author, a British colonial official with firsthand experience in Zanzibar, advised British manufacturers to seriously consider producing this commodity again as the expansion into the interior of Africa would certainly increase 71 Although many reports indicate that samples of kanga textiles were forwarded to the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, I was unable to locate their present whereabouts. I searched for them within the Manchester Chamber of Commerce archives, held in the Greater Manchester County Record Office with the Manchester Archives, but was unsuccessful in locating them.

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354 demand for such consumer goods. Th e 1895 report goes on to offer these sharply worded comments regarding t rade interests in e ast Africa : unless the British manufacturer will come down from his pedestal and produce an article, as his foreign competitors do, that will meet the practical req uirements of the buyers, it is likely that a trade which might be fairly profitable to him will drop more and more into other hands. There is another point also, apart from any question of price, in which British trade suffers by comparison with our foreig n rivals, and that is the enterprise and care which are necessary to obtain a hold on this market, and when once obtained, to keep it. The mercantile firms of Zanzibar are constantly receiving from foreign manufacturers elaborate foreign sample and price l ists, from which they can select the particular article which they consider will best meet the native fancy, but the British exporter apparently considers that no advertisement is necessary, for English houses in Zanzibar seldom receive any particulars of what he is prepared to offer. It appears also to be a popular idea that goods sent out fr o m England will find a ready sale, without regard to the form in which they arrive. This is a complete error, for the native is a very particular person indeed; he wan ts his coil of brass wire to be in one complete length, and so many coils in a case; there must be exactly the same number of yards in every piece of cloth; each bar of soap should cut into an equal number of equal pieces. These details may appear to be un worthy of consideration, but it is just a careful observation of some of these small points that has helped foreign trade to succeed where British trade has failed. 72 o the tastes of the e ast African market, and pointed to three aspects to account for the struggling British trade in Zanzibar. First, the writer noted Manchester me Second, the writer criticized the lack of advertisement or effort put forth to maintain business in e ast Africa. Finally, British manufacturers paid no mind to the packaging or presentation of commodities upon arrival. One can infer that o ther m erchant converters, likely German near the turn of the twentieth century, had already mastered such specifications preferred by consumers in e ast Africa. Only with great 72 12 13.

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355 attention to detail would British merchant converters and manufacturers be able to com pete in the highly competitive kanga trade. The prominence of kanga textiles in particular among imported commodities to Piece goods continue to hold the first place of all article s imported to Zanzibar, and enormously exceed (as was the case in the year 1895) in kanga or printed handkerchiefs, which form the principal dress of Swahili women, and of the trade in thes e articles Germany practically holds the monopoly. Those made in England are machine printed, and much more expensive than those imported by German firms, which are block printed in Holland. 73 Again, German merchant converters commissioning inexpensive bloc k printed kanga from Dutch textile printers continued to beat out British roller printed varieties. This dominance in the kanga trade Another important branch of the piece goods trade is in connection with kanga inches, two of which, with a scarf round the head, constitute the ordinary dress of a Swahili woman. The reasons that these are supplied, as they are, almost entirely from Continenta l countries, is that in England, where the printing process is effected by means of somewhat expensive machinery, it is found that the work cannot be carried on at a profit unless a considerable number of handkerchiefs, perhaps 3,000 or 4,000 of each patte rn are disposed of, whereas in Holland, where a system of block printing by hand is adopted, a much greater variety of pattern can be produced at comparatively little extra cost. The work is in the latter case undoubtedly inferior, but that is a detail whi ch, so long as she can be dressed in the latest fashion, the native lady is quite prepared to overlook. The cloth which these handkerchiefs are made is still supplied from Manchester, and perhaps some cheaper system of printing may yet be devised there whi ch 73 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance No. 1961 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1897 ), 8 9. The other cotton piece goods mentioned are: American and English grey cotton sheetings, superior American grey cotton drill and the corresponding English type; other piece goods mostly received from Great Britain: ths, Muscat scarves, white drill, Khaki drill, Khaki flannel and flannelette, cricketing flannels, tweeds, canvas, and Turkey red twills, and from Bombay: gunny bags and indigo dyed 8 10.

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356 will enable the British manufacturer to recover this trade from his Dutch competitor. 74 British manufacturers seem to have taken the advice on local taste and requirements set forth in the 1896 and 1897 trade reports, as the outlook in the 1898 trade rep ort is brighter The report indicates prices are competitive but the problem of large print runs still plagued British manufacturers, who continued to use the copper roller printed method rather than woodblocks 75 Thus, Dutch printers maintained an advantag e over the British because the antiquated technology they used (hand block printing) allowed for the printing of small batches of textiles. The British ha d much higher capacity, but in this specialized market, a large capacity for only one design wa s less marketable than small batches of many designs. T he annual report from 1899 indicates the Dutch advantage was lessening over competition from British manufacturers : I n former years the bulk of kanga s imported were of Dutch manufacture, yet in the past year fairly large quantities have arrived from Manchester, and patterns designed in Zanzibar have been approved in England and preferred to those which were block printed in Holland on account of their being clearer and better 76 While the Dutch hand printed kan ga may have initially dominated the market, by 1899 the British fought their way back as competitors by the use of superior roller printing technology that produced a clearer image while maintaining a low price This passage 74 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa and Sons, 1898), 14. 75 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Sons, 1899), 14. 76 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Harrison and Sons, 1900), 10.

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357 also noted that kanga patterns were designed in Zanzibar presumably by Indian merchants involved in the kanga trade. A report on the neigh boring island, Pemba, provides the most detailed and complete description of the kanga trade in the Report for the Year 1900, from which I quote a t length: There are many articles in general use here, to the supplying of which British firms might profitably devote their attention. Thus the trade in the gaily coloured cotton cloths, locally known as kanga s in which the women array themselves, and fo r which there is an immense demand throughout East Africa, is at present wholly in the hands of German and French firms in Zanzibar. The secret of success in the kanga trade is to keep up a continual supply of novelties in the matter of design and colourin g. The mode of procedure adopted by the German and French firms in Zanzibar is this: they cause hundreds of hand coloured samples to be prepared at home, and these they submit to the leading Indian dealers, who select therefrom such as they judge will be m ost likely to sell, and who, themselves, frequently suggest new patterns or modifications in the sample designs. The importing firms book orders from the Indian dealers for given quantities of the patterns selected or suggested by them, to be delivered wit hin such period or at such intervals as may be arranged. The Indians take good care to let the native women know whenever fresh consignments of kanga are due, and the goods are placed on the market with the least possible delay after being landed. There is much rivalry amongst the women as to who shall soonest appear arrayed in the latest thing in kanga s which sell at a high premium during the early days of their novelty. Thus newly arrived kanga s will fetch as much as 4 s. for the set of two, during, say, the first week, after which time the price declines, as the article goes out of fashion, until a pair of the same cloths can be had eventually for 1 s 4 d. which is the lowest figure at which the Indians sell them. I am informed that the bulk of the kang a s imported into East Africa are printed in Holland. There appears to be no reason why British firms should not successfully make a bid for their share of the kanga trade, by adopting methods similar to those practised by German and French firms. 77 This pa ssage adds a few more clarifying details to the networks of kanga trade active around the turn of the twentieth century. F irst, it describes the dominance of French 77 Report on the Island of Pemba for the Year 1900 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa 1901), 15 16.

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358 merchant converter firms in addition to the Germans. It is likely the French firm to which this official referred to is L. Besson & Co., which also commissioned kanga from the Dutch textile printer, van Vlissingen & Co. (Vlisco). 78 The report from 1900 also clarifies how new designs the secret to the success of the kanga trade were created. Hand drawn designs by draftsmen in Europe were sent to Zanzibar for selection, improvement, and appro val by Indian merchants, who kne w the tastes and demands of e ast African women, the primary consumers of kanga textiles. These Indian merchants also created th eir own designs, and orders were placed for the designs that were most favored by these market experts The Indian merchants then advertised the arrival of new kanga designs, which when new, were snapped up by fashion conscious women for three times the co st of kanga design s that have fallen out of fashion. 79 Furthermore, trade reports recorded the superiority of German business acumen and willingness to experiment. British colonial official Charles Eliot acc ounted for German dominance in e ast Africa by stat ing have less spirit of adventure than their German brethren. They like certain and immediate profits; they are little disposed to make experi ments or run risks in opening up new markets of doubtful value or to ch ange their methods and product in order to 78 L. Besson supplied a kanga like textile, known locally as lamba hoany in to consumer in Madag ascar, a former French colony. Lamba hoany are easy to spot, due to their use of the Malagasy language (rather than Swahili), the particular color combination favored (maroon brown and gold), and many designs featuring people and other items less commonly seen on east African kanga 79 The trade report indicates that a new, sought after design sold for 4 s and a design that has fallen out of fashion sold for 1 s 4 d With 12 pence per shilling, the high price is exactly three times the low price, where 4 s = 48 d and 1 s 4 d. = 16 d

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359 sui t 80 The British report for the year 1900 on Zanzibar stresses the importance of quality, affordable cost, small print runs, attractive pattern and color in creating a successful ka nga design 81 Equally, drawing on the knowledge of was critical to ensure designs m et with local demand. Although British manufacturers still lagged behind their Dutch competitors, strides were made at o f fering a superior product at a competitive price, in efforts to capture the market in kanga textiles. Between 1900 and 1901, imports of Dutch kanga increased enormously. Accounting for the surge, the British 1901 trade report notes ely to account for this enormous increase [from 4,500 l. in 1900 to 50,006 l in 1901], though it Kanga ordinary dress of the Swahili men and women, who are by no means slow to ta ke advantage of any improvement in their circumstances b y (what is to them) an extravagant 82 When the purchasing power of consumers of kanga increased, so too did their consumption of textiles Although a very basi c principle, it proves once again that kanga textiles were relatively inexpensive consumer item s worn throughout e ast Africa ; when disposabl e income increased, so too did e kanga textiles 83 80 Charles Eliot, East African Protectorate (London: Edward Arnold, 1905), 229 230. 81 Diplomatic and Consular Report s: Africa No. 2718 (London: Printed for H 1901), 13. 82 Cornish, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, y Harrison and Sons, 1902), 5. 83 A similar surge in kanga imports was noted in the neighboring island of Pemba in1904, which saw the

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360 F rom 1902, different types of cotton piece goods were itemized in tables recording 84 Descriptions of particular cotton goods were also provided 85 In addition to fashions continually changing, trade reports make note of how p articular the east African consumer could be, even specifying how textiles should be folded 86 T he 1903 British t rade report reiterate s similar information about the dominance of Dutch kanga manufacture 87 Importation of this lucrati ve if inexpensive commodi ty to e ast Africa was monopolized by the Germans in the first decades of the twentieth century, likely in the hands of the merchant converter firm, & Co. Their advantage was maintained by extending Indian merchants 88 But thi s is not to say other Eu ropean merchant converter firms did not fight for their share of the kanga trade, as the 1904 annual report describes: Until within the past four years German y held a monopoly of the trade in kanga s, not only in Zanzibar and in Pemb a, but also throughout East Africa enabled consumers to pu kanga Report for the Year 1904 on the Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 3375 (London: 3 4. 84 Piece goods were itemized into the following types: American, Blankets, Grey shirting, Kaniki, Kanga s, by Sinclair, Diplomatic and Consular Reports ionary Office by Harrison and Sons, 1905), 9. 85 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, 1903), 6 7. 86 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, 1903), 8. 87 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Harrison and Sons, 1904), 5. 88 Sinclair, Diplomatic and Consular Reports 1905), 4.

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361 generally. Most of the kanga s shipped from Germany are printed in the Netherlands, where, it appears, the process of printing them can be most cheaply carried out. Lately, however, France has begun to compete with Germany in supplying these goods. A considerable proportion of the kanga s imported into Pemba during the past four years had been shipped from Marseille; but, doubtless, the kanga s of French origin had also been printed in the Netherlands. The trade in kanga s is a matter well worth the attention of British manufacturers of cotton goods. It must be remembered that kanga s are universally worn not only in Zanzibar and in Pemba, but also throughout British Central Africa, throughout all East Africa, in Uganda and on t he West Coast as well. The aggregate value of the kanga trade throughout Africa must amount to a very large sum per annum. 89 O ne French merchant converter firm, L. Besson, did commission kanga textiles from the Dutch textil e printer, van Vlissingen & Co. (V lisco) Kanga text iles spread rapidly throughout e ast Africa and have been documented in far flung locales such as Ujiji (on the eastern banks of Lake Tanganyika on the far western border of present day Tanzania) in 1890 90 and in Mahuta (on the border of pr esent day Tanzania and Mozambique) in 1906 91 The demand for kanga textiles is well documented o n the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba through trade reports which record steady demand and consumption through import figures. It is likely that kanga were popula r throughout British Central Africa (present day Malawi) e ast Africa (at that time comprising British East Africa, present day Kenya, and German East Africa, present day mainland Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi), and Uganda, but I have seen no documentary 89 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No 1905), 4 5. 90 Kanga ca. 1880 The International Journal of African Historic al Studies 39 no. 3 (2006): 441 69, especially 461 462. 91 Kanga Native Life in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition, trans. Alice Werner (1909 repr., Chicago: Afro Am Press, 1969). Weule spent six months in East Africa in 1906 and reproduced no less than eleven photographs that show women wearing kanga

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362 e vidence to suggest that kanga were popular throughout West Africa as well. It is possible the author here conflated the use of a kanga worn as a wrapper by African women with other types of cloth popular across the contine nt. The tone of earlier reports th at bemoan ed the fact that British manufacturing interests were outpaced by their fo reign rivals changed in 1904: A good deal has been said in the past about the lack of enterprise shown by British firms as compared with their foreign (notably German) rival s, but it is I think clear, looking at the position British trade is shown by the accompanying statistic to hold, that however just this criticism may have been it is now, in so far as Za nzibar is concerned, unmerited. 92 Finally in 1904, British manufactur ers dominated the kanga trade when they greatly outsold Dutch produced kanga in Zanzibar. A ccording to the import figures, British imports of kanga textiles dominated Dutch imports by just under £12,000 in 1904 and £ 2,000 in 1905 proving that British manu facturers could complete in the kanga trade. 93 Each yearly report provided itemized values of the category piece good whole From 1905, the country of origin as well as the individual type of cotton piece good was provided for both the curre nt and previous year ; these statistics document which country was responsible for importing the majority of kanga and may point to a likely merchant converter firm as well as a likely printer. In 1904 and 1905, overall numbers of kanga textiles imported fe ll, likely due to the outbreak of bubonic plague in 92 Diplomatic and Consular Rep orts 1905), 8. 93 kanga s imported from the United Kingdom was 40,781 l [in 1905] as against 29,183 l in 1904, and from the Netherlands 29,322 l [in 1905] as a gainst 27,400 l Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 3677

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363 Zanzibar 94 The Netherlands regained their dominance in kanga imports in 1906, when trade reports organized itemized types of piece good values by country of origin into useful tables. 95 Dominance in import ed kanga textiles to Zanzibar, judged by import values, shifted between the British and the Dutch for the next decade. This alternation is chief country of kanga supply suggests sustained competition between British and Dutch manufacturers which fought to capture the largest share of the market in kanga textiles among east African women. Although only a regionally popular cloth, the requirements of rapidly changing design s were met by these European manufacturers, determined to supply this saleable commodi ty to consumers half a world away. In addition to providing import figures, s ome trade reports offer lengthy detail on many aspects of the kanga trade 96 Dutch printers continue d to print textiles more cheaply than British competitors, and merchant converte rs the middle men in the textile trade, continued to be dominated by German firms in 1906 and 1907 97 British imports 94 For discussion of the Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 3677 s, 1906), 3, 12. 95 In 1905, the United Kingdom imported £ 40,781 worth of kanga to Zanzibar, compared with the £ 29,423; total kanga imports were worth £71,805 In 1906, conversely, the United Kingdom imported only £ 16,024 worth of kanga to Zanz £ 36, 743; total kanga imports were worth £56,400 Richards, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Stationery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1907), 16. The drop in trade between 1905 and 1906 was due to the outbreak of plague and the quarantine restrictions placed on Zanzibar by neighboring protectorates. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar 10 96 Diplomatic and Co nsular Reports: Zanzibar Harrison and Sons, 1906), 3 4. 97 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 394 and Sons, 1907), 4. Cheaper Dutch manufacture is again stated in the 1907 report, see the paragraph on Commerce of

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364 were on the rise in 1907 98 and in 1908, Dutch imports decreased dramatically, falling behind British imports 99 The chain of supply and sale remained similar to previous years with German merchant converters uniting the local knowledge of Indian traders with the technological prowess of European manufacturers 100 A 1908 trade report warns against introducing ill considered commodities, as east : Firms wishing to open business relations with Zanzibar should remember that the African native is extremely conservative in his taste for the arti cles with which he is acquainted and refuses to accept any innovation in them. The introduction of a new commodity for native use is always attended by a risk of failure, since, owing to the extremely capricious nature of the native demand, it is very diff icult to foresee the manner in which an unknown article will be received. The essential features that goods intended for this market should possess are cheapness and showiness; quality is, in most cases, an altogether minor consideration. Cheap cutlery, wa tches and chains, mirrors, enamel ware, crockery, umbrellas and bicycles are amongst the articles for which there is a constant demand and in which the share of the United Kingdom might be profitably extended. It is, however, necessary, as has been pointed out above, that the manufacturer, before Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4058 (London: Printed for His 6. 98 In 1907, the United Kingdom imported £ 28,028 worth of kanga to Zanzibar, compare d with the £ 39,746; total kanga imports were worth £70,013 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4058 (London: Printed for His Majest 20. Conversely, imports of kanga into the neighboring island Pemba were dominated by those manufactured in the United Kingdom. I surmise this is a trickle down effect of the dominance of British kanga in 1 905. 21. 99 In 1908, the United Kingdom imported £ 30,646 worth of kanga to Zanzibar, compared with the £ 23,015; total kanga imports were worth £56 ,570 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4312 (London: 24. 100

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365 making any attempt to introduce his goods, should make himself thoroughly acquainted with the local requirements. 101 One description of outsourcing typical of kanga manufacturing comes from a 1908 book Glimpses of E ast Africa and Zanzibar written by Ethel Younghusband The author African Rifles, to e ast Africa; th ey first lived in Mombasa and then in Zanzibar. Younghusband observ es e ast African highly specific tastes and the tendency for designs and color schemes to fall out of fashion rapidly: kanga a most picturesque dress, as they are most particular about the colours and patterns. A manager of an Engli sh firm that imported these kanga s told me the material was made near Manchester; copper rollers for printing are made in London, one for each colour or shade; then all these things are sent over to Holland to be printed. The ladies are so fastidious they will not wear the kanga s when the fashion has passed, several thousand of one pattern are ordered the first time, but it never pays to re order. 102 Younghusband here confirmed that kanga were manufactured jointly by British and Dutch firms, with the use of M anchester cotton cloth, London copper rollers, and D utch printing. Imports of kanga to Zanzibar in 1909 grew steadily from 1908, with the United Kingdom out earning the Netherlands. However, in 1910, while Dutch imports grew steadily, British kanga fell dr astically. 103 The colonial 101 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar and Son s, 1909), 10 11. Similar points are made in the 1909 for the Years 1909 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar ), 10 102 Ethel Younghusband, Glimpses of East Africa and Zanzibar (London: John Long, 1910), 34 35. 103 In 190 9 the United Kingdom imported £ 41 048 worth of kanga to Zanzibar, compared with the £ 25 393 ; total kanga imports were worth £ 68 850 I n 1910, the United Kingdom imported just £ 7 891 worth of kanga £ 29 112 ; total kanga imports were worth £ 39 322 10 on the Trade and Commerce

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366 lowest recorded in to account for why in particular British kanga suffered so acutely in 1910. 104 Imports of both British and Dutch kanga fell slightly in 1911, but re bounded in 1912; Dutch kanga continued to account for more than double the numbers of British kanga imports into Zanzibar. 105 Records for 1913 list only the total value of piece good imports; the overall value decreased by about 20%, but without specific num bers for kanga imports, no conclusions may be drawn from this general decrease. To account for lower values of piece good imports in 1913, the report rtation by mainland coast ports, 106 indicating a s hift in commercial center, from Zanzibar as an off shore island entrept, to the mainland ports of Mombasa for British East Africa and Dar es Salaam for German East Africa. Imports of piece goods fell again in 1914, but this time, it was due to the outbrea k of war. 107 Overall throughout the German colonial period, goods intended for both European and African consumption increased, especially cotton goods, both of European and 104 105 In 1911 the United Kingdom imported £ 6 741 worth of kanga to Zanzibar, compared with the £ 28 855 ; total kanga imports were worth £ 38 950 In 1 912, the United Kingdom imported £ 1 7 045 worth of kanga £ 42 780 ; total kanga imports were worth £ 65 070 12 on the Trade and Commerce of Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Office, 1913), 21. Beginning in the Report on the Years 1911 12, exports of itemized cotton piece goods, including kanga were recorded along with their destination (British East Afric a, German East Africa, or 12 on the Trade and Commerce 106 Piece goods: 1912 £240,902 and 1913 £191,023. Zanzibar No. 823 (Lond 1914), 8 9. 107 Piece goods: 1914 £ Zanzibar No. 843 (London: Printed Office by Barclay and Fry, Ltd., 1915), 8.

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367 Indian manufacture. 108 According to Rodemann, cotton textiles constituted 28.4% of tot al value of imports in 1913. 109 In fact, between 1909 and 1913, the value of imported cotton goods outstripped the nearest competitor (iron) by almost three times Even though the number of kanga fluxuated within that same period, imports of cotton piece goo ds dwarfed other types of commodities 110 Wartime interrupted the trade in kanga textiles, particularly because Dar es Salaam fell within the bounds of a German colony when World War I broke out in 1914. The 1914 British trade report for Zanzibar notes the f ollowing, The trade in piece goods was largely in the hands of German firms, who held sole agencies for the British and Dutch manufactures principally in demand. On the outbreak of war all orders which had been placed in England and Holland were held up, and it was some time before merchants succeeded in getting into touch with manufacturers. These facts, combined with the cessation of trade with German East Africa, account for the fall in imports. 111 No figures are provided in the yearly report for 1915, b ut decreases in imports across the board were likely. here were decreases in the case of several other articles, attributable generally to the reduced shipping facilities and 112 The competition between Dutch and British manufacturers, and German, French, and British merchant converters documented in turn of the century British trade reports 108 109 110 111 Zanzibar No. 843 (London: Printed under the auth ority of His 112 Zanzibar No. 886 (London: Printed under the authority of His 6.

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368 indicates that kanga textiles were a commodity worth competing to control. The manufactur e and export of a specific commodity that was tailored to meet the desires of east African women characterizes the kanga trade in the colonial period in German East Africa. The mutually beneficial relationship of foreign producers meeting local east Africa n demands suggests a global interdependence in trade. Colonial Tanganyika The colony of German East Africa became Tanganyika Territory after World War I. As a British administered free trade territory, annual reports on the colony of Tanganyika were submi tted beginning in 1921 and provide a wealth of information on trade related to kanga textiles. 113 In the 1921 annual report Senior Co mmissioner F. W. Brett expressed concern about German textiles outselling British piec e goods : The appearance of German good s on the local market during the latter part of the year, and the increasing value of imports from Germany is regarded with some consternation by the merchants who hold highly priced stocks of similar lines in British goods. The local native prefers German cloth goods, because he is accustomed to dealing in these which are more attractive or more in accord with his requirements, and which are retailed at a much lower price than similar British articles. When it is realised in addition to the comparatively l ow initial cost of German goods, due to cheaper labour on production and favourable exchange, it is evident that without a protective tariff British and German articles cannot compete on equitable terms in the local m arket under present conditions. 114 A s a free trade territory, the British could not institute a protective tariff to secure th e market in cotton piece goods 113 See Appendix Kanga Textiles in Early Twentieth Century British Colonial Trade politics, and organization. Annual reports between 1921 and 1942 are espe cially insightful, as they provide written explanations for the variations in imports, year on year. From 1929, kanga textiles are itemized as a separate entry within the larger category of cotton piece goods. Reports between 1944 and 1981 provide only num erical figures, but still itemize kanga as a separate entry within the larger category of cotton piece goods. 114 1921, 20 21.

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369 At the most general level, cotton piece goods were the import with the highest value by far between 1920 and 1946 in Tanganyika Territory 115 In the early 1920s, for example, cotton piece goods accounted for about 40% of the tot al value of imports and although the percentage generally declined over the next quarter century, it consistently accounted for between 20 30% of total value of impor ts 116 In fact, the value of cotton piece goods was at least twice the value its closest competitor until 1947 117 These numbers indicate that the cotton piece good market in Tanganyika and more generally 115 See Tanganyika Territory Trade Reports published annually from 1921. 116 The percentage of cotton piece good imports in relation to overall value of imports to Tanganyika Territory: 1921 = 41.2%, (which showed a slight decrease from 1920), 1922 = 42.8%/42.6%, 1923 = 40.2%, 1924 = 39.4%, 1925 = 33.3%, 1926 = 25.9%, 1927 = 25.7%, 1928 = 24.8%, 1929 = 21.0%, 1930 = 17.5%, 1931 = 19.8%, 1932 = 24.0%, 1933 = 22.8%, 1934 = 21.0%, 1935 = 20.1%, [gap in annual reports] 1940 = 19.4%, 1941 = 34.1%, 1942 = 33.5%, [gap for 1943], 1944 = 30.1%, 1945 = 28.5%, 1946 = 20.4%, 1947 = 16.1%*, 1948 = 16.7%*, 1949 = 20.0%*. The asterisk marks the years when cotton piece goods were not the largest import according to value in Tanganyika Territory, but the fell to the second largest; this first occurred in 1947, continued in 1948 and 1949. Records ceased to record Tanganyika Trade Report from 1922 1935, 1940 1942, 1944 1949. (In the unpublished report found in the Tanzania Nat ional Archives, the value for 1922 was listed as 42.8%. In the published reports, the value for 1922 was 42.6%.) The majority of these cotton piece goods were the grey, unbleached merikani at this time produced by Japanese manufacturers. 117 The second high est value of imports to Tanganyika Territory was the following for each year: 1921 = 11% for Foodstuffs, 1922 = 10.0% for Foodstuffs, 1923 = 7.4% for Foodstuffs, 1924 = 8.5% for Foodstuffs, 1925 = 10.3% for Iron and Steel manufactures, 1926 = 9.5% for Iro n and Steel Manufactures, 1927 = 8.1% for Iron and Steel Manufacturers, 1928 = 6.3% for Iron and Steel Manufactures, 1929 = 6.8 for Building Materials, 1930 = 11% for Iron and Steel Manufacture, 1931 = 6.0% for Other Foodstuffs, 1932 = 6.1% for Other Foods tuffs and Motor Spirit, 1933 = 7.1 for Machinery, 1934 = 6.3 for both Machinery and Other foodstuffs, 1935 = 8.1% for Machinery, [gap in annual reports from 1936 1939,] 1940 = 6.9% for Machinery, 1941 = 5.1% for Vehicles, including aircraft, railway rollin g stick and ships, and parts thereof, 1942 = 6.1% for Other textile manufactures, [gap for 1943,] 1944 = 7.6% for Cigarettes, cigars and manufactured tobacco, 1945 = 9.5% for Vehicles, including aircraft, railway rolling stick and ships, and parts thereof, and 1946 = 7.5% for Cigarettes, cigars and manufactured tobacco. For the first time since annual reports began in 1922, cotton piece goods fell to the second largest import to Tanganyika Territory in 1947, behind Vehicles, including aircraft, railway roll ing stock and ships, and parts thereof, which accounted for 20.5% of the value of total imports, and again in 1948 = 17.7% for Vehicles, including aircraft, railway rolling stock and ships, and parts thereof, and finally in 1949 = 33.1% for Machintery, App aratus, Appliances and Vehicles. Records ceased to record percentage of total import Tanganyika Trade Report from 1922 1935, 1940 1942, 1944 1949. (In the 1926 edition, the percentage given for Iron and Steel manufactures for that year decreased to 9.4% and in the 1933 edition, the percentage given for Other foodstuffs for 1932 increased to 6.2%.)

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370 throughout e ast Africa was certainly worth fighting for as consumption of inexpensive cotton commodities was relatively consistent. Kanga textiles were just one type of cloth imported to Tanganyika Territory. The 1923 trade report explained the c ategories of cotton piece goods and itemized the countries of o rigin for each type of cloth: [Cotton piece goods] has increased in value very considerably although its percentage to the whole import trade is decreased. The goods comprising this were, in order of value, (a) Grey unbleached (Americani and chadder) mainl y of United Kingdom, Japanese and British Indian manufacture (b) White bleached (bafta, white shirting, drill and duck) mainly from the United Kingdom, (c) Printed piece goods, manufactured principally in the United Kingdom and Holland, (d) Dyed piece goo ds, chiefly from the United Kingdom, British India and Holland (e) Coloured piece goods of United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Holland manufacture, (f) Blankets from the United Kingdom and British India. 118 Kanga method of manufacture. The 1923 trade report indicates that these types of textiles were printers known to have taken kanga commissions in the 1920s are member firms of the (Vlisco) and LKM. 119 118 1922 Commissioner of Customs Department (1733/1), Tanganyika Territory Trade Report for the year ending December 31 st 1923 kanga textiles, fell to fifth among cotton piece goods. Still, the supplying countries the United Kingdom and Holland and L KM ( Leidsche Katoenmaatschappij or Leiden Cotton Company) as likely manufacturers. HKM ( Haarlemsche Katoen Maatschappij or Haarlem Cotton Company) went bankrupt in June 1918 and LKM acquired their machinery and sample books. H.W. Lintsen, ed., History of T echnology in the Netherlands: The Genesis of Modern Society 1800 1890, Walburg Pers, 1993), 81 and Jacobs and Maas, Een leven in kleur 42. 119 Kanga Trade: Global Networks of Manufacturers, Distributors, Sellers and

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371 According to the An nual Reports for 1925 and 1926, G oods were by far the largest category of imports, based on v alue. In the early 1920s, these cotton textiles were at least twice the value of their nearest imported com petitor, f oodstuffs; at times the gulf between these two categories of imports stretched to over 500%. 120 And although the countries of origin for impo rts were not itemized, one general statement was provided for 1925 : British possessions while the remainder the biggest share went to Germany, Holland and Japan with 10.5%, 9.0% and 7.2% respective 121 It is by no means a coincidence that the United Kingdom and British possessions, Germany, Holland, and Japan were all fighting to capture the market in cotton piece goods Dealing in these regionally popular, inexpensive cotton textiles could mean hu ge profits for manufacturers and nation (from taxes paid). Harold Ingrams, a British officer of the Colonial Administrative Service mentioned another shift in the kanga trade Ingrams lived in Zanzibar and Mauritius in 1919 and 120 The values of cotton piece goods and foodstuffs are given for 1922 1926 respectively: 1922: £ 590,466/ £ 141,312; 1923: £ 722,325/ £ 132,179; 1924: £ 811,679/ £ 175,467; 1925: £ 954,689/ £ 282,380; 1926: £ 817,5 76/ £ 1926 values from TNA, AB.8.1927: Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1926 (1733:6). Furthermore, the decrease in total value of imported cotton piece decrease of £137,113 in the value of cotton piece goods as compared with the imports for 1925 is due to the fact that large st ocks were carried over from 1925. Stocks at the end of 1926 were comparatively low. 11). 121 ith the United Kingdom and British possessions, while of the remainder the biggest share went to Germany, Holland and Japan with 9.4%, 8.8% and 7.2% 1

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372 drew on his experien ces whi le on appointment there. 122 In his 1942 book, Arabia and the Isles Ingrams notes, Kanga s for the most part used to be made in Manchester but I believe there has been considerable Japanese competition in late years. There is quite an element of gambling abou t their manufacture, for patterns may fall absolutely flat. As a general rule the commercial travelers would consult the big wholesale Indian merchants in Zanzibar. If they were lucky in their choice of design the kanga s would sell well. But where one succ eeded ten woul 123 Here Ingrams confirmed the importance of Indian merchants who have knowledge of wh ich designs might succeed with e ast African women. He noted the uncertain nature of the kanga trade: if a design failed to be come popular, manufacturers would be left with a batch of unwanted textiles. He also recorded an important shift in the manufacturing of kanga from British dominated to new competition from the Japanese. According to import records, Japan entered the cott on piece goods trade in Tanganyika tentatively in 1922 and again in 1925; they increased the presence in 1926, made huge strides in 1927 and became a major competitor in 1928 and 1929, and were the largest importer of cotton piece goods (both in quantity and value) in 1930. 124 The 1926 edition of the annually published Tanganyika Trade Report provides considerable detail concerning the differences between categories of cotton piece goods imported into the colony. The five categories of piece goo ds itemized are grey unbleached, white bleached, printed, dyed in the piece, coloured wholly or in part and in 122 Bernard Reilly, foreword to Arabia and the Isles by Harold Ingrams, 3 rd ed. (1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), ix. 123 Harold Ingrams, Arabia and the Isles 3 rd ed. (1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), 33 34. 124 The Japanese eased their way into the east African market by first manufacturing some of the most simple and inexpensive cotton piece goods, the grey unbleached cotton known throughout east Afric a as merikani See Tanganyika Trade Reports from 1921, 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925, and especially 1926 for an extended discussion of Japanese involvement in the cotton piece goods trade in colonial Tanganyika.

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373 dyed yarn. 125 Within each category, the main textiles are described, including various names, country of manufacture, use, price and other identification or n otable characteristics much like trade report descriptions from the turn of the century 126 Beginning in 1927 the types of cloth, percentage, and value of each were itemized within the overarching category cotton piece goods Using this information, it is possible to trace imports of kanga textiles more closely rather than just as a portion of the general category of cotton piece goods accounted for 17% of total cotton piece good imports. 127 In 1928, this figure inc reased 128 The figure decreased slightly in 1929, to 18.6% for printed cotton piece goods 129 and fell again in 1930 to 15.2%. 130 Comm encing i n 1929 125 Tanganyika Trade Report fo r the year ended December 31 st 1926 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1926), 2. 126 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1926 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1926), 4. 127 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1927 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1927). 128 Had the two categories remained as one, they would have amounted to 15.9%, very close to the Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1928 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1928). The source was badly damaged, leading to loss of some text. 129 To my knowledge, the first mention of kitenge in Tan ganyika comes from a 1929 trade report: Japanese print stuff (kitenge) has no border and it measures 46in. to 30in., whereas a khanga measured from 46in. to 60. As the breadth of the Japanese stuff is narrow, two pieces are sewn together to enable it to be used mostly as khangas by the native women. This material is also used as a substitute for Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 192 9 (Dar es Salaam: T he Government Printer, 1929). 130 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 19 30 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1930).

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374 10.7% of all imported cotton piece goods. 131 The report also confirms competition from Japan ese impor ts : From the above figures it will be seen that at a time when imports generally are decreasing those of Japanese piece goods are increasing. The Japanese manufacturers have their representatives constantly touring East Africa and, realizing that in a tim e of money shortage the native prefers quantity to quality, have catered for his demands by putting cheap articles on the market. 132 Japan also supplied of other forms of inexpensive cotton goods that affected kanga consumption 133 Although Japan was not the c hief importer of kanga textiles until 1950, when World War II disrupted production. Between 1929 and 1981 each type of cloth, its quantity, value, and country of origin were itemized in Brit ish yearly reports 134 For these five decades, the amounts and competing countr ies of manufacture can be discerned for kanga production and importation At first, competing countries of import appear to continue from records prior to World War I, when Dutch and British manufacturers imported the vast majority of kanga textiles. Indeed, f rom 1929 to 1937, the United Kingdom import ed the most kanga textiles followed by the Netherlands In 1938 and 1939, the Netherlands briefly imported the largest number, only for the United Kingdom to resume their p lace as the 131 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for t he year ended December 31st 19 31 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1931). 132 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 19 31 133 In 1932, kanga imports increased to 12.9% and the trade reports not Japan has to some extent displaced Americani in the native choice. Also cheap printed jeans and dyed poplins, chiefly from Japan, have had a strong tendency to displace Khangas from the United Kingdom an d Holland, Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 19 32 (Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1932). 134 With the exception of three years, in 1941, 1948, and 1952. During these years, only total quantities and values are mentioned, rather than itemized by country of import.

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375 chief importer of kanga textiles into Tanganyika Territory between 1940 and 1949. Production was much reduced throughout the war years. From the vantage point of the remaining Dutch textile printer, van Vlissingen & Co. In the years 1920 1940, the only competition was from the English factory [name omitted], which is now part of the CPA, and if anything came of the market of Japanese manufacture, this was of inferior quality in terms of colors and execution that this was no competition to fear. In the course of time, our article with the trademark VH had gained great fame in the m arket due to its color accuracy and consistent quality, and its reputation would continue until the day in which the item was abandoned. 135 Competition was so rife that firms often went to great lengths to protect their interests. For example, a passage from an unpubl ished manuscript in the Vlisco a rchives records extended haggling over price with merchant converters as well as the use of commercial codes to save money and protect the order: There was usually a long telegram exchange before the close of a new Khanga order. The quoted price was never accepted; a price difference of a few pennies per corge (= 20 Khangas) was often endlessly transmitted supplemented by our own secret code wor ds. The reason this code was used was because we found that the telegraph office in Dar es Salaam practiced commercial espionage when the exchange took place in the English language. Since about 1950, however, telegram codes have not been used. 136 World War II interrupted production and importation of kanga textiles, and for the first time since records began, the Netherlands ceased production from 1940 194 5 135 Helmond, The Netherlands (October 1972), 5. 136 4 5.

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376 others the opportuni ty to capitalize on the gap in the market. In 1938, the Office of the Indian Government and Trade Commissioner opened in Mombasa. Indian officials compiled useful commercial information on the ground in east Africa just at the moment when longstanding trad e networks were interrupted due to World War II. They also issued annual reports with their findings. The report from 1940 1941 is explicit in urging Indian manufacturers to take advantage of the gap in the east African textile market caused by wartime un der Openings for Indian Commodities, from which I quote at length: Manufacturers and exporters in India are accordingly advised to take advantage of the present position and endeavour to establish trade relations with importers in this c ountry. It is accordingly necessary that the Indian manufacturers should co operate with the merchants in these territories in the matter of complying with their specifications. It would benefit them to send out to this country capable commercial travell ers with is also advisable for the Indian manufacturers to appoint sole selling agents in this country who should report to them of any changes in the designs and qualities of goods gaining populari ty in these markets 137 Since itemized records began in 1929, kanga imports from British India were consistent but small Indian production greatly increased in 1942 but remained largely marginal until a brief period in the 1960s. Japan, too, wanted to expand the production of kanga textiles for the east African market around the outbreak of World War II. A Japanese trade agency, headquartered in Nairobi, opened in 1938 138 According to the Indian trade commissioner, the success of European and Japanese textile imports in 137 Sangat Singh, Report on the Work of the Indian Government Trade Commissioner in East Africa During 1940 1941 (Calcutta: Printed by the Manager Government of India Press, 1942), 3; TNA 28609. 138 M. H. Ismail, Report on the Work of the Indian Governmen t Trade Commissioner in East Africa, Mombasa, during 1938 1939 (Delhi: Printed by Manager of Publications, 1940), 22; TNA 28609.

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377 east Africa was due to timely and frequent delivery of samples, to keep pace with the ever changing demand for innovation in textiles. 139 In 1950 and 1951, Tanganyika imported the largest number of kanga textiles from Japan ; the huge increase in quantities reflects postwar prosperity and a boom in consumption. Countries of origin for kanga imports to Tanganyika are lacking for 1952, and the United King dom enjoyed its final two years as chief exporter of kanga textiles in 1953 and 1954 with British exports dwindling through the late 1950s 140 Millions of yards of kanga textiles were imported, sold, and consumed in Tanganyika in the 1950s and early 1960s a veritable boom time for the commodity and its suppliers Japan exported the v ast majority of kanga textiles to Tanganyika and later Tanzania for over a decade from 1955 until 1966. Kanga printed in the Netherlands remained second during many of these years indicating the Dutch were a constant supplier at this time though their pro duction was dwarfed by Japan The Netherlands ceased exporting kanga textiles to Tanzania in 1968. Between 1966 and 1970 a flurry of Asian countries competed to supply the market in kanga textiles to the nation of Tanzania. In 1966, India exported the larg est number of textiles, with Japan, China, Hong Kong, and the Netherlands all competing for a fair share of the market. 141 Likewise in 1967, 1968 and 1969, Japan was the largest 139 Ismail, Report on the Work of the Indian Government Trade Commissioner in East Africa, Mombasa, during 1938 1939 53; TNA 286 09. 140 The final continuous year of British production was 1959, though the British kanga imports ceased for Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929 141 British India and later India often imp orted kanga to Tanganyika and later Tanzania, but rarely does the colony/nation compete with more established industrial nations. The exceptions are 1965 and its Kang a Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929

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378 exported of kanga textiles to Tanzania though China and Hong Kong also exported large numbers. In 1970, China was the chief exporter of kanga textile, trailed by Japan and Hong Kong. From 1971 to 1981, Japan was the only foreign country to export kanga textiles to Tanzania. Local production in Tanzania began in late 1967, and import restrictions were placed to protect domestic kanga production. (The Chinese had partnered with the local government in Tanzania to found the first fully integrated textile mill, Friendship Textile Mill [ Urafiki ] so local production was aided by Chinese ef forts.) Records in consistent and comparable form ceased after 1981. 142 This section has shown that cotton piece goods were the largest category of import s into Tanganyika Territory in the interwar period. A sizeable component of this trade was in printed ka nga textiles. Consumption of kanga textiles in Tanganyika and subsequently Tanzania increased throughout the twentieth century. From 1929 through 1981, the dominant country of kanga textile production varied among British, Dutch, British Indian, Japanese, Indian, Chinese, and Hong Kong based manufacturers. Such desire for wrap garments indicates this market was worth competing to control. Not at all a story of helples s east African consumers marginalized by dominant industrialized powers, the manufacturing history of kanga textiles instead suggests a global interdependence of supply and demand. 142 In 1981, 86 individual kanga were imported by other countries 74 from Saudi Arabia and 12 from Singapore numbers so insignificant they do not affect the larger history. See Appendix B Kanga Imports to Colonial Tanganyika and Independent Tanzania, 1929

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379 This chapter has provided a brief history of Dar es Salaam, variously locat ed in German East Africa, colonial Tanganyika, independent Tanganyika, and the present nation of Tanzania. T he chronology of kanga manufacture was next presented, beginning with the dominance of Dutch printers over British competitors before World War I. I subsequently traced the shift to British dominance after Wo rld War I until 1950. Although the story of kanga imports to Dar es Salaam consisted mainly of Dutch versus British in the first half of the twentieth century Japanese and British Indian manufact urers were constant though smaller suppliers until midcentury, when tables turn ed to favor the Japanese. Japanese manufacturers enjoyed unprecedented numbers of kanga exports during their height of production from 1950 1965. British production largely ceas ed in the late 1950s, and Dutch manufacturing continued until the late 1960s, marking the end of European exported kanga textiles to Dar es Salaam A brief flurry of Asian competition occurred in the late 1960s, before Japan enjoy ed a decade as the sole ex porter of kanga textiles to Tanzania from 1971 1981.

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380 CHAPTER 7 THE ARTISTRY OF KANGA TEXTILES : A DESIGN HISTORY Building on the networks of players involved in the kanga trade as well as the chronology of manufacturing charted in the previous two chapters, this chapter focuses the innovations in kanga designs throughout the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries I begin by briefly discussing technological advances that visibly manifest in kanga design and production which contributed to changing designs throughout the twentieth century. Next this chapter explores the stylistic innovations in kanga designs, based on over 5,000 full cloth examples from the Dutch printer Vlisco. Crucially, I establi s h how a conventional kanga composition emerged, as a borde red cloth with a Swahili phrase, at times in Arabic script or Roman script. Although this dissertation centers on the development of kanga in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and its proliferation in Dar es Salaam in the twentieth century, designs destin ed for the east African cities of Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, and Mombasa will all be considered as they interrelate, at times coinciding, diverging, and certainly influencing one another 1 This chapter suggests that kanga textiles, as imported commodities until the late 1960s, featured designs that reflect global influences as experienced locally in east Africa. Regardless of the origin of individual objects depicted on kanga textiles, these objects became familiar in east Africa and were domesticated into daily life. Kanga textiles were fashionable consumer items, and printed designs on the cloths changed to accommodate passing trends especially larger trends reflecting power dynamics in 1 It should be noted that the vast majority of textiles produced by Vlisco were destined for Dar es Salaam. Smaller markets, such as Zanzibar and Mombasa, are vital in providing comparisons and contrasts in subject matter and design. A substantial secondary market for Vlisco production was Madagascar, whether sent via Paris, Marseille, or directly to Tananarive; these textiles are today known as lamba hoany Somewhat surprisingly, kanga like cloths destined for Rhodesia (present day Zimbabwe), Mogadishu, Somalia, and Mozambique also appear, though they number less than three dozen.

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381 east Africa. Furthermore, c hanges in popular colorway s the parameters of borders, continuity of certain design elements, and variation between intended markets will all be examined. Based on over 5,000 kanga textiles, t his chapter will show how compositions and colors of kanga textiles shifted during the first half of the t wentieth century Kanga d esigns featured three approaches to border design and the inclusion of text. The preference for a continuous border, a compound border, or an integrated border shifted throughout the history of imported kanga textiles. The inclusio n of text was by no means guaranteed; if included, the Swahili text was printed in either Arab ic script or Roman script, depending on the date and intended market. Colorway s also varied, including the number of ink colors used and the preference in tone an d combination. Descriptions of representative examples will be provided to demonstrate the variety of designs, script, and colorways. Designs printed on kanga textiles also fluctuated but they displayed much variation on established themes to suggest perh aps more continuity overall than wholesale change. Kanga textiles continue d to include early design influenc es, such as elements first introduced from Indonesian batiks and In dian woodblock and tie dyed designs Preference for l ocally demanded crisp, bold, and repeating designs continued to characterize kanga textiles, as discussed in Chapter 3. Kanga textiles also incorporate d modern additions and desirable commodities related to international influences as experienced locally in east Africa These include d European and Omani related objects, which reflect some of the dominant forces circulating in east Africa. T he Sultan of Zanzibar was Omani between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The

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382 upper class in Zanzibar adopted clothing styles and many prest ige items from the Omanis and the Arabian Peninsula, and lower class kanga consumers often selected designs featuring objects, informed by the Omani presence. During the colonial era, British related objects, such as Union flags, appeared on kanga textiles and undoubtedly reference d the influence of the European colonial power Regardless of w here such objects originated, they became familiar within east Africa, complicating a simple foreign/domestic dichotomy Kanga textiles with designs related to inter national influences as experienced locally in east Africa may have been preferred by women consumers who sought to associate themselves with the powerful influences of the day. B y adopting designs with Omani or European accoutrements women consumers also may have selected such designs because they reflect ed their reality, surrounded by familiar objects. For example, w hile automobiles were certainly imported, they are also part of everyday life in east Africa; and whether or not kanga consumers personally o wned them, automobiles can be considered a modern addition and a desirable commodity, and therefore a reasonable inclusion in kanga designs. Kanga textiles with fruit, animals, and other familiar designs also waxed and waned in popularity throughout the fi rst half of the twentieth century. This chapter concludes with an introduction to four kanga designers: Mr. K. G. Peera, a colonial era designer was primar ily active between 1930 and 1975 Professor Hashim A. Nakanoga, an independence era designer, primar ily designed in the 1970s. Mr. Furahi Kasika, Jr., a liberalizing era designer, began designing in the early 1990s, after the Tanzanian economy reopened. Mr. Vijay Pat ankar, a contemporary designer,

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383 began designing after 2000 with the shift toward digital production. Each conceived of his craft in different ways, predicated on the historical moment each experienced and the training each received, whether formal, informal, or self taught. These desig ners chronicle the changing emphasis and practice of kanga textile design over the past half century or more and t heir experiences bring the design of kanga textiles up to the present day. Technological Developments in the Printing of Kanga Textiles For the most part, kanga textiles have been and continue to be pr inted on industrially woven, light cotton cloths. This is practical for two reasons: kanga textiles have been popular throughout the Swahili Coast of eastern Africa for over a century, a region that straddles the equator and abuts the Indian Ocean. The tro pical climate is best suited to light and airy clothing; therefore, the thinness of the cloths is appropriate cloth ensure that kanga textiles remain affordable. Wome n purchase, wear, use, and discard kanga textiles as fashions change and as they wear out. Their inexpensive nature ensures repeated consumption, fuelling constant demand for these printed cotton textiles. P olyester or polyester/cotton blend kanga became a vailable in 2010. The appearance of synthetic kanga textiles in Dar es Salaam corresponded with a spike in the price of cotton; in order to keep kanga textiles affordable, polyester and polyester/cotton blend kanga were created to meet the demands of consu mers. Women reported that synthetic kanga do not wear out as quickly, and retain their bold

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384 (sometimes neon) colors better than cotton kanga textiles. 2 However, they do not breath like cotton kanga are quick to catch fire while cooking over open flames, a nd tend to slip when worn as wrappers. Overall, the women I interviewed tended to prefer cotton kanga but with the quality failing and the price rising, some had turned to polyester or polyester/cotton blend kanga for economy purposes. The printing proces s will be discussed next, in so far as methods of printing affect the visual appearance of kanga textiles. T he differences between woodblock printing by hand, etched copper roller printing, flat screen printing and rotary screen printing will be clarified. 3 And because s ynthetic dyes became available during the 1870s 4 just as 2 Summarized from interviews with a variety of women in Dar es Salaam throughout fall 2011. 3 For a d iscussion of technological developments in calico preparation, printing, and dyeing, prior to 1876, see Ch The Textile Colourist we, 1876). For a discussion of technological developments in calico preparations, printing, and dyeing prior to 1951, see Geoffrey Turnbull, A History of the Calico Printing Industry of Great Britain (Altrincham: John Sherratt and Son, 1951). This short re view of the steps necessary for creating any roller grey cloth to printed cloth may be regarded as falling into the following broad divisions: (a) the choice of a design and the colours in which it is to be printed, and if the design is a new one, the engraving of the rollers; (b) the preparatory processes of singeing, washing and bleaching the cloth; mercerising may be done at this stage, and for certain types of printing, the cloth requires to be dyed; (c) the printing of the cloth in the printing machine; (d) the development and fixation of the colours printed by steaming, ageing or treatment with chemicals according to the type of dyestuffs employed; (e) the washing and soaping of the processed cloth to r emove all loose dyestuff and any chemicals remaining in the cloth; (f) the final finishing of the cloth involving the addition of filling materials to improve its texture and handle, calendaring (a kind of ironing or pressing by a revolving bowl) to impart smoothness or lustre, or any The Monopolies and Restrictive Practices Commission 2 Reports and Returns 190 0 1968. 4 M. G. P. A. Jacobs and W. H. G. Maas, Een leven in kleur: Textieldrukkerij Vlisco, 1846 1996 (Helmond, produced oranges, browns, and yellows, i n 1873, Croissant and Bretonniere produced a brown dye for cotton, in 1878, Caro discovered a synthetic red dye, in 1880 Baeyer discovered a synthetic indigo dye, in phthol produced a synthetic green dye. Turnbull, A Hi story of the Calico Printing Industry 47 49.

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385 kanga textiles were first being industrially printed, it is likely that kanga textiles were always printed using synthetic dyes. 5 Block Printing Around the turn of the twentieth centu ry, kanga textiles were block printed by hand by the Dutch textile printer van Vlissingen & Co. (Vlisco). In this method, cloth was stretched out over a printing table, the surface of which was a heavy stone slab. The stone slab was covered with a thick te xtile, which provided a small amount of give when the blocke r applied color. Next to the table was a color box and print a design, the printer first pressed the block into t he color pad, placed it in the correct position on the cloth, then struck the back with a mallet to ensure even penetration of color throughout the design. 6 Woodblocks were constructed in two ways. The first was to carve a block of wood to reveal a design in flat relief (Fig. 7 1) An exam p le resides in collection; it has Arabic script Swahili text that likely would have been integrated into an early twentieth century kanga textile. The Arabic characters stand out in relief from the depressed backg round. The entire phrase has been carved from a single block of wood, though the woodblock itself comprises no less than four layers of wood, which provides the printer to 5 In the United Kingdom, dyes prior to 1876 were naturally derived; after that year, dyes were artificially made. The History of Broad Oak 1926), 3. 6 Extract of the Memorial Volume P. F. van Vlissingen, 1846 1946 (Helmond: van Vlissingen & Co., 1946), 19.

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386 7 The second way woodblock designs were created was by inserting copper strips into th e woodblock (Fig. 7 2) These exa collect ion; the smaller block on the left displays a repeating floral pattern, while the larger block on the right shows a peacock sitting in a blooming tree with two butterflies. While the bases of both blocks are made of wood, the design is constructed by embed ding thin copper strips d irectly into the block (Fig. 7 3) A variety of woodworking tools can be seen in addition to the start of inlaid metal strips, following the pencil drawn design. This method facilitated the creation of finer lines and more delicate designs. Both types of woodblocks were created in all different sizes and shapes, according to the desired design. Some, like the floral pattern, were designed to repeat seamlessly throughout a large section of the textile. Others, such as the Arabic scr ipt Swahili phrase and the peacock, were meant to be featured in the center of kanga design s With both types of woodblocks, ink was applied to the elevated lines, whether wood or metal. The design prints in reverse, to reveal a mirror image of the woodblo To print with more than one color, multiple blocks must be used. For inexpensive textiles like kanga printed designs are applied to only one side of cloth, but ink tended to saturate through to the reverse side. Often, it is easy to determine if kanga were printed using woodblocks. Since most woodblock printed kanga were hand stamped, the woodblocks themselves had to be small enough to be easily maneuvered by one person; this limits the typical size of each 7 Extract of the Memorial Volume P. F. van Vlissingen 19.

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387 woodblock. If designs or patterns ar e meant to appear continuous, often minor breaks, edges, or overlap can be observed (Fig. 7 4) An image hand stamped kanga from the 1910 s Although the design is crisply printed, slight breaks in the lace like border indic ate where the woodblock began and ended. Similarly, around the center of the textile the red stars that enclose yellow circles in the interior appear more closely packed in one row. Finally, the rays of light emanating from the lantern show small breaks o n both the left and the right sides. These slight imperfections in a design meant to appear continuous indicate how the cloth was printed. With the advent of roller printing or screen printing, entire designs were quickly and seamlessly realized. Although was actually more cost effective to produce small batches of printed textiles in this fashi on. 8 The British trade report on Zanzibar for the year 1895 explain ed the differences in printing method, labor, and quantities produced 9 A variety of designs were possible when printing with hand stamped woodblocks. Woodblocks could be rearranged or reco mbined with others to produce new designs. Changes in placement, composition, or color of dyes made a multitude of designs possible. The cost of implementing a new printed design by hand was also minimal; the labor force simply 8 Extract of the Me morial Volume P. F. van Vlissingen 19. 9 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1765 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1896), 9 10. Similar observations ar Diplomatic and Consular Reports No. 2129 nd Commerce of Diplomatic and Consular Reports No. 2351 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1899), 14; Diplomatic and Consular Reports No. 2520 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1900), 10.

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388 picked up a different woodbl ock, dipped the woodblock in a different color dye, or aligned woodblocks in different ways to create new designs. For example, two 1903 kanga but overall different kanga des ign. The first example shows a central motif of a three story building, complete with a flag fe aturing a crescent and star [ 70 10]. The continuous border surrounding the building is a repeating design with a flower encased in a medallion, bordered by white zigzagging lines to the top and bottom. This continuous border appears in another Vlisco kanga from the same year but this design is characterized by a bow a nd botanical central design [70 19]. This recycling of elements (and woodblocks) kept the cost o f production down for Dutch textile printers around the turn of the twentieth century. Roller Printing R oller printing was invented by the Scotsman Thomas Bell in 1785. 10 A centennial publication from Vlisco, the Dutch textile printer summarizes the proce ss: Revolving engraved copper rollers pick up the dye mixtures from the colour boxes and transfer them to the fabric travelling on other rollers fitted to the machine. The engraved copper rollers pick up the dye mixtures from the colour troughs all over th e face of the roller, but as only the dye mixtures in the engraved parts must be transferred to the cloth, Bell solved an eventually difficult problem by mounting a sharp edged resilient blade so that it pressed obliquely on the roller midway between the p oints of contact 11 to give it its universal name, removes all surplus colour from the smooth surface of the roller leaving the colour only in the engraved parts for transference on to the cloth. A separa te engraved roller is required for each colour employed in a 10 Extract of the Memorial Volume P. F. van Vlissingen 19; Turnbull, A History of the Calico Printing Industry of Great Britain 50. The French printer, Oberkampf of Jouy, also invented a printing machine in 1785; the two inventions were likely independent. Turnbull, A History of the Calico Printing Industry, 53. 11 A History o f the Calico Printing Industry 57.

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389 design and machines exist which are capable of printing sixteen colour (from sixteen individual rollers) simultaneously. 12 The 1844 reference book by George Dodd, The Textile Manufactures of Great Britain continually revolving, and the cloth is continually passing in contact with it, the printing goes on uninterruptedly without stoppages or breaks, thus presentin g a striking difference from block 13 British printing firms had replaced woodblock hand stamping with roller printing machines by 18 88, but this adoption of a technological advance in printing did not help the British secure the small and exactin g export market to east Africa. 14 A 1954 British government report on the process of calico printing summarizes the advances adopted in the latter half of the nineteenth century: The successes of the new method of printing brought many new entrants to the i ndustry and expansion continued throughout the major part of the had often been carried out in conjunction with spinning and weaving, became organised largely as a separate secti on of the cotton industry. Improvements were made in the printing machine, in the making and engraving of the copper rollers, and in ancillary equipment. Great advances were made in the manufacture and use of new dyestuffs and chemicals, and in new printin g techniques, all enabling better results to be secured. The thirty years after 1850 were characterised by a great increase in output and in development generally. 15 However, the push towards overproduction and undercutting competitor prices enabled and ev en encouraged the proliferation of machine printed textiles for export to smaller, less lucrative markets, like east Africa. As historian Turnbull describes, 12 Extract of the Memorial Volume P. F. van Vlissingen 19 20. 13 George Dodd, Textile Manufactures of Great Britain (London: C. Knight, 1844), 67. 14 Turnbull, A History of the Calico Printing Industry of Great Britain 89. 15 15 16.

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390 [From 1880, a] state of chronic overproduction then became apparent, at the very time when increas ed compet Undercutting became rife, even to below the costs of production. 16 As greater numbers of inexpensive textiles were produced, the expansion into untappe d markets became paramount. Historian Laura Fair has argued that m embers of the lower class in Zanzibar adopted new clothing styles in the years following abolition in 1897 to identify themselves with their free born counterparts. Women in particular selected printed kanga textiles to better demonstrate their upward soci al mobility. According to Fair, this accounts for why east African women began to demand and consume large quantities of kanga textiles in the last decade of the nineteenth century 17 T he global availability of inexpensive, printed cotton textiles in the se cond half of the nineteenth century certainly contributed to the rise of supply in kanga production. Screen Printing The next innovation in mechanical printing following copper roller printing was screen printing. Two methods of screen printing have been utilized in the printing of kanga textiles. The first uses a flat screen; the second utilizes a rotary screen, though the transfer of color is similar. Screens were formerly made from silk or copper gauze. Designs were devised by blocking out the desired s ections with wax or lacquer. To print, screens were placed over the prepared cloth and dye pressed through the uncovered parts of the screen, transferring the colored design onto the prepared cloth. Each color is printed via a separate screen, as can be se en from a photograph 16 Turnbull, A History of the Calico Printing Industry of Great Britain on the Process of 17 Pastimes and Politics: Culture, Community, and Identity in Post Abolition Urban Zanzibar, 1890 1945 (Athens: Ohio University Press 2001), 64 109.

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391 from kanga printing at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ) in Dar es Salaam (Fig. 7 6) 18 The plain, white cloth is passes under a series of screen printing rollers; each cylinder inks a in order fro m darkest to lightest The first roller prints the black portions of the design, an d the second roller prints the dark blue p ortions of the design A collection of r otary screens for printing other kanga designs not currently in use are stored on one end The advantages to screen printing are numerous. First, the work, when done by hand, is quicker than block printing. Second, the labor is not skilled, and finally, the production of screens is faster and costs less than wood blocks. 19 Chronology of Vlisco Full C loth Kanga Designs Today, kanga are easily recognizable due to their relatively standardized composition, which features a central image surrounded by a wide, continuous border most often completed by a Swahili phrase. Despite their som ewhat fixed composition, the combinations of different colors, Swahili phrases, and designs make kanga textiles the subject of constant innovations. Designs are generally depicted in a bold, graphic style with little indication of three dimensional space a nd colored by solid blocks of colors Subject matter range s from geometric and floral motifs to everyday objects including animals, fruit, and desirable commodities and commemorative or celebratory themes The Swahili phrase can take many forms, including familiar proverbs, provincial wisdom, benevolent blessings, or defensive warnings. Women often carefully select 18 Extract of the Memorial Volume P. F. van Vlissingen 20. 19 Turnbull, A History of the Calico Printing Industry 311.

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392 each pair of kanga textiles for their applicability in saying, desirable motif, flattering color combination, and quality of material and printi ng. But how did this relatively standardized composition take shape? What types of everyday objects are common ? Did all of these genres of subject matter always grace kanga design, and when did script change from Arabic to Roman characters? Are all kanga designed in the same manner, regardless of intended market or destination? This chapter seeks to answer all of these questions by providing a chronology of kanga design from 1895 1967 based on over 5,000 examples in the Vlisco archives. 20 Vlisco kept records of their production for each intended market in the form of samples. From 1895 1939, 1,763 full cloth samples exist. From 1947 1967, over 3,000 full clot h samples exist, though individual designs number closer to 1,000. Designs were often printed in more than one color way, accounting for the discrepancy between total number of samples and total number of individual designs. All other texti le printers that produced kanga for the east African market during the colonial period are now out of production and their collections were 20 kanga production alone limits my co nclusions to the kanga produced by one European printer, similar endeavors could be undertaken to widen the scope of kanga design history. For example, kanga samples preserved in Japanese company archives, such as C. Itoh & Co. and Marubeni Co., Ltd., now late 1920s to the early 1980s. Thousands of domestically printed kanga samples still existed in the sample room at Urafiki (Friendship Textile Mill) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, when I last visited in December 2011, dating from when the factory began producing in late 1967 to the present. However, a buy out was due to take effect in January 2012 that would privatize the mill and leave the contents of the sample room in potential jeopa rdy. Other Tanzanian companies may possess their own archives or sample rooms, such as KTM (Karibu Textile Mill), Sungura (formerly Tanganyika Dyeing and Weaving Plant), both of Dar es Salaam, Morogoro Polytex Mill in Morogoro, and Mwatex (Mwanza Textile M ill) in Musoma. Newer companies, such as MeTL, which owns 21 st century textiles and Afritex, now keep digital films of their kanga designs. Unfortunately, I understand all Kenyan textile mills are out of production, leaving the whereabouts of their archive s and samples unknown. In the United Kingdom, no systematic kanga were saved when the companies went bankrupt in the 1960s. Therefore, the most all encompassing and representative samples from 1895

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393 not systematically saved. history of kanga design and m anufacture in existence today. 1895 1919 : Testing the Waters and Finding Success with Hand S tamped Kanga In Chapter 3, I argued that records indicate the earliest printed cloth for the east African market was produced by the Dutch textile printer van Vlis singen & Co. (Vlisco) in 1876. 21 Although many dozens of cloth samples are preserved in Dutch textile sample books dating between 1884 and 1932, t he earliest full cloth samples produ ced by T he advantages of forming conclusions based on ful l cloth examples cannot be overstated ; the entire cloth, including borders, original size, and complete composition and motifs are visible, requiring little of the guesswork as to how the original cloth appe ared, which is often necessary when dealing with the small portions of designs. I have already established that the bordered kanga composition was in existence by 1888. 22 Hugely popular kanga designs, such as the spots and stripes, date to the 1890s, and a proliferation in variety of motif within a limited number of colorways characterizes the kanga production of other Dutch textile printers in the first two decades of the twentieth century. 23 From samples in their collection, Vlisco on the other hand, enter ed the kanga market rather late. 24 In the first fifteen years of Vlisco kanga production from 1895 1909, Vlisco appeared to be assessing the demands of east African women and figuring out what cloth designs and colorways might sell. The Dutch 21 Kanga 22 Kanga 23 Kanga Textiles in Sample, 24 The first Vlisco kanga dates to the 1910s.

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394 textile printe r likely found success in the 1910s with a series of recognizable kanga that display all the familiar characteristics of the bordered cloth frequently with the inclusion of Swahili text. Between 1895 and hanga are dark indig o blue cloths with medium blue, white, grey, or marigold designs similar to one example from 5 October 1895 (Fig. 7 7) D esigns are characterized by small, repeating central motifs, mostly geometric in shape with interlocking border designs. The designs w ere hand O ne striking feature is less common to later kanga cloth : a fringed edge This immediately calls to mind the decorated kaniki cloths with printed designs and fringed edges examined in Chapter 3 also dated 1895 25 Between 189 9 and 1909 the Vlisco we understand kanga today. 26 They all feature two colors, repeating designs, and some sort of floral motifs, but the simi larities stop there. Almost all of the textiles printed in this 25 See Figure 3 5 for the 1895 kaniki with fringe and stamped, white designs. The two appearances of dyed indigo blu e cloths with printed designs and fringed borders may help to date fifteen full cloth kanga dge. Five of the samples have dark indigo blue groun ds with white designs and ten of the samples have dark indigo blue grounds with medium blue designs Some have identical motifs in blue and white, further evidence of reusing woodblocks to create v ariati ons in finished textiles These two early kanga textiles even feature the repeating cross and tangerine flower motif, conventionally used for the interior motif of kisutu textiles. As established in Chapter 4, the conventional kisutu design ex isted at leas t as early as 1886 (see Figure 4 4) The similarity to other dated early kanga plain edges printed with a design of very narrow alternating stripes, which if seen from a distance, almost appear to replicate a fringed edge (see Figures 7 8, 7 9, and 7 11). 26 No full cloth samples of Vlisco st for the year 1909. In the years 1907 and 1908, Vlisco kanga are substantially different in design and color, and have been omitted from this discussion, as I aim to focus on those kanga destined for Dar es Salaam, and to a lesser extent Zanzibar and Mombasa (Tanzania and Kenya). The kanga related cloths made for sale in Mozambique ( capulana ), Rhodesia (present day Zimbabwe), the Comoros, and Madagascar ( lamba hoany ) fall outside the parameters of this study, but certainly would benefit from extended research.

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395 ten year period feature an Indonesian batik This holdover market the Dutch East Indies, or present day Indonesia reappear s in subtle ways throughout the design history of kanga textiles. T he cloths dating from 1899 have dark indigo grounds with an interlocking and all over marigold colored floral design, completed by a batik inspired border along the short edge (Fig. 7 8) N o full cloth samples exist incorporate a myriad of batik inspired designs, beyond the border width from small, repeating shapes, peacocks integrat ed within a floral motif a doubled kemben and int erlocking botanical designs with a tumpal along the sho rt edge (Fig. 7 9) k pointed sta rs and other geometric shapes with the familiar Indonesian like borde The twenty seven kanga dating from 1903 take a decidedly different approach and appear more similar kanga composition. All twenty seven kanga have dark, indigo blue grounds with woodblock printed white designs, and a lthough many retain some variation of the bati k inspired border along the kanga the central motif is very often framed by a cont inuous decorative border. Frequently the small, repeating central motif common to earlier Vlisco kanga has been replaced by one, large, centered object or symbo l. The subject matter encompasses genres that were to become standard among kanga such as animals, buildings, and geometric designs. Yet the animals displayed on these early kanga may not have been familiar to east African consumers; for example, the stag or buck, and the flanking Labrador retrievers, are common in western Europe but no t in tropical east Africa Other animal s, such as the bush baby pictured on another 1903 example, would have been familiar to

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396 loca l consumers (Fig. 7 10) The wide, continuo us border of paisley and flower s is a common motif among later kanga there is little relation between the central figure (the bush baby), flanking figures (the Labrador retrievers ) and the border (paisley and flowers ) Other animals, such as camels, India n elephants, oxen (pulling a cart ) and a reindeer pulling a wheeled sleigh feature on other 1903 kanga 27 The appearance of unrelated animals is likely the product of mixing and matching separate woodblocks perhaps originally intended fo r another market (l ikely a domestic one) to create new, though p erhaps less successful, designs intended for an east African market These motifs appear to have been less successful because such foreign animals and haphazard desi gn combinations do not feature o n kanga textil es from later years. Vlisco archival holdings have nineteen kanga from 1905 that are similar to those from 1899, but the color palette has reversed an d in some cases changed (Fig. 7 11) In the one 1905 example, which is representative of a dozen kanga tex tiles, the ground is now white and the designs a re printed in dark indigo Five others show rose designs on a white ground, and one final example h as designs in dark purple 28 27 Indian elephants are much smaller than African elephants and can be discerned by a difference in ear shape and ability to train; Indian elephants can be ridden as is illustrated in this design. Another very similar kanga with oxen pulling a covered wagon dates to 1911. 28 Seven undated kanga from Group 76 combine innovations first seen in 1903 and 1905, and likely date somewhere within that three year period. Al l of the examples have white grounds like those from 1905. In the undated kanga the ink colors used are red, maroon, medium blue, and in one s triking example, red and black. Because of the similarities between the undated kanga and dated examples from 190 3 and 1905, it is likely these undated kanga were printed shortly after 1905; if so, the example of red and black designs printed on white cloth is likely the first Vlisco produced full cloth kanga that was printed using two separate ink colors. The border s are continuous throughout like the 1903 kanga textiles. In two examples, there is an attempt to locate the bush baby (familiar from a 1903 example) and the goats in space, by using flanking butterflies in the former and flanking palm trees in the latter. This attempt to convey a setting, at times including a foreground, mid ground, and background, continued to be mined by Vlisco in the early years of production, though ultimately kanga textiles favor images on one plane. All of these kanga are hand stampe in otherwise continuous border designs.

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397 The one example from 1906 suggests Vlisco was still experimenting with small, int ricate, and repeating design, reminiscent of I ndonesian batik textiles Th e continuous border, first seen in Vlisco produced kanga from 1895, 1898, and again in 1903, is one recurring feature of later kanga textiles. No kanga exist for the years 1907, 1908 and market that diverge considerably in form and color. 29 Vlisco appears to have discovered successful kanga designs and composition s between 1910 and 1919 judging from the 272 kanga tha t date to those year s all produced in just one colorway T he first full cloth, dated, recognizable kanga textiles in Vlisco collection date from the 1910s All of the 1910 s kanga textiles are printed in three colors: yellow, red, and dark maroon. When see n from a distance, the mar oon appears more or less black. One design features a luxuri ous interior with a couch in the latest fashion and patterned curtains tied back to reveal a mosque through th e paned glass windows (Fig. 7 12) One point perspective is used to give the impression of recession into space, underscored by the grid like floor. It is likely this depiction of illusionistic space did not meet with success on the market, because the vast majority of kanga show bold, gra phic designs on a single p lane without any indication of background. And a lthough this entire design was planned as a whole, it was printed in parts like all Vlisco kanga from 1910 s due to the parameters of hand stamping. I mperfections in the lining up of woodblocks can be seen i n one detail The unequal border thicker at the short edges and thinner along the long edges is typical of one approach to borders on kanga textiles So metimes the borders, 29 kanga textiles appear to have been produced by Vlisco in 1909.

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398 though differing in thickness, relate in design. A second type of border is illust rated by another 1910 s kanga (Fig. 7 13) This thick, continuous border functions very much like a frame for the central motif; here, the inner portion shows a peacock perch ed on a branch. 30 The paisley and heart blossoms placed in each inner corner are als o typical inclusions in kanga compositions This border, though equidistant and continuous, is much more intricate than later kanga borders. T he border resembles delicate lace, a stylistic approach favored in many other 1910 s Vlisco kanga but not a n appro ach to border design that persists in later kanga textiles. Still today, not every kanga textile carries a Swahili saying, though the appearance of a printed phase is more or less a defining feature of kanga textiles I established in Chapter 3 that among the earliest known printed textiles destined for t he east African market, some included Arabic script Swahili phrases. In the 272 examples of kanga textiles from 1910 s a large variety is appa rent. Some have no saying (Fig. 7 12) ; o thers have Swahili text p rinted in Arabic script (Fig. 7 13) 31 Still others have block Roman script Swahili te xt (Fig. 7 14) 32 Somewhat surprisingly, Roman script text also appear s in a combination of uppercase and lower letters (Fig. 7 15) 33 and cursive or longhand (Fig. 7 16) 34 30 Although not the same peacock as the woodblock mentioned earlier in the chapter, it is a popular motif that recurs relatively frequently on kanga textiles. 31 Prof. Dr. Roman Loimeier confirmed this text is indeed Arabic script Swahili. Some also use Persian diacritical marks. Emails to author, 10 May, 13 May, and 16 May 2013. 32 Daraja Ulaya London Njewele for her assistance in translating the Roman script Swahili text illust rated here. 33 Hiki Kikao ya Umpenzi umpenzi would now be spelled mapenzi (to refer to a lover) or upendo (to refer to the abstract concept of love). 34 Mkubwa Wa Mahaba Nihukumu Sharia

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399 The range of themes that appears on 1910 s kanga also sets a precedent for incorporating elements that reflect global influences as experienced locally in east Africa. Omani inspired objects po int to the influence of the Omani Sultan and the upper class in Zanzibar throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. European related objects are also often seen on kanga and reveal the impact of European colonialism on the region. Desirable commodities, whether domestically source d or imported were adopted int o the daily life of ea st Africans; these goods became domesticated, complicating the dialectics of global/local or domestic/imported I will argue that it is this confluence of influences that manifest and are managed by east Africans that make successful kanga designs an adequate mirror of lived realities. Within the 272 kanga textiles from between 1910 and 1919 all of the influences mentioned above can be identified. Some are decidedly foreign, such as the Tower Bridge of London (Fig, 7 14) Others featu re imported commodities, such as rifles and umbrellas, which as Prestholdt has argued by east Africans (Fig. 7 17) 35 Many simply are associated with daily life such as an electric lamp (Fig. 7 4) Others reference local objects, and in one case, places. As I established in Chapter 2, ivory was a valuable expor t commodity in east Africa, making these crossed, carve d elephant tu s ks a likely reference to wealth and prosperity (Fig. 7 18) The mountains Kilimanjaro and Meru are the probable subject of another kanga (Fig. 7 19) Some combine elements, such as an example that features a crown like shape, eight pointed stars, and tangerine flowers in the corners (Fig. 7 20) Many of these early kanga have 35 Shabaha ya Askari Subrani Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 8.

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400 intricate designs, whether i n borders or throughout (Fig. 7 21) It will become evident that kanga textiles most often favor simpler designs, such as the central motif of the next image, but at this stage, a simple spotted interior is paired with intricate paisley borders and a triangular, tumpa l inspired (Fig. 7 22) Not all kanga feature straight borders, e ither, though most tend to (Fig. 7 23) As will be shown, t he main design elements frequently found on later kanga textiles are already present in these examp les from 1910 s : a border (whether con tinuous, compounded, or integrated ), a central motif, sometimes with inner corner designs, and a Swahili saying printed in either Roman or Arabic script The range of subject matter depicted encompassed the global forc es that played locally out in east Africa when these textiles were designed, printed, marketed sold, purchased, and consumed 36 1920 1939 : Mechanical Production New Colors, and an Established Kanga Market Following the end of World War I, Vlisco shifted nearly all production of kanga textiles from hand stamping with woodbl ocks to machine printing with copper roller s 37 The compositions and inclusion of Swahili text correlate and set a standard that is generally adhered to throughout the production of Vlisc o printed kanga from 1920 to 1967 : those with thick, continuous, and even borders tend to have Roman script text and a large, bold, central motif. Conversely, those with thin borders along the length and 36 Beyond the 272 examples just discussed that date between 1910 and 1919, one kanga from 1911 exists, but it is so similar in composition, subject matter, and ink to those from 1903, it does not warrant further discussion. Similarly, three kanga produced for the Rhodesian market (one each for the years, 1912, 1914, and 1915 in Group 75) diverge from those likely printed for the east African market in color and design and have been omitted from this discussion. 37 One group (#103) of eleven kanga t extiles from the year 1929 is hand stamped, but the remaining 1,170 were machine printed using copper rollers.

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401 wider, compound borders along the width tend to have Arabic script text and all over, repeating motif with a preference for small, intricate designs. Those with integrated borders make up a small minority, and depending on the larger trends in text, have either Arabic script or Roman script Swahili text. 38 U nfortunately, Vlisco produced kanga textiles between 1920 and 1939 are not individually dated. Instead, the 1,181 full 39 As such, my conclusions are limited to evaluating the p roduction of these two decades as a whole, rather than a year by year analysis. 40 In this section, I will discuss six groupings of kanga textiles printed between 1925 numbe r of inks used. Although samples are not individually dated, the advent of 38 standardized composition of kanga ; many have all over designs that favor the bold, simple shapes and clearly defined blocks of color common to kanga A 1984 article published on the occasion of a small exhibition of kanga and kitenge textiles at the Commonwealth Institute in London helps to account for kanga designs known as kanga za mkumto appeared. They were all over, floral patterned pieces without ppearance and non existence in the present Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (August/September 1984): 24. At this time, V lisco may have been casting out for alternate markets, either wi thin or beyond east Africa, or attempting to introduce a new style of printed cloth based on the popularity of the style of kanga design elements. T still used to describe these all over pattern cloths by the Dutch textile printer 39 S ome of these cloths appear to be manufactured versions of other known cloth types. For example, seven machine printed textiles dating between 1925 and 1933 closely mimic hand woven kikoi They are nevertheless classified as kanga ecame a catch all term at Vlisco for cloth produced for the east African market, replacing the older Dutch term adopted from the Malay word, primarily loincloth, but in later years they internally in Helmond used the correct name. These cloths are worn by Muslim women and were usually sold in pairs, one to go ov er the head and one around the waist, but when the women go out, they usually wear a plain black fabric over the top of the colorful khangas, translation of manuscript, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands, October 1972, 3. 40 Additionally, very often the specific destination of these textiles is not given, whereas with later samples from the 1950s and 1960s individual cities are identified. As will beco me apparent, the demands of specific markets produced variations in textile design within east Africa.

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402 commemorative kanga cloths likely begins in 1935, when a kanga design was printed to celebrate the jubilee of King George V. Vlisco printed kanga textiles from the interwar period s how a broadening in the variety of ink colors and colorways and suggest subtle variations rather than dramatic shifts in design. Continuities in themes, a limited number of colors used on each kanga and the use of both Arabic script and Roman script Swahi li text remain similar to 1910s examples. Three distinct approaches to bordered kanga composition solidify, and the preference for bold, graphic designs becomes clear. 518 kanga n date between 1925 and 1933 Of those the firs t grouping of fifty kanga all have pale or less saturated dyed grounds, in colors ranging from soft red, pale yellow, light orange, soft purple, lavender, periwinkle, soft forest green, and mauve (Fig. 7 24, 41 7 25 42 and 7 26 ] They are printed with a varie ty of three colors of ink, in a corresponding soft palette, creating a group of kanga textiles with a muted color scheme. The border composition, preference in motif, and inclusion of text conform to the distinctive approaches to kanga design described abo ve; t he compositions and inclusion of Swahili text correlate in this group : those with continuous, even borders tend to have Roman script text while those with compound borders narrower along the length and wider along the width tend to have Arabic script text (Fig. 7 25 and 7 26) Almost 70% of this group either displays the paisley or the peacock feather as central motifs, and these have Swahili text printed in Roman script. A ll of the designs feature a large, dominant central motif most often accompanie d by 41 Fitina kuwa mwanye ao kuwa vijana 42 Nime hiyari khanga kuliko hariri

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403 smaller inner corner accents and a related border. Overall, this grouping holds together in color palette and design composition. The next grouping, also dating between 1925 and 1933, includes 20 3 kanga textiles. B right orange, saturated red, rose, pa le yellow, burnt yellow, and brown grounds characterize this group, with each example printed in two colors of ink on a dyed background (Fig. 7 27, 7 28, 7 29, 7 30, 7 31, and 7 32) Color combinations of equivalent intensities are chosen; for example, the bright orange ground is paired with black and neon green designs (Fig. 7 27 and 7 28) Similarly, the pale yellow ground is paired with white and soft purple (Fig. 7 30) T he variety re ally lies in the breadth of the designs. Objects from automobiles (Fig 7 27) ships (Fig. 7 28) flower s and horn instruments (Fig. 7 29) umbrellas (Fig. 7 30) geometric patterns (Fig. 7 31) to Omani style coffee pots (Fig. 7 32) exist. There are those with text printed in Arabic script (Fig. 7 27, 7 28, and 7 30) and Ro man script (Fig. 7 32) 43 and those without any text at all (Fig. 7 31) T his group of 203 kanga favors Arabic script Swahili text B order design s vary as well : some have continuous, even borders (Fig. 7 29 and 7 32) while others have thicker borders along t length (Fig. 7 30) though the tendency does seem to be toward thicker, continuous borders. 44 43 Kilichomfaa mtu ndio chake 44 Around three dozen cloths with all over designs and no borders also fall into this group (#83). Intriguingly, some have ver y narrow top and bottom borders and others have a line of text repeating through the middle, effectively breaking the design in two.

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404 The last grouping from 1925 1933 that I will describe is comprised of 107 textiles labeled kanga but many anomalies exist in this group. 45 What unites the textiles in the group is the use of only one ink color; that color, combine d with either a white or dyed ground, create s two color kanga textiles. The shape and size of borders varies among the textiles in th is group; one uses paisley shapes along the width of the cloth, and simple lines and spots along the length (Fig. 7 33) Most of the cloths have unequal thicknesses in the two sets of borders, but the decorative elements in some ways relate the thicker, ve rtical borders with the thinner, horizontal borders (Fig. 7 34, 7 35, and 7 36) T he first omits a central motif in favor of inn er corner accents as its main design (Fig. 7 33) whereas the others retain a large, ce ntral motif, including or omit ting the in ner corner accents. Both Arabic script and Roman script Swahili texts appear, and in some cases no text is present. The eight pointed star and paisley design elements suggest Indonesian batik and Indian woodblock textile precedents (Fig. 7 33 and 7 36), 46 w hile the rose water sprinkler bottle (Fig. 7 35) fez or kofia in Swahili and the crescent point to an Omani influence from Zanzibar (Fig. 7 34) 47 Of the 620 kanga textiles that date between 1925 and 1939, t he vast majority are grouped together s archive; t hese 500 kanga textiles are printed with two colors of ink, generally in the combinations pale orange and purple (Fig. 7 37) soft 45 I will limit my discussion to conventional kanga though it should be noted that many in this group (#85) have all over d esigns, and some even with kanga like compositions certainly were destined for other lamba hoany printed for the Malagasy market. Other two border known as capulana 46 Usimsifu mgema tembo 47 Ahasante sana upate mali na mwan a

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405 purple and pale yellow (Fig. 7 38 and 7 39) red/orange and forest green (Fig. 7 40) or rose and navy (Fig. 7 41 ) Though most favor continuous borders, the border along the is often thicker than the border along the (Fig. 7 37, 7 38, and 7 41) This may indicate a n initial shift towards a continuous border. Other border variations exist such as the extremely (Fig. 7 40) and the integrated (Fig. 7 39) 48 A wide range of symbols, decorative motifs, and objects appear on kanga in this group. Eight pointed stars continue to appear though here, paired with inner corner accents of medals with the printed text, (Fig. 7 37) A familiar crown like shape adorns another kanga paired with inner corner accents of palm trees and a border of repeating pineapples (Fig. 7 38) Others remain simply decorative and somewhat bo tanical, often including paisley and geometric shapes (Fig. 7 39, 7 40, and 7 41) The most striking additions to the kanga repertoire appear in the 1930s. Although not individually dated, these three kanga celebrate current eve nts and are the first kanga still in existence that can be classed as commemorative in nature. 49 Only a handful of years before, printed cloths with commemorative themes were manufactured for sale to West Africa. 50 The earliest commemorative portrait identif ied, according to art 48 The central motif of this kanga more like a void than any image, features coral like fingers of purple ink stretching towards the center. These design elements are likely printed versi ons of bleeding ink decoration that is often used in Indonesian batiks, very often on kemben Although kemben usually feature an elongated diamond shape, this oval shape may be a variation on a theme. 49 There is evidence a kanga design was commissioned to commemorate the Anglo Zanzibar War the shortest war in history at a mere 38 or 40 minutes on 27 August 1896, but without the textile sample to reference, it is impossible to say whether it was commemorative or simply capitalizing on current events; see Cha pter 4 for further details. 50 Paul Faber, Long Live the President! Portrait cloths from Africa (Amsterdam: KIT Publishers, 2010; The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Trad ition and Lurex (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995), 9 32; and Anne Spencer, In Praise of Heros: Contemporary Commemorative Cloth (Newark: Newark Museum, 1982).

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406 historian John Picton, was and likely shows a successful market woman. The cloth dates to 28 September 1929 and was printed by A. Brunnschweiler & Co., in Hyde, near Manchester, for the United Africa Company 51 Anothe r fancy print captured the likeness of Nana Prempeh, the Asantehene of the Asante peoples, an Akan subgroup in present day Ghana the following month, on 29 October 1929. The trend continued with an Ewe chief and the Prince of Wales in 1931, though commemor ative cloths gained greatest significance after World War II when they played large roles in burgeoning independence movements. The first commemorative kanga cloth printed for the east African market appears in two colorway s and likely dates to 1935, as it celebrates the Silver Jubilee of King George V which took place in that year (Fig. 7 42) The large, central motif is the Union flag, which also appear s in the inner corner accents. reign of twenty five years would be ap propriate, as Dar es Salaam, Mombasa, and Zanzibar, all likely markets for this kanga were part of either a British administered territory (Tanganyika), British c olony (Kenya Colony ) or British protectorate (Zanzibar). T he English phrase God S ave the Ki emblazoned where a typical Swahili phrase might otherwise be placed, is fitting, as the phrase is spoken as a respectful salute or is sung as the title and final line of the British national anthem. In later examples, English text is mostly limited to kanga commissioned to celebrate visitors to the region, such as The names of the British merchant converter firm, Smith, Mackenzie & Co., and the 51 The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex edited by John Picton (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995), 29.

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407 major east African Ind ian seller and distributor of kanga Jivan Hirji, also appear in the inner corner accents and give evidence to some of the players involved in creating, commissioning, marketing, and selling these early commemorative kanga textiles. 52 A second example of a commemorative kanga likely dates to 1936. This kanga celebrates the Silver Jubi lee of the Omani Sultan of Zanzibar, Khalifa bin Harub, who was the ninth Sultan of Zanzibar (Fig. 7 43) Similar to the previous commemorative kanga the phrase is printed in E nglish, and the motifs directly relate to Sultan. The central motif is two crossed ceremonial swords and the curved dagger, known as hanjari in Swahili, a typical element of upper based on Omani precedents The inner corner motifs are turbans, in the style worn by the Sultan. Again, the names of Smith, Mackenzie & Company and Jivan Hirji are placed around each turban. The third and final example of 1930s commemorative kanga likely dates to the following year, 1937. Th is kanga celebrates the coronation of King George VI on 12 th May 1937 (Fig. 7 44) Although this is largely apparent from the text printed on the kanga the text is in a combination of Swahili ( furaha ya ) and English ( coronation of). The use of both Swahi li and English is notable here. Typical accoutrements of the British monarchy adorn the kanga including a jeweled crown with velvet and ermine flanked by scepters, with orbs topped by crosses in the inner corners. The border is made up of alternate colored spots with crossed Union flags in the corners. 52 Jivan Hirji is also spelled Jiwan Hirji.

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408 The introduction of commemorative kanga cloths in the 1930s provides precedence for later cloths that celebrate momentous events. This subgroup of kanga textiles becomes more common in the 1960s, when independence ( U huru in Swahili), were all celebrated. The advent of commemorative kanga cloths also may have paved the way for kanga de signed with propaganda purposes, such as those praising U jamaa in Swahili) and self sufficiency ( jitegemea in Swahili) beginning in 1967. Kanga textiles have since been used for educational purposes. Two group s of kanga datin g from the period 1925 1939 are comprised of two color varieties. In the first group, forty eight examples are dyed either bright red or deep blue and they feature designs in black ink only. The first example closely resembles a popular early kanga design the spots and stripes. 53 The cloth has a simple striped border, a central ground with donut shapes, and Arabic script Swahili text (Fig. 7 45) Another cloth from this group has a compound border composition, with wide, paisley designs along the width, an (Fig. 7 46) The s and with zig zag details and Arabic script text. I suspect these four designs of stripes, spots, zigzags and paisley are re printings or updated versions of earlier, popular kanga In any case, they appear quite different from the third kanga illustrated from this group (Fig. 7 47) A final 53 Kanga sion.

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409 example is a standard interwar kanga desig n, with a thick, continuous border, a central motif, inner corner accents, and a printed Roman script Swahili phrase. 54 The second group dating from the period 1929 1939 is comprised of two color kanga textiles that introduce new ink colors While many textiles are red and blue, the seventeen kanga in this group a re dyed either bright mint green or bright fuchsia and have designs printed in black ink (Fig. 7 48 and 7 49 ) 55 Both continuous and compound border compositions exist, and d esign elements are fairly typical, encompassing geometric shapes, floral designs, paisley, and everyday objects, here, exemplified by an Omani style coffee pot and cups presented on a tray. The inner confection common to the Swahili Coast, though may be more widely known as Turkish Delight. The phrase, too, plays on the central motif of coffee and the inner corner accents of candy and translates The monogram tucked into the inner corners, between the haluwa block and the out er border references the widely successful kanga designer, seller, and distributor, Jiwan Hirji, who also served as the local agent of the British merchant converter firm, Smith Mackenzie The compositions of these two examples characterize the two competi ng approaches to kanga design in the 1920s and 1930s: the compound and the continuous. The first has thin borders along the long edges and wider, and thicker, compound borders along the short edge; these uneven borders tend to have Arabic 54 Ndege wa zahabu karushwa kwa hishma na adabu 55 Mpendaye haluwa na kahawa kuonja

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410 script text (Fig. 7 48 The second has thick, continuous and even borders (though here with differing designs), a central motif, inner corner accents, and Roman script Swahili text is commonly seen (Fig. 7 49) Though the continuous bordered kanga is more familiar to consu mers today, this design did not win out over the compound bordered kanga for some time. The general preference also seems to embrace bold, simplified, and striking graphic designs printed with two ink colors. 56 This section has attempted to record t ypical f eatures Vlisco kanga textiles produced in the 1920s and 1930s : while two relatively standardized compositions can be seen, exceptions continue to exist with uneven borders, no sayings whatsoever, and in some cases, phrases in English. Most kanga designs we re printed with between one and three colors of ink on either a dyed color or bleached white ground. Although a limited set of themes and designs persist, including Indonesian batik, Indian paisley, everyday objects, Omani and European inspired motifs, th e advent of commemorative designs appears from the mid 1930s. In most examples from these two decades, a unified or related design exists between the two major areas of kanga the border (regardless of the proportions) and the central motif. This, together with correlating color combinations, unites to characterize kanga textiles as cohesive artistic designs during the 1920s and 1930s. 57 56 Based on the 1,181 kanga a clear majority were kanga printed with two ink colors, which together with a bleached white or dyed color ground, created thr ee color kanga 57 One group of textiles fits neither neatly before nor after the interruption in production caused by World War II. And while the lar ge span in time, 1920 1960, tells us little about the specifics in design innovation, it does confirm conti nued demand (or at least resurgence or reintroduction) of an old design. As established in Chapter 4, kisutu is either a precursor to or one of the earliest designs of kanga textiles, still familiar today. It should come as no surprise, then, that machine printed versions were made from 1920, and variously printed throughout the next four decades. Although popular in Zanzibar and known in Dar es Salaam, these sixteen kisutu were intended for Mombasa. The conventional kisutu desi gn is printed in two in color s, red and black, in equal proportion on white i ndustrially manufactured cloth It has

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411 194 7 1967 : The Boom and Bust of Vlisco Kanga Production Vlisco kanga production w as interrupted by World War II, and no te xtiles were printed in the Netherlands for the export market between 1940 and 1945. T he Dutch textile printer resumed work around 1946 ; t he earliest kanga produced after the war date t o 1947. B etween 1947 and the end of kanga production for east Africa in 1967 Vlisco retains over 3,000 full cloth samples in their collection and archive. 58 Of these, around one thousand unique designs exist as popular designs were often printed in more than one color way 59 The vast majority of these bear a Vlisco design numbe r, a Smith Mackenzie design number, the date of production, type of production (corresponding to cloth type, number of inks used, and method of printing), and destination. Using the date of production, the intended market, as well as visual analysis of the kanga prod uction after World War II divided into three sub section s: the fi rst era, dating between 1947 and 1952, see s production resume following World War II. The s econd era, dating between 1953 and 1959 chronicles the boom of Vlisco kanga production. With the large number of designs and colorway s printed, a discernible shift a composition divided into thirds, with the inner portion comprised of alternating small crosses and tangerine flowers, and the outer two portions comprised of mirrored vertical strips of varying design. Generally, the motifs are small, intricate and repeating. A slim, horizontal border at the top and bottom edges may complete the design, and no Swahili saying is incorporated. Within this group of sixteen Vlisco printed k isutu textiles, various color ways are tried, including black and white, red and white, and black and red. The proportions are also toyed with, expanding the central portion and compressing the borders along the width. Without more detailed dates, the lasti ng point to be made was this early design enjoyed periodic resurgences printed by Vlisco between 1920 and 1960. 58 Vlisco continued to produce lamba hoany for the Malagasy market until 1974, and a few popular kanga designs were reprinted in 1968, 1969, 1970 and 1971. 59 This accounts for the discrepancy between total number of samples (3,000+) and total number of designs (about 1,000).

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412 in demands particular to markets in Dar es Salaam and Mombasa becomes apparent, while the market in Zanzibar functions as a secondary market, absorbing designs from both coastal cities The third e ra, dating between 1960 and 1967 illustrates the final years of kanga production, when Vlisco imports slowed and eventua lly stopped entirely. T he newly independent nation of Tanganyika (1961), then Tanzania (1964), turned toward its own version of socialism, Ujamaa and adopted protectionist policies beginning in 1967 that spelled the end of European exports of kanga textil es. 1947 195 2 : Resuming p roduction f ollowing W orld War II Vlisco resumed kanga production in 194 6 or 1947 following the end of World War II. Immediate postwar kanga were printed for three major markets: Dar es Salaam, Mombasa, and Zanzibar, though between 1947 and 1952 no regional preferences can be discerned. Kanga designs during this period show Arabic script Swahili text regardless of destination, borders and grounds filled wit h patterning, and the compound border ed composition. The disappearance of Rom an script Swahili text is one notable change in kanga between 1947 and 1952 As established in the previous sections Arabic script Swahili text has a tendency to appear on Vlisco printed kanga with compound borders, all over patterning or at the very leas t a preference for small, intricate, and repeating overall busy designs. Like before the war, most kanga were printed with two colors of ink, and combined with either a bleached white groun d or a dyed color ground, creating three colored kanga textiles. A large array of colors continue to be seen, though the background colors favor white, black, maroon, rose, red, orange, or bright yellow in this immediate postwar period. Popular subject matter c ontinued from pre war kanga and includes floral, botanical and geometric designs, Indonesian batik and Indian paisley motifs, and Omani related objects.

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413 One of the earliest post war kanga a Smith Mackenzie sample from 24 May 1947, printed for the Zanzibar market. The design exists in three colorway s: maroon and marigold on white, red and green on yellow, and navy and red on tin ted blue (Fig. 7 50) 60 The central design of a geometric blossom and the Arabic script phra se sits on top of a checked ground to create a busy, patterned design The b order is small, intricate and repeating and jogs in at the corners to create a more ornate frame around the inner motif. Another early postwar sample is dated 28 July 1947 also destined for Zanzibar (Fig. 7 51) The all over central motif of alternating c ross and tangerine flowers is a familiar design seen regularly on kisutu Here, the design fills the entire central portion, and the kanga is completed with an Arabic script The design is printed in three popular colorway s: navy and red on white, maroon and marigold on w hite, and its reverse, marigold and maroon on white and again no interior expanse is left without small, repeating designs. A Smith Mackenzie sticker points to the merchant converter firm that commi ssioned this particular design a nd likely all of the Vlisco printed kanga Their diamond logo, familiar from the 1920s Mambo Leo advertisements discussed in Chapter 5 is a regular feature of full cloth kanga samples 61 Kanga production in the immediate postwar period shows more subtle variations than dramatic shifts, and many textiles display established themes, designs, and 60 The tinted blue ground comes and goes in popularity of kanga textiles. Whereas bleached white and dyed, bright yellow seem to be consistently demanded colors, tinted blue enjoys periodic resurgences in popularity. For example, the tinted blue ground was popular in the 1910s around World War I, as documented in Chapter 4. In the autumn of 2011, this tinted blue ground again wa s widely available. 61 Kanga Trade: Global Networks of Manufacturers, Distributors, Sellers, and converter firms in the kanga trade.

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414 compositions pioneered in previous decades. One Vlisco kanga f rom 1949 is reminiscent of production in the 1910s ; althou gh the 1949 version is machine printed and t he 1910s examples were all hand printed, the two textiles share a color palette of red and yellow on a burgundy ground (Fig. 7 52 and 7 53) Furthermore shared subject matter and composition exists between the two production dates, which suggest more continuity than wholesale change throughout twentieth century kanga production The central motif is an artichoke like bud, with inner corner accents and a compound border. In the 1949 example, paisley designs are used for the accents, whereas in the 1910s version, the artichoke like bud motif is repeated. Borders are repeating geometric designs and differ between the long edge and the short edge. The 1949 ve rsion, in line with other immediate postwar kanga has an Arabic script saying. Another postwar kanga from 12 October 1951 has major design elements comprised of dozens of small, closely aligned dots (Fig. 7 54) This approach to design harkens back to In dian tie dyed designs likely introduced by Indian immigrants from Gujarat in the late nineteenth century. 62 This approach to creating familiar designs, which here include an eight pointed star and paisley shapes, recurs throughout the history of kanga texti les. The four colorways shown here were printed for the Dar es Salaam market. Postwar kanga textiles have designs, compositions, and subject matter that were part of an established vocabulary of kanga characteristics. For much of kanga century history, the demand for new designs meant that a constant retooling of familiar subject matter occurred within the confines of established compositional preferences; so while wholesale reprinting of earlier designs was likely 62 e of Kanga century kanga designs adopting design elements from Indian woodblock printing and tie and dye.

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415 uncommon, only subtle changes or updating were necessary to revamp an older design into the newest kanga textile On the other hand, a few designs of kanga gained wide popularity and warranted reprinting in a variety of colorway s over a handful of years 63 ate that this practice bec a me much more common following World War II One example has a rose as its central motif, framed by a tangerine flower outline, which sits atop a grid background (Fig. 7 55) The design conforms to the immediate postwar tendency o f all over decoration on kanga textiles and an Arabic script Swahili text Concentric circl es serve as inner corner motifs, and t he bor der of similar tangerine flower shapes on small, white flowers finishes this design. The design was printed in twenty sev en different colorway s throughout the years 1950, 1952, 1954, 1955, 1956, 1957, and 1958 including two and three color varieties The large number of re printings indicates these designs were especially popular and can thus serve as particularly effectiv e examples when charting the history of Vlisco printed kanga designs. O ne example from 1951 hints at a shift in preference that occurred between late 1952 and early 195 3 (Fig. 7 56) As has been shown, kanga from the immediate postwar period (1947 1952) ca n be characterized by a preference for all over design, Arabic script text and most often printed in three colors (two colors of ink with either a bleached white or dyed color ground). The example from 12 October 1951 retains Arabic script text but the f irst half of the central mot if shows a Roman script Swahili word pole it is often spoken a compassionate response, 63 Chapter 3 discussed the budding paisley kanga Chapter 4 discussed the spots and stripes kanga ; both were hugely popular designs in the 1890s. Two examples from the period 1925 1933 include the four color paisley and botanical kanga (Fig. 7 24) and the peacock feather and paisley kanga (Fig. 7 25) that were printed in a palette of soft colors, both discus sed in the previous section.

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416 especially in the phrase, pole sana which means use of both Arabic script and Roman script on one kanga foreshadows a wider shift in text ; the following year, kanga printed for the Dar es Salaam market almost exclusively display Swahili text in Roma n script, while kanga printed for the Mombasa market retain the use of Arabic sc ript Swahili text 1953 1959 : Kanga boom and divergent m arkets Judging from the number and variety of full cloth kanga collection, the kanga business positively boomed from 1953 until 1961, and numbers of Dutch kanga exports remain ed s trong until 1967 64 The re introduction of Roman script Swahili sayings on kanga textiles began in late 1952, when kanga destined for the Dar es Salaam market began to be printed with narrow, capital Roman script letters. Already by late 1953 many of these Dar es Salaam bound kanga have thick, block capital Roman script letters, similar to the easily readable lettering familiar on kanga today. Arabic script text did not disappear, how ever; it wa s retained in kanga printed for the Mombasa market throughout t he 1950s 65 The willingness of Vlisco to produce kanga based on the divergent tastes within east Africa points to a boom in production. Based 64 Between 1953 and 1961, Vlisco produced over fifty new kanga designs per year. Between 1962 and 1967, production of new kanga and written list of design numbers with correspo nding years of production, Vlisco M useum, Helmond, The Netherlands. In 1953, Dutch exports of kanga textiles to Tanganyika jumped from about one million to about three million. After 1954, Dutch exports remained steady a round one million until dropping off in 1968 and ceasing completely in 1969. It should be noted that Dutch exports were completely dwarfed by Japanese exports, which peaked in 1955 with over thirteen million kanga exported to Tanganyika. 65 Arabic script Sw ahili text continue to appear on kanga printed for the Dar es Salaam market throughout the 1950s on hugely popular reprinted designs, such as rose blossom just discussed (Fig. 7 55), the mother duck with ducklings (Fig. 7 62), and the flower blossom (Vlisc o design #5103). The original designs of these Arabic script kanga for the Dar es Salaam market likely date to before the late1952/early 1953 shift to Roman script text, when the vast majority of new designs for the Dar es Salaam market begin adopting Roma n script.

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417 on the full llection I estimate that over three times the number of designs and colorw ay s were printed during this period, compared wi th the immediate postwar period ; this period also produced more than two times the number of kanga printed in the 1960s. 66 The vast majority of hugely popular designs, printed in between ten and nearly thirty different colorway s were all destined for the Dar es Salaam market. 67 Within this boom in kanga production, variations in the script of Swahili text as well as larger composition al preferences coalesce into differing regional textiles with Mombasa as the gateway to Kenyan kanga consumption and Dar es Salaam as the gateway to Tanganyikan (and later Tanzanian) kanga consumption. The difference in approach to composition, text, and overall design was established in the interwar period: those with thick, conti nuous, and even borders tend to have Roman script text and a large, bold, simple motif. Conversely, those with compound borders (narrow borders along the length of the cloth and wider borders along the width of the cloth) tend to have Arabic script text an d all over, repeating motif with a preference for small, intricate designs. These differences began to describe regional textile preferences from late 1952; Dar es Salaam kanga displayed the continuous border, Roman script and large, bold motifs, whereas M ombasa kanga showed the compound border, Arabic script and small, intricate motifs. Kanga textiles destined for Zanzibar were typical of 66 kanga design numbers and corresponding years of production, the Dutch textile printers manufactured 171 unique designs during the six year period 1947 1952, 547 unique designs during the seven year period 1953 19 59, and 249 unique designs during the eight year period 1960 and written list of design numbers with co rresponding years of production, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands 67 The popular rose design [#5301] was print ed in at least 27 different colorways (see Fig. 7 59). At times, these popular designs were also destined for Zanzibar, but less frequently and never without a primary market in Dar es Salaam. Where possible, I illustrate and describe popular designs that are indicative of larger market trends.

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418 both Mombasa tastes and Dar es Salaam demands ; based on t he designs and intended market s of kanga n, the island constitute d a cross over market or bridge between the two coastal, mainland urban centers Kanga textiles with integrated borders made up a small minority, and depending on the destination, have either Arabic script (for Mombasa) or Roman scr ipt (for Dar es Salaam) Swahili text. Dar es Salaam was by far the largest market for Vlisco produced kanga textiles. Judging from the destinations noted on each kanga in the Vlisco archive, the nineteenth century urban fashion center of Zanzibar wa s reduc ed to a secondary market by the mid twentieth century eclipsed by the growing metropolitan center of Dar es Salaam A shift from Arabic script Swahili text on kanga to Roman script Swahili text occurred in the second half of 1952 and the beginning of 1953 During this period, many kanga commissioned for the Dar es Salaam market had the Swahili phrase printed in slim, capital Roman letters. An example from January 1953 shows the rein troduction of Roman script (Fig. 7 57) 68 The composition has a continuous b order made up of two designs; the inner is a line of repeating circle s and the outer of repeating paisley shapes. The central motif is an almond shape, filled with a solid center, a contrasting solid border, and finally a thick outer band filled with circ les. Considering the Swahili somewhat abstract design might refer to an eye. The inner corner accents are basic flower blossoms. Conversely, Arabic script continued to do minate those kanga commission ed for the Mombasa market. An example from June 1953 shows a similarly abstract design (Fig. 7 58) However, where the Dar es Salaam motif is clear, crisp, and 68 Jicho la hasidi mwanangu lisimwone

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419 quite simple, the Mombasa has more intricate lines that make for a busier, overall design The central motif is round and filled with concentric circles of broken lines, somewhat like the iris of an eye. The inner corner motifs and border are both paisley shapes, though different in design. Before long, the slim, Roman sc ript letters gave way to thicker, bolder lettering on kanga textiles printed for the Dar es Salaam market. One example from December 1953 typifies this o n what must be one of the most popular kanga designs (Fig. 7 59) 69 This kanga de sign, with a central motif of two roses joined in a medallion with a similar rose border, a plain ground, and a Roman script Swahili phrase was printed in no less than twenty seven different colorway s. Originally printed in 1953, it retained its popularity for almost a decade; new colorway s were printed until 1962 Like the addition of commemorative kanga in t he mid 1930s, first kanga textiles dedicated to advertising appear in the 1950s 70 The earliest example dates to January 1953 and has a boat as its cen tral motif (Fig. 7 60) 71 Although dhows, boats, and ships have been the subject of many kanga since the turn of the century and likely before this boat is somewhat different. 72 Emblazoned on its This 69 Lel a na majnuni as spelled does not directly translate. If the intended words are Lea ni majununi 70 Kanga alongside the merchant converters Smith, Mackenzie & Co. Although advertising might have been these underlying purpose, the majority of the kanga design was dedicated to another purpose, commemoration. Parts of kanga textiles in sample books from the first decade of the twentieth century b ased merchant converter firm, Hansing & Co., and may have served an advertising purpose, but without complete designs it is impossible to confirm. 71 72 Vlisco prints kanga in the 1910s with recog nizable ships; a variety of ships printed on kanga can be kanga commissioned to capitalize on contemporary events in December 1888 may have illustrated a ship in

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420 without a doubt refers to the British merchant converter firm Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd active in the kanga trade since at least 1920. I interviewed t wo women in their 60s who recall ed the excitement with which Smith Mackenzie ships were met upon arrival. They told me these sh emblazoned across the side. They also eagerly anticipated the delivery of imported (a Swahili ized spelling) or kanga ya makensi (Mackenzie kanga textiles) Kanga ya ma kenzi were reputed to be the best quality kanga and kanga converter firm. 73 Imported Dutch goods ha ndled by the British merchant converter firm arrived by ship; what better way to capitalize on the celebrated arrival of newly imported commodities for sale than by popularizing the ir method of delivery? This kanga was printed in three colorway s and was de stined for both the Dar es Salaam and Tanga market s both coastal port towns (Fig. 7 60) 74 The border is made up of repeating life rings, appropriate for the nautical theme of the textile. As an early 1953 kanga it also uses the narrow Roman script letter ing that gave way to bolder block lettering later in the year. 1831 1931 (Hamburg: Broschek & Co., 1931), 30. 73 Information summarized from informal interviews with a clerk at the National Library of Tanzania on 8 Octo ber 2011 and with Edna Mahimbo on 18 October 2011 in Dar es Salaam; Hashim A. Nakanoga, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 28 October 2011; and Ukera K. Peera, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011. 74 Tanga is located al ong the northern coast of present day Tanzania and functioned in the 1950s as Tanganyika Territory exported through Tanga. A few kanga t Tanga as a destination, but far less than Zanzibar, Mombasa, or Dar es Salaam.

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421 Another publicity kanga is an example in August 1953, when Coca Cola sponsored a Zanzibar football match and this celebratory kanga which boldly advertises the soda company as a sponsor (Fig. 7 61) The central motif is a trophy cup enclosed in a diamond shape. A Swahili phrase border with the words, jaribu tena corner motifs are tickets to the match and include the numb er, price, and location of the event. The border, though broken where the horizontal and vertical sections meet, is created from a repeating botanical design. Most appropriately for its promotional purposes, this kanga has neither Roman script Swahili nor Arabic script Swahili in the typical place for a cursive script used in the soda company s logo. Kanga designs largely tend to revolve around floral and geometric decorations, and they often also display familiar objects, fruit, animals, and other references to European or Omani related inclusions but specific shifts in preference for cer tain themes can be discerned throughout t his era. This section will show the changing pre ference for these themes in differing locations throughout the 1950s. First, familiar animals peaked in popularity between 1952 and 1953, straddling the shift in preference from Arabic script to Roman script Swahili text for the Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar market s In 1953, fruit and other food items were briefly in vogue for the Dar es Salaam market Continuing in the years 1953 and 1954, a variety of objects were in fashion on kanga printed for the Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar markets It is difficult to gen eralize about such wide ranging subject matter but these objects were desirable commodities rela ted to international influences ; they were certainly familiar to east Africans in the

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422 1950s, whether or not they owned them personally. Next, a round the mid 19 50s abstract floral or geometric designs were preferred in Mombasa, and large flower s or abundant trees with fruit were preferred in Dar es Salaam. Although desirable commodities persisted on Dar es Salaam kanga they were greatly outnumbered by this new t rend in blooming vegetation Zanzibar functioned as a crossover market; it shared designs with both mainland coastal cities. However, there was absolutely no overlap in designs between Mombasa and Dar es Salaam, and the latter serves as the largest market for Vlisco produced kanga by far. Finally, t owards the end of the decade, kanga textile commissioned for the Zanzibar and Mombasa markets fell, and tastes in Dar es Salaam turned toward simple geometric shapes. Around 1952 and 1953, animals peak ed in popul arity for the Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar market s Domesticated animals outnumber wild animals on kanga and all animals were likely familiar to east African kanga consumers. Animals ranging from the ever popular peacock recurrent roosters, chickens, fish, cats, even ramming goats, lions, and elephants appear. By far, the most popular kanga to depict animals is the mother duck and duckling s design, designed between 1948 and 1952 75 and sold continuously throughout the 1950s. According to one former employee o f Vlisco writing in 1972, The Khanga trade was characterized by a continuous demand for new designs, in contrast with West African markets, where a large part of the textile trade is driven in traditional patterns, which might for many decades be ordered again. Designing new Khanga designs for East Africa was for years a regular occupation of our artists, but this wa s done mainly on 75 numbers and their corresponding years of production, #5104 was firs t printed between 1947 and 1952. The design bears an Arabic script Swahili phrase and likely dates to before the late 1952/early 1953 shift in preference to Roman script Swahili text; this further corroborates an initial design date of the mother and duckl ings kanga as prior to 1953.

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423 descriptions from the customers themselves, which in Helmond were made on paper and developed in accordance with the technica l requirements for engraving and printing. The creations of recent years is one that was that was first brought under Design No. 5104R and later is order No. 5853R 76 If the second design number is factored in, this design was in print until at least 1961, or likely a full decade or more. The design has a central motif of a duck and her four ducklings (Fig. 7 62) The inner corner accents have a simple floral blossom in a plain groun d. The border has two parts, an inner band has a chain linked design and the outer band is a design of overlapping leaves. At the corners of the inner chain linked border, the monogram of Jiwan Hirji is cleverly integrated. The two part borders are continu ous and the phrase is written in Arabic script. In 1953 and early 1954, fruit and other food items were briefly popular on kanga printed for the Dar es Salaam market Examples include braches of mangoes, stalks of corn, a pot of food cooking over a fire, fish strung on a line, a lone pineapple, grilled corn, cut jackfruit, a pineapple being cut, and another pineapple ripe for the picking. The most popular example of this subject matter is the pineapple and knives kanga (Fig. 7 63) 77 First printed in Decem ber 1952, the design was printed in at least sixteen colorway s between that year and 1958. The central motif is a pineapple flanked by two sharp knives. This composition is surrounded by two circles, which set it apart from the ground. Small, eight pointed stars are arranged at equal distances throughout the ground. The Swahili phrase, again printed in narrow, slim Roman script letters, is centered below medallio n with the pineapple and knives, and the phrase translates as 76 77 Wajua kitu kitamu kiki wapi

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424 but may also allude to other forms of sweetness. The text is set off from the background with a box around the lettering in two color varieties, and in three color varieties, both the box and lettering a re colored differently than the ground. Although another variation on a floral border comes as no surprise, the undulating outline departs from more conventional straight borders. A number of desirable commodities were all the rage on kanga textiles printe d for the Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar market in 1953 and 1954. Objects as different as a Lee Enfield rifle, accessories such as pocket watches, fezzes or kofia hand fans, eye glasses, diamond necklaces and rings, methods of transportation such as planes, c ars, dhows, and other boats, and domestic goods such as furniture, clocks, electric fans, tableware, Omani style coffee pots, rose water sprinkler bottles, pen and inkwell, and lock and key were depicted By far the most popular kanga featuring a desirable commodity is one from December 1953 that depicts a bowtie as its central motif (Fig. 7 64) 78 The design was printed between 1953 and 1956 in at least twenty different colorway s, which feature two, three, and even four colors per kanga The design is quite simple: the central motif is a checked bowtie, surrounded by concentric circles. 79 The t. 78 Sifa ya mpenzi awe mardadi 79 The number of circles depends on the number of inks used. A Roman script Swahili phrase is outlined below, and stands out from the ground because it is outlined and also printed in reverse coloring (where the background between the letters is colore block cap itals). The border is made up of two parts; the inner portion is comprised of small closely aligned squares, and the outer portion is repeating blossoms with curved lines and small squ ares.

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425 The composition, script, and themes on kanga textiles in the mid 1950s are roughly divided along market lines. For example, small er, more intricate and mostly repeating abstract floral or geometric designs ar e popular in the Mombasa market and all featu re Arabic script Swahili text such as one example from October 1955 (Fig. 7 65) The design was subsequently printed in 1956 and 1958 in six colorways. It favor s the compound border composition, with breaks between the horizontal and vertical borders. Oth er Mombasa bound kanga retain narrow borders along the length of the cloth and wider borders along the width of the cloth Mombasa bound kanga are overall busier in design, often with small designs repeating over the entire ground like the tangerine flowe rs scattered across the cloth in this example. This contrasts with the kanga printed for the Dar es Salaam market, which prefer large, bold central motif often favoring flowers or abundant trees with fruit, and finished with Roman script Swahili phrases such as one example from August 1954 (Fig. 7 66) 80 In contrast to the compound borders favored by the Mombasa market, the Dar es Salaam market preferred the continuous, even borders. The large, central motif is of a coconut tree, and this design was printe d in ten colorways in 1954, 1955, and 1957. Kanga expressly made for the Zanzibar market resemble either Mombasa kanga (with compound borders, Arabic script, smaller and overall more intricate designs) or Dar es Salaam kanga (with continuous borders, Roman script, large, simple, bold designs). Indeed, s ome of the Mombasa and Dar es Salaam kanga were also marketed to Zanzibar, but no overlap existed between Mombasa and Dar es Salaam. In a few rare cases, Mombasa bound kanga also went to Mogadishu. All of the hugely popular 80 Tamtam mahonda ukini kosa uta konda

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426 kanga judged from the number of colorway s printed of the same design, were designed and printed for the Dar es Salaam market, and thus they utilize Roman script Swahili phrases and large, bold, simple designs. A variety of commodities were depicted on kanga designed for the Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar market between 1954 and 1958 including a tall, roughly cylindrical African drum and horn instrument, Omani style coffee pot, personal belongings lik e a comb or pick, purse, or fez ( kofia in Sw ahili) food such as bananas, papayas, mangos, melons, and grapes, to automobiles and bui ldings. A very popular example uses a postcard as its central motif, surrounded by an eight pointed st ar (Fig. 7 67) 81 The postcard has postmarks dated 30 April 1954 f or both Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar and a map of the world with a route highlighted. This route likely related to the Roman script Swahili a flying the message written on the po stcard My dear Fatuma, (Dar es Salaam) From the moment I left you, your love is affecting me. Though I am far away from you, my spirit is with you. love letter was presumably sent to the young woman Fatuma, fr om the suitor, Rajabu, while he was abroad. 82 Returning to the trend of adve rtising on kanga the East African Brewers, Ltd. likely commissioned a kanga design in 1954 (Fig. 7 68) This very popular design combines a cohesive kanga 81 Mpenzi wangu aja katika meli ya kuruka 82 Mapenzi Fatuma, Daressal am, Tangu nime toka kwako mapenzi yako yanani sumbuwa ingawa mimi ni mbali na wewe lakini roho zangu iko kwako. Mimi wako mabibi, Rajabu inner corners each have a bouquet of potted flowers, which cut into the otherwise straight border. The continuous border is comprised of a thick line, repeating squares, and tangerine like flowers, though here with eight petals rather than the more familiar seven petal variety. The Swahili phrase is outlined and printed in Roman script.

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427 composition which was printed in thirteen different colorway s in 1954, 1955, and 1958. The central motif shows the forearms of two people, raising their glasses to toast. The an be seen in the upper portions of the heart, which surrounds the scene. 83 The English text around the l central portion of the logo is alternately repeated in the border, surrounded by a tangerine flower. A square with spots alternates with this tangerine logo. The inner corner motifs each have a beer bot full logo. A Roman script Swahili phrase My love, welcome, let us have a good time together, themed kanga design 84 T oday kanga are commonly printed to celebrate holidays s uch as Eid (observed by Muslims) or Christmas (observed by Christians). This practice may have begun in the mid 1950s, as the earliest kanga expressly dedicated t collection dates to September 1955 (Fig. 7 69) Printed in three color way s, this Christmas kanga was sold in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam. 85 Its central motif is a large, multicolored Christmas tree, festooned with candles, baubles, and a shining star. Around this potted evergreen are small, alternating colored ently labeled in English. 86 The Swahili phrase is printed in Roman script and may relate to a 83 It may be of little conseque 84 Mapenzi karibu tustarehe 85 It i s somewhat surprising that a Christmas theme kanga would be sold in Zanzibar, where the vast majority of people are Muslim. 86 keki in Swahili.

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428 proverb recommending care, as the direct translation has little to do with Christmas: A carpenter needs to saw slowly so he does not cut his 87 T he English words are printed below the lowest branches of the tree. Inner corner motifs are diamond shaped and the continuous border features eight pointed stars and ornate motifs. Another example of commemorative kanga cloths date s from 1956 a nd celebrate s the visit of British Princess Margaret to Tanganyika in October (Fig. 7 70) Similar to the mid 1930s commemorative kanga the motifs and printed phrase all directly relate to the British royal family. Fittingly, the printed phrase is written The inner corner motifs are cross ed flags: the Union flag and the Royal Standard of the United Kingdom. Akin to the 1930s commemorative cloth s, the major agent and kanga eath each set of crossed flags. But i n the two Jivan Hirji continuous border is comprised of crosses with equal arms, symb ol often associated with the British crown jewels and monarchy, surrounded by variously colored stripes. Apart from the English phrase, this kanga conforms to the characteristic dema nds of the Dar es Salaam market, whereas a second commemorative kanga cele brating Princess Mombasa and Zanzibar and it follows design preferences characteristic of the Mombasa market (Fig. 7 71) Instead of one, large central motif on a plain ground, this kanga has six floral blooms equ ally spaced thro ughout the central ground 87 Saramala pasuwa pol e pole usijikhate kidole st saw slowly so that he

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429 rnating in the three ink colors The border repeats the crossed fla g divided into name of the Zanzibar branch office of Smith Mackenzie. These crossed flags alternate with a crown, topped by the cross with equal arms, motifs that are bor dered by small, intricate and repeating decorations. The text, however, is no long er printed in Arabic script; each letter is printed in a different color and the first part of the phrase translates which relates to the overall celebrator kanga design. 88 Designs in the late 1950s were primarily printed for the Dar es Salaam market and tastes once again shifted. The animals of the early 1950s and the abundant fruit and flower blossoms of the mid 1950s gave way to increasingly abstract and geometric designs in the latter part of the decade But whereas Mombasa preferred similar themes during the mid 1950s the designs and compositions of these late 1950s kanga are in line with established Dar es Salaam p references. Namely, these include a large, bold, and simple central motif, Roman script Swahili phrases, and a continuous, even border. These defining characteristics mark late 1950s kanga textiles as products of Dar es Salaam tastes. An exemplary and very popular late 1950s kanga printed for Dar es Salaam has a large, abstract geometric shape as its central motif (Fig 7 72) The shape passing through the middle. Inside this shape, a diamond encloses an eight petal tangerine flower, which encloses another cross. A similar small, eight petal tangerine 88

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430 flower is repeated it equal lengths across the central ground. The Roman script Swahili phrase is boxed and outlined, a nd neighbors 89 Overall, this is a very simple design, with bold, thick lines and shapes and no intricate features. A final example of popular late 1950s kanga textiles again show s preference for abstract ge ometrical shapes (Fig. 7 73) The design is made up o f small, closely aligned circles, m uch like the examples from 1951; both borrow designs first introduced to kanga textiles by Indian tie dyed cloth designs or bandhani in the late nineteenth century. 90 Th e large, central motif is an oval shape, with the inner oval enclosing a simple flower with flanking leaves and the outer oval filled with repeating concentric circles. The Roman script Swahili The wedding of our son is crowded 91 The compo sition shows preference for Dar es Salaam kanga characteristics, and the overall design is unified by the use of the closely aligned circles used to create each motif. A final word on the colorway s of kanga textiles may be instructive. Although any number of color combinations can be seen on kanga World War two tend ed to feature dyed grounds of saturated color, very often yellow, orange, marigold, red, brown, black, medium green, navy or medium blue, or bleached white and at times, bright fuchsia scheme. Designs routinely make use of one or two bold colors of ink to create two or 89 Salamu jirani yako 90 See Chapter 3 for a discussion of late ninete enth century kanga designs adopting design elements from Indian woodblock printing and tie and dye. 91 Harusi ya kijana watu wamejazana event is a great success. The entire phrase is outlined b y a box. The repeating concentric circle motif of the outer oval is repeated on the continuous inner border. The continuous outer border repeats two types of floral blooms, and the inner corner accents are an abstracted, star shaped bloom.

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431 three color kanga Only rarely are four color kanga seen, and they appear busy compared to the more streamlined use of only two or three colors. Designs are created so that ink colors are bold and consistent; there are no gr adations to create shading or other tonal variations in colors. 196 0 1967 : Independence, the s hift toward Ujamaa and the e nd of Vlisco kanga p roduction Vlisco kanga production began to slow in the 1960s, leading to no new designs printed for Dar es Salaam, Mombasa, or Zanzibar after 196 7 92 The trend favoring simple geometric shap es continued in the early 1960s, though a handful of commodit ies, animals, fruit, and flowers continued to appear. T he majority of kanga printed were for the Dar es Salaam market. Those that were commissioned for either the Zanzibar or Mombasa market during the early 1960s all possessed Roman script Swahi li sayings. Arabic script sayings, dominant only a decade before, completely disappear ed from kanga textiles in the early 1960s. As established markets for kanga textiles shrunk due to political changes in the middle of the decade, Vlisco increasingly cast about for additional markets. Kanga textiles originally marketed to Mombasa or Dar es Salaam were also sent to Madagascar, and in a few cases, Somalia, Mozambique and Rhodesia. 93 Along with the diffusion in market, designs also became less standardized. 92 Production of new kanga for the three markets Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, and Mombasa stopped in 1967; popular older designs were reprinted in 1968, 1969, 1970, and 1971. Vlisco continued to produce lamba hoany for the Malagasy market until 1974. These samples are housed w ith the kanga samples. 93 Many kanga were sent to more than one market, and a few were sent to Somalia, Mozambique and Rhodesia. Malagasy lamba hoany market and are easily identified by their color palette (largely marigold and maroon on bleached, white grounds), use of Roman script Malagasy, and destination, which include Madagascar, Mulhouse, Paris, Bordeaux, and Marseille.

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432 On e notable thematic addition that largely dates to the 1960s is the advent of overtly political designs on kanga textiles. In addition to the standard themes and design s that routinely appeared on these cloths, the independence movement fueled new celebrato ry designs. Nationalistic symbols and maps of the newly independent co untry and larger continent emerge d as subthemes within the larger repertoire of kanga motifs. T he first photograph also appeared in 1960, marking a major design addition; previously, onl y line drawings and solid blocks of color appeared on these printed textiles. For the Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam markets, changes in political policy following independence limited European produced commodities. As was briefly discussed earlier, Tanganyika gained its independence in December 1961, and following day country of Tanzania. 94 Following the Arusha Declaration of 1967, and the establishment of lism, Ujamaa protectionist policies effectively c losed trade opportunities with W estern Europe. This political change sought to limit competition between domestically produced goods and imported commodities; it rst vertically integrated textile mill, Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki in Swahili) which began production in late 1967 in Dar es Salaam. With British kanga exports ceasing in the late 1950s and Dutch kanga exports following suit in the late 1960s, t hese political changes in east African spelled the end of the European produced kanga 94 See Chapter 5 for a more complete discussion of Dar es Salaa

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433 Designs overtly political in nature are more commonly seen on kanga from the early 1960s, but o ne lone prece dates from May 1953 (Fig. 7 74) It w as printed in three colorway s, all for the Dar es Salaam market. The central nyika twiga in Swahili ) was used as the emblem of Tanganyika and continues to be used by Tanzania. The Roman script Swahili phrase translates as Toda y is joyous for consistent with the shift from Arabic script earlier that year and the continuous border composition preferred in Dar es Salaam. 95 Politically inspi red kanga became more common in the early 1960s which coincided with the peaceful transfer of power from British colonial administration to self governing by TANU (Tanganyika [later Tanzania] African National Union) TANU, and its successor CCM ( Chama cha Mapinduzi or Party of the Revolution) 96 have been the ruling political party since 1961. While today CCM kanga are a familiar sight around election time, Vlisco produced kanga in the early 1960s were less obviously aligned with one political party. One exa mple was printed in eight colorway s in 1960 and 1961; the earliest version is from March 1960 (Fig. 7 75) The central motif depicts the geographical out line of the African continent, with the cities of Mombasa, Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam and Lindi labeled. T he words Africa S i Ulaya are emblazoned inside the continent; the phrase tran and the conventional Roman 95 Leo furaha kwetu Tanganyika 96 CCM was created in 1977 when the two ruling parties of mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar united. The mainland Tanzanian political party, TANU, joined with the Zan zibari political party, Afro Shirazi Party (ASP). CCM and its mainland predecessor TANU have won all elections and controlled the country since independence in 1961.

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434 charged declarations. 97 As the intended market was Dar es Salaam, the addition of giraffes as inner corner accents is fitting. The border is comprised of a row of repeating palm trees, and the Roman script Swahili phrase finished the design. Another nationalistic printed cloth i n July 1960 warrants mention. Although it does not conform to typical kanga compositions, this is the first printed textile marketed to Dar (Fig. 7 76) It celebrates Bibi Titi Mohamed, one of t he women central to the indepe ndence movement in Tanganyika. 98 The lack of true borders and Swahili phrase combined with the repeating medallions suggest that this was not a typical kanga ; it is similar to early kitenge or printed cloth with all over repea ting patterns, or Mozambique capulana which usually feature two rows of repeating medallions between borders along the long edges (or above and below the medallions). 99 Around the portrait, flowers are linked by laurel branches with the Swahili word, Uhur u or independence. One political kanga that achieved great popularity is one bearing a map of Tanganyika (Fig. 7 77) First printed in October 1962, this kanga was produced in thirteen different colorway s over the next year. A Roman script Swahili phrase y 100 Large towns and cities are marked out on the map of Tanganyika, and the national logo 97 Africa si Ulaya Tanganyika ni kwetu translates y ika 98 For an in depth study of Bibi Titi Mohamed and other women who largely contributed to Tanganyikan TANU Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tangan y ikan Nationalism, 1955 1965 (Portsmouth, NH : Heinemann, 1997). 99 Kitenge based on fancy print designs popular throughout West and Central Africa, were imported by the textile agent and firm, Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Ltd. in the 1960s. See Chapter 5 for further details. 100 Hoi hoi mgeni karibu kwetu jam huri Tangan y ika Tangan y

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435 of a giraffe is placed in a medallion in the middle of the nation. Within the medallion two laurel branches are link ed by a central bow. Underneath, a banner bearing the English nation, lines squares and rectan gles create a very busy ground, and a continuous border of thick stripes finish the design. Political kanga are difficul t to market across national borders, and as attitudes toward imported goods change d Vlisco began casting out for new consumers across east Africa in the 1960s. One example, first prin ted in September 1963, was manufactured in e ighteen different colorway s throughout 1963, 1964, 1966, and 1968 (Fig. 7 78) 101 The design is very abstract and this quality may have appealed to a wider array of markets, because it was sold in Dar es Salaam, Mo mbasa, and even Madagascar. Up until this point, Dar es Salaam and Mombasa had never shared kanga ; similarly, no overlap whatsoever exi sted with the Madagascar market 102 The central motif has flattened ovals, equally spaced and diagonally positioned at nine ty degree angles from one another. The ground has irregular shapes fit snuggly together like pieces of a puzzle and the borders are comprised of alternating thick stripes. A Roman script Swahili phrase is boxed out from the busy background, which translat 103 101 The tinted blue ground is reprised in this design, and at least one colorway the green and aqua inks on bleached white cloth bears the monogram of Jiwan Hirji & Sons. A s a Dar es Salaam based firm, this sample likely was commissioned for that market, where the monogram would be recognized. 102 Kanga printed for the Madagascar market are today known as lamba hoany extensive production of lamba hoany these textiles were almost always printed in the same color palette of maroon and marigold on bleach white cloth, bore text in the Malagasy language written in Roman script, and regularly featured depictions of people, a subject avoided in the Dar es Sala am, Mombasa, and Zanzibar markets until independence related commemorative kanga around 1960. 103 Chelewa chelewa, leo nime wahi

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436 The trend for marketing designs across traditio nally separate markets continued in another design from February 1964 (Fig. 7 79) This hugely popular design second only to the 1950s rose kanga was printe d in twenty five different colorway s in the years 1964 and 1969. It was sent to Dar es Salaam and Marseille, the latter presumably for transshipment to Madagascar. A Roman script Swahili phrase has been integrated into the border of the central oval, which let us not separate my relatives 104 This motif, though quite differen t from the postwar kanga designs actually refers back to the earliest kanga designs, when small, intricate, and all over floral designs from Indonesi an batiks met with Indian woodblock designs, namely paisley. Even the large central expanse with bleeding lines of ink has origins in batik. W hile this might not be what many have come to associate with the printed design and composition, it in f act fits neatly within kanga design. The preference for geometric and abstracted designs continued in Vlisco produced kanga from the early 1960s. Mombasa and Zanzibar comprised even smaller kanga production, and Roman script Swahili phrases finally displaced Arabic script entirely. New themes during the 1960s include d independence and those politically or nationalistically oriented roduction slowed throughout the decade, and designs were marketed across and number of historically distinct markets in the middle years of the decades. Vlisco finally ceased production of new kanga designs for the Dar es Salaam, Mombasa and Zanzibar markets in 1967. 104 Bega kwa bega tusitupane ndugu zangu ulder, let us not separate my

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437 An Introduction to Kanga Designer s T hroughout the last century or more, approaches to the design of kanga textiles have changed T urn of the century source s repeatedly warned against ill considered designs; an entire shipment might fail to sell if the design failed to tickle the fancies of consumers. 105 C areful planning t ook place before new designs were produced. This process was sometimes lengthy, involving kanga designers, merchant converters and manufacturers all working in tandem. Some kanga designers sent instructions and scraps with sample motifs, while others drew their own mock ups. Most recently, computer design programs are used by kanga designers, streamlining the process, as computer generated designs can be sent directly to factories for printing. In this section, I will introduce four kanga designers and thei r approach to creating new kanga designs. First, I will introduce Mr. K. G. Peera, a colonial era designer who was primarily active between 1930 and 1975 Next, I will explore Professor Hashim A. as an independence era designer primari ly working in the 1970s. Following, I will outline Mr. F era designer who began working in the early 105 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1765 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1896), 12 13; Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance, Report on the Island of Pemba for th e Year 1900 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Stationary Office by Harrison and Sons, 1901), 15 Diploma tic and Consular Report s: Africa No. 2718 (London: Printed for Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, No. 3063 (L ondon: 8; Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 3716 (London: Printed for His Majest 4; Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Sons, 1909), 6, 10 10 on the Trade and Commerce Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Office, 1911), 10

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438 1990s kanga designer who has been working sin ce 2000 in this shift toward digital production Kanga textiles are most often demanded and worn by women, so it may be surprising that all of my case st udies chronicle kanga designer s who are male. Women have also made successful careers as kanga designe rs, likely taking part in the family business in first half of the twentieth century or employed as artists in te xtile mill design departments. Teresa Njombe and Rose Simkoko are two of the original designers employed by Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ) i n Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, where they have been working since 1968. 106 Fatma Shaaban Abdullah is a Zanzibari artist who often received kanga design commi ssions from political parties. 107 She has also written on kanga and other arts in Zanzibar. British expatri ate Margaret Hawker was born in India, and lived in Zanzibar with her husband from 1952 to 1964. She was commissioned by merchants to design kanga from 1960 64. 108 Today, kanga design is taught in universities, such as the University of Dar es Salaam and Bag amoyo School of Arts in Tanzania and these courses are open to both men and women. 106 tern, Colour, Text in Contemporary Kanga Cloth: An Analysis and 107 sic ] kanga Kik Art in East Africa: A Guide to Contemporary Art (London: Frederick Muller, 1975), 57. The kanga Twalipenda Azimio la Arusha The same kanga textile is illustrated in Louise E. Jefferson, The Decorative Arts of Africa (New York: Viking Press, 1973), figure 90. Kanga The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex edited by John Picton (London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995), 45. 108 Kanga Textiles from Tanzania n.p.

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439 Mr. K. G. Peer a, C olonial Era D esigner Mr. K. G. Peera, whose full name is Mr. Kassamali Gulamhussein Peera, was a prolific kanga designer from the 1930s through the 1970s, though he continued to cre ate designs up until his death as a centenarian in 2011. He was known by the He comes from a family involved in the textile trade in Zanzibar, discussed in Chapte r 4. Peera was born on 4/5 January 1911 or 1912 in Zanzibar and died on 9 December 2011 at the age of 99 or 100. Around 1928/1930, Peera and his elder brother entered the textile business, beginning with just two pieces of kikoi a hand woven loincloth fre quently worn by men along the Swahili Coast At the height of their success, they owned and ran a 2000 square meter store with a variety of textile products. Both brothers functioned not only as sellers of textiles, but in particular as designers of kanga Peera did not draw his designs for new kanga by hand. Rather, he had a knack of looking at patterns and translating them to an effective kanga design. He look ed to ed to buy t he item of clothing in question and replace d it with a kanga in stock or a shilling for trou ble. woman, but really I just admire the pattern and plan how it could be made into kanga 109 kanga designs are not hand drawn by him ; r ather, they are a combination of old mock ups innovations with bits of new cuttings, and hand written instructions for colors, sizes, and oth er modifications. In short, shorth and for full designs, which provide d de tailed instructions for employees at textile 109 K. G. Peera and Ukera K. Peera, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 11 November 2011.

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440 printers to create hand drawn and painted mock ups of new kanga designs. These mock ups were sent back to Peera for alteration and improvement. Once Peera was satisfied wit h the design, an official order was placed for the new kanga textiles. As established in Chapter 5, the networks involved in the kanga trade bring together manufacturers, distributors, design er s / sellers, and finally consumers. Peera as a designer and sell er of kanga worked primarily with Japanese merchant converters who in turn commissioned kanga textiles from Japanese manufacturers. In fact, his son was an agent for the Osaka based merchant converter firm H. Nishizawe Shoten, Ltd. between 1961 and 1975 which meant placing orders of new designs was relatively easy. 110 The designs were transmitted back and forth between Indian designer in east Africa and printer in Japan through the hands of the Japanese merchant converter firm, which had branch offices in e ast Africa and headquarters in Japan. Although Peera worked primarily with the Japanese (specifically the merchant converter firm Nishizawe and the textile printer, C. Itoh ) other designers in the colonial era worked with Europeans. Jiwan Hirji, for examp le, was the main agent for the British merchant converter firm Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd., which commissioned the printing of kanga textiles by Vlisco in the Netherlands. A Vlisco employee confirms that customers here referring to Indian designers and se llers in east Africa were the source of new designs, even if in house artists were tasked with creating the initial mock up: Designing new Khanga designs for East Africa was for years a regular occupation of our artists, but this was done mainly on descrip tions of the customers themselves, which were made on paper and developed in 110 es Salaam. K. G. Peera and Ukera K. Peera, interview.

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441 accordance with the technical requirements for engraving and printing in Helmond. 111 esign s, now in the British Museum will clarify the steps involved in commission ing a new kanga design. This example features a purple and yellow striped border with a matching floral central motif (Fig. 7 80) In hand, this object is labeled twice on the reverse side: once as Design No. 54, and once as Sketch N. 205. Both lab els are correct, but in reference to different parts and different times the design number refers to the finished design represented by a Japanese hand drawn and painted paper sample, while the sketch number refers to an idea for a new kanga represented b y a combination of recycled Japanese hand drawn and painted paper samples, cuttings of other patterns, and hand written instructions for color combinations, border sizes, and other necessary design information. I n the example at hand, Design No. 54 refers to the finished paper sample, most likely hand drawn and painted by designers at C. Itoh & Co a Japanese textile trading and manufacturing firm (known today as ITOCHU). Because of creative impetus, impeccable eye, and knowledge of the tastes of k anga buying women, he was able to sell instructional sketches to local agents of textile manufacturers which became much easier when his son was hired by the Japanese merchant converter firm H. Nishizawe Shoten, Ltd. in 1961 Peera gns to Japan and India; other people thought it was strange, because they thought Zanzibar was the whole 112 O ne of the British Museum paper samples bears further confirmation of this working relationship : the pink, burgundy and marigold design of dia monds and paisley 111 112 K. G. Peera and Ukera K. Peera, interview.

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442 still retains the original selvage edge, which states: REG. DESIGN FOR K. G. PEERA (MIWANIMDOGO) C.ITOH KHANGA (Fig. 7 81 ) The kanga textile itself was printed in Japan and exported to east African on the specifications of Peera. Peera o ften reused these mock ups to create new kanga designs. I n this example, Sketch N. 205 refers to this reuse in conjunction with new pattern cuttings ( note the polka dotted paper addition and the pink floral textile addition), hand written instructions and notations made on the design sketch itself. Mr. Peera was very t horough; each portion is labeled with a letter or number that is fully explained in the hand written notes attached. This example shows instructions in English; the English translations were written by his son from original instructions written in Gujarati, first language. These sketches and attached English instructions were sold to local representatives of textile manufacturers and return ed in the form of printed cotton textiles kang a Mock up samples could be drawn and painted from sketches, cuttings of patterns, and det ailed hand written instructions Usually these paper samples featured a quarter of the overall kanga design, as kanga are most often quadratically symmetrical These paper samples, complete with selvage edge and sometimes a design number, were sent to Peera for modification, improvement, and final approval for printing. Once approved, a printed textile sample was sent to Peera for advertisement purposes, an ord er was be placed, and a full shipment follow ed for exclusive sale by the designer The designer Peera was given the whole order of each new kanga design to sell. He and his brother may have retained the entire order, ensuring only they had the ability to sell the new design, or they may have sold bales or individual pairs to smaller kanga sellers. It likely depended on the success of each particular design as well as the

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443 overall size of their business; the Peera brothers began retailing textiles around 193 0, and by the 1960s, their business had grown to encompass large wholesale orders. After receiving large wholesale order, the Peera brothers could easily supply smaller traders. fondly remembers cuttings of patterns f rom textiles, paper, and ol d kanga everywhere as a child. 113 Many inspirations for shapes and designs come from everyday objects, such as beans, grain, pili pili (chili peppers), bananas, oranges, flowers, such as tangerine blooms and jasmine blossoms and cashew nuts more universall y recognized as paisley The Swahili sayings printed on kanga came from a variety of sources. Sometimes, Peera and his wife would sit around the kitchen table thinking up new sayings. Other times, the Peera brothers would pay two to three shillings or offe r new kanga in exchange for new sayings Zanzibari women would provide, whether at their shop in Zanzibar or w hile on sales trips to shambas (farms/rural areas). 114 K. G. Peera fled revolutionary violence in Zanzibar in 1964 with only a suitcase of his kanga designs. 115 He made Dar es Salaam his home for the last half century. Peera died on 9 December 2011 in Dar es Salaam, under a month shy of his 100 th (or 101 st ) 113 K. G. Peera and Ukera K. Peera, interview. 114 K. G. Peera and Ukera K. Peera, interview. 115 Twenty of these designs were gifted to me following K. G. six of which I donated to the British Museum. history of kanga designs. It is my sincere hope that some posthumous recognition will co me to Mr. Peera ; one has already been featured in a publication. See Christopher Spring, African Textiles Today (London: British Museum, 2012), 128. A few were displayed, along with a photograph of Mr. Peera taken just four weeks before his death, in the t emporary exhibition, Social Fabric: African Textiles Today at the British Museum, London. The exhibition was on view from 14 February 21 April 2013. One kanga collection, collected in 2003 and likely printed as recently, bears th kanga likely features a popular older design originally created by Mr. Peera, reprinted by the Rivatex factory in Eldoret, Kenya. See British Museum acquisition number Af2003,21.19.

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444 birthday. 116 Peera remains wholly unknown outside of e ast Africa, though he has not gone without rec ognition in Zanzib ar. Within the last five years, Peera was h onored with the Dhow Award for C ontribution to Zanzibar, the first person of South Asian descent to be recognized with this honor. 117 He was credited with giving Zanzibar the gift of kanga and som e of his extant designs (in the form of the finished printed cotton textile) went on display at the National Museum and House of Wonders in Stone Town. His son was Peera was too frail to travel to Zanzibar. It is said that designs are still prized by those who remember him and his renown, and any of his original kanga (marked by his name in the selvage edge) are snapped up by those knowledgeable few. 118 P rofessor Ha shim A. Nakanoga, I ndependence Era D esigner Professor Hashim A. Nakanoga worked as a textile designer at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ) in Dar es Salaam in the 1970s and has since trained many students in the art of textile surface design at t he Univers ity of Dar es Salaam. The Friendship Textile Mill was a joint venture between the Tanzanian and Chinese governments. It was the first vertically integrated textile mill, which processed raw cotton, manufactured cloth, and printed kanga (and kitenge ) textil es. Urafiki began production in late 1967 and is still producing textiles today. 116 When I met him in November 2011, he was still sharp and clever, even complimenting me on my paisley scarf, which he assured me would make a wonderful kanga design. We conversed in a combination of Swahi li, Gujarati, and English, with the assistance of about all the aspects of his life in the kanga business. 117 K. G. Peera and Ukera K. Peera, interview. 118 Farouque Abdela, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 30 Novembe r 2011. I hope my research and publications will help to write Peera and his family back into the history of kanga There are undoubtedly others such as the Jiwan Hirji family who deserve to be recognized for their dynamic role and lasting contribution to the textile trade in east Africa. Further research will help restore their contributions for posterity.

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445 Nakanoga began his working adult life as an accounts trainee for a motor vehicle thought it w ould be good to further my studies; there is no end in third party business, 119 The following year, Nakanoga pursued his Bachelor of Arts degree in Fine Arts from Makerere University in Kampala, Ugand a and graduated in 1974 During his studies, he worked part time at Urafiki in Dar es Salaam designing textiles. Upon completion of his Fine Arts degree, Nakanoga was recruited by Urafiki for fulltime employment. In total, Nakanoga worked in the textile i ndustry for nine years before joining the faculty in the Department of Fine and Performing Arts at the University of Dar es Salaam in 1979. H e then continued his education at the Scottish College of Textiles in Edinburgh in 1982 through the support of the British Council, where he received a Diploma in Textile Design. Nakanoga officially retired from the University of Dar es Salaam in 2007 but still teache s there on short term contracts. Drawing on his experience designing textiles at Urafiki throughout the 1970s, Nakanoga has since taught surface design of printed textiles to students at the University of Dar es Salaam for over thirty years. He came of age during the independence era in Tanzania, and his conception of good kanga design is bound up in his un derstandings of the textile as a symbol of national pride. He explains, Kanga is declared kanga a national dress. I travel, go anywhere in the world, if I see a kanga I 119 Hashim A. Nakanoga, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 28 October 2011.

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446 ask the person, where from is your kanga ? Kanga 120 Fittingly, he holds kanga and its design in high regard and deeply relates the two to the nation of Tanzania. Nakanoga insists that students must be taught the characteristic features of kanga textiles, including fou r borders, a central motif, Swahili phrase 121 Exceptions, such as the conventional composition of kisutu exist, but by and large Nakanoga advocates for innovations within conventional attributes of kanga Indeed, by the 1970 s, kanga in Tanzania had embraced a simplified composition, where each cloth featured a thick, continuous bo rder surrounding a bold, simplified, central motif, often completed with a Roman script Swahili saying centered just below the central motif above the lower border. Trained in the 1970s, Nakanoga teaches the importance of hand drawing kanga designs. In introducing the elements of kanga design, Nakanoga instructs students on how to compose a hand drawn, quarter of the intended kanga design. Lessons b egin with floral and geographic motifs and progress to fruits, animals, and other representative elements. He insists that the border and central motif should complement one another as should the chosen colors combinations. When asked about color combinat ions, Naka noga offered this explanation: Kanga has striking colors, whereas kitenge has more subdued colors. African colors are in kanga colors not common to Europe. European designs avoid black, but in Africa black is very common. In Europe, a contrast is there, but very carefully done when black is used Western influenced color schemes are seasonal, harmonious. [This] takes the richness out of the look [of] kanga You can use any color, [it] just depends 120 Nakanoga, interview, 28 October 2011. 121 Hashim A. Nakanoga, inter view by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 1 November 2011.

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447 on the combination. Africa has all the colors in the world. Selection is what matters. 122 Kanga textiles in the 1950s and 1960s focused on a palette based on a deep, saturated yellow, paired with other darker colors, such as green, black, blue, red, or brown. Nakanoga described a change in kanga design i n the 1980s, when the 1980s, florescent colors and new combinations were embraced. This shift parallels the openi ng up of Tanzania, the liberalizing of its economy, and the abandonment of many failed socialist policies. In response to these shifts in colo r preference and combination, Nakanoga remarked, kanga ] need to be striking, not jarring. 123 Nakanoga encourages his students to look for inspiration all around them, specifically their e xperiences as Tanzanians living in Tanzania. He often contrasts older designs, likely referencing his experience in the 1970s, with changes in color and design preference during the later 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, when Tanzania liberalized its economy and l ooked to forces outside its borders. Nakanoga laments new kanga design s that neglect the intended market Tanzanians: were deep, down to earth. Now designers have been abroad and forget they are designing for Tanzanians, in Tanza 124 On e anniversary celebration of the University of Dar es Salaam (Fig. 7 82) Nakanoga made use of recognizable elements that refer to the University. For instance, the dome in the 122 Nakanoga, interview, 1 November 2011. 123 Nakanoga, interview, 28 October 2011. 124 Nakanoga, interview, 1 November 2011.

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448 central motif is taken from a familiar building on the campus of the University of Dar es Salaam, Nkrumah Hall (Fig. 7 83) Wi t hin the circle of the number 50, Nakanoga integrated the U a book, on a background of green land and wavy lines representing water (Fig. 7 84) The text 125 ted circles, providing for continuity between central motif and border. The Swahili phrase translates Increasing knowledge, building the future 1961 126 Nakanoga conceptualizes kanga design as a product of local tastes and demands. In my interview with Nakanoga, we discussed typical motifs commonly found on kanga including the paisley design. Nakanoga like many other Tanzanians, called this shape korosho As my intention was to trace the history of kanga design, I pressed this kanga designer on the origins of this typical design element. I insisted this was a design introduced from abroad. N akanoga politely disagreed. 127 Cashews are a domestic cash crop and familiar foodstuff in Tanzania, he justifi ed the recurrence of the motif as a locally grown feature. Although I agreed that the cashew or paisley shape has been adopted into the repertoire of kanga design precisely because the shape resonates locally, Nakanoga held firm to his understanding that t he shape was a creation based on a Tanzanian crop. He even 125 The text in the central medallion, Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es Salaam, Maadhimisho ya Miaka 50 kanga was on sale at the University of Dar es Salaam bookstore in November 2011. 126 Kukuza maarifa, kujenga mustakabali 1961 2011 nowledge, building the future, 1961 127 Nakanoga, interview, 28 October 2011.

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449 compared the advent of European kanga manufacture to Dutch mechanical production of Javanese batik: where the Dutch took Javanese batik from Indonesia and created a manufactured version, so too did Europeans take kanga 128 The ownership here is given to Tanzanians, with Europeans playing a supporting role of capitalizing on the artistic creation of a preexisting form of dress. Similarly, Nakanoga advocates for the spelling kanga se the former is Swahili and conforms to Bantu linguistic origins, whereas the latter suggests a borrowing from another language. 129 The credit, inherently Tanzanian. And although every Tanzanian knows kanga Nakanoga draws a fine distinction between consuming kanga and designing kanga : To know [ kanga ] and to understand [ kanga 130 In the course of my interviews, I found the same limitations; women who w ear kanga may or may not dwell on its meaning, history, or implication, whereas those who design kanga think very carefully about the combinations of de sign, color, and Swahili phrase. Nakanoga was deeply influenced by the era in which he came of age the 1 960s when Tanzania gained its independence and embraced its own version of socialism, Ujamaa His first role as a practicing kanga designer at Urafiki in the 1970s and subsequent post as Professor of Fine Arts at the University of Dar es Salaam have influe nced his approach to and instruction of kanga design. Nakanoga still advocates 128 Nakanoga, interview, 28 October 2011. 129 Nakanoga, interview, 28 October 2011. 130 Nakanoga, interview, 1 November 2011.

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450 drawing and hand coloring a quarter of each new kanga design, and taking influences from the local world around him Tanzania. Mr. Furahi Kasika Jr., L iberalizing Era D esigner M r. Furahi Kasika, Jr. epitomizes a liberalizing era designer. He has been designing kanga for almost twenty years, active from the early 1990s and continues today. 131 He is self taught, without any formal schooling in textile surface design or fine arts. Alt hough he is employed at Urafiki the demand for new designs there has shrunk. He indicated that he produces only three designs per month for the textile factory. 132 He also functions as a freelance designer, selling a further eight or nine kanga designs per month to local textile factories including MeTL (Mohammed Enterprises Tanzania, Ltd. ), a conglomerate which owns 21 st century Textiles, Ltd. of Morogoro and Afritex of Dar es Salaam or other textile printers in Dar es Salaam, like African Pride and NIDA Kasika uses a combination of technologies to create his kanga designs and can be seen as a transitional figure between the independence and contemporary eras. He sketches one quarter of his intended kanga design in pencil and adds color by painting with w atercolor to indicate color combinations (Fig. 7 85) It takes about one day to create each new kanga design; and he indicated he gathers inspirations from his dreams as well as from consumers of kanga textiles. 133 The hand drawn sketch with watercolors seen here was acquired from the design studio of MeTL in Dar es Salaam. It features a mosque in the corner with repeating crescent and moon designs 131 Kasika also designs kitenge as evidenced by the th acquired from MeTL textile designers, Mr. Rahim Ladha and Mr. Vijay Patankar on 9 November 2011. 132 Furahi Kasika, Jr., interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 16 November 2011. 133 Kasika, interview.

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451 throughout the interior. The border is comprised of repeating rose water sprinkler bottles. Although it is not c working methods. 134 After completing the drawing and application of color, Kasika either delivers the sketch to textile designers at textile mills or digitizes his mock up. After scanning, he may retouch details wi th the help of editing programs. Finally, he prints his final mock up and delivers to new kanga design to buyers at local textile mills. As a liberalizing era design, Kasika designs to order and tries to capture the demands of kanga consumers. He indicated that floral kanga are often successful, and the time of year greatly influenced his design scheme. 135 For instance, if elections are approaching, Eid, or harvest, different mot ifs are likely to be in demand. Kasika pointed out that on e well known kanga design, maskiti or mosque, was originally designed by him in 1998 for the Islamic holiday of Eid (Fig. 7 86) This kanga was still in production at Urafiki in October 2011 and could be seen worn by women in Dar es Salaam (Fig. 7 87) Kas term goal is to claim ownership of his designs and be credited for his contribution to kanga design. Whereas in past, a successful designer might insist on his or her name gracing the selvage edge, today thi s is less commonly seen. Mr. Vijay Pat ankar, Contemporary D esigner Mr. Vijay Patankar is a kanga designer employed by MeTL Mohammed Enterprises Tanzania, Ltd MeTL began as a trading house in the 1970s and has been producing textiles since 2002 in the mills of 21 st century Textiles Ltd., of M orogoro, Afritex, Ltd., of Dar es Salaam, Musoma Textiles, of Musoma, and most recently, 134 Th is design lacks a signature or stamp to indicate the designer. Other design samples acquired from kitenge textiles, not kanga textiles. 135 Kasika, interview.

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452 Novatexmoque LDA in Mozambique. As a large conglomerate company, t extile produ ction is only one interest among many. Across the three Tanzanian textile mills, eight to ten design s can be produced daily, totaling between 200 and 300 designs monthly. 136 The managers at MeTL headquarters indicated that kanga and kitenge designs make up about 90% of their business, though they also produce bedsheets, canvas, and suiting. 137 Bot h cotton and polyester textiles are be ing produced, depending on market demands and price. As an employee of MeTL Patankar is responsible for optimizing designs for printing. Patankar was trained in textile surface design in Jetpur, India. 138 Although he ce rtainly designs new kanga himself, he does so with the aid of computer design programs. In this way, individual objects, motifs, or other elements incorporated into a kanga design are scanned or designed electronically, then effectively cop ied and pasted t o create a recurring design (Fig. 7 88) A photo graph shows the finished kanga textiles and the digital design side by side. Another large portion of his job is to digitize materials or drawings provided by or purchased from freelance designers. By scannin g the hand drawn portion of a new kanga design, Patankar constructs the entire design by duplicating and flipping the quarter section originally provided. A central design motif might be added and usually a Swahili phrase In this way, new kanga can be des igned in mere minutes; from scratch, Patankar estimates it takes him only two hours to 136 MeTL headquarters, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 2 November 2011. 137 MeTL headquarters, interview. 138 Vijay Patankar, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 9 November 2011.

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453 produce a new design. He also indicated he completes about 180 new digital designs each month. 139 With the integration of digital design programs, Patankar laments the los s of the drawn design as he indicated they have more feeling. 140 It is easy to change any element within a kanga from the color combinations or colorway s to border design or central motif, but it is harder for the designs to retain overall cohesion if each element is simply a carbon copy. As a contem porary designer, meeting the demands of the buyer is paramount. The buyer in this case might be house management, not an individual consumer of kanga Those involved in the textile trade will take cues from consumers on color combinations, colorway s, motifs, and sayings, but contemporary designers such as Patankar design kanga on the order of large buyers and wholesalers. 141 Patankar an d his employers at MeTL do not involve themselves in the selling of their products; they fulfill the orders of wholesalers, who supply smaller numbers to retailers. The managers estimate that 80% of their textile products are sold through stalls on Uhuru S treet. 142 It is likely that copying has always occurred, but with computer programming and local factories, the speed at which designs can be copied digitally and printed on cloth is down to one week. Now that designs are stored digitally, it is very easy to request the reprinting of an old design, or make minor changes to popular designs before 139 Patankar, interview. 140 Patankar, interview. 141 MeTL headquarters, interview. 142 MeTL headquarters, interview.

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454 commissioning another order. Although hand drawn kanga designs are still in use, the turn towards digitization may eventually render these mock ups unnecessary. This chapter has relied on over 5,000 full cloth kanga samples produced by the Dutch textile printer, Vlisco, between 1895 and 1967 I have shown that the tenets of kanga design were already firmly in place by the 1910s. Trends in colorways, subject matter, com position, and Swahili text have been analyzed to show that kanga design has drawn from a limited number of influences, which shows more innovation in variation than wholesale change. I established that Arabic script Swahili was used alongside Roman script Swahili text throughout the first half of the twentieth century. Kanga produced in the immediate postwar years of 1948 to 1952 show a preference for Arabic script Swahili text, but i n late 1952 and early 1953, a shift to Roman script Swahili text can be s een on kanga destin ed for the Dar es Salaam market. Arabic script Swahili text was retained on Mombasa bound kanga until about 1960, when Roman script Swahili text displaced all Arabic script. I determined three approaches to kanga compositions that have been in use throughout the twentieth century : those with thick, continuous, and even borders tend to have Roman script text and a large, bold, central motif. Conversely, those with thin borders along the length and wider, compound borders along the width t end to have Arabic script text before 1953 and all over, repeating motif with a preference for small, intricate designs. Those with integrated borders make up a small minority, and depending on the larger trends in text, have either Arabic script or Roman script Swahili text. These differing approaches to kanga composition coalesced in the 1950s to

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455 describe different regional markets; continuous bordered kanga were more characteristic of Dar es Salaam textiles, while compound bordered kanga were more charac teristic of Mombasa textiles. While geometric, floral, and kanga depicting commodities have been standard since the textile genre developed in the mid 1880s, new themes and subject matter enter ed the realm of kanga design throughout the twentieth century. In the mid 1930s, the first commemorative kanga textiles were printed, the first kanga dedicated to advertising purposes date to the 1950s and kanga with nationalistic or politi cal themes become frequent in the 1960s.

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456 Figures A B Figure 7 1. Woodblock with A rabic script Swahili text, likely early twentieth century. A) View of underside with mirrored text. B) Top view. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B

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457 Figure 7 2. Woodblocks with floral and peacock designs made from co pper strips. A) View of underside with mirrored designs. B) View of embedded copper strips. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. Figure 7 3. Woodblock with copper strip designs in process of creation. Note the array of wood working tools and hand drawn design. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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458 Figure 7 4. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the slight overlap in design. 00081 00149, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. A B Figure 7 5. Two Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1903. Note the same continuous border used in both, evidence of re using woodblocks. A) 00070 00010. B) 00070 00019. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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459 A B C Figure 7 6. Rotary screen pr inting of kanga at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 20 October 2011. Each color is printed using a separate scree n A) Bleached cloth about to be printed with first two rotary screens. B) Detail of second screen applying dark blu e to kanga design. C) Rotary screens not currently in use. Photographs by James Ryan.

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460 Figure 7 7. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 5 October 1895. Earliest full cloth kanga in 00002, Vlisco Museum, Helmon d, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 7 8. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 22 December 1899 Note the similarities to batik design. 0007 3 000 04 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands

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461 Figure 7 9. Vlisco hand block printed kan ga 12 July 1901. Note the similarities to batik design, including tumpal. 00071 00020, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 10. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1903. Note the use of a continuous border. 00070 00021, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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462 Figure 7 11. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 10 March 1905. Note the similarities to batik design. 00072 00006, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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463 A B Figure 7 1 2. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. A) Entire cloth, with compound border and one point perspective. B) Detail of break in design due to woodblock. 00081 00214, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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464 Figure 7 13. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the use of a co ntinuous border and Arabic 00102, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 14. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note to combination of Tower Bridge and lace like designs, and the use of a com pound border and Roman 00202, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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465 Figure 7 15. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the geometric designs, the use of a continuous border and sentence case Roman script Swahili text. 00059, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 16. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the writing desk, cushioned and patterned cha irs, lace like designs, use of a continuous border and cursive Roman 00244, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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466 Figure 7 17. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the crescent and star, crossed umbrellas, crossed rifles, target, and tree branch central motif, use of a compound border and cursive Roman 00106, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 18. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the crossed tusks, use of a compound border and Arabic script Swahili text. 00081 00127, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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467 Figure 7 19. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the depiction of Mou nts Kilimanjaro and Meru, use of a compound border and Arabic script Swahili text. 00081 00 068 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 20. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the crown like shape, use of ornate compound borders and Arabic script Swahili text. 00081 00133, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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468 Figure 7 21. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the ornate feather design, use of integrated borders and no text. 00081 00160, Vlisco Museum, Helmond The Netherlands. Figure 7 22. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 1910s. Note the spotted ground, paisley and triangular compound border, and no text. 00081 00103, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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469 Figure 7 23. Vlisco hand block printed kanga 19 10s. Note the use of integrated borders and no text. 00081 00005, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 24. Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the lighter color palette, the use of continuous borders and Roman script Swahili text. 00029, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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470 Figure 7 2 5 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the peacock feather and paisley designs, the use of continuous borders and Roman script S wahili text. 00082 000 17 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 26. Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the circular, floral and paisley designs, the use of compound borders and Arabic script Swahili text. 00082 00041 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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471 Figure 7 27. Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the brighter color palette, automobile, leaf, and geometric designs, the use of compound borders and Arabic script Swahili tex t. 00083 00035, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 28. Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the ship, the use of a continuous geometric border and Arabic script Swahili text. 0008 3 00024 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. P hotograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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472 Figure 7 29. Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the horn instrument and floral design, the use of a continuous border and Arabic script Swahili text. 00083 00004, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Fig ure 7 30. Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the umbrella and medallion central designs, the use of a paisley border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00083 00032, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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473 Figure 7 31 Vlisco machine printed kan ga 1925 1933. Note the diagonal striped interior design, the use of a geometric border, and no text. 00083 00074, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 32 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the coffee pot and medallions design, t he use of a continuous border with crosses and tangerine flowers, and Roman 00162, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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474 Figure 7 3 3 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the paisley designs, the use of a comp ound border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00085 00093, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 34 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the kofia crescent and star, and paisley designs, t he use of a comp ound border, and Roman script Swahili text. 00085 00 092 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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475 Figure 7 35 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the spade and rose water spri nkler bottle designs, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00085 00057, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 36 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1933. Note the eight pointed star and tangerine flower design, the u se of a compound border, and Roman script 00079, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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476 Figure 7 37 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the eight and nine pointed star and medal de sign, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00084 00020, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 38 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the crown like shape and pineapple motifs, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00084 00133, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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477 Figure 7 39 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the budding paisley shapes, the use of an integrated border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00084 00169, Vli sco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 40 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the paisley shapes, the use of a compound border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00084 00277, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

PAGE 478

478 Figure 7 41 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the mangoes, the use of a continuous though uneven border, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00084 00320, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. A

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479 B C Figure 7 4 2 First known commemorative kanga produced on t he occasion of King machine printed by Vlisco, distributed by Smith, Mackenzie & Co., likely designed by Jivan Hirji, 1935. Note the Union flag motif, the use of continuous though uneven border, and red and white colorway 00084 00060. B) orange navy and white colorway 00084 00037 Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. C) Detail of medallion, indicating commemorative occasion. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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4 80 Figure 7 43 Commemorative kanga produced on the occasion of the Omani Sultan of printed by Vlisco, distributed by Smith, Mackenzie & Co., likely designed by Jivan Hirji, 19 36. Note the crossed swords, hanjari flags, and turban motif, the use of a 1936 Silver Jubille of H. H. Sultan 00104, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 44 Commemorativ e kanga coronation, machine printed by Vlisco, distributed by Smith, Mackenzie & Co., likely designed by Jivan Hirji, 1937. Note the crown, scepter, orb, and crossed Union flag motifs, the use of a continuous bord er, and a combination of Roman VI, 12 th 00117, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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481 Figure 7 45 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the appearance of th e early spots and stripes design, here with Arabic script Swahili text. 0008 6 00 005 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 46 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the paisley, stripe, and triangle design, the use of compound borders and Arabic script Swahili text. 00086 00026, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

PAGE 482

482 Figure 7 47 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the crescent and star, flower, and geometric motifs, the use of continuous borders, and Roman script Swahil 00040, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Figure 7 48 Vlisco machine printed kanga 1925 1939. Note the floral, stripe, and triangular motifs, the use of compound borders, and Arabic script Swahili text. 00089 00012, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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483 Figure 7 49 Vlisco machine printed kanga designed by Hussein Jiwan Hirji, 1925 1939. and pai sley designs, the use of compound borders, and Roman script Swahili 00006, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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484 A B C Figure 7 50 Vlisco machine printed kanga in three colorways, 24 May 19 47, Zanzibar. Note the all over design with floral and geometric shapes, the use of contiuous borders, and Arabic script Swahili text. #4980, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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485 A B Figure 7 51 Vlisco machine printed ka nga in three colorways, 28 July 1947, Zanzibar. Note the all over design with crosses, tangerine flowers, and paisley, and Arabic script Swahili text. #4909, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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486 A B C Figure 7 52 Vlisc o machine printed kanga in one colorway 1 8 August 1949 Note the budding artichoke and paisley design compound border, and Arabic script Swahili text. #49 75 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. Figure 7 53 Vlisco hand p rinted kanga 1910s. Note the budding artichoke design, compound border, and no text. 00081 00086, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands.

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487 A B C Figure 7 54 Vlisco machine printed kanga in four colorways, 12 October 1951, Dar es Salaam. Note the ei ght pointed star, bandhani design, and Arabic script Swahili text. #5058, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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488 A B C Figure 7 55 Vlisco machine printed kanga in twenty seven colorways between 17 November 1950 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note the all over design, the rose motif, and Arabic script Swahili text. #5023, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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489 A B C Figure 7 56 Vlisco machine printed kanga in four colorways, 12 Octobe r 1951, Dar es Salaam. Note the all over design, the paisley border, the Roman script Swahili word pole in the central oval, and the Arabic script Swahili text. #5057, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 57 Vlisco machine printed kanga in seventeen colorways between January 1953 and 1956, Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar. Note the simplified central design, the continuous paisley border, and the Roman script Swahili text. #511 3, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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490 A B C Figure 7 58 Vlisco machine printed kanga in three colorways between 12 June 1953 and 1954, Mombasa. Note the intricate central design, the paisley accents and border, and the Arabic script Swahili text. #5250, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 59 Vlisco machine printed kanga in twenty seven colorways between 20 December 1953 and 1962, Dar es Salaam. Note the simpli fied central design, the roses motif, and the Roman Photographs by James Ryan.

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491 A B Figure 7 60 Advertising kanga machine printed by Vlisco in th ree colorways for Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd., January 1953, Dar es Salaam and Tanga. Note the Roman Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 61 Advertising kanga machine printed by Vlisco in three colorways for Coca Cola, 25 August 1953, Zanzibar. Note the football trophy cup and ticket, the Swahili text. # 5257 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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492 A B C Figure 7 62 Vlisco machine printed kanga in sixteen colorways between at least 1953 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note duck and duckling central motif, the co Arabic script Swahili text. #5104 and #5853 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 63 Vlisco machine printed kanga in sixteen col orways between 9 December 1952 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note the pineapple and knife design with a floral, integrated border and Roman Photographs by James Ryan.

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493 A B C Figure 7 64 Vlisco machine printed kanga in twenty colorways between 20 December 1953 and 1956, Dar es Salaam. Note bowtie and abstracted floral design with continuous borders and Roman of a Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 65 Vlisco machine printed kanga in six colorways between 18 October 1955 and 1958, Mombasa. Note the all over tangering flower design, the intricate, compound borders and Arabic script Swahili text. #5028, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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494 A B C Figure 7 66 Vlisco machine printed kanga in ten colorways between 1 August 1954 and 1957, Dar es Salaam. Note the coconut tree design with continuous, striped border s and Roman script Swahili text. #5357, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 67 Vlisco machine printed kanga in eleven colorways between 11 April 1954 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note the postcard, tangerine flower border and Roman Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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495 A B C Figure 7 68 Advertising kanga machine printed by Vlisco in thirteen colorways for East African Brewers. Ltd., between 10 June 1954 and 1958, Dar es Salaam. Note e of English and Roman Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 69 Christ mas kanga machine printed by Vlisco in three colorways, 28 September 1955, Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam. Note the Christmas tree and Roman lowly so that he does not Photographs by James Ryan.

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496 A B C D Figure 7 70 Commemorative kanga s visit machine pri nted in eight colorway s in 1956 by Vlisco, likely designed by Jivan Hirji Dar e s Salaam Note the Welcome Princess Margaret in place of Swahili text. #5500, Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 71 Commemorati ve kanga visit, machine printed in three colorway s in 1956 by Vlisco, likely distributed by Smith Mackenzie Zanzibar and Mombasa. Note the Roman script Swahili text. to Unguja, visitor. 7 Vli sco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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497 A B C Figure 7 72 Vlisco machine printed kanga in seventeen colorways between 25 February 195 8 and 1962 Dar es Salaam. Note the cross and x shape, the striped border, and the Roman sc Greetings to your neighbors 5588 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 73 Vlisco machine printed kanga in nineteen colorways between 20 March 1959 and 1961, Dar es Salaam. Note the geometric and floral designs akin to bandhani and Roman by James Ryan.

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498 A B Figure 7 74 Early independence theme d kanga machine prin ted by Vlisco in three colorways, 5 May 1953, Dar es Salaam. Note the giraffe motif and Roman Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 75 Ind ependence themed kanga machine printed by Vlisco in eight colorways, 23 March 1960, Dar es Salaam. Note the map of Africa with the Swahili, Afrika si Ulaya motif and Roman script Swahili text an y Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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499 A B C Figure 7 76 Independence themed cloth, machine printed by Vlisco with photo of Bibi Tit Mohammed, 5 July 1960, Dar es Salaam. The Roman script Swahili word, Uhuru Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. A B C Figure 7 77 Independence themed kanga machine printed by Vlisco in thirteen colorways between 11 October 1962 and 1963, Dar es Salaam. Note the map of Tanganyika with towns indicated and the Roman script Swahili text. visitor, we lcome to our Republic of Tanganyika Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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500 A B C D Figure 7 78 Vl isco machine printed kanga in eighteen colorways between 16 September 1963 and 1968, Dar es Salaam, Mombasa, Madagascar. Note the all over abstract design, striped border, Hussein Jiwan Hirji monogram, and Roman Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan. B C Figure 7 79 Vlisco machine printed kanga in twenty five colorways between 21 February 1964 and 1969, Dar es Salaam, Marseille. Note the paisley motif s, the integrated border, similarity to batik, and Roman script Swahili text. Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Photographs by James Ryan.

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501 A B Figure 7 80 Kanga design by K. G. P eera, ca. mid 1960s, Zanzibar/Dar es Salaam. A) Front, showing design and notations Photograph by the British Museum. B) Back, showing Design No. 34 and Sketch No. 205. Photograph by James Ryan. 2012,2026.3 Collection of the British Museum, Donated by Ja mes and MacKenzie Ryan Trustees of the British Museum.

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502 A B Figure 7 81 Kanga design by K. G. Peera, ca. mid 1960s, Zanzibar/Dar es Salaam. A) Entire design with attached instructions written in Gujarati. Photograph by the British Museum. B) Detail R EG DESIGN FOR K G PEERA ( M IWANIMDOGO ) C ITOH K HANGA Photograph by James Ryan. 2012,2026.1 Collection of the British Museum, Donated by James and MacKenzie Ryan Trustees of the British Museum.

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503 Figure 7 82 Kanga design ed by Hashim A. Nakanoga on the occasion of the University th anniversary, 2011, Dar es Salaam. Roman script Collection of James and MacKenzie Ryan. Photograph by Ma cKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 7 8 3 Nkrumah Hall at the University of Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Photograph by Alexander Landfair.

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504 Figure 7 8 4 Kanga designed by Hashim A. Nakanoga, for sale at the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 30 Oct ober 2011. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan. Figure 7 8 5 Kanga design with crescent and star, mosque, and rose water sprinkler bottle motifs, possibly by Furahi Kasika, Jr. Acquired 9 November 2011 at MeTL Textile Desig n offices Dar es Salaam, Tanzani a Collection of James and MacKenzie Ryan. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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505 Figure 7 86 Mosque kanga design in production at Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 20 October 2011. Designed by Furahi Kasika, Jr. Photograph by Jame s Ryan. Figure 7 87 Woman wearing mosque kanga designed by Furahi Kasika, Jr., Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 20 October 2011. Photograph by Achiles Mujunangoma Bufure.

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506 Figure 7 88 Kanga and its electronic design by Vijay Patankar, MeTL Textile Design off ice, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 9 November 2011. Photograph by MacKenzie Moon Ryan.

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507 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION T his project has attempted to shed light on the design and manufacturing history of kanga textiles in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam in the colonial era B y focusing on one particular textile genre, popular throughout east Africa, the story of its creation, design, and manufacture has included consumers, designers, sellers, distributors, and manufacturers the world over. This research has sought to chronicle t he emergence of kanga textiles and the global networks of players who contributed to its manufacture and trade in the colonial era. Prior to this study history has been approximate at best, at odds with kanga continuous popularity and ubiquitous nature throughout the region. This study has found that kanga textiles emerged from a lineage of industrially woven cotton textile precursors, including the plain white merikani the indigo dyed kaniki and printed leso or handkerchiefs imp orted from around the world. The sewn garment leso ya kushona stimulated tastes in printed cloth worn as wrap garments by east African women. Indonesian wax batik d esigns introduced by Dutch printers, Indian woodblock and tie dye motifs introduced by India n immigrants to east Africa, and basic hand stamped decorations made by east African women all combined to create the earliest bordered kanga textiles by 1886 T ext was variously included ; it was printed in Arabic script Swahili from the earliest known exa mpl es and Roman script Swahili text appeared at least by 1910 The two scripts co existed until the late 1950s, when Roman script Swahili text finally supplanted Arabic script Swahili text for the printed phrases on kanga textiles.

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508 My research also estab lished that t hroughout the colonial era in Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam, kanga textiles were printed mainly by Dutch, British, and Japanese manufacturers, with British Indian (later Indian) and East Asian competitors variously involved. These manufacturers w ere united with east African consumers through a network including German, British, and Japanese merchant converters and Indian designers and sellers in Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, and Mombasa Designs continued to mine the earliest inspirational sources, and kanga textiles have been the subject of more variations on established themes than wholesale shifts in design Three approaches to kanga composition exist, with compounded, continuous, or integrated borders. New themes, beyond the conventional floral, geo metric, or commodity designs, were pioneered in the 1930s with commemorative kanga the 1950s with advertising kanga and the 1960s with political kanga yet to be written, including the effects of policies, colloquially known as Ujamaa from 1967 and the nationalization of the Tanzanian textile industry (NATEX) in 1975. Imported kanga were welcomed again after 1985, and kanga textiles have been manufactured and imported by various industrialized nat ion s with local production in Tanzania struggling to keep pace. Today, textile related degree programs are being offered to train a new gene ration of textile professionals. 1 The combination of textile degree programs, along 1 a two year diploma course in Textile and Fashion Design in fall 2009, which teaches students about the textile industry and equips them with the necessary practical skills to gain employment in sector. Beginning in fall 2011, the College of Engineering and Technology (CoET) at the University of Dar es Salaam began offering a Bachelor of Science in Textile Engineering and anothe r in Textile Design and Technologies. Both the VETA diploma and the UDSM p rograms were founded with the support of the Tanzania Gatsby Trust. Before the addition of these degrees, textile surface design was taught in the Department of Fine and Performing Arts at the University of Dar es Salaam and at the Bagamoyo College of Arts, but no other specific preparation was offered to train textile professionals.

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509 with cotton cultivation, aims t o retain Tanzanian grown cotton for domestic production and consumption. The current institutionalizing of kanga design, production, and related clothing can be seen as an attempt to save the struggling interrelated fields of cotton cultivation, cloth prod uction, and clothing manufacture in Tanzania. Acclaimed as east African kanga textiles are today being hailed as the savior to the Tanzanian cotton, cloth, and clothing industry. Kanga textiles have been used as the raw material for wrapped and tailored g arments by east African women since their emergence and today are gaining wider repute as fashionable and distinctly east Africa n cloths Like the cloths printed designs, each sewn kanga clothing style draws upon globally circulating forces that particula rly resonate with east African tastes and desires in each period. Around 1900, sewn kanga garments were inspired by upper class Omani fashions of the day. In the mid 1960s the style of kanga ta ilored garments was informed by national independence movement with the Civil Rights movement in the United States 2 Today Dar es Salaam is in the midst of a burgeoning professional fashion world, modeled on designer houses, famed designers, and seasonal col lections typical of international fashion houses A few designers have been active since the 1970s, but most participants in the growing fashion industry based in Dar es Salaam are from a younger generation only active in the last decade Many of these de signers are commi t ted to using locally popular cloths, such as kanga whic h they believe marks them and their designs as dist inctly east 2 Klytus Smith, The Harlem Cultural/Political Movements, 1960 Beaut (New York: Gumbs and Thomas Publishers, 1995). Garments made from the all over patterned kitenge or wax Art in East Africa: A Guide to Contemporary Art (London: Frederick Muller, 1975), 57.

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510 African in character. Since 2008, Dar es Salaam has hosted an annual fashion week, modeled on the array of fashion week s in cities across the globe. To date, Swahili Fashion Week has taken place four times, showing collections from designers from across the larger region of east Africa 3 This emerging professional fashion scene in Dar es Salaam can best be understood by tu rning to three individual designers: Ailinda Sawe, Kemi Kalikawe, and Vida Mahimbo. Ailinda Sawe represents the older, established generation of fash ion designers in Dar es Salaam learned to sew from her mother and excelled at needlework in primary school; later she earned a higher diploma at Manchester Polytechnic (now Manchester Metropolitan University). 4 She has been active since the 1970s and focuses on Tanzanian clients who seek traditio n based garments. She is the proprietor of Afrika Sana a boutique for her fashion designs and accessories that opened in 1993 In 2001 along with her husband Ndesumbuka Merinyo, she undertook extensive research on the traditional modes of dress of dozens of ethnic groups across Tanzania, and incorporates aspects of this research into her fashion designs to better meet the desires of her clientele. Through her designs, she seeks to display the national character of Tanzania, and she 3 Furthermore, kanga textiles are also be coming more visible outside of e ast Africa through their use in the ready to wear collections of international fashion designers. Clothing lines such as Suno (New York), Laless o (Cape Town), Chichia (London), and Mremeaux (Toronto) have consciously and successfully utilized kanga textiles in their garments, and as such, are spreading knowledge about these textiles to their clients. Through their increased appearance in the West, kanga textiles are becoming internatio nally associated with east Africa while simultaneously maintain ing local importance regionally. 4 Ailinda Sawe, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 23 November 2011.

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511 is often commissioned to design uniforms for staff and garments for others representing Tanzania. 5 Sawe also takes commissions for wedding dresses, dresses for kitchen parties (equivalent to western bridal showers) and send off parties (a pre wedding celebration which marks the b combines imported fabrics (satins, polyesters, tulle, and cottons in solids) with fabrics that connote African designs ( kanga kitenge batik, tie and dye, etc.). Through the combinatio n of fabrics, Sawe adroitly blends clothi ng styles particular to e ast Africa but drawing on the vocabulary of international designs. She designs for men and women alike, and conceives of runway looks holistically: her designs include jewelry and accessorie s, including bags, hats, headbands and headwraps. Sawe employs ten tailors ( fundi in Swahili) in her workshop, who construct garments based on her designs. She also employs a handful of workers at her boutique in the Sinza area of Dar es Salaam. gan Dressing the Nation suggests both her aim and her approach to fashion design. Kemi Kalikawe represent s one branch of the younger, up and coming generation of fashion designers in Dar es Salaam. She was born in the early 1980s is self taught, though she has a degree in interior design from a Kenyan university. Her designs appeal to a younger target market in Tanzania, especially patrons seeking Western style garments utilizing east African fabrics. She str ives to integrate local fabrics into garments tha t transcend Tanzania and conceived uses of African garments. For instance, Kalikawe integrates flairs of brightly colored and patterned kanga or kitenge 5 Sawe, interview, 23 November 2011.

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512 into professional business attire, or melds east African cloth with imported lace, polyester, satin, or other fabrics to create cocktail dresses. Her tailored garments tend to attract affluent women in their twenties and thirties. Kalik awe employs a handful of fundi or tailors to construct her garments after she completes the designs. Kalikawe founded Naled i Fashion House in 2008, which accepts interns and others seeking experience in fashion design. Most recently, Kalikawe launched the Naledi Fashion Institute in 2011, an educational organization that trains a range of fashion professionals, including desig ners, illustrators, journalists, photographers, stylists, among others. Her belief is that the professional fashion scene in Dar es Salaam must be nurtured from the ground up, and she strives to use her experience, expertise, and network to help others hon e their interest in the fashion world t hrough education and experience. 6 Vida Mahimbo represents another branch of the younger, up and coming generation of fashion designers in Dar es Salaam. Mahimbo was also born in the 1980s and studied business manageme nt at the University of Dar es Salaam. Whereas Kalikawe is focused on developing the fashion scene in Dar from the bottom up, Mahimbo instead sets her sights on the international fashion world. Her aim is to create comfortable and flattering styles for rea than disguising them. She has three collections: Kanga Jeans Vida Mahimbo and UHURU All three brands cater to a high end market; Mahimbo manufactures her ixing Italian technology with 6 Ke mi Kalikawe, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 12 November 2010, 13 October 2011, and 14 December 2011.

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513 garments. She has boutiques in the exclusive Slipway shopping center in Msasani Peninsula of Dar es Salaam and in Stonetown, Zanzibar, wh ich further underscores her affluent and often international target market. The Vida Mahimbo brand focuses on elite safari or resort wear. This line encompassing jersey cotton dresses, swim suits, and screen printed feminine tee shirts and tank tops with African and e ast African motif, including abstracted women carrying pots, Maasai warriors, hyenas, and the African continent. Her Kanga Jeans brand Europe and Africa 7 The jeans and shorts feature prints common to kanga textiles printed on colored denim. UHURU in conjunction with fellow Dar es Salaam based designer Ally Rehmtullah. 8 The brand commemorates fifty years of Tanz anian independence, which was celebrated in December 2011 ( Uhuru is Swahili for independence). Mahimbo showcased at Africa Fashion Week in New York in July 2011, and strives to become k nown internationally, bringing e ast African prints and motifs to a glob al audience through her fashion designs. Through these brief introductions to three Dar es Salaam based designers, three separate goals in the emerging professional fashion scene in Tanzania can be discerned : tradition based garments, blending of Western c uts with e ast African fabrics, and branding e ast African fabrics and motifs to international audiences. Ailinda Sawe is inward looking: she takes her inspiration from national and cultural designs and clothing traditions, and seeks to popularize regional s tyles by offering clients a modern twist on 7 Vida Mahimbo, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 8 October 2011. 8 Ally Rehmtullah, interview by author, Dar es Salaam, Tanzani a, 26 September 2011.

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514 tradition based garments. Kemi Kalikawe takes inspiration from Western cuts but seeks to gr ound them in Tanzania by using e ast African fabrics. In this way, she seeks to open new realms for kanga introducing the se inexpensive fabrics to professional and cocktail attire. Vida Mahimbo, finally, represents designers seeking international appeal, by marketing garments, in quality and style in line with Western expectations, but making use of e ast African prints and m otifs. Fifty desig ners from across e ast Africa showcased at the fourth annual Swahili Fashion Week in November 2011, proving these three professional fashion designers are just a gli mpse of the creative talent in e ast African fashion active today. By looki ng to these three fashion designers differing motivations, aspirations, and use of kanga in their designs are can be clearly seen in the emerging professional fashion s cene in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. This study has examined the global forces and variety of players involved in the creation, design, and manufacture of a particular textile genre, kanga popular throughout east Africa. The history of kanga textiles brings together a wide range of players, who have work ed together and compete d to create, marke t, sell, and consume this industrially manufactured textile. I have illustrate d how this regionally poplar cloth, often worn as wrap garments by east African women, actually evolved from expanding trade networks and an enlarging global economy centered in nineteenth century Zanzibar. Throughout the twentieth and twenty first centuries, the manufacture and design of these textiles continued to be affected by both global and local politics. Based on colonial government reports, archival materials, published t ravelogues, import statistics, turn of the century studio photographs, interviews, hand drawn designs, dozens of sample pattern books and thousands of extant kanga textiles, I have argued

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515 that the creation of this textile genre can only be attributed to th e interactions between a global network of players, who converged in Zanzibar in the nineteenth century and subsequently centered in Dar e s Salaam following World War I. The broader aim of this project is to locate cultural and economic networks and examin e their effect on a regionally popular commodity. Rather than focusing on the cultural specificity of this textile genre, or the meaning invested in the cloth through use this study has explored the conv ergence of interests that led to the creation and su bsequent manufacture of this textile genre in the colonial era in essence, the history of the cloth up until the moment of purchase by the final consumer, rather than the life of the cloth following that purchase. As this dissertation has argued many disp arate groups worked together, and competed with one another, to create and subsequently manufacture these textiles to capture the market in fashionable cloth consumption across east Africa during the colonial era. Kanga textiles, in their history as well a s visual impact, reproduce traces of the various players involved in their creation and subsequent manufacture. As political realities changed, so too did demands for graphic representations printed on these inexpensive, fashionable textiles. By emphasizin g the changing dynamics of not only the historical moment but also the convergence of players involved in the kanga trade, this dissertation has posited that kanga textiles are at once a reflection of the global forces that compete d to capture the market f or this east African textile genre during the colonial era As the primary research presented in this work has demonstrated the histo ry of this commodity points to global competition played out first in Zanzibar and s fashionable consumption

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516 This dissertation has shown how a printed cotton textile encountered agents, designs, manufacturers and consumers from across the globe. Research on this ure of trade, from W estern Europe to Japan, Indonesia to east Africa and India to the United States. This project on the design and manufacturing history of kanga textiles encapsulates the interconnected nature of economies, commodities, design, and fashio n.

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517 APPENDIX A DISCUSSION OF KANGA TEXTILES IN EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY BRITISH COLONIAL TRADE REPOR TS Report for the Year 1895 (Zanzibar) : Another important branch of this trade is in connection with what are known Kanga handkerchiefs measuring about 50 by 72 inches, which form the principal garments of native women. At one time a large business was done in these with both Manchester and Glasgow, the goods received being roller printed and good in quality and pattern, but of recent years a demand has set in for a cheaper article, and it has been met by the import by German firms of a common block printed Kanga superior and more expensive English variety, although the cloth itself is still supplied from Manchester. The printing of these handkerchiefs is in Holland performed by hand by a very cheap class of labour, consisting chiefly of old women and children, and Dutch manufacturers are willing to supply different p atterns in comparatively small quantities, whereas the only business house in Great Britain that has, as far as is known, been approached with a view to taking up this particular line, has only been willing to do so on the understanding that merchants here would order such large quantities of each variety that the latter were afraid that they would be unable to dispose of them, and therefore declined the offer. Whether English could compete with Dutch labour at the price at which these goods are sold is a q uestion that can only be decided at home, but there is little doubt that it is a matter well worth the serious consideration of the British manufacturer, more especially as the trade is one which his bound to increase with the extension of civilization int o the interior of Africa. The enclosed samples will be sufficient to show the class of article which is mostly in demand.* *Forwarded to Manchester Chamber of Commerce. 1 Enough has been said in the foregoing pages to show that British manufacturers are slo wly but surely losing ground in the East African markets. [It may be contested, and with a certain amount of truth, that as her products have not been rejected on the score of quality, her commercial position is unassailed, but this is an argument which, h owever satisfactory it may be in itself, will hardly compensate the British exporter for his direct loss of profits. The demand except in a few instances, such as 1 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance No. 1765 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1896), 9 10. Other textiles are also described at length, i ncluding Americani Membai Gumpty, Hindessa, Madduf, Kaniki, Bandera, cambric, twill, Vilemba, and Vikoi 10.

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518 Africa that it cannot be ousted even by financial considerations is for, above all, a cheap article.] Indeed, there are in all probability few markets in the world which so consistently import the cheapest obtainable class of goods as that of Zanzibar, and unless the Bri tish manufacturer will come down from his pedestal and produce an article, as his foreign competitors do, that will meet the practical requirements of the buyers, it is likely that a trade which might be fairly profitable to him will drop more and more int o other hands. There is another point also, apart from any question of price, in which British trade suffers by comparison with our foreign rivals, and that is the enterprise and care which are necessary to obtain a hold on this market, and when once obtai ned, to keep it. The mercantile firms of Zanzibar are constantly receiving from foreign manufacturers elaborate foreign sample and price lists, from which they can select the particular article which they consider will best meet the native fancy, but the B ritish exporter apparently considers that no advertisement is necessary, for English houses in Zanzibar seldom receive any particulars of what he is prepared to offer. It appears also to be a popular idea that goods sent out from England will find a ready sale, without regard to the form in which they arrive. This is a complete error, for the native is a very particular person indeed; he wants his coil of brass wire to be in one complete length, and so many coils in a case; there must be exactly the same nu mber of yards in every piece of cloth; each bar of soap should cut into an equal number of equal pieces. These details may appear to be unworthy of consideration, but it is just a careful observation of some of these small points that has helped foreign tr ade to succeed where British trade has failed. 2 Report for the Year 1896 (Zanzibar): Piece goods continue to hold the first place of all articles imported to Zanzibar, and enormously exceed (as was the case in the year 1895) in import value any other class kanga or printed handkerchiefs, which form the principal dress of Swahili women, and of the trade in these articles Germany practically holds the monopoly. Those made in England are machine printed, and much more expe nsive than those imported by German firms, which are block printed in Holland. With this report is sent a sample* of the above, with a device printed upon it palace, advantage having b een taken of this incident to enhance the value of the article. *Sent to Manchester Chamber of Commerce. 3 2 12 13. 3 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance No. 1961 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1897), 8 9. The other

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519 Report for the Year 1897 (Zanzibar) : Another important branch of the piece goods trade is in connection with kanga s inches, two of which, with a scarf round the head, constitute the ordinary dress of a Swahili woman. The reasons that these are supplied, as they are, almost entirely from Continental countries, is that in England, where the pri nting process is effected by means of somewhat expensive machinery, it is found that the work cannot be carried on at a profit unless a considerable number of handkerchiefs, perhaps 3,000 or 4,000 of each pattern are disposed of, whereas in Holland, where a system of block printing by hand is adopted, a much greater variety of pattern can be produced at comparatively little extra cost. The work is in the latter case undoubtedly inferior, but that is a detail which, so long as she can be dressed in the lates t fashion, the native lady is quite prepared to overlook. The cloth which these handkerchiefs are made is still supplied from Manchester, and perhaps some cheaper system of printing may yet be devised there which will enable the British manufacturer to rec over this trade from his Dutch kanga but it must not be supposed that a woman with any proper respect for Not hing but an intimate knowledge of the local market can determine what designs are most likely to meet the popular taste. *Sent to Association of Chambers of Commerce. 4 Report for the Year 1898 (Zanzibar) : kanga hiefs worn by native women) has been confined, as heretofore, almost exclusively to Holland; the British manufacturers are apparently able to complete with the Dutch as far as their prices are concerned, but, owing to more expensive methods of printing, re quire such large numbers to be taken of each separate design that importers, to avoid the risk of having a considerable portion of their cotton piece goods mentioned are: American and English grey cotton sheeti ngs, superior American grey cotton drill and the corresponding English type; other piece goods mostly received from Great Britain: cricketing fl annels, tweeds, canvas, and Turkey red twills, and from Bombay: gunny bags and indigo dyed 10. 4 ve, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Sons, 1898), 14.

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520 stock left on their hands when the fashion changes, prefer to place their orders in Holland. 5 Report for the Year 1899 (Zanzibar) : A very large trade continues in the printed cotton handkerchiefs worn by kanga Manchester is very great compared with those printed by the Dutch system. They are printed ther e on large copper rollers, which are, of course, not to be obtained in the first place by any means as cheaply as the wooden blocks used for the purpose in Holland, but if the latter are not required for use a second time no great loss is entailed. Owing t o their more expensive methods of printing, British manufacturers require such large numbers to be taken of each separate design that they become a drug in the market. Machester printers require an amount of about 12 bales (value from, say, 250 l. to 265 l .) of one design in kanga s, whereas Dutch printers require only two bales of the same pattern. In spite of this advantage, and though in former years the bulk of kanga s imported were of Dutch manufacture, yet in the past year fairly large quantities have arr ived from Manchester, and patterns designed in Zanzibar have been approved in England and preferred to those which were block printed in Holland on account of their may be mentione d that the native is greatly taken with any bright and striking device, and clearness in the printing of these cloths or handkerchiefs is a matter of great importance. In the year 1896 a fanciful picture of the bombardment of the Palace had a good sale alo ng the coast, and the native is much taken with devices of bicycles, flags, &c. 6 Report for the Year 1900 (Pemba): There are many articles in general use here, to the supplying of which British firms might profitably devote their attention. Thus the trade in the gaily coloured cotton cloths, locally known as kanga s in which the women array themselves, and for which there is an immense demand throughout East Africa, is at present wholly in the hands of German and French firms in Zanzibar. The secret of succ ess in the kanga trade is to keep up a continual supply of novelties in the matter of design and colouring. The mode of procedure adopted by the German and French firms in Zanzibar is this: they cause hundreds of hand coloured samples to be prepared at hom e, and 5 Diplomatic and Consular Report s: Africa Sons, 1899), 14. 6 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa No. 2520 (London: Prin Sons, 1900), 10.

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521 these they submit to the leading Indian dealers, who select therefrom such as they judge will be most likely to sell, and who, themselves, frequently suggest new patterns or modifications in the sample designs. The importing firms book orders from t he Indian dealers for given quantities of the patterns selected or suggested by them, to be delivered within such period or at such intervals as may be arranged. The Indians take good care to let the native women know whenever fresh consignments of kanga a re due, and the goods are placed on the market with the least possible delay after being landed. There is much rivalry amongst the women as to who shall soonest appear arrayed in the latest thing in kanga s which sell at a high premium during the early day s of their novelty. Thus newly arrived kanga s will fetch as much as 4 s. for the set of two, during, say, the first week, after which time the price declines, as the articles goes out of fashion, until a pair of the same cloths can be had eventually for 1 s 4 d. which is the lowest figure at which the Indians sell them. Zanzibar is the Paris of East Africa, and the Zanzibar belles are admittedly the glass of fashion. To keep up their reputation for smart dressing involves the frequent purchase of new kanga s of which, I understand, a Zanzibar girl will possess as many as two to three dozen sets at one time. Kanga s which have begun to be out of fashion in Zanzibar will in their turn, constitute the height of fashion in Pemba and on the coast, where they will s ell at a premium until superseded by a later consignment from Zanzibar, and so on. I am informed that the bulk of the kanga s imported into East Africa are printed in Holland. There appears to be no reason why British firms should not successfully make a bi d for their share of the kanga trade, by adopting methods similar to those practised by German and French firms. 7 Report for the Year 1900 (Zanzibar): Another important branch of the piece goods trade is in connection with kanga kerchiefs, some 72 by 50 inches, two of which, together with a scarf round the head, constitute the every day attire of native women. These are mostly imported from Holland, where the block printing process is not only cheaper than the roller printing in t he United Kingdom, but permits of a great variety of pattern at a comparatively slight increase of cost. A British firm has, however, recently succeeded in placing kanga Dutch article, name ly, 12 rs. 12 a. per korj of 20, is much superior to it in point of quality and finish; the difference between the two systems of printing can easily be seen in the two samples* which accompany this report; an order for 2,000 of these handkerchiefs of the same pattern is the lowest that the manufacturer can accept, but in view of the manifest 7 Report on the Island of Pemba for the Year 1900 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa rison and Sons, 1901), 15 16.

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522 advantages which they possess over those foreign make, there should be no difficulty in disposing of that number, so long as the pattern and colour strike the public f ancy. A few samples* are send herewith of handkerchiefs which commande the readiest sale at the present moment; the most popular this year consist of fancy designs in red, black, or yellow, but it is ll have entirely changed, and it is, therefore, always advisable for manufacturers to submit their patterns to their local agents, who from their intimate knowledge of the market are in a better position to determine what particular designs are most likely to meet the popular taste. *Sent to the Association of Chambers of Commerce. 8 Report for the Year 1901 (Zanzibar) : Between 1900 and 1901, imports of Dutch kanga increased enormously. Accounting for the surge, the trade report noted this: It is difficult entirely to account for this enormous increase [from 4,500 l. in 1900 to 50,006 l in 1901], though it is no doubt partly owing to the greater Kanga men and women, who are by no means slow to take advantage of any improvement in their circumstances by (what is to them) an extravagant outlay on an improvement in their attire. 9 Report for the Years 1901 and 1902 (Pemba): Next in importance to rice, amongst Pemba imports, comes the item piece g oods, which term is to be understood as meaning chiefly the coloured kanga During 1902 goods of that description were imported into Pemba to the value of over 15,000 l ., being nearly 20 per ce nt. of the value of the total imports for the year. 10 8 Diplomatic and Consular Report s: Africa 1901), 13. 9 Cornish, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, Sons, 1902), 5. 10 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa Sons, 1903), 4 5.

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523 Report for the Year 1902 (Zanzibar) : manufacturer by assisting him to select the particular class of articles for which there is a demand on this market, but one branch of the import trade, namely, that in piece goods, is of such importance that some further Kanga ut 72 by 50 inches countries the material is usually supplied by British houses. Fashions in this particular article of clothing are continually changing, and the manufacturer should consult his local agent as to the colour and design which may be expected to strike the popular fancy. 11 In addition to fashions continually changing, trade reports make note of how particular the African consumer could be: It cannot be too often pointed out that, to command a ready sale among the natives of East Africa, goods put on the local markets must, before all things, possess the quality of cheapness. The ordinary Swahili is a genial soul, of easy temperament; he lives from hand to mouth and has ge nerally spent his income long before he has earned it, and consequently, when he finds himself under the disagreeable necessity of buying something, and particularly when that something is neither food nor raiment, he makes the cheapest selection that he c an find. But he is also somewhat fanciful as to the way in which it is made up; his piece of cloth must fold into a certain number of equal lengths, his bar of soap must not flake and should be of a consistent size, the handkerchiefs in which his female re lations are attired must, from their point of view if not from his, be of the latest fashion, and so on. These details could be obtained from local agents with an intimate knowledge of native requirements, and it is only by a strict attention to them, and by the production of an article which combines attractiveness with cheapness, that the British manufacturer can expect to maintain and improve his position in the East African market. 12 Report from the Year 1903 (Zanzibar & Pemba) : 11 Dipl omatic and Consular Reports: Africa, 1903), 6 7. 12 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, No. 3 1903), 8.

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524 [L]arge quantities of kan ga s ( i.e. large coloured kerchiefs which form the chief costume of the native women) are still hand printed in the Netherlands, and until British manufacturers can discover some means by which they can turn out smaller quantities than it at present pays t hem to do from expensive copper rollers, and so keep up with the constant demand for new patterns, they are not likely to succeed in ousting the Dutch manufacturers. 13 Report for the Year 1904 (Zanzibar) : The importation of kanga s is almost entirely in the hands of German firms, who have managed to obtain a hold over the Indian merchants partly by the (in some cases disastrous) means of allowing them very long credits, and partly by being able to quote them at lower rates, which they are in a position to do from the advantages they have with regard to shipping. 14 by British firms as compared with their foreign (notably German) rivals, but it is I think clear, looking at the position Brit ish trade is shown by the accompanying statistic to hold, that however just this criticism may have been it is now, in so far as Zanzibar is concerned, unmerited. 15 Report for the Year 1904 (Pemba): Until within the past four years German held a monopoly of the trade in kanga s, not only in Zanzibar and in Pemba, but also throughout East Africa generally. Most of the kanga s shipped from Germany are printed in the Netherlands, where, it appears, the process of printing them can be most cheaply carried out. Lat ely, however, France has begun to compete with Germany in supplying these goods. A considerable proportion of the kanga s imported into Pemba during the past four years had been shipped from Marseille; but, doubtless, the kanga s of French origin had also be en printed in the Netherlands. The trade in kanga s is a matter well worth the attention of British manufacturers of cotton goods. It must be remembered that kanga s are universally worn not only in Zanzibar and in Pemba, but also throughout British Central Africa, throughout all East Africa, in Uganda 13 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa No. 3263 (London: Printed for His M Harrison and Sons, 1904), 5. 14 Diplomatic and Consular Reports 1905), 4. 15 Diplomatic and Consular Reports

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525 and on the West Coast as well. The aggregate value of the kanga trade throughout Africa must amount to a very large sum per annum. 16 Report for the Year 1905 (Zanzibar): It is clear from the customs statistics t hat, had it not been for an unfortunate outbreak of bubonic plague, the year 1905 would have been an exceptionally good one for Zanzibar from a trade point of view. 17 The imports of cotton and woolen goods, principally the former, included under the heading of piece goods, rose from 306,406 l in 1904 to 330,029 l in 1905, although there was a decrease of 12,000 l in the value of the unbleached cloth known as Americani. The value of kanga s imported from the United Kingdom was 40,781 l as against 29,183 l in 1 904, and from the Netherlands 29,422 l as against 27,400 l The import of kaniki from the United Kingdom also shows an increase, 28,018 l as against 22,729 l in 1903. Kaniki to the value of 13,409 l came from British India. Of the white shirting 12,648 l ca me from the United Kingdom and 4,522 l from British India. Cheap blankets came from the Netherlands and Germany, and practically the whole of the grey shirting from British India. The total imports of piece goods from the United Kingdom rose from 76,358 l in 1904 to 108,201 l in 1905, and from British India from 101,292 l to 110,663 l 18 Report for the Year 1905 ( Pemba ): The piece goods chiefly consist of kanga i.e. a large square of cotton cloth, 6 feet 6 inches by 4 feet 6 inches, printed in colours, two kanga forming the complete dress of a native woman. Of these there is an enormous sale not only in Pemba but all over East Africa, for the women are very fanciful about the latest fashion in pattern or colouring, and if a man wishes for peace in his house he must present his wife or wives with a new pair of kanga at least once a month. These kanga s, though imported by German firms, are almost entirely made in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. A few years ago the Netherlands almost monopolised this ite m of trade, but of late the British export of these kanga s has far exceeded the exports of the Netherlands and Germany together. A big German firm, 16 Beare, Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar 1905), 4 5. 17 Dip lomatic and Consular Reports 1906), 3. 18 Diplomatic and Consular Reports No. 3677 (London: 1906), 4.

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526 which has many branches all over British and German East Africa and in Zanzibar, buys the whole of the kanga made by a Scotch manufactory. It must be remembered that native women prefer quiet colours, the favourite at the present moment being a cotton cloth of a pale lilac with a wide black border, and in the centre some design in black. I have seen traction eng ines, a hand of playing cards, or simple black starts, and many other designs. I should think animals, excepting dogs or pigs, would prove attractive, especially lions or leopards. The sale price of kanga is 1 ruppe (or 1 s. 4 d. ) each, or 2 rs. (2 s. 8 d. ) t he pair. Lately there has been introduced a thin flannel kanga of bright colours, stripes alternately black and pink, 1 inches wide, with a narrow line of yellow between them. These are smaller than the cotton kanga being made in rolls 2 feet wide. Two l engths of 5 feet 9 inches sewn together make a kanga of 4 feet wide and 5 feet 9 inches long. The price is 4 rs. or 5 s. 4 d. each, and pair 8 rs. or 10 s 8 d. As these are too expensive for the very poor, I should think that cotton kanga made with similar st ripes would have a large sale. Of course the flannel kanga are made with stripes of many different colours, one with alternate brown and dark blue stripes and a narrow line of black between is much liked. I enclose a piece of this stuff equal to a single k anga price 4 rs. *Sent to the Commercial Intelligence Branch of the Board of Trade, 73 Basinghall Street, E.C. 19 Report for the Year 1906 ( Zanzibar ): Kanga t although the cloth is made in the United Kingdom the patterns are stamped on it in the Netherlands, where this can be done much cheaper than in the United Kingdom. 20 Report for the Year 1907 ( Zanzibar & Pemba ): it must be borne in mind that nearly the whole of the import and export trade with the as a large portion of the piece goods trade with the United Kingdom, 19 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar tionery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1906), 3 4. 20 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar and So ns, 1907), Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4058 (London: Prin by Harrison and Sons, 1908), 4.

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527 passes through the hands of German merchants in Hamburg and their agents here. 21 Report for the Year 1908 ( Zanzibar ): Kanga s remains in a large measure with the German commission houses, whose advantage is due to their long association with the Indian wholesale trader to whom they allow a very liberal credit. They are enabled to introduce frequent changes of design to keep pace with the fashion, while a market is found in German East Africa, where no British firm is represented, for any remaining surplus after the dem and in Zanzibar has been exhausted. 22 A 1908 trade report clarifies the usual process for importing goods for sale in Zanzibar: Imports from Europe are effected almost entirely by the local commission houses, and by them are distributed to wholesale Indian traders who supply the retailers. It is well to note that it is the usual practice for local houses in Zanzibar to place their orders with their head offices in Europe, and n ot customary for Indian merchants to have direct dealings with exporting firms in Europe, and commission houses here find it necessary to allow remember that the African native is extr emely conservative in his taste for the articles with which he is acquainted and refuses to accept any innovation in them. The introduction of a new commodity for native use is always attended by a risk of failure, since, owing to the extremely capricious nature of the native demand, it is very difficult to foresee the manner in which an unknown article will be received. The essential features that goods intended for this market should possess are cheapness and showiness; quality is, in most cases, an altog ether minor consideration. Cheap cutlery, watches and chains, mirrors, enamel ware, crockery, umbrellas and bicycles are amongst the articles for which there is a constant demand and in which the share of the United Kingdom might be profitably extended. It is, however, necessary, as has been pointed out above, that the manufacturer, before making any attempt to introduce his 21 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4058 (London: Printed for His Ma Stationery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1908), 6. 22 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar and Sons, 1909), 6.

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528 goods, should make himself thoroughly acquainted with the local requirements. 23 Report for the Year s 1909 10 (Zanzibar and Pemba): Piec e goods were imported in 1909 and 1910 to the value of 220,566 l and 180,797 l respectively; these figures are the lowest recorded in the last 15 years. The trade in manufactured cotton goods has steadily declined in recent years as a result of the extensi on of direct steamer communication between Europe and India and the East African ports, and the consequent rapid development of these ports as distributing centres at the expense of Zanzibar. Considerable stocks were held over from 1908, and this had the r esult of checking importations during the years under review. Table 10 gives the detail of piece goods imported between 1908 10. It will be seen that the share of the United Kingdom and India represents an average of 60 per cent. of the total imports while the United S tates of America and the Netherlands rank next in order of importance. trade would not, however, appear to have any disturbing effect upon the imports of kaniki kanga s and piece goods imported under the heading of fashion in the two former articles of female dress, and any surplus which remains after the local demand is satisfied finds a ready sale on the mainland. The fact that a decrease in the import of these articles took place in 1910 is ascribed to the over stocked condition of the local bazaar. 24 Piece goods are chiefly imported from the United Kingdom in transhipment [ sic ] through Zanzibar. 25 Report for the Years 1911 12 (Zanzibar and Pemba): As the centre of the Arab power, Zanzibar from the beginning of the nineteenth century until quite recently dominated the trade of East Africa. The island contributes comparatively little to the actual commerce of the world beyond a very considera ble export of cloves, worth on an average 23 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar and Sons, 1909), 10 11. Similar points are made in the 1909 10 on Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4716 (London: 10 24 9 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Harrison and Sons, 1911), 4 5. Americani kikoi Turkey red twills, cotton underclothing, print handkerchiefs, and hand woven cloths from Muscat are also discussed in this report. 25 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Harri son and Sons, 1911), 28.

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529 300,000 l per annum, but it serves as a gigantic go down or storehouse for the whole East African coast, where both imports and exports are received and distributed. 26 Piece goods. Piece goods were imported in 1909 and 1910 to the value of 200,556 l and 180,979 l respectively, and those figures were the lowest recorded for the previous 15 years, during which the trade in manufactured cotton goods had steadily declined. But in 1911 the value of piece goods imported b y 209,495 l ., and in 1912 the value rose to 240,902 l ., the latter figure being the highest under this heading since 1908. This revival may be considered satisfactory when the rapid development of the mainland ports as distributing centres at the expense of Zanzibar is taken into consideration. For instance, the imports of cotton textiles into German East Africa have practically doubled during the last six years, from 320,184 l in 1905 to 635,986 l in 1911, and the largest item in the list of articles importe d into British East Africa during 1912 was cotton manufactures, which rose from 261,141 l to 394,715 l ., an increase of 51 per cent. in value, whereas the quantitative expansion was as much as 64 per cent. over the previous year. In Tables 7 and 8 will be f ound full details of the cotton goods imported and exported during 1910, 1911 and 1912. It will be observed that the Netherlands is the chief rival of the United Kingdom and India in supplying this article, but it is probably that many of the cottons print ed in the Netherlands are manufacturer in Manchester. 27 The trade prosperity of the island is almost entirely dependent on the success of the clove harvest, but, excepting the depression which took place in 1910, there would appear to have been a steady inc rease in the Piece goods were imported to the value of 20,668 l as compared with 16,139 l in 1911. 28 Report for the Year 1913 (Zanzibar) : 26 Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Harrison and Sons, 1913), 5. 27 Italics in 12 on the Trade and Commerce of Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar by Harrison and Sons, 1913), 7. 28 12 on the Trade and Commerce of Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar by Harrison and Sons, 1913), 27.

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530 Piece goods. 1912: £122,164 and 1913: £85,149. The d ecrease is probably due to more direct importation by mainland coast ports. 29 Report for the Year 1914 (Zanzibar): Piece goods. 1913: £191,023 and 1914: £134,361. The trade in piece goods was largely in the hands of German firms, who held sole agencies for the British and Dutch manufactures principally in demand. On the outbreak of war all orders which had been placed in England and Holland were held up, and it was some time before merchants succeeded in getting into touch with manufacturers. These facts, co mbined with the cessation of trade with German East Africa, account for the fall in imports. 30 Report for the Year 191 5 ( Zanzibar ): There were decreases in the case of several other articles, attributable generally to the reduced shipping facilities and exp ortation restrictions imposed consequent on the war. 31 Report for the Year 1916 (Zanzibar): The value of imports rose [between 1915 and 1916]. The following increases in imports are ascribed to the opening of ports in German East g [increases in imports] were due to the same Ships: piece goods (£247,996). 32 Report for the Year 1917 (Zanzibar): The value of imports rose [between 1916 and 1917 ]. The occupied territory of German East Africa is responsible for the increase in value of the goods ( £ 192,083). 33 Report for the Year 1918 (Zanzibar): 29 Zanzibar No. 823 (London: Printed under the authority of His 30 Zanzibar No. 843 (London: Printed under the authority of His nd Fry, Ltd., 1915), 8 9. 31 No figures are provided in the yearly report for 1915, but decreases in imports across the board were likely. Zanzibar No. 886 (London: Printed under the authority of His Office by Barclay and Fry, Ltd., 1916), 6. 32 Zanzibar No. 925 ( ), 5 33 Zanzibar No. 973 ( London: His Ma

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531 Trade was active throughout the year, the total value of exports and imports constituting a record; there was, however, considerable over importation, especially of piece goods, during the last six months of the year; merchants were consequently unable readily to dispose of stocks, and some of the smaller firms became pressed for funds. 34 Report for the Year 1919 (Zanzibar): T lack of shipping facilities at mainland ports the distributing trade of Zanzibar has increased considerably in recent years. The average stock on hand in t he transit warehouses during 1919 was £ 750,000. 35 Report for the Year 1920 (Zanzibar): The value of imports during the year [1920 decreased ] due to a decrease in the quantity of raw cotton imported for re exportation and in the quantity of cotton piece g oods of which large stocks had accumulated in 1919 The principal imports were cotton piece goods Rs. 6,317,450, rice and grains Rs. 4,154,499, and copra Rs. 1,670,075. 36 Report for the Year 1921 (Zanzibar): The total inward and outward trade of the Pr ot ectorate for the yea r 1921 amounted to 117,647 tons valued at Rs. 6,46,96,995, being an increase on The principal items showing increases are cotton piece goods, rice and grain, m otor spirit and petroleum, raw cotton and bullion and specie warehousing of goods for subsequent re export is an important factor in the trade of the Protectorate, and it is satisfactory to note that in 1921 the heavy stocks accumulated during recen t years have been considerably reduced and trade conditions are now much more healthy. 37 Report for the Year 1922 (Zanzibar): The total foreign trade of the Zanzibar Protectorate for the year ended 31 st December, 1922, amounted to 124,211 tons weight, valu ed at Rs. 5,88,19,524, being an increased on the previous year of 5.58 per cent. in weight and a decrease of 9 per cent. in value. The quantity of merchandise 34 Zanzibar No. 1000 ( London: His Ma 35 Zanzibar No. 1052 ( London: His Ma 36 Zanzibar No. 1091 ( London: His Ma 37 Zanzibar No. 1125 ( London: His Ma 8.

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532 handled in 1922 constitutes a record since 1902, when the total trade was estimated at 130,255 to ns weight. rupees]. Cotton Piece Goods. 1920: 63,17,450. 1921: 67,77,098. 1922: 69,24,044. 38 Report for the Year 192 3 (Zanzibar): During the year ended 31 st December, 1923, the foreign trade of the Zanzibar Protectorate amounted to 125,709 tons weight, valued at Rs.6,33,50,945, representing an increase on the previous year of 1.21 per forecase of the trade prospect for the present year as it is not yet possible to estimate with any degree of assurance the deliveries to be expected during the clove season commencing in July next, or to anticipate the probably trend of prices in this commodity. The year, however, must witness a considerable reduction of both export and import business, especially as large stocks are now held in the country, and as no immediate probability of expansion in the collecting and distributing trade is discernible. 39 Report for th e Year 1924 (Zanzibar): During the year under review, the foreign trade of the Protectorate amounted to 124,220 tons weight, valued at Rs.6,01,20,000, representing a decrease of 1.2 per cent. in weight and 5.1 per cent. in value, as compared with the previ ous year. The total imports (including trans shi pment goods, bullion and specie, and goods imported on Government account) amounted to 81,815 tons weight valued at Rs.2,96,43,000, being a decrease of 1 per cent. in weight and an increase of 1.7 per cent. I n value, as compared with given an average crop there is no reason to anticipate any considerable change in the trade of 1925 from that of the year under review. 40 Tanganyika Trade Report 1921: The value of this item accounted for 41.2% of the total value of imports. The decrease in value, as compared with 1920, was mainly due to the declining 38 Zanzibar No. 1163 ( London: His Ma 6. 39 Zanzibar No. 1209 ( London: His Ma ice, 1924), 6 7. 40 Zanzibar No. 1254 ( London: His Ma 7.

PAGE 533

533 in the value of the r upee which affected the value of the imports from India (direct or through Kenya and Zanzibar) of grey unbleached, dyed and coloured cottons, representing about 70% of the total import value of these lines from all countries. Grey unbleached cottons form t he largest portion of the percentage and include a large proportion of Japanese manufacture. The trade with India in dyed and coloured cottons has appreciably increased. 41 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1922 : Cotton Piece Goods. Th is item accounted for 42.6% of the total value of imports as compared with 41.2% in 1921. The decrease in the value of this class of imports is shown by the comparative weights imported, which are (excluding blankets) 1921 34,897 cwts 1922 42,827 cwts. Of the total 59% represents Grey unbleached (Americani and chadder) goods. Quite 70% of the Americani imported was of Japanese manufacture although it is shown in the comparative statement as from India Kenya or Zanzibar. The imports of grey unbleached Americ ani direct from the United Kingdom increased from £598 in 1921 to £4367 in 1922, whilst approximately a further 7% of the imports of this item from Kenya and Zanzibar represent British made goods. 42 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st, 1923: This item has increased in value very considerably although its percentage to the whole import trade is decreased. The goods comprising this were, in order of value, (a) Grey unbleached (Americani and chadder) mainly of United Kingdom, Japanese and British Indian manufacture, (b) White bleached (bafta, white shirting, drill and duck) mainly from the United Kingdom, (c) Printed piece goods, manufactured principally in the United Kingdom and Holland, (d) Dyed piece goods, chiefly from the United Kingdo m, British India an d Holland, (e) Coloured piece goods of United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Holland manufacture, (f) Blankets from the United Kingdom and British India. 43 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1924: The value of these has increased by nearly £100,000 but the percentage to the total imports remains about the same. The goods comprising this were, 41 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended 31st December 1921 1. 42 Tan ganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1922 1. 43 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1923 1.

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534 in order of value (a) Grey unbleached (Americani and chadder) mainly of United Kingdom, Japanese and British Indian manuf acture, (b) Dyed piece goods, chiefly from the United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Holland, (c) Coloured piece goods of United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Dutch manufacture, (d) White bleached (bafta, white shirting, drill and duck) mainly from the United Kingdom, (e) Printed piece goods, manufactured principally in the United Kingdom and Holland, (f) Blankets from the United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Holland. 44 Tanganyika Trade Report for th e year ended December 31 st 1925: The valu e of these increased by £143,010, the percentage however, to the total imports being lower. The goods comprising this were, in order of value, value (a) Grey unbleached (Americani and chadder) mainly of United Kingdom, Japanese and British Indian manufactu re, (b) Dyed piece goods, chiefly from the United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Holland, (c) Coloured piece goods of United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Dutch manufacture, (d) White bleached (bafta, white shirting, drill and duck) mainly from the United Kingdom, (e) Printed piece goods, manufactured principally in the United Kingdom and Holland, (f) Blankets from the United Kingdom, British India, Germany and Holland. 45 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1926: These embra ce 25.9% of the total imports in 1926. They are classified under five items, viz: -(1) Grey unbleached, (2) White bleached, (3) Printed, (4) Dyed in the piece, (5) Coloured wholly or in part and in dyed yarn. (1) Grey Unbleached. The amounted to 40.7% of piece goods imports and include Grey sheetings, Bordered grey, Grey drill and Long cloth. GREY SHEETINGS are locally named Americani Asili, Americani Gamthi, or Americani Uleiti. Americani Asili is the name given to the original goods imported from Amer ica. It has been largely displaced on the market by Japanese and imported in bales of 25 pieces. A piece measures 30 yards long and 32 44 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1924 2. 45 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1925 2.

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535 inches wide, which weighs from 5 to 5 lb s. and is priced in the bazaar at Shillings 11 to 12. American Gamthi was originally made in Bombay for the Indian market and later exported to East Africa to compete with Asili. It is a little darker in colour than, and inferior in quality to, the Americ an made article. Each Indian Mill has its own brand. In bales of 25 pieces, each piece measures 30 yards by 32 inches, weighs 6 lbs., and is priced in the bazaar at Shs. 10.75. In the heavier weights this article has also, since 1919, been steadily displac more than 10% of the imports. Japanese Americani has steadily obtained the dominant position in the market and now embraces more than 80% of the total imports. To ensure regular delivery t o fulfil contracts it is shipped by every available steamer either direct, via Bombay or via Aden. It is remarkable that the Japanese manufacturer can purchase his cotton lint in India, transport it to Japan and return it here as a manufactured article at a lower price than the Bombay Mills can market the competitive article. Japanese bales contain 30 pieces measuring 30 yards by 36 inches weighing from 8 to 10 lbs. each which are priced in the bazaar at from Shs. 15 to 17 each according to weight. America n Uleiti is the British article made to compete with the original American importation. Its import is now however negligible. The grey unbleached shown as imported from the United Kingdom and Holland is Kikoi and not Americani. Americani generally is used for making native shirts (Khanzus), Sails for fishing boats, Mattresses, Pillows, etc., and is also used as loin cloth and shoulder shawls by natives in the interior. BORDERED GREY is termed Chader in Hindi and Shuka Gamthi in Swahili. India supplies 90% of the imports of this article. Various qualities, lengths, and brands are imported. Each piece is really a pair with a two cord is bordered with black, red or coloured str ipes. It is packed in corjas (scores) of 10 pairs to 20 single pieces (one pair measuring from 3 to 5 27 according to quality. These chaders are used as loin cloths by the nati weighing from 18 to 20 lbs. per score, which have no borders, are priced at from shillings 40 to 42 and are used as bed sheets or blankets. Shukas imported from England or Holland are known as Shuka Ulaya or Kikois. Kikois were originally imported from Mascat where they were made of superior quality on hand looms. The British made Kikoi although not so fine in quality, being cheaper, obtained the market; but the Dutch article has

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536 since obtai ned a very strong footing. They are also made with a break borders with a grey centre and red stripe, and are imported in bales of 5 to 10 scores. Each piece, which is really a pair, measures from 4 to 4 yards to 45. GREY DRILL is termed Marduff and also has the added title of Asili, Gamthi or Uleiti according to country of origin. The American Marduff (A ili) the original article, still has the best sale. The Indian imitation also sells, but the demand for the English article is steadily diminishing, and Japanese s from 12 to 14 lbs. and is priced in the bazaar at from shillings 32 to 38. Marduff is used for Dhow sails, Tents and native cloths. Owing to the declining of the caravan traffic there is a diminishing demand. LONG CLOTH is termed Nenklak by Indians a nd Uleiti by Natives. It is chiefly used as loin cloths. The importation is not very considerable. One in the bazaar at from 25 to 26 shillings. Formerly imported from India this ma terial is now chiefly supplied by the United Kingdom. (2) White Bleached. Under this heading (which accounted for 6.2% of piece goods imports) are imported White Shirting, Nainsook, Dorio, Muslin and Shuka. WHITE SHIRTING is termed Basto in Hindi and Baf ta in Swahili. The United Kingdom supplies nearly 40% of the total importation. A major comprises Dhotis which are worn by the Hindus. Few Indian Mills are supplied with bleaching machine s, consequently the imports from India are limited. Holland supplied 60% of the importation. Bafta is made in breadths on the basis of a 40 yard piece. Qualities vary and the baz aar price ranges imported from England heavily impregnated with starch and size and is used for native shrouds. This sells at Shillings 13 to 14 per piece. Ordinary Bafta is used by all n ationals and is made into Khanzus, shirts, bed sheets, caps, trousers, etc. A bale or case contains 50 pieces.

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537 NAINSOOK, DORIA AND MULMUL are termed by the Natives Nensu, Doria and Melimeli respectively. The pieces range in size from 18 to 24 imported via India. They are used for making Khanzus of a better class, shirts, caps with silken embroidery, veils, curtains, mosquito nets, etc. (3) Printed Piece Goods. Of the total imports of co tton piece goods 15.9% come under this sub heading. They chiefly consist of Khangas and Chintz. Khangas are rectangular pieces of cotton used as wraps, etc., by native women covered with varied and ever changing designs. Formerly hand printed in India the y are now imported from England and Holland, the imports from the former exceeding the latter by about 50 per cent. The fascination of a new design for the native women is as great as that of the European lady for a new model frock, so that the danger of t he importer being left with old and unsaleable designs on his hands is ever present. Designs, which are frequently suggested locally, particularly from Zanzibar, may include birds, leaves, flowers, words, sentences or even proverbs. A score of Khangas cons ists of four pieces each embracing five Khangas and may have two or four borders or none. The prices per score in the bazaar are; without border Shillings 22 to 27, two bordered shillings 31 to 33, and four bordered shillings 36 to 48. Chintz is of Dutch o r English manufacture, the latter being sometimes imported via India. Besides being used for Khangas by the better class native women it is used extensively in European households for curtains, covers, etc. (4) Dyed Piece Goods. These comprise 22.8% of piece goods imports and include Kaniki, Khaki,Crepe, and Red Turkey. KANIKI. These are also worn by native women. Originally they were manufacturered in India from Americani, badly dyed indigo, and termed Kaniki Gamthi. They were later replaced by a Europ ean article, of faster colour, made in England and dyed in England, Holland, or Switzerland. First known as Kaniki Ulaya they afterwards took the names of the importing however of a bet ter quality known as Kaniki Mkaa and comes chiefly from United Kingdom and Holland, although the Bombay Mills having improved

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538 their quality and dying are again increasing as competitors. The proportion of imports from the United Kingdom is about 30%. A Ka niki Sufi known as Kaniki Kio which is a highl glazed black cloth with a fine rep appearance imported chiefly form Manchester, and also now tin lined cases, weighs 12 lbs. per score a nd is prcied in the market at shillings 46 per score. A Kaniki is nearly the same in size as a Khanga. The imports of Khangass up to 1914 considerably exceeded those of Kaniki, but the superior wearing quality of the latter is becoming more and more appre ciated and its imports have increased by nearly 50 per cent. Kaniki is also used by some of the native women to make the veils which they wear in Arab fashion. A bale of the bazaar in shillings 17 to 20. A recently introduced Kaniki from England and Holland, known as Kaniki Ufito, heavier in weight than the ordinary Mkaa, although higher in value, is finding increasing favour in the interior owing to its durability. A score of thes e is sold at shillings 56 to 84 in the bazaar. KHAKI is imported from England and Holland and is used for native uniforms, boat and rickshaw cushion covers, shirts, etc. A piece is 40 yards Another khaki known as Khudurangi or Hodrungi formerly imported from Mascat is now replaced by an article imported from England and Germany and is used for making native Khanzus. A piece, sufficient for two khanzus is 8 yards in length and sells in the ba zaar at shillings 7 to 7/50. CREPE is imported almost entirely from Japan in a variety of colours. A is al so made into turbans an Khanzus for the more fashionable native women. TURKEY RED formerly imported from India and known as Madrasi in Hindi and Bandera in Swahili has now been largely replaced by an imitation made in Japan. A little is still imported fro m India and Italy. A piece is 25 shillings 9 to shillings 14 in the bazaar. It is chiefly used as bunting ceremonial decorations. (5) Coloured Piece Goods

PAGE 539

539 14.4% of piece goods import s were under this head. These include Mascat Cloth, Chader Kunguru and Check. MASCAT CLOTHS were formerly hand made and imported from Mascat in dhows. They were costly articles having borders of silk and golden tassels at the ends. The British manufacture s substituted a similar article in cotton which being cheaper appealed to a larger community and the Dutch manufacturers followed suit. These two countries now share the market in this article but Germany is commencing to complete. There are different colo urs and qualities sold, distinguished by definite names, e.g. Dhebwani, Bhura, Singapatti, Ismaili and Subhaya. Dhebwani is used as Arab turbans 0 score. The price in the market varies from shillings 30 to 50 per score. CHADER is priced at from shillings 24 to 36 This article is used chiefly for making mattresses. CHECK imported from India is used for similar purposes to Chader Kunguru. Checks imported from the United Kingdom and Japan are used for making shirts, window curtains, etc., the former being superior in quality. 46 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1927 : Of the total imports of these goods Grey unbleached amounted to 31.8%, White bleached 7.6%, Printed 17%, Dyed in the piece 24.5% and Coloured 19.1%. The value of Grey unbleached decreased from £332,879 to £299,973; whereas the weight increased from 40,277 cwts. To 43,841 cwts. and the yardage from 13,915,979 to 14,836,444. The consumption of Americani is therefore still on the increase. The reduction in value can be att ributed chiefly to the lower price of cotton in India. The value of cotton piece goods (other than Grey unbleached) increased from £484,697 to £644,942 or 33%. This increase is to some extent due to over stocking towards the end of 1927, stocks being carr ied over for consumption in 1928. This can be seen from the Bonded Stocks held at December 31st, 1927 as shown in statement (h). The continued granting of 46 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1926 2 5.

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540 long credit terms, chiefly by foreigh firms, largely accounts for this over stocking. 47 Tanganyika Ter ritory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1928 : [fragmented] Coloured 23.5%. bleached or coloured piece goods according to quality. 07,949. The increase in the importation of share of this trade. respect, be not only self Territories. 48 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 1929: Of the total imports of Cotton Piece Goods, Grey unbleached amounts to 27.8 per cent., White bleached 110.2 per cent., Printed 18.6 per cent., Dyed in the piece 23.6 per cent., and Coloured 19.8 per cent. The value of Grey unbleached increased from £228,472 to £251,040. The import from United Kingdom has increased from £163 to £1,552, or the small share of 0.6 per cent. of the total import. This small percentage is again to be regretted. 47 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1927 2. 48 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1928 2.

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541 White bleached increased from £67,744 to £91,778, whereas dyed piece goods and coloured piece goods decreased from £224,087 to £213,498, and from £217,896 to £178,877 respectively. Pri nted piece goods decreased from £190,053 to £168,191; of which the value of khangas amounts to £114,174. The other printed piece goods consisting of chintz, poplin, jean, shirting, flannel, etc. Chintz was mostly imported from United Kingdom, Germany, Holl and and Italy and the other items are entirely imported from Japan, being mainly used by the natives as khangas. These Japanese piece goods (poplin, jean, shirting and flannel) are imported in lengths containing 30 to 50 yards; whereas a score of khangas c onsists of 5 pieces, each being capable of division into 4 khangas of about 2 yards each. Japanese printed stuff (kitenge) has not border and it measures 46in. to 30in., whereas a khanga measured from 46in. to 60in. As the breadth of the Japanese stuff is narrow, two pieces are sewn together to enable it to be used mostly as khangas by the native women. This matieral is also used as a substitute for cretonne for curtains, chair covers, etc. 49 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1930 : Of the total imports of Cotton Piece Goods, Grey unbleached amounts to 28.2 per cent., White bleached 9.1 per cent., Printed khangas 15.2 per cent., Printed other 6.9 per cent., Dyed 26 per cent. and Coloured 14.6 percent. The value of Grey unble ached decreased from £251,040 to £196,776, but the actual decrease in weight was only 126 cwts. The imports of this item from India decreased by 4,914 cwts., but those from Japan increased by 5,531 kwts. Imports of White bleached decreased from £91,778 to £63,462. Those from the United Kingdom decreased from £35,626 to £22,941, while those from Japan increased from £3,725 to £9,154. Printed khangas decreased from £114,174 to £105,834. Printed piece goods other than khangas decreased in value from £54,017 to £48,201 although these was an increase in quantity from 1,829,743 yards to 1,907,203 yards. The imports from Japan rose from 402,226 yards to 836,697 yards. 50 49 Tanganyika Territor y: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 192 9 2. 50 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 19 30 2.

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542 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 193 1: Of the total imports of Cotton Piece Goods, Grey unbleached amounts to 35.6 per cent., White bleached 9.1 per cent., Printed khangas 10.7 per cent., Printed other 5.2 per cent., Dyed 28.6 per cent. and coloured 10.8 per cent. The value of Grey unbleached decreased from £196,7 76 to £175,974 whereas the weight and linear yards increased from 37,640 cwts. to 40, 572 and from 12,944,975 yards to 13,845,780 respectively. The imports of this item from India decreased from 3,637,484 yards to 3,430,702 yards. Those from Japan increase d from 8,961,021 yards to 10,084,431 yards. Imports of White bleached decreased from £63,462 to £45,044. The imports of this item from the United Kingdom and Holland decreased from 1,235,781 yards to 527,803 yards and from 929,543 yards to 603,104 yards r espectively, while those from Japan increased from 595,442 yards to 1,260,516. Printed Khangas decreased from £105,834 to £53,127. The imports of this item from the United Kingdom and Holland decreased from 2,359,317 yards to 1,230,798 yards and from 1,1 23,742 yards to 865,746 yards respectively. Printed Piece Goods, other than khangas, decreased from £48,201 to £25,466. The imports from Japan rose from 836,697 yards to 946,392 yards, whereas imports from the United Kingdom and all other countries show a considerable decrease. Imports of Dyed in the piece decreased from£181,281 to £141,034. The imports from the United Kingdom decreased from 2,111,146 yards to 1,445,717 yards. Those from Japan increased from 253,292 yards to 1,563,602 yards. The import o f Coloured Piece Goods decreased from £101,346 to £53,421. The imports from the United Kingdom decreased from 382,701 yards to 130,782 yards> Those from Japan increased from 1,386,677 yards to 1,667,713 yards. From the above figures it will be seen that a t a time when imports generally are decreasing those of Japanese piece goods are increasing. The Japanese manufacturers have their representatives constantly touring East Africa and, realizing that in a time of money shortage the native prefers quantity to quality, have catered for his demands by putting cheap articles on the market. 51 51 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the ye ar ended December 31 st 19 31 2.

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543 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 193 2: Of the total imports of Cotton Piece Goods, Grey unbleached amounts to 27.2 per cent. White bleached 8.4 per cent., Printed khangas 12.9 per cent., Printed other 9.8 per cent., Dyed 30.0 per cent., and Coloured 11.7 per cent. Comparing the imports of Grey unbleached with 1931 we get a reduction in volume and a reduction in value accentuated by lower pric es: --1932 1951 Yards 11,032,031 13,845,780 122,172 175,974 Average per yard, Cents 22 25 Imports from India decreased from 3,430,702 to 1,672,933 yards; whilst those from Japan only decreased from 10,084,431 to 9,225,948 yards. Imports of White bleached decreased in value from£45,044 to £37,584. Those from the United Kingdom and Holland decreased from 527,803 to 444,963 yards, and from 603,104 to 322,292 yards respectively, while those from Japan increased from 1,260,516 to 1,683,754 yards. Printed Khangas increased from £53,127 to £58,098. Those from the United Kingdom rose from 1,230,798 to 1,968,695 yards, while from Holland they decreased from 865,746 to 556,922 yards. Printed, other than Khangas, increase d from £25,466 to £43,896. The increases were, from the United Kingdom from 197,868 to 344,005 yards, and from Japan from 946,392 to 3,135,324 yards. Those from Holland and Italy decreased. Imports of Dyed in the piece increased in yardage from 7,643,677 to 9,621,161, but the values were down from £140,034 to £135,010. The imports from Japan increased in yardage from 1,563,602 to 5,460,629. Those from the United Kingdom showed a small increase and those from India and Holland were considerably down. Impor ts of Coloured Piece Goods although slightly higher in yardage gave a total lower value. Here again those from Japan showed a marked increased. Imports of Cotton Piece Goods generally maintained their position and accounted for 24 per cent. of the total, as compared with 19.8 per cent. in 1931.

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544 Cheap Black Drill from Japan has to some extent displaced Americani in the native choice. Also cheap printed jeans and dyed poplins, chiefly from Japan, have had a strong tendency to displace Khangas from the Unite d Kingdom and Holland. An important proportion of the increase of Japanese imports from 10.7 per cent. of the total to 16.4 per cent. represents increased importation of cheap cotton piece goods. 52 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended Dece mber 31 st 193 3: The Imports of cotton piece goods were made up as follows : 1931 1932 1933 Million Yards £1,000 Million Yards £1,000 Million Yards £1,000 Grey unbleached 13.85 176 11.03 122 10.14 103 Dyed in the piece 7.64 141 9.62 135 11. 87 153 Printed, khangas 2.10 53 2.54 58 2.38 51 Printed, other 1.44 25 3.68 44 3.87 43 Coloured 3.19 53 3.71 53 4.73 58 Bleached 2.72 45 2.66 38 3.04 36 In spite of the increased competition from artificial silk, i.e. from 457,290 yards in 1931 and 1,032,178 yards in 1932 to 1,460,193 yards in 11933, the imports of cotton piece goods increased by about 2 million yards each year, though lower prices resulted in decreases in the total values of £44,000 and £7,000 respectively. The native ta ste would appear to be turning towards colour, as indicated by the considerable increases in dyed and coloured cloths and the further reduction in the imports of unbleached goods, which for the first time on record have fallen from first place. 53 Tanganyik a Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 193 4: The imports of cotton piece goods were made up as follows: (table shows numbers for 1932 1934) The annual increase of about 2 million yards is again shown in the 34 total value is higher by about £50,000 than that for 1933, indicating an upward movement in average prices. The marked increase in the demand for coloured and printed goods continued during the 52 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 19 32 3. 53 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31st 19 33 4.

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545 year, the specialized khanga trade remaining fairly steady and bleached and dyed cottons showing decreases. The rayon imports in 1934 were 1,204,505 linear yards, valued at £21,572, as compared with 1,460,193 linear yards and £26,126 in 1933. 54 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1 93 5: The imports of cotton piece goods were made up as follows: (table shows numbers for 1933 1935) There was an increase of about 6 million yards in the imports of cotton piece goods, as compared with an annual increase of only 2 million yards over t he previous three years. The total value was higher by nearly £110,000. There are indications of a relative improvement in the demand for the higher priced goods a desirable development which suggests, and is fostered by, an increase in the general prospe rity of the native population. For example the khanga trade, of which British manufacturers retain the major share, improved by 56 per cent in quantity and 53 per cent in value as compared with an increase of only 14 per cent in the quantity and value of t he cheaper dyed and unbleached goods. The general fall in the imports of coloured goods was not shared by British coloured cottons, which were 54 per cent higher in value than in 1934, notwithstanding the increased competition from artificial silk piece go ods. These latter rose from 1,204,505 linear yards in 1934 to 1,667,639 linear yards in 1935, the respective values being £21,572 and £27,485. 55 [ 1936 19 39 Tanganyika Territory Trade Reports not available] Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 194 0: (table shows numbers for 1938 1940) The total imports were little less than in 1938 and in very much the same proportions except for a fall in khanga imports. Dyed goods, which came in first in 1937 and 1939, were second to unbleached calico in quantity though again first in value. The percentage gains or losses of the chief suppliers, in terms of square yards, as compared with the previous year were: --Grey Unbleached Bleached Khangas Other printed Dyed Coloured UK 17 +1 +5 +47 28 +22 54 J. H. McQuade Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 19 34 9. 55 J. H. McQuade Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 19 35 10.

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546 Br. India +1100 +529 27 +226 +749 +177 Japan 33 35 35 41 44 62 Holland ----66 ----39 Prices were higher, the average declared c.i.f value per square yard for the three leading lines having increased by the following percentages: UK British India Japan Dyed 59 13.5 35 Unbleached 60 20 25 Printed other 12.5 4 42 56 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1941: --The import of cotton piece goods were made up as follows: --(ta ble shows numbers for 1939 1941) Never before had the import of cotton piece goods reached a value of a million pounds; the total of £1,246,000 in 1941 was more than 50 per cent above the 1937 figure and more than double the value in any year since then. T he quantity was also the highest on record, but if combined with the 1940 total gives an average approximately equal to the mean annual imports in normal pre war years. India was the main supplier, but the United Kingdom more than maintained its supply of printed goods. Prices were markedly higher. The flowing table shows the average relative unit values per square yard on the basis of a 1939 value of 100 unbleached calico (actual value 18.76 cents per square yard) and also in parentheses, for each item sep arately, the 1940 and 1941 values as compared with a price of 100 in 1939: --1939 1940 1941 Unbleached 100 132 180 Bleached 128(100) 167(130) 216(169) Dyed 129(100) 188(146) 242(188) Printed, other 137(100) 197(146) 245(179) Coloured 162(100) 225(139) 255(158) Printed Khangas 166(100) 210(127) 280(169) 57 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1942: --The imports of cotton piece goods were made up as follows: --(table shows numbers for 1940 1942) 56 J. H. McQuade Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 19 40 12 13. (Incomplete edition). 57 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1 9 41 7 8. (Incomplete edition).

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547 Once again the imports of cotton pie ce goods were valued over a million pounds, being only £9,000less than in 1941, but the quantity was very considerable less. India supplied the bulk, but the United Kingdom continued to hold its own. Prices again rose steeply. The following table shows the average relative unit values per square yard on the basis of a 1939 value of 100 for unbleached calico (actual value 18.76 cents per square yard) and also, in parentheses, for each item separately, the 1940, 1941 and 1942 values as compared with a price o f 100 in 1939: --1939 1940 1941 1942 Unbleached 302 Bleached 384(301) Dyed 428(331) Printed, other 314(229) Coloured 371(230) Printed Khangas 322(194) 58 [1943 Tanganyika Territory Trade Reports not available. ] Beginning in 1944 edition, change format of Import Trade to report only values. 58 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 19 42 8. (Incomplete edition).

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548 APPENDIX B KANGA IMPORTS TO COLONIAL TANGANYIKA AND INDEP ENDENT TANZANIA, 1929 1981 Countries listed in order of the number of kanga exported, from greatest to l east Countries bolded exported i n excess of one million kanga for year indicated Countries in regular text exported i n excess of one hundred thousand kanga (but less than one million) for year indicated Countries italicized exported less than one hundr ed thousand kanga (but greater than 5,000) for year indicated Countries exporting less than 5,000 kanga have been omited 1929: UK Holland Germany, British India, Japan 1930: UK Holland, Germany 1931: UK Holland Germany 1932: UK Holland British In dia 1933: UK Holland Japan, British India, Germany 1934: UK Holland, Japan, British India 1935: UK Holland Japan British India 1936: UK Holland, Japan, British India 1937: UK Holland Japan, British India 1938: Holland Japan UK British India 193 9: Holland UK, Japan, British India, Germany, Zanzibar 1940: UK, Japan, British India 1941: only totals mentioned 1942: UK, British India, Japan 1943: UK, British India 1944: UK, British India 1945: UK, British India 1946: UK Holland, British India 19 47: UK Holland 1948: only totals mentioned 1949: UK, Japan, Netherlands, India 1950: Japan UK Netherlands India 1951: Japan UK Netherlands 1952: only totals mentioned 1953: UK Netherlands Japan, India 1954: UK Netherlands India, Japan 1955: J apan Netherlands UK India 1956: Japan Netherlands, UK, 1957: Japan Netherlands, UK

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549 1958: Japan Netherlands UK 1959: Japan Netherlands India 1960: Japan Netherlands 1961: Japan Netherlands 1962: Japan Netherlands 1963: Japan Net herlands 1964: Japan Netherlands India, UK 1965: Japan India Netherlands China 1966: India Japan China Hong Kong Netherlands 1967: Japan China Hong Kong Netherlands, India 1968: 1 Japan China Hong Kong India, Netherlands 1969: Japan China H ong Kong, India 1970: China Japan Hong Kong, India, Israel 1971: Japan 1972: Japan 1973: Japan 1974: Japan 1975: Japan 1976: Japan 1977: Japan (?) 1978: Japan (?) 1979: Japan (?) 1980: Japan (?) 1981 : Japan Data garnered from the following publications : Tanganyika Territory Blue Books (1929 1948) East Africa Trade Report (1949 1950; 1953 1960) East African Customs and Excise: Trade and Revenue Report for Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya (1951 1954) East African Community Annual Trade Report (1961 1976) A nnual Trade Statistics Report of Tanzania (1972 1981) 1 Kanga

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550 APPENDIX C AVERAGE RETAIL PRICE OF KANGA IN DAR ES SALAAM, 19 51 1996 Average Retail Price of African Consumer Goods Dar es Salaam: Khanga (unit: pair) Date Shillings Date Price in Shillings

PAGE 551

551 Data garnered from the following publications, with the years noted: 1951 Tanganyika Statistical Abstract 1959 East African Statistical Department, Tanganyika Unit. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1959. 1959 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1962 1963 edition created by Francs de Silva with hand written notations, to amend 1962 published edition. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1962. 1963 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1966 Central Statistical Bureau, Ministry of Economic and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1968. 1966 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1970 Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1972 1970 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1973 Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 197[?]. 1978 1982 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1982 Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs. Dar es Salaam: 1983. 1983 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1987 Bureau of Statistics, Planning Commission, 1987 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1990 Planning Commission. Dar es Salaam: 1992. 1991 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1995 Plann ing Commission. Dar es Salaam: 1997.

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552 LIST OF REFERENCES Published Sources Royal Commonwealth Society Photographers Index Cambridge University Library. h ttp://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/rcs_photographers/entry.php?id=208 Mimi Kama Kanga Nafa na Uzuri Wangu I am like a Kanga Cloth, I Art in Eastern Africa edited by Marion Arnold, 99 104. Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2008. kanga Africa Now (February 1984): 48 49. Abdulaziz, Mohamed H. Muyaka: 19 th Century Swahili Popular Poetry Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1979. Abdul Kanga Institute, 1984. Africa Now (February 1984): 49 51. Kanga www.glcom.com/hassan/ kanga .html Alpers, Edward A. Ivory and Slaves: Changing Pattern of International Trade in East Central Africa to the Later Nineteenth Century Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975. American Association of t he Red Cross. The History of the Red Cross: The Treaty of Geneva, and its adoption by the United States Washington: Government Printing Office, 1883. Kanga Cloth and Swahili Society: mke ni nguo Scholar of the House Prog ram, Yale University, New Haven, CT, 1985. History of Dar es Salaam, 1865 Madison, 1983. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective edited by Arjun Appadurai, 3 63. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Appadurai, Arjun, ed. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspec tive Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

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553 Arero, Hassan, and Zachary Kingdon, eds. East African Contours: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture London: Horniman Museum, 2005. Askari, Nasreen, and Liz Arthur. Uncut Cloth: Saris, Shawls and Sashe s Merrell Holberton, 1999. Research in African Literatures 31, no. 4 (Winter 2000): 104 124. Kanga as Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 68 (2001): 157 69. at the East Afr Journal of African Cultural Studies 17, no. 2 (December 2005): 131 60. Bennett, Norman R., and George E. Brookes, Jr., eds. New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 Boston: Boston University Press, 1965. Bickfor d, Kathleen E. Everyday Patterns: Factory Printed Cloth of West and Central Africa Kansas City: University of Missouri, 1997. diss., Indiana University, 1995. BBC New Magazine (30 July 2012). Braudel, Fernand. Civilization and Capitalism, 15 th 18 th century. Reynolds. New York: Haper and Row, 1984. Salaam, circa 1862 Dar es Salaam: Histories from an Emerging Afr ican Metropolis edited by James R. Brennan, Andrew Burton, and Yusuf Lawi, 13 75. Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, in association with the British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi, 2007. Brennan, James R., Andrew Burton, and Yusuf Lawi, eds. Dar es Salaam: Histories from an Emerging African Metropolis Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, in association with the British Institute in Eastern Africa, Nairobi, 2007

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554 1916 Taifa: Making Nation and Race in Urban Tanzania Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2012. Brennan, Thomas. Public Drinking and Popular Culture in Eighteenth Century Paris Princeton: Princeton Univ ersity Press, 1988. Brown, Bill, ed. Things Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004. Brewer, John, and Roy Porter, eds. Consumption and the World of Goods London: Routledge, 1993. Brode, Heinrich. British and German East Africa: Their Economic and Commercial Relations 1911. Reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1977. Burton, Andrew. African Underclass: Urbanisation, Crime and Colonial Order in Dar es Salaam Oxford: James Currey, 2005. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society vol. XXIX (1859); 1st electronic ed. 2007. http://burtoniana.org (accessed 6 May 2011). Burton, Richard F. Zanzibar: City, Island, and Coast 2 vols. London: Tinsley Broth ers, 1872. Visit of Their Majesties Association at Accrington, July 9 th 1913 Accrington: Broad Oak Works, 1913. Fifty Years of Calico Printing: A Jubilee History of the C.P.A. Manchester: The History of Broad Oak Casson, Lionel, trans. The Periplus Maris Erythraei Pr inceton: Princeton University Press, 1989. The World Factbook 2012 Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency, 2012. Chaudhuri, K. N. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise o f Islam to 1750 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

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555 Christie, James. Cholera Epidemics in East Africa: An account of the several diffusions of the disease in that country from 1821 till 1872, with an outline of the geography, ethnology, and tra de connections of the regions through which the epidemics passed London: Macmillan and Co., 1876. Kanga Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 38, no. 1 (2003): 166 167. ur and Text in Contemporary Kanga Cloth: An Analysis and 2005. kanga East African Conto urs: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture edited by Hassan Arero and Zachary Kingdon, 85 97. London: Horniman Museum, 2005. Clayton, Anthony. The Zanzibar Revolution and its Aftermath Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1981. Cooper, Frederick. From Slaves to S quatters: Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890 1925 Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1997. Cordwell, Justine M., and Ronald A. Schwarz, eds. The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment The Hague: Mouton, 1 979. The Kashmir Shawl 24 49. New Haven, Ct; Yale University Art Gallery, 1975. Craster, John Evelyn Edmund. Pemba, the Spice Island of Zanzibar London: T. F. Unwin, 1913. Things That Talk: Object Lessons from Art and Science, edited by Lorraine Daston, 9 24 New York: Zone Books 2004. Daston, Lorraine, ed. Things That Talk: Object Lessons from Art and Science New York: Zone Books, 2004. Textile Finishing Trades: Bleaching, Dyeing, Manchester Guardian Commercial 17 May 1923. Dilke, Charles Wentworth. Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851: Reports by the Juries on the Subjects in the Thirt y Classes into which the Exhibition was Divided London: Printed for the Royal Commission by William Clowes & Sons, 1852. Dodd, George. Textile Manufacturers of Great Britain London: C. Knight, 1844.

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556 Dodgshun, Arthur W. From Zanzibar to Ujiji; the Journal of Arthur W. Dodgshun, 1877 1879 Edited by Norman Robert Bennett. Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1969. African Arts 25, no. 3 (July 1992): 82 87, 104. Douglas, Mary, and Baron Isherwood. The World of Goods New York: Basic Books, 1979. Echenberg, Myron. Africa in the Time of Cholera: A History of Pandemics from 1817 to the Present Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Eliot, Charles. East African Protect orate London: Edward Arnold, 1905. Kanga Art Museum, Erie, Pennsylvania, 27 September 2008 5 April 2009. Faber, Paul. Long Live the President! Portrait cloths from Africa Amsterdam: KIT Publishers, 2010. Journal of African History 39, no. 1 (1998): 63 94. Pastimes and Politics: Culture, Community, and Identity in Post Abolition Zanziba r, 1890 1945 Athens: Ohio University Press, 2001. Fashioning Africa: Power and the Politics of Dress edit ed by Jean Allman, 13 30. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004. Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration edited by Mary D. Sher iff, 17 42. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010. Feierman, Steven. Peasant Intellectuals: Anthropology and History in Tanzania. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990. Fleischmann Heck, Isa, Rudolf G. Smend, Donald J. Harper, and Ma ria Wronska Friend. Batik: 75 Selected Masterpieces: Rudof G. Smend Collection Cologne: Verlag, 2006. Freeman Grenville, G. S. P. The East African Coast: Select Documents from the first to the earlier nineteenth century Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.

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557 The Medieval History of the Coast of Tanganyika London: Oxford University Press, 1962. Galbraith, John S. Mackinnon and East Africa 1878 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972. Kenya Gazette (28 February 1961): 246. Geiger, Susan. TANU Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tanganyikan Nationalism, 1955 1965 Portsmouth, NH: Hein emann, 1997. Giblin, James, and Jamie Monson, eds. Maji Maji: Lifting the Fog of War Leiden: Brill, 2010. Gillow, John, and Nicholas Barnard. Indian Textiles London: Thames and Hudson, 2008. Glassman, Jonathan. War of Words, War of Stones: Racial Thought and Violence in Colonial Zanzibar Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011. Goodhue, William W. William W. Goodhue to William H. Seward, June 30, 1862, Zanzibar. In New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 edited by Nor man R. Bennett and George E. Brookes, Jr., no. 50: Letters Concerning Eastern Africa. Boston: Boston University Press, 1965. Goodman, Jordan. Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence London: Routledge, 1993. Gregory, Robert G. South Asians in East A frica: An Economic and Social History, 1890 1980 Boulder: Westview Press, 1993. Griffiths, Percival. A History of the Inchcape Group London: Inchcape & Co., Ltd., 1977. Kanga : It is More Than What Meets the Eye A Medium of Comm African Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (June 1996): 103 109. Hanby, Jeannette. Kanga s: 101 Uses Nairobi: Ines May, 1984. Hancock, David. Oceans of Wine: Madeira and the Emergence of American Trade and Taste New Haven: Yale University P ress, 2009. Hannavy, John. tinho Brothers. Encyclopedia of Nineteenth Century Photography Edited by John Hannavy Vol. 1. London: Routledge, 2007

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558 Hargreaves, Clive R. Some Comments on the Calico Printing Industry in its Relationship to the Cotton an d Rayon Textile Industries, with special reference to the report by the Monopolies Commission on the Process of Calico Printing N.p.: C. Nicholls and Co., 1954. Hazell, Alastair. The Last Slave Market: Dr. John Kirk and the Struggle to End the African Sla ve Trade London: Constable, 2011. Sauti ya Siti: A 6 (June 1989): 16 19. Kanga The Art of Afri can Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex edited by John Picton, 44 45. London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995. Research and Documentation Project, 1993. Not all Bonnets and Bustles: Victorian Women Travellers in Africa edited by Yvonne Barlow, 65 182. London: Bookline and Thinker, 2008. Hunter, Helen Louise. Za nzibar: The Hundred Days Revolution Santa Barbara: Paeger Security International, 2010. Hurwitz, Edith F. Politics and the Public Conscience: Slave Emancipation and the Abolitionist Movement in Britain London: Allen & Unwin, 1973. Idiens, Dale, and K. G. Ponting. Textiles of Africa Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980. Iliffe, John. Modern History of Tanganyika Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Iliffe, John. Tanganyika under German Rule 1905 1912 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969. Indi an Kalamkari New Delhi: All India Handicrafts Board, Government of India, Ministry of Industry, 1978. The British South African Export Gazette 33, no. 385 (August 1924). Ingrams, Harold. Arabia and the Isles 3 rd ed. 1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966. Ingrams, W. H. Zanzibar: Its History and Its People 1931. New Impression, London: Frank Cass & Co., 1967.

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559 Ivaska, Andrew. Cultured States: Youth, Gender, and Modern Style in 1960s Dar es Salaam Durham: Duke Universit y Press, 2011. Jackson, Frederick. Early Days in East Africa 1930. Reprint, London: Dawsons of Pall Mall, 1969. Een leven in kleur: Textieldrukkerij Vlisco, 1846 1996 by M. G. P. A. J acobs and W. H. G. Maas, 153 56. Helmond: Uigeverij Historion, 1996. Een leven in kleur: Textieldrukkerij Vlisco, 1846 1996 Helmond: Uigeverij Historion, 1996. 1939: Some Aspects of Economic an PhD diss., Northwestern University, 1978. Jefferson, Louise E. The Decorative Arts of Africa New York: Viking Press, 1973. Joelson, Ferdinand Stephen. The Tanganyika Territory New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1921. Kanga Weekend Standard (Kenya). 2 July 1982. Kanga Rainbow (October 1984): 7. Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (June/July 1 984): 5. Kanga African Textiles: The Magazine for the African and Arab Markets (August/September 1984): 24 27. Khanga NMK Horizons 4, no. 2 (2000): 19 21. Kerlogue, Fiona Batik: Design, Style and History London: Thames and Hudson, 2004. King, Noel Q. Preface to The Customs of the Swahili People by Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari. Edited and translated by J. W. T. Allen. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981. Klopper, S Africa, edited by Joanne B. Eicher and Doran H. Ross, vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion edited by Joanne B. Eicher, 152 56. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Klopper, Sandra, and Rehema Nch Africa, edited by Joanne B. Eicher and Doran H. Ross, vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion edited by Joanne B. Eicher, 437 440. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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560 Knappert, Jan. Four Centuries of Swahili Verse Nairob i: Heinemann, 1979. Krapf, J. L. Vocabulary of Six East African Languages 1850. Reprint, Farnborough: Gregg Press, 1967. Lamb, Venice. West African Weaving London: Duckworth, 1975. Lamb, Venice, and Alastair Lamb. Au Cameroun: Weaving Roxford, Hertfords hire: H. A. and V. M. Lamb, 1981. Sierra Leone Weaving Hertingfordbury, Hertfordshire: Roxford Books, 1984. Lamb, Venice, and Judy Holmes. Nigerian Weaving Roxford: Hertfordshire: H. A. and V. M. Lamb, 1980. Leslie, J. A. K. A Survey of Dar es Salaa m London: Oxford University Press, 1963. Kanga Readings in African Popular Culture edited by Karin Barber, 138 141. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997. Sprechende Tcher: Frauenkleid ung der Swahili (Ostafrika) Stuttgart: Linden Museum, 1994. History of Technology in the Netherlands: The Genesis of Modern Society 1800 1890 11 88. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1993. Lobo, Lois. They Came to Africa: 200 Years of the Asian Presence in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Sustainable Village, 2000. Lohrmann, Ullrich. Voices from Tanganyika: Great Britain, the United Nations and the Decolonization of a Trust Territory, 1946 1961. Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2007. Lyne, Robe rt Nunez. Zanzibar in Contemporary Times: A Short History of the southern East Africa in the nineteenth century London: Hurst and Blackett, 1905. Lynton, Linda. The Sari: Styles, Patterns, History, Techniques London: Harry N. Abrams, 1995. Machado, Pedro Ocean, 1300 The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200 1800 edited by Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, 161 180. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2 011. Maclaren, Roy. African Exploits: The Diaries of William Stairs, 1887 1892 Montreal: McGill

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562 New, Charles. Life, wanderings, and labours in eastern Africa: with an account of the first successful ascent of the equatoria l snow mountain, Kilima Njaro, and remarks upon east African slavery 3 rd ed. 1873. London: Hodder and Stough ton, 1971. Nicolini, Beatrice. Makran, Oman and Zanzibar: Three Terminal Cultural Corridor in the Western Indian Ocean 1799 1856 Translated by Penelope Jane Watson. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Printed Textiles I ntended for West The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment edited by Justine M. Cordell and Ronald A. Schwarz, 467 98. The Hague: Mouton, 1979. Nnoli, Okwudiba. Self Reliance and Foreign Policy in Tanzania: T he Dynamics of the Diplomacy of a New State, 1961 to 1971. New York: Nok Publishers, 1978. East African (Nairobi): 2000. The Textile Colourist 1876. Kanga Makawa Swahili Poetry, and Taarab Arkansas S tate University, 2009. Pakenham, Thomas. Continent from 1876 to 1912 New York: Avon Books, 1991. In Pour une Anthr edited by Bertrand Masquelier and Jean Louis Siran, 155 82. Paris: Harmattan, 2000. kanga Textiles in Indian Ocean Societie s edited by Ruth Barnes, 44 61. New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003. The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1 200 1800 edited by Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, 397 408. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. The Kashmir Shawl 7 22. New Haven, Ct; Yale University Art Gallery, 1975. Pear son, Michael N. Port Cities and Intruders: The Swahili Coast, India, and Portugal in the Early Modern Era Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.

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563 Pedler, Frederick. The Lion and the Unicorn in Africa: A History of the Origins of the United Africa Company 1787 1931 London: Heinemann, 1974. Picton, John, ed. The Art of African Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995. The Art of A frican Textiles: Technology, Tradition and Lurex edited by John Picton. London: Barbican Art Gallery, 1995. Picton, John, and John Mack. African Textiles: Looms, Weaving and Design London: British Museum, 1979. Pipping van Hulten, Ida. An Episode of Colo nial History: The German Press in Tanzania 1901 1914 Uppsala: Research Report No. 22. The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1974. Polakoff, Claire. Into Indigo: African Textiles and Dyeing Techniques Garden City, NY: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 198 0. of Material Consumption in the Swahili World, circa 1450 African Studies Working Papers 3. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University, 1998. Prestholdt, Jer emy. Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. Reilly, Bernard. Foreword to Arabia and the Isles by Harold Ingrams. 3 rd ed. 1942; New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966 Reilly, Valerie. The Official Illustrated History: The Paisley Pattern Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1987. Reswick, Irmtraud. Traditional Textiles of Tunisia and related North African Weavings Seattle: Craft & Fold Art Museum, 1985. Riello, Gi Atlantic World, 1600 The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200 1800 edited by Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, 261 290. Oxford: Oxford U niversity Press, 2011. Riello, Giorgio, Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds. The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200 1800. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Kanga Sauti ya Siti: A Tanzanian Wom Magazine 1 (March 1988): 18 19.

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564 Roche, Daniel. A History of Everyday Things: The Birth of Consumption in France, 1600 1800 Translated by Brian Pearce. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 1914; Selected Aspects of German Ropes, Edward D. Edward D. Ropes to William H. Seward, October 5, 1865, Zanzibar. In New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 edited by Norman R. Be nnett and George E. Brookes, Jr., no. 61: Letters Concerning Eastern Africa. Boston: Boston University Press: 1965. Ruschenberger, William Samuel W. Narrative of a Voyage round the World, during the years 1835, 36, and 37. 2 vols. London: Richard Bentley, 1838. Salvadori, Cynthia. We Came in Dhows 3 vols. Nairobi: Paperchase, 1996. Schmidt, Karl Wilhelm. Sansibar: Ein ostafrikanisches Culturbild Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1888. Schmitt, Eleonore, and Rose in Die Garten des Islam edited by Hermann Forkle, 315 16. Stuttgart: Linden Museum, 1993. Seidenberg, Dana. Mercantile Adventures: The World of East African Asians, 1750 1985 New Delhi: New Age International, 1996. Sieber, Roy. African Text iles and Decorative Arts New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1972. Sheriff, Abdul. Afro Arab Interaction in the Indian Ocean: Social Consequences of the Dhow Trade Occasional Paper No. 13 2001. Cape Town: The Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society, 1 998. Dhow Cultures of the Indian Ocean: Cosmopolitanism, Commerce and Islam New York: Columbia University Press, 2010. Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East African Commercial Empire into the World Economy, 1770 1873 Lond on: James Currey, 1987. Sheriff, Abdul, and Ed Ferguson, eds. Zanzibar Under Colonial Rule London: James Currey, 1991. Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration 1 16. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010.

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56 5 Sheriff, Mary D., ed. Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010. Snapshot: Kanga Africa, edited by Joanne B. Eicher and Doran H. Ross, vol. 1 of Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion edited by Joanne B. Eicher, 441 42. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Shivji, Issa G. Pan Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons o f Tanganyika Zanzibar Union. Dar es Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2008. Ternate (Captain T. Smee, ) and Sylph III in Zanzibar: City, Island and Coast by Richard F. Burton, 2 vols. 1811; London: Tinsley Brothers, 1872, 2: 458 519. Smend, Rudolf G., editor. Javanese and Sumatran Batiks from Courts and Palaces: Rudo lf G. Smend Collection Cologne: Galerie Smend, 2000. Smith, Klytus. The Harlem Cultural/Politcal Movements, 1960 1970: from Malcolm X to New York: Gumbs and Thomas Publishers, 1995. Smith, Mackenzie and Company, Limited. The History of Smith, Mackenzie and Company, Ltd. London: East Africa, Ltd., 1938. Spencer, Anne M. In Praise of Heroes: Contemporary African Commemorative Cloth Newark: The Newark Museum, 1983. Spring, Christopher. African Textiles Today London: British Museum, 201 2. Angaza Afrika: African Art Now London: Laurence King, 2008. AN162098001. British Museum, Research. http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_ object_details .aspx?searchtext= kanga +block&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_ collection_database.aspx&numpages=10¤tpage=1&partid=1&objectid=14 01639 (accessed 17 June 2011). Kanga s. Angaza Afrika: African Art Now London: Laurence King, 2008. y African? Kanga East African Contours: Reviewing Creativity and Visual Culture edited by Hassan Arero and Zachary Kingdon, 73 84. London: Horniman Museum, 2005. kanga Hazina: Traditions, Trade and Trans itions in East Africa edited by Kiprop Lagat and Julie Hudson, 31 33. Nairobi: National Museums of Kenya, 2006.

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566 nce, Textiles Trades and Consumption in the Indian Ocean, from Early Times to the Present, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, 2 November 2012. Stanley, Henry. In Darkest Africa, Or, the Quest, Rescue and Retreat of Emin, Governor of Equatoria 2 vols. Ne New Company, 1890. Steere, Edward. A Handbook of the Swahili Language, as Spoken at Zanzibar 10 th ed. 1871; London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1917. Swahili Tales as told by Native s of Zanzibar 2 nd ed. 1870; London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1889. Cloth Marketed in West Africa, 1873 Ethnohistory 32, no. 2 (Spring 1985): 91 110. Stigand, C. H. The Land of Zinj: being an account of British East Africa, its ancient history and present inhabitants London: Constable and Company, 1913. Sturmer, Martin. The Media History of Tanzania N.p.: Ndanda Mission Press, 1998. Suigihara, Ka oru, Om Prakash, Giorgio Riello, and Roy Tirthanka, eds. How India Clothes the World: The World of South Asian Textiles, 1500 1800 Leiden: Brill, 2009. Tanganyika Notes and Records 71 (1970). Khanga Agency New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Sykas, Philip. The Secret Life of Textiles: Six Pattern B ook Archives in North West England Bolton: Bolton Museums, Art Gallery and Aquariam, 2005. Tarlo, Emma. Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Manchester Guardian Commercial 17 May 1923.

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567 Tripp, Aili Mari. Changing the Rules: The Politics of Liberalization and the Urban Informal Economy in Tanzania Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997. Kanga Kenya Past and Present 16 (1984): 11 19. Turnbull, Geoffrey. A History of the Calico Prin ting Industry of Great Britain Altrincham: John Sherratt and Son, 1951. van Binsbergen, Wim, and Peter Geschiere, eds. Commodification: Things, Agency, and Identities: The Social Life of Things Revisited Mster: Lit Verlag, 2005. Kanga s: The voice of Zanzibar women? Its present importance Dress and Textiles of the Islamic World 2 (2006): 1 22. van Vlissingen & Co. Extract of the Memorial Volume: van Vlissingen & Co., Helmond, 1846 1946 Helmond: van Vlissingen & Co., 1946. Velten. C. Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903. Velten, Carl. Prosa und Poesie der Suaheli Berlin: Im Selbstverlag de s Verfassers, 1907. Vizetelly, Edward (Bertie Clere). From Cyprus to Zanzibar by the Egyptian Delta: The Adventures of a Journalist in the Isle of Love, the Home of Miracles, and the Land of Cloves London: C. Arthur Pearson, Ltd., 1901. Ward, Charles. Cha rles Ward to State Department, February 21, 1846, Zanzibar. In New England Merchants in Africa: A History through Documents, 1802 1865 edited by Norman R. Bennett and George E. Brookes, Jr., no. 21: Letters Concerning Eastern Africa. Boston: Boston Univer sity Press: 1965. Weule, Karl. Native Life in East Africa: The Results of an Ethnological Research Expedition Translated by Alice Werner. 1909. Reprint, Chicago: Afro Am Press, 1969. 193 1 Hamburg: Broschek & Co., 1931. Willows Kanga s in Fiber Arts 21, no. 3 (November/December 1994): 7. Yaffey, M. J. H. Balance of Payments Problems of a Developing Country: Tanzania M unich: Welforum Verlag, 1970.

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568 Yahya Kanga Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 51 (1997): 135 149. General Trading Companies: A Comparative and Historical Stud y Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1990. Younghusband, Ethel. Glimpses of East Africa and Zanzibar London: John Lang, 1910. Zawawi, Sharifa. Kanga : The Cloth that Speaks Bronx, NY: Azaniya Hills, 2005. Arabic Script a nd the Development of Swahili Literary Sudanic Africa 15 (2004): 1 15. Archives and Special Collections e Third Assistant to Secretary of State, 20 September 1887. Quoted in Karim Kassam Janmohamed, 1939: Some Aspects of Economic and Social Univers ity, 1978. 621 1/3 die Kolonien 1891 Elisabeth Lin Kanga Readings in African Popular Culture edited by Karin Barber, 138 141. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997. London Metropolitan Archives London, UK Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, CLC/B/123/MS2 Meeting of Smith Mackenzie and Company, Limited, to be held at 122 Leadenhall Street, London, EC3, on Wednesday, 30 th item 12: Khanga Trade. a for the Board Meeting of Smith Mackenzie and Company, Limited, to be held at 122 Leadenhall Street, London, EC3, on Wednesday, 25 th Khanga Trade. Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, CLC/B/123/MS28126. Report on the year ended 30 th June, 1942 Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, CLC/B/123/MS36447, vols. 1 3: General Correspondence.

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569 Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, CLC/B/123/MS36447/2: General 31 st of 1,200 corgas more or less of four border Manchester Kanga s by Messers. Molu Peera & Co. to Smith Mackenzie & Co. of Zanzibar, 14 October 1916. Smith Ma ckenzie and Company Limited, CLC/B/123/MS36469. A. C. Ledger of Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd., letter to John J. Tawney of Oxford University, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, 28 th January 1965. Smith Mackenzie and Company Limited, CLC/B/123/MS36469. John J. Tawney of Oxford University, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, letter to A. C. Ledger of Smith, Mackenzie & Co., Ltd., Zanzibar, 25 th September 1964. Manchester Archives and Local Studies Manchester, UK 2 Report s and Returns 1900 1968. 2 Reports and Returns 1900 1968. 2 Reports and Returns 1900 the rd July, 1913. manuscript. 2 1949 Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands written list of design numbers with corresponding years of production. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Hirji, Hussein Jiwan. Hussein Jiwan Hirji of Jiwan Hirji & Sons, Lt d. letter to Messrs. P. st May 1965. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands. Vlisco Museum, Helmond, The Netherlands, October 1972, 2 3. van Vlissingen, P. F. P. F. van Vlissingen to C. H. Deutsch, 18 March 1875. Quoted in Museum, He lmond, The Netherlands, October 1972, 1.

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570 Helmond, The Netherlands, October 1972, 1 43. Sample Books 212 Slendangs en Sarongs 1913 1917 (9345 ) 220 Slendangs en Enkele Sar ongs 232 Sarongs en Slendangs OA (6628 7201) 237 Slendangs Sarongs Kains Lijmdruk Etc. (No. 3243 3448) 1898 1916 238 Slendangs Sarongs Lijmdruk (No. 4330 4531) 1907 1917 Slendangs Sarongs Lijmdruk (No. 4531 4737) 240 HKM Slendangs Hoofddoeken Lijmdruk en e enige andere dessins 1900 T/M 1912 281 Slendangs O. A. 1891 1892 283 Slendangs O. A. 1906 1916 290 Slendangs alles Handdr. 1891 1892 306 Slendangs O. A. 1906 308 Slendangs O. A. S arongs Enz. (1 848) 312 Slendangs LKM Oost Ind. Ruwe en Witte Stalen 1860 188 6 LKM 9 (216) Stalen Khanga S Sarongs Echte Batiks Etc. 1901 1902 LKM 15 Stalen van T. Binnenland O. A. Foulads KKM VvL 1890 1897 LKM 16 (230) Stalen OA Sarongs Eng. Zwits. Ned. 1900 1932 LKM No. 260 Stalen Slendangs O Afrika, HKN vVLK 1898 1915 LKM 274 S tal en voor Afrika Slendangs, Etc. 1884 1900 LKM 309 Stalen v. Slendangs Sarongs Lijmdruk 1907 1911 LKM 310 Slendangs O. A. ( 7202 7514 ) 1908 1912 No. 45 Slendangs Hoofddoeken 6183 / 6402

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571 No. 210 Stalen v. Slendangs Hoofdd. Lijmdruk Sarongs 4 4 44 / 4736 No. 2 46 Slendangs Oost Afrika 5590 / 5880 No. 253 Sarongs Slendangs en Rangoon Type 1914 1916 5344 5643 (HKM?) No. 255 Stalen v. Slendangs Hoofdd. Lijmdruk Sarongs 5041 / 5353 1899 1912 Vlisco Slendangs 1886 East Africana Collection, University of Dar es Salaam Library Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Mambo Leo No. 10 (October 1923). Mambo Leo No. 11 (November 1923). Mambo Leo No. 12 (December 1923). Mambo Leo No. 13 & 14 (January & February 1924). Mambo Leo No. 15 (March 1924). Mambo Leo No. 16 (April 1924). Mamb o Leo No. 17 (May 1924). Mambo Leo No. 18 (June 1924). Mambo Leo No. 19 (July 1924). Mambo Leo No. 20 (August 1924). Mambo Leo No. 21 (September 1924). Mambo Leo No. 22 (October 1924). Mambo Leo No. 23 (November 1924). Mambo Leo No. 24 (December 19 24). Mambo Leo. No. 27 (March 1925). Mambo Leo. No. 28 (April 1925). Mambo Leo No. 29 (May 1925). Mambo Leo (January 1927).

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572 Mambo Leo (February 1927). Mambo Leo (March 1927). Mambo Leo (April 1927). Mambo Leo (May 1927). Mambo Leo. (January 1928). Nairobi: East African Standard, Ltd., 1922. Uganda Protectorate, Tanganyika Territory and Zanzibar Nairobi: East African Standard, Ltd., 1930. and Commercial Index Nairobi: East African Directory Co., 1962. ory: Trade and Commercial Index Nairobi: East African Directory Co., 1963. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1921 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1921. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1 922 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1922. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1923 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1923. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1924 Dar es Salaam: The Go vernment Printer, 1924. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1925 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1925. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1926 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1926. Ta nganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1927 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1927. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1928 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1928. Tanganyika Territory Blue Bo ok for the Year ended 31 st December 1929 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1929.

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573 Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1930 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1930. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1931 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1931. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1932 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1932. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1933 Dar es Sal aam: The Government Printer, 1933. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1934 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1934. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1935 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printe r, 1935. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1936 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1936. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1937 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1937. Tanganyika Territ ory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1938 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1938. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1939 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1939. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1943 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1943. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1944 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1944. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1945 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1945. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1946 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1946. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1947 Dar es Salaam: The Govern ment Printer, 1947. Tanganyika Territory Blue Book for the Year ended 31 st December 1948 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1948.

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574 Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended 31st December 1921. Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1922. Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1923. Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1924. Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1925. 5. Tanganyika Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1926 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1927 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1928 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1929 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1930 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for t he year ended December 31 st 1931 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1932 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ende d December 31 st 1933 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year ended December 31 st 1934 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year end ed December 31 st 1935 [1936 1939 editions unavailable] 13. Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1940 (Incomplete edition).

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575 8. Tanganyika Territory: Tra de Report for the year 1941 (Incomplete edition). Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1942 (Incomplete edition). [1943 edition unavailable] Tanganyika Territory: Tr ade Report for the year 1944 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1945 Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1946 T anganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1947 6. Tanganyika Territory: Trade Report for the year 1948 [1949 edition unavailable] Annual T rade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1949 Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1950. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1950 [1951 1952 editions una vailable] Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1953 East African Customs and Excise Department. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1954 by D. W. Miller. Mom basa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1955. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1955 by F. Bishop. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1956. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1956

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576 Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1957 Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1958 Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1959 by F. Bishop. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1960. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1960 by F. Bishop. Mombas a: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1961. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1961 by F. Bishop. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1962. Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Uganda an d Tanganyika for the year ended 31 st December 1962 Annual Trade Report of Kenya, Tanganyika and Uganda for the year ended 31 st December 1963 by D. A. Tyrrell. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1964. Annual Trade Report of Tanganyika, U ganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1964 by D. A. Tyrrell. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1965. Annual Trade Report of Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1965 by D. A. Tyrrell. Mombasa: East A frican Customs and Excise Department, 1966. Annual Trade Report of Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1966 by I. E. Omolo. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1967. Annual Trade Report of Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1967 by I. E. Omolo. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1968. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1968 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1969. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1969 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1970.

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577 Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the ye ar ended 31 st December 1970 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1971. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1971 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise De partment, 1972. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1972 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1973. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1973 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1974. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1974 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1975 Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1975 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1976. Annual Trade Report of Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya for the year ended 31 st December 1976 by G. M. Wandera. Mombasa: East African Customs and Excise Department, 1977. [1977 1980 editions unavailable] Annual Trade Report of Tanzania for the year ended 31 st December 1981 by A. M. Kisongo. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Finance, Customs and Sales Ta x Department, 1983. Trade and Revenue Report for Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the month of December, 1951. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1951. Trade and Revenue Report for Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the month of December, 1952. Dar es Sa laam: The Government Printer, 1952. Trade and Revenue Report for Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the month of November, 1953. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1953. Trade and Revenue Report for Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika for the month of November, 1954. Mombasa: The Commissioner of Customs & Excise, 1954. Tanganyika Trade Bulletin Dar es Salaam: Department of Commerce. No. 1 (April/May 1955).

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578 Tanganyika Trade Bulletin Dar es Salaam: Department of Commerce. No. 3 (October 1955). Tanganyika Trade B ulletin Dar es Salaam: Department of Commerce. No. 4 (May 1955). National Bureau of Statistics Dar es Salaam Tanzania Tanzania Directory of Industries 1967 Central Statistical Bureau, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam : 1967. Tanzania Directory of Industries 1968 Central Statistical Bureau, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: 1969. Tanzania Directory of Industries 1975 Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: 1976. Tanzania Directory of Industries 1979 Vol 1 of Directory of Industries 1978 Bureau of Statistic, Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs. Dar es Salaam: 1981. Tanzania Directory of Manufacturing Industries 1984 Bureau o f Statistics, Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs. Dar es Salaam: 1985. Tanganyika Statistical Abstract 1938 1951 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1953. Tanganyika Statistical Abstract 1954. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1954. Tangany ika Statistical Abstract 1956 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1956. Tanganyika Statistical Abstract 1957 Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1957. Tanganyika Statistical Abstract 1958. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1958. Tanganyika Sta tistical Abstract 1959 East African Statistical Department, Tanganyika Unit. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1959. Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1962 1963 edition created by Francs de Silva with hand written notations, to amend 1962 published edit ion. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1962. Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1966 Central Statistical Bureau, Ministry of Economic and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1968. Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1970 Bureau of Stat istics, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: The Government Printer, 1972. Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1973 Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Economic Affairs and Development Planning. Dar es Salaam: The Government Print er, 197[?].

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579 Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1982 Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs. Dar es Salaam: 1983. Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1987 Bureau of Statistics, Planning Commission, T anzania Statistical Abstract 1990 Commission. Dar es Salaam: 1992. Tanzania Statistical Abstract 1991 Bureau of Statistics, Planning Commission, Tanzania Statisti cal Abstract 1995 Commission. Dar es Salaam: 1997. Tanzania National Archives Dar es Salaam Tanzania TNA AB.529: 1919 1921: Companies, Limited Liability Registration of (3313/1). TNA AB.9:1922: Annual TNA AB.466 .192 2 : Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1921 ( 3046/16 ). TNA AB.33.1923: Annual Report of Commissioner of Customs Department (1733/1). TNA AB.33.1923: Annual Report of Commissioner of C ustoms Department (1733/1). TNA AB. 26 : Annual Report Dar es Salaam 1924 (1733:26 ). TNA AB.62.1924: Annual Report of Port Marine Department (1733/8:67). TNA AB.63.1925: Annual Report of Port Marine Department (1733a/8:68). TNA AB.13.1926: Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1925 (1733:11). TNA AB.13.1926: Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1925 (1733:11). Imports: Com parative value of the principal items of import for the y ears 1922, 1923, 1924, and 1925. TNA AB. 8.1926 : Annual Report Ta nganyika Territory 1925 (1733:6 ). TNA AB.8.1927: Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1926 (1733:6) Imports: Comparative value of the principal items of import for the y TNA AB.154: 1921 26: Market, Dar es Salaam (2712). TNA AB.639: 1923 25: Customs Ordinance (3203 vol. II).

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580 TNA AB.640: 1926 27: Customs Ordinance (3203 vol. III). TNA AB.641: 1926 27: Customs Union (3203/3). T NA 28609: Report on the Work of the Indian Government Trade Commissioner in East Africa, Mombasa, during 1938 1939 by M. H. Ismail. Delhi: Printed by Man ager of Publications, 1940. TNA 28609: Report on the Work of the Indian Government Trade Commissioner in East Africa, Mombasa, during 193 9 19 40 by M. H. Ismail. Delhi: Printed by Man ager of Publications, 1941. TNA 28609: Report on the Work of the Indian Government Trade Commissioner in East Africa During 1940 1941 by Sangat Singh. Calcutta: Printed by th e Manager Gov ernment of India Press, 1942. British Government Documents Euan Smith. No. 34, Colonel Euan Smith to the Marquis of Salisbury, letter dated 14 December 1889, Zanzibar. Africa No. 6: Correspondence respecting Suppression of Slave Trade in East African Waters, British and Foreign State Papers, 1888 1889 and Commonwealth Office, 1888. Commercial Reports received at the Foreign Office onsuls between July 1 st 1862 and June 30 th 1863 239 251. London: Harrison and Sons, 1863. Commercial Reports received at the Foreign Office from st 1863 and June 30 th 1864 London: H arrison and Sons, 1864. 80. London: Harrison and Sons, 1865. mmerce of Zanzibar for the Year 1864 Seward, 281 88. Commercial Reports received at the Foreign Office from Her London: Harrison and Sons, 1867. Year 1873 Prideaux, 179 94. Commerce, &c., of their Consular Districts Commercial Trade Report No. 2. London: Harrison and Sons, 1876.

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581 1162 67. &c., of their Consular Districts Commercial Trade Report No. 36. London: Harrison and Sons, 1882. 42. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 982. London: Harrison and Sons, 1892. Portal, 1 15. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 991. London: Harrison and Sons, 1892. 7. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and F inance Foreign Office No. 1071. London: Harrison and Sons, 1892. 10. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1194. London: Harrison and Son s, 1893. Reports on the Zanzibar Protectorate by G. Portal, 1 13 Africa No. 1. London: Harrison and Sons, 1893. 9. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1382. London: Harrison and Sons, 1894. 12. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1556. London: Harrison and Sons, 18 95. 16. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1765. London: Harrison and Sons, 1896. 11. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 1961. London: Harrison and Sons, 1897. 19. Diplomatic and Consular Report s on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 2129. London: Harrison and Sons, 1898. 17. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 2351. London: Harrison and Sons, 1899.

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582 13. Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance Foreign Office No. 2520. London: Harrison and Sons, 1900. Beare, 1 23. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa No. 2653. London: Printed for His 21. Dipl omatic and Consular Reports: Africa No. 2718. London: Printed for His Cornish, 1 13. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Afri ca, No. 2893. London: Printed for His Beare, 1 12. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa No. 3031. London: Printed for His 9. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa, No. 3063. London: Printed for His Sons, 1903. Sinclair, 1 18. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Africa No. 3263. London: Beare, 1 7. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Stationery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1905. by Sinclair, 1 11. Diplomatic and Consular Reports Stationary Office by Harrison and Sons, 1905. 18. Diplomatic and Consular Repo rts Stationery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1906. Farler, 1 9. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 3716. London: Printe 16. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 3940. London: Printed for ce by Harrison and Sons, 1907.

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583 23. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar St ationery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1908. 25. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar No. 4312. London: Printed for His 1909. Kohan, 1 31. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar 11 Beak, 1 29. Diplomatic and Consular Reports: Zanzibar Sons, 1913. ce, 1 26. Zanzibar No. 823. London: Printed under the 27. Zanzibar No. 843. London: Printed under the Office by Barclay and Fry, Ltd., 1915. 18. Zanzibar No. 886. London: Printed under the Zanzibar No. 925. London: His Ma Zanzibar 11. Zanzibar 1919. 15. Zanzibar No. 1052. L 1920. 11. Zanzibar 1921. 12. Zanzibar 1922. 16. Z anzibar 1923. 15. Zanzibar 1924.

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584 14. Zanzibar 1925. Interviews and Personal Communication Abdela, Farouque. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011 Dilunga, Salum Rashidi, Deputy Commerial Manager of Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ). Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 22 November 2011. Hassan, Ahmed, Assistant Manager of Marketing and Exports, Textile Division, Mohammed Enterprises Tanza nia Limited (M e TL). Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 2 November 2011. Kalikawe, Kemi. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 12 November 2010. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 13 October 2011. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011. Kasika, Furahi Jr. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 16 November 2011. Loimeier, Roman, Professor Doctor at the Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Universitt Gttingen. Emails to a uthor. 10 May, 13 May, and 16 May 2013. Mahimbo, Edna. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 18 October 2011. Mahimbo, Vida. Interviews by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 8 October and December 2011. McCann, Lucy, Archivist, Bodleian Library of Co mmonwealth and African Studies at Rhodes House, Oxford University. Email to author. 23 February 2012. Mohammed Enterprises Tanzania Limited (e ETL) headquarters. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 2 November 2011. Mosses, Swai O., Assistant Deput y General Manager and Human Resources Manager, Friendship Textile Mill ( Urafiki ). Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 10 October 2011. Mushi, Thomas P., Deputy Production and Technical Manager. Interviews by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 10 an d 20 October 2011.

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585 Mwaikambo, Leonard, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Mechanical and Industrial Engineering, College of Engineering and Technology (CoET), University of Dar es Salaam. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 27 October 2011. Nak anoga, Hashim A. Interviews by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 28 October and 1 November 2011. (VETA). Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 2 November 2011. NIDA headq uarters, Hasnain Rafiq Pardesi, Director, and Hamza Rafiq Pardesi, Managing Director, Nida Textiles Mills, Namera Group of Industries. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 4 October 2011. Njewele, Delphine, Professor of Theatre, Department of Fine and Performing Arts, University of Dar es Salaam. Conversation on 16 May 2013. Patankar, Vijay, and Rahim Ladha, Textile Designers, Mohammed Enterprises Tanzania Limited (Me TL). Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. 9 November 2011. Peera, K. G., and Ukera K. Peera. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 11 November 2011. Peera, Ukera K., and Zakiya Ukera Peera. Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 14 December 2011. Peera, Ukera K. Emails to author. 28 May, 15 July, 18 July, 22 Octo ber, 4 November 2012, 31 March and 12 April 2013. Royer, Torrence. Emails to author. 27 and 29 April, 1 and 2 May 2013. Sawe, Ailinda fashion designer Interview by author. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 23 November 2011. Sykas, Philip. Research Associate, Manc hester Metropolitan University. Email to author. 26 October 2011. Various interviews with women kanga consumers in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, fall 2011. Various interviews with kanga sellers on Uhuru Street in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, November 2010, fall 201 1. Various interviews with fashion designers in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, November 2010, fall 2011.

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586 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH MacKenzie Moon Ryan was born in 1984 in Marshall, Minnesota. She earned her Bachelor of Arts from Hamline University in St. Paul, Minnes ota, in 2006 where s he double majored in art history and history and graduated magna cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa. She earned her Master of Arts from the University of Florida in art history in 2008. She has studied twice at the School of Orie ntal and Afr ican Studies (SOAS) at the University of London, first in 2004 2005 and subsequently in 2009. While at the University of Florida pursuing her doctorate, she has been a Graduate School Fellow in the School of Art + Art History in the College of Fine Arts (2 008 2013), a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellow in the Center for African Studies (2009, 2009 2010, 2010 2011), and an American Dissertation Fellow in the American Association of University Women (2012 2013). She earned her Doctor of Philosophy in ar t history from the University of Florida in 2013. She is an Assistant Professor of Art History at Rollins College in Winter Park, Florida.