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1 SEARCHING FOR THE CHINE IN FRAN CHINOISERIE By MISTI JUSTICE A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNI VERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 2013 Misti Justice
3 To my gra ndparents: Roy and Dana Howard
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I a m deeply grateful to my supervisory committee for their time and wisdom. I offer many thanks to Dr. Melissa Hyde, Dr. Elizabeth Ross, and Dr. Brigitte Weltman Aron, and special thanks to Dr. Hyde for her guidance. I would also like to thank Dr. Guolong Lai for his comme nts and suggestions on C hapter 6 Lastly, I must thank my friends and mentor s, Dr. Larry Carter and Dr. Jill Blondin who helped me begin my journey and encouraged me along the way. I thank you, Larry, for unfailing kindness and friendship, and of course lunch.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 8 2 APPROACHES TO CHINOISERIE ................................ ................................ ......... 21 Tradition al Approaches to Chinoiserie ................................ ................................ .... 25 New Perspectives on Chinoiserie ................................ ................................ ........... 37 3 CHINOISERIE AND CULTURAL CONTACT ................................ .......................... 48 4 ................................ ................................ .................. 62 5 ................................ ................................ ......... 79 6 EUROPEAN INSPIRED ART IN CH INA ................................ ................................ 98 7 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 112 APPENDIX: FIGURES REFERENCED ................................ ................................ ........ 116 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 123 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 129
6 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillmen t of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts SEARCHING FOR THE CHINE By Misti Justice May 2013 Chair: Melissa Hyde Major: Art History In 1737, the Beauvais tapestry manufactory commissioned Fran ois Boucher t o other European powers. Eventually for reasons explored in my study a set of the Yu an, where a special pavilion was built to house and display this kingly gift. Ironically, the emperor saw nothing Chinese in the tapestries, but regarded them as an example of lection of art and Chinese inspired art for Europeans. It suggests that chinoiserie represented something besides East Asia. This thesis focuses on the cultural politics of chinoiserie, with a particular focus eighteenth century. It seeks to understand how contact with China and Chinese art sometimes did and sometimes did not have anything to do wi th the production of East Asian useful case study for this endeavor because it demonstrates how even closely
7 appropriated elements of East Asian art could be quickly trans muted to serve as a generically orientalist vehicle for representing cultural politics within France.
8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In January 1767 Chinese Jesuits Aloys Kao and Etienne Yang returned to thei r native China after a 14 year sojourn in Paris wi th French names and a set of Beauvais tapestries intended to be offe red as a diplomatic gift to the Qianlong Emperor (1711 99) f rom Louis XV (1710 74) Althou gh Kao and Yang were not official ambassadors to the Emperor of China, they were able to deliver the gifts When the tapestries made their way into Qianlong in the European Pavilions at Yuanming Yuan until it was sacked by French and British t roops during the Second Opium War in 1860. At least four pieces from the set were still in China as of 1924. 1 The set of ta pestries sent to Qianlong was titled Le Tenture chinois or The Chinese Series and it was designed by Franois Boucher (1703 70) in 1 742 (Figures A 1 to A 6). This series was tapestry series wo ven at Beauvais from around 1690 titled The Story of the Chinese Emperor a combination derived from his study of Venetian land scapes and Flemish figures that he painted during the 1730s such as the Imaginary Landscape with the Palatine Hill from Campo Vaccino of 1734 (Figure A 7) 2 models for the tapestry series included scenes of fe asting, dancing, fishing, 1 Candace Adelson, European tapestry in the Minneapo lis Institute of Arts ( Minneapolis, Minnesota: The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, 1994), 333. 2 Jo Hedley, ( London: The Wallace Collection 2004)
9 hunting, a market, and a garden as well as a Chinese Marriage and an Audience with the Emperor (Figures A 8 and A 9). They were cr eated from source material that included at least one Chinese text housed at the Royal Library, Dut ch and Jesuit memoirs from their visits to China and Japan, The Story of the Chinese Emperor chinoiserie prints which he designed in the 1730s and his personal collection of East Asian and East Asian inspired art. The set o f tapestries sent to the Emperor was commissioned in 1759 by Louis XV to be given to his Finance Minister, Henri Bertin, and it was Bertin who entrusted the tapestries in the hands of the missionaries to be delivered in the name of the King The passage o f the tapestries to China was ultimately the result of a direct line of communication between the Kangxi Emperor (1654 1722) and Louis XIV (1638 1715) which was established by the Jesuits in the Imperial court at Beijing, when Louis XIV sent an embassy of Jesuits scientists in 1685. The Qianlong Emperor grandson of Kangxi, had a particular interest in European aesthet ics and employed many Jesuits as artists and advisors in his court. He also had more contact with Europe than his two predecessors, using F rench Jesuits to commission suites of engravings to be made in Paris and shipped back to China and to help design the European Pavilions at Yuanming Y uan. 3 Despite his 3 See Richard E. Strassberg, andsca Marcia Reed and Paola Dematt (eds.), China on Paper: European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century ( Los Angeles California : Getty Research Institute, 2007), 89 137. See also Young tsu Wong, A Paradise Lost: T he Imperial Garden Yuanming Yuan ( Honolu lu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2001).
10 special interest in the West, the Qianlong Emperor saw the decline of Chinese relations hips with Europe. In 1784, the Emperor issued an edict to prevent missionaries from entering China from Macau and tensions between China and Europe were further increased when the Emperor was personally insulted by the McCartney Embassy in 1793. 4 By the end of the eighteenth century, much of the social and political discontent in China was blamed on the intrusions of the West, and by 1811 Christianity was forbidden in China under pain of death. My study outline s how the tapestry series designed after painted models series produced at Beauvais and by examining how contact with China and other extra European cultures shaped the ideological framework fro m which the series was crea chinoiserie designs from the 1730s and 1740s, his source material, and the significance of his chinoiserie designs in mid eighteenth chinoiserie demonstrates that alth ough elements of Chinese culture could be studiously appropriated for chinoiserie designs, ultimately these designs were not understood in eighteenth century France. By conceptualiz ing the Chinese Series to in relationship to its predecessor, The History of the Chinese Emperor my thesis maps the history of French contact with China from the reign of Louis XIV to the destruction of Yuanming Yuan in 1860 to demonstrate how cultural 4 Christina Miu Bing Cheng, Macau: a Cultural Janus ( Hong Kong: Hong Kong University, 1999), 59
11 c ontact played a necessary role in the creation of chinoiserie and how the Chinese Series came to be an artifact of contact with lasting significance. This study tapestry series as well as limited understandings of how the processes of cultural contact between France and China in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries led to the creation of chinoiserie. It is my argument that the lack of information on chinoiserie as a complex cultural p henomenon is a direct result of eighteenth and nineteenth century criticisms of the mode, which denounced East Asian inspired art as a degenerative force within French culture. Chinoiserie has remained somewhat of an enigma, and some scholars have treate d it as an 5 My study challenges the conventional wisdom of most scholarship on chinoiserie In the past, s ome s cholars have treated chinoiserie as if it were merely a style that existed within the realm of the decorative arts, inspired solely by a fictive version of China. 6 I argue that chinoiserie is in fact the manifestation of European contact with East Asia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and that this contact, and subsequent inspira tion for chinoiserie was motivated by a colonial expansionist agenda that was largely unsuccessful in China The fact that chinoiserie has been treated as mere decorative art is an 5 Dawn Jacobson, Chinoiserie ( London: Phaidon, 1993), 2; Jacobson begins the o pening 6 Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 66 (2003), 189 248; I say most because S
12 extension of this agenda as well as part of the overall negative percepti on of the decorative arts because of their association with the Rococo. Furthermore, chinoiserie was created to simultaneously fulfill and stimulate the desires and anxieties that French audiences had about themselves and about Asian peoples and their cul tures. 7 East Asian inspired art were created within an early modern racial ideological f ramework and subsequently informed actual Chinese people looked, dressed and acted ideas that developed into rac ial stereotypes. Ideas about race embedded in chinoiserie were part of an intellectual system system with Europeans at the apex. T people s in chinoiserie wer e used as comparative tools, so that European audiences could compare how alike and different they were from their Asian counterparts Dres s and physiognomy in East Asian inspired art are common articles of contention in chinoiserie scholarship that often chinoiserie and figures chinoises as masquerade like. 8 I demonstrate the importance masquerade plays in chinoiserie by pointing out how Boucher refere nces the significant roles costume and props ha d in creating a 7 8 Madeleine Jarry, Chinoiserie: Chinese Influence on European Decorative Art, 17th and 18th C enturies (New York: Vendome Press, 1981).
13 It is my understanding that c hinoiserie images and their reception were part of a complex orientalist agenda in which individual European nations fought among themselves to obtain religious, mercantile and eventually political power over East Asia 9 Europeans met considerable resistance fr om Chinese emperors who strictly limited their entrance and trading rights within China so as to keep their empire free from European influence. This resistance, which in hibited ability to colonize China with the Celestial Empire was one reason Chinese figures were often derided in chinoiserie images why the appeal of chinoiserie faded toward the end of the 18 th centur y, and why chinoiserie was mocked so fiercely by its opponents. In Cultural Contact Mary Sheriff takes issue with what she believes is a discrepancy between the scholarly attention paid to nineteenth versus eighteenth century Orientalism. She pinpoints the difference in the power dynamics between the two periods as the reason for the disparity: Ottomans on more or less equal footing as they did in the eighteenth century the visual record of their real or imagined encounters is taken as mere fashion. When Europeans begin to appropriate Ottoman territories in North Africa, the images that focus on the peoples of those territories are read as serious business, whether those images are faithful recordings, wishful fantasies, or racist ca 10 Sheriff says 9 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994). 10 Mary D. Sheriff, Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration ( Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 11.
14 other cultures, practices, traditions no matter the extent to which they were caricatured, misunde rstood, appropriated or politically dominated by the West 11 Scholars such as Katie Scott, Perrin Stein, Michael Yonan, Mimi Hellman, David Porter, Julie Hochstrasser, and Madeleine Dobie have begun to interpret chinoiserie as global art with localized specificity that had formative consequences for its European audiences. My emphasis on cultural contact comes from S study understood in relationship to globalization and the shifting cultural politics in France between the ages of discovery and colonialism. 12 Chinoiserie was closely connected with the Rococo, the Ancien Regime and the monarchy. Rococo artists were severely criticized for creating chinoiserie designs, and the same charges that critics leveled against the rococo effeminization, frivolity have also been applied to chinoiserie chinoiserie has been characterized as inherently and stereot ypically rococo and dismissed as charming but ultimately artificial a nd vacuous. It seems that East Asian inspired art in eighteenth century France suffered from what has concen alluded to the Marquise de Pompadour, and that hyperbolized her political 11 Sheriff, 12. 12
15 agency and influence over the King. 13 Pompadour was a supportive patron of the porcel ain factory at Svres: a s at Versailles, and Boucher designed a set of overdoors for her boudoir chinois e at Bellevue. From the time the tapestry models were exhibited in 1742 until the y were sent to China in 1767, reformists such as Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712 78) and Denis Diderot, who were phobic to both China and the rococo began a campaign to transform what they saw as a debilitated artistic and political regime. In 1747, Denis Diderot complained about what he saw as the sha meful and people talking of everything and knowing nothing, finding finesse in frivolities interrupting to talk of politics and concluding with profound reflections on a hairstyle, a dress, a Chinese figurine, a Meissen nude or jug, a pantin by 14 It seemed to them that France, from the Crown to the Academy, had been emasculated by pioneering women, chiefly Pompadour, and undoubtedly with the help of Boucher, t o corrupt the nation using feminine and exotic wiles. 15 The deleterious influe nce of luxury goods, associated directly with femininity and Asian imports, became the chief moral concern of Rousseau in his 13 Melissa Lee Hyde, Making up the Rococo His Critics (Los Angeles, California : Getty Research Institute 2006) 14 Cited in Jo Hedley, ( London: The Wallace Collection, 2004), 15 Hyde, 62 63.
16 Discourse on the Arts and Sciences and Discourse on the Origin of Inequality 16 And, in his often quoted Rousseau invoked both the image of Madame de Pompadour and the Orient to express his ire, womanish than she while the idol lays stretched out motionless on her chaise 17 No doubt Pompadour was the intended target of his vitriol; Pompadour herself had appropriated harem imagery when she co mmissioned a set of overdoors from Carle van Loo for her residence at Bellevue that depicted her as a sultana taking coffee. 18 After the 1750s, the Orient, both the Near and Far East, was increasingly associated with the moral decline of French culture. This reformist campaign monopolized the way sc holars and critics treated East Asian inspired art; and, since then, few scholars have attempted to address chinoiserie seriously as anyth ing other than a stylistic offshoot of the rococo. The word chinoiserie itself is often used with particularly pejorative connotations, and some contemporary scholars use the term to distinguish 16 Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods ( Houndmills, Balsingstoke, Hampshire England : Palgrave 2003) 17 Quoted in Madeline Dobie, n Eighteenth Century in Dena Goodman and Kathryn Norberg (eds.), Furnishing the Eighteenth Century: What Furniture Can Tell Us about the European and American Past ( New York: Routledge, 2007), 13 36. 18 Perrin Stein, The Art Bulletin 78/ 3 (September 1996), 417 438.
17 19 Until recently, rococo and chinoiserie have been approached most o ften in terms constructed by their critics rather than in terms originally intended by their creators 20 To limit the scope of m y study I review the literature on chinoiserie and provide a brief history of French contact in China brought about by Louis XI chinoiserie prints and Figures chinois es in the late 1720s. He was him self an avid collector of Asian and Asian inspired porcelains, prints, costumes, furniture and other curious items like shells and fireworks, and his interest in these items informed his chinoiserie designs. During the 1730s he designed and engraved numer ous chinoiserie prints that were held in private collections and sold to be used as models for painted decorations on lacquer furniture and porcelain. The models for the tapestry series were the culminating work of his career in chinoiserie and acted as a visual representation of China when it held a particularly privileged position within reign of civilization. 19 Basil Guy, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire ; Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century, 21 ( 20 Hyde, Making up the Rococo
18 Since the beginning of the seventeenth century, Jesuit missionaries had promoted an ideal version of China in Europe for their own political purposes R emain ing in China allowed them to enjoy a unique relationship with the Imperial Court, gave them a monopoly in the market of proselytization, and placed them in a position to promote cultural exchange wit h France. The Jesuits carefully crafted version of China, one in which the nation stood as the exemplum of morality and good government, was the basis for thinking about China in mid century France. From the 1730s and into the 1760s, proponents of China, most notably Voltaire, marketed the nation as a symbol of virtue, prosperity and universal civilization, and chinoiserie was thusly understood by them as a visual and physical manifestation of that great nation. 21 Detractors of China and Chinese influence on French culture, such as Rousseau and Diderot, began to the Chinese Series in 1742 represents th through France during the 1730s. The passage of the Chinese Series to China in 1767 then marked the beginning of the end of the idealized Chinese model in France. Ironically, the idealized version of China formerly re presented France and then came to represent France in China. The Chinese Series sent to Qianlong closed a circuit loop in the history of cultural contact between Europe and East Asia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 21 Guy, 223.
19 In sum, the aim of my study is to examine the tapestry series and the mode of chinoiserie more broadly as the product of cultural contact. I argue that even though chinoiserie often had little to do with China, various modes of cultural contact scientific and artistic exchang e, trade, diplomacy, proselytization and colonial expansion among the nations of Europe, but particularly France, and those of East Asia were foundati onal for the production of East Asian inspired art in the eighteenth century. France and China actively d ecided how they would present their culture to others, which characteristics from foreign cultures they would adopt into their own, and how they would use foreignness as a means for representing themselves. In Chapter 2, I review the current literature o n chinoiserie and provide an analysis of the benefits and limitations of the methodological frameworks that have been used to examine chinoiserie in modern scholarship, and how those frameworks have shaped our understanding of the genre. I suggest a new c onceptual framework to study chinoiserie that of cultural contact and argue that this relational mode of examination will provide a better understanding of how East Asian inspired art came to be and how it was relevant in Chinese and European cultures duri ng the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Recent scholarship pays special attention to how cultural artifacts and the ideas about certain cultures attached to those artifacts were transmitted to different peoples and locations around the globe and evol ved over time. In Chapter 3, I provide an analysis of The S tory of the Chinese Emperor series in which I argue that it is both an idealized representation of French contact with the Imperial court at
20 e for cultural colonization of China. In Chapter 4, I discuss how Boucher created his chinoiserie through his own contact with East Asian and East Asian i nspired source material in the form of imported objects and printed texts and images. In Chapter 5, I provide Chinese Tapestrie s in which I argue that the series provides a representation of a Chinese utopia that should be read as an allegory of good government and prosperity under the reign of Louis XV. Finally, in Chapter 6, I i n the uniquely hybrid European Pavilions at Yuanming Yuan.
21 CHAPTER 2 APPROACHES TO CHINOISERIE Chinoiserie is a hybrid European mode of art inspired by contact among the nations of Europe, China, India and Japan. Made for European audiences, it provid g a complex arrangement of East Asian and European styles, techniques, and art objects 1 These objects, s tyles, and techniques represented East Asia to an audience who had little act ual contact with the people the objects represented. Later, those diverse export items and those ma nufactured in Europe after East Asian adaptations collectively became known a s chinoiserie named aptly for the nation that seemed to best represent th e Far East in Europe during the eighteenth century. The word chinoiserie itself did not come into use until early in the nineteenth centur y; and its meaning, like rococo, was distin ctly pejorative. It first appeared around the time of the First Opium War in et le champagne, ou La guerre de Chine, chinoiserie en un acte which showed at the Opra C omique in May 1842. It then appeared in the Bescherell e Dictionary of 1845 and was defined as something do ne in imitation of the Chinese. was commonly used to identify certain Asian particularly domestic commodities such as parasols and A sian inspired items as kitsch. Chinoiserie represented 1 Oliver Impey, Chinoiserie: the Impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration ( New York: Scribner's, 1977), 9 10.
22 partook in it. 2 The revulsion for chinoiserie can be demonstrated in Gustave Flaubert response to a critic for what he considers a mischaracterization of the chinoiserie 3 In 1872 Philippe Burty coined the term japonisme in an essay of the same title in which he argued was specifically defining japonisme japonnerie and chinoiserie I n a broader sense, h e was defining high and low art; fine from decorative, and reinserting what he saw as a lack of seriousness into japonisme that would distance it from the disreputable kitschiness of japonnerie and chinoiserie 4 18 68 Portrait of Emile Zola demonstrates an intellectual mode of consuming japonisme (Figure A 10). Zola is seated at a desk with an ukiyo e print tacked to the wall behind him Olympia The need to distinguish between a prefe rred intellectual or aesthetic mode of consuming Asian art, as opposed to what was considered a base, consumer driven approach can also be seen Edmond de Goncourt's remark "The taste for 2 Basil Guy, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth centu ry, 2 1 ( Ge 1963). 3 Gustave Flaubert. The Letters of Gustave Flaubert: 1857 1880 t ranslated by Francis Steegmuller ( Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980), 42 43. 4 Jan Hokenson, Japan, France, and East West Ae sthetics: French Literature, 1867 2000 (Madison, New Jersey : Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2004), 29 30.
23 things Japanese! We were among the first to have this taste. I t is now spreading to everything and everyone, even to idiots and middle class women." 5 The hefty criticism leveled against chinoiserie and japonnerie in the nineteenth century ridiculed the genre and characterized it as unworthy of scholarly attention. japonisme either japonnerie or japonaiserie could be used to d istinguish art from kitsch. T here was no equivalent or In the twentieth century, the term chinoiserie began to be used to identify a vast range of objects and designs related to East Asia that proliferated in Europe from as early as the Roman era to present day. These now traditional texts on chinoiserie attempt to provide a well rounded vision of the plethora of East A sian inspired objects that entered European collections en masse during the early modern period. These texts take on the enormous task of compiling incredibly eclectic works created in diverse regions for very different purposes and patrons, under the hea ding of an ambiguous genre that evolved from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. They generally do an excellent job of organizing the diverse material into chronological segments classified by media and nationality. They also demonstrate how chi noiserie is both an orientalist mode meaning it represents a version of China, or East Asia, produced by a European body of knowledge that has more to do with Europe than China and 5 Quoted in G. Becker and N. Philips, Paris and the Arts, 1851 1896; From the Goncourt Journal ( Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 19 71), 106.
24 a hybrid form of art contingent upon sustained cultural contact between Eur ope and East Asia. 6 However, texts on chinoiserie almost always fall short in their critique of what images of East Asian people meant to European audiences, although they often demonstrate how these images were acquired and how they were used. They gen erally avoid sustained analysis of E uropean interpretations of East Asian peoples found in chinoiserie that are often (racist) caricatures by dismissing these images as nave examples of nascent or impotent racial ideologies, as poorly executed designs, or as a fashion of the times. Their quick dismissals of such images often hinge on the notion that chinoiserie is not meant to be taken seriously and reinforce negative assumptions about the genre. Some new approaches to chinoiserie specifically Katie Sco approach to investigating how chinoiserie figures relate to racial ideologies to demonstrate that although chinoiserie does not take itself seriously at times, the mode deserves more in depth, scholarly attention. 7 Some contemporar y scholarship on chinoiserie demonstrates how the mode played an important role relation to Europeans, Africans, and Amerindians. 8 6 Edward Said, Orientalism ( New York: Vintage Books 1994) 7 Katie Scott, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 66 (2003), 189 248. 8 Julie Hochstr asser, Mary Sheriff (ed.), Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art Since the Age of Exploration ( Chapel Hill North Carolina : Uni versity of North Carolina Press, 2010), 43 71. M adeleine Do bie, Trading Places: Colonization and Slavery in Eighteenth Century French Culture ( Ithaca New York : Cornell University Press 2010)
25 Traditional Approaches to Chinoiserie Written Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay is the standard for the traditional chinoiserie texts that followed Honour identifies the purpose of his book as an attempt to answer the question of how chinoiserie came to be so different from th e Chinese art objects that initia lly inspired the movement. His answer, in short, is that chinoiserie is the expression of how early modern Europe and later, the United States regarded the Orient. 9 He ious process of cultural chinoiserie developed as an expression of an idealized vision of the Chin understanding of the Orient. 10 The impetus for creating chinoiserie was no t in imitating Chinese art, but in ex pressing an idea of China as a u topic model for European society. Honour calls this concept of the ideal version of China the the East Asia d uring the medieval and early modern periods. The Jesuits constructed an ideal version of China and presented it to Europe as a genuine portrait of the Celestial Empire. 11 This version of China was promulgated during the seventeenth and eighteenth centurie s, and it provided the ideological framework for the creation and collection of chinoiserie This 9 Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: the Vision of Cathay (New York: Dutton, 1962). 10 Honour, 1. 11 See Basil Guy, The F rench Image of China before and after Voltaire Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century, 21 ( 1963). See also David Porter, Ideographia: The Chinese Cipher in Early M odern Europe ( Stanford, Calif ornia : Stanford U niversity Press 2001)
26 version of China was derived from the work of Matteo Ricci, who arrived at Macau in 1583 and remained in China until his death in 1610, study ing the language and religion. He was the first European to translate the five Chinese classics The Book of Odes The Book of Documents The Book of Changes The Book of Rites and the Spring and Autumn Annals an d the four books of Confucius. He argued that for the Jesu its to be successful in their conversion of the Chinese the y must learn the language and customs. Most importantly, of the three Chinese religi ons Confucianism, Buddhism and D aoism Confucianism was compatible with Christianity and should be used as a ci pher to establish continuity between China and Europe. 12 After and agenda of Nicolas Trignault framed the image of China for France. 13 vis ited others to omit details such as unfavorable descriptions of prostitution and homosexuality. After Trignault, sinophilic writings on China provided immaculate portraits of the people and their culture. With the intention of continuing their sustained presence in China, the Jesu its espoused the character of the Chinese language, poli tical system and morality, and their veneration of China earned them a privileged position there. Later, eighteenth century scholars used Jesuit writings on China to compare and critique political, s ocial, and economic progress in Europe. For instance, Basil Essai sur les moeurs 12 Porter, 78 132. 13 Basil Guy. Seven teenth and Eighteenth Centuries, in G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter (eds.), Exoticism in the Enlightenment ( Manchester En gland : Manchester University Press, 1989), 66 85. See also Porter.
27 as a n 14 sources for this un iversal history were Jesuit so he wrote of the Emperor as an man but 15 Despite his Jesuit education, he identified China as the perfect deist nation without dogma a notion developed specifically in opposition to the Jesuits teachings on Chinese religion and promote d the Chinese empire as a supreme example of religious toleration. In his first chapter Honour explains that conjured up during the fourteenth century by readers of Marco Description of the World wri tten in 1300, and The Travels of Sir John Mandeville written in 1357, the latter of best 16 testimonial ; together they instilled in the minds o f Europe the idea that China was Cathay, a fantastical land immeasurably distant from Europe populated by immensely wealthy, extravagant and, above all, exotic foreigners. Honour credits xenophobia as t he key factor in ith the East Asia, w riting that the vision of the fabulous Cathay became a legend in the fifteenth 14 Guy, Studies on Voltaire 250. 15 Guy, 259 262. 16 Honour, 13.
28 information about China from entering the West. With the discovery of the sea rout e to Asia, new information about China began to circulate during the sixteenth century, and, with the rise of the Qing Dynasty during the seventeenth century, merchants were allowed to return to Peking under heavy restrictions. Honour argues that this lim ited interaction was just enough desire for more of the legendary Cathay: H ad free commercial relations between Europe and China been permitted, then or l ater, the romantic haze which surrounded the Flowery Land would have been disperse d and the legend of Cathay would consequently have faded away . Europeans were thus given an occasional tantalizing glimpse of the fascinating country behind the Chinese barricade a glimpse so brilliant and yet so fleeting that it merely whetted the appetite. Had the Chinese sought to cultivate the legend of Cathay, they could not have hit on a method more certain of success. 17 Honour conflates the medieval Cathay with the virtuous Chinese empire marketed by the Jesuits to create a composite vision of China that he understands as the ideological framework within which chinoiserie was consumed. He describes this vision of China as merely an amalgamation of rococo chinoiserie designs upswept roofs, pagodas, oversized flowers, wispy bearded old men an ruled over by a philosopher father king. Because influence, China retained its mythical status in Europe, and Europeans were eager to import, imitate and even invent proof of its fabulousness. Enabled by the myth of Cathay, Jesuit scholars and Enlightenment philosophers alike invested in the creation of an ideal China ruled by a philosopher king who was 17 Honour, 16.
29 the apex of a rigorously fair and civilized government system that simply gu ided a supremely moral nation. Spurred by visions of the mythical Cathay sea faring East India Companies were inaugurated, and sixteenth century merchants embarked from Europe arrived toward the shores of China eager to take home tales and treasures ali ke. Portuguese merchants began trading in Japan in 1552 and were officially permitted to rent land and trade in Macao in 1557 18 The Dutch arrived in Canton in 1600, setting up a base on Formosa to trade with b oth the Chinese and Japanese; a n d, in 1612, t he E nglish set up a base in Siam. Honour suggests that the Portuguese imported enough Eastern wares that they had no need to produce their own East Asian inspired wares; whereas, elsewhere in Europe, those nations that could not meet demands for Asian goo ds with imports, began attempting to make imitations. Factories at Delft, Nevers and Meissen began making faience, soft paste porcelain and eventually hard paste porcelain ; while inventors elsewhere tried to replicate lacquer techniqu es, and hybrid versio ns of East Asian designs were circulated to decorate the surfaces of the furniture and porcelain. At this moment w hen European artists graduated fr om imitation to invention, according to Honour, chinoiserie became a genre in its o w n right. From there, he devotes a chapter to baroque chinoiserie the first half of which focuses on the popularity of chinoiserie in the French court during masquerades. Next, his chapter on rococo chinoiser ie discusses the regional 18 Honour, 41.
30 specificities in France, Germany and Italy at the beginning of the eighteenth century and highlights the contributions of Watteau, Boucher and Pillement. He devotes an entire chapter to English rococo chinoiserie and another to the Anglo Chinese Garden before moving into an extended conclusion. difficulty in defining the style of chinoiserie that was popular during the second half of the eighteen th century. H e writes that he wa s incapable of using the chinoiserie symmetricality of neoclassical design was antithetical to chinoiserie design, which reached its apex during the Rococo period. 19 Sim ilarly, he refused to title chinoiserie produced at the time was made outside of France and was popular well after the bout China and chinoiserie during the latter part of the century: arguing that although chinoiserie was produced well into the Revolution, by the end of the century, the ideal image of China as a philosophical model for government had been played out, and, therefore, the fascination with Chinese Empire faded. In his final chapter, Honour discusses the influence of japonisme on nineteenth century century fascination with Japan was be got by the same mode of thinking about Asia, and it was, therefore, an extension of chinoiserie 19 Honour, 176 177.
31 The end of the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth century marked a transitional period for contact among China and the nations of Europe during which time relations became increasingly tense. This period also marked the simultaneous disillusionment in the idealized version of China and decline in the popularity of chinoiserie in Europe. When trying to explain the reason for the decline of chinoiserie Hugh Honour eulogizes Cathay: century proceeded, each of these distant countries seemed to draw nearer to Europe and consequently lost much of its enchantment. China alone remained sufficiently distant and aloof to support a lege nd as romantic as that of Cathay. But, alas, she was not to remain inviolate forever, and once the isolation 20 Later, he cite s the missions of Anson, Macartney and Amherst as contributing facto rs to the disillusionment of the vision of the ideal China and thus the downfall of chinoiserie at the end of the eighteenth century. For Honour, the more people actually knew about China, the less they could suffer the mythical version of Cathay supposed ly represented in chinoiserie But th e problem here is more complex. difficulty in titling the chapter. At the end of the century philosophers, political theorists and economists w er e no longer inspired by China; that the titular chinoiserie waisted Chinese nymphs with the coiffure of Mme Recamier, and of naked carrara 20 Honour, 26 27.
32 and that the designation chinoiserie because the monarch did not live to see the period through. 21 Jarry and Impey also include similar chapters, which describe the end of chinoiserie as coinciding with the close of the eighteenth century. I want to argue a different ending, actually not an ending at all, but a change of regime. and the notion of the ide al China they created the ideological framework for chinoiserie was nullified. Furthermore, the political and cultural context of the Old Regime in which chinoiserie thrived, ceased to be. S o, chinoiserie was not simply incompatible with th e Neoclassical style; it was unsuited for the quickly evolving soc io political climate in France. Interest in China and collecting chinoiserie did not die out; it merely acquired new meaning, and from this period the word chinoiserie was born. Oliver Impey argues the hybridity of chinoiserie is its most distinguis hing feature and the reason traditional twentieth century scholars began using the term to cover such a broad scope of material: Chinoiserie is thus the European manifestation of mixtures of various oriental s tyles with which are mixed rococo, baroque, gothick or any other European style it was felt was suitable. This, of course, is confusing, and it would be very much easier if we were able to subdivide the word into categories. But this would lead not o nly to some horrible new words but also to some horrible confusion. So it is better to use the umbrella term and to particularize when necessary. 22 21 Honour, 176 177. 22 Impey, 10.
33 L ike Honour before him, Impey carefully notes that while imitation is an important process of chinoiserie the mode itself does not merel y comprise of degenerated versions of East Asian arts. He elevates the importance of the prac tice of imitation, saying into meaningless symbols, but a much more complex process, for new materials 23 He writes that European factories decorating porcelain in Kakiemon style rath er than copying it, saying this is the essence of chinoiserie : Europeans aimed not to imitate, but to adapt Eastern styles and techniques to their own needs and tastes as demonstrated by the soft paste porcelain wa res produced at Chantilly in the 1730s 40s (Figure A 11) 24 Artists chose specific styles and techniques to imitate; imitation w as necessary for understanding a style or technique, but once understood, they could be combined and adapted. He gives an example of how trade contact affected the proces ses of imitation and ada ptation: So here we might have a vase, say, made in Japan, of porcelain, in a European shape and painted in blue and white with a pattern taken from a Dutch imitation of a Chinese original that itself may well have been influenced by a Dutch pastiche of an earlier Chinese motif. 25 Thus, the process of chinoiserie is highly conv oluted. Chinoiserie designs were constantly evolving through the processes of imitation, adaptation and substitutio n, making it difficult to trace the roots of a design to a single style or 23 Impey, 10. 24 Impey, 101. 25 Impey, 103.
34 object. This process of imitation, adaption and substitution should be identified Alfred Kroeber, who coined the process : ideas and patterns from the outside source, but gives them a new, native content and 26 Nearly all porcelain made in China and Japan during the seventeen th and eighteenth centuries was made for export and was not representative of their tastes or aesthetic principles. East Asian manufactures were also happy to oblige European requests for changes in designs that suited their needs and tastes. At a considerable cost, Europeans could send a book of engravings via the Dutch East India Company to Canton or Deshima to have the manufacturers decorate the porcelain exports with specific European designs, like religious scenes. 27 Madeleine Jarry uses a faience wall mural produced at Delft around t he beginning of the eighteenth century to demonstrate how chinoiserie was the combined product of colonial exploration and exotic fantasy : The attitude of the 17 th century is perfectly exemplified by a wall panel composed of seventy eight faience tile mad e, most likely, in Delft at the beginning of the 18 th century At the Rijksmuseum, this composite mural presents against a white ground a series of vividly colored Far Eastern scenes, which, in all probability, were copied from Chinese vases. At the top the deity Kuan yin sits enthroned upon a lotus blossom surrounded by yellow curvilinear rays. At the center of the composition and below we find the somewhat 26 Quoted in Julie Hochstrasser, Mary Sheriff (ed.), Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration ( Chapel Hill North Carolina : Uni versity of North Carolina Press, 2010), 43 71; 48. Sheriff also quotes Kroeber Anthropology: Culture Patterns and Processes ( New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1963), 176 178. 27 Impey, 103.
35 anomalous presence of three black figures dressed in loincloths and feather headdresses. These r epresent the Tapuya Indians of Brazil, excerpted from paintings by Albert can Eckhout, one of the artists who had accompanied Prince Maurice of Nassau on his 1636 44 expedition to South America and Africa. The seafaring Dutch, always great explorers, had no difficulty with imagery in which African like Indians appeared in a Chinese setting. Such a mixture simply satisfied their rath er nave notion of the exotic. 28 Jarry likely chose a faience wall mural in particular the 17 th century towa rd foreign lands and peoples because f aience was one of the earliest European attempts to recreate porcelain. M uch of the history of chinoiserie is characterized by European attempts to assuage the high costs of importing luxury goods from Asia by making their own versions of porcelain and representation, meaning it uses imagery from different cultures Chinese and Japanese but also probably from different time periods and genres within tho se cultures. More important, the combination of African heir nave notion of the the foreignness of the figures themselves signifies the exotic and pleasure in consumption of exotica. Although, the stylistic qualities and unusual flora, fauna and cost umes were also key vestiges of the exotic, the emphasis is on the figures. Her characterization of the seventeenth century notion of the exotic as chi noiserie would 28 Madeleine Jarry, Chi noiserie: Chinese Influence on European Decorative Art, 17th and 18th Centuries (New York : Vendome Press, 1981), 10.
36 chinoiseries was unintended. 29 In reference to the Story of the Chinese Emperor Jarry writes: It seems that they had no concern for portraying the Chinese as membe rs of any race other than their own the Caucasian. Males were simply given a doll look, prominent eyes, and thin falling moustaches. As for the female image, it is hardly distinguishable from that of European women. 30 chinoi serie she quotes the Goncourts: In the kind of blue tinted landscapes that exist only in dreams, a decorative effect of richness and plenty. All mixed together with a charming nonchalance are figural groups, exotic birds, strange animals, plumelike trees, wicker cages, multicolored flowers, farm equipment, fishing gear, rocky grottoes, pavilions with turned up roofs in brief, the whole of the new picturesquesness that his century had characterized in a word created expressly for him le costumes imitating the little magots or pagods imported by the Compagnie des Indes pointed hats, bizarre musical instruments such things are all he needs in order to give his compositions a touch of local color. Come close, however, and you discover that the Chinese lord and lady ta king tea are in fact Parisians. 31 During the seventeenth of the wor ld was far more complex than they credit. This composite vision of East and West Indies illustrates how Chinese and Brazilian cultures would not have been connected during the Early Modern period if not for the ambitions of t he sea faring Dutch As I demonstrate below, the combination of the geographically and racially distinct figures should not be mistaken or mischaract erized as naivet but understood as part of a complex process of identification and 29 Impey, 14. 30 Jarry, 18. 31 Quoted in Jarry, 26.
37 definition whereby peoples of the East a nd West Indies are defined apart from and in relation to each other for Western viewers. New Perspectives on Chinoiserie ct the now lost cabinet chinois at la Muette that had once been decorated with chinoiserie designs by Antoine Watteau from the 1720s. Scott suggests how versions of figures chinois es would have been p asted onto a paneled wall alongside a set of mirrors that would have reflected both the prints and the viewer thus generating a spectacle in which the viewer could envision herself walking within the land of Cathay. The combination of mirrors and chinoiserie prints suggests that the cabinet chinois was a space for investigating sameness and difference through performative specta cle and personal introspection. Scott writes that the illusion of the spectacle is purp osefully facile, a tactic she believes demonstrates her argument that chinoiserie is a difference, and in doing so to fall short of convincing illusion, smacks of frivolity. Chinoiserie is a joke; even its sins have appeared petty and trivial, unworthy of 32 The chinoiserie at la Muette co mbines both colonialism. 33 32 Scott, 207. 33 Scott, 191.
38 Scott demonstrates that without the lighthearted arabesques Figures chinoises wer e a mode for inscribing racial distinction using a form of persiflage geared toward humiliating the Chinese people as racial others. 34 She links the humorous degra dation of the racial other to both gratification and the unification of a white, European ra c ial and cultural identity by comparing chinoiserie to the Freudian tendentious joke in which a suitor receives sexual pleasure by partaking in gratuitous banter with the obstructer of his courtship at the ex pense of his love interest. Using one of Wattea (Buddhist monks) from the cabinet as an example, she explains how the figure of the bonze encompasses both the pursued interest and the third party obstructer. This scenario emphasizes the contradictory motives inherent in chinoiserie the desir e for the figure of the Oriental other as a source for pleasure and the simultaneous need to reject that other in order to e stablish superiority over him. The binary relationships of self and other that exist in exotic representations of the colonial chinoiserie 35 Early eighteenth century chinoiserie was deeply connected to order to create a more complex version of themselves. 36 Wa figures chinoises display a certain amount of hybridity in ph ysiognomy, dress, and 34 Ibid. 35 Scott, 210. 36 Scott, 235.
39 landscape; but like the performers and party goers who transform themselves using make up and costume they are ultimately French. She suggests that Watteau delibe rately substituted ambiguous images for querade like clichs and double entendres, making chinoiserie ornament. 37 She also links it to games of chance by illu strating how chinoiserie objects were often used as prizes at roulette parties; the acquisition of these luxury items outside traditional means of production was a sign of nobility. 38 However this mercantilist economic state that increased the avenues for social mobility in the eighteenth century and created an arriviste merchant class whose wealth challenged th e aristocracy. Finally, Scott connects chinoiserie viewership, writing that within the privacy of their homes women used chinoiserie prints in dcoupage Figures chinoises to decorate their cab inets as they pleased. Thus, in the eighteenth century chinoiserie was associated with exoticism, changing social classes, luxury, female viewership, to be criticized during the 1740s and 1750s. 39 37 Scott, 212. 38 Scott, 23 6. 39 Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods ( Houndmills, Balsingstoke, Hampshire England: Palgrave, 2003).
40 David Porter argues that chinoiserie acts as a derisive and farcical force against the s inophilic image of China created by seventeenth century Jesuits. He describes chinoiserie rep resentation of China from the scholarly to the aesthetic While Sinologists hina, chinoiserie 40 He continues chinoiser ie represents far more than a mere exotic twist on the rococo style . Rather it suggests a dramatic reversal of those tropes and assumptions that had largely defined the European idea of China 41 Jesuit S politics, agriculture and religion. Porter describes chinoiserie as a process of designs to be pasted and painted onto furniture and service ware thus 42 Perhaps the most virulent criticism of chinoiserie c omes from David Porter who seethes : There was little space on a teacup to evoke four millennia of cultural achievement, let alone the respectful awe su c h a prospect had once inspired. With the reduction of an empire into a series of miniaturized motifs and the aestheticization of the very concept of the foreign into an excuse for the decorative extravagance, the ideal of a deep rooted epistemologic al authority native to Chinese culture degenerated into brazen self parody. No longer the home of ancient 40 David Porter, Studies in Eight eenth C entury Culture Vol. 28 (1999), 27 54; 28 30. 41 Porter, 29. 42
41 and universal truths, China become s in these images the site of capr iciousness, folly and illusion. 43 Porter does not situate the problem with chinoise rie in the rococo style itself, but created by Europeans chinoiserie was merely an exotic twist on the rococo, and he goes on to demonstrate that the language he uses to cond emn chinoiserie is derived from the criticisms of eighteenth century English classicists who denounced chinoiserie French influence and the go t moderne Despite his sc athing view of chinoiserie Porter does not argue that it is entirely the product of a European hegemonic fantasy. Rather, he stresses the fact that it is a hybrid of European and East Asian c ultures, and that it deserves far more attention than i t has re ceived. He argues that chinoiserie the cause for its disrepute and lack of scholarly attention. Porter c haracterizes chinoiserie as a hybrid because of its multicultural heritage and because of its status as 44 His final reading of the illegitmizing power of chinoiserie has surprisingly feminist undertones; he argues, like Katie Scott, that chino iserie provides a consumption, and that this is also a likely cause for the scholarly consternation surrounding chinoiserie. He writes that critics like William Chambers and auth ors 43 54. 44
42 like William William Wycherley feared the agency that women would acquire through their interests in the applied arts, particularly exotic household items. He concludes that between the lines of anti chinosierie a woman in possession of ch chinoiserie represents for these women an emancipation of pleasure from the conf ines of wanton transgression in chinoiserie suggests a bold emasculating ges ture 45 Like Porter, Michael Yonan and Alden Cavanaugh argue that the hybridity of chinoiserie blends traditional western concepts of fine art and commodity and, in doing so, instigates a certain amount of fear. Porcelain represented a foreign threat to E hey argue that material culture, especially in the form of those items categorized as decorative arts, should be awarded the same theoretical attention as those traditionally favored acade mic arts sculpture and painting. They describe this phenomenon not in terms of favoring certain arts over others but in terms of Western art theory of the modern era: Our di seemingly inapt application of decorative sophistication to utilitarian objects, a mixing that blurs the connection between art and tool that art historians have been eager to uncouple. Porcelain remains at image as a discipline concerned with the 45 50.
43 by functionessless, seriousness, and aesthetic detachment. 46 Yonan and Cavanaugh describe chinoiserie o bjects as the physical manifest at ions of a complex process of engagements with the Far East in which Western modes of thinking about Eastern cultures were at times parallel, competing and contradictory. They demonstrate how chinoiserie, despite all its fa cultural and political implications of a burgeoning global system. Finally, they define chinoiserie Chinese ideas and products into European culture as well as the projection of various urgencies, be they economic, cultural, or philosophical, onto a fictional 47 Later, Yonan provide s a reading of how elite European audiences might have identified with porcelain metaphorically. Using a porcelain tankard Fire through fire allowing it to metamorphose from a lowly earthly substance into a sublime treas (inflated) view of their own status in a social and cosmological context. 48 In the same text, Mimi Hellman notes how rococo flower garnishes on chinoiserie 46 Alden Cavan ag h and Michael Elia Yonan, The Cul tural Aesthetics of Eighteenth C entury Porcelain ( Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2010), 7. 47 Cavanagh and Yonan, 7. 48 Michael Yonan, cabi net chinois in Alden Cavanagh and Michael Elia Yonan (eds.), The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Century Porcelain ( Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2010), 65 86.
44 clocks and porcelain figurines simultaneously embod ied French cultural values and defused any negative associations that might threaten French cultural confidence. 49 She refers to Katie Scott, arguing that the flowers surrounding the pagodes and other chinoiserie figurines mock and alienate the figure as a n other distended earlobes and exposed, laughing bellies. And, Adrienne Childs relates the black figures on a Meissen sugar bowl to the slave laborers who would have procured the sugar contained by the porcelain. 50 among Asia, Africa and the Americas would be co determinous. Madeleine eighteenth century were structurally linked within a theory of displacement, which she loosely bases on the Freudian concept of the term a process of repression and substitution an d applies to French culture at large. 51 Dobie argues that eighteenth century French writers and artists consciously and subconsciously underrepresented images of Africans and slavery because of their colonial guilt ; while at the same time they were obsess ed with representing images of slavery through the trope of the harem in the Near and Middle East. The impetus for 49 Mimi Hellman, toric of the in Alden Cavanagh and Michael Elia Yonan (eds.), The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Century Porcelain ( Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2010), 39 64. 50 ckne ss in Early Meissen Alden Cavanagh and Michael Elia Yonan (eds.), The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Century Porcelain ( Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2010), 159 178. 51 Madeleine Dobie, Trading Places: Colonization and S lavery in Eighteenth Century French Culture ( Ithaca New York : Cornell University Press, 2010), 11.
45 Trading Places was 1756 Essai sur les moeurs in which he argued that the Caribbean colonial islands were historically and ge ogra phically insignificant, contradicting the fact that they contributed to a hefty segment of the French economy and the influx of the goods produced there coffee, sugar and cotton helped shape French culture at that time. She writes that the silence lack of writing and lack of visibility on slavery as well as laws prohibiting slavery in France and preventing slave owners from bringing slaves into France, were necessary avoidance mechanisms used because although slavery was believed to be morally wrong, it wa s economically beneficial. She also argues that a practical reason for the lack of representation of Africans in the Caribbean colonies was that the French did not have the framework for understanding hybridity and the African diaspora because European u nderstanding of peoples and cultures was linked geographically. 52 Therefore, representations of peoples in the Caribbean and the Americas were example of the zenith of civilization, representing an ideal version of society to which France could compare itself. An example of this can be seen in the 1769 performance and subsequent representations of the Dauphin following a plough in the traditional Chinese spring tilling of the soil ceremony, called the chi The Chinese version is illustrated in a 1696 print within the Yuzhi Gengzhi Tu an imperially commissioned agricultural manual, and the French 52 Dobie, 12 13.
46 version is illustra ted in a 1769 engraving by Franois Marie Antoine Boizot after Paulin de Fleins entitled Monseigneur le Dauphin labourant (Figure A 12). This performance likens the French economy to the supposed agrarian economy of the Chinese promoted by French Physiocr ats diffusing attention from the reality that the French economic system was generated largely by slave labor. Anne Eatwell also discusses how imported commodities shaped European culture and were, in the European mind, structurally linked to the people s and geographic locations that produced them illustrating how the world outside of Europe was classified ethnically and by the commodities they produced. 53 Trade competition among European nations increased motivations for colonial expansion and for the p chinoiserie As illustrated by Philippe Sylvestre Traitez Nouveaux et Curieux du caf, du the, du Chocolat titled A Chinaman, Turk and American Indian each figure is associated wi th the commodity his culture was known for producing for Europe (1685 Figure A 13). The demand for tea, coffee, chocolate and sugar was directly related to the increase in trade of chinoiserie goods during the 1730s. The consumption of these hot liquids required specific vessels unique to each respective beverage. 54 For example, upon the birth of the Dauphin Louis XV presented Queen Maria Leszczinska with a ncessaire a kit containing all 53 Anne Eatwell, nd eds. ), Boucher & Chardi n: Masters of Modern Manners ( Glasgow Scotland : Hunteri an, University of Glasgow 2008), 50 76. 54 Eatwell, 61.
47 the necessary items to make and serve tea, coffee and chocolate ( 1729 Figure A 14). Dobie process as one in which raw goods and materials from the Americas were disassociated from their region of origin and re associated with the Orient when they were either stored in porcelain vessels or used to make luxury furniture that was lacquered and decorated with chinoiserie designs. 55 A drop front secretaire designed by Rene how raw materials wer inspired design imagery (c. 1770 75 ; Figure A 15). Julie Hochstrasser makes a similar argument about the connection between Asian luxury goods and raw commodities produced in the American colonies. She points out that porc elain sugar bowls in Dutch still life paintings could conjure up nationalistic sentiments about Dutch economic and cultural suc cess, or possibly challenge viewer s to acknowledge their complicity in the brutal process of milling sugar using slave labor in their colonies in Brazil. 56 55 Dobie, 63. 56 Hochstrasser, 48 55.
48 CHAPTER 3 CHINOISERIE AND CULTURAL CONTACT What were the social spaces of exchange between the Chinese and French in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries? What hap pens when cultures do not clash; but rather, meet under lim ited and mediated circumstances as imperial powers with more or less equal footing? Cultural contact between China and France began in the seventeenth century when the French began sending mercantile vessels to purchase Chinese export commodities such as porcelain, lacquer and tea. Louis XIV s ent an embassy of French Jesuit scientists to secure a direct line of communication between the two empires in 1685. His team was successful, and the addition of specifically French influence at the Celestial Court marked the beginning of a new phase of Jesuit interaction in China. Louis XIV intended to secure exclusive trading rights with China that ope as an importer of East Asian goods and itors. France did not secure the commercial alliance it sought, but it did obtain a special relationship with China characterized by artistic and intellectual exchange. The Story of the Chinese Emperor tapestry series commissioned by the Beauvais manufa ctory commemorates this momentous occasion of cultural contact, albeit from a and the tapestry series it inspired Tenture chinois and its own journey to Chi na. Inventories show that the members of the French cour t were avidly accumulating East Asian art objects during the early 1670s that included silks,
49 porcelains and lacquered furniture. 1 These imported East Asian objects were often placed among a plethor a of objects in curiosity cabinet collections that also included shells, fireworks, weapons, and books with prints of exotic flora and fauna, sculptures, coins, maps, paintings, musical instruments, and costumes. 2 The increased demand for exotic goods cu ed the need for imports and domestically manufactured goods alike. Porcelain was the most sought after commodity During the Middle Ages mystical attributes were associated with porcelain for instance, a porcelain bowl was said to break if poison was put in it and these magical and fictional attributes made it a highly desired collectable. 3 Faience tin glazed earthenware was introduced to Nevers from Italy as early as 1644, and was an early attempt to reproduce the shapes and texture of Chinese pottery. By the 1650s, the potters at Nevers were using chinoiserie designs derived from figures, birds and flowers on late Ming porcelain. 4 Nevers also invented the style of bleu persane by reversing the Ming blue on white to create bold white designs on blue gr ound. Elsewhere in France, pottery factories were trying to imitate Chinese craftsmanship. Under the direction of Mme Chicanneau, the factory at Saint Cloud began producing soft paste porcelain at the end of the century and specialized in the production of blanc de Chine 1 Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay ( New York: Dutton, 1962), 56. 2 Oliver Impey and Arthur Ma cGr egor, The Origins of Museums: the Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Europe ( Oxford England: Clarendon Press, 1985). 3 Impey and MacGregor, 54. 4 Honour, 48.
50 The Trianon de Porcelaine was built in the winter of 1670 71 by architect Montespan. The Trianon was a single story and tiled with faience manufactured at Delf t, Nevers, Rouen and Lisieux. The inside was decorated in a blue and white color scheme and accented with embroidered Chinese flowers. Madeleine Jarry indicates that the Story of the Chinese Emperor tapestry series was first egitimized son, the Duc du Maine, who had a keen i nterest in China and the Jesuit s scientific work there. 5 Hugh Honour inspired objects can be seen as symbolically motivated: leil may well have 6 It might be more likely that Louis X I V used chinoiserie as spectacle, as a way to underscore his own magnanimous identity. It would be an impressive display of th nation of China for the entertainment of his court. Any allusions to the Chinese emperor that might have been made by the kinds of East Asian objects in Louis ld not have been intended to establish a likeness between the two. Rather, if Louis XIV garnered a representation of the Chinese emperor through his collections, it was done as an orientalist means of fashioning his own kingliness. 5 Madeleine Jarry, Chinoiserie: Chinese Influence on European Decorat ive Art, 17th and 18th Centuries ( New York: Vendome Press, 1981), 16. 6 Honour, 54 55.
51 In 1684, Chinese Jesui t Michael Shen Fu Tsung accompanied Father Philippe Couplet from Nanking on a tour of Europe and visited Versailles It was noted in the Mercure galant that the King received the visitor at court and held a lunch eon in his honor, during which Shen entertai ned the attendees by dining with chopsticks. Afterward, his portrait was engraved and sold publicly. The next year, Louis XIV held a masquerade ball at Versailles in which he dressed as half Persian and half Chinese, and his brother appeared as the E mper or of China. In January 1700, he gave a Chinese themed ball at Marly in honor of the Duchesse de Bourgogne. Thirty musicians car ried in the King on a palanquin; pagodes greeted the Duchesse as she entered. The other entertainers were also dressed accoutremen of the banquet napkins, tablecloths and plates were all of oriental origin. 7 it scientists through the French Academy of Sciences, to travel to Beijing and present themselves to the Emperor as ambassadors and scientists to work in the at the court of the Kangxi Emperor in 1687. Of this group, Father Bouvet was at the behest of the emperor to recruit more scientifically inclined Jesuits and 7 Honour, 62 63.
52 foster a relationship of good faith between the emperor and Louis XIV. 8 In 1697 Father Bouvet published and dedicated it to Louis XIV. In 1662 the Manufacture Royale de Gobelins had been created in it was tasked early on with making the tapestry series 9 The Manufacture Royale de Beauvais manufactured tapestries for clients other than the king, and from this factory came the Story of the Chinese Emperor As noted above, the first set of the series was made for the Duc du zed son by Madame de Montespan. Jarry describes t Orientalizing works that would be classified as chinoiserie [portraying] courtly life 10 The Story of the Chinese Emperor was designed by Guy Louis Vernansal, Blin de Fontenay and Jea n Baptiste Monnoyer in the 1690s. 11 This series was figures and motifs from the printed works of Johann Nieuhoff and Athanasiu s Kircher. The series was sold as a set of six chosen f rom the following: The Emperor on a Journey The Astronomers The Collation Harvesting Pineapples 8 David E Mungello, The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500 1800 ; Critical issues in history ( Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1 999), 67 68. 9 Jarry, 15. 10 Jarry, 20 22. 11 Edith A. Standen, Metropolitan Museum Journal 11 (1976), 103 117.
53 The Empress Sailing The Return from the Hunt The Emperor Sailing The Empress's Tea and two versions of the Audience of the Emperor (Figure s A 1 6 to A 21 ). Edith Standen attributes the costume of the Emperor in the Emperor on a Journey to portrait of the Kangxi in his China Monumentis published in Amsterdam in 1667; she notes that the figure i s made to appear older than 13 years old, the age th e Emperor was at the time the orig inal portrait was made (Figure A 22 ). 12 kow towing to a Kircher print titled Idol Worship which depicts a single man kneeling with his face to the ground in front of a naked, seate d statue identified as Pagodes Indorum Numen 13 In the background a pyramid of shrunken heads sits on a table centered between pillars of burning incense. The entertainer standing on a single stilt in the Empress Sailing Chinese E ntertainers in his Description of an Embassy from the East India Co. of the United provinces to the Emperor of China published in Amsterdam in 1665. 14 Standen also identifies the seated figure with a white beard in the Astronomers as Father Johann Adam Sch all von Bell and that the figure is derived from a portrait Schall engraved by Kircher in 166 7 (Figure A 23 ). 15 depicted by his hat and by the white crane on the square of his robes, although 12 Standen, 109. 13 Standen, 109. 14 Standen, 111. 15 Standen, 106; Standen also notes that Henri Cordier identified the very similar figure walking down the temple steps as Schall in horizontal version of the tapestry discussed in La Chine en France au XVIII sicle (Paris, 1910), 39.
54 Standen notes that the symbol pictured in the tapestry seems to be a white dragon rather than a crane. She also postulates that the astronomical equipment the ecliptic armillary sphere and the celestial globe pictured in the tapestry is derived from actual pieces made in China under the instruction of Father Verbie Nouveaux Mmoires 16 Because the tapestry series was commissioned specifically to commemorate the embarkation of the French Jesuit embassy, we should attempt to under set mission. The series represents a reality in which the Jesuits acting as embodiments of Western knowledge and culture play a pivotal role in the daily life and education of the sup reme authority of China. This story is a much glorified version of the actual relations among the Chinese emperors and the Jesuits residing at their court In the Collation and the Astronomers European Jesuits are shown educating the Emperor in the ways of Western science and presumably religion. The central f emale f igure of the tapestry series is the Empress who appears to be enjoying an active outdoor lifestyle, Harvesting Pineapples and Sailing She is white, European and presumably French. Arguab ly, the decision to represent the Empress as European was a practical one, because few highborn Chinese women were actually seen by the Jesuits in the Court at Beijing and there were few printed images of Chinese women to serve as the basis for the figure of the Empress in the tapestry series. However, I think it is more likely that the Empress is figured as a blonde white woman 16 Standen, 108.
55 because of the long history of whiteness as the standard of beauty in European, and specificall y French, painting and culture. Perhaps, the Chinese Emperor to a Eu ropean woman can be seen as hope for successf ul Sino French alliance. This way, the Story of the Chinese Emperor could be read as successful marriage of French and Chinese cultures, one in which the Chinese are properly converted and assimilated to French culture When the French Jesuit mission arrived in Beijing in 16 88, they ushered in a new era of Jesuit presence in China. J esuits Fontena y and Visde lou arrived at court just in time to cure the Kangxi of 17 Kangxi soon ordered Bouvet to return to France to bring more scientist missionaries, and Bouvet returned on the first voyag e of the Amphrite in 1700 with twelve more French Jesuits. The French Jesuits almost immediately came into conflict with the Portuguese Jesuits working in the Astronomical Bureau over issues of national interests, patronage and competition in scientific in fluence. 18 The Portuguese Jesuits had been the chief purveyors of the Faith in China as part of the Padroado ; they were awarded in the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, and they essentially laid the framework for Jesuit missionary interaction in China during the seventeenth century. 19 The Portuguese Crown established a Portuguese Vice Province in 1612 and founded 17 Nicolas Standaert, Handbook of Christianity in China ( Leiden The Netherlands : Brill, 2001), 314. 18 Standaert, 315. 19 Standaert, 286 87.
56 the Jesuit school at Macao that was responsible for training all Jesuits coming into China In 1700 Jesuit General Tyrso Gonzalez de Santallas separat ed the French mission from the Portuguese Vice Province and Jean Fran ois Gerbillon became the first Superior of the French Vice Provinc e. A new French church called Beitang was then built in 1703 with funding from both Kangxi and Louis XIV. Before the much of the cultural contact between France and China. The Dutch had a much longer history and a stronger presence in East Asia; they established trading ports in China and Japan, and med iated the dissemination of East Asian export wares in France. China and Japan had little intere st or use for European imports, but were concerned with western impositions into their own cultures. They maintained strict trade relations with the nations of Europe, s o actual contact between the merchants of Europe and China were limited to those interactions that took place within the port cities of Deshima, Canton and Macao where trade was heavily sanctioned by the native governments. In 1660, only 600 of about 10,0 00 European trading vessels belonged to the French, so in 1665 economic program. 20 By 1673, the French had established trading posts in Southern Madagascar, Senegal and Pondi chery, but a F rench ship would no t return from China until 1700. Despite the sluggish evolution of French mercantile 20 Basil Guy, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire ; Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century, 21 ( 1963), 31.
57 relationship w ith China was ignited by the arrival of Basil Guy argues that the Society of Jesus was French trade with the East; he calls them first real brokers of exchanges and writes that they created a body of knowledge on China that informed European interests in the Far East. 21 Although the Chinese had no interest in European trade goods, they were piqued by European science, astronomy and mathematics. The Jesuits in China made a far greater impact on the cultural contact between Europe and East Asia than the marine merchants who transported chinoiserie represented the people of East Asia in texts that supplemented and informed consumers of East Asian and Asian inspired goods. Not only did the Jesuits at Macao and in Beijing produce vast amounts of literature on China, they also translated important Chinese texts, and even acted as advisors within the Imperial court. French Jesuits taught astronomy, mathematics, European languages and European painting, design and architecture at the court in Peki ng. Under the patronage of the Qianlong Emperor, Jesuits executed several portraits of the Emperor, Chinese painted silk scrolls, European and hybrid techniques, a series of military engravings and decorations for palace interiors and designed the Europe an Pavilions at Yuanmingyuan. Over the years, the Jesuits at Beijing sent hundreds of thousands of volumes of classical Chinese texts to the French Royal Library and, when in France, t hey published their own 21 Guy, 154
58 volumes ( which inclu ded thousands of printed im ages) on Chinese history, government, religion and culture. Although the Kangxi and Qianlong Emperors welcomed Jesuit scientists and artists in their court, outside of Macao and the court at Beijing, Jesuit influence in China was generally regarded with suspicion and sometimes met with hostility. Chines e into Judeo Christian beliefs and European languages, values and norms culturati on and accul asserts that the Chinese attempts to limit European presence within its borders should be seen as proactive measures to prevent European expansionism and proselytization. 22 Qing Dynasty foreign policy followed that of its Ming predecessor, p roscribing trade with Europe to Macao and Canton and allowing only the Dutch to tr ade in Beijing once every 8 years. The missionaries of the Society of Jesus held a privileged position in Beijing and were allowed to maintain a residence in Peking, but the ir presence in the city was often the source of controversy. When the Shunzhi Emperor died unexpectedly in 1661, German Jesuit and astronomical advisor to the Emperor, Adam Schall von Bell was imprisoned after being accused by the regent, Yang Guangxian, of being Although Schall was sentenced to death in 1664 the sentence was never carried out because of an earthquake and because of shrewd political maneuvering by the E mpress Dowager, who feared 22 Christina Miu Bing Cheng, Macau: a Cultural Janus ( Hong Kong: Hong Kong University, 1999), 60.
59 the Regent would not r elinquish authority to her grandson, the Kangxi Emperor. who became an advisor to the Kangxi Emperor and was charged with the task of renovating the astronomical observatory in B eijing. During a period of harmony with the Jesuits, the Kangxi Emperor issued an edict of toleration for Christians in China in 1692; but was later convinced to change his position in 1718 when he issued an edict to proscribe Christianity from the provi nce of Guangdong. In 1726, the Yongzhe ng Emperor passed an edict that allowed only European Jesuits working in the court to remain in Beijing and required all other Christians in China to return to Macao d culture that in the end including the missionary effort 23 T suspicion of European presence in China was rising an d Christians, whether nati ve Chinese or European, were persecuted in many provinces Incidents of violent persecution of Christians in the provinces occurred from 1746 48, 1754, 1768 69 and 1784 85. 24 Though the Jesuits received patronage from the Emperor and were privileged with a residence in Beijing, they lived in harsh conditions. In 1718, the Kangxi Emperor approved a proposal by the brigade general of Guangdong to pr oscribe Christianity, but issued an edict that delayed the prohibition for several years. In 1724, Yongzheng i ssued an imperial edict to 23 Lauren Arnold, Seventeenth Pacific Rim Report 27 (April 2003), 8. 24 Standaert, 298.
60 follow up that of his father by further proscribing Christianity, requiring all missionaries not employed by the court to retire to the Portuguese c olony at Macao D uring this time all Jesuits within the Forbidden City were pla ced under house arrest inc luding Guiseppe Castiglione, then known as Lang Shining. Jean Denis Attiret privately lamented his position in Beijing: Will this farce never come to an end? I find it hard to convince myself that all this is to the great er glory of God to be on a chain from one sun to the next, barely to have Sundays or feast days to or spirit; to have to put up with thousands of other harassments all of this would make me return to Europe if I did not believe my brush was useful for the good of religion, and a means of making the emperor favorable toward the missionaries who preach it. This is the sole attraction that keeps me here, as well as the other Euro pean in 25 The Jesuits working in Peking understood their success with in the Forbidden City as a crucial element to the entire Jesuit mission in China. In 1736 and 1746 it was documented that Shining attempted to persuade the Qianlong Emperor, the persecution of the Jesuits. In 1736 the request was fulfilled, but in 1746, the Emperor responded, and the e xecution of an imprisoned Jesuit went on as planned. 26 In summary, I ha ve demonstrated that the social spaces of cultural exchange between France and China were situated largely within the Imperial Court at Beijing. China never sent official ambassadors to France, and on the 25 Quoted in Arnold, 7. 26 Arnold, 7.
61 occasions Chinese visitors appeared in France, it happened under the rstanding of East Asia: it provided the critical backdrop against which chino iserie was recognized. However, it did not portray the realities of the on with the Chinese in Beijing. Next, I elaborate on the ideal version of China in eighteenth century France and specifically how it related to c hinoiserie I also demonstrate how the direct line of chinoiseries and to the journey of his Tenture chinois to China.
62 CHAPTER 4 Tho ugh famous as a painter, Fran ois Boucher was a prodigious printmaker and a major purveyor of chinoiserie in pictorial form. Most of the chinoiseries he produced were engravings meant to be sold for individual use or to be used as models for deco rating p orcelain and furniture. Boucher, a n astute student of printmaking, drew from a variety of resources including texts written and illustrated by seventeenth century Dutch travelers and Jesuits in the court at Beijing an illustrated Chinese agricultural man ual in the French Royal Library, second hand engravings of Chinese and Japanese prints by Jean Antoine Fraisse, and his own collection of Chinese and Japanese prints. 1 He was also an avid collector of Asi an objects of art and furniture, which often appear ed in his own printed and painted works. chinoiserie began when he was invited to Recueil Julienne Between 1726 and 1 729, Julienne published over three hundred of Wa drawings in the two volume Figures de differents caracteres, de Paysages, et with 55 of 132 plates by Boucher. Katie Scott contends that Boucher most likely met Gabriel Huquier through Julienne the Recueil and Boucher was reproducing the chinoiserie from the chateau of la 1 Perrin Stein, The Burlington Magazine 138/1122 (September 1996), 598 604.
63 Muette for the same publication. 2 his artistic sojourn to Italy from 172 9 to 1731 which proved to have a significant impact on his painting style during the 1730s. Upon his return from Italy he married, upgraded his living quarters fro m the printmaking quarter on rue St Jacques to the quarter of professional painters near th e Louvre on St Thomas du Louvre, and was awarded full membership to the Academy. 3 Although he no longer resided at St Jacques, he was still in volved in the printmaking scene; and, them in the Mercure de France. chinoiserie prints published by Huquier during this time include the 1737 Scnes de la vie chinoise the 1738 Recueil de diverses figures chinoises du Cabinet de Monsieur Boucher and the Suite des Cinq Sens ( in 1 738 ) and The Four Elements which was engraved by Pierre Aveline and exhibited at the Salon of 1740. The same year, when the famous marchand mercier was looking to update the reputation of his shop, he renamed it A la pagode and commissioned Boucher to de sign his new trade card (1740 Figure A 24). In the Salon of 1742, Boucher exhibited the tapestry models ( now in Besanon ) which were the basis for the Beauvais commission Le T enture chinois and Huquier published engravings after these paintings as well Boucher also p ainted a set of Chinese landscape views for the ove rdoors of 2 Katie Scott, on of Artistic Melissa Hyde and Mark Ledbury (eds.), Rethinking Boucher (Los Angeles, California: Getty Research Institute, 2006), 91 132. 3 Jo Hedl ey, ( London: The Wallace Collection, 2004), 37.
64 boudoir a la chinoise at Bellevue in the early 1750s. 4 His chinoiserie designs were adapted an d used at Beauvais, and also at the privately financed tapestry manufactory at Aubusson and the r oyal porcelain manufactory at S vres where they continued to be used through the 1770s. of Asian art and artifacts was doc umented in a 200 page sale catalogue published in 1771 by Parisian a rt dealer Pierre Remy. Boucher owned several pai nted and graphic works: paintings, including four large landscapes on paper in gilt frames, four vases of flowers painted on paper cut out and laid on canvas, 36 little painted sheets of paper, four Chinese engravings of landscapes and marines, and a large scroll 5 pieces of porcelain and earthenware, with three quarters of it having oriental origin including Terre des Indes, Pagodes et pates des Indes, Porcelaines de Japon, anciennes porcelains, faiences et porcelains de Perse and porcelains de la Chine which were sub grouped into celadon, bleu celeste (turquoise blue ground), truit e (speckled) and cra quel e (crizzled glaze). 6 He o wned two of his own biscuit groups from Sevres, Le Petit Vendangeur and Le Petit Patissier 4 Melissa Lee Hyde, Making His Critics (Los Angeles, California : Getty Research Institute, 2006), 79. 5 Hedley, 77. 6 Rosalind Savill, an Apollo 106/241 (March 1982), 162 170; 169.
65 created by Falconet in 1757. He also owned a green pot with fish scales in relief from St. Cloud, a set of parakeets from Meissen and some English v ases. 7 Anne Dulau assert s that the chinoiserie the 1740s may have been inspired by his personal possessions, but were not faithful reproductions. 8 Instead they would be recogni zable to patrons Dulau draws a comparison between Kangxi period (1662 1722) blue and white and Brown glazed Chinese export teapots so and for the Dutch trade post established in present day Jakar ta and those tea pots were paintings from the 1730s, The Breakfast Woman on a Daybed and Woman Fastening her Garter (c. 1690 1700 Figure A 25; 1739 Figure A 26; 1742 Figure A 27; and 1742 Figure A 28 ). 9 She maintains that the painted pots would have been modeled after objects in and the same is true for the lacquered, folding screens featured in Woman on a Daybed and Woman Fastening her Garter s inclusion of these items in his paintings can be read a number ways. It was the fashion of the times. He was particularly interested in these items and wanted to showcase them. And, he was promoting a general interest in chinoiserie to enhance his own reputa tion. Without having 7 Savill, 169. 8 Anne Dulau, Lady Taking Tea and Woman on a Daybed in Anne Dulau et al (eds.), Boucher & Chardin: Masters of Modern Manners ( Glasgow Scotland : The Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow, 2008), 8 25. 9 Dulau, 97.
66 access to the items in his collection it is impossible to determine whether the items were authentic Chinese or Japanese wares acquired through private merchants working within the East India Companies or hybrid Asian items ma de in Asia or France. Regardless, his collection played a key role in the development of his own chinoiseries and he did h ave some first hand knowledge of East A sian aesthetics through his contact with the objects of art inventoried in his sale catalogue Boucher was also influenced by the work of Jean Antoine Fraisse, another contemporary chinoiserie artist working in France and producing design models for the porcelain and lacquer factories at Chantilly. S usan Miller contends that through Huquier Bouc her acquired access to Livres de Desseins chinois and the woodblock stamps and plates. 10 Fraisse published the Chine et du Japon, dessins et graves en t aille douce, par Le Sr Fraisse, Peintre de S.A.S. Monseigneur Le Duc in 1735. The designs were inspired by Chinese and Japanese prints and silk handscrolls owned by Cond Chantilly, Louis Henri, Prince de Cond The best copy of the L ivre des Desseins ction in Paris, and Miller insist s that this copy must have been the o ne produced personally for Cond as it includes hand drawn details and is hand colored in a style derived from 10 Susan Miller, Metropolitan Museum Journal 31 (1996) 127 130.
67 kakiemon porcela ins (1735 Figure A 29). 11 Acco rding to Miller, the copy Huquier possesse d had at least some coloring, and H uquier reproduced thirty two of sixty print s from plates etched by Fraisse in his own Livre des tes, et trophes de la Chine, Tirs du Cabinet du Roy. Grav par Huquier. 12 In his Livre Fraisse combined Japanese brushwood fences with Chinese stylized leaves relative to those stiff, upright leaves circling the necks of Ming and Kangxi export porcelai n s as well as Chinese inspired seventeenth century Delftware. 13 He also used maki e a Japanese technique in which gold flecks are sprinkled on wet lacquer and imitated the t echnique in his paintings. This technique was also used on Saint Cloud and Chantill y porcelains. Fraisse designed and hand painted floral patterns on the robes of some of the figurines made at Chantilly which combine elements from Japanese textiles dyed cotto n fabrics from India, European acanthus leaves, and seventeenth century Chine se inspired Delftware. 14 The Prince de Cond financed fabric, lacquer and porcelain goods and promote her role as an exporter of luxury goods within Europe by 11 Miller, 128. 12 Miller, 127. 13 Susan Miller, "Images o f Asia in French luxury goods: Jean Antoine Fraisse at Chantilly, c.1729 36." Apollo 154/477 (Nov 2001), 3 12; 6 9. 14 Miller, 6 9.
68 producing East Asian inspi red goods adapted from the Cond Fraisse. 15 The Metropolitan Museum of Art has several porcelain vases and figurines made from 1735 to 1740 at the factory at Chantilly and some are decorated with designs after Fraisse. These figurin es and fi gures on the porcelain vases clue us in to more material Boucher might have gleaned from the Fraisse prints and plates owned by Huquier. Figures A 30 and A 31 show two sides of a soft paste porcelain jar produced at Chantilly between 1735 and 174 0 with painted decorations after designs by Fraisse One side shows a seated figure wearing a four cornered headdress like the one Boucher used to adorn the Chinese emperor in his tapestry series. The second side show s a group of men sitting down to dinn er at a table oddly angled diagonally toward the viewer. The composition is similar to one painted on the side of a potpourri vessel manufactured a t Svres during the 1750s that also shows a group of men sitt ing around a table pointing diagonally toward t he viewer (Figure A 32). It is possible Boucher adapted the table and card the corner of the table and lowering the angle at which it i s viewed before passing the design along to the factory. S everal of the p orcelain figur ines from Chantilly at the MET a re laughing Buddhas striking ly Chinese chi ldren, his magots and other figures from his own Recue il The Chinese Botanist Recue il with his paunchy belly and an open mouth ed gri resembles the laughing Shou Lou 15 Miller, 3.
69 from Chantilly and closely resembles magots (1740 Figure A 33 and c. 1735 40 Figure A 34). T he botanist is holding a branch over his left shoulder and one of the l eaves sticks out from behind his head in precisely the right position to appear as if it mig ht be a hat rather than a leaf. The Chinese Doctor with his grin and elongated earlobes also bears a likeness to the Chantilly Sh o u Lou or possibly the Laughing Buddha with Jar (1740 Figure A 35 and 1735 Figure A 36). Perrin Stein demonstrates that Boucher engaged in a pattern of direct the Remarkable addresses by way of embassy from the East India Company of the United Provi nces, to the Emperor of Japan This illustrated text was first published in Amsterdam by Jacob Meurs, and the French translation was published in 1680 Two prints from Remarkable addresses Chinese Mar riage scene. 16 The left side of the foreground i Man Leading Two Cows and the primary scene of the marriage ceremony is tak en print, Marriage Cere monies Boucher used several s source material for his tapestry series Remarkable addresses was based on his voyage to Japan, not China. For been significant enough for him to scruple. Boucher also borrowed from Johann N i euhof An Embassy from the East India Co. of the United provinces to the Emperor of China published in Amsterdam in 1665 with one hundred fifty 16 Stein, 599.
70 illustrations engraved by Wenceslas Hollar from Nieuh This text p rovided the basis for the figure of the emperor in the first Tenture chinois pr oduced at Beauvais in the 1690s. We know Boucher was at least familiar with the Nieuhoff Frontispiece because the Emperor ( seated on a dais with his left hand placed on a glob e) in Audience with the Emperor from the tapestry series is adapted from this print. Stein also points to a Chinese source, from which Boucher adapted entire compositions for his Scenes of Chinese Life series. She argues that Boucher must have used a 16 96 edition of the Yuzhi Gengzhi Tu which was commissioned by the Kangzi Emperor with engravings after Jiao Bingzhen. 17 Thousands of volumes of Chinese texts became available during the time Boucher produced chinoiseries In 1733, the Jesuits in Beijing s ent copies of over 160,000 volumes of classic Chinese texts to Paris ; and by 1739 there were nearly 400 original Chinese or Manchu texts in the French royal library. 18 The Gengzhi Tu (Pictures of Farming and Weaving) was an illustrated agricultural manual originally compiled during the Song Dynasty with emphasis on the production of rice and silk. The Yuzhi Gengzhi Tu was an imperial version of the original text commissioned by the Kangxi Emperor and includes poems inscribed by the emperor himself and by his scholar artist Jiao Bingzhen was a court astronomer who worked with the Jesuits there 17 Stein, 602. 18 Basil Guy, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire ; Studies on Voltair e and the eighteenth century, 21 ( 1963), 383.
71 and was tutored in European mathematical perspective techniques by Father Ferdinand Verbiest. 19 The illustrations from which Boucher appropriated his figures focused on the harvesting and threading of silk. The harvest is depicted as a family affair, showing women, both old and young, actively engaged in the process of colle cting silk while caring for their children. The images of the women and children are playful, charming and endearing. More important these are among the only images of Chinese women in Europe at the time that originated from a Chinese source Most of t he prints depicting Chinese people seen in Europe and used for source material for chinoiseries were images drafted by male travelers and Jesuit priests who experienced little if any contact with Chinese women. These were usually images of soldiers, manda rins and merchants. That said, Scenes de la vie chinoise hit the market in the 1730s, it would have been the first time people in France saw images of Chinese women who did not resemble the blonde, European standar d Venus, but had darkened hair and somewhat Asiatic phenotypes Upon seeing how the Rene du Bois drop front secretaire with painted decorations adapted from Fire from the Five Elements series and Touch from the Five Senses series, we know that details such as these were easily opted out (1740 Figure A Gengzhi tu and subsequent 19 Robert L. T horp and Richard Ellis Vinograd, Chinese Art & C ulture ( New York: Abrams, 2001), 360.
72 distribution of his prints was a unique oc currence of cultural contact with China in France even for Boucher. The figural group from Two Women Leading a Child ( which shows a woman leaning down behind a toddler to support his ba ck beneath his arms as he walks) was adapted from Silk Weaving on a D rawloom ; only Boucher rejuvenated the appearance of the elderly woman behind the child to make her appear youthful in his own print (Figure A 38). 20 The Child Reaching for a Caged Bird is an inversion of the scene from Boiling the Silk Cocoons : a woman st ands behind a toddler to support him as he reaches up to a pair of older children who are peeking over a fence at him (Figure A 39). 21 And, Seated Woman with Children and Servants is borrowed from in which a standing woman passes a child to a seated woman as the woman and child both reach for each other and another small child tugs at a sash behind the standing woman (Figure A 40). 22 A soft paste polychrome vase from Svres decorated by Charles Dodin indicates that the factory w chinoiserie designs after the Gengzhi Tu into the 1760s (Figure A 41). The painted decorations on the vase combine the figure of the woman and child from Two Women Leading a Child and the seated woman from Seated Woman with Children and Servants The repetition of figures and their adaptation through various media by new artists was common practice by chinoiserie standards and especially in 20 Stein, 602 603. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid.
73 magot makes a prolific number of chinoiserie and paintings of fashionable interiors from the 1730s and 1740s. A seated magot atop a lacquer cabinet is a central figure in the trade card Boucher designed for Gersaint. A magot appears in the background of The Breakfast in Fire from the Five Senses series, and next to his own signature in Woman on A Daybed Melissa Hyde suggests that Boucher used the figure of magot as a symbol with a dua l meaning : as a signature and self representation. 23 It wa s not surprising then when a malicious par ody of Orphelin de la Chine was published by an March 1756, that it was titled Les Magots 24 More than a signature, the figure of the magot chinoiserie must have something akin to a brand logo and was publicly recognized In Fire a grinning Boucher magot presides over the scene of a dashed romantic interlude in which a seated soldier comically realizes, to his own horror, that the serving maid who approaches with his tea is actually a man. Unlike the rest of the prints from the series, the scene with the two men takes place on a raised platform. Though not unlike the architectural spaces Boucher derived from Chinese prints and used in his other chinoiserie 23 d self regarding visual Making up the Rococo pp. 53; she identifies his signature on the ribbon box in his 1746 The Milliner commissioned for Princess Lovisa Ulrika of Sweden, as an example of this tendency. See a lso: Melissa Hyde, ng into the Picture: Bouche in Melissa Hyde and Mark Ledbury (eds.), Rethinking Boucher ( Los Angeles California : The Getty Research Institute, 2006), 13 Rethinking Boucher Colin Baily, enth Colin Bailey et al. (eds.), The Age of Watteau, Chardin and Fragonard: Masterpieces of French Genre Painting ( New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press in association with the Nat ional Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 2003), 2 39. 24 Guy, 225.
74 prints, this particular platform is not connected t o any adjacent walls, but is frontally aligned toward the viewer and resembles a free standing stage The backdrop is a sparse set of two posts and a lintel upon which sits the Boucher magot te. The placement of the figures in the composition is similar to those in the Beautiful Kitchen Maid in which the standing kitchen maid is wooed by her seated admirer (1733 34 Figure A 42) Symbols like the flaming kitchen stove in the background, the single broken egg that has tumbled to the floor from the eagerly devours his captured bird all allude to, in a bawdy and wisecracking way, the sexual magnetism of a lovers For Fire Bouch er arranges the figures so the surprised soldier points at his would be sweetheart in the same way the young shepherd reaches up to hold the kitchen dismay. Familiar symbols like t he flaming stove, the steam billowing from the teapot, and the disarmed shield in the foreground reference the element of Fire The Boucher gaze breaks the page to meet the viewer whose expectations of a roman tic interlude have been dashed by the clever scene The dashed expectations for a romantic encounter seem to parallel relationship with China in which the Chinese denied access to French interests unless they were appealing to the Chinese. Perha ps in a dash of self deprecatory humor Boucher points out the interchangeability of his genre scenes and his chinoiseries Perhaps he i s drawing attention to a contrived nature of
75 chinoiseries showing how a few props serve to Boucher seems to be poking fun at the very nature of chinoiserie a hybrid genre foreign to both its Asian and European parentage. 25 By showing how such facile at the expense of the viewer Boucher combines innocent and tendentious humor; although the Chinese figures are set up to be mocked, Boucher arranges the scene so that elements of playful self ridicule are cast on himself and the viewer. 26 In this way, Fire shares the themed comedies common during the mid eighteenth century, which Guy describes as highly imaginative parodies of European customs that pretend to satirize the Chinese and rely heavily on the support of exotic settings. 27 Mark L edbury demonstrates theater from 1725 until his death in 1770 was incredibly rich and complicated. 28 His engagement with the theater influenced his painting, and his paintings often allude to theatrical references. Boucher worked as a costume and set designer rical productions at Versailles. H e collaborated with Charl es Simon Favart and Jean Monnet. H is Tenture chinois was used as the basis for Jean 4 ballet at the Opra Comique titled Les Ftes chinoises 25 Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 66 (2003), 189 248. 26 27 Guy, 183. 28 Mark Ledbury, in Melissa Hyde and Mark Ledbury (eds.), Rethinking Boucher ( Los Angeles California : The Getty Research Institute, 2006), 133 160.
76 an awareness of the beholder and satire. He was knowledgeable of various ors, and was capable of translating exoticism from interior scenes to pastoral landscapes and genre scenes. 29 Boucher designed Aline, reine de Golconde an oriental comedy that appeared around 1766. The play is about the queen of an exotic kingdom who p retends to be a shepherdess so that she may tease and tempt her lover who does not recognize her in disguise The play is the culmination of both exoticism and pastoralism and the dialogue is both Orienta lizing and self conscious at one point, the protagonist, Saint Phar Am I in France, or 30 This ambiguity of place points to an chinoiseries the fact that they are all set out of doors and the locations are merely alluded to by their titles and the costumes of the figures. A practical reason could be that his source material might have led him to do so. The prints from the Gengzhi Tu provide a traditional Chinese cutaway vie w of the architectural structures so we have a streamlined view of the indoors and outdoors together. The architecture itself also flows naturally between the two, incorporating itself to the natural landscape. The unobstructed view of the 29 135. Michael Fried, Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot ( Berkeley California : University of California Press, 1980). The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 70/ 9 (November 1983), 360 378. 30 Quoted in Ledbury, 152.
77 interior scen es diminishes the conventional division of the indoors and out of doors. Boucher might also have thought that his designs were destined to be adapted to a variety of surfaces, and, therefore any extra attention to the details of the backgrounds in his pri nts would have been superfluous; his designs would need to be easily interchangeable from one format to the next. The ambiguity of place in his chinoiserie seems to acknowledge the absence of China in the inspired art. It loc ates China not on a map but within costumes and props, on a stage; on paper, porcelain and framed canvases. It suggests that chinoiserie is more than a collection of objects produced in workshops. It is also a mode of production itself. Boucher seems to acknowledge that chinoiserie was an orientalist performance through w hich the French used East Asian less about China tha n about France so that they could produce an even more carefully crafted, cos mopolitan version of themselves against the backdrop. 31 Whether or not B oucher was trying to imitate an Asian aesthetic style in his own prints, his interest in East Asian art and his work in chinoiserie proved to be points of contention for his critics. He demonstrated a knack for distorting the artifice and reality in the context of his chinoiserie ( performativity and hybridity ) It seems as if Bo ucher was trying to incite the ire of his critics by embellishing the particular qualities of that mode they protested. In 31
78 that the habitual study of the Chinese taste, whic h s favou rite passion, will eventually alter the grace of his contours. They will no 32 ting at large, and accused the artist of having a ruinous effect on French painting and culture. His criticism also falls in line with a larger body of critique that included the efforts of classicists and xenophobes who condemned Chinese art and feared i t would also have a ruinous effect o n French painting and culture. Saint chinoiserie The image of the ideal China, which had inspired the chinoiserie of the 1730s became increasingly contested over t tapestry series was sent to China, the once idealized empire had become a potent tool for disarming its own enthusiasts. 32 Cited in Hedley, 80. C. L. de Saint Yves 1748, op. cit., 28 2 9.
79 CHAPTER 5 When it came time for Beauvais to update the f series, Franois Boucher was an obvious choice for the commission Boucher had alread y been employed by Beauvais. P leased with the success of his 1736 designs for the Ftes Italiennes the factory re commissioned him to design a set of scenes depicting the story of Psyche that was first woven in 1741 His involvement with the Recu e il Julienne copying Watteau Figures chinois es his commission to design the Chinese inspired trade card of the famed Edme Gersaint a nd his succe ss as a printmaker of figures chinois es made Boucher a veritable authority on representing China. ddle of the eighteenth century? Jarry argues that the Story of the Chinese Emperor ser ies needed to b e replaced for a practical reason the tapestry cartoons were worn out. The style of the tapestries was also well worn. The late baroque mported with contemporary tastes which were suited to B bambochades Also, the two tapestry series served two very different functions. The S tory of the Chinese Emperor provided a portrait of the Emperor himself, and this image needed to be updated as th e Kangxi Emperor died in 1722, and his g randson, the Qianlong Emperor ca me into power in 1735 The first tapestry series represented a commemorate the embarkation of a French Jesuit delegation sponsored by Louis XIV to th
80 aesthetic device through which the French elite could practice both personal and political self critique. Rather than commemorating a moment of contact between France and China, the s econd tapestry series was designed to represent an The badly outdated representations of the Emperor, in a political climate in which the figure of the E mperor was often used to critique the French monarchy, coul d have been vie wed as an affront to the King. I argue that Boucher cannily adapted the tapestry series to represent a pastoral utopia governed by a benevolent patriarch so the series could be understood as a representation of the ideal vision of China pr omoted in France by the Jesuits and also as a favorable appraisal o I examine how the concept of utopia in Enlightenment France was uniquely connected to the French underst anding of China by comparing representation s of utopia to those conceived by Voltaire and Jean Jacques Rousseau. I pay special attention to works of these two philosophers because their polarized views on China represent respectively the apex and the decline of how China and subseque ntly chinoiserie was received in France during the eighteenth century. 1 estate than tp a highly cosmopolitan Chinese civilization 1 Basil Guy, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire ; Studies on Voltaire an d the eighteenth century, 21 (
81 in his 1756 and his 1755 Orphelin de la Chine. In 1737, Louis XV committed to purchasing two sets of Beauvais tapestries annually to be given to foreign diplomats an d it was determined at such an undertaking. 2 produced for Beauvais in 1742 consist of six horizontal and two vertical canvases now housed at the Mus e de Besanon. Full orders of the series were manufactured in sets of six from the following: Audience with the Emperor The Chinese Fair Chinese Hunting Chinese Fishing The Chinese Garden The Chinese Marriage The Chine se Dance Chinese Curiosity and Chinese Entertainment (Figures A 43 and A 44 ). T he first royal order for the series was no t placed until 1754; a second royal order was placed in 1758, a third in 1759 and a fourth in 1767. The first royal order was given t o the Danish count von Moltke and is now split between the Amalienborg Palace and the Rosenborg Castle in Copenhagen. 3 Candace Adelson speculates that the second royal order was a gift from Louis XV to Madame de Pompado u r and hung in her apartments at Ver sailles. 4 The t hird order was the set placed in the care of Aloys Kao and Etienne Yang to deliver to 2 Edith A. Standen, Metropolitan Museum Journal 19 (1984 1985), 63 84. 3 Candace Adelson, European T apestry in the Minneapolis Institut e of Arts ( Minneapolis, Minn esota: Minneapolis Institute of Arts, 1994). 4 Adelson, 333.
82 the Qianlong Emperor. Of this set, four pieces w ere last documented in the Chinese National collection in 1924; the Chinese Fair wa s brought back to Eur ope in 1860 and burned in a fire at the Tuileries in 1871 and the whereabouts of the final tapestry is unknown 5 The fourth royal order was hung in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1769 with a sofa and set of chairs upholstered to match. 6 All eight o f the modelli were later purchased by Pierre Jacques Onsyme Bergeret Royal Collector General for Montauban and his wife, Marguerite Richard who ordered a partial set of the tapestries that only included The Chinese Fair The Chinese Dance and Chinese Fi shing woven in 1743. 7 The series envisions the everyday life of the Chinese people and depicts them as a rural population who go about their daily business outdoors among their community and in the presence of the Emperor who casually oversees the goings on of his people and formally receives guests. The paintings supply a rich mixture of figural groups and items Boucher adapted from his study of Chinese prints and chinoiserie objects. As I discussed in Chapter 4, Perrin Stein identified a number of pri nted works from which Boucher appropriated and adapted figures and compositions to create his chinoiserie designs. The figure of the Chinese emperor ( who can be identified by his either black or blue, four cornered hea dwear with red or blue pom poms) is f eatured often throughout the series, namely in the Audience with the Emperor ; but he 5 Adelson, 333. 6 Adelson, 333. 7 Adelson, 329.
83 also appears as the marriage officiator in Chinese Marriage and presides over the party in Chinese Dance The figure of the emperor, seated with his hand resting on a globe in the Audience with the Emperor is derived from Wenceslas An Embassy from the East India Co. of the United provinces to the Emperor of China published in Amsterdam in 1665 (Figure A 45). But the costume and bodily comportment of the emperor along with the four envoys kow towing before him and the red robed mandarin reading the conscription that announces are Jean Livre des desseins Th eir tribute offerings include a lacquer cabine t, silks and parasols being carried into the left foreground opposite a modified ancestral shrine devoted to food offerings in the right foreground. The Emperor appears to be holding court under a tri canopied pavilion in what appears to be a central location within a small village. The two female attendants who tend to the ribbons flowing from his headdress and the concubine sea ted on the dais at this side In the Emperor and a consort are seated on a dais underneath a parasol. The dais is surrounded by date palms, and a red lattice fence connects the dais to a pavilion where a se rvant appears to be conveying food out to the imperial diners. In the foreground, a child looks over the fence into the kitchen pavilion, a guard at ease leans back against a crate and his companion appears to be snoozing on the ground. Across from them, a seated man tends a copper tea kettle over a square fire stand and looks up to converse
84 with a female servant who stands opposite him; the soldiers, children and the figural group with the fire stand are all variat ions of figures and groups that appear o chinoiserie engravings, such as Le Feu In Chinese Dance the Emperor is seated alone on a raised platform watching the dancers and musicians perform. An Ni Chang has identified the Chinese origin of some of the musical instruments in the Chinese Dance To the right of the seated man, one of the three women is playing a guzheng 26 and another is playing a sanxian a three stringed, fretless Chinese lute 8 Also, a man with several mus ical instruments near him holds two wooden sticks and plays a muyu which is put on a small table; the muyu of] a rounded woodblock carved in the shape of a fish, struck with a wooden 9 The Chinese Marr iage engravings from his 1669 Embassy of the East India Company to Japan Marriage Ceremonies and Man Leading Two Cows (Figures A 46). 10 The circular pavilion housing the statue of a god at the top of the steps whe re the ceremony takes place, the square individual parasols for the bride and groom, the lighting of torches underneath the pavilion and the female blacksmith in the foreground, Marriage 8 An Ni Chang, Franois Boucher and his Chinoiserie M.A. thesis University of Missouri Kansas City (Kansas City, Misso uri, 2010), 1 59; 35 36. 9 Chang, 35 36. 10 Perrin Stein, The Burlington Magazine 138/1122 (September 1996), 598 604; 599.
85 Ceremon ies over the ceremony and wedding gifts are delivered directly to the location of the ceremony. Boucher borrowed the cow being led into the left foreground either as a gift or a sacrifice from M an Leading Two Cows In The Chinese Fair an official oversees the affairs of a public market as traders bring in elephants in the background and a merchant tries to sell a caged bird to an elegant woman in the right foreground. The bird seller in the for Italian Ftes for Beauvais. But the woman seated in the carriage parked below The Rich Carriage of a Taikosama Lady in Waiting (1669 Figure A 47). The Chinese Garden Chinese Curiosity and Chinese Entertainment Yuzhi gengzhi tu and use the same principal figural arrangements and themes from his Scenes de la vie chinoise series. The Chinese Garden is a toilette scene with an elite woman seated outside underneath a parasol before a table upon which sits a freestanding mirror. A female attendant adorns her coif fure with fresh flowers while a eunu ch fans her with a palm frond and an inattentive guard sits at ease. Chinese curiosity is similar to Sight from The Five Senses ; in it a woman assists a child peering into a looking box presumably to see a peep show, while an eager group of children wait for their turns. And in Chinese Entertainment a seated woman pets an exotic bird taken from its perch as a small child leans against her legs.
86 Because the series was meant for purchase by the Crown, it must have s, which could account for the inclusions of scenes from his previous royal commission The Leopard Hunt for the Petits cabinet s du roi at Versailles (1736 Figure A 48). Th e Leopard Hunt was commissioned in 1736 along with five other exotic hunting scenes to decorate the intimate space of the Petits cabinet s. Louis XV personally oversaw the renovations. In the Leopard Hunt a turbaned rider emphatically gestures a follow through motion from having just thrown a spear as he sits astride a rearing horse that charges into the aftermath of a melee with fallen horses, men and leopards strewn about the ground against a rocky cliff side. F. Hamilton Hazlehurst argues that Bouc Leopard Hunt was highly successful in comparison with the Chinese Hunt of the same series executed by Jean Baptiste Pater. 11 Hazlehurst posits that Louis XV himself might have been personally paid 400 livres less than other artists who executed pai ntings for the series. Boucher, however, was later commissioned the Crocodile Hunt in a follow up series that hung in the Petite Galerie. In this light, the Tenture chinois might have provided the pe rfect opportunity for a re different terms. The Leopard Hunt was a royal commission of an orientalist 11 F. Hamilton Hazelhurst, The Art Bulletin 66/2 (1984) 224 236.
87 while the Tenture chinois was commissioned to represe nt the King publicly using an orientalist mode. demonstrates the diversity of orientalist imagery at play during the eighteenth century. The Chinese Hunting scene epitomized the rococo palette pastoral scenes with its blue green background, various shades of pink layered against each other, and gold accents. The composition is bis ected vertically, a device that provides the opportunity for two pictures in one; there is a landscape on the left side of the canvas with a bird net in t he foreground and greenery that recedes into the horizon at this time. Whereas the Leopard Hunt is a dynamic action scene with a palette and composi tion that inject a sense of building energy, the Chinese Hun ting is subdued. It is a harmonious image of a community simultaneously at work and leisure. Whereas the Leopard Hunt shows an equestrian warrior slaying a s depicted are a small community or even a multigenerational family quaintly capturing small birds alive using a net to either sell them in the aforementioned Fair or keep them as pets as demonstrated by the young girl in the foreground holding a domes ticated bird on her finger. Boucher again used Montanus as source material in Chinese Fishing for the figure of the fisherman standing in the water gathering his net. 12 Perrin Stein writes that the exact source for the fishing boat carrying the woman and child are 12 Stein, 599.
88 unknown, but she provides a Chi nese example from the year models were executed to demonstrate that the thatched roof of the boat, the female passenger in the rear and the child aboard the roof were common Chinese images. Bou cher might have sourced these figures from any number of places: his own collection of chinoiserie any of the aforementioned texts or Jean Hunting and Fishing scenes have images of maternal affection similar to those Boucher appropriated from his study of the Genzhi Tu They add feelings of sentimentality, playfulness and preciosity to the series that are essential to the notion that the series represents an idealized familial community. Th ese scenes show how women and children play active roles as members of the community; their participation is key to understanding the series as a vision of an ideal society modeled after a patriarchal family. Although Voltaire did not believe that a soci ety could achieve the status of utopia, he saw China as the most likely candidate, and he often praised China as such. 13 etween 1722 and 1778, Voltaire mentions China in no fewer than fifty nine works, including at least eight that trea t Chinese themes 14 In entry de la Chine of the 1764 edition of the Dictionnaire philosophique Voltaire wrote in the whole world, the only one that is consistently based on paternal author ity; 13 Douwe Fokkema, Perfect Worlds: Utopian Fiction in China and the West ( Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press 2011) 14 David Porter, Ideographia: The Chinese Cipher in Early Modern Europe Stanford, Calif ornia : Stanford University Press, 2001), 127.
89 the only one that has set up prizes for virtuous behavior whereas everywhere else the laws are restricted to punishing crime; the only one that has persuaded it next edition, V oltaire wrote that the Jesuits w ere expelled from China by eighteenth century emperors because the Christian faith undermined familial relationships, particularly paternal authority, and because certain practices specifically kneeling and confession were i mmodest according to Chinese decorum, especially for women. 15 Although he was educated in a Jesuit school and used Jesuit research for much of his own work on China, Voltaire vehemently y were Continuation des pens es diverses in which he argued that the Chine se people, including Confucius, were atheists and yet still highly ethic al, therefore implying that morality could exist independent of religion. 16 : rather than atheists, the Chinese were deists proponents of a natural religion which further emphasized their virtuousness and wa s a topic to which Voltaire continually returned. Voltaire appropriated the Jesuit s ideal image of China that created a role model for Europe and a tool for self reflexion Father Prosper Intorcetta handbook for i ncoming missionaries to Macao titled Si narum scientia politico 15 Fokkema, 148. 16 Fokkema, 147.
90 moralis published in Goa in 1669, argued morality in China were said to be 1) the community of interest uniting the sovereign and his people, to a point where each lost his identity in strivin g for the 17 China in the words of Father Intorcetta, offered the perfect comparison for between the unheard of wealth of C hina and the poverty of France was a harsh critique aimed directly at Louis XIV. 18 explanation of the differences absolutism produced in the two nations was that the E unobstructed moralit y guide d him. The fate of the Celestial Empire rested in the good judgment of the emperor who, much like the French monarch played the role of the father king; only with much better results. In torcetta was an Italian Jesuit; thus his critique of the Fre nch monarchy is that of an outsider. During the reign of Louis XV, the Orient functioned as a mirror throu gh which the French could critique th eir own culture and government. Charles de Secondat Lettres persanes published in 1721 became th e template for eighteenth century orientalist works that provided veiled critiques of the French monarchy and society in the form of correspondences among 17 Guy, 99. 18 Guy, 100.
91 differences in their own cultu res and that of France 19 Lettres were inspired by some notes and books left behind by the Chinese Jesuit, Arcade Wang, who died in Paris in 1716. In 1741, Jean Baptiste de Boyer, published Lettres Chinoises, ou Corresponda nce philos o phique, historique et critique, entre un Chinois voyageur Paris et ses correspondans la Chine, en Mo scovie, en Perse et au Japon Lettre s the Chinese visitors to Europe make friends with locals in Amsterdam and d iscuss the conge stion of Paris streets. One such letter recounts a discussion with the Amsterdam locals, offering a comparison of English and Chinese ladies, and another contrasts the stability of China, caused by policies of tolerance, to the anarchy of Europe, torn by revolutions and religious wars. Guy arg lettres providing a stark contrast to the infamous Persian despotism out lined by Montesquieu. 20 China had become an O riental other through which Europe could envision and reconstruct itself. As David Porter put it, longer simply looks upon the Chinese, but looks upon himself looking and criticizing what he se es [he] discovers the rhetorical power of imagining a 21 19 Charles de Secondat Montesquieu, The Persian Letters translated by John Davidson ( Philadelphia: George Barrie & Son s 1970) 20 Guy, 350. 21 Porter, 124.
92 Ruled by an absolutist Son of Heaven, China was constructed as a metaphor for the old regime ruled by the Sun K ing, and became a field for sinophilic French philosophers to act out their anxieties about their impoverished political and cultural systems by holding up China a model society Knowing the potential for Orientalizing works to critique the monarchy and knowing that the series itself would be made for purchase by Louis XV, Boucher designed the was in relatively good econ omic shape during the 1730s, and, under ministrations of Cardinal Fleury, it had avoided militar y conflict within the beloved stru ctured as a patriarchal family in which communities are made of multi generational famil ies and shown in an active state of self sustainment under the benevolent rule of a father king could be seen as a corrective to the criticisms of the King. considering that he used a Chinese agricultural textbook, the Gengzhi Tu as his source material? China did not become a beacon for agricultural systems in Europe until the 1760s, so the hunting and fishing scenes provide a likely ty to self sustain. Furthermore, images of Chinese peasants wealthy with the fruits of agricultural labor might simply have appeared in poor taste in 1742. Due to poor harvests from 1738 1741 as much as one sixth of the population in France died from st arvation, and, during these harsh times, grain was often funneled away from the rural areas and
93 into Paris to prevent riots within the city. 22 The King personally heard complaints about food shortages. B ishops from the countryside sent letters informing h im of the devastation to the communities there brought about by famine, and he was even approached by protesting peasants while in a coach between Paris and Versailles. 23 Had the series featured sce nes of the Chinese people amid abundant harvests, it would have pointed out the disparity between the idealized image of prosperity and the realities of life in the French peasantry at that time, and would have been regarded as critical of the nobility and the monarchy for not fulfilling their responsibility to t he people. but they are not visions of a grand cosmopolitan civilization like t he ones Formosante visited or even like the highly refined court culture at Versailles. They are instead much akin to the melanchol Julie In contrast to Voltaire or, in response to him, according to Guy and Douwe Fokkema Rousseau often uses China and other East Asian locations as points of comparison to which the characters of his novels prefer their own European versions instead. 24 22 Colin Jones, The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon ( London: Allen Lane, 2002), 114 118. 23 Jones, 121. 24 Orphan of China was adapted from a French translation of the Yuan era Orpha n of the House of Zhao Description ; it is set in Cambaluc (Khan balik or present day Beijing) immediately after Genghis Khan captured the Imperial Palace in the Forbidden City. The play depicts the Mongolian invaders as savage barbarian s rather than noble savages, showing that in the end the conquered people the supremely virtuous and wise Chinese are victorious over the conquerors.
94 state evokes what Fokkema calls the island tradition of utopian literature in which the setting for utopic conditions must be highly secluded. 25 S urrounded b y mou ntains and Lake Geneva, the employees of the estate are encouraged to stay there rather than visit and be (negatively) inf luenced by the nearby village. Because of its seclusion the estate has the ambience of an exotic locale. Perhaps to further this as sociation, Rousseau refers to the exotic Far East by having Saint Preux writes that the estate is reminiscent of Tinian, an island near Guam where he visited during his travels ; upon visiting the Wolmar garden, he expresses his preference for the Elyse ov er those he saw in China through a careful comparison 26 village isolated in verdant rococo landscapes and framed canvases. Ruled by a father king who holds court en plein air and endearingly pre sides over who work and celebrate together to better their simple, yet sophisticated rural society. Fokkema argues that the Wolmar Estate represents life in the ideal version of h uman civilization, or lack thereof, which Rousseau envisions in the Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality among Men The estate, writes termediary stage between the natural condition 25 Fokkema, 114. 26 Fokkema, 116.
95 27 making, providing housing for them and discouraging them from falling prey to the abuses of the near by city, and in return for his loving care 28 Perhaps it w Tenture that helped inspire Rousseau to commission the artist to illustrate La Nouvelle Heloise in 1761. By the ti me the tapestries were sent to Qianlong in 1767, the political and cultural context for understanding Asian inspired arts in France had begun to dissolve Seven War, and Louis XV had entere d the waning years of his reign. Although Boucher was leading the Academy and the students of his school had proliferated, proponents of an anti rococo discourse that called for reinvigoration of a heroic French school of painting were poised to take dow upon his death in 1770. In 1762 the Parlement prohibited the Jesuits from recruiting and practicing and ordered that their congregat ions and colleges be dissolved. Louis XV had tried to public ly reform the Jesuits to appease the J ansenists in the Parlement, but was e ventually forced to officially retract the a blow to Louis XV and to the institution of the monarchy. 29 27 Fokkema, 115. 28 Fokkema, 115. 29 Jones, 249.
96 During the period of Jesuit supp ression and increasing proscription of Abb de Grosier published Histoire Gnrale de la Chine which had been translated by Father de Mailla; it was a complete history of Chi na translated from the 1650 Manchu version of w hat Guy refers to as the Tzu chien And, in 1785, the Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres awarded first prize in a competit ion comme sectair Emmanuel de Pastoret for an essay Guy describes as the beginning of modern sinology. 30 Guy argues that it was this kin d of rigorous scholarship on China, in the absence of the Jesuits, which brought about a period of disillusionment regarding the nature of the the result of an inherent flaw in the s and subsequently Voltaire placed the reputation of the Empire on a pedestal from which it was certain to fall. 31 dealt the death blow to the China cult in any form in The Social Contract Julie, or the New Heloise that contrasted to the outlandishly foreign China. 32 30 Guy, 378 80. 31 Guy, 401. 32 Guy, 421.
97 Because so much official contact between France and China occurred through Jesuit missionaries, the dissolution of the Society of Jesus profoundly disr upted the flow of contact. Toward the end of the eighteenth century, the Chinese government grew to be distrustful of European mercantile contact because Europeans pursued increasingly aggressive trade advantages. Europ ean interest in the exotic Far East gave way to new fascination with Egypt and the Levant. Finally, the concept of China popularized in Old Regime Fra nce as an enlightened, wise, culturally mature, and absolutist nation (much like France) was simply not compatible with the Republican ideals that achieved socio political prominence in the latter decades of the 18 th century.
98 CHAPTER 6 EUROPEAN INSPIRED ART IN CHINA Ritual public presentations of authority performed through dress and ceremony were necessary duties of the Chinese emperors who assumed the role of sovereign rulers of the Celestial Empire by the Mandate of Heaven, a concept closely aki n to the Divine Right of Kings in Europe. V iewed as an ethnic outsider by many of the Han literati officials who were still loyal to the Ming dynasty, t he Manchu Kangxi Emperor was acutely aware of how important his public image was to securing solidarity. To assuage his ascension, he adopted the practices of his Ming predecessors when conducting official state affairs and engaged in publicity campaigns as a means of controlling the publi c image of the Manchu dynasty. 1 century successor s, t he Yongzheng (r. 1722 35) Emperor and the Qianlong Emperor (r. 1735 1796) continued to follow his political program. They created and commissioned works of a rt as tools for self fashioning imbued with political significance such as the series of costume portraits of Yongzheng, which included images of the emperor dressed as a Persian warrior, a Turkish prince, and a European hunter (1723 36 Figure A 49). 2 inscribed it onto even more racially and The y also evoked the presence of the European 1 Jonathan Hay, Traces: Calligraphy, Writing, and t he Art of Wu Hung and Kat herine R. Tsiang (eds.), Body and Face in Chinese Visual Culture ( Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia C enter 2005) 311 334. 2 Wu, Hung, Orientations 26/7 (1995), 25 41.
99 Jesuits who played active roles within the Qing courts. Despite growing hostility to Christian mi ssionaries that resulted in proscription of the Jesuits under in 1785 forbidding the missionaries from entering China through their base at Macao, Jesuits remained in prominent positions within the Qing courts as astronomers, linguists and predilection for European inspired art was motivated by a desire to assimilate European mathem atical and scientific knowledge to increase for the glory of the Qing dynasty. European and hybrid European art was consumed in China, specifically within the court of the Qianlong Emperor. I h ighlight some of the European the European Pavilions at Yuanming Yuan which, as argued by R ichard Strassberg, provided theatrical experience of the West that placed it firmly within the expanding global order of the Qing dynasty 3 In doing so, I hope to close the circle of the story of the Tenture chinois by showing how the Chinese inspir ed, European tapestry series ended up as an exotic European artifact in a Chinese collection. Despite a general suspicion of Jesuit proselytization in China, Qianlong was particularly interested in European art and architecture, and many Jesuits, especia lly French Jesuits played active roles in his court as artists, engineers, 3 Richard E. Strassberg, in Marcia Reed and Paola Dematt (eds.), Chi na on Paper: European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century ( Los Angeles California : Getty Research Institute 2007) 89 137.
100 mathematicians and linguists. These Jesuits included Giuseppe Castiglione (1688 1766), Jean Denis Attiret (1702 68), Michel Benoist (1715 74) and Joseph Marie Amiot (1718 93). Ca stiglione was an Italian Jesuit who served in three of the during the waning years of the Kangxi Emperor, and shortly thereafter adopted the Chinese name, Lang Shining. Lang Shining was one of the most favored emperor and genre paintings of tribute offerings in a hybrid Chinese style that incorporated European perspective and modeling techniques. Jean Denis Att iret became a Jesuit in 1735 and left for China with the Compagnie des Indes in 1738. Attiret was commissioned to execute European style engravings and to help design the European Pavilions at Yuanming Yuan. Qianlong gave him the Chinese name Wang Zhiche ng and Lang Shining became his mentor. Michel Benoist a French Jesuit in 1744 went to China, where he was employed as a court astronomer and also helped engineer the European Pavilions. Joseph Marie Amiot went to China in 1750 and became a Western tran slator for Qianlong. He published a French Tartar Manchu d ictionary in Paris in 1789 and fifteen volumes of Mmoires concernant l'histoire, les sciences et les arts des Chinois from 1776 1791. When Qianlong commissioned works from the Jesuit artists at h is court, he often personally oversaw the creative process from beginning to end. Pierr e Martial Cibot wrote about this process and how the works were selected for specific locations within his palaces:
101 W hen the emperor desires a painting for his apartm ents, it is generally the practice to have the European painter go to inspect the locations, in order to carefully consider what will be suitable there. Whether the emperor personally selects the subject or leaves the choice up to the artist, a reduced dr awing must first be submitted to his majesty. It is not till after the drawing has been accepted, that the actual painting can be made. 4 Lang inspect and request alterations t o th e work in progress as he desired. Lang Shining was ofte n asked to paint horses for Qianlo ng. T ribute horses were the most prized gifts the e mperor received from subjugate nations and a key aspect of Manchu cultural identity. Lang Shining painted several versions of the classical Chinese subject titled One Hundred Horses portraits documenting tribute horses, and equestrian portraits of the Qianlong 5 One Hundred H orses in a Landscape provides an example of the hybri d Chinese Italian baroque style presen 1728, Figure A 50). It illustrates traditional Chinese pose s of horses rolling, bucking and galloping within a Chinese landscape that features a conventionally European horizon and perspective. Works such as this were used a s educational models and were provided to incoming Jesuits to train their hands in the Chinese style. 6 As well as equestrian paintings, Lang Shining was often commissioned to paint subjects dear to Qianlong, including portraits of his favorite concubines in 4 George R. Loehr, Jesuit Missionary Artist Drawings Sent to Paris in the Eighteenth Gazette des Beaux Arts 110 (October 1962 ), 419 428. 5 Lauren Arnold, Pacific Rim Report 27 (April 2003), 2 12; 6. 6
102 European dress, exotic an imals gifted to the emperor, tribute portraits of the emperor receiving offerings from vassal territories, favorite hunting dogs. 7 One such example is the Qianlong Emperor receiving tribute horses from Kyrgyz en voys dated to 1757, shortly after the Man chu conquests in Central Asia ( Figure A 51). Qianlong is shown seated on a dais in a round backed folding chair with the seat covered in a yellow cloth and a footstool befitting his imperial status as the Kyrgyz e nvoy kow tows on the ground before him. Ten Fine Hound is a painting on silk of a h unting h ound named Yellow Panther, presented as a tribute by the Manch u vice minister San He. Presented within a conventional Chinese bird and flower genre painting, Yello shoulder and rib cage are emphasized by modeling as he pauses to look up at the magpie, whose nearly solid black shape contrasts sharply with the figure of the dog. These images of tribute gifts document the offerings themselves, and more impo rtantly are meant to exhibit the sovereign power of the Qianlong Emperor. Furthermore, the act of commissioning these tribute images from the Italian Jesuit artist is itself a means of demonstrating his thrall over the European representative by acquiring the tribute of his service. European and hybrid European works, they were required to be fully assimilated to Chinese artistic techniques and styles. They underwent a rigorous reed ucation to be capable of practicing in Chinese modes of art. One of 7 Arnold, 7
103 avon expressed the difficulty of assimilating to Chinese culture: A European painter is in real difficulties from the outset. He has to renounce his own taste and ideas on many points in order to adapt himself to those of this country Skillful as he may be, in some respects he has to become an apprentice again. 8 Aesthetic theory was often a point of contention among the European Jesuit artist s working in China and their host s Wu Li, a Chinese Jesuit artist who styles of painting: Our painting do es not seek physical likeness and does not depend on fixed patterns we call it divine and untrammeled. Theirs concentrates entirely on the problems of light and dark, front and back, and the fixed patterns of physical likeness. Even in writing insc riptions we write at the top of a painting and they sign at the bottom of it. Their use of the brus h is also completely different. 9 Li pointed out some practical diff erences between the two, but seemed more concerned with the European spirit, believing th at European art w as unfeeling. H is final remark identified a point of contention in the contact between China and Europe which was felt on both sides and endured through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The subtlety of refin ed brushwork was the key to artistic genius in China, and it was an aspect o f Chinese aesthetic theory difficult to communicate to the European Jesuits working in China. 10 The European 8 Arnold, 4. 9 Arnold, 2 9. 10 Arnold, 4.
104 proclivity for rendering naturalistic images in two dimensions using modeling and perspecti ve was thus viewed in China as a scientific and mathematical means of representation rather an expression of aesthetic quality. The use of one point perspective in hybrid European and European works commissioned by the emperor was meant to showcase his pow er by harnessing European mathematical technology as a surrogate for Europe itself. The be achieved by European hands, so on a few occasions he had drawings by Shining, At tiret and others sent to Paris to be engraved and published. On these occasions, all materials were supposed to have been returned to the Emperor, but often plates were kept and used to publish French versions of the texts. The la Chine was p ublished in Paris in 1785 by Isi dore Stanislas Henri Helman, although it was never intended for a European audience. The series was commissioned when Qianlong wished to have a recorded history of his military victories printed in the Europe an manner. 11 The battle scenes were drawn by Shining, Attiret, Giovanni Damasceno and Ignatius Sichelbart, and then sent to F rance for execution, a process that t ook nearly a decade to complete ( from 1765 1775 ) The copper plates and all editions of the p rints were meant to be returned to the Emperor, but Helman kept a few suites for his own purposes, rearranging the compositions, reducing the sizes and changing the captions before publishing them in France. 12 Having the series 11 Strassberg, 97 98. 12 Strassberg, 97 98.
105 published in France and pri nting on European printing presses was an extrava gant display of power to use his foreign resources. When Qianlong wanted a copy of the Dijian tushuo printed in European style, he had Attiret redraw the prints and send them to Paris to be engraved under the supervision of Charles Nicolas Chochin II. 13 The prints were engraved by Helman who published them in France in 1788 in a series of twenty four titled Faits mmorables des empereurs de la Chine, tirs des annal e s chinoises The Dijian tushuo was an illustrated instructional manual composed of classical tales about certain Emperors of China first designed to teach the young Wanli Emperor to be a good ruler. 14 The manual included examples of good emperors wh o followed suggestions from ministers, care d for the people and avoi ded vice and bad emperors who were self indulgent, squandered the and kept poor company. One example was the good Emperor Yao who placed a drum and a tablet outside his palace so his subjects could alert him whe n they wrote their concerns on a tablet he hung by the palace door (1788 Figure A 52). An example of bad imperial authority was Shang Dynasty Emperor Zhouxin who succumbed to the will of his sadistic consort Daji. In i are seated on a dais watching two men duel on a platform over a pile of burning logs, in which a third competitor already 13 Paola Dematt, in Marcia Reed and Paola Dematt (eds.), China on Paper: European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century ( Los Angeles California : Getty Research Institute, 2007), 29 51. 14 Dematt, 41.
106 writhes. Attiret borrowed the figures from the Chinese woodcut Daji haizheng 15 The European Pavilions of Yuanming Yuan. The area northwest of began consolidating the five gardens into one. Yuanming Y uan or, The Garden of Perfect Clarity, was childhood the home of Qianlong, and the primary imp erial residence for Yongzheng, Qianlong, Jiaqing (r. 1796 1820), Daoguang (r. 1821 1850) and Xianfeng (r. 1851 1861). 16 Yuanming Y uan was not simply a garden as the name sug gests, but a palace complex; a walled in world of i ts own north of the Forbidden City created to synthesize all the diversity of nature into one emperors actually spent their summers at Chengde bishu shanzhuang Chengde Summer Mountain Retreat 17 The purpose of the garden was to recreate all the complexities of the natural world mountains, hills, valleys, forests, streams, lakes and ponds with game and fish to fill them. The architectural structures within the complex consist ed of halls, pavilions, terraces, chambers, belvederes, gazebos, garden porches, galleries, chapels, cottages, landboats, studios, bridges, walls and 15 Dematt, 42. 16 Young tsu Wong, A Paradise Lost: The Imperial Garden Yuanming Yuan ( Honolul u Hawaii : University of Hawai'i Press, 2001), 3. 17 Philippe Fort, Mapping Chengde: the Qing landscape enterprise ( Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press 2000)
107 pagodas. 18 The natural elements of the garden were constructed so that they flowed together seamlessly, an d the architectural structures were carefully placed so they would have exquisite views of the landscapes around them. Influenced by nature, poetry, and inkwash landscape paintings, the Garden was meant to be a physical manifestation of a folding scroll t hat simply and fluidly rolled through a series of vignettes that together represented the vastness of nature. 19 Qing emperors were continually renovating the garden, and they employed the Lei family, a prominent family of architects, to keep up with Yuanmi Lei Jinyu was awarded a permanent position within the Office of the Imperial Household at Yuanming descendants inherited his position and became the principal architects at Yuanming Yuan. 20 The Garden was a political project as much as an artistic one, and the construction of the European Pavilions was a symbolic means of incorporating Europe into the Chinese cosmological framework under Q ing rule. 21 The European Pavilions were cloistered behind walls and hills in the northeast corner of the Eternal Spring Garden so that only the roofs could be seen from a 18 Wong, 16 18. 19 Wong, 9 10. 20 Wong, 21. 21 ts as forms of exercising imperial authority in Mapping Chengde.
108 distance. The European section was constructed on a 65 acre piece of land, and a wal l and screen separated the Pavilions from the rest of the Eternal Spring Garden. 22 The Eternal Spring Garden itself was the single most costly expansion for the Pavilions came when Qianlong was impressed by an image of a European palace with a mechanical fountain in front with spewing jets of water. 23 Planning for the European Pavilions began in 1747, and Qianlong meant for it to be his retirement palace. Construction commenced in 1749. Plans were extended in 1751 after the Emp eror was pleased with the first round of construction; and the final additions came when the Observatory of Distant Oceans was conceived to house the Tenture chinois in 1767 (1783 86 Figure A 53 ). 24 Lang Shining was commissioned to design the first stage of the Pavilions drawing on classical and Italian baroque architecture and images of the royal palace and grounds at Versailles to create the plans. 25 The Lei architects interpret ed and execute d the plans, which were continually reviewed and revised by Qianlong himself throughout the process Qianlong insisted on adding certain and hipped and tiled roofs alongside European elements such as Greco Roman columns, 22 Wong, 26; 64. 23 Strassberg, 107; Wong, 51. 24 Strassberg, 107 108 25 Strassberg, 107.
109 marble balustrad es and glass windows. 26 The second expansion, completed in day, included the Hall of Calm Seas ( Haiyantang ), which was modeled after the Court of Honor at Versailles; it had a fountain in front, a glass ceiling and a gold fish reservoir continually filtered with mechanical pumps. 27 The Hall of Calm Seas was a two story structure with a fountain in front The banisters of the double stairs carried water into the basin and water cascaded from a marble shell in the center. T wo rows of Daoist creatures with human bodies and the heads of zodiac animals perched on roc ks in the pool, spouted water at hour ly intervals and once all together at midday to represent the Chinese calendar. Construction on the Observatory of Distant O ceans was completed in 1781, when Qianlong began to use it as a vacation home; it was a brick building with carved marb le around the doors and windows, and a pair of marble pillars flanking the entrance. 28 Tenture chinois remained there until the Yuanming Yuan was sacked in 1860 by French and British troops under the command of Baron Gros and Lord Elgin. Looting began on October 6 when the troops entered the garden and led a sustained campaign of pillaging and arson until the Treaty of B eijing was signed on October 23. Lord Elgin commanded the entire garden to be burned to the ground. His troops described the aftermath of 26 Strassberg, 108. 27 Wong, 63. 28 Wong, 64.
110 caused permanent ecological damage to the su rrounding areas. 29 At least one of the tapestries was brought back to Europe among the loot in 1860 and was burned in 1871 during the Pa ris Commune. The tapestry returned to France was shown in an exhibition ( among the rest of the official loot from Yuan ming Yuan ) held at the Tuileries. It is ironic that an eighteenth century French tapestry from a Chinese i nspired series sailed from Europe to China, escaped the fires and destruction of Yuanming Yuan to sail back to France and be exhibited as part of a Chinese collection only to be destroyed in a fire during the Paris Commune. It is possible the rest of the tapestry series survived the fires in the garden as the Observatory of Distant Oceans is still today one of the most intact buildings among the r uins of Yuanming Yuan (Figure A 54). It is also ironic that the European Pavilions are the lasting legacy of the palace at Yuanming Yuan. Because the structures were made of stone and marble, as opposed to traditional Chinese architecture constructed wit h wooden interior framing, the facades of the Pavilions survived the fires of the sacking and are t oday the main attraction of Yuanming Yuan Heritage Park. The exact amount of gold and precious objects taken from the garden will never be known because Yu an ming and inv entories were lost in the fires 30 It is remarkable, given the prolific destruction of Yuanming Yuan, that four of the six tapestries were seen in Beijing in 1924. 29 Wong, 149 151. 30 Wong, 154.
111 In the 1920s, the Beijing city government turned mo st of the imperial gardens into public parks. After the termination of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, th e Administrative Department of Yuanming Yuan officially began to manage the site, and initiated the first major renovations of the ruins. Then in 19 80, the first symposium on preserving Yuanming Yuan was held to commemorate the 120 th anniversary of its destruction. Debates as to whether Yuanming Yuan should be preserved as a historic site or restored to its pre 1860 version are ongoing. However, in 2006, the Zhejiang Hengdian Corporation committed two billion yuan over a 5 year period to restore the Garden to nineteenth century state. 31 I nitial repatriation of the twelve zodiac heads from the Hall of Calm Seas during the 2000s aroused international awareness about the future of restoring Yuanming Yuan and the important role of repatriating the lost a bitter legacy from the tumultuous period of imperialist conquest within China during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and restoration of the Garden would be a physical and symbolic act of healing. 32 If Yuanming Yuan is eventuall y restored to its pre Tenture chinois might once again hang in the Observatory of Distant Oceans. 31 Wong, 180. 32 Ibid.
112 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION Chinese Series required a combined examination of Jesuit con tact in China, the taste for chinoiserie in Europe, cultural politics in eighteenth century France, and nineteenth century French intervention in China. The story unfolds over the course of two centuries, surveying how moments of cultural contact between France and China relate to Chinese Series is riddled with irony. The tapestry series was commissioned to depict the exotic and idealized Celestial Empire; Boucher designed it to represent became an object of cultural contact when it traveled from Paris to Beijing and came to represent France for the Chinese emperor. The presence of French Jesuits in the im perial court at Beijing during the reigns of the Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong emperors was essential to the creation of the Chinese Series and its journey to China. The Jesuit mission sponsored by Louis XIV successfully established a direct line of com munication between France and China that resulted in a century of artistic and intellectual exchange, climaxing in the passage of the tapestry series. 1 Following his Qing lineage, the Qianlong Emperor employed Jesuit artist s in his c ourt and commissioned hybrid Chinese and European works from them to suit his own tastes and foster a multicultural, mul ti ethnic vision of his empire. The Europea n 1 Basil Gu y, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire ; Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth century, 21 (
113 Pavilions at Yuanming Yuan were built by Chinese architects but designed by Jesuits to house the Chinese Series This was personally and politically significant to Qianlong. Their incorporation into Yuanming Yuan was a symbolic and territory within their own expanding empire. This symbolic act of cultural colonization mirrored the creation of the Story of the Chinese Emperor tapestry mission. The Story of the Chinese Emperor illustrated an idealized union of the F rench Jesuits and the Chinese emperor that revealed a desire to incorporate Chinese Series s XV. ed not the ultra civilized court cultures at Versailles or Beijing, but an idyllic, pre civilized society that pre figured absolutist p ower in France. T hus, t unique and ironic moment in the history of cultural contact between France and China, be cause the tapestries were foreign to both culture s, and because the series was sent as a diplomatic gift from one absolutist monarch to another in the twilight of absolutism. My study developed as a result of the lack of scholarly attention paid to dismissive criticisms of the Chinese Series
114 chinoiserie It has been demonstrated here that Boucher studiously adapted elements of East Asian design and culture from a variety of sources to create chinoiseries their consumption of exotic luxury goods. 2 Furthermore, Boucher seemed to display a unique understanding of chinoiserie as a mode for inscribing Europ ean identity through East Asian inspired objects, cost ume, and design. Hi inspired designs often evinced an awareness of the spectacle involved in chinoiserie and h e humorously referred to himself throughout these works to foreground the masquerade like qualities of the mode. 3 My study serves to rehabilitate the r eputation of chinoiserie which has been derided by its critics since opponents of the rococo ( specifically Diderot and Rousseau ) began to di sparage the value of East Asian inspired art alongside Boucher, whose art they condemned as a debilitating force in French culture. 4 Until recently, the got chinois was most often approached as merely an exotic sub genre of the decorative arts. However, the scholarship of Katie Scott, Mary Sheriff, and others suggests that the study of chinoiserie should be used to better 2 Perrin Stein, The Burlington Magazine 138/1122 (Septem ber 1996), 598 604. Anne Dulau et al. (eds.), Lady Taking Tea and Woman on a Daybed Boucher & Chardin: Masters of Modern Manners ( Glasgow Scotland : The Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow, 2008), 8 25. 3 Katie Scott, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld In stitutes 66 (2003), 189 248. Melissa Hyde, in Melissa Hyde and Mark Ledbury (eds.), Rethinking Boucher ( Los Angeles California : The Getty Research Institute, 2006), 13 38. 4 Melissa Lee Hyde, Making His Critics (Los Angeles, California : Getty Research Institute 2006) Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods ( Houndmills, Balsingstoke, Hampshire England : Palgrave 2003).
115 understand how the effects of globalization in the eighteenth century contributed to changes in the French mindset brought about by the emerging mercantile economy, colonial conquest, and the Enlightenment. 5 5 Mary D. Sheriff, Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 2010)
116 APPENDIX FIGURES REFERENCED A 1. Franois Bo ucher, The Chinese Feast 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv .fr/Wave/image/joconde/0600/m033204_00174 6_p.jpg A 2. Franois Boucher, The Chinese Dance 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 14, 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/image/joconde/0600/m033204_00174 7_p.jpg A 3. Franois Boucher, Chinese Hunting 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accesse d 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/image/joconde/0600/m033204_00175 0_p.jpg A 4. Franois Boucher, Chinese Fishing 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Muse um of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/image/joconde/0600/m033204_00233 0_p.jpg A 5. Franois Boucher, T he Chinese Fair 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/ image/joconde/0600/m033204_00233 1_p.jpg A 6. Franois Boucher, The Chinese Garden 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/image/joconde/0600/m033204_00235 5_p.jpg A 7. Franois Boucher, Imaginary Landscape with the Palatine Hill from Campo Vaccino 1734. Oil on canvas. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works of art/1982.60.44 A 8. Franois Boucher, The Chinese Marriage 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts Besanon, France Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/image/joconde/0600/m033204_00175 1_p.jpg A 9. Franois Boucher, Audience with the Emperor 1742. Painting for tapestr y cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.culture.gouv.fr/Wave/image/joconde/0599/m033204_00232 9_p.jpg
117 A 10. Edouard Manet, Portrait of Emile Zola 1868. Oil on canvas. Muse http://www .musee orsay.fr/en/collections/works in focus/search.html?no_cache=1&zoom=1&tx_damzoom_pi1%5Bshow Uid%5D=2281 A 11. Soft paste porcelain teapot from Chantilly 1735 1740. Muse des Arts Decoratifs, Paris, France. Accessed 14 March 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Chantilly_sof_porcelain_teapot_1735_1 740.jpg A 12. Zhu Gui and Mei Yufeng after Jiao Bingzhen with poems by the Kangxi Emperor and Lou Shou from the Yuzhi Ge ngzhi Tu 1696. Woodcut engraving. Beijing. Accessed 14 March 2013. http://www.getty.edu/art/exhibitions/china_paper/plowing.html A 13. A Chinaman, Turk and American Indian frontispiec e from Philippe Sylvestre Dufour, Traitez Nouveaux et Curieux du caf, du the, du Chocolat Lyons 1685. Special collections, University of Glasgow Library. Glasgow, United Kingdom. Accessed 14 March 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Philippe_Sylvestre_Dufour_Chocolat_1 7th_century.jpg A 14. A tea, coffee, and chocolate service offered by Louis XV to Queen Marie Leszczynska after the birth of the Dauphin in 1729. Muse de Louvre, Paris, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre notices/tea coffee and c hocolate service offered louis xv queen marie leszczynska after birth A 15. Ren Dubois, Drop front secretaire 1770 75. Painted and varnished oak, veneered with European lacquer, mahogany, purplewood, gilt bronze mounts. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New Yo rk. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/120023103?rpp=20&pg=1&ao=on&ft=*&what=Lacq uer%7C Wood&pos=16 A 16. The Emperor on a Journey from the series The Story of the Emperor of China manufactured at Beauvais under the direction of Guy Louis Veransal the Elder after a design by Jean Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and Jean Baptiste Monnoyer c. 169 7 1705. Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, California. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=6667&han dle=li A 17. The Ast ronomers from the series The Story of the Emperor of China manufactured at Beauvais under the direction of Guy Louis Veransal the Elder after a design by Jean Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and Jean Baptiste Monnoyer c. 1697 1705. Getty Research Institute, Lo s Angeles, California. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=6666&han dle=li
118 A 18. The Collation from the series The Story of the Emperor of China manufactured at Beauvais under the direction of Guy Louis Veransal the Elder after a design by Jean Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and Jean Baptiste Monnoyer c. 1697 1705. Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, California. Accessed 14 Mar ch 2013 http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=6664&han dle=li A 19. The Harvesting of Pineapples from the series The Story of the Emperor of China, m anufactured at Beauvais under the direction of Guy Louis Veransal the Elder after a design by Jean Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and Jean Baptiste Monnoyer c. 1697 1705. Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, California. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=6665&han dle=li A 20. The Empress Sailing from the series The Story of the Emperor of China manufactured at Beauvais under th e direction of Guy Louis Veransal the Elder after a design by Jean Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and Jean Baptiste Monnoyer c. 1697 1705. Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, California. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=135402&h andle=li A 21. The Audience with the Emperor from the series The Story of the Emperor of China manufactured at Beauvais under the direction of Guy Louis Veransal the Elder after a design by Jean Baptiste Belin de Fontenay and Jean Baptiste Monnoyer c. 1685 90. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/120044998?rpp=20&pg=1&ft=*&deptids=12&what=Tapestri es&who=Guy Louis+Vernansal+the+Elder&pos=1 A 22. Supreme monarch of the Sino Tartar Empire 1667, from Athanasius Kircher Toonneel van China ., trans. Jan Hendrick Glazemaker, Amsterdam 1668. Engraving. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.bc.edu/research/china gateway/bc/ A 23. Father Adam Schall, the German Mandarin of the First Order 1667, from Athanasius Kircher, Toonneel van China ., trans. Jan Hendrick Glazemaker, Amsterdam 1668. Hand colored engraving. The Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, California. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.getty.edu/art/exhibitions/orient/zoom_schall.html A 24. Comte de Caylus after Franois Boucher, A la Pagode, Gersaint marchand jouaillier sur le pont Ntre Dame 1740. Engraving. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://expositions.bnf.fr/rembrandt/grand/gersaint.htm A 25. Chinese blue and white export porcelain with European scene and French inscri ption, Kangxi period 1690 1700. Muse Guimet, Paris, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.digplanet.com/wiki/Chinese_export_porcelain
119 A 26. Franois Boucher, The Breakfast 1739. Oil on canvas. Muse du Louvre, Paris, France Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.wikipaintings.org/en/francois boucher/breakfast 1739 A 27. Franois Boucher, Woman on a Daybed 1742. The Fr ick. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Franois_Boucher_020.jpg A 28. Franois Boucher, Woman Fastening Her Garter 1742. Museo Thyssen Bornemisza, Madrid Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.nga.gov/exhibitions/2003/genre/158 035.htm A 29. Jean Antoine Fraisse, Plate from Livre de desseins chinois, tirs s, de la Chine et du Japon 1735. Bibliothque Nationale France, Paris. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://photo.rmn.fr/cf/htm/Print ableThumb.aspx?Base=ALB&Box=&E=2 C6NU0WL2UYZ&Pass=&TTitle=&New=&Page=3&DocPerPage=9 A 30. Soft paste porcelain jar, Chantilly after a print by Jean Antoine Fraisse c. 1735 40. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://metmuseum.org/collections/search the collections/120016022?rpp=20&pg=1&ao=on&ft=Chantilly&who=Chant illy%7cJean+An toine+Fraisse&img=2 A 31. Soft paste porcelain jar, Chantilly after a print by Jean Antoine Fraisse c. 1735 40. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/120016022?rpp=20&pg=1&ao=on&ft=Chantilly&who=Chant illy%7CJean+Antoine+Fraisse&pos=1 A 32. Soft paste Potpourri vessel with polychrom e and painted decorations by Charles Dodin manufactured at Svres. Muse du Louvre. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre notices/vessel pot pourri A 33. Franois Boucher, Chinese Botanist from Recueil de diverses figures chinoises du Cabinet de Monsieur Boucher 1740. Etching and engraving. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/90059180?rpp=20&pg=1&ft=chinese+botanist&pos=1 A 34. Shou Lou tin glazed soft paste porcelain from Chantilly 1735 40. The Metropolitan Museum of Art New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/120023378?rpp=60&pg=1&ft=chantilly +porcelain&pos=30 A 35. Franois Boucher, Chinese Doctor from Recueil de diverses figures chinoises du Cabinet de Monsieur Boucher 1740. Etching and engraving. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013
120 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/90059178?rpp=20&pg=1&ft=boucher+chinese+doctor&pos =1 A 36. Laughing Buddha with jar, tin glazed soft paste porcelain from Chantilly c. 1735. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/Colle ctions/search the collections/120023283?rpp=60&pg=1&ft=chantilly+porcelain&pos=55 A 37. Pierre Aveline after Fran ois Boucher, Fire from the Five Elements series c. 1738 1749. Etching. The British Museum, London. http://www.britishmuseum.org/system_pages/beta_collection_introducti on/beta_collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=1457525& partId=1&s earchText=boucher%20le%20feu A 38. Gabriel Huquier after Franois Boucher, Two Women Leading a Child (Chinese Man and Woman Fishing at the Fish Pond) from the Scenes of Chinese Life series 1737 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 M arch 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/90065726?rpp=60&pg=1&rndkey =20130315&ft=*&what=En graving&who=Gabriel+Huquier&pos=42 A 39. Gabriel Huquier after Franois Boucher, Child Reaching for a Caged Bird from the Scenes of Chinese Life series 1737. Etching and engraving. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 Mar ch 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/90065724?rpp=40&pg=1&rndkey=2 0130315&ft=*&what=En graving&who=Gabriel+Huquier&pos=28 A 40. Gabriel Huquier after Franois Boucher, Seated Woman with Children and Servants from the Scenes of Chinese Life series 1737. Etching and engraving. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.metmuseum.org/Collections/search the collections/90065722?rpp=60&pg=2&r ndkey=20130315&ft=*&what=En graving&who=Gabriel+Huquier&pos=115 A 41. Vase from Svres Porcelain Manufactory with painted decoration attributed to Charles Nicolas Dodin c. 1760. Soft paste porcelain with pink, blue and green ground colors, polychrome enamel dec oration and gilding. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://lj.rossia.org/users/marinni/214152.html?mode=reply A 42. Franois Boucher, The Beautiful Kitchen Maid 1733 34. Muse Cognacq Jay, Paris, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.scholarsresource.com/browse/museum/83 A 43. Franois Boucher, Chinese Curiosity 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeol ogy at Besanon. Accessed 14 March 2013
121 http://culture.besancon.fr/?id=recherche&action=search&form_search_ facettes=t53&type_affichage=liste A 44. Franois Boucher, Chinese Entertainment 1742. Painting for tapestry cartoon. The Museum of Fine Arts and Archaeology at Besanon, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://culture.besancon.fr/?id=recherche&action=search&form_search_ facettes=t53&type_affichage=liste A 45. An Embassy from the East India Co. of the United provinces to the Emperor of China Amsterdam 1665. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi bin/DLDecArts/DLDecArts idx?type =div&did=DLDecArts.Nieuhof.i0002&isize=M A 46. Arnoldus Montanus, Marriage Ceremonies, an engraving from Embassy of the East India Company to Japan Amsterdam 1669. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://wolfgangmichel.web.fc2.com/serv/eujap/17thc/montanus/pics/ma rriage.jpg A 47. ArnoldusMontanus, The Rich Carriage of a Taikosama Lady in Waiting an engraving from Embassy of the East India Company to Japan Amsterdam 1669. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Montanus page 161 Rich carriage of a Taikosama lady in waiting.png A 48. Franois Bouc her, The Leopard Hunt 1736. Muse de Picardie, Amiens, France. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://a l ancien regime.tumblr.com/post/13125094063 /francois boucher 1703 1770 the leopard hunt 1736 A 49. Anonymous court artists, Yongzheng Emperor in European Dress from Album of Costume Portraits of the Yongzheng Emperor 1723 35. Album leaf on silk. The Palace Museum, Beijing. Accessed 10 March 2013. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Album_of_the_Yongzheng_Emperor_in _Costumes_8.jpg A 50. Lang Shining, One Hundred Horses in a Landscape 1728. Handscroll with ink and colors on silk. National Palace Museum, Taipei. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://www.chinaonlinemuseum.com/painting lang shining one hundred horses.php A 51. Lang Shinin g (Guiseppe Castiglione), The Qianlong Emperor receiving tribute horses from Kyrgyz envoys 1757. Handscroll with ink and colors on paper. Muse Guimet, Paris. Accessed 10 March 2013. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Qianlong_Horse.jpg A 52. Isadore Stanislaus Henri Helman after Jean Denis Attiret, Yao plate 1 from Faits mmorables des empereurs de la Chine, tirs des annals chinoises Paris 1788. http://www.shapero.com/detail/subjectone/87776/1/1/12/gbp/author,%2 0title_sort/1/Rare%20Books/Travel/Far%20East
1 22 A 53. Yi Lantai, Yuanyingguan zhengmain ( The Ob servatory of Distant Oceans) plate no. 14 of 20 from the suite of engravings The European Pavilions at the Garden of Perfect Clarity 1783 86. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/21f/21f.027/garden_perfect_brightness_03/ gallery/pages/ymy2014_Yuanyingguan_front.htm A 54. Ernest Olhmer, Ruins of The Observatory of Distant Oceans, Yuanming Yuan 1873. Accessed 14 March 2013 http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/21f/21f.027/garden_perfect_brightness_03/ gallery/pages/ohlmer_1873_J_EuPav_ChMM.htm
123 LIST OF REFERENCES Adelson, Candace. 1994. European T apestry in the Minneapolis Institute of Arts Minneapolis, Minn esota : Minneapolis Institute of Arts. the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centur Pacific Rim Report 27 (April 2003), 2 12. in The Age of Watteau, Chardin and Fragonard: Masterpieces of French Genre Painting edited by Colin Baily, Phillip Conisbee and T homas W. Gaetgens. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press in association with the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 2 39. Becker, G. and N. Philips. 1971. Paris and the Arts, 1851 1896; From the Goncourt Journal Ithaca, New York: Cornell Univers ity Press. Berg, Maxine and Elizabeth Eger. 2003. Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods Houndmills, Balsingstoke, Hampshire England : Palgrave. 1770: The Metropolitan M Grand Palais, Paris, September 19, 1986 January 5, 1987 New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Cavanagh, Alden, a nd Michael Elia Yonan. 2010. The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Century Porcelain Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing. Chang, An Ni. 2010. Franois Boucher and his Chinoiserie M.A. thesis University of Missouri Kansas City Kansas City, Mi ssouri, 1 59. Cheng, Christina Miu Bing. 1999. Macau: a Cultural Janus Hong Kong: Hong Kong University. in The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Century Porcelain edited by Alden Cavanagh and Michael Elia Yonan. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 159 178.
124 in China on Paper: European and Chinese Works fro m the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century edited by Marcia Reed and Paola Dematt. Los Angeles California : Getty Research Institute, 29 51. in Furn ishing the Eighteenth Century: What Furniture Can Tell Us about the European and American Past eds. Goodman, Dena, and Kathryn Norberg. New York: Routledge, 13 36. --Trading Places: Colonization and Slavery in Eighteenth Century French C ulture Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010. Lady Taking Tea and Woman on a Daybed Boucher & Chardin: Masters of Modern Manners edited by Anne Dulau, Christoph Martin, and Ann Eatwell. Glasgow: The Hunterian Museum, University of Gl asgow, 8 25. Dulau, Anne, Christoph Martin Vogtherr, and Ann Eatwell. 2008. Boucher & Chardin: Masters of Modern Manners Glasgow: Hunterian, University of Glasgow. in London an Boucher & Chardin: Masters of Modern Manners edited by Anne Dulau, Christoph Martin Vogtherr, and Ann Eatwell. Glasgow Scotland : Hunterian, University of Glasgow, 50 76. Flaubert, Gustave. The Letters of Gustave Flaubert: 1857 1880 Transl ated by Francis Steegmuller. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980. Fokkema, Douwe. 2011. Perfect Worlds: Utopian Fiction in China and the West Amsterdam The Netherlands : Amsterdam University Press. Fort, Philippe. 2000. Mapping Che ngde: the Qing landscape enterprise Honolulu Hawaii : University of Hawai'i Press. Fried, Michael. 1980. Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot. Berkeley California : University of California Press. Goodman, Dena and K athryn Norberg. 2007. Furnishing the Eighteenth Century: What Furniture Can Tell Us about the European and American Past New York: Routledge.
125 Guy, Basil. 1963. The French Image of China before and after Voltaire Studies on Voltaire and the eighteenth ce nt Switzerland --in Exoticism in the Enlightenment edited by G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter. Manchester England : Manchester University Press, 1989, 66 85. Hay, Jonathan. 2005. Traces: Calligraphy, Writing, in Body and Face in Chinese Visual Culture edited by Wu Hung and Katherine R. Tsiang. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center, 311 334. The Art Bulletin 66/2, 224 236. Hedley, Jo. 2004. London: Wallace Collection. in The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Century Porcelain eds. Alden Cavanagh and M ichael Elia Yonan. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 39 64. Hokenson, Jan. 2004. Japan, France, and East West Aesthetics: French Literature, 1867 2000. Madison, New Jersey : Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. Honour, Hugh. 1962. Chinoiserie : The Vision of Cathay New York: Dutton. Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art Since the Age of Exploration, edited by Mary Sheriff. Chapel Hill, North C arolina : University of North Carolina Press 43 71. Hyde, Melissa Lee. 2006. Making His Critics Los Angeles, California : Getty Research Institute. --in Rethinking Boucher, edited by Meli ssa Lee Hyde and Mark Ledbury. Los Angeles California : The Getty Research Institute, 2006, 13 38. Hyde, Melissa Lee and Mark Ledbury. 2006. Rethinking Boucher Issues & debates, 15. Los Angeles California : Getty Rese arch Institute.
126 Impey, Oliver. 1977. Chinoiserie: the Impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration New York: Scribner's. Impey, Oliver and Arthur MacGregor. 1985. The Origins of Museums: the Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Europe Oxford England : Clarendon Press. Jacobson, Dawn. 1993. Chinoiserie London: Phaidon. Jarry, Madeleine. 1981. Chinoiserie: Chinese Influence on European Decorative Art, 17th and 18th centuries New York: Vendome Press. Jones, Colin. 2 002. The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon London: Allen Lane. Kisluk Metropolitan Museum Journal 21 (1986), 139 147. Kroe ber, Alfred L., 1963. Anthropology: Culture Patterns and Processes. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 70/9 (November 1983), 360 378. Ledbury, Mark Rethinking Boucher edited by Melissa Lee Hyde and Mark Ledbury. Los Angeles California : The Getty Research Institute, 133 160. Jesuit Missiona ry Artist Drawings Sent to Paris Gazette des Beaux Arts 110 (October), 419 428. Metropolitan Museum Journal 31, 127 130. --"Images of Asia in French luxury goo ds: Jean Antoine Fraisse at Chantilly, c.1729 36." Apollo 154/477 (Nov 2001), 3 12. Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, and John Davidson. 1970. The Persian Letters Philadelphia: George Barrie & Sons. Mungello, David E. 1999. The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500 1800 Critic al issues in history. Lanham, Maryland : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
127 Studies in Eighteenth century Culture Vol. 28 (1999), pp. 27 54. --Ideographia: The Chinese Cipher in Early Modern Europe Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2001. Century Fashion and the Eighteenth C entury Studies Vo l. 35, No. 3 (Spring 2 002), 395 411 Said, Edward W. 1994. Orientalism New York: Vintage Books. ois Boucher and th e Porcelains of Vincennes and S Apollo 106/ 241 (March 1982), 162 170. Chinese Cabinet at the Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 66 (2003), 189 248. -in Rethinking Boucher edited by Melissa Hyde and Mark Ledbury, 2006, 91 132. Sheriff, Mary D. 2010. Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration. Chapel Hill North Carolina : University of North Carolina Press. The Art Bulletin 78/3 (September 1996), 417 438. --The Burlington Magazine 138/1122 (September 1996), 598 604. Standaert, Nicolas. 2001. Handbook of Christianity in China Leiden The Netherlands : Brill. Metropolitan Museum Journal 11 (1976), 103 117. --Metropolitan Museum Journal 19 (1984 1985), 63 84.
128 China on Paper: European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth to the Early Nineteenth Century edited by Marcia Reed and Paola Dematt. Los Angeles California : Get ty Research Institute, 89 137. Thorp, Robert L. and Richard Ellis Vinograd. 2001. Chinese Art & Culture New York: Abrams. Wong, Young tsu. 2001. A Paradise Lost: The Imperial Garden Yuanming Yuan Honolulu Hawaii : University of Hawai'i Press. Wu, Hung Orientations 26 (7), 25 41. Rococo cabinet chinois in The Cultural Aesthetics of Eighteenth Centu ry Porcelain edited by Alden Cavanagh and Michael Elia Yonan. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 65 86.
129 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Misti Justice was born in Dallas, Texas in 1985 and graduated from Forney High School in 2003. She graduated from the University of Texas at Tyler in 20 07 with a Bachelor of Arts in political science and a minor in j ournalism. She graduated from the University of Florida in 2013 with a Master of Arts in art h istory.