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1 PERSPECTIVE By JENNIFER J. BRADDOCK A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 2013 Jennifer J. Braddock
3 To Corey, Aiden, Riley, Connor and Mason. My world.
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are more people to acknowledge than I have space for, but I would like to first thank my mom and dad for always pushing me academically to do my best, and be the best, by setting an example through their own accomplishments in higher education. Next, my committee chair and committee members, Dr. Molleda, Dr. Walsh Childers, Dr. Duke, and Dr. Pea I appreciate their tireless assistance and willingness to take o n this dissertation. I appreciate each one for their mentorship, guidance, and inspiration throughout this process. I thank Ms. Jody Hedge for her help she is a gem and has gone above and beyond to help me on countless occasions. For my patient, loving, caring, unquestioning, supportive husband, I wish there were honorary degrees given to the spouses of Ph.D. students. You would be valedictorian of the class. I am here because of you. To my four sweet babies, Aiden, Riley, Connor, and Mason, they have perhaps sacrificed the most in this process time with mommy. I love each of them and hope that in attaining this degree, if nothing else, I have taught them how to set lofty goals for themselves and then to make them happen. I am thankful for my graduat e school friends, especially Maria, Sabrina, Yukari, Sarah, Rajul, and Joy, for their advice and for sharing their experiences to help make this a little less scary. And finally, I appreciate so many friends and family members for their prayers, support, m eals, and conversations Chris and Mary were my sounding boards to the bitter end, and my amazing friends Courtney and Ryan, Lynnette, Kris, Jill, Nicole, Janette, and many others who took care of those most precious to me. And lastly, I am indebted to the international development practitioners who most enthusiastically took the time to speak with me or take the survey in this dissertation without their willingness to participate there would be no dissertation
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 10 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 11 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 14 Why Is Culture Important to CDSC? ................................ ................................ ....... 17 How Can This Topic Inform Current Theories of CDSC and ICC? ......................... 18 Why Does This Topic Matter to Me? ................................ ................................ ....... 20 Why Should You Care? ................................ ................................ .......................... 21 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 23 Definition a nd Background of Key Terms ................................ ................................ 23 Selected Theories of Intercultural Communication ................................ ................. 29 Communication Accommodation Theory ................................ .......................... 30 Anxiety/Unc ertainty Management Theory ................................ ......................... 33 Intercultural Communication Competence ................................ .............................. 41 Identity Management Theory ................................ ................................ .................. 48 Concepts from Communication for Deve lopment and Social Change .................... 54 Modernization ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 56 Critical Perspecti ves ................................ ................................ ......................... 58 Liberation Perspectives ................................ ................................ .................... 60 Connecting Intercultural and Participatory Communication with Competence ........ 61 Intercultural Communication Training ................................ ................................ ..... 61 Background of Intercultural Communication Training ................................ ....... 62 Content and Approaches to Intercultural Communication Training .................. 63 Cognitive Methods ................................ ................................ ............................ 64 Active Methods ................................ ................................ ................................ 65 Intercultural Methods ................................ ................................ ........................ 66 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ............................... 69 3 METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 71 Qualitative Method ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 7 1 Sample ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 72 Semi Structured Depth Inte rviews ................................ ................................ .......... 73 Ethical Issues ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 74
6 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 74 Quantitative Method ................................ ................................ ................................ 76 Measures ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 77 Intercultural Communication Competence Instrument ................................ ...... 77 The Intercultural Sensitivity Scale ................................ ................................ .... 77 The Multicultural Personality Questionnaire Flexibility Subscale ...................... 78 vation Scale ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 79 Superiority Subscale o f the Ethnocentrism Scale ................................ ............. 79 The Organ izational Listening Survey ................................ ................................ 80 Sojo urner Self Efficacy Scale ................................ ................................ ........... 81 De mographics and Development Questions ................................ .................... 82 Sampling Strategy ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 82 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 83 4 QUALITATIVE RESULTS ................................ ................................ ....................... 85 Sample ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 85 The Data Analysis Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 86 Intercultural Communication Strategies ................................ ................................ .. 90 Listen/Watch/Observe ................................ ................................ ...................... 90 Language ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 91 Showing Excitement ................................ ................................ ......................... 92 Apologizing ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 92 Asking Questions ................................ ................................ ............................. 93 Building Relatio nships ................................ ................................ ...................... 94 Openness ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 95 Humor ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 96 The Practitioner: Best Characteristics and Best Practices ................................ ...... 96 Best Characteristics ................................ ................................ ......................... 96 Being a peop le person ................................ ................................ ............... 97 Being committed ................................ ................................ ........................ 97 Being resourceful ................................ ................................ ....................... 98 Being an examp le ................................ ................................ ...................... 99 Empathy ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 100 Humility ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 100 Best Practices ................................ ................................ ................................ 101 Managing expectations ................................ ................................ ............ 101 Facilitating/Motivating ................................ ................................ .............. 102 Flexibility ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 102 Participating in culture ................................ ................................ .............. 103 Commun ication Challenges ................................ ................................ .................. 104 Power ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 104 Gender ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 105 Appeasement ................................ ................................ ................................ 106 Stereotypes ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 107 Using Translators ................................ ................................ ........................... 108
7 Being on the Ground ................................ ................................ ............................. 108 Partnerships ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 108 Ownership/Local St aff ................................ ................................ .................... 109 Building Capacity ................................ ................................ ............................ 110 Cultural Awareness ................................ ................................ ........................ 111 Identity Framing ................................ ................................ .............................. 112 Defining Needs ................................ ................................ ............................... 114 Community Presence ................................ ................................ ..................... 116 Cultural Bridge ................................ ................................ ................................ 117 Perceptions of the Field ................................ ................................ ........................ 119 ................................ ................................ ....................... 119 Assessment ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 121 Funding ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 122 Enviro nmental/cultural hindrances ................................ ................................ 123 Training ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 125 Training vs. Experience ................................ ................................ .................. 125 Academic Training ................................ ................................ .......................... 126 Self Training ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 127 Recommendations ................................ ................................ ......................... 127 Code Co occurrence ................................ ................................ ............................. 128 Summary of Qualitative Results ................................ ................................ ............ 131 Thoughts on the Qualitative Results ................................ ................................ ..... 132 5 QUANTITATIVE RESULTS ................................ ................................ .................. 134 Sample C ollection ................................ ................................ ................................ 134 Survey Respondents ................................ ................................ ............................. 134 Scale Results ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 135 Scale Scores and D ifferences Among Groups ................................ ...................... 138 Perceptions of the Field ................................ ................................ ........................ 139 6 DISCUSSION OF QUANTITATIVE RESULTS ................................ ..................... 142 7 RESPONSES TO RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................ ....................... 146 RQ1: What Role, If Any, Does ICC Play in CDSC Development and Implementation Efforts from the Perspective of the Practitioner? ...................... 147 RQ2: Do CDSC Practitioners Display ICC Based on the Results of a Sensitivity Survey? ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 148 RQ3: What Kinds of ICC Training Are CDSC Practitioners Receiving Before They Enter the Field? ................................ ................................ ........................ 149 RQ4: Do CDSC Practitioners Believe That Intercultural Competence Is Import ant to Their Work/In Their Field? ................................ ............................. 150 RQ5: How Are CDSC Practitioners Achieving ICC? ................................ ............. 151
8 8 FINAL DISCUSSION: COMBINING QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 153 Participating ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 153 Language ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 155 ................................ ................................ ............................. 156 Being on the Ground ................................ ................................ ............................. 157 Training Ver sus Experience ................................ ................................ .................. 159 Building Relationships ................................ ................................ ........................... 160 Cultural Bridges ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 162 Identity and Stereotypes ................................ ................................ ....................... 163 9 CULT URAL SEPARATION THEORY ................................ ................................ ... 166 Time ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 167 Managing First Impressions ................................ ................................ .................. 167 Gathering Information ................................ ................................ ........................... 168 Building Relationships ................................ ................................ ........................... 169 Cultural Separation ................................ ................................ ............................... 1 69 Becoming Invisible ................................ ................................ ................................ 170 Assuming Local Persona ................................ ................................ ...................... 170 Proposit ions ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 171 Relating Cultural Separation Theory to the Field ................................ .................. 173 10 A MODEL FOR CONSTRUCTING EFFECTIVE DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION ................................ ................................ ............................... 176 Phase 1: Pre Departure Preparation ................................ ................................ ..... 178 Phase 2: Arrival In Country ................................ ................................ ................... 178 Phase 3: Participation ................................ ................................ ........................... 179 Phase 4: Integration ................................ ................................ .............................. 180 Making Connections ................................ ................................ ............................. 181 11 CONCLUSIO NS ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 185 Implications for the Field ................................ ................................ ....................... 185 My Thoughts on Development and Social Change Efforts ................................ .... 186 My Thoughts on Mixed Methods ................................ ................................ ........... 188 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 189 Areas of Future Research ................................ ................................ ..................... 190 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 193 APPENDIX A SEMI STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTION GUIDE ................................ ...... 195 B INTERCULTURAL SENSITIVITY SCALE (CHEN & STAROSTA, 2000). ............. 197
9 C PARTICIPATION REQUEST EMAIL ................................ ................................ .... 198 D EXCERPT AND CODE APPLICATION TABLE ................................ .................... 199 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 210 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 218
10 LIST OF TABLES Table p age 2 1 Communication perspectives ................................ ................................ .............. 70 5 1 Regression analysis ................................ ................................ ......................... 137 5 2 Correlations among scales ................................ ................................ ............... 141 D 1 Excerpt and code application table ................................ ................................ ... 199
11 LIST OF FIGURES F igure p age 4 1 Qualitative code co occurrence chart ................................ ............................... 133 9 1 Cultural separation theory ................................ ................................ ................. 175 10 1 Constructing effective development communication ................................ ......... 184
12 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy COMMUNICATION COMPETENCE FROM THE DEVELO PERSPECTIVE By Jennifer J. Braddoc k August 2013 Chair: Juan Carlos Molleda Major: Mass Communication received little to no attention from the academic community. This dissertation addresses that gap via mixe d methods research into the current communication practices of individuals conducting development work within non government organizations, government organizations, religious organizations, non profits, and the like. In grounded theory qualitative intervi ews with 22 practitioners, 7 communication and development categories encompassing 44 themes emerged regarding intercultural communication strategies, practitioner best practices and characteristics, communication challenges, being on the ground, perceptio ns of the field, and intercultural communication training. Then, 346 practitioners participated in a survey regarding intercultural communication using scales intended to measure some of the components that emerged from the qualitative research. Practitio ner responses indicated correlations between report instruments used to measure listening, flexibility, trust, self efficacy, superiority, tions of the field. Based on these results, a new
13 grounded theory of intercultural development communication is presented, Cultural Separation Theory, to explain the process of cultural separation unique to the U.S. native development practitioner. Additi onally, the Constructing Effective Development Communication model represents the process of communicating across cultures from this unique perspective.
14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION million Nepal -USAID's Flood Recovery Program helped 800,000 flood victims get back on African Development Bank Commits US$7.5 Million to Support IMF Capacity Building in Africa News These are just some of th e headlines posted daily by major development organizations across the world. They demonstrate the sheer number of individuals and dollars spent on development and social change efforts. Hundreds of thousands of people struggling daily to eat, live, work all influenced by the world powers via aid monies and programs like USAID and the International Monetary Fund. These organizations have the unique responsibility of offering assistance to developing societies and disaster victims while maintaining cultur al sensitivity. This dissertation will explore the ways in which communication practitioners, many of whom are the aid workers of these organizations, combine development and social change efforts with intercultural communication competence (ICC) to achiev e their goals. I will also offer a theoretical impetus for combining the fields in a manner applicable to future practice. The following discussion justifies the need for combining communication for development and social change (CDSC) with ICC and will set the stage regarding topic salience, timeliness, and application. In 2000, 189 countries across the world came together via the United Nations (UN) with the mission of eradicating poverty and providing freedom to those living in the margins of the worl d society. The results of this me e ting yielded the U.N. Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals for the world, which address poverty, education, gender equality, child mortality, maternal health, HIV/AIDS,
15 environmental sustainability, and global development partnerships via U.N. Development Programme (UNDP) efforts. The declaration focuses on human dignity, equality, peace, and economic support for the developing world. The five lines of this document devoted to tolerance offer the o nly mention of respect for cultural diversity in programs in 177 countries around the world and calls for a focus on equity and Ten years after this historic meeting, Secretary of State Hilary Clinton released the first ever Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR) as a strategic framework for the Department of State and the United States Agency for Intern ational Development (USAID) as they look to the future (Clinton, 2010). The report calls for program implementation, requiring greater cooperation with host country organi zations and cultures, creat ing better practices by including local leaders, and evaluating processes, among several other changes (QDDR, 2010). Each of the changes presented will depend on the skills and training of individuals working in the field. Chan ging the focus from creating dependence on outside systems to partnerships for sustainable development will require cultural knowled ge and communication competence, among other proficiencies. Unfortunately, the authors of the QDDR still appear to be foc used on the United ability of host countries to become future democratic allies of the United States. While these are important goals to many, the focus of development effo rts should be on
16 empowering individuals to reach their potent ial, with the freedom to do so without the (Apthorpe, 2013) True development communication efforts should be culturally grounded with goals relevant to the h ost country, and built upon competencies and understandings of complex cultural structures and systems, many of which have been in existence much longer than capitalism and GDP. In order to achieve these goals, development organizations must equip workers and employees with the necessary tools to design and implement programs that are truly beneficial to the host country or community. This begins with understanding. While the thought of offering some earth shattering new philosophy on development and how we can improve and move away from neo imperialism and dependent development practices is appealing, the truth is that the literature is full of theories, critiques, and suppositions about the best ways to do development Scholars such as Frank (1966), and Falletto and Cardoso (1979) have already identified some of the major issues with development practices. The goal of this dissertation is to take a small portion of that discussion and expand upon it to explore one small subset of how we can fix the prob lem of modernist development by building understanding among aid workers and the individuals they seek to help. Specifically, the goal is to explore intercultural communication competence from the perspective of CDSC practitioners through qualitative inter views, then to analyze those responses to identify key concepts and relationships in intercultural interactions. The intercultural interaction will serve as a means to bridge the gap between ICC and CDSC from an applied and theoretical perspective. Acad emic research offers the opportunity to analyze practical efforts through the lens of communication theory. In his
17 st Century essay, development communication scholar Jan Servaes indicated that future studies in social change should focus on training and intercultural communication competence of practitioners in the field. Eight years later, the field still lacks substantive research and results with regard to the tools, skills, and sensiti vities necessary to combine global an d local perspective s in effecting social civil servants of the 19 th and early 20 th centuries than we do about contemporary sertation seeks to address that gap by merging intercultural communication competencies with CDSC paradigms and then day development. Why Is Culture I mportant to CDSC? Current issues within the CDSC disco urse include the argument between human rights and human needs, cultural imperialism, ethics in development efforts, and globalization and localization among many others (Melkote & Steeves, 2001 ; Schech & Haggis, 2000 ). Particularly relevant here is the loss of cultural d iversity that results when the First W orld imposes its beliefs, practices, and ethnocentricit ies on the Third or developing world. In the second edition of Communication for Development in the Third World Melkote and Steeves (2001) referred broadly to this issue as a lack of ethics in traditional social support structures that had provided security for many hundreds of (p. 332). Researchers are predicting an increasing need for cross cultural collaboration in development efforts due to the changing landscape of our world and the individuals who need aid (Kavazanjian & Jayawickrama, 2011).
18 But the literature lacks inform ation about how to apply culturally sensitive work efforts and intercultural competence training to maintain and strengthen native cultures while empowering people to make positive changes for themselves. As a field, the concepts and tactics are constantl y evolving and becoming more culturally sensitive, but are those individuals working in the field increasing their intercultural communication competence? Are non government organizations (NGOs) and state run programs fitting practitioners with the tools they need to effect change? And more importantly, is academia providing the research necessary to evaluate and analyze current training practices for cross cultural sensitivity? While research is lacking, there is evidence that international aid organiz ations recognize the need for competent intercultural communication practices in development programs. Servaes (2005) discusses the 2002 Bellagio Meeting as a prime example. The Bellagio meeting, which brought together delegates from the Rockefeller Foun dation, the Pan American Health Organization, and various USAID entities, was an opportunity for development practitioners to outline objectives for intercultural competence in the field, to include ICC and training development. The outcome of the meeting was a functional map that consisted largely of concepts related to intercultural communication research. This meeting was an important step in the right direction for improving the way development practitioners approach host country nationals in terms of communication proficiencies, but researchers need to determine if these objectives have taken hold in aid organizations. How Can This Topic Inform Current T heories of CDSC and ICC? First, research from the ground up can provide information about the c ultural competencies necessary for successful communication interaction. Those who work
19 with international non governmental organizations (INGOs) and national or international government organizations among other programs come into contact with aid recipie nts on a daily basis. Recording and analyzing these interactions from the perspective of ICC and CDSC theories will provide a new framework that merges the two fields. Secondly, this research is needed now more than ever. As globalization continues wit h the influence of technology, media, travel, foreign investment and the like, local cultures and ways of life are changing. Whether or not these changes are good is beyond the scope of this dissertation, but we must better equip development organization members with the training and competencies necessary to do the least harm to value and belief systems, while effecting change that equates to improved living conditions in the developing world. This dissertation seeks to explore how we are equipping CDSC practitioners to conduct development work in culturally sensitive ways, specifically to gain an understanding of what concepts related to ICC, if any, are present in current field work and development approaches. To gain this understanding, the current s tudy will competencies from the perspective of intercultural communication and ICC theories as well as training in these fields. These theories combined with CDSC perspe ctives form the basic theoretical position of this study. The following literature review offers a synthesis of each of the key theories. Then, the methods section offers an overview of the qualitative and quantitative structures for the research, follow ed by the results and a discussion of those results to include implications for the field.
20 Why Does This Topic Matter to M e? During my second semester in graduate school, I took a course called Communication for Development and Social Change. That class was life changing for me. As an United States citizen interested in intercultural communication, I learned many new things, and more importan tly, I learned how much I did not know with regard to our position in the world. As I learned about the efforts to effect change, the successes and failures alike, as well as the theoretical history of the field I began to better understand the precarious position of workers in the field. I also became aware of the horrible atrocities that occur around the world. In one very eye opening day of class, we watched the documentary Nightmare To this day, I am still trying to process what was presented. We watched as foreigners first introduc ed a species of fish, destroyed an ecosystem, and then harvested the fish for export while the local population starved. We learned of personal stories of strife and suffering. We watched small boys, homeless and left to the streets to try and live, just survive. These images spoke to my t and cannot shake them. When the film was over, our professor asked the class to discuss what we had seen. I could not speak, could not make a sound for fear of bursting into tears. I had been moved. There was a shift and I knew at that moment, that i f nothing else, I should try to make a small difference. Even if just in the field of development communication, I had to make an effort to help. I could no longer be oblivious. When it came time to decide on a dissertation top ic, I knew CDSC had to be an integral component Intercultural communication as my degree focus was also a topic of interest, and after some discussion with my advisor, the decision was made to try to
21 combine the two. After some initial research indicated that these two fields had beginnings in the Peace Corps, but had not been merged in the literature, I knew that combining ICC competence and CDSC would be my topic. Why Should You C are? For starters, there are about 1.6 million development practitioners working globally. The field of international development has far reaching implications for social, political, environmental, and economic systems the world over. Additionally, OECD reports that U.S. net official development aid (ODA) for 2012 was $30.5 billion down 2.8% fr funding due to budgetary constraint s within U.S. based organizations, aid is also shifting toward middle income countries instead of the poorest areas of the world, making it even more difficult to help th ose most in need. OECD Secretary General Angel Gurria mentions the 2015 MDG deadline in relation to this shift, with hope that the trend in aid away from the poorest countries will be reversed. This is essential if aid is to p lay its part in help The next deadline for the MDGs is fast approaching, and U.S. development practitioners play an integral role in the success or failure of development efforts. The U.S. spends mor e than any other nation in the world on international development. We must be leaders in this field but also leading in such a way that we can be proud of our worldwide reputation and the legacy we leave behind. Effective intercultural communication is cr itical to accomplishing these tasks, but little attention has been paid to the development practitioners actually conducting the work. This fact spurred Third World Quarterly to dedicate its entire September 2012 issue to remedying the problem by bringing personal relationships and values
22 p. 1387 ). This diss ertation seeks to add to this emerging field by further exploring development through the eyes of the individuals doing the work. The next chapter presents a review of the most relevant literature as related to intercultural communication competence and in ternational development communication.
23 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The following overview offers valuable insight regarding intercultural communication theories, ICC perspectives, and CDSC paradigms. Each of these components serves to inform this disse rtation by providing a n historical and theoretical framework within which research and interview questions have been developed. Additionally, the literature further qualifies the need for an overlap in ICC and CDSC perspectives in achieving development wo rk. First key concepts and paradigms from intercultural communication are explored, followed by the broader intercultural communication theories that have influenced the development of specific ICC models and theories. Finally, a discussion of storical progression and most influential paradigms leads to the justification for connecting these bodies of literature into the current topic of research. Definition and Background of Key Terms The following section offers a synthesis of the best defin itions for the key terms used in this dissertation as well as some historical background for each. Moving from generalized ideas to specific concepts, this section will also serve to solidify the specific direction of the study. The key terms include cul ture, communication, development communication, and cross cultural training. First, the term culture has been defined in a multitude of ways, ranging from focus on the symbols, rituals, artifacts, and languages that characterize cultural members to region al boundaries that separate people groups from one another, to customs, norms, belief s and values (Lustig and Koester, 1999) and shared ways of life (Corder & Meyerhoff, 2009). However, Keesing (1974) offered a definition that portrays
24 cultural members a playing out unconscious theories of language and life on a self defined stage. Keesing (1974) posited: Culture in this view is ordered not simply as a collection of symbols fitted together by the analyst but as a system of knowledge, shaped an d constrained by the way the human brain acquires, organizes, and (p. 89). Trompenaars and Hampden Turner (1997) described seven cultural dimensions from the perspective of international busi work with interpersonal relationships. The first dimension, universali sm versus particularism, describes the emphasis cultures place on rules in society: universalists approach relationships from the perspective of one right and good way to interact, while particularists have a more open view of acceptable behavior as dictated by the relationship itself. Individualism versus collectivism indicates the degree to which members o f a society think of themselves either as part of a group or as individuals. The neutral versus emotional dimension relates to the ability of individuals to express emotion or operate in an emotion free state, espec ially in the business setting. The s pecific versus diffuse construct shows the d egree to which relationship development is considered more important than a strictly contractual interaction. The achievement versus ascription dimension depicts the ability of an individual to rely in busin ess and social settings on his or her achievement s, school or otherwise, or on the breeding a nd connections ascribed to him or her. The final two dimensions are related to time the fluidity of time and effects of past, present, and future and the environment the effect of outside forces and the way indiv iduals perceive those outside forces (Trompenaars & Hampden Turner, 1997).
25 Like Trompenaars and Hampden Turner, Hall offers his depiction of culture via a specific dichotomy. In Beyond Culture Hall (1981) explained high and low context cultures in te rms of the legal systems utilized by different nations in order to represent cultural inclinations. According to Hall (1981), in high indicated that the purpose of cultural context lies in the requirement in some cultures that members be able to fill in the blanks in communication exchanges more so than in others, where information is more explicitly stated (1981). Essentially high context cultures call for more implicit knowledge on the part of the individual, where as in low context cultures, information is more likely to be explicitly stated during the to expand on the concept of context, as in the work of Hofstede and Bond (1984) discussed below. In trying to understand how we make meaning of our world, Geert Hofstede has proposed five (originally four) dimensions of culture that have been widely accepted and perhaps the most highly recognized of the intercultural concepts and theories explored in this dissertation, and the most often utilized in the field of intercultural communication. The dimensions were devised from work with IBM corporation as a multinational enterprise that represented many d ifferent cultures. Employees were survey ed and from their responses characteristics of 53 national cultures (Hofstede & Bond, 1984). The original four
26 dimensions are power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism collectivism, and masculinity femininity. institutions and organizations ac Bond, 1984, p. 419). Gudykunst (2003) asserted two different types of power distance, namely cultural and individual level. Cultural power distance in high distance societies is viewed as a fact of li fe and basic institution whereas in low power distance cultures power is seen as a force used only when justified and legitimate (Gudykunst, 2003). In individual level power distance the concept of egalitarianism can affect how communicators interact wi th one another, with higher levels of egalitarianism found in low power distance cultures than in high power distance cultures. Because power and empowerment have become such important themes in current communication research, particularly in communication particular view on power distance can dictate how communication practitioners should approach a research or social improvement project. unc ertainty avoidance (p. 419). Gudykunst (2003) described uncertainty by statin g: members of low uncertainty avoidance cultures have lower stress levels and weaker superegos, and they accept dissent and taking risks more than members of hig h uncertainty a voidance cultures... high uncertai nty avoidance cultures tend to have clear norms and rules to guide behavior for virtually all situations. (p. 19)
27 Another Hofstede dimension, individualism collectivism refers to the ways in which a culture emphasizes the individual good over the collective good and vice versa; supposed to look aft er themselves a whereas its opposite pol a situation in which people belong to in groups An interestin g component of the individualism collectivism dimension is the idea of ingroups proposed by Triandis. Triandis (1988) asserted that individualistic cultures have a variety of different ingroups and therefore display more standard behaviors in relating to others. On the other hand, more collectivist societies display membership with fewer ingroups and display behaviors that are more tailored to each of the few groups with which they come in contact (Gudykunst, 2003). This concept of ingroups and relation al behaviors as a result of membership will show up again in a later theory discussion. T he final of the original four dimensions is masculinity femininity In this are success, money, and things Bond, 1984, p. 420). E ssentially, gender attributes of a society determine whethe r the focus will be performance driven or socially driven. Gudykunst (2003) again made a division among cultural level masculinity femininity constructs and individual level
28 constructs. Here cultural examples of the dimension are played out in the roles of men women can do both (Gudykunst, 2003, p. 21). At the individual level mas culinity femininity is displayed through the traditional stereotypes held for men and women and the extent to which those are present and enforced throughout society (Gudykunst, 2003). st four dimensions, Hofstede (1993) relied upon the research of a previous co author in persp ective, Hofstede (1993) issued a fifth cultural dimension entitled long term orientation. This dimension is based on the teachings of Confucius and indicates that short g the connection to Confucianism and his concep t of Confucian Dynamism included eight valu es that resemble d the ones laid out by Hofstede. Culture can be conceptualized and categorized in a variety of ways, but one implicit aspect of culture is the idea that communication is used to create culture and is indeed a dynamic process in the cultur al experience. In the course of communication, cultural members can exchange information and meaning through languages and symbols. When meanings are not shared, individuals are experiencing intercultural
29 communication. The topic of intercultural commun ication is a key component of this study in that it provides the basic opportunity to display the presence or absence of competence in interactions. The next section offers an overview of intercultural communication. Selected Theories of Intercultural Com munication The following overview of major theories in intercultural communication informs the research portion of this dissertation by highlighting the strategies that individuals use to deal with intercultural interactions. Each of these theories provi de s a unique perspective on cross cultural interactions and serve s as a lens through which we can analyze intercultural competence and training techniques and what, if any, adaptations may be necessary for accomplishing development work across cultures. F or the purposes of this dissertation, I have chosen several theories or perspectives that deal specifically with the ways in which communicators adapt, accommodate, or change their approaches when faced with intercultural situations as well as motivations and behaviors associated with communicating cross culturally. The first two t heories are unique in the field and most relevant to this study because they offer a basis for s cross eories omit the cross cultural variables (Gudykunst & Lee, 2002, p. 40). The third theory adds a relational component to the discussion that best explains how development practitioners in intercultural settings negotiate new relationships. Additionally, t hese perspectives are some of the most well known and studied in the field, providing much of the backdrop against which ICC researchers have developed their own models and perspectives.
30 Communication Accommodation Theory The first theory of intercultural communication for explication and review is Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT). This theory deals specifically with how individuals assess and adjust their communication interactions based on several different spoken and unspoken factors. This the ory was derived from work done by (Gudykunst, 2002, p. 187; Gudykunst, 2003) as w ell as the motivations of the speaker in the communication interaction, and the behaviors they display reflecting those motivations (Gallois, Giles, Jones, Cargile, & Ota, 1995). By 1988, the theory had evolved to the CAT through the collective work of se veral different authors and projects including Giles, Mulac, Bradac, and Johnson (1987); Coupland, Coupland, Giles, and Henwood (1988); Gallois, Franklyn Stokes, Gil es, and Coupland (1988); and had come to include Seven ye ars later Gallois et al. (1995) offered a new iteration of CAT. Gallois et iors, and paralanguage used by interlocutors to realize moves of speech convergence and divergence that is linguistic moves to decr (1995, p. 115). Essentially, individuals display their assessment of the communication encounter through the use of body language that either accommodates the outgroup speaker by physically moving toward that indiv idual, or fails to accommodate the speaker by physically moving away. Another aspect of this concept is referred to as
31 maintenance and involves th e communicator maintaining his or her physical position during the encounter, neither accepting nor rejecting the other individual. Gallois et al. (1995) also identified several theoretical challenges to the use of the CAT in a predictive manner. First, the authors suggested that simply def ining accommodation and how it can be observed is a challenge. There are three main forms of accommodation: psychological, linguistic, and subjective versus objective (Gallois et al., 1995). The original theory was divided into 17 propositions, later revi sed into 11 propositions (Gallois, Ogay, & Giles, 2005) and organized into four categories: initial orientation; psychological accommodation; focus, accommodative strategies and behavior; and attributions, evalu ations, and future intentions. Each of these components works to assess, explain, and even predict the communication situation experienced between two or more individuals with different cultural backg rounds (Gallois et al, 1995). According to CAT, communicators take into account the historical and pr econceived notions that communicators bring to the situation in addition to the characteristics of the current relation ship. Communicators consider the behaviors and tactics and interpret those within the context of their own cultural v alues (Gudykunst, 20 02, 2003). In the end, each communicator evaluates the interaction and makes a determination in regard to future intent (Gudykunst, 2002, 2003). McCann and Giles (2006) applied Communication Accommodation Theory in their study of U.S. and Thai bankers as they communicated across age gaps among individuals not in management positions within the organizations. The study focused on and use of language. The authors assert
32 generations may communicate in ways that are biased in favor of their own age group phenomenon, the authors focused on the acts of accommodation, non accommodation, and respectfully avoidant communication among the participants. McCann and Giles (2006) focused on young (less than 34 years old) U.S. bankers in the Santa Barbara, California area and young Thai bankers in Bangkok, T hail and, to form their sample of 348 respondents Utilizing the Global Perceptions of Intergenerational Communication (GPIC) survey the researchers collected data with ing r oup and age outgroup individuals. In order to accomplish this, the researchers administered eight different versions of the survey, measuring communication perceptions for four different target groups varying by managerial status and age, as well as allowing for a mi xed order of the questions (McCann & Giles, 2006). The authors hypothesized that young bankers perceived older bankers as being less communicatively accommodating, and that they communicated differently with older bankers through respectful av oidance and that this trend would be more pronounced among young Thai bankers than the young U.S. bankers surveyed. McCann and Giles also extended these hypotheses to communication perceptions between these young non managers namely tha t the respondents believe they we re being less accommodated by managers than non managers in communication interactions, and that they themselves behave differently when interacting with either of the two groups. This was extended yet again to measure the cultural differences in commun ication, as the researchers expected that young Thai bankers would perceive
33 more pronounced differences in these situations than their U.S. counterparts. The results suggest that the young bankers perceived communication encounters with older bankers to b e less accommodating, and that they used more respectfully avoidant tactics with older bankers than with their peers. There did not appear to be an increased occurrence of these phenomena in Thai communication exchanges over U.S. communication exchanges. As related specifically to the correlates of CAT, the authors Giles, 2006, p. 94). Anxiety/Uncertainty Management Theory (AUM) y, originally introduced in 1995, is that and that anxiety levels vary across cultures (Gudykunst & Lee, 2002, p. 43). Uncertainty avoidance is a means by which cultures can be understood and distinguished from one unknown or unfamiliar. The following theory takes into account these differences and then offers a means by which communicators i n intercultural exchanges can deal with these challenges. Gudykunst (1995) formulated the propositions of Anxiety/Uncertainty Management (AUM) theory from previous work with Uncertainty Reduction Theory (URT). URT deals with interpersonal communication w ithin a group, while AUM deals with intergroup communication of individuals across cultures (Gudykunst, 1995). The AUM theory begins with several concepts including strangers, uncertainty, anxiety, effective communication, and mindfulness (Gudykunst, 199 5). The concept of interacting with a stranger, different from the usual definition of the term, occurs any time individuals meet someone from outside of their ingroup (particularly in cross
34 cultural settings), thus resulting in anxiety and uncertainty. Individuals work to manage this anxiety and uncertainty each time they are faced with a stranger (Gudykunst, 1995). The concept of uncertainty was a central aspect of URT, and is repeated in AUM. Here initial uncertainty can take on several different forms: predictive uncertainty and explanatory uncertainty. In predictive uncertainty, the challenge is the inability to predict what an outgroup member will say, do, or believe. In explanatory uncertainty, the challenge is the inability to explain how th e outgroup member is acting. In attempting to explain what strangers are thinking or feeling, we are exercising our explanatory uncertainty reduction skills. Additional types of uncertainty include cognitive uncertainty and behavioral uncertainty. In co gnitive uncertainty we are challenged by a lack of knowledge about the outgroup member, and in behavioral uncertainty we are challenged by our ability or lack thereof to predict how an outgroup member will behave. abilities and desires to communicate with members of outgroups (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 11). If uncertainty levels are above our maximum threshold, we may choose to end the communication interaction; if uncertainty levels are below our minimum threshold, we may become bored with the situation. In total, we need the appropriate balance of relationships (Gudykunst, 1995). Overall uncertainty can lead us to avoid Anxiety is the next basic concept underlying the AUM theory. Anxiety refers to worried, or apprehensive about what might happe This phenomenon
35 can occur any time we are communicating with others, but is compounded when communicating with outgroup members or interculturally. Similar to uncertainty, we h ave a maximum and a minimum threshold for anxiety. When our maximum threshold is exceeded, we end the communication interaction and when our minimum threshold is not met (Gu dykunst, 1995, p. 13). Another element of AUM is mindfulness. Langer (1989) offered the best e are mindful in communication interactions, we are not only relying on our implicit understandings and rules for communication processes, but we are really paying attention to the interaction as an individual occurrence with its own nuances and uniqueness We cannot always fit our communication interactions into the constructs with which we are equipped. Being mindful means recognizing our lack of understandings across individuals and cultures, especially in our assumptions about the meanings expressed t hrough our interactions (Gudykunst, 1995). Gudykunst (1995; 2005) identified effective communication, a key component to intercultural communication competence as discussed in the rest of this dissertation, as the desired outcome in AUM. The idea here is that effective communication is harder than it may appear to us during the interaction. We make assumptions about our communication strategies that are born in the implicit communication rules we learn throughout our youth. The fact that many of the imp licit rules we have acquired differ from person to person, much less from culture to culture, often escapes us during
36 communication opportunities. As such, misunderstandings and misinterpretations are a part of every conversation we just are not always aw are of what is happening. As 15). So when we talk about effective communication, we are referring to interactions 15). AUM theory focuses on the relationship between uncertainty and anxiety and effective communication. This is the main factor in AUM. There were a total of 94 axioms presented in the 1995 version of AUM theory and they are divided into seven categ ories: self and self concept; motivation; reactions to strangers; social categorization; situational processes; connections with strangers; and anxiety, uncertainty, mindfulness, and effective communication (Gudykunst, 1995). Because there are far too man y axioms to list them for the purpose of this study, an explication of each of the seven categories and an example of one or two axioms are provided here. The category of self and self concept terms of our human, so particularly important in intercultural communication because our definition of self and the ingroups with which we associate are the key components that differentiate us from outgroup members Further to this concept of how we define ourselves is viewing ourselves in light of the other individual; are we the same gender? Are we the same nationality? How well does the other individual fit into the stereotypical construct that we have created f or them? Each of these questions relates to identity, an important aspect of uncertainty management. Two of the axioms from this category that most apply to the current study are:
37 Axiom 4: An increase in our dependence on our ingroups for our self esteem when interacting with strangers will produce an increase in our anxiety and a decrease in our ability to accurately predict their behavior. Axiom 5: An increase in our self esteem (pride) when w e interact with strangers will produce an increase in our a bility to manage our anxiety (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 22). What is interesting about these two axioms as applied to development work when communicating across cultures is that the perceptions of the individual in the ingroup may not match the responses initiat ed cognitively within the outgroup member. We may be gaining self esteem because we feel that our ability to predict the behavior of the stranger is on target, but it would be interesting to know if this is really what is occurring. In reality, is our se lf esteem unfounded? The second category in the AUM theory is motivation. Gudykunst (1995) indicated that we all have needs to be met through communication and interaction with te with (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 23). Concepts that are key to the motivation category ar e trust, predictability, group inclusion, and self concept confirmation (Gudykunst, 1995). The axiom from this category that is most related to intercultural development communication is: Axiom 9: An increase in the degree to which strangers confirm our s elf conceptions when we interact with them will produce a decrease in our anxiety (Gudykunst 1995, p. 24). In this case, development communicators need to be aware of self conceptions pertinent to the individuals, or perhaps work to identify the most mean ingful self conceptions prior to the beginning of work. This will certainly help to increase the motivation to communicate for all parties involved.
38 The third category is referred to as reaction to strangers In this category, our cognitive complexity p lays a role in the ways in which we evaluate strangers the higher the complexity the more accurate the evaluation (Gudykunst, 1995). Part of this cognitive complexity refers to our atti tudes, however rigid, in regard to what we expect from strangers behav iorally and how we interpret their behavior. Other components of the reaction to strangers category include self monitoring, or our evaluation of ourselves in the communication process, empathy in the communication process, and behavioral adjustments that we make during the encounter (Gudykunst, 1995). The axioms from this section are: Axiom 12: An increase in our ability to compl exly process information about strangers will produce an increase in our ability to accurately predict their behavior. And, Ax iom 16: An increase in our ability to empathize with strangers will produce an increase in our ability to accurately predict their behavior (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 28). Both of these axioms deal with our own abilities in the communication interaction. The ability to accurately assess others and see things from their point of view is difficult enough in ingroup conversation and only compounded by cultural differences. As communicators, if we are able to constantly evaluate our own efforts in communicating, we can be more successful in red ucing uncertainty for ourselves and improving the opinions held by strangers in the interaction. The fourth category is social categorization As with self conception, we organize our world and the people in it by categori es. These categories may be defined by stereotypes or personal experiences, but they are shaped by each individual. The goal with this theory is to recognize the categories and then work actively throughout
39 the communication encounter to find similaritie s. Not only does this assist in the communication situation, but it also allows us to eradicate stereotypes that are often negative and unfounded (Gudykunst, 1995). The following axiom is the most pertinent to the purpose of this study: Axiom 19: An incr ease in our understanding of simila rities and differences between rease in our ability to manage our anxiety and our ability to accurately predict their beha vior (Gudykunst, 1995, pp. 32 33). This category is salient for communication in any situation. We have to force ourselves sometimes to avoid focusing on our differences in communication encounter s, and instead take note of our similarities. This would certainly be a useful tool in development as we seek to form alliances based on commonalities. The fifth category in AUM is situational processes. As Gudykunst (1995) noted, (p. 33). Here, the situation inc ludes the unspoken scripts we have in mind as we communicate as well as the context within which we are operating. Cooperation among the communicators is key to the situational processes construct and involves each member of the interaction working toward a common goal in order to establish a that most relates to development communication: Axiom 28: An incre ase in the cooperative structure of the goals on which we work with strangers will produce a decrease in our anxiety and an increase in our confidence in predicting their behavior (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 35). Cooperation is key to reducing uncertaint y in com munication interactions and must be established prior to and throughout the exchange.
40 The sixth category in AUM is connection to strangers Here we are concerned with the attractiveness of the stranger or the communication situation, the respect and mor al inclusion we offer, and quantity and quality of the interaction (Gudykunst, 1995). Each of these concepts play s a role in our attempts to maintain a relationship interdependently. All of these relational cues can be pertinent in development communicat ion, especially the following axiom: Axiom 37: An increase in the networks we share with strangers will produce a decrease in our anxiety and an increase in our confidence in predicting their behavior (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 39). Our effectiveness in the deve lopment field can be influenced by our ability to build and maintain relationships. The more relationships and network connections we have, the better we will be able to understand the culture of interest in development work. The seventh and final axiom in AUM is anxiety, uncertainty, mindfulness, and effective communication This category relates most to the main postulates of AUM, particularly in our desire to reduce anxiety in communication interactions. We have previously discussed each of these com ponents, and here the author adds the need to reduce negative expectations in our experiences with others. The following axiom is most pertinent to intercultural communication: Axiom 44: An increase in our awareness of the perspectives str angers use to in terpret our messages (and the perspectives strangers use to transmit their messages to us) will produce an increase in our ability to accurately pre dict their behavior. Boundary condition: This axiom only holds when our anxiety and unc ertainty are between our minimum and maximum thresholds. Once again, w e must view the world from the opposite or outgroup individual and kee p in mind their situations and cultures (Gudykunst, 1995, p. 42). The remainder of the 94 axioms in the 1995 version o f the AUM theory are a repeat of the same seven categories with a cultural component added in each case.
41 Because the cultural component is largely an explication of the cultural dimensions, and we have already accomplished this task in a previous section, I have chosen to rely on the tenets above in order to explicate the main ideas of AUM. Additionally, in the 2005 version of this theory, Gudykunst (2005) also reduced the number of axioms to 47, making essentially the same edit, but added another categor ization to reorganize the theory to include ethical interactions with strangers Essentially, AUM theory explores the challenges in intercultural communication that create anxiety and uncertainty for interactants. These challenges can be mitigated throug h an understanding of the basic needs of individuals in communication interactions, particularly as they relate to uncertainty avoidance, threat, fear, and the helps communic ators to make sense of uncertainty from a cultural perspective, while the AUM takes this dimension even further, to the individual cognitive level for assessment and understanding. Intercultural Communication Competence Drawing from each of the theories p reviously explained, intercultural communication competence offers a more specific perspective on the motivations, behaviors, and outcomes of intercultural communication, and how communicators achieve or fail to achieve their goals in interactions. A varie ty of terms have been used to identify the concept of intercultural communication competence (ICC), to include cross cultural adjustment, cross cultural adaptation, cross cultural success cross cultural effectiveness cross cultural awareness, multicultur alism, cultural competence, intercultural effectiveness, intercultural consciousness, intercultural understanding, overseas success and intercultural communication competence (Bradford, Allen, &
42 Beisser, 2000; Landreman, 2003; Wiseman, 2002). The two most frequently occurring, intercultural communication competence and intercultural communication effectiveness, have previously been discussed in the literature as two separate ideas, with one (the former) leading to the other (the latter) (Dodd, 1995; Bradfo rd et al., 2000). However, a meta analysis of the two concepts has shown that quantitative research re sults in both areas are related and that the terms can be used interchangeably (Bradford et al., 2000). For the purposes of this dissertation, intercult ural communication competence (ICC) will be used as the main term. ICC has been defined as the ability to communicate appropriately and effectively in order to avoid misunderstandings across cultural contexts (Imahori & Cupach, 2005; Spitzberg, 1988; Wis eman, 2002). The first component of this definition, that the communicator can interact appropriately and effectively, encompasses several areas of the interaction. To communicate appropriately means that communicators are able to assess the communication situatio n from a contextual perspective and then determine the best approach (Wiseman, 2002). For effective communication, the communicator is focused on the desired outcomes of the interaction (Wiseman, 2002; Imahori & Cupach, 2005). Wiseman (2002) furt her explicated that effective intercultural communicators communication strategies, and fi (p. 209). Ting Toomey (1993), on the other hand, offered a definition of ICC rooted in novel communication epi Toomey (1993) defined effectiveness and
43 use cognitive, affective, and behavioral tools to display competence (p. 74). But ICC competence and the resulti ng behaviors are intentional outcomes and skills for success (Wiseman, 2002; Spitzberg & Cupach, 1984). Knowledge refers to the body of information necessary for intercu ltural interactions as well as the cognitive ability to process and apply that information (Wiseman, 2002). Motivational factors identified in ICC include emotive factors that create a need in individuals for effective cross cultural communication (Lustig & Koester, 1999). And finally, the idea that a certain set of skills can assist in communication across cultures is a point of contention for researchers. One perspective is that certain behavioral skill sets geared toward self monitoring capabilities aid in ICC competence (Wiseman, 2002). But other scholars questi on assertions that the presence of a core set of skills will suffice in intercultural interactions (Redmond, 2000). Application of the ICC components previously addressed point to behavioral m echanisms as necessary outcomes to communicating appropriately and effectively. For instance, Ruben and Kealey (1976) proposed seven components to intercultural competence with behavioral foci: display of respect, interaction posture, orientation to knowle dge, empathy, self oriented role behavior, interaction management, and tolerance for ambiguity. There is some disagreement in the literature as to the operationalization of these terms with some concluding investigations are lacking (Martin, 1993; Arasar atnam, 2007) while others point to studies of overseas technical assistance personnel, Japanese student sojourners, and ICC workshop participants
44 (Wiseman, 2002) as evidence of how communication competence has been operationalized While definitions of I CC are generally agreed upon in the literature, conceptual approaches, theories, and models of ICC are not; the sheer amount of research on the topic is overwhelming (Koester, Wiseman, & Sanders, 1993; Deardorff, 2009). One reason for the inundation of pe rspectives in the field is the relative youth of communication study. Another is the desire to pose new theories rather than building on previous research (Deardorff, 2009; Wiseman, 2002). Additionally, the approaches taken in research are based on how th e key terms are defined (Wiseman, 2002), and as previously noted, there are multiple terms and multiple definitions for the underlying components of ICC studies including culture, identity, types of interactions, competence, etc. Essentially, a lack of tr ue consensus in the field for these basic ideas results in varying perspectives. Fortunately, several scholars have organized the literature on ICC models and theories based on varying perspectives, and the following discussion will present ICC models and theories accordingly. Spitzberg and Changnon (2009) organized the various models of ICC into five distinct categories: compositional, co orientational, developmental, adaptational, and causal process. A brief description of the first four model types wi ll be followed by an in depth explanation of the causal process models, to include rationale for their relevance and application to CDSC intercultural communicators. Compositional models offer listings of traits interculturally competent individuals might display, but do not offer concrete connections between those traits. Examples provided by Spitzberg and Changnon (2009) included the Intercultural Competence Components Model (Howard
45 Hamilton, Richardson & Shuford, 1998), the Facework Based Model (Ting Too mey & Kurogi, 1998), the Deardorff Pyramid Model (Deardorff, 2006), and the Global Competencies Model (Hunter, White & Godbey, 2006). Each of these models is composed of the various characteristics that interculturally competent individuals should possess (in the case of knowledge, skills, attitudes, etc.) or display (in the case of behaviors, actions, reactions, etc.). These models are not suitable to the current topic of study because they lack explanation for how the knowledge, skills, behaviors, etc. lead to intercultural competence, aside from stating that this would be the expectation. criteria by whi ch competence itself is defined p. 15). The next set of models described by the above authors is the co orientational set, and they imply outcomes relating to comprehension. These models, including the Worldviews Convergence Model (Fantini, 1995), the Intercultural Competence Model (B yram, 1997), the Intercultural Competence Model for Strategic Human Resource Management (Kupka, 2008), and the Coherence Cohesion Model of Intercultural Competence (Rathje, 2007), emphasize establishing joint understanding, or a sort of co orientation to t he world, among the communicators in intercultural interactions (Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). Each involves meaning making processes, but with different foci ranging from identity tensions and formations to coherence versus cohesion. In any case, these m odels are less accurate than others, mainly because they lack consideration of that fact that, in competent intercultural interactions, & Changnon, 2009, p. 20).
46 Th e third collection of models is labeled developmental models and gain s perspective from developmental psychology and the idea that competence develops over time. These models include the Intercultural Maturity Model (King & B axter the U Curve Model of Intercultural Adjustment (Gullahorn & Gullahorn, 1962). King and authors and previous research in student development, human development, and intercultural communication. King and Baxter Magolda asserted a tri incorporating cognitive, interpersonal, and intrapersonal components along three levels of development, the initial level, the intermediate level, and the mature level (2005) as individuals move from ethnocentric orientations to ethnorelative orientations (Spitzberg ls move from denial phases in experiencing cultural difference to adaptation and integration. Finally, the U Curve plots the phases of culture shock through to adaptation into a culture (Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). The main weakness of these models was t he strength of the first set they lack an explanation of the traits inherent to competent intercultural communicators. These models do not fit the current study because we are not exploring individuals who have no experience with intercultural difference to understand how they move from ignorance of culture to adapting into cultures. The focus of this study is rather on how individuals working across cultures perceive their roles in effecting social change within a host culture. The fourth set of models adaptational, refer to dyadic communication and incorporate outcomes in which communicators exhibit adaptation. These models include
47 the Intercultural Communicative Competence Model (Kim, 1988), the Intercultural Communicative Acco m modation Model (Galloi s, Franklyn Stokes, Giles, & Coupland, 1988), the Attitude Acculturation Model (Berry, Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki, 1989), and the Relative Acculturation Extended Model (Navas et al., 2005). These models take into account cultural environmental pressures, accommodation of communication styles (as a product of CAT theory previously discussed) and resulting acculturative stresses, and the need to adapt in order to display competence (Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009). Critiques of these models show that they lack t he developmental or phase constructs explained in previous models. The final set of models, called causal path, focus es on the influence of variables in intercultural communi cation on one another in linear and empirically justifiable manners. These incl ude the Model of Intercultural Communication Competence (Arasaratnam, 2008), the Intercultural Communication Model of Relationship Quality (Griffith & Harvey, 2000), the Multilevel Process Change Model of Intercultural Competence (Ting Toomey, 1999), the A nxiety/Uncertainty Management Model of Intercultural Competence (Hammer, Wiseman, Rasmussen & Bruschke, 1998), the Deardorff Process Model of Intercultural Competence (Deardorff, 2006), and the Relational Model of Intercultural Competence (Imahori & Laniga n, 1989; Spitzberg & Cupach, 1984). These offer the opportunity to show causation in intercultural their value as guides to explicit theory testing through hypothesis veri fication of
48 For the purposes of this study, the final model mentioned, originally from Imahori best suited to assessing and analyzing CDSC of this model include explication of motivations, an important component of achieving ICC (Lustig & Koester, 1999), by communicators on each side of the interaction as well as the goals held by each. In CDSC, one communicator attempts to affect change (goal) in social situations, motivated by some intrinsic desire to do good ( one hopes ) for the community. On the reverse side, the individual considered the recipient of the change efforts has his/her own m otivations and goals for the interaction. This model not only demonstrates the complexities of navigating conflicting cultures, but also accounts for conflicting motivations and goals. This model and theory are further explicated in the following section Identity Management Theory (IMT) Because the focus of this dissertation is how individuals interact across cultures, an identity theory is necessary to offer a relational perspective in addition to the motivational and behavioral components found in CAT and AUM. IMT is the most relevant to CDSC of all the identity theories in intercultural communication because of its focus on relationship building a skill inherent to the succ ess of a social change project and most relevant to the ICC discussion because competence was the main focus in its development (Gudykunst, 2002). Imahori and Cupach (2005) defined identity as the frame through which individuals view themselves in interactions, and it particularly influences behaviors and motivations. IMT supposes that as individuals develop relationships through the stages of superficiali ty to more integrated interactions,
49 individuals must manage their own identities and the face they present others (Imahori & Cupach, 2005). As Spencer Oatey (2007) explained: these authors seem to differentiate identity and face in terms of individuality versus relationship; in other words, they treat identity as situated within an individual and they treat face as a relational phenomenon. Certainly, face entails making claims about one s attributes that in turn entail the appraisal of others, so i n this sense the notion of face cannot be divorced from social interaction (p. 8) Imahori and Cupach (2005) developed I MT from a culture synergistic perspective that allows for the influence of individual cultures and cultural expectations, but also the influence of individuals and the unique characteristics they bring to a relationship while maintaining a specific face in interaction. Facework is t he term used to describe how individuals strive to maintain a desired face during interactions. IMT shares some commonalities with other identity theories of intercultural competence, but is best suited to this research because o f the relational component and the culture synergistic perspective. There are several components of IMT that align the theory while also differentiating it from other i dentity theories in the field. These ideas build upon one another and are presented in order. First, IMT only deals with dyadic communication, not group situations. Second, Cupach and Imahori (2005) added a component to competence that requires interactions to be effective, appropriate and mutually satisfying. This coincided nicely with some CDSC perspectives that call for mutually beneficial participatory communication. Thirdly, the theory builds on other intercultural identity theories by incorporating the idea of self and how individuals understand their world based on the groups with which they identify. These can be cultural, gender, ethnic, national, generational, political, occupational, experiential, extracurricular, or
50 even gang based groups. Fourthly, IMT focuses on cultural identities and relational identities that relate to th e dyadic nature of the theory as well as cultural inclusion in those groups previously mentioned (Imahori & Cupach, 2005). A fifth component to IMT is the idea that interactions and relationships can be characterized by what part of the identity is most salient throughout the communication: cultural or relational (this can change even during one interaction ) As Imahori and lthough two people from two different cultural groups may form an intercultural relationship, their communica tion may be intercultural in one instance, And lastly, from these interactions, we develop a face that is often mutually supported in the dyad reflecting our cultural and rela tional identities. Our face consists of positive a ttributes in gaining acceptance and negative attributes in desiring autonomy. To support the face, communicators employ facework in which face sustaining behaviors are undertaken to protect the face and ens Cupach, 2005, p. 199). This leads to creation of a r elational identity an abstract concept, [that] can be defined as a reality or culture that reflects the values, the rules, and the processes of the friendship and helps the dyad to (Lee, 2008). Based on this groundwork, Imahori and Cupach (2005) suggested two propositions, each with several components, as follows. The first prop osition (1) to the theory relates to facework and contains four different problematics in this area. The first problematic (1a) is that individuals are stereotyped by culture and experience face
51 threat as a result (Gudykunst, 2002). Imahori and Cupach cal because it is based on our first cultural impressions of others, not their actual identity. The second problematic is at the other end of the spectrum from stereotyping issues. When individuals over accommodate for stereotyp ing tendencies and try to ignore cultural characteristics, the intercultural partner experiences positive face threats. This is referred to as the nonsupport problematic (1b). (1c) r lack thereof, to support his or her own cultural beliefs and values in a conversation while simultaneously supporting those of t he other individual. This give and take creates tension in the relationship due to t he sacrifice of personal cultural identity in some circumstances. negative intercultural o For instance, complimenting an individual on a cultural characteristic assumes that the person identifies in a positive way with that characteristic. 2) research, there are a variety of tools individuals employ to cope with the propositions explained above (with the exception of 1b, for which coping strategies were not identified in the study). Several communication strategies are utilized such as educ about or laughing off incorrect stereotypes, avoidance, acceptance, adaptation, and recognizing differences among many other strategies identified by the authors. It will be interesting
52 to identify whether or n ot CDSC professionals employ any of these coping mechanisms in their attempts to communicate competently. The second proposition to the IMT relates to identity management as relationships develop based on the concepts of trial, enmeshment, and renegotiat ion, further subdivided into five sub propositions (a e). In the trial stage of a relationship, communicators enlist trial and error type strategies to avoid the pitfalls of the first proposition and find some common ground in the form of interests, organi zations, etc. In addition to commonalities, trial and error strategies allow communicators to establish propositions of proposition 2 state that individuals avoid 1a and 1b (identity fr eezing and nonsupport) while equalizing the foci in 1c and 1d (self other and positive negative) (2a), while also exploring the identities of others to establish relational boundaries (2b). Once through the trial phase, intercultural communicators procee d to the enmeshment phase in which commonalities have been sufficiently established to warrant continuation of the relationship. During this stage, the dyad identifies symbols, artifacts, etc. as well as communication rules that are unique to the relation ship (2c). With these symbols and rules, the relationship begins to take on its own identity, though according to IMT, this is still the early stage of development in which cultural differences are deempha sized in place of commonalities and face problemat ics are unresolved (2d). The final phase of IMT is renegotiation, and as the name suggests, this phase allows the dyad to work through the face problematics and dialectics that have been thus far neglected in order to redefine the relationship (2e). The d yad continues to
53 solidify symbols, rules, and ultimately a shared perspective on the world that leads to positive perceptions of cultural differences (2f). In responses to criticisms of this theory, Imahori and Cupach (2005) noted that individuals experie nce IMT phases in different ways, and perhaps cyclically as the relationship progresses and new intercultural challenges are presented (Gudykunst, 2002). The challenge of taking this theory at face value is that it is a relatively recent perspective with little empirical research testing each of the propositions. With that said, the final section of the IMT discussion will offer some of the findings from research using the perspective. Lee (2008) considered IMT from the perspective of intercultural friend ships and explored the stages of relational development to fill in knowledge gaps in the original IMT. As a final note to the review of these theories, there are many, many more theories of Intercultural Communication than the ones described here. I hav e chosen these few because of their relevance to the topic at hand, particularly as related to the type of work that individuals in the development and social change field seek to accomplish. Like other types of sojourners, CDSC practitioners are not plan ning to assim ilate into the culture per se. They focus on building relationships cross cultur ally; these relationships are established through competent communication and sensitivity to cultural biases and differences in order to accomplish a set of tasks or implement a program. They may accomplish this task through accommodation, uncertainty management, and relational identity techniques, but the work they seek to accomplish is certainly different from the work found in many of the studies accomplished to date. Further detail on CDSC theories and the work of CDSC practitioners abroad is
54 described in the next section of this literature review and will add insight on the main goals and challenges experienced by CDSC professionals. Concepts from Communicat ion for Development and Social Change (CDSC) In the post war era, aid programs began to function worldwide to support those 2001, p. 1) During this period, development was focused on encouraging democratic, capitalist visions of economic success with health and educational standards to match (Waisbord, 2001). We often refer to these programs as development work, or development and social change efforts. In order to affect change, development communication was introduced as a way to present ideas and programs that fostered development work. Development communication, as defined by Servaes hing a consensus for action that takes into account the interests, needs, and capacities of all concerned. It is thus a communication is to remove constraints for a more equa (2001, p. 2). Other terms found in the literature that refer to development communication concepts include development education, development journalism, international communication, transnational communication, internati onal j ournalism, cross cultural and intercultural communication, development support communication, and communication for sustainable social change (Melkote & Steeves, 2001; Servaes, 2005). For the purposes of this dissertation, development communication will b e the main term. Communication is thus an agent for change, but the underlying assumptions, theories, and approaches to implementing communication for development and social change have differed across time, across scholars, and across
55 the various organiz ations that conduct development work. One important note about development communication approaches is that the field did not develop linearly, and indeed while new approaches have been introduced, older approaches are still very much in practice today (Wa isbord, 2001). The following discussion offers several organizational perspectives from CDSC scholars and coinciding theories and approaches to development communication. Where possible, program examples have also been introduced. Waisbord simplified th e positions utilized by development scholars to explain their approaches in the field to two basic underlying issues in developing populations: 1) Lack of information and 2) power inequality (2001). Waisbord offered very basic dichotomies for each of these positions that speak to the problems and the answers derived from each. Those dichotomies are: Cultural vs. environmental explanations for underdevelopment Psychological vs. socio political theories and interventions Attitudinal and behavior models vs. s tructural and social models Individual vs. community centered interventions development Hierarchical and sender oriented vs. horizontal and participatory communication models Active vs. passive conceptions of audiences and populations Participation as means vs. participation as end approaches (Waisbord, 2001, p. 2) These dichotomies and positions are evident in the following discussion of theories and approaches, grounded in the work of Waisbord (2001), Melkote (2003), and Servaes (2005). Melkote (20 03) organized the main historical paradigms of development communication, while other scholars offer similar, overlapping classifications (Servaes 2005; Waisbord, 2001). Melkote categorized development communication perspectives as modernization, critical liberation, and empowerment (2003). Here I offer a discussion
56 of each perspective and theoretical communication approaches to development utilized within each. Modernization The concept of modernization in development communication has its roots in the earliest attempts at offering development support via communication channels, to include diffusion of innovations techniques with rural farmers. The basic idea of modernization as applied to the post World War II world was that there were two kinds of so cieties: those that were modern, industr ialized, capitalist economies, known as the f ir st world -and the third w orld, characterized by poor, traditional, perhaps agrarian communities, with non economic value systems and little ability to accommodate change or deal with disasters (Gumucio Dagron & Tufte, 2006; Melkote & Steeves, 2001; Melkote, 2003; Servaes, 2005). As transnati onalization increased and first world economies soug ht out natural resources, first world leaders initiated development projects aim ed at inc reasing the economic sustainability of third world markets, often advances (Gumucio Dagron & Tufte, 2006). What these early modernization efforts, and even so me current programs, were missing was a focus on the communities in which change was initiated. As Melkote and Steeves (2001) noted: Many large and expensive projects promoting social ch ange have failed to help their intended recipients, or have resulted in even worsened conditions for them. ignored other crucial, yet non material aspects of human need (pp. 19 20). In m ost of the current literature, Third w orld has been replaced with terms like developin g countries, or less developed coun tries (Melkote & Steeves, 2001); however,
57 same. But modernization is more than identifying differences between economies; the term is a lso defined by attempts to change beliefs and values of individuals considered m ind, and using concepts learned regarding propaganda during the world wars, scholars began to note the importance of mass communication in changing attitudes, be haviors and values in the third world to coincide with first world perspectives (Melkote, 2003; Waisbord, 2001). Concurrent with these devel opment communication strategies were the early models of one way communication such as those introduced by Lerner and Schramm (Servaes, 2005; Waisbord, 2001). These early models depict communication as a one way event where information flows from the speaker to the communication is a top down process of disseminating information (Servaes, 2005). For development practitioners, this me ant that the only necessity to affecting social change was a captive audience. The audience is indeed the focus of various development strategies. Some strategies espoused by modernistic practitioners include social marketing, entertainment education and various forms of health communication, each aimed at providing the target market with some so rt of information geared toward changing attitudes and behaviors (Melkote & Steeves, 2001; Waisbord, 2001). While some participat ion in the form of focus groups a nd the like is used in these strategies,
58 critics still see a missing link between development of goals in these approaches and meeting the needs of the target society. In short, those who espoused modernization as a development tactic saw the need to e radicate non dominant, traditional cultures in favor of first world beliefs and modern value systems. They focused on neoclassical, positivistic, enlightenment approaches to economies, truth, and epistemology with increased industrialization and GNP as the main goals (Melkote, 2003). Early critics of modernization identified the ethnocent r ic qualities of this approach (Melkote 2002) that called more for assimilation than understanding just one indication that Servaes (2005) definition of development communi cation was some years from taking form. By the 1970s a more progressive perspective on modernism h ad taken hold, in that scholars such as Rogers recognized the importance of cultural understanding in effective communication strategies (Waisbord, 2001). The revised attitude regarding development reflected cognitive awareness, but still held fast to modernist goals in that 01, p. 5). Here we still see the incorporation of cultural and interpersonal differences that would be further explored and included in future perspectives. Critical Pe rspectives The work of critics of modernization eventually espoused what is known as the critical perspective. Unsatisfied with the dominant paradigm, critical scholars, called critical culturalists, were able to challenge modernists as imperialists and expansionists. Critical culturalists view development efforts as western
59 doing and being, certain economic goals that should be achieved, and little to no regard for native cultures and native leaders. Additionally, they perceive culture and communication as inseparable entities: rather than using communication channels only lkote & Steeves, 2001, p. 31). The only problem with this perspective is that proponents did little to offer alternative approaches to development communication efforts (Melkote & Steeves, 2001). D ependency theory is one perspective derived from critica l culturalism that pinpoints the issues with modernist development approaches. Rooted in Marxism and the work of various economists and scholars (including Hans Singer, Raul Prebisch, onomic relations between metropolitan societies and non European peripheries a factor accounting for the development of the former at the expense of the underdevelopment of the latter underd evelopment in third world countries as being the result of capitalism and the economic position of those count r ies within the world economy. First world countries dominate the economic landscape and exploit lesser economies, while third world countries be co me increasingly dependent upon the rest of the world for survival (Waisbord, 2001). Another perspective that can be included in the critical category is participatory communication. While the modernist perspective promoted top down communication, parti cipatory communication requires involvement from the ground up. Derived from
60 traditional ideas about the meaning of communication, participatory communication considers all of the members of interactions, n ot just the sender an area in which earlier concep tualizations and theories fell short. Additionally, participatory democratization and participation at all levels international, national, local and es, 2005, p. 6). Participatory communication is a central concept to this dissertation because of this cultu ral focus. It is a step toward merging ICC with CDSC. Here the lines also blur because participation is an important component in the liberation perspective (Waisbord, 2001), as described below. Liberation Perspectives Latin American scholars such as Paolo Freire championed the ideas in liberation theology as a component to the liberation perspective in social change. The main idea of liber ation is release from oppression (Melkote & Steeves, 2001). Freire espoused participatory communication, cultural understanding, and the recognition that traditional approaches to life (particularly in the case of agriculture) should not be equated with 275). This idea of empowerment has become a perspective in and of itself that draws on components from each of the previous three areas. While in many ways not a fully developed concept (lacking clear levels of analysis and research in CDSC), communities gai n control and mastery over social and economic conditions; over
61 Steeves, 2001, p. 37). The goal is to bring power over lives back from the global elite to the local poor as a way to encourage development. Connecting Intercultural and Participatory Communication with Competence Participatory communication efforts offer the best conceptual linkage between intercultural communication competence and social change. Participator y communication requires participation and c ollaboration among interactants and the development of relationships, which fits nicely with each of the intercultural communication theories previousl y referenced. Using AUM and CAT perspectives as a lens, one c an make a case for the need to accommodate others in participatory communication efforts as each interactant strives to attain certainty and familiarity. From the IMT perspective, relationships must be formed to garner the requisite amount of trust, which will inevitably vary by culture, to establish connections through which change can be developed and implemented. As participatory communication teaches us, this is a collaborative effort based on the competencies individuals can utilize regarding cultural differences, commonalities, and the acknowledgment of the real needs of the communiti es practitioners seek to help. This competence is based on training, knowledge, and most of all, experienc e. The following section offers a brief overview of training mod els that will inform this study regarding current practices in training for competence. Intercultural Communication Training training as transferring to others a certain body of knowledge or facts rather than the processes through which th is knowledge was derived. ... We rarely get to a point where we consider adult education principles, training techniques, educator/trainer styles, the relationship between method,
62 content, and environment, and the overall aim of cross cultural training and orientation. (McCaffery, 1993, p. 225) effective interpersonal relations when they interact with individuals from cultures other (Fowler, 2006, p. 402). As Paige (1993) indicated, intercultural training years in response to the needs of learners and the demands intercultural experiences developing intercultural competence is a slow, gradual transformative learning process consisting of foreign language studies, intercultural training, and hands on experiences of other cultures and their n.p.). With the knowl edge of intercultural communication theories and ICC perspectives previously discussed, considering current practices in intercultural training is the next logical step in the progression toward understanding how CDSC professionals gain ICC. Background of Intercultural Communication Training Intercultural communication training has developed originally from the research of anthropologists, United States government programs, the seminal works of Edward T. Hall in the 1950s and 60s ( The Silent Language (1959) and The Hidden Dimension (1969 ) ) various councils, networks and workshops in the 1970s, the formation of the Society for Intercultural Education Training and Research (SIETAR) in such as the Intercultural Communication Institute (ICI) (Pusch, 2004). Training personnel focused on sensitivity training for navigating human relationships in the 1970s (Fowler 2006). During the course of these advancements, multinational corporations were developing their own
63 training programs to deal with the issues and challenges of working in an international marketplace, and individuals in academia were seeking outlets for their work in the field (Pusch, 2004). Against this backdrop various traini ng programs and assessment instruments have been developed to try to meet the growing demand for intercultural communication training, particularly in the business sector. Content and Approaches to Intercultural Communication Training Gudykunst, Guzley, and Hammer (1996) identified two different types of intercultural training content: culture general and culture specific, and two basic approaches to teaching that content: didactic approaches and experiential approaches. Culture general content is present sensitivity and awareness while culture specific content focuses on one culture and its beliefs, values, customs, traditions, communication methods and other defining qualities (Brislin & Yoshida, 19 94; Gudykunst et al 1996; Levy, 1995). As Gudykunst & Lee (2002) noted: Understanding communication in any culture, there fore, requires culture general information (i.e., where the culture falls on the various dimensions of cultural variability) and cultur e specific information (i.e., the specific cultural constructs associated with the 27). Experiential training requires the active participation of trainees in the learning environment while didactic training focuse s on the transfer of knowledge, particularly in the form of lectures (Fowler, 2006; Levy, 1995). Combining each approach with each content description, we discover the main techniques for intercultural communication training: didactic/culture general, did actic/culture specific, experiential/culture general and experiential/culture specific (Gudykunst et al, 1996).
64 Once trainers have determined their content based approach to intercultural communication training, the question becomes, what method of train ing will they utilize to accomplish their task? In terms of training methods, what began as lecture style dissemination of information, case study analyses, and simulations has transformed into the interactive, technology driven opportunity for learning t hat we see as intercultural communication training today, or more precisely, the division between traditional and distinctions for current training methods are: Cognitive Methods, A ctive Methods, and Intercultural Methods. The examples offered here are by no means exhaustive of the intercultural communication training methodology, but merely attempt to demonstrate the variety of techniques utilized. Cognitive Methods Lecture, one of the most often utilized training methods, is an inherently knowledge based approach to intercultural training because it provides the trainer, lecturer, or a panel of experts an opportunity to impart a great deal of information to an audience (Cushner & Brislin, 1997). This training method is very effective in presenting new knowledge or a great deal of information (Brislin & Yoshida, 1994), although limit trainee learning to mere knowledge acquisition about cu ltures or about a specific culture (Fowler & Blohm, 2004, p. 49). Fowler and Blohm (2004) defined computer based training as using tools such as CDs, DVDs, and online programs to assist in intercultural learning, to include Web conferences and discussio n boards. In this sense, computer based training is still relegated to the cognitive, and lecture type training processes. However, c omputer based training has also been referred to as providing new learning environments for
65 learners in which multimedia is continuous, individual, autonomous, and self certainly one of the newest forms of intercultural communication training and one that has yet to reach it s full potential as technology continues to develop. The ability to simulate real world situations in which trainees may explore another culture would certainly be an ultimate goal of this type of learning. Until that point, virtual classrooms and the abi lity to bridge distance is the largest benefit to computer based training. Active Methods Simulation games are a popular tool in training and classroom settings in order for individuals to gain a better understanding of the real challenges experience d when interacting cross culturally. For the purpose of intercultural training, simulation games which trainees take on an active role (Sisk, 1995, pg. 81). One stren gth of this method of training is that participation serves as an opportunity for individuals to practice and apply what they have learned. And weaknesses revolve around manpower and preparation many players are needed and trainers must be prepared for mo derating and debriefing after what can be a lengthy game (Fowler & Blohm, 2004; Sisk, 1995). portion of a simulation that should be included, such as rules or constraints, winning, roles for each player, goals or objec tives, and consequences for decisions (Fowler & Blohm, 2004; Sisk, 1995). Role play is a training method used to allow trainees to act out scenarios and situations relevant to the intercultural communication training experience. Role play ess rehearsal in a safe and supportive environment with feedback and a
66 60). The challenge, however, is that trainees must feel comfortable enough to really engross th emselves in the act of taking on a role while others are watching in order to gain the skills presented as the purpose of the role play scenario (F owler & Blohm, 2004; McCaffery, 1995). Much of the responsibility for a successful role play falls on the tr ainer as the scenario must be well prepared and thought out, avoid shaming or embarrassing trainees in front of colleagues and strangers alike, and be believable or realistic (Fowler & Blohm, 2004; McCaffery, 1995). Role play requires an intricate set of steps in delivery that must include a pre game sort of set up of the skills required, background information of the scenario, descriptions of each role with individuals assigned, preparation time, coaching by the trainer, the role play itself, and then mul tiple types of debriefing that include helping the trainees make connections between what they have seen and what can occur in the real world (McCaffery, 1995). When done correctly, role play can be quite effective in helping trainees gather new skills an d apply them in a safe setting, solidifying learning and application (Fowler & Blohm, 2004) Intercultural Methods Culture assimilators actually began as Intercultural Sensitizers (ICS) and were utilized to assist in intercultural understanding among org anization members (Albert, 1995). Culture assimilators work to increase awareness of culture, both that of the trainee and that of other cultures, through the presentation of various incidents that are nothing more than hypothetical situations to be evalua ted and answered by the trainee through the selection of the best response from a list of possibilities. These incidents involve interactions between culture that resulted in a problem or misunderst
67 One culture assimilator, general assimilator created by Richard Brislin (1993) as used as a situational t raining tool. The term culture general indeed refers to the focus on becoming competent in any intercultural up the training program by distributing the materials to knowledgeable individuals in the field, including scholars, experienced sojourners, and even the editor of the book in which the chapter is found. Each incident offers a scenario that could be experienced in any setting along with a set of behavioral options for how the scenario sho uld be correctly approached, concluded, and analyzed. Specific details regarding location in the world, names of hypothetical individuals, etc. are used only to make the stories more interesting and realistic to the learner. These details have no bearing on the correct response as Brislin (1993) claims that the incidents could take place in any location around the world. Culture assimilators offer trainees the opportunity to learn nees a chance to practice new behaviors, but it does attribute the meaning behind an action that a person in the other culture would give, thereby sensitizing the trainee to values and The final method for discussion is immersion. This method requires the trainee to be in the exact cross cultural situation for which they need training, or one that is similar. It can be limited to field trips or can occur once the individual has entered the host culture. Regardless, this type of training can be quite successful because it offers the individual the opportunity to immediately apply what has been learned. One challenge to using immersion as the main tool in cultural learning is that the individual
6 8 may feel o verwhelmed and under prepared to deal with the shock of being in a new situation (Fowler & Blohm, 2004). Additionally, immersion prior to an international experience is not a luxury that all organizations can afford when training individuals. Several implications for the field arise from the previous descriptions of training techniques. First, intercultural communication trainers are charged with the difficult task of not only presenting information that helps learners achieve the basic dimensions of know ledge and cognition, but also of allow ing trainees the opportunity to apply that knowledge and related skills in order that they might analyze and evaluate situations for use in future, real world encounters. This is no small task, but one that can be achieved by using a variety of methods in the training experience. As McCaffery (1993) noted, in this process of learning how to learn that trainees gain the skill set they need to take their knowledge and successfully apply it in the field. Another implication from learning is to focus on the desired outcomes so that teach ing and learning can be intentionally geared toward the highest level outcomes achievable. This means that trainers must not only focus on doling out information and facts on cultures, either in general or specific terms, but also on achieving outcomes su ch that trainees can actually remember what they have been taught and see how it could apply in new situations. As Brislin (1993) stated: If the orientation program can be organized around a framework consisting of the feelings, thoughts, and experiences which people will almost surely have, then participants are likely to bring newfound knowledge to thei r cross cultural encounters rather than to leave the knowledge at the training program site. (p. 283)
69 For the field of intercultural communication in general, there are several ideas that have been presented in terms of improving the training experience. First, some sort of follow up should be added to intercultural communication training experiences (S. Herrera, personal communication, January 22, 201 1) such that the trainer and trainee maintain a mutually beneficial relationship the trainer can learn about challenges the trainee is experiencing in the field that perhaps were not answered during training, and the trainee can ask the trainer questions a bout what s/he is currently dealing with in order to be more interculturally competent. Also, trainers need to work to manage expectations regarding time requirements for training programs to take place and be effective in the eyes of the corporation as w ell as the trainee (S. Herrera, personal communication, January 22, 2011; McCaffery, 1993). Learning in this type of setting takes time and experience and cannot be rushed, especially if trainees are to attain higher levels of knowledge and cognition. Tab le 1 at the end of this chapter provides a short synthesis of the per spectives presented thus far and represent s the connections I seek to explore. Research Questions Based on the combined work from intercultural communication, ICC, development communica tion, and intercultural training, several research questions have been created to explore the interconnectedness, or potential lack thereof, of these perspectives in the field of social change work. These questions are aimed at seeking links between the fi elds previously discussed as currently applied by CDSC practitioners and will guide the work in the remainder of this dissertation. These are the research questions that will guide this study:
70 RQ1: What role, if any, does ICC play in CDSC development and i mplementation efforts from the perspective of the practitioner? RQ2: Do CDSC practitioners display ICC based o n the results of a sensitivity survey? RQ3: What kinds of ICC training are CDSC practitioners receiving before they enter the field? RQ4: Do CDSC practitioners believe that intercultural competence is important to their work/in their field? RQ5: How are CDSC practitioners achieving ICC? Table 2 1 Communication perspectives Perspective Key a uthors Main p oint s Connections Intercultural communication c ompetence Spitzberg; Wiseman; Deardorff; Appropriateness, effectiveness, knowledge, skills, m otivation The major concept of study Anxiety/uncertainty m anagement (AUM) Gudykunst M indfulness, uncertainty, a nxiety, s trangers Offers a perspective on motives for communication Communication accommodation t heory (CAT) Gallois et al Convergence/divergence, communication s trategies Provides a basis to explore communication strategies in ICC Identity management t heory (IMT) Cupach & Imahori Self Concept, facework, t hreats Offers a relational component to ICC strategies Communication for development and social c hange (CDSC) Waisbord: Melkote & Steeves; Mody; Major paradigms and historic/current approaches to development work Provides the field of study for IC C; Connections between IMT and participatory a pproaches Intercultural t raining Fowler & Blohm; Bennett; Martin Approaches to intercultural training to enhance ICC Basis for improving ICC in any field
71 CHAPTER 3 METHODS The goal of this study is to obtain an epistemological understanding of ICC and perspective. More specifically, the purpose of the study is to generate a theory that interactions and how ICC training and experience may or may not play a role in those interactions. To gain this knowledge, a mixed methods approach to resear ch was employed, starting with in depth, semi structured interviews followed by a survey using quantitative measures. This approach offer ed a quantitative assessment of each cultural communication combined with t heir own perspective on international experiences. The objective of the qualitative section is not to generalize the results to a population, but rather to use the results to explain and analyze Qualitative Method assumptions, a worldview, the possible use of a theoretical lens, and the study of research problems inquiring into the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human pr swell, 2007, p. 37). Depth interviews with development c ommunication practitioners provide d the chance to investigate cross cultural experiences at a personal level without the constraints of quantitat ive measures. The results emerge d organica lly as interview participants share d their unique perspectives, challenges, and thoughts regarding communication strategies across cultures. As a result, the questions change d throughout the process with each interview taking on a
72 direction of its own, in keeping with Cre and the semi structured interview process. When taking on qualitative research, I think it is important as a scholar to transparency prior to undertaking the study at hand. Personally, I recognize that I value intercultu ral communication and believe in the importance of training for individuals in this field. While conducting my interviews, I had to remember to refrain from judgment based on what I learn ed about training practices. Additionally, critical theories of inte rnational development offer a somewhat negative portrait of American wo rk in foreign countries. I had to balance this notion with the idea that there is good being done by capable practitioners who sincerely consider the needs and desires of local populat ions. I recognize d my own t endencies to criticize, but tried to remember that there are two (if not more) sides to any situation and all are valid to those who ascribe to them. And finally, my religious beliefs and my recent st udies of religious organiza tion s work in the field cause d me to cast a wary eye on needs based organizations with religious underpinnings. I recognize d these tendencies and will sought to maintai n an even position so that I could gather the most representative and balanced informa tion possible. Sample A nonprobabalistic, purp osive sampling technique was utilized to obtain the sample of development communication practitioners for this study (Guest, Bunce, & John son, 2006). Purposive sampling wa s necessary because participants mus t have had experiences abroad, preferably multiple experiences and experience working across cultures. In addition, participants need ed to have taken part in international
73 social change efforts in one form or another. This provide d ensure d some validity in the findings. The sample was drawn from government based and non government organizations (NGOs) alike to explore differ ences or similarities in intercultural approaches. While sample size is another topic upon which scholars disagree, I conducted 22 interviews in keeping with Cre found thematic saturation in as few a s 12 interviews. The goal here wa s to provide as much suppo rt for the findings as possible and to offer solid examples for the themes present in the data gathered. Semi Structured Depth Interviews A semi st ructured depth interview was conducted with eac h of the participants. The questions were first rooted in the intercultural theories discussed in this dissertation to provide a basic understanding of how individuals interact across culture. I want ed to explore how development and social change profess ionals feel, think, react, and behave in intercultural situations based on what we know from AUM and CAT. From these perspectives, I then developed questions incorporating ICC concepts including IMT. And finally, questions based on our current understand ing of intercultural training elicit ed information from respondents regarding how they acquire d their intercultural knowledge and how these training experiences formal or informal, shaped their approaches to CDSC programs. The question guide was develope d in topological order, with a focus on easier, less obtrusive questions in the beginning, and progressing toward more personal questions at the end of th e interview once rapport had been establ ished (Leech, 2002). Questions we re organized into four main c ategories:
74 Training (to determine what types of educational opportunities the participant has experienced), CAT/AUM (to explore accommodative behaviors), IMT (to explore identity and relationship issues), and CDSC (to better understand the approaches withi n development programming). See Appendix A for the semi structured topic guide. Ethical Issues Cre swell (2007) noted several ethical issues in conducting qualitative interviews, rt activities; confidentiality towards participants, sponsors and colleagues; benefits of research to participants over risks; and participant requests that go beyond social approved informed consent was presented to and verbally a greed upon each participant. I did not employ deceptive practices in gaining access to participants. Participants were reminded several times during interviews and on the consent form that the informatio n was anonymous and confidential and that transcript s would not be provided to the organization. There were no benefits provided to the participants, monetary or otherwise. Data Analysis A grounded theory approach to analyzing the data is most appropriate because it allows the categorization of informatio n to emerge from the data itself. Additionally, because the analysis of data occurs concurrently with data collection, the researcher is able to tailor the study to the themes that become m ost relevant during the process and allow the interviewees to prov ide the direction for the study (Charmaz, 1990; Heath & Cowley, 2004). The challenge, though, is to choose a specific grounded theory approach, and here we find the oft debated conflict between Straussian and Glaserian approaches, with the addition of Char
75 research, which builds upon the previous two perspectives. Strauss and Corbin (1990) acknowledged that there are two important components of grounded theory research derived from pragmatism and symbolic intera ctionism: 1) that allowance for change be built into the method and 2) to uncover conditions and responses to those conditions as experienced by study participants. Grounded theory approaches allow participants and their unique experiences to shape the res ults and outcome of a study, and perhaps lead the researcher to unanticipated conclusions (Charmaz, 1990). Grounded theorists are research questions rather than tightly framed pre 1990, p. 1162). in this dissertation because it allows for creation of reality and meaning within each individual. This follow s with cultural ideas because each culture is the basis for meaning creation, and communication aids in and is a result of that process. As such, I use d dissertation. Charmaz (1 990) offered a simple definition of how the data analysis create theoretical categories from the data and then analyze relationships between key categories. In short, the re 1162). While individuals provide d the information I analyze d, the major focus was to better understand intercultural communication within the context of development and social change work, and theoretically la bel the interactions in a new and meaningful way. eloping grounded theory, I use d the
76 constant comparative method to identify and compare terms as they emerge d in the data collection process, then complete d initial coding processes, followed by focused cod ing as data collection continued and I refocus ed my efforts based on memos and previous in terviews. Codes were then raised to concepts and conceptual categories, with specific attention to the actions and p rocesses occurring, not just the label ing of ideas. Memo writing allow ed me to analyze the data by considering connections throughout the data collection process and provide d the basis for the emerging theory to be conceptualized, drafted and edited (Charm az, 1990). In an effort to validate the emerging theory, practitioners who participated in the depth interviews were sent via email a copy of the theory diagrams for discussion and greater elaboration. Quantitative Method In order to offer a well rounded perspective on the issues of ICC i n development work, I include d a quantitative portion to this dissertation. While the qualitative method provide d rich data in a relatively new field of st udy, the quantitative data offer ed validity and generalizabili ty to the study. I chose a self administered, online survey research method using Qualtrics in order to capture ICC among dev elopment practitioners and measure d not only ICC, but also components of intercultural communication that emerged from the qualitati v e data. The goal sample size was n=300, and I utilize d the devdir.org directory to obtain contact information for development practitioners in the United States. A standard email was sent requesting participa tion, and consent information was provided at t he beginning of the survey.
77 Measures Intercultural Communication Competence Instrument Arasaratnam (2009) offers a 15 item measure of intercultural communication competence rooted in communication and indicated by scores related to cognitive, affectiv e, and behavioral dimensions, with five items representing each dimension. Arasaratnam tested the validity of the ICC against the scales and subscales incorporating the concepts of Attitude towards other cultures (ATOC), Ethnocentrism, Motivation, and Inte raction Involvement. The ICC correlated positively with the ATOC ( r = .51, p = .01), the Motivation component ( r = .50, p = .01) and Interaction Involvement ( r = .54, p = .01), and negatively with the Ethnocentrism component ( r = .62, p = .01). This self report instrument asks respondents to rank items on a 7 point Likert type scale from 1 strongly disagree to 7 strongly agree. Items include I find it easier to categorize people based on their cultural identity than their personality and In her 2 009 article, Arasaratnam reduced the original ICC instrument from 15 items to 10 items based on low fact or analysis results, but I utilize d the original 15 item sca le as suggested by the author to offer more substantial results for the current study. The Intercultural Sensitivity Scale Intercultural Sensitivity Scale consists of 24 items measuring five factors of intercultural sensitivity with five point Likert type scale responses: interaction engagement (ex respect for cultural differences (ex. I respect the values of people from diff erent cultures ), interaction confidence (ex.
78 interaction enjoyment (ex. from different cultures ), and interaction attentive ness (ex. culturally ). In their original study, Chen and Starosta also tested the scale against other intercultural effectiveness scales to offer support for validity, in addition to its high internal consistency. The scale requires self reporting from participants. For the purpose s of this study, I included only the Respect for Cultural D ifferences (Respect) cultural perspectives. The Multicultural Personality Questionnaire (MPQ) Flexibility Subscale Developed by Van Oudenhoven and van Der Zee, the MPQ is a 78 item scale designed to measure the multicultural effectiveness of individuals (2001). In their 2001 studies, the authors were able to demonstrate validity based on the convergence of student self validity based on intent to go abroad. The scale is composed of five dimension: Cultural Empathy, Openmind edness, Emotional Stability, Social Initiative, and Flexibility. The last dimension, Flexibility, will be used in the current study to offer quantitative support for information provided during the depth interviews, during which practitioners cited flexib ility as a characteristic important for successful communication in development deman ds of new and The authors also discovered that the Flexibilit y dimension of the MPQ was less affected by self report bias than the other dimensions a positive characteristic due to the self report nature of the current study. The instructions ask individuals to rank how items apply to them, from 1 totally not
79 applicable to 5 completely applicable The flexibility dimension includes 18 items with statements such as (ICMS) Kupka (2009) developed the ICMS to measure intercultural motivations in order to provide a resource for Human Resource managers tasked with selecting individuals for for eign assignments. In developing the scale, Kupka et al (2009) administered the test in four separate instances with high reliability scores ranging from =.88 to .93. The scale includes a self and peer report component, but was also determined to be effec tive in measuring intercultural motivations based solely on self report. The Trust (Kupka et al, 2009, p.723). Developed specifically for use in the ICMS, the four Trust subscale questions incorporate components of trust within relationships. Superiority Subscale of the Ethnocentrism Scale Bizumic, Duckitt, Popadic, Dru, and Krauss (2009) reported on multiple cross cultural studies of ethnocentrism and offer a re conceptualization of the topic that moves away from positive the first study from their article, Bizumic et al identify six subscales within the ethnocentrism scale, with four relating to intergroup ethnocentrism, and two relating to intragroup ethnocentrism: preference, purity, superiority, exploitativeness, group cohesion, and devotion. Their second study further validates the findings from the first, and indicates that ethnocentrism has a hierarchical structure with multiple factors based on intergroup and intragroup formations. The fact that the study samples involved
80 multiple ethnic groups from multiple countries offers further evidence that the scales are valid. Here I focus on the intergroup ethnocentrism superiority subscale (S1: = .81; S2: = comparison with foreign cu ltures. Questions from this 12 item subscale include Our cultural or ethnic group is NOT more deserving and valuable than others and In general, other cultures do not have the inner strength and resilience of our culture. The purp ose of including this subscale wa s to provide some means of distinguishing between individuals with high and low level scores on the other measurements included in the survey. The Organizational Listening Survey (OLS) Originally devised for corporate use in measuring managem ent listening skills, the OLS has been revised for other and self report and use among all organizational members (Cooper developed the OLS for use in organizational (Cooper & Husband, 1993; Cooper, Husband, Seibold & Suchner, 1997; Cooper, 1997; Cooper & Buchanan, 1999). The scale offers scoring for general listening competency, accuracy, and support. For the purpose s of this study, I used the shortened 19 item version (Cooper & us engage in cross e scale is intended for self and other reporting comparison and there is no specific benchmark (Cooper, 2013, personal correspondence), the scores could offer interesting results when correlated with other scales from the survey. Scale items include I re act to
81 details and sometimes miss the point of the message and I take time to listen to international co workers and are measured on a 7 point Likert type scale from a lways to never. Sojourner Self Efficacy Scale (SSEC) The SSEC scale was created using a sample of respondents from the Japanese Exchange and Teaching (JET) program who had lived in Japan for at least a year (Peterson, Milstein, Chen & Nakazawa, 2011). The scale aims to measure the self efficacy, or perceived ability (not intent) of individuals in intercultural and everyday communication. The original scale comprised 42 items with questions such as well can you communicate with people who do not share your language? and How well can you predict what ano ther person will say in an interaction? The scale was Interaction Engagement (IE) subscale as well as seven items from the Approach nwillingness to Communicate Scale (UCS). The Television Affinity Scale (TAS; Rubin & Rubin; 1982) was used to validate the scale as well, and was found to have no relationship to the SSEC. Based on scree plot findings, the authors reduced the SSEC to 34 items with an alpha coefficient of .95. After reviewing their qualitative and quantitative data, the authors further shortened the scale to eight items with an alpha coefficient of .86. Items include How well can you think possible outcomes through befo re you speak? and How well are you able to adapt to an interaction in which the topic changes from familiar to unfamiliar territory? with responses recorded on a 7 (Peterson, et al, 2011).
82 This scale is of interest to the current research because the qualitative data indicate d s across cultures. I wanted to offer some quantitative validation of this theme via the 8 item v ersion of the Self in their communication abilities positively affects their intercultural communication skills (Peterson, et al, 2011). Demographics and Development Questions These scales were followed by demographic information and information regarding length of time in service, time with the current organization, number of programs implemented, time spent in the field, intercultural interactions per week, number of training experiences, and organization type (e.g., non government organization). With rega rds to development work, I ask ed multiple questions about language skills, funding issues, and opinions about the field as a whole. These items were analyzed with the scales described to i dentify significant correlations. Sampling Strategy In order to gather the sample, I contacted various government and non government development and aid agencies via email and phone based on a list of organizations from the Directory of Development Organi zations (www.devdir.org). The United States portion of the directory is a nearly 400 page listing of development (1) international organizations; (2) government institutions; (3) private sector support organizations (including fairtrade); (4) finance institutions; (5) training and research centres; (6) civil society organizations; (7) development consulting firms (including references to job opportunities and vacancy announcements); (8) information prov iders (development newsletters/journals); and, (9)
83 on category 6 organizations which is consistent with the study of development and social change efforts, and implementi ng programs abroad, and also entertained several of the category 1 organizations. Of the category 1 and 6 organizations in the listing, I sent emails or made phone calls to 152 organizations for the qualitative portion of the study, and to 326 organizatio ns for the quantitative portion. For each organization contacted I conducted a quick review of organizational websites to deter mine main goals and key staff members The organizations selected needed to have U.S. citizen founders or at least have been fo unded in the United States to ensure that I accurately captured this unique perspective on development programs. I sent emails to specific staff members of organizations and often relied on published biographies to determine if individuals possessed the ex perience I was interested in. I also sent emails to generic addresses (i.e. firstname.lastname@example.org) if no individual information was available. Snowball sampling was also utilized to capitalize on the networks of individual s contacted. The info rmed consent information was available on the first page of the survey as per IRB protocol. I avoid ed organizations that strictly offer ed grants and funding and focus ed on organ izations with employees who were conducting development work in the field. Data Analysis What I hope d to learn from the quantitative data is whether or not practitioners display intercultural sensitivity, and at what levels. I also compare d the scale scores with the additional pieces of information, such as length of time in service and number of training experiences to see if there were any correlations among the data. In order to captu re the most information, I wait ed to conduct the survey portion o f this study until
84 after the qualitative data had been collected a nd analyzed. In this way, I could create additional questions for the quantitative survey based on the information gathered during the interviews. Another note regarding the combination o f qualitative and quantitative methods is that I was better able to tailor the quantitative survey to the sample population as a ISS as the only measure of intercul tural sensitivity. After doing the first few interviews it became apparent to me that this was not going to b e enough these practitioners were enough to measure thei r beliefs. I incorporated additional measures, with a mind to the length of the survey as well, so that I might have a better chance at capturing significant results. I would not have known to make this change had I gone into the survey without first con ducting the interviews.
85 CHAPTER 4 QUALITATIVE RESULTS Sample I conducted 22 depth interviews with development practitioners who responded to the initial email request (see Appendix C) using devdir.org as a resource. Par ticipants ranged in age from 26 ye ars old to 67 years old, with an average age of 45 ye ars. All practitioners as their nationalities except for one who felt herself rather nationality ambiguous due to having lived in various countries, including the United States, and c arried a British passport. All but two of the participants we re white/C aucasian (the other two were of Filip ino decent, and of mixed race respectively). Participant practitioners had spent an average of 17 years doing development work, ranging from six m onths to 39 years of experience, and mentioned 28 different countries and regions by name in our interviews, al though they undoubtedly had experience in many other regions of the world. The participants currently hold positions as programming developers, project managers, organization and board presidents and founders, missionaries, and in country directors a mong others. Participant rsum s boast positions with government and non government organizations, former Peace Corps experiences, and non profit and for profit work with a variety of organizational goals including capacity building, aid and relief efforts, evangelism, and various definitions of development from traditional to participatory leanings. Seven of the participants were male ( 32%), and 15 o f the participants were female ( 68%). The interviews were conducted via telephone and were audio recorded and transcribed. Interviews lasted between 34 minutes and one hour and seventeen minutes, with an average length of 48 minutes. Participants were emai led a copy of the consent form,
86 were given consent information verbally at the beginning of each interview, and then gave consent verbally before any questions were asked. The Data Analysis Process Following Charmaz (2006) guidelines, I started with line by line coding of each interview transcript in Microsoft Word using insert comment for the codes. I attempted to use gerund phrases for this coding stage to try and reflect the action and process occurring in each line, where app ropriate (Charmaz, 2006). I simultan eously used a separate Word document for writing memos, producing 29 pages of single spaced memos. I then began drawing focused codes from the initial codes and focused on in vivo coding to stay as close to th e data and meaning as possible. I a lso drew codes from the memos where indicated in my first round of coding. After coding, I t hen created a third document to collect the individual codes and did some preliminary organization into categories. I then moved the coded interviews and categor y/code list into Dedoose for final codes to be applied. In this way I could more easily offer some statistical outputs regarding the sample and offer specific information as to the number of codes found in each interview, and the exact number of times eac h code had been applied, etc. Dedoose also increased my efficiency because of the ex cerpting tool, such that all excerpts in which a code had been applied were availabl e at the click of my mouse I could also better judge the importance of a code in the g reater scheme of the dataset. For instance, it seemed as I was conducting the interviews that all of my interviewees had spent time in the Peace Corps. I coded this in Dedoose and determined that only five of the interviewees had actually completed a Pea ce Corps stint. Likewise, for each code I could go back and review the frequency of the code being applied and how many
87 individual interviews included those codes to get a better idea of major themes that were true to the data set as a whole, rather than my own perceptions. However, there is one major caveat to just following the numbers in this dataset: the quality of the information coded. For instance, all prac titioners were asked specifically to describe the development process, hence the overwhelming tilt of codes in terms of numbers, toward these topics. This does not mean the major findings of this dissertation revolve around the number of times a code was applied. I used qualitative methods to allow key themes to emerge from the data and maintained a focus on qualitative analysis, using In terms of the results, T h e theory and model I present emerged during the initial coding process after I had reached the point of saturation (about 18 interviews in). I was then able to fill out the deliverables by going back through and completing the focused coding and drawing what would be considered the results of theoretic al coding directly from my memos. Memoing was extremely important in my process of getting a firm grasp not only on what the data meant, i.e. what processes or actions were occurring, but also in getting my thoughts put together on an incident by inciden t basis so I could go back into the data in an organized way and verify my interpretations among the interviewees. If I had to choose, I would say memoing was the most important and defining part of my research. As I was conducting the initial analysi s of the data, it seemed that the data yielded more questions sometimes than answers. Fortunately, I could include survey instruments or questions in the survey to tackle some of those questions, but I do believe that some of the questions will require se parate studies with development
88 practitioners, especially those doing government based development work, in order to answer the large generalizations regarding issues in the field as a whole. Often the interviewees would allude to government o rganizations and various large non government organizations and how they were failing at conducting effective development. Certainly I will address this issue in the limitations and areas of future r esearch later in this dissertation but I would like to mention here also that these additional questions were a big part of my research process and attempting to answer the questions from the qualitative d ata with the quantitative data wa s certainly a goal. As I was analyzing the data, the process very much felt like a n exercise in deconstruc ting and reconstructing themes. I identified the major concepts and created codes, then organized those codes into categories, then the categories into themes. Then, I went back and revised the organization of the categories within the themes, and further deconstructed the categories to make sure I had a solid definition for each based on the codes, and to avoid, where possible, overlap between the categories. I found myself continuously revising the categories to make sure they we re the best reflection of the data, but that they also made sense in terms of their organization, until I could say with confidence that my analysis of the processes within development communication we re truly grounded in the data. This process yielded 44 total codes across seven categories and I will discuss each of those codes and categories in the coming sections. The coding process is also exemplified in Appendix D, which includes a chart listing sample excerpts, initial coding, focused coding, and ca tegorization of the data. First, I would like to take a moment to explain the organization of this dissertation and guide the reader through my thought process in constructing and explaining these
89 rich datasets. I start with a report of the qualitative r esults, followed by a report of the quantitative results. Then I will move into a discussion of the quantitative results and research questions. I discuss the quantitative results first because there were several components to the quantitative surveys th at, while relevant to this study, concerned more of a comparison between the scales and demographic qualities of the sample. I relegated a discussion of the quantitative results that most related to the qualitative findings to the final discussion section in chapter eight. Following the quantitative results and research questions, I discuss the bulk of this dissertation in that final discussion. This discussion then leads neatly and directly into the theory and model I submit to explain the communication p rocesses described by interviewees and supported through the survey. I conclude the dissertation with implications, areas of future research, and closing statements. But now, I turn to a report of the results, beginning with the qualitative data. The sev en categories within which I organized all of the codes or themes include intercultural communication strategies, the practitioner: best characteristics, the practitioner: best practices, communication challenges, being on the ground, perceptions of the fi eld, and training. The organization of the data was a process in and of itself, and involved the physical manipulation of each code into common categories, Then I was able to determine which codes represented communication strategies and followed by the categories that related key characteristics and practices of practitioners. I then had concepts that related to being on the ground and the best case scenario for doing loc ally based development work, which yielded the being on the ground code.
90 field as a whole and then codes for the responses to my specific questions about training. I now r eport each of these categories in turn. Intercultural Communication Strategies The codes in this category are focused on communication strategies that practitioners employ ed when working across cultures. This category is compo sed of eight individual co des: listen/watch/observe, language, showing excitement, a pologizing, asking questions, building relationships, o penness and h umor. Each code is named and includes a correspond ing code occurrence number to show the prevalence of the code within the data s et Listen/Watch/Observe (49) Listening seems to be an obvious part of the com munication process, but based on the emphasis given in these interviews, and the fo cus on asking questions, there wa s a se nse that information gathering wa s the most important a spect of initial communications and building relationships between development practitioners and loc al individuals. The construct wa s not part of a standard communicati on exchange rather it emphasized a one sided exchange of information. Practitioners ref er red to this information gathering activity using three different terms: listen, watch, and observe. Practitioners convey ed especially in the case of initial interactions, that communication should be a listening heavy exchange, wherein the practitioner refr ained from m aking statements unless they were word out of the mouths of practitioners when asked about the communication strategies they use. As Joy stated I think Pete emphasized the importance of listening best:
91 I use my ears. Listen. Listen as much as possible to what they have to say, then minimal input as far as trying to bring points across because if y ever going to understand somebody, you gotta say. That thing at first, just try to get that person to talk and list en to them and understand them from that perspective. Listening also allowed practitioners to really understand the needs of the locals ( Annette Connie ) and gave them a chance to talk a chance that local individuals may have never been given. As Patty noted nd say yes, there may be a slight bit of shock on their faces, but then In terms of observing, Chris stated [in] a lot of different ways before doing anything or saying anything d other practitioners further define d the c ontexts in which those words were spoken, whether at the market or in meetings. Ava stated Y ou have to see how people interact. You have to see how pe ople talk. You have to see how the man talks to the woman. You have to see how the woman lies to the man. You have to see nonverbal communica tion and how that became a part of th e conversation. Nonverbals also indicate d w hether or not the Carson ) and taking yourself and your agenda out of the equation. This required practitioner s the processes at work in a culture to gain an accurate perspective. Language (40) Practitioners talk ed about language in several different ways, mostly based on their own mastery of other language s or lack thereof. Individuals who dis cussed
92 language recognized the challenges of not knowing the language, and referred to it as a Wa lter ). And as Jossa noted linking language with the local culture. Overall, there was high regard for having a grasp Chris noted really nice impression...I consider it criminal not to learn even four or five words of the language. It Showing Excitement (10) Showing excitement wa s a communication strategy that many practitioners say they employed in the ve ry beginning of relat ionships, or when they first me t individuals from another culture. According to the interviewees, this tactic was used as a way to display interest in the program and in the local people The best way to describe how practitioners sh Pamela ). Practitioners also talked about this idea in the context of showing appreciation, giving positive feedback ( Melissa ), and starting conversations ( Pamela Rachel ). A pologizing (5) The potential for misunderstanding is high in intercultural exchange s and so I asked practitioners specifically how they dealt with misunderstandings. Several of them mentioned simply apologizing as a tactic they use in exchanges to deal with misunderstandings. Chris Esther Rachel and Jossa all talked about the fact that practitioners are going to make mistakes in the fie ld, but that simply saying you are
93 Chris Jossa ). Asking Questions (36) Asking questions was a major theme in these interviews, not just for the numbe r of code applications, but because it was mentioned by 15 of the 22 interviewees as a way in which they deal t with a variety of cultural communication issues. Some use d it as a way to introduce themselves and get to know another person, as a general comm unication tool. Others, however, talk ed about it not just in the sense of communication, but from the perspective of the need to gather information about the locals and their community so that they could be more effective in development efforts. As Chris stated : Ask a lot of questions, and I mean that in every sense not necessarily literally by saying but asking a bunch of yes, no, open ended questions and what not, but observe and absorb a lot of different ways before doing anything or saying anything. Practitioners suggest ed the use of asking questions as a strategy to learn more about the needs, desires, cultural mores, etc. surrounding a given program. Rachel served as a trainer for individuals going into the field and shared this suggestion: I alwa four weeks, the first week you e making statements. Basically each statement should have a question mark rtant. And George noted : I think it comes back to being able to demonstrate through the ques tions you ask and the approaches you make that you want to understand the re not coming in with a preconceived cookbook You want to find out the situation on the ground...
94 And lastly, practitioners use d questioning to deal with the issue of appeasement, which is a code I will discuss in a coming section. Building R elationships (68) Building relationships was one of the more complex items to code because it really involved so many of the other skills and characteristics covered by other codes. However, I felt it very important to understand how practitioners viewed the necessity of relatio nships in conducting their work and how they were specifically using communication to do so. When asked about the relationships they had built, practitioners gave a variety of answers, from not really having any international fr iendships ( Pete ), to simply making casual friendships based on opportunity and proximity ( Jonathan Melissa ), to having best friends in other countries ( Jeff ). Jeff through communication, practitioners used a variety of strategies from capitalizing on Jeff ), to bringing up the upcoming election ( Barbara ), to seeking connections and commonalities ( Ellen ). As Ellen shared : I actually grew up in rural poverty myself, so I always kind of never felt quite in anyway in the club. The fact that I could meet someone who was from so far away from me, and that we could becom e friends or just work together it was exciting for me. Practitioners connected building relationships to some of the other codes including the by step by Esther ), and how building relationshi ps wa s a catalyst for doing development work grounded in the needs of the local populations. And local populations respond ed to that tactic. As Annette conveyed:
95 A personal relationship has begun, or at least a profe ssional relationship has begun between hat the volunteer has gone out again and again on their own dime and we just sort of started the r elationship; we never dreamed it would take on grander proportions, but it does. Ju st that sort of mindset, which is kind of nice. ability to do their jobs. Patty related challenges with using translators whom she had only just met: These were translators that we had to pick up on the ground at that momen have the chance to develop a good working relation ship. He was giving me what he thought I wanted versus what we needed to make an accu rate assessment, but those are all pitfalls that you have to work with... According to the practitioners in this study, building relationships wa s an important component of conducting development work, especially when working directly with local populations and seeking their support for programming and initiatives. Openness (2 0) For this concept, I combined the ideas of practitioners being open and receptive to local individuals and cultures while communicating with willingness to be open and a desire to be honest in th eir own responses. This required coming into the intercult ural Jonathan ) and being willing to share about oneself in the process. Joy talked about openness in en with them in Ellen used people about how I imagine I might be perceived. That allo ws them the s pace to also eah, you individuals to be open and honest in
96 their communication, but also open minded in learning about and possibly adapting to local cultural ways. Humor (7) Several practitioners mentioned using h umor in their attempts to deal with difficult situations or new communication environments. Rachel summed this approach up best: Being a little self deprecating often helps, especially I think for Americans, because people do think of us as being so Ameri can. That kind of roll with the punches a little bit, and saying oh my gosh, I you know what I did this morning? I dunno, I put ice cream on my toast you know, whatever that ve actually done, by the way. Essentially, humor wa s a strategy that practitioners used to diffuse situations, put locals at ease, and say something about their own identity a concept I will explore in another code. With all of these communication strategies in mind, I turn to other key components of the communication interaction, which revolved around the practitioners themselves. The Practitioner: Best Characteristics and Best Practices This category was one of the more difficult to organize because there were so many ways to consider the concepts that were piling up from the focused coding process. I organized and then reorganized these codes into until I arrived at the best way to convey w hat the practitioners intended Here I discuss the practitioner characteristics identified by interviewees, and also some best p ractices for practitioners that relate to communication, but maybe fall outside the realm of the ideas we might traditionally hold for the interaction process. Best Characteristics in the communication process as conferred in the interviews. There is certainly room for
97 overlap, as with any of the other concepts in this analysis, but these are the ca tegories that I believe best fit the data and context. Being a people p erson (15) This concept refers to using a wide range of interpersonal skills and the idea that perhaps some practitioners are naturally better at communicating across cultures than o thers. Jonathan and Barbara talk ed about this feature of individuals in their interpersonal interactions and the idea that practitioners can come into any si tuation and make individuals from different cultures feel com fortable and jump right into relation ship building. As Annette related : s a byproduct of having traveled a lot of just speaking other languages. I think peopl e feel sort of at ease with me and telling me what their situation is. not really any pretext. Barbara ) and as Ava conveyed : ent of the water ministry as I am with an incredibly s explaining somebody that, and I feel very lucky that I have somehow attained that skill. Whether or not people skills in this sense are teachable, they appear to be a consideration for excellent practitioner characteristics. Being c ommitted (9) Being committed was a term that practitioners used to refer to a general willingness to really learn and understand what a c ulture is about. This required committing to the country, to the job, and to the people in order to effect change. Joy in making an assessmen t of past programs, stated,
98 been when our entire on the ground team have been people that have lived in that culture and a George talked about committing oneself to the job: what doing, to get up everyday and go into some very chall enging places and confront poverty and conflict. It really comes from that inner self, that co mmitment, that passion for the probably in the wrong job. According to the i nterviewees, commitment included commitment to th e people you are looking to help within a specific culture, and commitment to conducting development work on a personal level. Being r esourceful (12) Participants refer red to resourcefulness within the context of im plementing development programs including the skills required for looking in country to find solutions among the people and assets availabl e, and then teaching local nationals to do the same Amelia ing] okay, what do you have, you know, to put more of a positive spin on it so we could build from there, rather than from a place of on to explain that that are already at Jossa context of medicina l herbs as well as teaching locals to c rochet items made out of plastic bags found littering the streets, and then selling those items. Annette and Connie talk ed about res and drawing on the knowledge resources already present in a country or region ra ther than bringing individuals in from abroad. And Jonathan considered resourcefulness from the
99 perspective of being responsible with what little resources he had in his smaller NGO compared to experiences he had in the past with la rger, much more heavily funded government organizations. In various examples, practitioners show ed how they need to be reso urceful not only with the materials they have been given through their organization from the United States be they medical implements or funds, but also bei ng resourceful in the communities when looking for solutions to pr oblems. In turn, they taught locals to have the same perspective o n the richness of what they had available. Being an e xample (4) Th attempts not only to tell locals about ways they can make changes to improve their lives, but also showing them through their own efforts. Jossa tried to implement hydro gardening in her region and show ed a rather reluctant local population (who initiall y would rather cut down lemon trees that are being ravaged by thieves than to have everyone plant lemon trees of their own) how to do the same. She had her own garden and also took locals to see examples of other initiatives and how they could benefit thr ough those same practices. And Connie stated a demonstration of solid management techniques as well as being a good example for employees and the standard of work expect ed. She continued saying of lives, and they would see the benefit to their community, and to their people, and These examples displayed a component of encouragement and positivity in trying to set an example for betterment.
100 Empathy (8) Empathy is the ability to relate to and understand what another person is going through, and share in that experience. Practitioners talk ed about being e mpathetic as a charac teristic of themselves. It aided in their approach to lo cal individuals because they were looking for understanding and ways to relate to one another, and also recognizing Ava ). Est her suggested that there wa s an emotional component to development that no one talked about when it comes to empathizing with others, particularly when practitioners witness ed situations that wer e horrible. True empathy may come at an emotional cost to the practitioner, and they showed a willing ness and capability for recognizing that challenge. Humility (18) Practitioners talked about humility in two different ways: being humble about what yo being humble in terms of the credit given for pro gram successes. This also fed into giving locals credit and ownershi p of their programs, but conveyed the desir ability of practitio ners who were humble in how they present ed themselves to other people within foreign cultures. As Annette thei the best example of practitioners who lack humility in development situations: I think this memorize, but it think. I agree with all of that. I o walk into a situation and, because of
101 know the answer. Humility in this context meant a willi ngness to show that practitioners do not have all o f the answers, but that they were willing to learn if the locals would be willing to teach them. Best Practices Managing expectations (32) Practitioners discussed managing expectations of the local pop ulations in terms of what they could and could not offer, especially with regard to funding and the capabilities of practitioners in utilizing those funds for projects. Another way interviewees talked about managing expectations was in terms of their own expectations prior to arriving in country. Several talked about but emphasized the importance of realizing that the reality of the situation will not meet with whatever preconceived expectations they had formed. As Jeff noted: I try to warn people that no matter how much you know about it and understand it and t meet expectations. thought you wo uld do or that you prep ared to do. And Connie terms of dealing with misunde rstandings and was used as a tool to avoid misunderstandings al together, especially those based on the assumptions local populations may have regardi ng development organizations and the assumptions practitioners make regarding their potential experiences.
102 Facilitating/Motivating (9) Interviewees expressed their desires to shift from the traditional role of development practitioners, as American representatives charged with coming in and taking over, and trying to replace that idea with the role of facilitator and motivator for sustainable develop ment programs. As George interviewees, should act as a catalyst for individuals, communities, and nations to continue to deve lop on their own. Flexibility (18) Flexibility was discussed in two separate but related ways: practitioner flexibility and programming flexibility. In order to be flexible, practitioners need ed to be open to changing their own ideas and conceptions about their role, how things are going to operate in country, the cultures, their intentions, etc. On a program level, flexibility is viewed as a challenge, particularly when donor nee ds ca me into pl ay or environments on the ground change d Walter outlined this issue: ...be flexible in your programs because the co nception design level may have misinterpreted conditions, or conditions may have changed. If you do have a little bit of flexibility in [a ] program, you can respond to that difference and improve the probability of a successful project. Rigidity that causes a project to fail. If a program was designed with some flexibility, then when donor needs clash ed with local situations or environmenta l conditions change d, practitioners had some leeway in how they could proceed. H owever, when program designs were limited by specific parameters, particularly caused by the RFP proces s, any changes or conflicts put additional pressures on development team s.
103 Participating in c ulture (24) recognize and then become active participants in areas of intercultural communication considered important by local people. Several pract itioners discussed the differences between the American tendenc y to get right down to business and the more social practices that occur before that step in much of the developing world. While inclusive of using correct ways of greeting, this construct als o goes into the more social aspects of culture, whether it be taking a meal with locals, observing tea or coffee rituals, having casual conversations rather than formal meetings, or discussing family. Chris made an active effort to participate in the cult ure as much as possible : For the majority of cultures, I would try to build in some very low key, non pressure time for us to be chatting. This is not universal but for the most pa rt, I think people are a little freaked out by the American speeds and the l ack of tea bre aks and all that. Just finding some time where that person can experience the conversatio n in a less stressful way than tends to happen with Americans. And Walter expre ssed some of the things he tried to do before getting started: One of th American in approaches in social, to take your time to do the greetings, to go through Ethiopia or smoking kretek cigarettes greetings and formali ties that you really should go through initially before you ask anything technical or try to do anything. You should first say hello appropriately. Practi tioners saw value in recognizing cultural practices and doing their best to respect those and participate with local populations to gain better insight into their lives while also gaining their respect in return. Now I turn from the tools practitioners used to connect with local individua ls to the challenges practitioners discussed as being most prevalent to their work in the field.
104 Communication Challenges Among my discussions with interviewees about misunderstandings, dealing with stereotypes, and overcoming communication obstacles in general, several key themes emerged regarding the basic challenges practitioners experience d in conducting development. Int ercultural communication has it s own unique set of challenges, but challenges are situated not only in the IC context, but also with in the context of creating social change among local people. The examples in this section are quite poignant and point to the need for specific understanding of cultures and how we view the communication situation and role identities. Power (14) Power was a challenge for development practitioners because they had to deal with perceptions of their role when they enter ed t he development setting. There wa s a natural American impulse to go in and take over a situation and implement s olutions to fix things. This idea was also an expectation on the part of loc al populations, and thus resetting that expectation became a struggle in some cases, or establishing the status and power role s of the key players in a project. At the same time, for Chris and Jeff th ere wa s a status involved for the local individual based on their association with the powerful American expat. But Melissa offered the most conc ise explanation of how she tried to deal with power: I try to make the other person feel as comfortable as pos sible because I feel like, especially, a post colonial country, I thin k that the Westerners coming in a lot of people have internalized this idea that you must know better or are re bel ling against that idea. I feel like there are naturally some power dynamics happening, so I try to make the other person as comfortable as possible and try to let them know, lik e I said, that I feel like I am here just to talk to you and just to learn f rom you and just to communicate as two
105 individuals. I think that understanding local cust oms and just acting culturally appropriately is a big strategy of mine. Several practitioners also talked about power roles within cultures, especially in Africa, and how histories of oppression from outside parties influenced hierarchical views on power, and empowerment though the term empowerment was only used a handful of times within the interviews. In t he case of American country directors coming into a culture, Patty noted that, differences. Power constructs also relate d to gender roles and stereotypes, which are discussed in coming sections. Gender (24) Female interviewees were the mai n discussants of this topic (20 of the 24 codes) and related some of the challenges to being a woman in t he developing world, where gen der roles are different from United States cultural conceptions. Rachel suggested because men are less likely to see women as a threat C onnie expressed tha t after years of having been in country and working with the people, her gender role had female anymore They l and Pame la talked about the challenge of being a woman in an unaccustomed role and cultural status, an d reconciling the desire to stand Ava ). Ava related that out what that means and when to hold you head down and when to fight for what you, as an
106 addition to noting the challenges of male to female relations, practitioners sugg ested that women working with women could be more productive and culturally appr opriate in development efforts because of the reduced stigma regarding suitable gender relations. Appeasement (28) None of the practitione app to explain what was occurring, but this is the best term for the ideas they expressed. Ava ). Local peo ple would do this for various reasons, including the desire to meet their basic needs through keeping donors Ava ), but also out of a desire to be polite or save face in intercultural interactions. Local people would agree to come to meetings, with no intention of actually showing up, simply to save the host f rom embarrassment. This created the chase and ask questions and get answers where as [another culture] is very polite Walter ). Interviewees suggested paying close attention to body language and a general sense of discordance to assess whether or not the local individual is sincere in his or her responses, or i f appeasement is occurring. Patty noted enough to figure was not e nough, asking questions in a variety of ways and ensuring mutual understanding was another strategy identified to deal with this issue. Jeff discussed his struggles with a religious based development program in dealing with what he te local individuals who would
107 they] speaks no t only to appeasement in going along with programs for the free benefits, but also the negative imp act of creating situations in which locals are not buying into the program ming for whatever reason, becoming dependent on program offerings, and then being l eft empty handed when the program is over. Stereotypes (52) Stereotyping discussions were based on a specific question I asked individuals regarding whether they had ever felt stereotyped interculturally and how they dealt with those situations. The ov erwhelming consensus was that practitioners were perceived by implement the solutions they thought best. Practitioners related stories of being accosted in bars over their na tionality, having to reset stereotypes with local staff members, and having to reset stereotypes of local individuals outside of their organizations among others. Paula and Connie talked about being stereotyped as the ommunities where they served. But, as Carson suggested, these stere otypes did not create themselves. He I ignore the stereotyping, and most would rely on the fact that stereotypes could be dispelled once the local individual got to truly know them, a process that also speaks to building relationships among the people over time. Stereotypes and the specific wa ys in which practitioners handled these difficult situations form a major portion of the discussion section, and so I will defer to that chapter for additional elaboration on this topic.
108 Using Translators (13) The major challenge with using a translator in conducting development work wa s simply that practitioners could never be certain that their message was being received as they intended, or that they were receiving the intended message of the sender as opposed to one filtered by the translator. Practi tioners suggested overcoming this obstacle by learning the language or by using a translator with whom they had alr eady established a relationship Jonathan and Paula even sugge sted that once a relationship was established, translators could serve as cult ural guides and establish cultural access. Being on the Ground The title of th is category came from the in appeared 43 times in the interviews and was used by half of the practitioners. Being on the ground clo seness to the local populations such that practitioners could best understand the needs of communities. The codes in this category reflect the various manifestations of being close and the implications for doing development work that includes local perspe ctives. Partnerships (31) Practitioners referre d to the partnerships they built on the ground in developing countries with international NGOs and with U.S. NGOs based around the w orld. Partnerships could limit the abilities of practitioners to do the work they intended, but also open up additional resources and opportunities for coordination. Especially in the case of sm ( Pamela ) enhance d their sustainab le, long term presence in Pamela ).
109 Partnerships also refers to the relationships practitioners and their organizations established with community leaders and community organizations in an effort to increase participation, and may even be th e first step in the program design process. As Joy be talking to them and, ideally, sitting around and even developing the whole project Ellen stressed that pa Ava suggested that I guess realize the goal and develop the plan, and no w together nse partnerships w ere not limited to information gathering and program design, but exist ed through the entire development process. Ownership/Local Staff (129) Ownership of projects an d utilizing local staff accounted for the second largest code in this study, and this co de was applied in all 22 interviews. I initially had these two items separate, but it became appare nt that this resulted in double coding the data typically where one was discussed, the other would soon follow. So as not to over code, I combined these two areas in the data. In this theme, practitioners discussed buy in of local individuals and maintai ning local staff in their in country offices in order to sustain projects aft er the American organization had left the area. The idea of ownership suggests that needs are discussed with locals and that solutions to problems are created co the programs designed to meet their needs. Jonathan n oted how critical this concept wa s in current development efforts and stated that i cheap, brilliant, the program, in local direct involvement
110 Pamela they can develop and take on the ir own, and the volunteers are just there to kind of help p of programming also encouraged sustainability and discouraged forms of dependen t development because locals were being equipped with the tools they need ed to continue with programs for as long as they were relevant to the community. Having nationa l staff was seen as a given in current development practices encourag ing ownership. Local staff provide d context and insight for the program and were often charg ed with implement ation. They serve d the organization by providing ( George ). Carson suggested pat counterparts, though he did not see this as a development practice currently in place. With local ownership and staff in Jossa Connie ), because Ava ). Practitioners point ed to this situation as the ultima te goal of their programming efforts, and two of the interviewees shared that they had actually successfully turned over programs to locals. Building Capacity (14) Capacity b uilding was originally coded I later removed it as its own code because of the use of such a specific term as a sort of buzzword in development. Practitioners talked about building capacity of local populations by equipping them with skills, knowledge, and tools to develop communities
111 o n th eir own. There wa s also a component of knowledge trickling through the community because of capacity building in one area. Amelia discussed efforts to build capacity in a country with higher education deficiencies. Individuals were brought in to a U.S. and then returned to their home country to teach in a university there and share knowledge. Walter talked about building capacity of loca l staff members so that they could implement programs on their own showing the connection between this code and the ownership code. And Melissa summarized the shift from dependent development to capacity building in her own organization e try and build c Cultural Awareness (132) Cultural awareness accounts for the most often coded theme in this study and was found in 21 of the 22 interviews. According to the pra ctitioners, cultural awareness wa s key to co nducting development work that wa s effect ive and sustainable. Based on the various definitions and examples provided during the interviews, cultural awareness is the ability to understand another culture and recognize that there may be other, more implicit, communication processes at work during exchanges. Cultural awareness requires one to put aside assumptions about the other culture and to show respect for cultural differences. This can mean knowing which hand to offer when going through introductions ( Jonathan ), and it can also mean adaptin g the way they dress, like wearing skirts and head coverings for women ( Paula Ava ). Ava talked about wearing head coverings while working in Israel: The conflict of wanting t and culture, and you may be there for research or you
112 may be there guest. You want to respect that...I think the more you re spect the culture, the farther n. These outward signs of respect can be supported by the attitude of the practitioner in their approaches to cultural others. As Chris related: because people, local people, Kosov making assumptions, everything in the same way everywhere in the world, and that I could do in Kosovo what I had done in other places. They saw a person who was asking que stions, who knew t hat things were different, who was interested and willing to learn about the place befo re doing anything drastic that would just lead to unsatisfying results. As Chris suggested, there were several ways practitioners could behave that show ed cultural awareness and a desire to understand. When practitioners interact ed in a way that utilized their intercultural skills, they made the cultural other feel more comfortable, relaxed, and willing to share. To promote cultural aw areness, practitioners use d a variety of s trategies such as relying on in countr y colleagues and cultural bridges (see code below) to discover the based training or orientations, doing the self directed training practices discussed in the tr aining category, and using the learn/watch/observe, participating in culture, and asking q uestions constructs. These overlaps in codes will be explicated later in this chapter but suffice it to say that practitioner s were attentive to the need to be culturally aware to achieve successful development. Identity Framing (28) Several practitioners mentioned having some difficulty in defining their own identity. As Amelia stated:
113 I know that my birth certificate says U.S. citizen, my passport says U.S. citizen, but I am definitely an internationalist. I see myself as a member of the raise my children that way. The identi ty framing concept also included the ideas of being adopted by the local culture, and what was referred to as blending in, both of which further complicate d practition er s views of themselves in the intercultural setting. Sever al practitioners mentioned feeling as though they h ad been adopted by local villages and communities, especially practitioners with experiences in long term, imbedded service organizations. This gave practitioners an identity, a tribe, last name, and tongue that they could benefit from when conducting the ir work, even many years later. But these connections they can also cause confusion for the practitioner who feels the pull of two separate worlds. Jeff n Chile that he had left behind and the cognitive struggle with ba lancing two cultures to which he belonged. cultural understanding. As Pete culturally different than what we do here. O f course, the main thing is to try to learn about it and accept it and blend in as m teach people how to watch when they look the way we look and they become invisible to the locals, blending in with the culture overcoming physical stereotypes of what American practitioners are and have these are examples of the tactics practitioners use d to gain access to local ideals and acceptance from natives on the ground.
114 Defini ng Needs (100) This code refers to the conceptualization of programming efforts based on where and/or by whom program ideas are generated, and how and/or by whom needs are defined. While these can be two separate pieces to the program design puzzle, they are linked by the fact that programs get their start either as an idea for something new to impleme nt by development practitioners or as a solution to a need as defined by a he discussed getting local needs and local buy in as the opti mal condition for programming. category. T programming planning processes and sometimes it was a result of their critique of other program strategies. Components of this theme are most easily differentiated by their origination. In t erms of idea generation, several practitioners mentioned ideas coming from individuals already in the field working on other projects who then recognize d a prob lem and brought that issue back to the U.S. organization. Melissa talked about this process: Tho come from people working in Malawi. Some of them have come specifically from our Malawian staff, and some have come from the American staff that works ov er there at times of the year. It for instance, the [specific programs] were an idea that came from one of our field staff who is now our [program] mentor. He works exc been developed into a job for him. Ideas also came from individuals in the loca l community who sought out program staff with an idea for programming ( Connie Melissa Pete ). Needs were also assessed by organization s in terms of what was seen as an obvious need on the
115 ground, like energy consumption in Haiti ( Barbara ) or as a part of the development portfolio of the organization ( Melissa ) or as a response to solicitations from funding organizations ( Chris ). Aside from ideas for program Ava ) suggestions in the minds of local individuals and then letting them come to a solution on their own. Ava related this lengthy, but interesting story: Always thinking about, I wanna have a small in in the ass, because instead tom fruit? Tomato eat them in February. I wonder if people would buy them in January? I probably would. I wonder how you do s like a five day conversa tion. irrigation project. research going to work in this geographic, meteorological whateve and you know t hat The c oncept comes out of that area, because critical component of projects: that they come from within the community. As Ava noted, it is critical for ideas to come from communities when doing work that is truly on the ground development. This also requires some nee d definition from the community, though to ensure community buy in. But localizing ideas wa s not always easy to accomplish g iven current program fundin g structures. Practitioners were charged with the difficult job of balancing the ideas and needs of the local community, with those of donors and the ir organizations. They also had to deal with traditional structures of need def inition within their own organizations. Idea conceptualization and funding will be discussed again wi th the codes.
116 Overall, practitioners were aware of the need to be on the ground in terms of knowing what local populations need ed and how they defined those needs based on cultural and local environmental dictates. I think George most concisely defined what it conditions to the developing world. I Esther who was very passionate about doing locally identified programming solutions and managed to mention this topic 17 times in her interview, stated: serving...If you know what is important to them and their lives and their values and their hopes and their to know them, y oing to do the right thing. This quote exe mplified the need to connect on the ground development with cultural sensitivity to what the local populations really need ed Community Presence (29) Being in the communities, either as a lo ng term or short ter m resident, wa s a critical component to physically being on the ground with local people and meeting their needs. Many of the practitioners I tal ked to had lived with host families ( Pamela Ava Pete Walter Melissa ) or lived in communities overseas for e xtended periods of time ( Jeff Jossa Esther Faye Connie Carson Jonathan ). Jossa related this concept to being on the ground: I think you have to live with the people a little bit. In order to understand you need to be on the ground as close as you can get to them for at least a short period of time. And Walter relayed the importance he placed on overseas experience:
117 d live there means more than a year. You move the re. You live there. You learn the language. You learn the culture. what I advise people in this career in international development, I tell them to do both, to go back and forth, to live someplace and then come back to HQ or headquarters or do the site from the U.S., and then go someplace else and live there for a couple of years and work the project. You learn cultures better living in them more profoundly, more thoroughly. But community presence was not limited to li ving overseas. Community presence wa s also about building relationships within the community such that there wa s a connection between the development process and the local people, and to promote understanding of the local culture ( Ava ). Those con nections not only gave insight into the culture, but also serve d as a support system ( Ava ) and as an access point to local experts and resources ( Rachel ). Cultural Bridge (56) The title of this code went through a variety of iterations, including key informant, community agent, leader contact, cultural guide and local partner, but I finally settled on Chris used in his interview. The cultu ral bridge concept fits in nicely with the idea of making connections in the field discussed above, and gives an impression of making links, and crossing over challenges in pur suit of greater understanding. Cultural guides serve d as that connection and gra nt ed practitioners access to the community and the culture. Guides could be translators, local government or religious leaders, local NGO mem bers, expatriate colleagues in country, or colleagues with cult ural expertise located in the United S tates In al l of the cultural bridge stories mentioned by interviewees, there was a shared language between them.
118 In regard to colleagues as cultural guides, several practit ioners mentioned using these in country or U.S. based resources prior to going abroad, especi ally in situations where time was a factor either short visits to a country, or limited time to prepare for the visit. Chris outlined his approach to using cultural guides in such instances: If I were going to, let's say, Pakistan to join a training progra m or even to design a program that somebody else was gonna be running at some point, I would look for Pakistani alumni of my master's program, perhaps, or similar programs, or I would ask around for people who might have Pakistanis in their network who spe nt time in the U.S. and they're familiar with those issues who can speak openly and comfortably about differences between the way Pakistanis and Ameri cans see things. That's one way I might approach it. This example also relates to the resourcefulness of practitioners and the importance of relationships and connections as catalysts to their increased intercultural knowledge. Another key component to the cultural bridge notion i s trust. Practitioners conveyed that in order to benefit from a cultural bridg e there must be a level of trust established such that cultural guides were able to be honest with practitioners and coach them through communication experiences especially in the case of misunderstandings. Esther recalled a time when she relied on her c ultural bridge to alleviate a misunderstanding with a community member: I pointed out a mistake he had made. I thought it was funn y. To him it was not funny at all. My colleague came running after me, thank goodness. He said, "[ Esther ], I know you didn't mean it, but they are very offended back there. This is what you did and what you need to do." I went back and apologized...the peo ple forgave me, but I was good enough to have people I mean, I was lucky enough to have people who would say, "You offended them," or, "You hurt them. You didn't m ean to. We know that, but you need to make it right." If nobody had told me that, I wo uld've I was better for having been told that, you know? And Jossa talked about a cultural bridge not only in the sense of individuals who can teach her something about the culture and guide her, but also in the sense o f early
119 adopters to whom she could teach new methods and then see a ripple effect of knowledge sharing in that area. Cultural bridges were the people who, when in the right positions, could promulgate capacity building in their communities. Perceptions of the Field Practitioners often made references in the interviews to how things were done in or by ot her development organizations. government organizations and the larger non government organizations. Practi tioners mentioned the major organizations in regard to NGOs with large budgets and reach. Whil e some practitioners discussed the need to partner with these organizations to share resources, their discussi development practices, and some indication tha t these organizations were conducting more depend ent development forms of programming: I think there are organizations that really just kind of hand out money or hand out kind of construction always do follow well now in development of recognizing failure, and how to learn from failure and learn from challenges to be more effective ( Pamela ). As Pamela noted, some of the major concepts in this category were related to funding, program des ign and idea generation. Many other development organizations have large funding pools, conduct idea generation and need definition at higher levels (e.g. with foreign governments or within their own organizations based on their experiences in the field) rat her than being on the ground, and focus on construction and economic based development. Esther shared a story about working with local individuals to determine their true needs. The community school had been given computers by an
120 organization who came in set up the computers, and left leaving the people at a loss later when the co went down so many times in schools, because once the free stuff was gone and the free people who came in to repair eve focus on training the local peop le not only to use the computers, but to be able to fix them a need that the local people brought to her. Another major issu e practitioners suggested with development, which was also a theme in Esther up with and assessment of programs. Lack of follow up or assessment in programming left local communities feeling abandoned by developmen t organizations. Connie shared a story band People came, walked for miles. They came for hours to co me to see this team. Well, at 4 p.m. the team was tired and there were too m any more people to see so they basi call y said, "We gotta move on. We have some other place to go." My friend then was hitchhiking her way out and they saw a woman along th e road in a pickup truck. She got out of the pickup truck and was going to allow th is woman to get in because the woman wa s holding a baby. The woman handed my frie nd [Amy] the baby and got into the pickup truck. [Amy] got in still holding the baby. Fi nally the woman turns to [Amy] and says, "You were part of that medical team." Sh e goes, "Yes I was. I've been interpreting for them." She goes, "I waited in line all day and my baby died in my arms." The team will never know that. Nobody eve r knows that because there was absolutely no accountability in the way in which to conduct themselves. While no organization can fully understand their own impact, or lack thereof, what Connie was trying to relate was a need to hold organizations accountable when they fail to help those in need. And Ellen talked about the sense of abandonment felt by communities when charter schools fail ed : Schools can come and go, and the communities are stil l there. Some of those charter have done some good, but then
121 send whoever ran the school got, I guess, what they wanted, but the community is still hurting. A lack of follow up or an opportunity for assessment is a major issue in the field. According to the practitioners development effect how they are perceived in the global community and rightfully so. The only problem with these stories is that they wer (hence the title) organizations and how they had failed. There was comparatively little discussion of these mistakes from a pers onal perspective of how the practitioners or their own programs had failed. But as a concession to critiques of the field, practitioners did suggest that there are well intentioned organizations and practitioners in the field who are trying to help, but come up with questionable results. As Pamela mentioned in the first quote from this category, there is a perceived shift in how practitioners are operating and a recognition of failures, and the need to conduct development to avoid dependency, empower loc als Ava ). Assessment (36) When discussing assessment, practitioners suggest ed that much of the measurement and assessment of programs should occur on the ground, with input from local populations and those that programs intend to serve. There is an overarching theme throughout the interviews suggesting that, as note d in the literature and in the evelopment category, assessment is lac king and most often that there are no best practices available for how to tackle that challenge. Melissa mentioned that the challenge of developing impact measures was now a major focus of her positi on in the organization she worked for. I think she spoke for many practitioners when she stated:
122 ...and then the monitoring and evaluation piece, lookin g at how effective what does success look like, and how can we measure it, and what does community impact look like? How can we measure it, so we can really imp rove our projects and also get additional funding. A lot of funders are Assessment plays a role in how practitioners can improve their programming, but it is also a major part of the deliverables donors are lookin g for. Ironically, it seems donors want the data, but they do not want to fund the assessment. Funding is a key part of the complex development puzzle and is discussed in the next section. Funding (93) Funding is a challenge for many non profits and NGO s because they have to not only do what they can with the resources they have available, but they also are charged with managing a balancing act as Patty noted: I think that there is always an adjustment between what we and the beneficiaries determine as the need, and what somebody with the money determines is the need. And Rachel indicated yet another challenge with funding sources as related to assessment, alluded to in the previous section: The thing is on the flip side the monitoring eval uation. E important, and that understanding the real impact and importance of t hat but nobody really wants to challenge. And l astly, the RFP process poses it s own unique set of issues for pra ctitioners but it is a necessary evil in terms of obt aining funding for programs A major complaint about this process was the time constraints, which I will discuss next. Time (60) The concept of time was mentioned in a variety of instances as practiti oners tried to express the challenge s of conducting development. Time wa
123 ( Joy ) that they often did not have in terms of program design and implementation. For many the average program length had a baseline of 3 5 years start to fin ish. The RFP process was another portion of the design process that related to a lack of time, as Joy noted: lion dollar, multiyear, on the ground project, you need to find staff members for it. You need to gather a lot of very time intensive and overly rushed process. And as Rachel suggested: Nothing happens in three to five years. Th e just figuring out if this is gonna even work. The way that you approach the current program funding I think is the RFP process and the RFA process is really challenging. Practitioners felt pr essed for time and restricted by the constra ints of deadlines when designing, obtaining funding for, and implementing their programs. However, when practitioners discussed the communication strategies they use d to work in another culture, there was a focus on time as an absolute necessity. Pract itioners talked about needing time to build relationships, to learn and understand a culture, to participate in the social customs, and to live in a country as a part of intercu ltural communication training. Jossa posited a little bit. In order to understand you need to be on the ground as close as you can get to ioners recognized that they needed time to do their work and design culturally effecti ve programs, bu t that they did not have e nough of it to learn about the cultures and people targeted by their initiatives Environmental/cultural h indrances (31) Environmental/c ultural hindrances refers to those processes and events that occur red in the development sett i ng over which practitioners had no control and that
124 cause d them great difficulty in accomplishing development tasks. Environmental conditions change as Walter expressed: Some programs fail because you cannot control th e environment, and it might be conc i mplemented, for example, until two years later because of the slow procurement system. Three years later, macro conditions may have shifted. Government officials turn ing over, partner organizations c han ging, new policies being established, resources being limited or non ex istent, or religious groups agreeing to participate and later refusing to because of ano discussed as impediments to practitioners and their w ork, and are all things that have nothing to do with the development organization. Faye shared her experience working in eastern Europe: They change their ministry personnel constantly. They change the people who are running the hospitals constantly so you an agreement with somebody, a memorandum of understanding with a ministry and then th have to start over from scratch. And Esther related the struggles of working in war torn regions: They were usually people starti ng from zero, especia lly in war zones like Northern Uganda. They were so far behind...somebody had to go back to where they were, meet them where they were, which was at zero. If they t, when all the recovery would come in, everybody else would come i n and benefit but th e people who were the victims, get the jobs. The complexity of the political, economic, social and cultural environments was most often related as impediments to successful implementation of development programming. The latter challenge, the cultural environment is discussed next. In terms of cultural hindrances, practitioners related the time consuming process of getting t o the root of cultural barriers to making social change and addressing those barriers essentially changing the way local individuals and communities perceive their
125 abilities and resources. Esther mentioned the need to build the self esteem of the local co as a community unit on that journey. Jossa struggled to gain buy in for a local fundraising and gardening programs because of how locals perceived the r esources necessary an d the outputs of those programs. And Connie struggled with local ethical views and hiring or firing practices for her organization that do not equate to those she would typically use. All of these issues taken together add to the balance that is required in conducting development work have and moving forward in an environment that is sometimes less than conducive to or welcoming of change. Training The first question I asked practitioners regarding intercultural training was simply if they had be en through any formal preparation Interviewees answered that question as either not having had any training, having had some formal training, having spent a great deal of time abroad in lieu of training, or having had a cademic training. Even for those with no formal training, most were able to offer a great deal of advice regarding what kinds of training they wish they had received. Those who did go through some sort of formal training were able to relate some of the mo st helpful activities or opportunities they experienced in that process. I captured information regarding training in the following ways: Training vs. Experience, Academic Training, Self Training, and Training Recommendations. Training vs. Experience (30) One of several pieces of advice that the pract itioners had regarding training was the concept of training versus experience. After discussing the things they do to
126 prepare to enter a new culture, the things they should do, what they would do if they had the money for training, etc., pra ctitioners mentioned one caveat: all the training in the world cannot measure up to actual experience in the field. Pamela ust part of Walter several of the practitioners I spoke with had done just that via the Peace Corp s ( Ava Walter Patty Pete Connie) xperiences with Peace Corp s training and then living overseas were some of the most deta iled descriptions of training regarding language, culture, and everyday life in developing countries. Aside from Peace Corp s service several practitioners talked about receiving their intercultural training through living abroad during their formative ye ars. These living learning experiences gave them access to languages and cultures earlier in their lives, and they expressed a belief that those experiences rendered further intercultural training unnecessary ( Jossa Faye Barbara ). And Patty offered a fin al thought on training Academic Training (22) Academic training refers to degrees that practitioners discussed when asked about their intercultural communication training. Several practitioners held degrees in international relations, international development, or MB As with an international focus among others and viewed them George ). The degrees
127 mentioned often had a component of intercultural communication, though one practitioner with a degree in international development lamented the focus on theory as opposed to learning more applied ways of conduc ting development work and making Melissa ). Howeve r, the interviewees clearly dre w from their academic experiences and networks when cond ucting development work, and saw value in higher education for improving their abilities and career opportunities. Self Training (21) Practitioners discussed self training as a strategy to learn more about local cultures. Self training refers to practitioner attempts to do research befo re entering the field. Self training was accomplished by reading books on local cultures, lea rning about the history, doing I nternet research, and talking with individuals who are natives of or had travelled to the intended culture. Learning about the his tory was a common theme because it helped Carson ). Additionally, practitioners stressed the fferences might be of the Paula ) in order to avoid issues. Self training techniques were strategies practitioners could utilize on their own time as informal training. Recommendations (32) Practition ers had a variety of recommendations for intercultural communication training in the context of development work. I will discuss some of these ideas again in a future chapter but here offer some of the key suggestions from the interviewees. Immersion wa s a major recommendation, especially in terms of learning cultural mores. Practitioners also talked about simulation training and active learning strategies that
128 they felt were most helpful in learning about other cultures, building cultural awareness, an d becoming more comfortable communicating with a cultural other. Several pract itioners discussed the idea of relying on colleagues, from the cultural bridge theme as being instrumental to pre departure preparations. Having someone to discuss the culture with, either an expat of that area or another practitioner or non practitioner who had lived in the area, was seen as a critical step, especially for those living in culturally diverse locales like Washington, D.C. Reading about the culture and area was also suggested as a recommended training technique. Overall, practitioners discussed the importance of having training and the need for more instruction before going overseas. Code Co occurrence A final way of considering the qualitative data from this di ssertation is through the co occurrence of codes within the interviews. Table 2 depicts those codes with the most frequent co occurrence s (highlighted) to show the contexts within which practitioners couched several of the topics. See table 2 at the end of this chapter. There were several major co occurrences of note. Cultural awareness co occurred more frequently with other codes than any of the other codes in the qualitative study (across all codes in this dissertation including those not appearing in the chart, 154 times), and most frequently co occurred with learning the local language, asking questions, building relationships, and listen/watch/observe. This suggests connections between these themes in terms of not only how cultural awareness is ach ieved or how practitioners build cultural understanding, but conversely with how cultural awareness may influence how practitioners approach these interaction strategies. Time was also a cultural
129 awareness time dichotomy suggests that building an understanding of other cultures requires a time commitment, which Chris notes many practitioners fail to do: oo long. When they arrive in a place for the first time, they want to maybe there are good reason s for it. Maybe they only have a couple of weeks to get their work s all they have time for. have time for four hour coffee breaks and dis cussions over tea and s really important to build in to communicate in the way that that the p eople communicate best in that culture, which is often not sitting over a mahogany table and pleasant ligh ting. Additionally, cultural awareness was a component in the discussions of learning the local language, asking questions to better understand the culture, and building relationships based on those understandings. From a programming standpoint, cultural awareness co occurred with local ownership of programming. In this sense, development practitioners conveyed the idea that cultural awareness can facilitate inclusion of local populations in program development. The goal of promoting ownership is essent ially to work oneself out of a job, and leave the local nationals to the task of fulfillin g their own development needs. The co occurrence suggests that one is interwoven with the other. The Ownership code co occurred most frequently with Idea Generation which relates the idea that practitioners are aware of the need to include local individuals in need definition. We know from participatory practices that involving local populations in development is important for the success of the program, but this co de co occurrence suggests not only involvement in implementation, but also in the initial conceptualization of development programs. Local ownership of programming was also the context within which practitioners discussed funding of programs. This was main ly couched in such a way as to suggest that funding sources need to operate under the assumption that local
130 individuals and practitioners have to be able to decide how funds should be allocated in order to t ake ownership of the programs. If the funding is allotted for building a church, but the local peo ple really need a school, local individuals will not buy into the program. Again, this relates back to idea generation as well, and the need for development practitioners to keep their ears to the ground wh en determining the needs of a local community. Essentially, the data suggests that if local individuals/development practitioners on the ground have control of fund allocation and need definition, they will be better equipped to promote local ownership of development programming. Funding itself was another interesting co occurring theme, specifically because it was discussed in so many different contexts. Practitioners discussed the challenges of getting enough fu nding to have proper training. They also t alked about funding in terms of how other programs use, and sometimes waste, their funds. Additionally, as Walter noted, the time differential between program conception and actual access to f unds can cause program failure. Practitioners also indicated that funding agencies and donor organizations play a role in idea generation and need definition, specifically if they have parameters and restrictions on how those funds can be used. Funding and idea generation were also a key point in Esther interview, when she talked about counseling other U.S. organizations: Y to do this, we want to do o you have anybody progra t afford the program. If you re fooling yourselves. And lastly, funding was a consideration in ownership of programs in terms of h aving the fund s to provide for local staff in country.
131 The final major grouping of co occurring themes centered around the i dea of building relationships. Practitioners discussed the need to create relationships with local individuals to improve the effe ctiveness of programs and their eventual sustainability with as little input as possible from the outside. Practitioners noted that building relationships was an integral part of participating in the culture such that participation yielded stronger and dee per relationships, but also that those same relationships gave practitioners opportunities to have meals and learn local customs. This, of course, led to greater cultural awareness, which was also a key co occurring code with building relationships. But, as practitioners so oft en invited] is like a consistent barometer. If somebody likes you, they want to spend time Jonathan ). In summary, the code occurrence ch art clearly shows the inextricable relationships among many of the concepts practitioners discussed. While initial and focused coding practices in the qualitative process have aided in deconstructing the data and looking at it piece by piece, a co occurren ce examination allows for reconstructing of this information into systems of relationships that are indeed grounded in the data. Summary of Qualitative Results The categories in the qualitative results reflect those topics most often discussed by pract itioners, namely the ways in which they communicate across cultures, what they believe to be best practices and characteristics for practitioners, the challenges they face, what it means to be on the ground, how they perceive the field and their thoughts o n the intercultural communication training process. The code co occurrences further augment the relationships between the individual codes and reveal the contexts within
132 which practitioners were apt to discuss the topics. These results will be considered f urther in the final discussion chapter. Thoughts on the Qualitative Results The results from this portion of the dissertation were plentiful and offer some excellent insight into how interviewees perceive their own communication strategies and needs in d evelopment communication. They also shed some light on the process of conducting development and all the complexities involved when interacting across cultures. The interviewees were very recept ive to my questions, and were able to offer honest and sincer e answers without feeling the need to filter their responses for the sake of what is socially acceptable or to save face for themselves or their organizations There are some interesting suggestions about the field that the data indicated which I further explored in the quantitative section of this dissertation. I will make some inferences about those suggestions in the d iscussion section, and also provide some ideas for future research noted in the final chapter of this dissertation For now, I turn to t he quantitative results.
133 Figure 4 1 Qualitative code co occurrence c hart
134 CHAPTER 5 QUANTITATIVE RESULTS Sample Collection A total of approximately 2 250 survey request emails were sent to development practitioners drawn from the same devdir.org database used for the qualitative data, and with the addition of the charitynavigator.org (International) database. Of those request email s, 370 surveys were completed ( N = 370), for a response rate of roughly 16%. This rate is slightly better than the usual 10% expected rate because the emails were addressed specifically to the person using either their first or last name, and because the emails were sent from my university email address, so credibility was established I also encouraged the 22 intervie w participants to circulate the survey among their peers (snowball sampling), and did the same for survey contacts if they approached me to do so. The emails contained a link to the survey, which was supported by Qualtrics online survey software (qualtrics .com). The data were collected period. Survey Respondents Survey respondents ( N = 370) were development practitioners from U.S. organizations who are conducting or have con ducted development work abroad, and who have some level of experience with intercultural communication. I discarded 24 responses so that the sample would include only indi viduals with U.S. citizenship. Though I value the responses of all individuals worki ng in development organizations, the same limitation applies here as to the qualitative work: the intercultural communication theories and development paradigms I included in the literature review
135 are based on U.S. communication styles. Therefore, the fina l sample size for this study is 346 participants. There were no incentive s o ffered for completing the survey. R espondents were advised that all responses were anonymous, and there was no specific identifying information requested. The race/e thnicity of respondents was 90 % Caucasian ( n = 312), 2 % Af rican American ( n = 6), 2% Hispanic ( n = 7), 1 % Asian/Pacific Islander ( n = 4), and 5 % other ( n = 17) and they ranged in age from 21 years to 72 years old ( n = 342, M = 44.20). For gender, 302 of the participan ts surveyed provi ded a response resulting in 43% male ( n = 131) and 57 % female ( n = 171) Approximately 68% of respondents ( n = 234) had obtained a m visited an average of approximately 13 different countries in t he capacity of development and 67 % ( n = 231) oing such work. Respondents had worked in the field of development for an average of 13 years, with a minimum experience of less than a year and maximum experience of 48 years in the field. The practitioners surveyed work ed for a variety of organizations with 49 % ( n = 169) working in non government organizations (NGOs), 23% ( n = 80) working for government organizations, 14% ( n = 47) working for religious based organizations, 6% ( n = 21) working for other non profits (not lis ted as NGOs), 5% ( n = 16) working for other organizations (u niversity affiliated o rganizations, etc.), 3% ( n = 10) working in for profit organizations and l ess than 1% ( n = 3) in internat ional government organizations. Scale Results The internal reliability of the scales used in this dissertation were submitted to a Efficacy in Communication Scale (SECS ) = .834; Flexibility Subscale of MPQ = .823; Organizational Listening Survey
136 (OLS) = .819; Trust Subscale = .721; ICC = Subscale = .588; and the Superiority Subscale = .86. The Re spect subscale alpha level w a s below acceptable ranges for this dissertation, but I included it in the set of correlations among all of the scales to show that it does correlate in expected ways with the data. Most of the scales show ed significant associations, which add s validity to the measures. The ICC showed significant, moderate correlations with each of the scales in expected ways. The correlation with the ICC was moderate and positive with the SECS ( r = .237, p = .000) the Flexibility subscale ( r = .372, p = .000), the OLS ( r = .253, p = .000), the Trust subscale ( r = .231, p = .000), and the Respect subscale ( r = .267, p = .000). And the correlation between with ICC and Superiority subscale was negative and moderate ( r = .294, p = .000). SECS also showed a moderate to strong correlation with the Flexibility scale ( r = .291, p = .000) the OLS ( r = .456 p = .000) the Trust scale ( r = .237, p = .000), and the Respect subscale ( r = .196, p = .000). The Superiority subscale showed significant st rong to moderate negative correlations with the Flexibility subscale ( r = .20, p = .000) and the Respect subscale ( r = .448, p = .000) The Flexibility scale correlated weakly to moderately and positively with the OLS ( r = .187, p = .000), the Trust sub scale ( r = .140, p = .009), and the Respect subscale ( r = .203, p = .000). The OLS showed a moderate, positive correlation with the Trust subscale ( r = .259, p = .000) and the Respect subscale ( r = .263, p = .000). And finally, the Trust subscale correlate d somewhat weakly with the Respect subscale ( r = .195, p =.000). Table 3 at the end of this chapter shows the correlations ( r ) among these scales and their corresponding p values.
137 While the correlations were significant, the moderate correlation coefficients in several of these relationships suggest ed the need for additional statistical consideration. C (dependent variable) and the various scales (independent variables). Table 4 shows the results of the regression analysis. Table 5 1 Regression a nalysis ICC regression a nalysis B Std. e rror t Sig. Flexibility .389 .073 5.333 .000 Trust .116 .048 2.421 .016 Superiority .099 .029 3.404 .001 Self e fficacy .046 .050 0 .919 .359 OLS .146 .072 2.021 .044 Respect .099 .081 1.230 .219 The independent variables statistically significantly predicted ICC, F (6, 339) = 17.86, p = .000, r 2 = .240. Flexibility, Trust, Superiority, and the OLS added significantly to the prediction, p < .05, but Respect (consistent with the correlation) and Self Efficacy were not statistically significant different to 0. In terms of correlations among individual pra scales listed above, there were several significant associations. First, practitioners were asked to repo rt how many languages they spoke within three categories: fluently, proficiently (conversational), and ba sically ( greetings, pleasantries). Interesti ngly, there was no correlation between fluency in a language other than English and the scales. However, there was a significant weak positive relationship between the number of languages spok en (basic) and the Flexibili ty subs cale ( r = .153, p = .005) as well as with the ICC ( r = .163, p = .003). There was also a significant weak positive relationship between the number of languages spoken with proficient skills and the ICC ( r = .198, p
138 = .000) as well as a weak, negative relationship with the Superiority subscale ( r = .116, p = .032). The results also revealed several correlations between development number of years p ractitioners had been working in the development field correlated moderately and positively with the Self Efficacy scale ( r = .216, p = .000), weakly and positively with the OLS ( r = .133, p = .014), and weakly and positively with the Trust subscale ( r = 145, p = .007). The number of countries in which practitioners had conducted development work correlated moderately and positively with the Self efficacy scale ( r = .239, p = .000), somewhat weakly and positively with the Flexibility scale ( r = .196, p = .000), and weakly but positively with the OLS ( r = .120, p = .026). And finally, weakly but positively with the OLS ( r = .112, p = .038) the Trust sub scale ( r = .140, p = .010), and the Self eff icacy scale ( r = .172, p = .001) There were no significant correlations between age, countries, and years in development and the remaining scale scores. Scale Scores and Differences Among Groups There were significant relationships between several of the scale scores and demographic in formation collected from respondents at the end of the survey. Using independent samples t tests in SPSS for analysis, I examined the data to see if there were differences among the various groupings of the respond ents (Peace Corps involvement, o rganizat io n membership, gender, etc.). There were several significant differences among males and females and their self report scale scores with ICC ( t = 1.99 df = 312, p = .047), Superiority ( t = 2.71 df = 312, p = .007) and OLS ( t = 2.04 df = 312, p = .042). Female respondents reported higher levels of ICC ( M = 5.27, SD =
139 .67) than their male counterparts ( M = 5.11, SD = .67). Females also indicated lower levels of superiority ( M = 2.65, SD = 1.02) than males ( M = 2.29, SD = 1.31) and females ranked themselves as better listeners on the OLS ( M = 5.79, SD = .49) than males ( M = 5.67, SD = .55). In addition to gender differences among groups, the data showed tha t individuals who were members of Government Organizations had lower self report ICC score s ( t = 2.39, df = 361, p = .017, M = 5.06, SD = .83) than non government employed practitioners ( M = 5.26, SD = .61). Also, individuals who had served in the Peace Corps ( t = 1.99, df = 342, p = .048) reported higher scores on the Flexibility scale ( M = 3.67, SD = .41) than those who did not indicate having served ( M = 3.57, SD = .46). Individuals with Peace Corps experience also scored themselves lower in terms of Superiority ( M = 2.78, SD = 1.06, t = 2.44, df = 342, p = .015) than those without Peace C orps experience ( M = 2.40, SD = 1.18). Similarly, practitioners who h ad lived abroad scored higher o n the Flexibility scale ( t = 2.80, df = 361, p = .005, M = 3.64, SD = .46) than their counterparts who have not lived overseas ( M = 3.50, SD = .45). In terms of intercultural communication training, practitioners who indicated that they had received some sort of formal training scored higher on Self efficacy ( M = 5.48, SD = .76) than those who stated they had not received training ( M = 5.31 SD = .67) for intercultural communication; t = 2.07, df = 344, p = .039. There were no significant differences in mean scores among religious and non religious based organizations. Perceptions of the Field In the final section of survey questions (prior to the demographic questions), participants were asked to rank their agreement with a series of general statements regarding the field of development. They were asked how th ey felt about mistakes they
140 had made personally, mistak es their organization had mad e, and mistakes made in the field in general. About one fourth of respondents strongly a greed that they personally (25 %) and the organizations they have worked for (26%) had made mistakes in intercultural development. In response to the same question reg arding the field in general, nearly double the respondents strongly agreed that the fie ld of development as a whole had made mistakes (50%). When asked to indicate their agreement with the ercultural % selected strongly agree while a total of 38 % chose disagree or strongly disagree H alf of the respondents strongly agreed that development practitioners should have a basic knowledge of the local language (50%) while only 18 % felt that local language fluency was absolutely necessary. The next series of influence agree or strongly agree The two questions that followed sought to gauge the opinions of practitioners in terms of whether that influence was positive or negative. While app international devel agree or strongly agree. A portion of these results will be discussed in the next chapter, but I
141 reserve a discussion of several key results for the final discussion section so that the numbers can be compared within the context of the qualitative results, where applicable I now offer a discussion and explanation of the first group of quantitative results. Table 5 2 Correlations among s cales 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1. SECS 2. Flexibility .291** .000 3. OLS .456** .000 .187** .000 4. Trust .237** .000 .140** .009 .259** .000 5. ICC .237** .000 .372** .000 .253** .000 .231** .000 6. Respect .196** .000 .203** .000 .263** .000 .195** .000 .267** .000 7. Superiority .085 .114 .200** .000 .104 .054 .102 .058 .294** .000 .448** .000 *correlation significant at 0.05 level (2 tailed); **correlation significant at 0.01 level (2 tailed)
142 CHAPTER 6 DISCUSSION OF QUANTITATIVE RESULTS There were several components to the quantitative results that were not major factors in discussing the qua litative results, and so I address those here. First and foremost, the purpose of the quantitative scales and resulting data was to offer support for the themes present throughout the qualitative interviews. These scales were not th e original scales chose n for this dissertation proposal they were researched and chosen after the qualitative data had been collected and data analysis had begun. As such, I draw attention to the connections (or lack thereof) between the qualitative and quantitative data in ano ther section of this discussion, which segues more clearly into the model and theory constructs. However, there were some interesting points indicated by the quantitative data that were not present or discussed explicitly in the qualitative interviews, an d I will discuss those here before moving on. The fact that there were significant correlations among the Flexibility, SECS, OLS, Trust, ICC, Respect, and Superiority scales suggest s that there is a relationship among these concepts as conveyed in the qualitative results and most importantly, ICC correlates significantly with each of the scale constructs, supporting the ways in which practitioners think about and achieve ICC. The mai n findings were that being sensitivities. Similarly, personal perceptions of intercultural self efficacy, self reported listening skills, and perceptions of trust i n intercultural relationships increase together with intercultural competence. And finally, Superiority scores are interpreted in this data as negatively correlating with several of the scales, suggesting that the less
143 practitioners feel superior to the c ultural other, the higher their levels of ICC, Flexibility, and Respect. Trust is a necessity in building communication relationships that result in accurate and sincere assessments regarding what local populations really need, or how they can work to gether to implement programs. As individuals work together over time and anticipate future involvement (Jarvenpaa & Leidner, 1999; Powell, 1990) they build increasing trust with one another. This trust is founded in a belief by local individuals that the development practitioner will integrate cultural behaviors into their interactions, will be honest, and will not take advantage of local individuals and situations (Jarvenpaa & Leidner, 1999). And not taking advantage of local colleagues invokes an implie d sense of respect as related to trust, which is supported by the positive correlation of the Trust and Respect constructs. The fact that increasing levels of intercultural trust correlate with increasing levels of ICC may suggest that trust aids in devel oping greater cultural sensitivities, and that cultural sensitivity may help practitioners build trust with local populations. While there is not a causal relationship signified by correlations, there is still a relationship between the constructs and tha t relationship validates the need for trust in culturally competent development work. The regression analysis suggests that though the correlations are weak, they are still significant, with the exception of Respect and Self Efficacy. The lack of signif icance in the regression analysis for Self Efficacy could be explained by the fact that an abilities may not relat e to the actual outcome of his or her intercultural competence. Additionally, the regression analysis rep orted an r 2 of .240, which indicates that there is a significant degree of variance in ICC that was not
144 accounted for by the OLS, Trust, Respect, Self Efficacy, and Superiority scales. This leaves ample space for additional res earch as to what other facto rs a ffect ICC from a statistical standpoint. Moreover, the fact that these scales were selected because they recognition for other factors that are important to the de velopment of ICC, or that were simply not captured in the qualitative data. Another perspective for understanding the scale results was through the between group t tests analysis. In terms of gender, the results indicate that women self reported higher l istening and competence scores, and lower superiority scores than their male counterparts. Nieto and Booth (2010) also reported significant gender differences, and students and teachers, but offered no explanation for the phenomenon. And in Neulip, measure of ethnocentrism, which the authors suggested is a result of socialization processes. I are responsible for the findings in this study. We could potentially infer the same for th e superiority scores, but the listening scores as varying by gender in intercultural communication have received no attention in the literature. Regardless of the suggested causes, gender differences in listening, intercultural competence, and ethnocentris m warrant additional research consideration. And one last result of the quantitative data that was not revealed in the qualitative research was the difference between government employed and NGO employed
145 such that NGO pra ctitioners scored higher on the ICC measure than their government employed counterparts This was an interesting difference, especially considering the fact that interviewed practitioners suggested government organizations have more funding than NGOs to d edicate to training, and the fact that the Peace Corps with its three month intensive training opportunity seem s to set a gold standard in the industry for training opportunities and bolstering practitioner resumes. One possible explanation for this difference is the idea that perhaps practitioners in NGOs have more opportunities to work in communities and villages than government practitioners, who may have to work at higher levels of society and government structu res when conducting development work. These are only a few of the quantitative results of interest to this study, but their significance signals the need for more research in this area of development communication. Now I offer some responses to the rese arch questions based on the results of the quantitative and qualitative studies, and then move into the final discussion chapter of this dissertation.
146 CHAPTER 7 RESPONSES TO RESEARCH QUESTIONS In keeping with grounded theory research practices, the qu alitative data collected and analyzed for this dissertation reflect the experiences of the participants. As such, the research questions and literature revi ew, while providing a basis and initial direction for the study undertaken, may not be relevant to the themes and categories that emerge from the data in the end. As Charm az (2006) noted : Of course anyone who writes a research proposal seeks data to address his or her research questions but this sampling is of an initial type. Initi al sampling provides points of departure, not of theoretical elaboration and refinement We cannot assume to know our categories in advance, much less have them contained in our beginning r esearch questions. Grounded theory logic presupposes that we wil l construct categories through the comparative method of analyzing data (p. 100). As such, potential exists for a lack of data to offer educated, well supported answers to the original research questions presented in the dissertation proposal. In the case of the research que stions posed for this dissertation, the fact is that there are cursory answers to the questions but the data go much deeper and provide a different kind of answer to the questions mainly in that the data suggest dynamic processes and changing perspectives on the field of development and how intercultural communication may or may not play a role in those situations. Practitioners expressed not only answers to the semi structured interview guide, but also offered insight in terms of how they perceive d intercu ltural communication and interactions with international populations. While these research questions served as a guide in developing this study, the crux of the results and discussion lies in the interview data with the survey data playing an important, bu t secondary supporting role in explaining communication processes.
147 With these ideas in mind, I address the original research questions, and suggest some revisions not only for my own benefit, but as further evidence of the qualitative research process; t o wit answering a proposed research question is not the only goal. RQ1: What Role, If Any, Does ICC Play in CDSC Development and Implementation Efforts from the Perspective of the P ractitioner? I rely on the qualitative results to answer this question First let me address an discussing the phenomena of interest. However, after having to explain this term several times in the first few interviews, it became appare accurate term used in the field of development. As such, I will switch to the use of intercultural sensitivity rather than intercultural competence, but remind the reader that these terms are often used interchangeably in t he field. In terms of the role of intercultural sensitivity in CDSC, there are components of sensitivity throughout my discussions with practitioners. They are aware of the need to be sensitive to local cultural practices when developing programs, and p articularly when conceptualizing programming such that it incorporates if not meets locally identified needs. I think the communication challenges expressed in the qualitative results section point to an awareness of differences in communicating across cu ltures, and the ability of practitioners to seek out and play on commonalities at the same time. Practitioners have developed their own personal set of strategies to deal with these issues, thus demonstrating their active involvement in the process of bein g culturally sensitive. In summary, ICC and sensitivity play a catalytic role in development communication and aid the practitioner in making connections among local nationals. One model for this catalytic process will be presented in the Discussion secti on.
148 RQ2: Do CDSC Practitioners Display ICC Based on the Results of a Sensitivity S urvey? For this research question, the quantitative results offer the best proof of sensitivity. While there is no numerical definition of competence using the ICC scale, study scored higher than other populations, with an overall mean score of M = 5.20, SD = n = 231) yie lded a mean score of M = 4.49, SD = .95, their previous study of college students using the 12 item version of the ICC scale ( n = 400) yielded a mean score of M = 4.82, SD = .76 (2010), and the study which produced the initial version of the ICC ( n = 302) yielded a mean score of M = 4.79, SD = .88 (Arasaratnam, 2009). This suggests, with limits, that development practitioners have higher ICC than certain student groups which seems to be a logical conclusion More research is needed to make generalizeable comparisons among various groups. Aside from comparisons, practitioners scored quite high on the 7 point scale, suggesting that they self report satisfac tory intercultural competence. Obviously the challenge with t his analysis is that the data are self re ported, which is a major limitation of analyzing the qualitative and quantitative data from a perspective focused purely on the presence or absence of the phenomenon. As previously stated, I think the data go beyond simply assessing the absence or presenc e of ICC among practitioners they offer a better understanding of how practitioners approach ICC, but at the same time indicate practitioner awareness of, and tendencies to behave in culturally sensitive ways when conducting development work.
149 RQ3: What Ki nds of ICC Training Are CDSC Practitioners Receiving Before They Enter the F ield? When asked in the survey instrument ( n = 346), 64% of practitioners indicated that they had received some sort of intercultural communication training. Of those practitione rs, 68% had spent 9+ hours in training, 11% had 6 8 hours of training, 13% had 3 5 hours of training, and 8% had 2 hours of training or less during their careers as practitioners. During the depth interviews I asked practitioners to talk at length about th eir training experiences, what they liked, what they disliked, what they would do for training if time and money were no issue. The practitioners who had served in the Peace Corps discussed at length the value of living with host families and immersion tr aining. One practitioner mentioned simulation training set ups where actors were brought in to make the situations seem real ( Jonathan ). Another practitioner discussed games her own organization has created that required trainee involvement and included c omponents of active participation. And several practitioners talked about receiving training in lecture type settings with guest speakers and local culture nationals. This certainly shows evidence of a variety of training methods, but of most interest to do think it helps to answer this research question and will have implications for the field. Of the responses to this question there were two major themes. The number one a par ticular culture. Included in this discussion was some training on the history, politics and environment of the international location, and learning the basic tools practitioners
150 need to interact across cultures. Beyond these more fundamental types of tra ining, practitioners recommended interacting in some way with a national of the country. Whether via Skype with an overseas office, physically travelling there, or meeting someone in the U.S. who is from that culture, practitioners suggested that obtainin g information from a local culture person would be incredibly valuable and informative. And finally, one practitioner suggested that simulation training would be valuable for practitioners and another practitioner thought there would be benefits from doin g training to raise awareness of one s own assumpti ons about cultures in general. There are several implication s and solutions revealed during these discussions, and those will be presented in the Implications section. RQ4: Do CDSC Practitioners Believe Th at Intercultural Competence Is Important to Their Work/In Their F ield? Qualitatively speaking, the answer to this question i s yes and no. Practitioners saw value in obtaining intercultural communication experiences, showed a desire to learn and conveyed an array of different communication strategies for conducting culturally competent work. However, the major restrictions of time and money often prevent practitioners from getting the resources they need prior to arriving in country. Additionally, 12 of th e 22 practitioners interviewed and about one third of survey respondents indicated that they had not received any formal intercultural communication training to build that competence. At the same time 93% indicated that intercultural communication train ing is important. So, practitioners see value in intercultural competence but lack the tools and resources to initiate proper training to increase competence levels.
151 RQ5: How Are CDSC Practitioners A chieving ICC? The overwhelming answer to this question based on the qualitative and quantitative data is that practitioners are achieving ICC through experience in other development due to their Peace Corps experience, with one practitioner relating that she was told later that if she could handle her Peace Corps assignment, she could handle anything the organization could throw at her. And another practitioner suggested that Peace Corps experience was as valuable as a degree i n higher education in terms of experience and learning applicable skills. Quantitatively, practitioners with Peace Corps experience scored better on the Flexibility scale, suggesting that their experiences abroad have aided them in learning to be more flex ible in intercultural situations. Living overseas, either in the context of development work or as a Peace Corps volunteer seems to positively affect concepts relating to an But not all practitioners have the opportunity to work for the Peace Corps or similar organizations, or have the opportunity/time/money to commit to full immersion intercultural experiences. The alternative, intercultural communication training, is another important way that practitioners can gain ICC. Practitioners see value in intercultural communication training as a means for achieving intercultural sensitivity, as suggested by 93% of the survey respondents, but again, one third of respondents have nev er had any sort of formal intercultural communication training, and more than half of the interviewees reported the same. Essentially, the ICC practitioners are able to gain comes from on the j ob training and experiences. Practitioners use their colleague s and peers as key informants for gaining cultural sensitivity, rely on their higher education
152 degrees in areas like international development and international relations, and practice self education methods through reading and online searchers. These res earch questions can only elicit cursory, superficial responses to what is a more complex and complicated situation. In retrospect, there are several research questions that I could have posed to allow for results to emerge from the data organically and enc o how do practitioners think ab d to a more critical collection of data as I would have been focusing on this process during the interviews. Also, creating a research question that focused on communication strategies in attaining ICC or conveying ICC to local country individuals would have encouraged a more elaborate investigation. But even with these regrets for what the research questions could have been, having perfectly planned questions and a literature review that is a perfect match to the results section is not my intention in using grounded theory. Having a foundation in solid prior research and some sort of educated guess as to where things may head is certainly necessary, from my perspective though I know even some grounded theorists would disagree but the real purpose is allowing the interviewees to create the data, and then trying to analyze and organize that data into a theory with depth and expl anatory power. With this in mind, I move on to the final discussion section and try my hand at reconstructing the evidence to explain intercultural communication from the
153 CHAPTER 8 FINAL DISCUS SION: COMBINING QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE RESULTS In this section I situate the results from the qualitative and quantitative research within the field of intercultural and development communication. I have chosen to discuss what I consider the main f indings from this rich dataset, and focus mainly on communication strategies, perspectives of development practitioners, and other factors that I believe can add knowledge to the field based on solid evidence. Those pieces of the results section that I do not discuss here were either less prevalent in the results as a whole, or less relevant to the specific goals that emerged during the data analysis process. I close the chapter with a new grounded theory of intercultural development communication and a ne w model of development communication bas ed on the findings from the sum of the qualitative and quantitative results. Participating The practitioners interviewed mentioned a variety of different ways that they engaged socially with local populations to promote cultural awareness and build relationships. First and forem ost, there was a need to let go of the U.S. cultural desire to get right down to business. Practitioners revised their expectations of time management and engaged in various local customs in a more relaxed way than traditional U.S. business practices. Getting to know the local individual in a personal way was as much a catalyst for conducting the development work as professional communications. Interacting over meals and in casual settings required a dif ferent set of social skills than practitioners might use in a U.S. setting. an in vivo code from a practitioner, but I think it is important to note that participating and participatory communication are two rel ated but unique concepts. The distinction
154 lies in the fact that participating requires the practitioner to become involved in the life and customs of the local individual, whereas participatory communication styles typically refer to the local individual being engaged by the practitioner from a systemic, community level (Waisbord, 2008). Participating is an active term that reflects the dynamic involvement of international practitioners in the local setting. Several of the practitioners noted that indiv iduals have to have people skills of some sort when participating in the local setting to be most effective. Barbara even talked about seeing those skills in other s and wondering how she could be comfortable in any cultural situation with being social and participating in a culturally sensitive way. I called CQ, or cultural intelligence (Earley & Peterson, 2004; Wildman, Xavier, Tindall, & Salas 2004 ) Thomas an d Inkson (2004) define d consisting of cultural knowledge, the practice of mindfulness, and the repertoire of 183). And Thomas (2006) also suggested that knowledge through cultural understanding, mindfulness through cultural awareness, and behavior through culturally appropriate actions define CQ. We can see connections between these definition s and the reports of practitioners regarding how they prepare before entering a new culture and how they u se a cultural guide to bridge the gap between what they know and do no t know thus increasing their cultural knowledge. Practitioners also discussed the idea that they constantly remain aware of themselves, their own cultural views and assumptions, and the intercultural situation. And finally, s draw from humility, openness, humor, asking questions, listening, watching, observing, etc. These
155 behavioral skills give practitioners the tools they nee d to participate in and become a part of the culture not just nascent observer s. The question then becomes how t o you teach these skills how do you increase CQ? I discuss ideas regarding tra ining and experience in a coming section, and offer some implica tions for the field regardin g CQ and training in a later chapter Language Practitio ners in the qualitative interviews approached learning a language not only for the ability to communicate, but to increase their cultural understanding of how loca l people think and behave. T he quantitative results showed positive correlations between basic and proficient language knowledge and the ICC scale suggesting that language and competence are related. Language is a long recognized component of culture, and vice ve rsa, in the communication literature. The Sapir W horf hypothesis is one of the best known assertions regarding language and culture 1951) and Kay and Kempton (1984) summarized the hypothesis intellectual system embodied in each language shapes the thought of its speakers in such tha t culture is created by language, and language is changed and sustained by Becoming an accurate diagnostician of cultural differences in interpersonal communication requires compete Practitioners recognize the importance of knowing the local language because it gives them access to the local culture, but also to a better understanding of the way individuals within that culture think and operate. However, it is worth noting that language fluency did not
156 correlate with ICC in this dataset. This finding begs the question of whether basic or proficient knowledge of language are suffici ent to gaining access to cultural mores in the development setting and opens more questions for future exploration. In talking about best practices and approaches to development as well as their experiences with misunderstandings across cultures in the context of development, pra ctitioners related a laundry list of areas in which aid workers regularly fail Interviewed practitioners, after giving a caveat about makin g generalizations, stated that development practitioners and organizations come in with a prescribed progra m with no local input and based on donor goals, implement the program, then leave without conducting any follow up. Then once the programs, projects, or technologies fail, the locals are left feeling abandoned and worse off than before. While these are certainly generalizations about development practices, as noted by the practitioners themselves, there was an interesting component to their assessment that was missing: their own involvement, or the involvement of their organi zations, in poor programming This begs the question of whether practitioners see their own faults with regard to development. In an attempt to offer some sort of answer to that question, I asked survey respondents to rate their agreement with questions about making mistakes. They w ere asked how they felt about mistakes they have made personally, mistakes their organization has made, and mistakes made in the field in general. About one fourth of respondents strongly agreed that they personally (24.6%) and the organizations they have worked for (26%) have made mistakes in intercultural development. In response to the same question regarding the field in general, nearly double the respondents strongly agreed that the field of development as a whole has
157 made mistakes (50%). And intere stingly enough, nearly 38% agreed that practitioners fail ed to recognize their own mistakes. The idea of development practitioners personally recognizing failure has gained no attention in the literature, though several entities have raised awareness of the issue of responsibility in international development for the field as a whole. The Paris Declaration and Accra Agenda for Action from the Organization for Economic Co operation and Development (OECD) call for mutual accountability among international organizations such that participatory methods are used in program implementation and joint evaluation and partner country accountability for aid programs (2008). A working attention to the NGO focus (toward beneficiaries) forms of mutual multiple sets of dyadic relations with recipient and donor governments accountable to th eir respective legislatures and organizations have been in tentionally discussing for the p ast ten years or more the need to be held accountable for programs, the need to accept responsibility for and conduct assessments of those programs. But the results of this dissertation suggest that while practitioners would agree, there is still work to be done in terms of individual and organizational acceptance and creation of assessments to match. Being on the G round notions of what development could or should be as indi cated by the interviewees.
158 suggest that practitioners should be looking to build capacity in development by giving ownership of ideas and implementation to local individ uals. This can be accomplished local culture and obtain a clear view of needs on the ground. On the ground development infers that practitioners are present partic ipants in local culture; that they can make a comm itment of time and resources not only to identifying local needs, but also to assessing the long term effectiveness of programmin g from the local perspective. As Carson to come in and change the and relationships and that takes time, having that long vision instead of the short On the ground development also assumes that ideas are generated in the field, not in an American conference room. Building relationships based on trust and truth is a necessary part of this process, as well as practitioner and program flexibility and openness. And practitioner s should harness reso urcefulness to include local experts and capacities in creating sustainable development initiatives. In addition to the human resources necessary, financial resource control must be somehow adjusted in such a way that practitioners on the ground in concer t with local populations can appropriate funds as they deem necessary. Many of these concepts are not new to the field. Participatory communication approaches require community level involvement in program implementation. Grassroots programming identif ies the importance of local input in idea generation. Empowerment practices highlight the need for local control of solutions. And each
159 approach requires that dev elopment practitioners act as catalyst s (Brown & Ashman, 1996; Melkote & Steeves, 2001; Waisbo rd, 2000). But the results of this dissertation go beyond the overarching paradigms to suggest that practitioners must incorporate intercultural sensitivity and awareness on a personal level as they attempt to accomplish development on the ground and comm unication plays a critical role in establishing the relationships necessary to facilitate development that gets to the ro ot of local needs that empower local individuals to participate in social change. But in order to achieve ideal on the ground developm ent, practitioners need communication tools to aid them in effective intercultural interactions. I discuss the benefits of training and experience in attaining such tools in the next section. Training Versus Experience According to the qualitative data, the impression in the field is that experience is bette r than training that a culture can not be fully understood until an individual has physically interacted in the intercultural setting. However, there was no quantitative correlation b etween the number of countries practitioners had visited while doing development or the number of years they had spent in conducting development work and the ICC scale This would suggest that per there was no significant correlation between the number of hours of intercultural communication training and ICC, so it cannot be deduced from this data that either training or experience is related to ICC s cores. One explanation of this seemingly conflicting scenario (i.e. the idea that neither training nor experience correlate with ICC) is based on the types of training and experiences that practitioners have had. For instanc e, if a practitioner has spe nt one
160 year in the field, but that year consisted of several separate weeks or months combined, was there a depth to the experiences and relationships that would yield increased ICC while overseas? Other researchers have noted positive relationships betwe en overseas visits on intercultural communication competence, particularly in the case of study abroad (Perry & Southwell, 2011), but length of stay is also an important consideration, with longer, more immersion based experiences yielding higher intercult ural sensitivity (Medina Lopez Portillo, 2004; Williams, 2005). Practitioners discussed the value of living overseas and being immersed in the local culture, especially in the case of practitioners with Peace Corps experience. As noted in the results, ind ividuals with Peace Corps experience scored better on the Flexibility and Superiority measures, and individuals with some level of training reported higher levels of self efficacy. Additionally, when discussing their training preferences, practiti oners re lated that the activity based and simulation experiences were most meaningful. This da ta makes a case for the need not only to focus on immersion (where time and funds allow) but also to focus on the kinds of experiences practitioners are receiving regard ing immersion and training techniques. Building Relationships It's building a relationship over that year of step by step by step so that by the time we left a year later, they really were looking towards their neighbors and their friends. You need tha t support. They need that local This quote from Esther offers a synopsis of what it means to build relationships between development practitioners and local individuals. It is a step by ste p process t hat occurs over time but is not limited to relationships between practitioners and locals. If the practitioner is truly interested in building local capacity, he or she must serve as a
161 catalyst between local individuals and their neighbors or other local experts, such that relationships are forged between them. Relationships and the communication required to sustain them are an integral component to effective development (Brown & Ashman, 1996; Taylor, 2000; Taylor & Doerfel, 2003). But the time required to establish these relationships is not often factored into the RFP process. This was a major complaint of the practitioners interviewed that they need more time to establish relationships with local stakeholders and organizations to gain a clear understandi ng of the resources and issues unique to the development setting. Relationships with locals can inform development practices, but the time must be allocated to do so. Aside from time to create the relationships, the major components to international dev elopment relationship building are trust and truth. Developing trust as a component to relationship building among organizations has been discussed repeatedly in the literature (Bachmann, 2001; Zhang & Huxham, 2009) and can be defined as an input from ind ividuals or an output of a developed relationship (Parker & Selsky, 2004). When practitioners enter the development setting, they are often focusing on gathering information through listening, watching, observing, and asking questions of local staff and ex patriate colleagues. Once an initial understanding of the setting and relationship has been established, pra ctitioners begin to work toward establishing trust between themselves and cultural others. Once trust is established, practitioners can dea l with the issue of appeasement and begin to seek the truth and reality of local situations. Further connections between relationship building and trust relate to the cultural guides practitioners enlist as aids in the intercultural communication setting. Cultur al bridges will be discussed in the next section.
162 Cultural Bridges Cultural bridges, also referred to as cultural guides, can be expats or local individuals who assist practitioners in learning about and successfully i nteracting in a local culture. Cult ural guides can be the link between training and experience and can assist practitioners by giving them access to opportunities for participation in local the job training) can also be co nsidered a form of experiential training. Trainees...work closely with an experienced expatriate in country who fills the trainee in on both work practices and Cultural bridges are also considered integral in facilitat ing communication among local groups with similar interests and goals they can enable local connections among development practitioners and t heir organizations to benefit all interested parties (Brown & Ashman, 1996). But as discussed in the previous secti on, there has to be a component of trust in the relationship between cultural bridges, especially those serving as translators, and the development practitioner and conversely, the practitioner must be willing to trust the local individual. Trusting anothe r individual can become an issue trust can exist between partners in collaboration if they either or are willing to accept the risk of possible opportunistic 189). But even with the risks involved, practitioners must rely on cultural bridges. They rely on in country staff to learn the culture. They rely on in country key community leaders to assess the feasibility of a p rogram. They rely on key contacts to make connections with local organizations and stakeholders. Practitioners seek out cultural bridges both before and after arriving in country to ensure that they are effectively
163 communicating and to ensure that progra ms they seek to implement have the potential to succeed. Zhang and Huxham (2009) also explored trust and identity, suggesting that the two are linked, and that identity construction in particular affects trust building. Identity and stereotypes as presente d by the practitioners will be discussed in the next section. Identity and Stereotypes The idea of identity framing came during discussion with practitioners of their nationality. This question was not intended to do anything but get practitioners thi nking about their own nationality so I could follow up with a question about stereotypes. Interestingly enough, defining their own nationality was difficult for some practitioners, and in further discussions it seemed that a lot of their strategies in dea ling with stereotypes focused on separating thems elves from their identity as American s and separating themselves from the U.S. government and it s international policies. Other practitioners really just had a difficult time deciding to which country they really belong. All but one were born in the United States, but several had lived abroad for extended periods and consider themselves citizens of the world. Practitioners discussed the concepts of American identity an d dealing with stereotypes when asked if they had ever felt stereotyped These concepts related with IMT theory postulates, from which the stereotype question i n the semi structured interview was derived. As with IMT, practitioners discussed the face threats they experienced in the form of ste reotypes by local individuals namely that they were often ing to come in and essentially t ake over, implement their ideas of development programming, and abandon the locals in the end. These are difficult assumptions to overcome.
1 64 Practitioners in this research also related that they dealt with money related stereotypes by communicating in open and upfront manners regarding what resources they did and did not have access to. Managing expectation s was a major strategy in t he effort to change perceptions and is also a key component to displaying effective intercultural communication competence. Spitzberg (2000) indicates that competent intercultural communication requires communicators to have an a ccurate assessment of Another major issue within development communication challenges that also relates to stereotypes is the idea of gender roles and definitions. Several female inter viewees mentioned how they struggled with gender reconciliation between American definitions of gender and those in the local cultures they experienced. Essentially practitioners had two choices: put your head down and ign ore perceived unequal treatment o r attempt to change gender definitions one encounter at a time. The idea of personal and perceived identities was also prevalent in the stereotype discussion, as Jonathan pointed out: to give us sort of an iden tity within their structure and how their social dynamics play In this sense, individuals needed to distance their own identities from those of the st ereotypical American individual. This required practitioners to discard their conceptions of time, truth, and social interaction in order to adapt to the local culture, change perceptions of locals, and then have an opportunity to participate in the cultu re as a result. This would require a necessary shift away from ethnocentric beliefs toward acceptance of local practices.
165 Practitioners suggested that having a full understanding of underlying communication and cultural mores could lead to d eeper relati onships with locals and the possibility of even being adopted causing yet another level of separation from stereotypes This was most prevalent in the case of Peace Corps practitioners operating in remote villag es and individuals who had spent extensive time (i.e. more than 10 years) living abroad. The challenge of being adopted is that identities have changed, and practitioners begin to live in two separate worlds in either case, there is a world and identity of current experience and a world and identi ty left behind. The fact is that there is little to no research available regarding how development practitioners specifically deal with the stereotypes and perceptions of local individuals regarding their own ide ntities, capabilities, goals, and associations with the American culture and its government and policy practices I seek to address that lack of understanding in the following chapter.
166 CHAPTER 9 CULTURAL SEPARATION THEORY Based on this discussion of interviewee perspectives and key definitions of identity and stereotypes from the extant literature, I offer a theory to help explain the experience of practitioners in this unique situation. I offer this theory as a distinctio n from previous research because it offers specifics regarding a development communication process in the context of practitioner identities to my knowledge, there is not a theory that addresses this issue. There are, however, a multitude of identity theor ies in intercultural communication that deal with the various ways in which intercultural communicators manage identities. While there are aspects of this theory that reflect current knowledge, it is not my goal with this supposition to extend other ident ity and stereotyping theories already in the field. This theory emerged from my dataset in the form of practitioner discussions about their nationality and how that nationality is and is not challenged by individuals overseas. With this theory, I attempt I submit that the details and propositions offered here extend understanding in the field and offer a new perspective on managi ng identity and stereotypes albeit in a very parsimonious way More research is certainly called for to further flesh out the details of any cognitive or behavioral processes present from this dataset, but I offer here a sort of mini theory to guide futur e research. Figure 1 depicts the major components of Cultural Separation Theory and is located at the end of this chapter
167 Time In cultural separation theory, time is considered in two different ways. First, time is considered from the perspective of t ime in country. Short term assignments may only last a few weeks and will yield different results on the continuum, such that practitioners do not reach the higher levels of cultural understanding and separation. Long term assignments require a commitment from th e practitioner in terms of time and also represent the time it takes to build substant ial relationships and allow for acceptance of the practitioner by the local culture. Similar to a hierarchy, this cannot happen in initial interactions, but takes time to complete. But the time construct is also considered from the cultural perspective already acknowledged in the literature that different cultures consider time in different ways. In this regard, separation from the U.S. culture suggests that in dividuals wil l begin to function on the time tables of the local culture. Gathering information may take more time in the local culture than it would in the U.S. culture where direct questions garner direct answers. Practitioners have to take the time to deal with issues of appeasement, and it may take longer to get to the heart of the issue via questioning. They also have to build in time to take part in the culture and participate as a function of getting work done as opposed to the U.S. cultural focus or what U.S. development practitioners might consider outside of the office setting as a means of gaining cultural understanding is necessary in many of the cultures within which development happens, and i t requires time. Managing First Impressions Impression management occurs during initial interactions among development practitioners and local staff or local nationals. In these first interactions, practitioners
168 maintain a positive countenance and show enthusiasm for learning about the cultural other and the unique circumstances of that p articular development program. They may employ the use of locally appropriate greetings that include the native language The major goal is to try to set a tone for fut ure communications and pave the way for positive interactions. Practitioners want to impress upon locals that they are willing to learn and be a facilitator for the process. This necessarily calls upon skills in managing expectations as practitioners att empt to set a tone for their abilities and resources in the development setting. Gathering Information In the second phase of the Cultural Separation Process, practitioners begin to take in their surroundings. They may sit through meetings but refrain f rom making statements. Questioning is the key mode of verbal communication, but practitioners are also cl osely assessing the situation through observation. In this phase the major goal is to gather information about the host culture and the inner working s of the development enterprise into which they are entering. Increased cultural awareness is the main result Once practitioners have gained a solid conception of their surroundings and how to properly communicate within the culture, they begin to deal w ith their o wn personal cognitive processes as well as their outward behavioral processes. Cognitively, practitioners are faced with making a decision about the extent to which they want to change local perceptions about their cultural position or to put t heir heads down and play into local stereotypes. Simultaneously, practitioners are dealing with outward behavioral perceptions and the process of building intercultural relationships.
169 Building Relationships The strength of the relationships practitione rs form is a result of how they choose to grapple with their own cultural identity and the extent to which they separate from their own culture, such that higher levels of separation result in stronger, deeper intercultural relationships. This is differen t from intercultural integration because the focus is more on having local individuals get to kno w the development practitioners and then readjust their own perceptions about who the practitioner is in essence, building relationships is the main catalyst f or breaking down stereotypes. Practitioners are trying to earn and give trust, seek truth, and make connections. They have begun to understand the social atmosphere and begin participating at various levels in the process of relating to cultural others th rough their own customs and practices. Cultural Separation This cognitive and behavioral process reflects the degree to which practitioners seek to distance themselves from the U.S. culture as perceived by local individuals. They can choose to maintain their cultural mores as reflected in outward behavior which can include more overt demonstrations of U.S. cultural beliefs and behaviors, or they can choose to put their head down and disregard local perceptions so as not to upset the delicate balance of two cultures in c onflict. For practitioners who choose separation, there is a greater sense of taking part in the local culture and the ability to access a higher level of intercultural understanding. Additionally, practitioners can more effectively communicate across cultures and display intercultural communication
170 Becoming Invisible Becoming invisible is the outcome of separation. If a practitioner has decided to adapt to local customs, their own cultural practices should become invisible to the local people such that locals are often able to true nation of origin. Indicators of this phase include increased language proficiency and increase d ease of behaving appropriately within the intercultural context. Interpersonal relationships are moving away from initial contact and becoming more meaningful. A ssu ming Local Persona Assuming a local persona is the highest intercultural level that pra ctitioners were able to attain and was the result of having spent a great deal of time immersed in the culture. Practitioners who take on a local persona indicate a lo ss of home country identity to the extent that they are now living and operating in two separate worlds. In the intercultural world, they may have attained a local family structure of individuals who count them as relatives, regardless of their appearance or previously exis ting stereotypes. Practitioners assume a local persona that may result in a new definition of self a new family name, language, home village, etc. But at the same time, practitioners are grappling with a life at home that is continuing w ithout them. Assuming a local persona in the culture requires the greatest time commitment of any level of cultural separation theory and may result in some loss to the former identity. Individuals may deal with increased levels of reverse culture shock upon re entry to their native cultures due to a second loss of identity the one that they built based on relationships and familial connections in the foreign culture.
171 Propositions The major propositions regarding Cultural Separation theory are as follow s: 1. As time spent in the culture increases, depth of relationships increases. As previously mentioned, time is a critical component to building relationships and building cultural knowledge. The quality of the time spent is also a consideration in that practitioners who are actively engaging in building relationships will see greater outputs in terms of the quality of the relationship. 2. As time spent in the culture increases the potential for becoming culturally invisible increases. As with the firs t proposition, practitioners can become culturally invisible to local individuals or separate from their native culture over a period of time. Again, this requires that the practitioner is actively engaged in building relationships during the process. 3. Practitioners make a cognitive decision a bout promulgating or changing stereotypes. Proposition three indicates that practitioners must make a choice. They can choose to hold on to American cultural values, or relax their hold and begin to adapt to and consider local ways of being. This choice will dictate their ability to become invisible culturally, and take part in the local culture. 4. Practitioner goals and motivations dictate their level of cultural separation, invisibility and opportunities for a local persona. motivations in communicating with local individuals. If the major goal is simply to collect information or asse ss a program, there may be little motivation to move to the local
172 persona stage of the theory. Likewise if a person seeks full inculcation with the local culture, this may be his or her main goal. The major limitation to this theory is its application t his theory relates the experiences for development practitioners in attempting to communicate across cultures. I did conduct member checks with several of the qualitative interviewees, as well as with a handful of survey respondents to add credibility to this theory, and received feedback that helped refine the propositions. However, additional research is required to determine the applicability of this model to other practitioners, as well as within the context of different intercultural and internationa l experiences. Another key limitation is the fact that this theory relates ideas from the perspective of the practitioner only. As such, we cannot say with any confidence that local individuals feel they have truly taken practitioners into their families as one of their own. Practitioners operating in the local culture may hold a perspective on their integration with the local culture that does not reflect the reality of the relationships and intercultural existence. More research is needed to discover t he depth of relationships and the profundity of cultural separation in the relational context. Additionally, researchers should explore the issues that assuming a cultural persona can create among and within development organizations and communities. For instance, if practitioners assume a persona within a specific local family, what are the ramifications of that relationship in the greater community relational system? How is that relationship perceived both within the development organization and practi tioners on the ground, and within the local community? These are important questions regarding cultural separation theory that warrant further investigation.
173 Relating Cultural Separation Theory to the Field Another important component of doing grounded theory research is to situate the proposed theory within the context of what we already know about development communication and intercultural communication theories. Here I make the connection between CST and the identity theories I described in chapter two. First, I think there is an interesting connection between what are termed development models of intercultural communication competence because they suggest that competence develops over time. Time is certainly a component of CST, but I think the key difference between these theories and CST is that the development practitioners are not starting from zero in the intercultural setting. The development models may start with a denial phase (Bennett, 1986) or initial phases involving culture shock (Spitzb erg & Changnon, 2009), but these were not concepts practitioners discussed. Development practitioners operate at higher intercultural levels than initial entrants into a new culture. They have researched, prepared for, and committed to intercultural work so in many ways they have skipped the first phase of many development models of intercultural communication competence. When considering other models of intercultural communication, there are undeniable links between models that convey a shift from ethn ocentric perspectives to ethnorelative perspectives (Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009) as evidenced in the fact that adopt a new, more worldly identity. Additionally, while I chose to use the Imahori and literature, when I later chose the competence measure for the quantitative work, it was Her model, the Model of
174 Intercultural Communication Competence (Arasaratnam, 2008; Spitzberg & Changnon, 2009) includes five interrelated variables that lead to ICC: cultural empathy, interaction involvement, experience, global attitude, and motivation. As mentioned, practitioners experiencing CST are moving toward global attitudes and are motivated to do so by the goals they hold for communication interactions, with experiences in the other culture increasing over time. And finally, I draw a connecti on between IMT and CST in that the stereotyping question I asked of interviewees was based on IMT and how practitioners are perceived in intercultural interactions. The IMT component of facework is relative to CST because practitioners, in separating from their own cultural behaviors, are managing a face for local individuals that is more appropriate to the context (Imahori & Cupach, 2005). CST though these mechanisms were n ot a major focus of this theory. As practitioners move into the deeper levels of CST, they display more appropriate communication and a greater level of communication accommodation, and a higher level of intercultural communication competence.
175 Figure 9 1 Cultural separation t heory
176 CHAPTER 10 A MODEL FOR CONSTRUCTING EFFECTIVE DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION In addition to creating a theory of intercultural development communication, I wanted to create a tool that condensed my findings in such a way as to b e a tangible tool for practitioners to reference, perhaps in early training or prior to entering a new culture. This tool is a diagram of the communication process and highlights some of the best practices and characteristics that practitioners referred t o during the interviews, as well as those most supported through the quantitative data. One caveat to this model is that there are many, many other characteristics and skills that have been identified in the literature as relating to intercultural communic ation competence (see, for example, Spitzberg, 2000). The goal of this model is to offer those skills and characteristics suggested by practitioners as most prevalent in and relevant to the development context. This is an inherently culture general model and should be used as such, though based on practitioner input, a general model is necessary due to the wide range of cultures practitioners enter. The model I have developed consists of four foundations, each with a communication objective as the main goal or outcome. The model is presented as a linear process, but obviously communication is a dynamic situation during which any of the phases may be present. As such, challenges and tools from any phase may be extend into others Again, the linear pres entation is simply a logical organization of the communication process. One might ask, why the construction focus? The reference to construction, while certainly conjuring images of skyscrapers and bridges, was something I noticed during the qualitative
177 conduct development. itself elicits thoughts of new homes and structures in my mind. As such, I am focusing on the way practitioners may phrase these thoughts so that the model will resonate with them; hence the focus on constructing development communication. As with building any structure, effective development communication requires a firm foundation and toolbox of strategies for interacting across cultures. Much like the roadblocks that can halt construction work cultural communication challenges and misunderstandings can put a damper on the development process and waste time, money, resources, and opportunities. Practitioners must be equipped with proper strategies for dealing with such challenges. Grounded in the data from this dissertation, the following con struction themed model seeks to explain in a visual way the communicatio n processes described and also to offer an analytical blueprint for practitioners; to provide something that is useful to t heir work in the field, a tool for improvement. The setting within which this mode l is appropriate assumes that practitioner s will have had little to no experience with entering a new(er) culture. As such, they must rely on the tools in their communication toolbox to construct a mutually beneficial communication environment between themselves and the cultural other. The model in corporates several of the ideas from the qualitative results and those used in the theoretical model, but I put this model forth as a potential training tool for practitioners who may not have had the intercultural experie nce the field so highly values. F igure 2
178 at the end of this chapter shows the Constructing Effective Development Communication Model. Phase 1 : Pre Departure Preparation In Phase 1 practitioners are learning about the local culture from afar by using the self training and formal training techniques referred to in the results section. Specifically, they are engaging material on the history, economics, politics, and customs of the new culture. In addition, practitioners are developing basic or proficient language skills to show local nation als they respect local values. Roadblocks in Phase 1 include incorrect assumptions about the culture, and incorrect expectations about what the practitioner will experience. Assumptions can also relate to feelings of native cultural superiority held by pra ctitioners. Managing expectations and assumptions are important for pre departure consideration because having accurate expectations positively relates Tarique & Burgi 2001). Phase 2 : Arrival In Country Once the practitioner arrives in country, they begin work on the cultural foundation for effective communication. The major objective here is simply to learn about the culture, which practitioners can achieve by gathe ring information. They do so through observation and watching locals interact to gain a better understanding of how they should interact as well. Asking questions is another way of gaining access to cultural mores and values. Practitioners use this commun ication strategy to gather information about the local culture in order to adapt their communication styles to be look to others for information and guidance (Baldwin & Mose s, 1996 p. 1915 ).
179 Practitioners recognize their information and knowledge deficiencies and then ask questions of local individuals and colleagues in order to fill those knowledge gaps. Asking questions also displays communication involvement and shows the cultural other a desire to lear n more about the local customs. Challenges in this phase include appeasement practices of local individuals, if any, and time constraints, depending on the length and purpose of the stay. This is, however, a crucial step in building cultural awareness and sensitivity to communication processes. Phase 3 : Participation Using the information gathered in Phase 2, practitioners should now attempt to apply what they have learned to their own intercultural interactions Practiti oners should be participating through basic discourse but also focus ing on the social components of a culture and how those play a role in everyday communication. Some basic strategies include having a meal with in country colleagues, ask ing the m about th eir families and sharing about yours, try ing to put aside tendencies to get right down to business and avoid ing direct communication where possible. This requires constant monitoring of ness as discussed in previous sections. Being aware of cultural predilections will assist in communication with cultural others. I call this phase the relational foundation because practitioners are planting the seeds of potential relationships with local individuals. This is a process that, like the next phase, occurs over time and may require the use of a variety of communication tools. Humor is one tactic that can be used to begin breaking the ice and overcoming stereotypes. Practitioners need to show local individuals that they are interested in the local culture and learning about local needs. They need to show a desire to become involved in the process to the extent that locals seek their involvement when issues
180 arise. Practitioners must also recognize that this process takes time and that cultural norms vary for allowing outside participation in in group customs. For instance, it may take months to be invited to a meal with a local family. Being aware of these issues and starting to participate in the culture will set a solid foundation fo r Phase 4. Phase 4 : Integration The major objective of the development foundation is to achieve relationships with local individuals. Practitioners now know about the culture, have been interacting within it over a period of time, and have laid an interpersonal foundation with local con tacts. Now they can begin the process of building relationships through openness, willingness, humility, and most importantly, commitment. Practitioners must convey trust and seek truth of local individuals, but above all they have to display a commitmen t to the local people a drive to do the work that needs to be done on the ground. As with the previous two phases, this phase requires time, language comprehension, and an understanding of local, culture based relationship norms. Fortunately for pract itioners at any phase in this process, they are not alone. Practitioners can and should use the multi purpose tool: the cultural bridge. A cultural bridge can be engaged both at home and abroad as a link to the new culture. Using the insight and intercul tural communication guidance of this expert will be invaluable to practitioners. While they will not be able to avoid every roadblock to this process, the cultural bridge can aid in pointing out issues and suggesting resolutions in ways that are culturall y appropriate and meaningful. The major output of the Constructing Development Communication process is that practitioners own their intercultural communication opportunities. Practitioners prepare themselves in multiple ways prior to entering a scenar io, and then take the time
181 to observe local interactions before attempting to participate in customs. Participation that is well received and culturally respectful will set the stage for future interaction and the opportunity to build beneficial relations hips. The desired outcome is intercultural communication that is appropriate and serves as a catalyst for effective development and social change efforts. Making Connections There are several connections between the findings, discussions, theory, and mode l of this dissertation and the literature review found in the second chapter. First, the idea of time was presented as a consideration from Hofstede (1993) and Gudykunst (2003) regarding long term and short term orientations and the ways individuals view time. The data in this dissertation show how practitioners have to reconsider their own conceptions of time and what they do and do not have time for when conducting development work. Here we see the links to long term and short term orientations in that practitioners from a short term oriented culture (U.S.) may be performing in a long term oriented culture. We are given the best definition of the U.S. perspective on time from Hofstede, Hofstede and Minkov (2010, n.p.): The United States scores 29 on th is dimension and is a short term oriented culture. As a result, it is a culture focused on traditions and fulfilling social obligations. Given this perspective, American businesses measure their performance on a short term basis, with profit and loss state ments being issued on a quarterly basis. This also drives individuals to strive for quick results within the work place. T here is also a need to have the l dimensions and the ways in which development practitioners approach their work. Fortunately, I think we have a best case scenario in that practitioners are not frustrated by this difference rather they are aware of their own cultural mores and have esta blished tactics for
182 effectively working through differences. However, funding sources and the system of development as a whole may not have addressed the issue of time. I also draw a connection between the propositions of CAT and the themes that emerged f attend to the nonverbal postures of the other interactant as a measure of speech appeasement and asse ssing the understanding of the cultural other in the communication episode. The CAT also includes the preconceived notions individuals may bring to the interaction, which were present in the interviews, particularly the extent to which practitioners value d prior knowledge of the culture from an historical point of view. When considering the results of this dissertation within the context of AUM discussions of cultural awar eness. This is particularly true for practitioners who were assumptions and cultural schema and how that can affect their intercultural competence. And competence is be st shown, as AUM suggests, when misunderstandings are at a minimum. One interesting concept that was absent from the interviews was the idea of intercultural communication anxiety and the need to reduce uncertainty in the development setting. Several pra ctitioners did talk about gathering information during initial interactions, but this was never couched in such a way as to suggest that practitioners were attempting to reduce negative emotions regarding the intercultural
183 situation. I think this reflects the fact that practitioners are not only participating in intercultural communication because it is their job, but they are participating in intercultural communication because they want to. Practitioners are motivated to learn about new cultures and hav e a desire to do so through communication channels. As such, anxiety and uncertainty reduction are not as consequential as they might be in a multinational corporation situation, for example. Again, practitioners seem to be operating from a higher level than the general population of intercultural communicators and have higher levels of competence as well.
184 Figure 10 1 Constructing effective development communication
185 CHAPTER 11 CONCLUSIONS Implications for the F ield There are several implications that I derived from the data gathered in this dissertation. Firstly, p ractitioners and academics need to form a consortium for knowledge sharing. Cultural bridges both in the U.S. and abroad, have been an integral part of this dissertation, and as such draw attention to the need for inte rpersonal assistance from other more experienced practitioners. A consortium or association could serve as a catalyst for development prac titioners to make connections. This entity could support online sharing sessions using technology to facilitate knowledge transfer. There are several online associations dedicated to connecting development organizations, but none that I could locate with a specific focus on interpersonal access to inter cultural communication knowledge in the context of development work. Secondly, w e need to help practitioners make connections with local country nationals, either via th eir own in country office or through individuals living in the U.S. who are native s of the culture in question. Practitioners talked about the value of having a cultural guide in country, and I think this idea could also be used in training practices. Again, having resources for making c onnections with individuals who could share cultures as recommended above would be a good way of operationalizing this suggestion. Next, we could ask the question, w hat does this research mean for the intercultural communication training and consultancy community? What have we learned that can improve th e types of training we use, or the kinds of information we provide? First of all, cultural awareness is key
186 assumptions and awareness of potential cultural differences abroad. Second, we have to teach people how to list en, watch, and observe in the development setting before inserting th emselves into the process. T hirdly, we have to show people strategies for participating in culturally acceptable ways to facilitate relationship building. Fourthly, d evelopment is not onl y conducted by development practitioners, but also by individuals with expertise who go abroad to share knowledge about what they do. This is a critical component to sharing the resources we have, but these individuals need some sort of training before th ey are sent to consult with local communities. We cannot expect someone with the desired technical training to have natural intercultural communication abilities as well They need tools to be effective. We need to build the capacity of development pract i tioners as we look to develop the capacity of others. And finally, t he field of development must reconsider its perspective on time. We need more than 3 5 years or less to affect social change. We need more time to build substantial relationships and g et to the root of locally defined issues. Practitioners need more time on the ground to acculturate to local customs and gain the language knowledge that results in cultural knowledge or CQ. Practitioners in the U.S. need more time to comple te the RFP pro cess and less of a time lag between award of funds and actual disbursement. Our culturally sustained perspective on time must shift if we are to look to long term assessments and program success. My Thoughts on Development and Social Change Efforts The evidence presented in this dissertation suggests that development practitioners display more intercultural competence than the average person, but that they work in some of the most difficult, conflict riddled, culturally challenging places in the worl d. They have the nearly impossible job of balancing the needs of U.S. donors,
187 organizations, and tax payers each and every time they enter the field. The pressure is tremendous and the stakes are sometimes life and death for local people. Chris al ways comes to mind when I am considering the position of development practitioners: A lot of time, I find myself trying to figure out how to do a good job and how to get good results that I can be proud of in spite of the system or in spite of the way peo p le have asked us to do things. There's a lot of that, although we don't put that in our reports. Here we see a practitioner struggling with how to be personally satisfied with his work while meeting the needs of often conflicting parties, all of which h ave an interest in the outcome of his work. The fact that practitioners are balancing those needs in the development arena should more often make it into the reports. I certainly have a new found respect for the work development practitioners do as a resu lt of the findings in this dissertation. I also recognize that practitioners are signaling the need for change in the field. They recognize the need to be on the ground with local populations to effect change that is sustainable and to build capacity, but they have the desire to go beyond the buzz words or what is hot right now among t hose funding development work. With that said, I did note one interesting connection between two completely separate practitioners. Melissa had shared a story about building latrines in a Central American country and how that had been the main goal of one of her programs. This struck me as interesting, because in a previous interview, Connie had mentioned her experiences with a local villager who was using latrines another organization had built as chicken coops. When Connie asked him why, he simply state d it was unsanitary to void in the same place every day, and that they really needed chicken coops, not the latrines the outside organization had decided the village needed.
188 So even with the acknowledgements of practitioners in terms of being on the gro und, there are still issues in the development field. The fact remains that if we are going to make substantive changes to the way development work is conducted, we have to addre ss, both in the academic arena and in application, the issue of assessment suc h that we receive necessary feedback. Practitioners need evaluation tools that are not only tested and accepted for their effectiveness (either qualitative or quantitative), but they also need tools they can actually use. Functionality of assessment and operationalization are two key issues that practitioners struggle with. We also have to address the issue of funding to include recognizing donor and grant And in addition, we have to look at the long term implications of programming and how to assess what changes, if any, our pro grams have made over time. I t seems this is yet another intersection with funding issues because few organizations are willing to expend the funds to conduct the research necessary to make educ ated assessments of long term results. If I were to summarize what I believe to be the current needs of the development field, I would say essentially practitioners need more time and less focus on deadlines, increased funding, intercultural training, and a focus on local involvement on the ground to create optimal programs. My Thoughts on Mixed Methods This exercise in conducting mixed methods research has given me some insight into the data collection and analysis process. First, I think qualitative in terviewing skills are key to getting a depth of data that reflects the processes and actions present in the field of interest. For me, this came as a result of letting the practitioner guide the interview to an extent, but also through encouraging them to tell me stories of their
189 experiences. This was particularly relevant to communication because it allowed the practitioner to express their communication experiences through narratives. Secondly, I found that using a platform for analyzing the qualitativ e data provided rigor in presenting the results. While I did quantify the number of code occurrences, I think it is important to also state that the qualitative interpretation stands on its own and is not a product of the numbers. However, the platform a llowed me to think and rethink the data in an organized way, with quick and easy access to the data itself. Thirdly, the qualitative data lead me to the scales and questions formulated for the quantitative sections. As such I could use these empirical fin dings to support or call into question the qualitative results, creating a more complete picture of the communication processes. However, I also contend that the quantitative data can stand on its own and offer some relevant insight and generalizability t o this dissertation. Drawing from each of these data analysis methods has strengthened the results and rigor of this work as a whole. Limitations Several of the limitations to this study revolve around the specific focus on the international developmen t community. While the sample sizes were sufficient for this research and the quantitative data could be used in generalizations, sweeping statements should be reserved to the international development context. The theory and model offered should also be limited in application to the development and social change context. Another limit to this study is the fact that the sample size may not be reflective of the U.S. practitioner population as a whole. I contacted a small cross section of development pra ctitioners, so a larger sample could certainly improve the validity of the results. The data are also severely skewed to present a Caucasian perspective on
190 development. More research is required to explore the application of the emergent concepts and them es with a more diverse population of practitioners. But the major limitation of this study is the fact that communication, a two sided process, was considered from only one perspective. In addition to a loss of data from the other partner in communicat ion exchanges, practitioners completed self reports of their intercultural competence, listening skills, and self efficacy as well as their levels of respect, superiority, and trust. There is always some question as to the ability of individuals to assess their own communication characteristics. Several of the scales have options for secondary input in defining individual communication skills that would improve the objectivity of these scales. A final limitation of the study relates to the qualitative n ature of the main research method. While I related my own perspectives on the field before starting the research, I must still recognize that I have my own biases and interpretations of the data. While I did work with practitioners after the data was col lected and requested additional input on the model and theory, the coding process is still uniquely my interpretation of reality. As such, there may be a limitation to the applicability of the qualitative results to the field as a whole. Areas of Future Research This dissertation will hopefully inspire more research in the area of development communication and intercultural communication, but I have taken note of several components that warrant further inves tigation. First, an admitted limitation of this study is the one sided perspective on intercultural development communication. We need to contact in country staff members, and to the extent possible, the beneficiaries and in country partners who are the targets of development work. These individuals c an tell us
191 whether or not self deprecating humor or smiling are effective from their perspective. Do they really feel respected when someone knows their language? To what extent does the discussion of honesty and truth telling resonate with their own appr oaches to communicating with development practitioners? It would be interesting to determine the level of sincerity they perceive of practitioners who attempt to get to know them on a personal level or show interest in their families and communities. We n eed to conduct depth interviews with individuals on the receiving end of this communication to offer a more complete picture of the interaction. Another area for future research is the inner wo rkings of the larger NGOs and government organization s that s eem to have so much access and relatively little local community or individual connections according to t he interviewees of this study. With a mind to the narrow scope of this work, we need to collect more qualitative data regarding government employed pr actitioners as well as employees from larger non profits. We cannot stand on generalizations or stereotypes of what we think large organizations do or do not accomplish. They play an important role in the funding and success of their own as well as many o Specifically, it would be interesting to better understand their evaluation procedures and how they define success in development. Also, we need to better understand the funding process, particularly as it relate s to assessment and admitting (or denying) failure to determine if there are any conflicts of interest. This could be accomplished by reviewing internal reports from development pro grams and would also have implications for NGOs and their abilities to prov ide accurate data, which has continued to be problematic. This data would also be of interest for funding agencies.
192 A third potential area of research is not so much related to the communication function of practitioners, but rather to the practical appl ication of research topics and findings. Several of the practitioners mentioned needing to develop more and better ways of assessing the effectiveness of their programs. This is a monumental challenge for small and large organizations alike and deserves m ore attention from the field. The fact that we lack tools for assessing programs is not a new concept to academia, but I think the fact that practitioners are still grappling with it points to the continued need and importance of academics continuing to r esearch and provide best practices for measurement in development. Another obvious area of future research regarding this dissertation is further measurement and validation of the model and theory offered here. This c ould be accomplished by additional i nterviews with practitioners as an extended sort of discriminant sampling, as well as through supplementary studies on the applicability of these concepts in international settings. For instance, one could consider whether practitioners from other countri es utilize similar techniques in communicating across cultures. Also, participant observation would be an interesting way to collect data to study these concepts and see them in action. We need further evidence for how practitioners handle initial communi cation interactions, particularly where stereotypes are involved. This theory could also be extended to other international groups, such as immigrants and diasporas, to determine the applicability of the theories in other areas, and as they compare with id eas of acculturation and adaptation. And specifically regarding the results of this dissertation, each aspect of the results section could be considered as a qualitative study in and of itself. For instance,
193 it would be interesting to research the conc ept of trust in international development and to see how practitioners are achieving trust. Also, we could examine the concept of the cultural bridge and best strategies for engaging a local national to take on this critical role. Lastly, one could consid er cultural awareness and develop a theory or model for how practitioners are attaining cultural awareness abroad. And lastly, while conducting research for the topic of development and communic ation, I came across a number of government, international or ganization, and consortium publications outlining best practices and goals for development. A content analysis of these publications would provide valuable insight into the current direction of international development and allow researchers to identify a dditional topics to explore with regard to the effectiveness of organizations in achieving those goals. Along those same lines, it would be interesting to conduct a content analysis of U.S. development organization websites to explore the ways in which th ese organizations frame their goals and measure success. Conclusion One of the major takeaway points of this dissertation is that there is a plethora of way s to conduct development or approach development communication either for practitioners who move from country to country and have to tailor their programs to meet cultural needs, or for the field as a whole, where participatory approaches or traditional forms of development may hold equal weight based on complex international environments. Sometimes w e have to use the traditional approach to stop immediate human rights violations. Often, we need to really understand a community and a people before we can make effe ctive changes. In the end, there is a time and place for everything, but regardless of th e type or approach, we have to consider the culture and
194 how to be most effective. I believe part of that effectiveness will require an interdisciplinary approach to conducting development work that includes concepts from economics, political science, commu nication, anthropology, international development and others to create a holistic approach to doing competent work. When reflecting on the failures of development and the instances of social change that are simply an imposition of outside views and valu es, it is easy to become discouraged. But I believe the practitioners interviewed and surveyed offer a more hopeful view of what development could and should be. They acknowledge the need for intercultural competence in doing effective development work w hich can be achieve d through training in the field but also through harnessing the skills and experiences of other practitioners to offer some clues as to what works best. This dissertation offers a model of intercultural communication in development that provides some insight into the tools and strategies practitioners currently use tha t will direct new practitioners and spur addition al discussion of this topic This dissertation is one step in the direction of answering Jan Servaes call for better unde rstanding of intercultural communication in the context of development and social change. The results of this study offer evidence of the ways in which intercultural communication tools are being utilized in international development efforts, but also suggest that practitioners recognize the need for intercultural communication competencies in their work and in the training they receive. In order to move forward, development organizations need to recognize intercultural communication competence as an i ssue in international development as well, and begin to address the needs of
195 APPENDIX A SEMI STRUCTURED INTERVIEW QUESTION GUIDE Explanation: Basic understanding of your intercultural experiences, specifically with as many examples as you can muster. This is your own personal experience, confidential, anonymous. Intro Questions How long have your worked for this organization? How long in development/aid work? Where have you been (get a n idea of cross cultural experience)? What programs have you worked with? Where? Training Now that we are thinking about some of your experiences, did you ever receive training for how to enter a culture? Did you go through any programming prior to leavi ng for an international project? What kinds of training activities did you participate in? (Lecture, simulation games, assimilators, immersion, etc.) If yes, can you give me an example of an experience in training? If no, is there something you wis hed you had known/b een trained in prior to arrival in the host country? How do you think your training influenced your experience in the host culture(s)? Can you give an example? Is there anything about your training experience that you would change? If so, what? CAT, AUM When you first meet someone from another culture, what are some of the strategies you use to connect in your first few conversations? Can you give me an example of a time when you met someone for the first time and how that inter action proceeded? Thinking about your intercultural experiences, are you mindful of cultural differences? Do you recognize communication misuderstandings? How so? (Mindfulness) What kind of cultural research do you conduct before entering a new culture? Do you ever consider identities or self concepts of the individuals within that culture (need to explain identities)? (AUM & IMT) How do you establish common ground in intercultural situations? Identity Management Theory
196 What cultural, ethnic, gender, national cultures do you identify with? (this will get the respondent thinking about their own group identifications and cultures so they can answer questions about their experiences when cultures conflict) ion interaction (that someone was making assumptions about who you are based on your ethnicity, cultural, national, gender, identities, etc.)? Follow up: What happened in that situation? Be specific, explain the situation. Can you tell me about a time whe n you experienced a misunderstanding with someone from another culture? Follow up questions: What did you do to clear up the misunderstanding? How did you feel about your communication skills in that situation? s communication skills? IMT Coping Strategies Have you ever felt stereotyped in an intercultural exchange? How did you deal with that? In you experiences, how do you handle cultural differences? Do you compliment others? Make jokes? etc. CDSC Approache s (based on the paradigms of CDSC previously mentioned, what aspects of any, if at all, are being used in current projects?) Can you walk me through the steps of program development through implementation, and please use any project that you have worked o n, or are working on? What is the process like? What is your contribution to the process? (Refer to any examples of projects already mentioned by participant) In these experiences, what approach do you generally take to implement the program design ? (want to know if participatory approaches, social marketing, etc. are being used in each instance, and if so, how) Follow ups: Who initiates project development? How do you decide on what communication styles will be used (media channels, et c)?
197 APPENDIX B INTERCULTURAL SENSITIVITY SCALE (CHEN & STAROSTA, 2000). Below is a series of statements concerning intercultural communication. There are no right or wrong answers. Please work quickly and record your first impression by indicating the d egree to which you agree or disagree with the statement. Thank you for your cooperation. 5=strongly agree 4=agree 3=uncertain 2=disagree 1=strongly disagree 1. I enjoy interacting with people from different cultures. 2. I think people from other cultures are narrow minded. 3. I am pretty sure of myself in interacting with people from different cultures. 4. I find it very hard to talk in front of people from different cultures. 5. I always know what to say when interacting with people from different cultu res. 6. I can be as sociable as I want to be when interacting with people from different cultures. 8. I respect the values of people from different cultures. 9. I get upset easily when interacti ng with people from different cultures. 10. I feel confident when interacting with people from different cultures. 11. I tend to wait before forming an impression of culturally distinct counterparts. 12. I often get discouraged when I am with people from different cultures. 13. I am open minded to people from different cultures. 14. I am very observant when interacting with people from different cultures. 15. I often feel useless when interacting with people from different cultures. 16. I respect the ways people from different cultures behave. 17. I try to obtain as much information as I can when interacting with people from different cultures. 18. I would not accept the opinions of people from different cultures. 19. I am sensitive to my culturally interaction. 20. I think my culture is better than other cultures. 21. I often give positive responses to my culturally different counterpart during our interaction. 22. I avoid those situations where I will have to deal with culturally distinct persons. 23. I often show my culturally distinct counterpart my understanding through verbal or nonverbal cues. 24. I have a feeling of enjoyment towards differences between my culturall y distinct counterpart and me.
198 APPENDIX C PARTICIPATION REQUEST EMAIL Dear (salutation and last name): I am a Ph.D. candidate and researcher from the Department of Mass Communication at the University of Florida seeking individuals to interview for my Doctoral Dissertation. I am interested in learning about development and/or social change programs and exp eriences abroad from the American field workers who have researched, planned, or implemented such programs. I will follow up with you within the week via phone, but please respond to this email if you would be interested in a 30 45 minute interview to s hare your experiences/career and further research in the field. All interviews will be anonymous and confidential per standard IRB protocol. Additionally, if there are other individuals within your organization that you feel may fit the profile for my r esearch, I would greatly appreciate any connections you could help me make. I thank you in advance for your assistance. Kind Regards, Jennifer Braddock, Ph.D. ABD Department of Mass Communication University of Florida
199 APPENDIX D EXCERPT AND CODE APPL ICATION TABLE Table D 1. Excerpt and code application table Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category Start with being a good listener and an awareness of the other party and their cultural mores and tendencies and values, and then you try and condense your message and involve them in the dialogue about the topic rather than just talking at them. Then you listen for confirmation of portions as you go, so you otta know Walter Being good listener; being ware of other party culture; condensing message; involving them in dialogue; not talking at them; listening for confirmation; going on long stream; losing c oming with you Listening Listen/watch/o bs erve (49) Intercultur al communi cation s trategies Watching Observing It makes a really nice impression if you can learn how to say some of the basic pleasantries. Chris Making a nice impression; learning how to say basic pleasantries Language (40) important thing is to have a as much as possible to have a smile on your Having a smile on your face Enthusiasm Showing e xcitement (10) Smiling Oh, that happens all the you were right. Jossa Happening all the time; were right Saying s orry Apologizing (5) Forgiveness
200 Excerpt Sample i nitial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category I think that really asking lots of questions helps. I think that you have to be obviously be mindful of the sorts of questions. Certain questions are not always appropriate in every culture. Melissa Asking lots of questions; being mindful of question appropriateness in culture Asking q uestions (36 ) Trying to establish more of a personal connection at first with people, and getting to know period of time that you're there is really just estab lishing relationships, showing interest in what they do in the community around you, and having them show you and really showing a strong desire to learn about their community and how things work, kind of a big piece of that. Pamela Establishing personal c onnections; getting to know people; establishing relationships in beginning; showing interest in community; having them show; showing desire to learn community/how things work Building r elationships (68) Intercultu ral communi cation strategies Not so much about myself, but, you know, I think one thing I learned on this project was the critical importance of being very flexible, being very open to modifying your approach, being very open to revisiting things if they really didn't come across the first time. Amelia Learning from project; being flexible important; being open; modifying approach; being open; revisiting misunderstandings Being o pen Openness (20) Being h onest Being w illing The practition er: best c haracteri stics Well, there are many times when you will say something and your intention is not it maybe, for me, I can be self deprecating and kind of be funny or laugh, just laugh. Ellen Saying something unintentional; being self deprecating; being funny; laughing Self deprecation Humor (7 ) Making j okes
201 Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category a region of 30 something way that you can train people. People are people the way people look at life differently. Barbara Dealing with 30+ countries; not specific way to train people; being people people or not; being sympathetic to differing views Being people p erso n (15) The practition er: best c haracteri stics I mean, we're an organization that's trying to facilitate change, so there's gotta be that commitment to, one, to help empower people overseas to create and ex pand their opportunities. George Trying to facilitate change; having commitment; helping empower people overseas; creating and expanding opportunities Being c ommitted (9) That was encouraging because they actually started using their imagination on things that they could do and how they can make things. having the mentality of we have resources here; we just need to maximize those resources and the las t three years. Jossa Being encouraged; imagining things they could do/make; seeing surroundings/not poor; having mentality of having resources; needing to maximize resources; preaching that the last 3 years. Being r esourceful (12)
202 Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category I don't expect anything from my staff that I wouldn't expect from myself. I would never expect my staff to work as hard as I do as the founder. I do expect them to be respectful, to be ethical, no payment under the table of nobody. Connie Expecting more of herself than staff; not expecting staff to work as hard as founder; expecting respect, ethics, no illegal payments Being an e xample (4) The practition er: best c haracter istics (cont.) You have to have that commitment and that empathy. George Having commitment; having empathy Empathy (8) I would tell them to listen, to be humble in what they have to offer and what they do and don't know. Joy Telling them to listen; being humble in offerings and knowledge Taking back seat Being h umble (18) Humility A lot of times, I think, when you're coming in as an American representing a U.S. organization and oftentimes with funding from foundations or governments, you're seen as you have a lot of money to offer, and that's not necessarily the case. Trying to manage expectations so that expectations and then disappointing them. Joy Coming in as an American; representing U.S. organization with funding; seen as having money; managing exp ectations; not raising expectations; disappointing them Managing e xpectations (32) The practition er: best p ractices whenever possible, we don't walk in with a solution. We walk in with a set of resources and the ability to facilitate a discussion and ultimately, people are we want people to be asking us and giving us ideas about how we can be most useful. Chris Not walking in with solution; walking in with resources; facilitating discussion; people asking and giving ideas; being most useful Facilitatin g development Facilitating/m otiv ating (9) Motivating local people
203 Excerpt Sam ple initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category You wanna make the case that that you have a strategy, you have a plan, you're the right organization to do this, but also leave yourself the wiggle room to have some leeway for there to be some changes within reason, so that you're doing the formative assessment, and you're making some changes after that. Joy Making the case for strategy; having a plan; right o rganization; leaving wiggle room; having leeway for change; making changes after assessment Flexibility (18) Just spending time, hanging out. One of the things westerners do is they get themselves in their little boxes; their houses and they stay in there all day and out. Africans typically like you to spend time; just spend time have to be doing have to be conversation. Jossa Spending time; hanging out; westerners getting into their bo xes; staying inside, not hanging out; Africans liking to spend time; not doing anything; not having to have conversation Participating in c ulture (24) The practitione r: best p ractices (cont.) One is just a relationship between power: Do you challenge power? Are people committed to a newer focus on individual rights or group rights or things like that, as well as the issues with gender and ethnicity and all of that? Joy Power relationships; challenging power; committing to newer focus on rights; gender issues; ethnicity issues Power (14) Communic ation c hallenges
204 Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category I mean I think that just people are more open to women in general usually than they are to men, just as a baseline for the human nature. I think you do sometimes get it plays sort of both ways, right? Sometimes people woman, or at least sometimes they are maybe a little more open to you than they would be t o a man initially. Rachel People more open to women; playing both ways; not being taken seriously; being more open to women than men initially Gender (24) Communi cation c hallenge s (Cont.) whereas, people I worked with in Central America, it's people are less willing to have confrontations. They're scared of it, and they're more willing to say oh, for example, like if you ask invite someone somewhere to a meeting, they may just say, "Yes. Yes, of course I'll be there," rather than telling you the truth, that they don't want to come or they can't come. They'd rather just say yes, so they don't have to deal with the repercussions of that, and so I think in that situation, I kind of tried to adapt to that communication style. Pamela Less willing to have con frontations; being scared of it; more willing to say yes than no; not telling the truth about coming; not having to deal with repercussions; adapting to that communication style Appeasement (28)
205 Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category I guess by staying a long time, and then they rich as the people that work at the embassy or that work for [a] multinational. They notice your car is not great. They get to know you enough. They know you have trouble making ends meet at the end of the month or the way you mix with them. Jeff Staying a long time; them observing poorness; noticing car not great; getting to know you; knowing financial struggles; knowing way you mix with them Stereotyping (52) Communi ca tion c hallenge s (cont.) With a translator, you don't get the nuance. You never know how good the translator is. It varies quite a bit. You definitely lose a lot. Joy Using translator; not getting nuance; not knowing how good translator is; varying; losing a lot Using t ranslators (13) To include participation with the community and to start there. For going on 7 months and mobilization and community meetings and baseline assessments have to do location work with community partners and other NGOs that can help us in one area where expertise. Carson Including participation with community; starting th ere; project in North Haiti, no construction 7 months; mobilizing, meetings, assessments; working with community partners and NGOs; filling expertise gaps; Partnerships (31) s trategie s Well, we have national staff in Honduras that helps, along with our missionaries, to decide what villages we will send our teams to. Having national staff; helping along with missionaries; deciding what villages; sending teams Ownership/Lo cal s taff (129)
206 Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category have a couple of backup plans, depending upon it gonna have more of a government capacity building type of a something. Okay, this donor really likes this. It looks like mostly working with rural leaders. Okay, this donor likes that. Pamela Having back up plans; capacity building; donor preferences; working with rural leaders Building c apacity (14) s trategies I think culturally it kind of, you just, once you recognize what the culture is, you can play into that. In Cape Verde, everybody has a lot of they call it pecanas, which is girlfriends. When I call someone from Cape many pecanas do you ver call an American, my brother, I would never call girlfriends do you have Recognizing what the culture is; playing into it; having pecanas; calling someone and asking about pecanas; never calling an American with same question Cultural a wareness (132) Yeah. I mean, well, they say to me that I am an adopted Honduran now, [Spanish ] is what they say to me. No, I was born and raised in very rural, Anglo Saxon, Mennonite, conservative community. I mean that defines who I am, yeah. Connie Being adopted Honduran; people calling her a Spanish term; born and raise in rural, conservative community; defining who she is Identity Identity f raming (38) Blending in Assuming local persona It really runs the gamut of organizational development and again, the person in country is the one that defines what it is that they need. (Annette) Running the gamut for organizational development (in programming); in country person defining needs Defining n eeds (100)
207 Excerpt Sample Initial Codes Focused Codes Theme (#apps) Category How do you do it? I think you just have to go and you have to be in the community, and you have to have both experts from your team, but also local experts that you have brought on board specifically to work on the project. I Going and being in the community; having experts from your team; having local experts for project Community p resence (29) Well one of the the biggest buy looking, first of all, for the most you need to find a person that is well known in the community. Like I have a lady that works in my that works for me on an everyday basis. She is coming to also working every day. She is implementing permaculture every day, every day, every day. She knows what needs to be done. Looking for buy ins; finding well known person in community; having a lady work for her daily; coming to all the classes; working every day; implementing permaculture; knowing what needs to be done Cultural b ridge (44) I think there are organizations that really just kind of hand out money or hand out kind of construction based projects that aren't necessarily sustainable and don't always do follow up, and there's kind of a new well I'd say it's pretty new idea now in development of recognizing failure, and how to learn from failure, and learn from challenges to be more effective, Organizations doing hand outs, construction based; projects not sustainable; no follow up; new idea of recognizing failure; learning from failure; learning from challenges; being more effective d evelopment (78) P erceptions of the f ield The way that you approach the current [system for] program funding I think is the RFP process and the RFA process is really challenging. Funding, RFP process challenge Funding (93)
208 Excerpt Sample initial c odes Focused c odes Theme (#apps) Category Then the next thing that you have to have is you have to have some system of accountability. It doesn't work to do something and then not have any follow up and not know what your impact is. It doesn't do any good. Having some system of accountability; n ot working to do something without follow up; not knowing your impact Assessment (37) When they arrive in a place for the first time, they want to maybe there are good reasons for it. Maybe they only have a couple of weeks to get their work done or to get their role done and that's all they have time for. They don't have time for four hour coffee breaks and discussions over tea and whatnot. If it's gonna be for a longer time, I think it's really important to build in to communicate in the way that pe ople Arriving for the first time; only having a few weeks to work; not having time; Have longer time communicate like locals Lack of time for program d esign/RFP Time (60) Perceptions of the f ield (cont.) Needing time to learn culture but recognizing that capacity gaps that need to be filled, and those often have to be filled by people with additional experience whether Europeans, or from elsewhere in the region. That often is the case. Recognizing capacity gaps; needing to be filled; bringing in expats with additional experience; common issue Political Environment al/cultural h indrances (31) Cultural Resources Economic
209 Excerpt Sample initial codes Focused codes Theme (# apps) Category then you just get there, you have three months, and then you go through the and within the country, places that are different. I was in a very rural village. Nobody spoke English. You either learn or you leave Getting there; sinking or swimming; depending on where placed; placed being different; being in a rural village; no one spoke English; learning or leaving Training vs. e xperience (31) Training t ypes T rai ning Academic t raining (22) Self t raining (21) R ecommendat ions (32) Training r ecommendation s
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218 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Jennifer Braddock received her Bachelor of Arts in Spanish and Communication Studies, Magna Cum Laude from Western Kentucky University in 2004. After receiving her degree and moving to Savannah, GA, Jennifer began working at Page International, Inc. in the position of Pricing Specialist, quickly moving to Pricing Manager for the international logistics firm. After two years with Page, Jennifer realized that she belonged in higher education, and moved into a position with Armstrong Atlantic State University, also in Savannah, as the Assistant Director and Business Manager for Housing and Residence Life. While in this position, Jennifer program at Georgia Southern University, and left AASU in January of 2008 to become a graduate assistant in the Department of Education at GSU. Jennifer obtained her Master of Education in higher education administration in 2009, an d started the Ph.D. program at the University of Florida in the spring semester of 2010. Jennifer held positions teaching Public Speaking, Interpersonal Communication, and Business Writing while completing her studies. Jennifer and Corey are the parents t o four beautiful children: Aiden, Riley, Connor, and Mason. After graduating Jennifer will conduct research and teach in the communication field.