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Examining the Viability of Transportation Development to Reduce Urban Poverty in the Developing World Through Accessibility

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0045562/00001

Material Information

Title: Examining the Viability of Transportation Development to Reduce Urban Poverty in the Developing World Through Accessibility The Case of Kibera - Nairobi, Kenya
Physical Description: 1 online resource (123 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Cavaretta, Amy E
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2013

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: kensup -- kenya -- kibera -- nairobi -- poverty -- slum
Urban and Regional Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Urban and Regional Planning thesis, M.A.U.R.P.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: As the capital city of one of the largest and most populous African countries, Nairobi, Kenya is also one of the poorest African cities. Nairobi’s most infamous slum – Kibera – is the second largest slum in Africa and third largest in the world. This research uses Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to examine current levels of spatial, economic, transportation, education, and healthcare accessibility in Kibera. Access to economic land uses, education, and healthcare is low, and improved access is recommended. Existing informal taxibus, “matatu,” networks and public bus lines provide networks of public transport around the City of Nairobi. While these systems appear to be able to serve the travel needs of Kibera residents who are willing and able to walk to the stops on the Kibera boundaries, they could provide even more access to healthcare, education, and employment, if they were extended through Kibera as part of the Government of Kenya slum upgrading plans. In partnership with the proposed development of a commercial road corridor through Kibera, this research strongly recommends that a detailed analysis of matatu and bus routes explore the potential formalization of service through Kibera, focusing upon providing residents direct access to the CBD, Industrial Area, and healthcare uses. The scale of urban poverty in cities like Kibera not only demands local attention from local and national government, but also increased international support and a sustained commitment by several parties to improve the quality of life for billions of people living in slums across the world.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Amy E Cavaretta.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.U.R.P.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local: Adviser: Steiner, Ruth Lorraine.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID: UFE0045562:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0045562/00001

Material Information

Title: Examining the Viability of Transportation Development to Reduce Urban Poverty in the Developing World Through Accessibility The Case of Kibera - Nairobi, Kenya
Physical Description: 1 online resource (123 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Cavaretta, Amy E
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2013

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: kensup -- kenya -- kibera -- nairobi -- poverty -- slum
Urban and Regional Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Urban and Regional Planning thesis, M.A.U.R.P.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: As the capital city of one of the largest and most populous African countries, Nairobi, Kenya is also one of the poorest African cities. Nairobi’s most infamous slum – Kibera – is the second largest slum in Africa and third largest in the world. This research uses Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to examine current levels of spatial, economic, transportation, education, and healthcare accessibility in Kibera. Access to economic land uses, education, and healthcare is low, and improved access is recommended. Existing informal taxibus, “matatu,” networks and public bus lines provide networks of public transport around the City of Nairobi. While these systems appear to be able to serve the travel needs of Kibera residents who are willing and able to walk to the stops on the Kibera boundaries, they could provide even more access to healthcare, education, and employment, if they were extended through Kibera as part of the Government of Kenya slum upgrading plans. In partnership with the proposed development of a commercial road corridor through Kibera, this research strongly recommends that a detailed analysis of matatu and bus routes explore the potential formalization of service through Kibera, focusing upon providing residents direct access to the CBD, Industrial Area, and healthcare uses. The scale of urban poverty in cities like Kibera not only demands local attention from local and national government, but also increased international support and a sustained commitment by several parties to improve the quality of life for billions of people living in slums across the world.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Amy E Cavaretta.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.U.R.P.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local: Adviser: Steiner, Ruth Lorraine.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID: UFE0045562:00001


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1 EXAMINING THE VIABILITY OF TRANSPORTATION DEVELOPMENT TO REDUCE URBAN POVERTY IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD THROUGH ACCESSIBILITY: THE CASE OF KIBERA NAIROBI, KENYA By AMY CAVARETTA A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013

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2 2013 Amy Cavaretta

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3 To my family, for always standing beside me, supporting my studies and en couraging me to chase my dreams

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research work could not have happened without the support of my family, friends, and graduate advisors at the University of Florida Department of Urban and Regional Planning and the Depa rtment of African Studies Special thanks to Dr. Ruth Steiner for her support, encouragement, and inspiration through my entire graduate career and particularly through this research process I thank Dr. Chris Silver for sup porting my passion for planning in the developing world and I thank Dr. Todd Leedy for his valuable expertise and recommendations on Kenya, Nairobi, and his sup port of planning in the African context

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACK NOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 7 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 LIST OF ABBREV IATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 13 Urban Poverty ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 13 Why Kibera ? ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 13 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 16 Summary Of Literature Review ................................ ................................ ............... 16 Defi nitions ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 16 How Can Poverty be Evaluated? ................................ ................................ ...... 18 How Is Poverty Evaluated in This Study? ................................ ......................... 19 Increasing Accessibility as a Solution to Urban Poverty ................................ ... 21 What Leads to Increased Accessibility? ................................ ........................... 22 Defi ning and Measuring Dimensions Of Accessibility ................................ ............. 23 Place Based Accessibility ................................ ................................ ................. 23 Transportation Mobility ................................ ................................ ..................... 25 Economic Accessibility ................................ ................................ ..................... 27 Educational and Institutional Accessibility ................................ ........................ 29 Transportatio n Development and Accessibility ................................ ................. 30 Financial Feasibility of Transportation Improvements ................................ ...... 32 Spatial Feasibility of Transportation Investments ................................ ............. 35 Summary of Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................ 37 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 38 Methods of Research ................................ ................................ .............................. 38 Data Sources ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 38 Data Classifications ................................ ................................ .......................... 39 Spatial Analysis Tests ................................ ................................ ............................. 40 Distance Within Kibera ................................ ................................ ..................... 41 Distance from Kibera ................................ ................................ ........................ 41 Directional Distribution ................................ ................................ ...................... 41 Expected Results ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 42

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6 4 FINDINGS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 44 Background ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 44 Goals of Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 45 Kibera ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 46 Demograph ic Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ............................ 47 Spatial Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ................................ ...... 48 Economic Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ................................ .. 49 Transportation and Infrastructure Characteristics of Kibera ............................. 50 Housing Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ................................ .... 57 Sanitation and Utility Access ................................ ................................ ............ 58 Educational Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ............................... 61 Healthcare Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ................................ 63 Institutional Characteristics of Kibera ................................ ............................... 64 Government of Kenya Plans for Slum Improvement ................................ ............... 64 National Infrastructure Plans ................................ ................................ ............ 65 Nairobi Railway City Development ................................ ................................ ... 66 Kenya Slum Upgrading Program ................................ ................................ ............ 67 Goals of KENSUP ................................ ................................ ............................ 67 KENSUP Soweto East Pilot Project ................................ ................................ 69 KENSUP Transportation Improvements ................................ ........................... 70 Results of Spatial Analysis Tests ................................ ................................ ............ 72 Economic Access ................................ ................................ ............................. 72 Educational Access ................................ ................................ .......................... 73 Healthcare Access ................................ ................................ ........................... 75 Institutional Access ................................ ................................ ........................... 76 Directional Distributions ................................ ................................ .................... 77 Limitations of the Analysis Results ................................ ................................ ... 78 5 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 103 Discussion of Results ................................ ................................ ............................ 103 Slum Upgrading in Other African Cities ................................ .......................... 103 How to Prov ide Access? ................................ ................................ ................. 106 Increased Transportation Options ................................ ................................ .. 106 Character of Government Action ................................ ................................ .......... 111 Challenges to Implementation ................................ ................................ .............. 112 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 115 Further Research ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 115 Summary of Conclusions ................................ ................................ ...................... 116 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 117 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 123

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7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4 1 Comparative Avg. Monthly Prices for Kibera Residents ................................ ..... 53 4 2 Formal Economic Us es near Kibera ................................ ................................ ... 97 4 3 Educational Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ ............ 97 4 4 Healthcare Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ .............. 98 4 5 Institutional Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ ............. 98

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8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4 1 Context Map of Nairobi and Kibera ................................ ................................ ..... 79 4 2 Kibera and the Nairobi CBD ................................ ................................ ............... 80 4 3 Villages of Kibera ................................ ................................ ................................ 80 4 4 Formal Economic Uses in Nairobi and Kibera ................................ .................... 81 4 5 Formal Economic Uses in Kibera ................................ ................................ ....... 81 4 6 Current Transportation Routes near Kibera ................................ ........................ 82 4 7 Educational Uses in Nairobi and Kibera ................................ ............................. 83 4 8 Educational Uses in Kibera ................................ ................................ ................ 83 4 9 Healthcare in Nairobi and Kibera ................................ ................................ ........ 84 4 10 Healthcare in Kibera ................................ ................................ ........................... 84 4 11 Institutional Uses in Nairobi and Kibera ................................ .............................. 85 4 12 Institutional Uses in Kibera ................................ ................................ ................. 85 4 13 KENSUP Transportation Plans ................................ ................................ ........... 86 4 14 Current Distances to Transportation within Kibera ................................ ............. 87 4 15 Nairobi Land Uses a nd Distance from Kibera ................................ ..................... 88 4 16 Distances to Economic Uses from Kibera (Large Scale) ................................ .... 89 4 17 Distance to Economic Uses from Kibe ra (Small Scale) ................................ ...... 89 4 18 Formal Economic Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ ... 90 4 19 Select Economic Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ .... 90 4 20 Distances to Educational Uses from Kibera (Large Scale) ................................ 91 4 21 Distances to Educational Uses from Kibera (Small Scale) ................................ 91 4 22 Total Educational Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ ... 92 4 23 Select Educational Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ 92

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9 4 2 4 Distances to Healthcare from Kibera (Large Scale) ................................ ............ 93 4 25 Distances to Healthcare from Kibera (Small Scale) ................................ ............ 93 4 26 Total Heal thcare Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ ..... 94 4 27 Select Healthcare Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ ... 94 4 28 Distances to Institutional Uses from Kibera (Large Sc ale) ................................ .. 95 4 29 Distances to Institutional Uses from Kibera (Small Scale) ................................ .. 95 4 30 Total Institutional Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ .... 96 4 31 Select Institutional Uses near Kibera ................................ ................................ .. 96 4 32 Directional Distribution: Economic Uses ................................ ............................. 99 4 33 Directional Distribution: Educational Uses ................................ ........................ 100 4 34 Directional Distribution: Healthcare ................................ ................................ .. 101 4 35 Dire ctional Distribution: Institutional Uses ................................ ........................ 102

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10 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S CBD Central Business District FPE Free Primary Education GIS Geographic Information Systems GoK Government of Kenya KENSUP Kenya Slum Upgrading Program MDG Millennium Development Goals NGO Non Governmental Organization ODA Official Development Assistance SEC Settlement Executive Committee UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Program UNFPA United Nations Population Fund UN HABITAT United Na tions H uman Settlement Program

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11 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Urban and Regional Planning EXAMINING THE VIABILITY OF TRANSPORTATION DEVELOPMENT TO REDUCE URBAN POVERTY IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD THROUGH ACCESSIBILITY: THE CASE OF KIBERA NAIROBI, KENYA By Amy Cavaretta May 2013 Chair: Ruth Steiner Major: Urban and Regional Planning As the capital of one of the largest and most populous African countries, Nairobi Kenya is also one of the poorest African cities Kibera is the second largest slum in Africa and third largest in the world This research uses Geographic Information Systems ( GIS) to examine current levels of spatial, economic, transportation education and healthcare accessibility in Kibera. A ccess to economic land uses education, and healthcare is low, and improved access is recommended. Existing network s and public bus lines provide networks of public transport around the City of Nairobi. While these systems appear to be able to serve the travel needs of Kibera residents who are willing and able to walk to the stops on the Kibera boundaries, they could provide even more access to healthcare, education, and employment, if they were extended through Kibera as part of the Government of Kenya slum upgrading plans. In partnership with the proposed development of a commercial road corridor through Kiber a this research strongly recommend s that a detailed analysis of matatu and bus routes explore the potential formalization of service through Kibera, focusing upon providing residents direct access

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12 to the CBD, Industrial Area, and healthcare uses The scal e of urban poverty in cities like Kibera not only demands local attention fro m local and national government but also increased international support and a sustained commitment by several parties to improve the quality of life for billions of people livin g in slums a cross th e world

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13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Urban Poverty As rapid urbanization continues to change the face of the planet t he phenomenon of rampant poverty in urban centers continues to grow at a frighteningly close pace Along with other global challenges, u rban poverty has remained a critical planning issue due to the magnitude of effects it has on the quality of life population, and half of the population of developing countries ( The World Bank 2002 ). P overty hinder s daily life for billions of people with serious issues of disease, sanitation, unemployment, hunger, and crime One of the most consistent factors that contribute to urban poverty is lack of access. Residents of urban slums severely lack access to basic n ecessities, goods, services, protections, and employment. It is evident that relationship s between urban poverty and accessibility are significantly complex and multi faceted, and nearly impossible to be adequately examined in a research thesis; let alon e a doctoral dissertation or years of research in the field. However, immense value can be gained from an exploration of these complex relationships through a narrow ed case stud y For th ese purposes this research examines the relationship between urban pove rty and accessibility within the single case of Kibera slum in Nairobi, Kenya. Why Kibera? As one of the largest and most populous African countries, capital and largest city, Nairobi is also one of the poorest African cities ( G overnment of Kenya [ G oK ] 2008 ) Nairobi s most infamous slum Kibera is the second largest slum in Africa and third largest slum in the world ( GoK 2008 ) Overcrowded housing, rampant

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14 disease and HIV/AIDS pandemics, and extremely high unemployment rates have continued t o brand In response to the magnitude of poverty within their nation the G overnment of Kenya (G oK ) partnered with the United Nations Human Settlement Program (UN HABITAT) in 2000 to create the Kenya Slum Up g rading Program (KENSUP) (Mulcahy & Chu 2008 ). As a multi faceted project aimed at re development and improved housing and access within Kenyan slums, the GoK chose to begin work in Kibera. KENSUP focuses upon project implementation across t he country to improved housing and access to basic services, secure tenure, and opportunities to generate income, particularly in slums like Kibera (Mulcahy & Chu 2008 ). KENSUP p olicies developed by the GoK the City of Nairobi, and UN HABITAT take into a ccount economic, sanitation, housing, and tenure factors, and plans addressing transportation accessibility in the first Kibera projects provide solely for construction of commercial road corridor While paved roadways and vehicular access will be an impro vement from current transportation conditions in Kibera afford or access transportation of any other mode (Mulcahy & Chu 2008 ). S ignificant potential exists for increased effectiveness of KE NSUP through an evaluation of transportation accessibility for Kibera, and the consideration of public transit or alternative transportation strategies in the KENSUP plans for redevelopment of Kibera. History shows that government redevelopment projects w hile well intentioned, can lead to a wide range of effects, from d ynamic success to catastrophic failure For KENSUP to be truly successful in terms of goals of improving services and accessibility for residents of Kibera significant worth exists in exami ning if the

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15 incorporation of public transit or alternative transportation strategies could increase increased access To examine the viability of public transit and alternative transportation strategies for incorporation into the KENSUP Kibera redevelopment program, several steps in this study ultimately support the development of recommendations for Kibera First, the study of existing literature presents valuable background in formation about challenges faced by cities in developing countries such as Kenya the relationships between poverty and accessibility and the role transportation development can play in poverty Secondly, a quantitative analysis of Kibera, using mapping t ools through Geographic Information Systems (GIS) evaluate s levels of current accessibility of Kibera through analysis of distances from Kibera to several categories of land uses: economic, educational, institutional, and healthcare. F indings address the different levels of accessibility for Kibera and make recommendations on ways that public transit or alternative transportation modes could improve specific types of access for Kibera in the KENSUP Kibera redevelopment. At this critical turning point in i ts history, Kibera is an excellent case study for this exploration of the relationship s between transportation accessibility and urban poverty Though this study is directly aimed at development of policy recommendations for the Kenyan government in the ca se of KENSUP and Kibera it has significant application s and lessons learned for other areas in Kenya, Africa, and broader contexts for areas of urban poverty across the world.

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16 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Summary O f Literature Review To address concerns of poverty reduction for both current and future residents of Kibera, t he ultimate objective of th is analysis is to evaluate accessibility in Kibera, and determine if the incorporation of public transit or alternative transportation strategies as part of the KENSUP Kibera redevelopment project would contribute to poverty reduction by providing increased levels of access Before diving into analysis of Kibera specifically, it is important to first establish a framework of existing knowledge on the qualities of accessibility, specifically spatial and transportation accessibility, in relation to slums and poverty reduction across the globe relating to access to basic goods, services and employment opportunities Definitions Though a clear image can come to mind when the words poverty and slum are used, it is imperative that operational definitions of these key words are established for the purposes of this study T slum can refer to many types of housing, and is often u sed interchangeably with othe Oxfam Great Britain, 2009, p. 5; Turkstra & Raithelhuber, 2005; United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA] 2007, p. 16 ; ). Oxfam us settlement where the inhabitants are characterized as having inadequate housing and basic services. A slum is often not ( Oxfam 2009 p. 5). UN

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17 living under the same roof in an urban area who lack one or more of the following: durable housing, sufficient living area, access to improved water, access to sanitation HABITAT, 2010b p. 3 ). As Oxfam Great Britain ( 2009 poor are not equated with informal settlement or slum residents. It should be noted that not all poor people live in informal settlements and not all people living in informal settlements are poor; but the overlap between the urban poor and slum dwellers is so great that for this report it can Oxfam Great Britain, 2009 p. 5). Along these definitions this study use s o reference temporary, low income housing in poor areas and more specifically Kibera The urban scene has contained slum areas for thousands of years, and their basic (Tu rkstra & Raithelhuber, 2005) What was once a few thousand slum dwellers in cities across the globe has now grown to a global slum population of a billion people one out of every 3 city dwellers as of 2007 (UNFPA 2007, p. 16). The United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN HABITAT) estimated, in a publication titled The Challenge of Slums (2003), that only 6 years before ( 2001 ) about 870 million people were living in urban slums in developing countries. The report argues that if current trends con tinue, that number will grow to 1.43 billion by 2020 (UN HABITAT, 2003) Slums and urban poverty often exist together, however the expansive notion of poverty is narrowed for the purposes of this study The Wor ld Bank (2002) summarizes poverty in a quite basic way, as the access jobs and services In a 2002 report on poverty measurement an d quantification, Coudoeul, Hentschel, and Wodon

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18 (2002 ) similarly refer to poverty as need based possess enough resour How C an Poverty be Evaluated ? Coudoeul et al. (200 2 ) evaluates the report, poverty is quantified for several purposes: analy tical (to understand the factors), policymaking (to design interventions best adapted), and evaluation (effectiveness of status quo and future policies) (Coudoeul et al., 2002 ). Though a perfect comprehensive model of poverty would be based upon several fa ctors income, consumption, education, a nd other attributes the most frequently used indicators of poverty are typically based upon quantitative measures such as income or consumption ( Coudoeul et al., 2002 ). Several authors have debated the use of eith er income or consumption rates for poverty measurem ent. According to Coudoeul et al. (2002 ), consumption is a better indicator of poverty measurement that income, because it is not tied to other factors such as access and availability and is rel atively sta ble (2002 ). However, Coudoeul et al. (2002) notes that measuring poverty according to income does hold benefits because it is typically more frequently reported than consumption, and can distinguish between different sources of income (2002 ). The United N a tions and the World Bank use income data to develop and evaluate countries and cities against standardized poverty thresholds. Though different dimensions of poverty can be evaluated solely when setting and used to evaluate more than one dimension of poverty. Using these multi dimensional indexes of poverty, as described by Coudoeul et al. (200 2

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19 take into account income, health, assets, and However, limitations exist to using these composite indexes, primarily the definition o f a poverty line. Coudoeul et al. (2002 ) offers ways to address those, however, through analysis by quintile or other percentile remains possible (200 2 p. 7). How Is Poverty Evaluated in This Study ? For the purposes of this study several aspects of poverty could be applied t o the case of Kibera. M y background in civil engineering and transportation has led me to a particular inter est in evaluating the spatial accessibility dimension of poverty. However, evaluating the somewhat harder to define concept of a ccessibility is not as straightforward as an evaluation of in come that Coudoeul et al. (2002) or the World Bank suggest with str aight forward poverty indicators Therefore, c haracteristics of urban poverty and slum areas that involve access and transportation infrastructure will be the primary focus of this study The existence of b oth urban poverty and slum areas can be sustained by a lack of physical access to essential goods, servi ces, education, and employment that can result from a lack of accessible transportation infrastructure. Though access to goods, services, and opportunities is not the sole characteristic that defines a nd sustains urban poverty it has significant contribution and is a valuable characteristic to examine The relationships between poverty, access, and transportation infrastructure are intricate ones ety that are 2012). Taken for granted in many developed nations around the world, transportation infrastructure is important in the study of poverty

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20 because it is how the poor have access to a wide array of economic and social services, 2012). The Uni ted Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) bases several of their pover ty focused policies upon this access based focus and the and and strongly UNFPA 2007, p. 3 ). ional substitut air, lighting their homes with candles, cooking with fuel wood from local f orest s, and traveling over long distances to pass on message to distant relatives or business P roposed programs and policies that aim to reduc e urban poverty in slum areas often involve the improvement of short term basic needs, such as lack of cl ean water, food, or sanitation without investment into the underlying longer term causes for the conditions they attempt to remedy. Though it is often more explicit to diagnose the most obvious and immediate problems that a re associated with urban poverty, such as disease, malnutrition, and housing tenure, to reverse poverty at its root, it is essential that the deepest causes of the problem be explored. F or proposed policies or partnerships to have a reversing effect on th e phenomenon of urban poverty in any context especially in areas of extreme poverty it is essential that a comprehensive array of solutions to urban poverty be developed with a strong focus on accessibility through the development of transportation infra structure The Global Poverty Project (2012) explicitly agrees with this recommendation, stating

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21 (Glob al Poverty Project, 2012 ). In this study on urban poverty in the c ontext of Kibera those deep roots appear to be closely tied to physical access and transportation infrastructure. To formulate a basis on which to examine potential solutions, a composite index of poverty and access define and e xplor e the inter related na ture of several factors of accessibility. Increasing Accessibility as a Solution to Urban Poverty A ccessibility and provision of transportation infrastructure play a crucial role in the phenomenon of urban poverty in terms of spatial, transportation, eco nomic, and social accessibility Each of the previously described dimensions of accessibility are inextricably linked back to a lack of spatial access, supporting the theory that increased spatial and transportation access could provide significant benefit s to residents of slum areas in poverty reduction. Developing countries hold according to Briceno Garmendia, Estache, and Shafik ( 2004) The most serious gaps in infrastructu re occur in the transportation sector (Hilling, 1996) The Global Poverty Project (2012 n. p. infrastructure development and maintenance is essential to address these as well as ted Nations Development Program (UNDP) also supports these notions for development, particularly in the context of Africa Saharan Africa must provide universal access to decent jobs and social services if it is to achieve decisive development progre 2012 a n.p. ). The UNDP urges Sub

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22 2012 a n.p. ). These notions regarding investment i n transportation infrastructure development to improve accessibility are not new. G overnments have long turned to transportation infrastructure as a remedy for development problems and economic growth tool (Hilling, 1996) Investment in transportation infr astructure development is often seen by countries, regions, and cities as a key element of spurring economic growth (Hilling, 1996) and on the global scale, has been recently emphasized for poverty reduction through the United Nation s (UN) Millennium Deve lopment Goals program (MDGs) (Briceno Garmendia et al., 2004). The UN MDG program is composed of eight (8) primary initiatives, ai med at poverty reduction across the globe in developing countries and urban centers Positive reductions in poverty and accom plishment of different MDG goals have already been realized since the MDG Summitt in 2000 however the slums of several urban centers such as Nairobi Kenya, ha ve encountered significant challenges in achieving the MDG targets. This comes as no surprise t o UNFPA who predicted in 2007 that developing world becomes more urban and as the locus of poverty shifts to cities, the 2007, p. 15). What Leads to I ncreased Accessibi lity? Several studies have examined the impact of transportation infrastructure development on poor populations around the world. Gachassin, Najman, and Raballand (2010) examine these notions that improved transportation infrastructure can automati c ally le ad to poverty reduction in the case of Cameroon, a country in southern

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23 Africa Through analysis of roadway development Gachassin et al. (2010) conducted a household travel survey to estimate the connections between poverty, isolation, location, access to markets, human capital, and employment opportun ities. The authors found that poverty was reduced nation wide as a result of the improved road access however rural areas experienced a significantly lesser amount of improvement compared with urban areas (Ga chassin e t al 2010). Briceno Garmendia et al. (2004) examine d the economic elasticity of overall infrastructure improvements to outputs in developing countries, and found that these investments lead to an overall positive effect on developing economies. International aid the develo ping economy (Briceno Garmendia et al 2004). These social return information/ communication technology and transportation infrastructure were higher than more service/welfare sectors like water or sanitation though both are required for improvement of overall quality of life and reduction of poverty (Briceno Garmendia et al., 200 4) D e fining and Measuring Dimensions O f Accessibility Se veral types of accessibility play significant roles in the access of slums to goods and services, which are related to social, spatial, political, and socio economic factors Place Based Accessibil ity The reason that accessibility is so vital to people is not for its own sake, but because of what can be accessed as a result. Place based a ccessibility refers to the levels of accessibility between two physical locations, and can be examined through a measurement of distance and physical access P hysical access is necessary to populations for basic goods and services, stable employment and social and cultural

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24 relations C omplex tradeoff s exist in spatial accessibility between residential location, dist ance, income, economic opportunities, and mode s of transportation (Hilling, 1996) The physical characteristics location, topography, land use, natural qualities, etc. of a slum can greatly affect spatial accessibility to other areas within the region In m any urban areas around the world slums have frequently developed on unwanted government land, riverbanks, or floodplains that often have severe risk for flood, washout, and high vulnerability to natural disasters. These p hysical characteristics of s lum areas not only provide substantial challenges to safety and health, but also to spatial accessibility, where residents often have no other options than live among and travel through these dangerous land conditions (Hilling, 1996) Not only do the physi cal characteristics of land affect spatial accessibility, but also patterns of urban growth that have affect ed the amounts of physical distance between points of interest ( employment centers, schools hospitals or clinics etc.) While many slum areas init ially developed adjacent to C entral Business Districts (C BDs ) in the colonial era through the early twentieth century, many cit ies have progressively unwanted locati ons and abandoned lands (Hilling, 1996; The World Bank, 2002) Combined with the g rowing reliance upon automobiles as the primary mode of transportation these factors have translated into dramatic changes of the average physical size of cities and urban centers S prawling land use patterns designed around the highway and vehicular access have created conditions where journeys to employment can be excessiv ely long and costly, creating polar case s of tradeoffs between transport ation cost s and residential

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25 qu ality ( The World Bank, 2002). In South Africa, the average distance from middle class re sidential neighborhoods to the CBD is 17.4 miles ( The World Bank, 2002). However, middle class residents of urban regions typically have more spatial flexibility due to income and can move to other areas of the city or further out if they so desire. Lower income residents of slum areas are often financially constrained to remaining in their current housing situation, and are unable to move further out of the city becaus e they lack the financial ability to pay for commuting costs into and out of the city center Not only have these physical distances between places of interest increased between city centers and suburbs, but also substantially within urban areas. These la rge distance s great affect the residents of urban centers, par ticularly those residents of slum areas who typically walk, use informal networks of public transportation, or use bicycles P oor populations in developing urban areas are frequently left with t wo options: residing in informal slum developments, which are relatively close to city centers, or residing in suburban and rural areas to inhabit affordable space at the cost of high travel costs and travel times. S urveys in Mexico City indicate that 2 0% of workers spend more than 3 hours commuting, and 10% spend more than 5 hours ( The World Bank, 2002 ) Transportation Mobility Transportation mobility is a type of accessibility that directly refers to the ease and ability for people to move spatially b etween points of interest using various modes of transportation. An urban area with relatively small distances and several affordable transportation options can provide high levels of transportation accessibility to its residents while an area with large distances and little to no affordable transportation options would likely provide low levels of transportation accessibility.

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26 In a Strategy Review on Urban Transportation (2002), T he World Bank examined transportation patterns of the urban poor. ncome populations make the majority of their trips by walking since it is a free mode of transportation and are thereby somewhat restricted to goods services and employment that can be accessed within walking distance Compared with higher income popul ations, the urban poor were found to make 50% of the number of trips of higher income populations primarily by non motorized transport ation modes or walking The World Bank (2002) also found that reasons for trips by the urban poor are m ore restricted in nature usually for work, education, or shopping. Though t he burden of transportation on budgets of the urban po or has been difficult to determine, it has be en estimated to vary greatly depending on location, circumstance, and other social factors ( The Wo rld Bank, 2002). Not only does reliance upon walking increase commuting time for the urban poor, but it also has significant personal safety risks Nonmotorized trip making through walking or bicycling, has been shown to significantly increase vulnerabil ity of pedestrians to both travel accidents and personal violence (Dovom, Saf farzzdeh, Dovom, & Nadimi, 2012 ; Odero, 2002 ) A recent report by the Institute of Transportation ing in developing countries is an essential transport mode ( Dovom et al., 2012, p. have become a vehicle, their injuries are far more serious than those of vehicle drivers, explainin g why the largest group of road user fatalities in developing countries are pedestrians, at approximately 400,000 death s per year worldwide (Dovom et al 2012, p.1).

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27 Economic Accessibility One of the reasons that accessibility is so important to resident s of slum areas is to gain access to economic op portunity access to goods, service s, employment or other income generating opportunities Place based accessibility and transportation mobility often define what selection of economic opportunities are acc essible to the population of an urban slum M any factors can severely limit economic accessibility for residents of slums, causing many to experience a significant lack of economic accessibility to basic goods, services, and employment opportunities. The first, and most obvious, factors are s patial restrictions that result from the physical location of slums in relation to other key economic land uses within the city Since most residents of slums walk as their primary mode of transportation, they become r estricted to goods, services, employment opportunities that are located within walking distance or require multiple modes of transportation Large distances between residence and employment equate to significantly high travel costs for slum residents in te rms of several aspects money, time, and energy. Informal Econom ies Population density also plays a role in economic access, and has been one of the reasons behind the growth of informal economies in the developing world and many slum areas. One challe nge to economic development in the centers of the developing world is the dominance of the informal economic sector. African slum areas as well as other regions of the world are known for the dominance of informal economic activities. The populations of urban slums are generally significantly high in comparison to the amount of land area, resulting in very high population density levels Between

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28 extremely high population densities and limited spatial accessibility strongly competition emerges for the acc essible economic opportunities, leading many residents to turn to the informal economic sector. Another result of this combination significantly affects the employment market. Economically speaking, slum areas have the potential to provide high concentrat ions of workforce supply, but are unable to disperse that popu lation into areas of demand Due to high population densities, slums have an oversupply of workers and the jobs accessible within walking distance are only able to employ a very limited number o f the population they serve It would also be likely that o ther economic opportunities a few miles away w ould also be significantly oversaturated by the market. Time Costs High travel costs compared to income can be highly challenging for slum residents combined with costs of basic food, shelter, sanitation, and clean water. Commuting time costs are closely related to a decrease of economic productivity and efficiency, in terms of time spent related to employment and time off and can also equate to incr eased activity and economic tradeoffs. L ong journeys to employment can make travel times in developing urban areas exceeding 3 hou rs (The World Bank, 2002) T ime is an extremely valuable resource s and if spent en tirely upon long commutes for access to a part time economic opportunity increases the tradeoff s that can be spent in many other productive ways. For instance, collection of fuel or clean water can be significantly time consuming for slum residents, takin g time from more productive pursuits such as paid employment, education, or health purposes (Foster & Araujo, 2004, p. 36) Devoting such significant amounts of time to transport and

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29 acquisition of basic necessities comes at the expense of o ther activities which Foster and Araujo found in their research to be paid work or leisure (including sleep) (2004, p. 39). L ong walking distances have been proven to significantly r educe productivity by adding a ( The World Bank, 2002). H aving walked several miles and back to work a mediocre and labor intensive job, some people would typically lack energy to do much else but rest let alone develop a garden, produce a craft, or an alternate economically beneficial activity. While this is t he case with many slum residents, many have no other option, and must work multiple jobs or provide for their families in other ways to stay alive Educational and Institutional Accessibility Another aspect of access is to social and institutional service s and good s, which can include education, civic life, and opportuniti es for social development. Access to these services is essential, and several authors agree that a ccess to education is key rogressive existence in society (Achoka Odebero, Maiyo, & Mualuko, 2007). Regional and physical barriers such as geographic ac cess, can combine with financial and economic factors to make education inaccess ible for a large portion of slum population s Gender disparities have been noted to play a crucial role in hindering access to social services, particularly education. Achoka et al. (2007) children are those whose parents live in rural and ur ban In many dren have difficulty accessing these schools (Achoka et al. matatu buses, it is difficult fo r children to access schools (Achoka et al. 2007)

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30 Transportation Development and Accessibility For the mos t part, the literature is strongly supportive of the positive impacts of transportation infrastructure investment in developing countries However, several significant challenges can hinder the planning, design, and funding of transportation infrastructure development for slum areas of developing countries. Along with challenges of cost and funding, several barriers and challenges can exist to the practical nature of development, particularly in developing urban centers experiencing high levels of poverty. Political Feasibility of Transportation Investments Financing aside, another significantly challenging aspect of transportation investments is political feasibility within a developing country. Political economies in developing countries pose great chall enges to accomplishing drastic policy change and impleme ntation of policies are often very difficult to achieve (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008) This is no different for policies regarding poverty, economics, and infrastructure developments. In addition, the v oice of the slum residents is often not the first to be heard by the government in determining funding of transportation investments. T he poor often lack power to input ideas and information to policymakers, both at their local and national levels (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008) In slum areas, a significant lack of official information systems, social, economic, and demographic data often exists, contributing to a continued lack of attention and funding by their public officials. High levels of irregular and in formal land occupation can severely limit the ability of municipal governments to obtain sound data for geographic or planning analysis and hinder the public processes that could address their development and accessibility needs.

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31 Challenge of Land Tenure Lack of housing tenure provides a huge obstacle to funding infrastructure investment in developing countries and slums. Since most reluctant to invest in the extension of p ublic services or infrastructure investments (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008, p. 1920; UN HABITAT, 2003). In this case, Gulyani and Talukdar (2008) suggest that one of the first steps to improving services and living Talukdar, 2008, p. 1920). This approach can encourage not only private investment in housing units, but also public investment in infrastructure (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008, p. 1920). An alternative view of the tenure issue argues that if constructed, infrastructure de facto tenure and security (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008; The World Bank, 2002). In this case, infrastructure investment is a signa government, significantly reducing the perceived risks or threats of demolition and encouraging residents to invest in their units. However, it also assumes that most ghts to their unit, while many do not. Gulyani and (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008). P olicies to Ensure Accessibility It is essential that transportation infrastructure investments not s olely consider the facility or system design but also the development of rules, regulations, and policies that will surr ound the operation, maintenance, a nd

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32 user costs of the system. I n the case of urban poverty reduction, transportation infrastructure investments do not automatically correspond to affordability for users, safety, security, and physical accessibility to services, destina tions, and employmen t centers. Therefore, transportation infrastructure investments must also include policies tha t ensure affordability within fiscal, political and socio cultural constraints of the ap propria te country (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2010 ). Often combined with infras tructural policies and programs, economic development policies that aim to improve the general viability are key to the reduction of poverty levels by generating economic activity and employment opportunities ( The World Bank, 2002). The World Bank (2002) strongly supports the development of more poverty focused infrastructure policy, challenging governments to take a stricter look at infrastructure policies, particularly those that shape transportation and land use investments E lements of poverty focused policies in developing countries, such as Kenya, should include: costs property charged for all vehicle movements, importance of walking and special needs of mobility impaired in design, careful evaluation of fare controls, support of competition in the pr ivate market, careful management of multimodal integration, and integration with broad strategies involving housing, health, education, and other social service policies ( The World Bank, 2002). In summary, t he World Bank (2002 p. 50 ) argue s that y oriented urban transport strategy needs to concentrate on movement of people Financial Feasibility of Transportation Improvements Along with political feasibility, f unding for infrastructure investment s is one of the largest challe nges to transportation infrastructure inves tments in developing countries.

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33 2007, p. 39). As in any construction, ret rofitting existing communities typically costs significantly greater than initial costs on a greenfield site access roads, and the sheer accumulation of miserable conditions make it more difficult to re trofit poor neighborhoods with water, sanitation, electricity, access ro ads and waste management (UNFPA, 2007, p. 39). Project Funding Briceno Garmendia et al. (2004) describe the funding of the infrastructure sector in developing countries, comparing tr ends from the 1990 s with 2004 Their findings indicated that t he infrastructure sector in developing countries is financed through three major sources: public sector, private sector, and official de velopment assistance (ODA) Duri ng the 1990 s, 70% of infra structure investment in developing countries was funded through the public sector, 5 10% through ODA, and 20 25% through the private sector (Briceno Garmendia, 2004) Since the 1990 s, governments have significantly reduced their contributions to infrastruc ture investments, in hopes that private sector or ODAs will finance the rest. However, the decline of public sector investment has been compounded by a sharp fal l in ODA since 1995, fueling a significantly overall drop in investment (Briceno Garmendia et a l 2004). Current trends in developing countries indicate that public sector infrastructure spending is betw een 2 4% of the national G ross Domestic Product (GDP), with exact values varying from county to country Briceno Garmedia et al. (2004) argue that t hose values are 3% less than should be used for maintenance let alone new construction Similarly, in the context of Nairobi and Kenya, Gulyani and Talukdar (2010) argue that y bring forth

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34 Most developing countries have a long way to go in establishing an environment to stimulate both private and ODA investmen t Affordability In addition to funding, service affordability is one o f the greatest challenges to infrastructure accessiblity. Briceno Garmendia et al. (2004) are quick to highlight that access to transportation infrastructure can have little effect if services are not affordable, especially for the urban poor. The cost of infrastructure is relatively high, and oftentimes, those high costs can be passed along to users, of whom affordability resources must be provided for it to be property cons Poverty Project 2012 n.p. ). Transportation i nfrastructure developments should take careful consideration of cost, as they need to ensure the affordability of fares and user fees for those it was constructed for in this c ase, the residents of urban slum areas. Privatisation Another financial challenge to transportation infrastructure development can be privatisation. Though the involvement of private companies can facilitate more cost effective and efficient development than other schemes of business practices that can be disadvantageous to the poor. The Global Poverty Project (2012 n.p. ) notes that of [poverty reduction] if it is done in the context of an appropriate ma Project funding schemes that share financing between state government, donor agencies, and private institutions can provide significant benefits to both funding and maintaining an infrastructure project. These shared schemes can also provide overlap

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35 and checks and balances that ensure high cost services and user fees do not prevent access for the poor (Global Poverty Project 2012). Spatial Feasibility of Transportation Investments If a n infrastructure project is able to acquire funding, political support, and pro poor policies for its implementation, there likely remain other challenges. The p resence and location of housing, roads, public transportation, power, and water supplies determine the directions in which cities and neighborhoods grow (UNFPA 2007, p. 75), and i t is essential that their development be oriented with environmental and demographic criteria. This can be completed by using demographic data, spatial data, 2007, p. 75). The evaluation of demographic growth trends related to elevation, slope, soils, land cover, or haz ard risks data is critical to determining where proposed transportation infrastructure projects should be located or avoided. Large transportation infrastructure projects typically require government land that may currently be informally settled as home t o large communities of slum residents As in any construction, retrofitting existing communities typically costs significantly greater of access roads, and the sh eer accumulation of miserable conditions make it more difficult to retrofit poor neighborhoods with water, sanitation, electricity, access roads and waste management (UNFPA 2007, p. 39). Retrofitting existing slum areas also frequently leads to direct d i splacement when governments physically force residents of informal settlements off land they previously occupied D isplacement can also result indirectly. If infrastructure is upgraded near an existing slum area costs of living and

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36 services could rise co nsiderably and financially force the slum residents to move to a less expensive area, often a new slum. To avoid both direct and indirect displacement, it is essential that government s and organizations involved in infrastructure development (Global Poverty Project 2012). S everal challenges exist to the proposal of transportation infrastructure developments in developing countries, and keys to implementation should ensure a d evelopment s success and reduction of poverty levels The Global Poverty Project agrees suggesting that simply developing transportation infrastructure is not enough. poor and gender sensitive to ensure that it benefits those w ho depend on it to escape extreme poverty 2012). Design considerations of the transportation infrastructure project should address several issues regarding safety for all uses, social norms, and gender differences. There exist sev eral differentiated needs by gender for services and different aspects of personal safety and security, particularly at night. Participatory development in the planning, design, construction, and cess. This is true not only of transportation infrastructure projects in the developing world, but of any project in any location around the world. City leaders, regional, and civic leaders are key to building support and ownership by the local population, and has been proven to improve the long term sustainability of a project (Global Poverty Project 2012). Participatory approaches to increase community involvement in poverty strategies and transportation infrastructure investments are strongly encouraged as they offer greater levels of

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37 advocacy and control for slum areas to have over potential development projects and scenarios (UNFPA 2007, p. 73). Summary of Literature Review A ccessibility and provision of transportation infrastructure play a crucial role in the global phenomenon of urban poverty in terms of spatial, transportation, economic, and social accessibility Each dimension of accessibility is inextricably connected to mobility supporting the theory that increased spatial access through tran sportation infrastructure provision could provide significant benefits to residents of slum areas in poverty reduction This literature review sets the stage for an application of these theories to the case study of Kibera Slum in Nairobi, Kenya

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38 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Methods of Research As an examination of a case study for this exploration of the relationship s between accessibility and urban poverty in Kibera, this case study primarily relies upon an analysis of geographic data to represent the study po pulation. Several steps ultimately support the development of policy recommendations for incorporation into the Kibera. Background information for this study relies upon case study literature rel evant to Sub Saharan Africa, urban poverty, accessibility, and transportation development. Forming the foundation for analysis of different types of accessibility in Kibera, the literature review explores the documented value of accessibility in poverty re duction specifically in cases of transportation infrastructure d evelopment The primary study design involves analysis of quantitative geographic data from Kibera through the use of GIS to determine spatial trends and accessibility relationships between K ibera and key locations of interest economic land uses, institutional land uses, healthcare land uses. T he presence and location of existing housing, roads, public transportation, power, and water supplies can help inform where transportation access proj ects in KENSUP can be 2007, p. 75). Data Sources For the GIS analysis, shape fi le data was acquired from three sources: the Map Kibera project, the University of Nairobi, and the World Resources Institute. The Map

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39 Kibera project was created in November 2009, when a group of Kibera residents and students from the United States mapped and produced the first complete free and digital map of Kibera (Map Kibera, 2010 ). Surveying with GPS and digitization of satellite imagery led to the creation of feature types and map data after 3 weeks of physical data collection (Map Kibera, 2010 ). Seve ral GIS shapefiles are available for download for free on their website, and were downloaded for the purposes of this study Specific data shapefiles downloaded from the Map Kibera website for this study includes: Kibera Boundary, Education, Health, and Tr ansport (Map Kibera, 2012). The University of Nairobi Department of Urban and Regional Planning (DURP) developed 2010 Lan d Use GIS files and 2005 Roads for the City of Nairobi under guidance from DURP professors, using city toposheets, city boundaries, ro ad network files, railway network files. For the purposes of this study GIS shapefiles for 2010 Land Use and 2005 Roadways in Nairobi were downloaded from the University of Nairobi website (University of Nairobi, 2013 a, 2013b ). The World Resources Instit ute has an extensive database of geographic data for Kenya, including data on population, poverty, agriculture, land cover, land form, base data, elevation, rainfall biodiversity and wildlife, tourism, water, irrigation, and hydropower (World Resources In stitute, 2013 a, 2013b, 2013c, 2013d, 2013e, 2013f, 2013g, 2013h ). For the purposes of this study GIS shapef ile data was downloaded from the World Resources Institute including population, poverty, and base data (World Resources Institute, 2013 a, 2013b, 2 013c, 2013d, 2013e, 2013f, 2013g, 2013h ). Data Classifications Several classification groups were created to facilitate organization and understanding of the GIS analysis and results. Since the data from Map Kibera was

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40 already classified by type, the Land Use shapefile from the University of Nairobi was first re classified into several categorized shapefiles using GIS. kindergarten, paramilitary training school, school, training centre, university, and ealthcare rcial, mixed o Th bank, bakery, bar, casino, cinema, club, funeral home, guest house, hostel, hotel, market, media, petrol station, restaurant, supermarket, shops, shopping centre, travel agency o rewery, construction, crematorium, dairy farm, dump, factory, feed farm, greenhouse, industrial bakery, mills, mortuary, oil depot, oil tank, oil refinery, pig farm, plant nursery, quarry, o anent buildings that were larger than those in residential sections, did not have front and back yards, were relatively densely clustered, did not resemble residential estates or slum, and did not have any labels suggesting industrial uses. S tructures that story office buildings were categorized as mixed CI. Mixed CI uses include (but are not limited to) the following: arcade, high rise building, office building plaza. The stitutional listed church, community centre, consulate, diplomatic residence, dispensary, embassy, fire station, garrison, government offices, institute, library, mausoleum, monument, mosque, mus eum, non governmental organization (N GO ) nursery, nursing home, orphanage, police booth, police depot, police post, police station, post office, prison, public hall, shrine, synagogue, temple, utilities Spatial Analysis Tests To analyze the relationshi ps between existing locations of economic areas, transportation, education, and healthcare, this study uses several statistical tests within GIS Spatial Analysis and Spatial Statistics. These tests examine mean centers, standard distances, and directional distributions to answer questions regarding

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41 accessibility and distances from Kibera to economic uses, educational facilities, healthcare facilities, and institutional uses within Kibera and in the greater Nairobi area. Distance Within Kibera The first spa tial analysis test calculates different levels of distance within Kibera. 12 neighborhoods and between transit access points are calculated and illustrated in Figure 4 14 Distance from Kibera The second spatial analysis test determines different levels of distance from Kibera, at 0.3, 0.6, 1.0, 1.5, 2.0, 2.5, and 3 mile distance radii from the mean center of the Kibera neighborhood. For this analysis, 0.3 mile was selected as the first limit for distance, with 0.6 and 1. 0 miles being the next segments. However, in the cases of Kibera and other slum areas where walking is the primary mode of transportation, residents have no other option than to walk longer distances than 0.3 mile to access goods, services, and employment. Buffered rings from the mean center of Kibera show the location of economic uses, healthcare facilities, educational facilities, and institutional uses. Breakout maps of the buffered distance are split up by economic uses, educational uses, healthcare, an d institutional uses, followed by a discussion of the locations of each of these uses in relation to Kibera residents. Directional Distribution The third spatial analysis test determines the Directional Distribution of the four land use categories. To do this, the Mean Center of each land use category is first calculated. The Mean Center test uses an average of x and y coordinates to determine the geographic center of the data points in a set, and is found under the Spatial Statistics and Measuring Geograp hic Distributions tool in GIS. The Mean Center is

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42 calculated for each of the four categories, and is displayed on the Directional Distribution figures. Once the Mean Center is determined for each category, the Directional Distribution test is run for each category. The Directional Distribution test measures whether a distribution of features exhibits a directional trend, and can be found under the Spatial Statistics tools in GIS. This test uses the form of an ellipse to represent the first standard deviati on location of the data, where 68% of the points or polygons in the data set are located, and is centered around the Mean Center of the data set. The Directional Distribution ellipse is determined for each of the following land use category data sets: Econ omic Uses, Educational Uses, Institutional Uses, and Healthcare Uses Once these are calculated, the direction and span of the ellipse for each land use type is then analyzed in comparison with the location of Kibera. The closer that Kibera falls to the el lipse, the better the access for residents to the majority of those land uses. In addition, if Kibera falls far from the ellipse, the direction and distance of the directional distribution can suggest the direction of transportation access needed from Kibe ra to that land use ellipse. Expected Results The ultimate objective of this study is to evaluate current levels of place based accessibility in Kibera, and determine if incorporation of public transit or alternative transportation strategies in the KE NSUP Kibera redevelopment project would increase poverty reduction through improved access Expected results include transportation accessibility analysis and recommendations that can be considered for incorpo ration into the KENSUP project. A s an examinati on of transportation accessibility and poverty reduction strategies in t he developing world, this study contribute s to the body of

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43 knowledge that currently exists on transportation systems and urban poverty in the developing world. Results from this study can be of critical use in the examination of governmental and transportation policies for the specific cases of Nairobi and Kibera, but more broadly, other areas of urban poverty across the world.

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44 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS Background information for this analysi s section relies upon case study literature relevant to urban poverty, slums, accessibility, and transportation development. Setting the stage for analysis and application of transportation strategies to Kibera, the literature review explore d the documente d value of accessibility in poverty reduction specifically transportation development relating to employment and access to basic services. Upon this knowledge of poverty and accessibility the analysis can now turn directly to the s capital city of Nairobi. Background the phenomenon of urban povert y Africa. Many other developing countries and regions have been able to pull ahead into relative eco nomic stability and higher qualit ies of life, but Africa has had significantly more difficulty jumping over the hurdles. According to the World Bank, the international poverty line is now US $1.25/per person/per day (Ravallion, M; Shaohua, C., & Sangraula, P; 2009). Compared to the global poverty rate of 22%, the continent of Africa leads the world with a 47.5% poverty rate, as of 2012 (UNDP, 2012b). In addition to the high est poverty rates in the world urban population is set to triple over the next 40 years, according to a recent report by UN HABITAT (2010a) that estimates the cont %. Currently, urban residents in are estimated to repre sent around 20% ( Berg 2012 ). B living in cities ; and most of that growth is estimated to take place in slum areas (UN

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45 HABITAT, 2010a, n.p.) UNFPA ( 20 07 p. 3 ) concurs with UN HABITAT stating that le will make up a la rge part of future urban growth. However, Sub Saharan Africa has been strongly challenged by the beginnings of rapid urbanisation, population growth, and new slum formation. Joan Clos, Executive Director of UN HABITAT describes these complex challenge s of longer term planning of improving the lives of slum dwellers, but also the challenge of preventing the (UN HABITAT, 2 010a n.p. ). UNFPA strongly argues in favor of action by developing countries and world leaders, asserting that [poverty] will make it impossible either to plan for inevitable and massive city growth or to use urban dynamics to help relieve pover UNFPA, 2007, p.3). Among reports by the UN, UN HABITAT, and T he World Bank, strong advocacy exists f or national governments, together with international organizations, to take large steps in anticipation of these urban population increases, in efforts huge difference for the social, ( UNFPA, 2007, p. 3). Goals of Analysis In light of the the predicted challenges of population growth, th is study has a two fold purpose Not only do current conditions and levels of poverty in Nairobi, and Kibera specifically, imply need s for continued attention by the GoK and City of Nairobi but projections for urba n population increases place urgency upon those needs for poverty reduction and capacity for these incoming populations.

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46 To address concerns of poverty reduction for both current and future residents of Kibera and Nairobi t he ultimate objective of th is analysis is to evaluate current levels of accessibility in Kibera and determine if the incorporation of public transit or alternative transportation strategies as part of KENSUP would contribute to poverty reduction To de velop a working knowledge o f Kibera Nairobi, and Kenya in general, a brief descript ion of Nairobi, Kibera, and KENSUP is followed by the GIS analysis Kibera Although slums universally invoke images of squalor, not all are equally bad. Slums vary some have better access to wa ter, others offer better quality housing units, and some are physically safer & Talukdar, 2008, p. 1918). The case study for this study Kibera is located in a capital city with rich heritag e and diversity. The 2006 Human Development Report est imated the population of Kenya at 33.5 million, with roughly a third of that population being urban. By 2020, the urban Oxfam Great Britain, 2009, p. 8). Located in eastern centra l Kenya, the capital city of Nairobi has a population of between 3 and 3.5 million people ( Oxfam Great Britain, 2009, p. 8; Scruggs, 2010 ) Nairobi has experienced significant growth in the past thirty years, and is estimated to continue rising at rapid ra tes hitting a population of 5 million by 2020 and 6 million by 2025 ( Oxfam Great Britain, 2009, p. 9). While much of Nairobi has experienced economic success, almost o population lives below the International Poverty Line of US $1.25/person /day and a t least 6 0% of Nairobi is estimated to reside in a slum ( Gulyani & Talukdar, 2010; Gulyani Talukdar & Jack 20 09 ; Oxfam Great Britain, 2009 ) According to Mulcahy and Chu (2008 n.p. sanitary

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47 Many cite t es Mulcahy and Chu ( 2008 n.p. ). Historic ownership patterns, dating back to highly controlled and constrictive land policies under colonial British control, have contributed to the continued growth of & Chu 2008 ). A 2005 article by BBC News describes the history of Kibera dating back to 1920 Nubian soldiers 2005). Though residents of Nairobi were given no deeds, t he Kenyan government allowed the soldiers to build homes, set up businesses, and name the village Kibra meaning jungle ( Harding 2002). As years passed, and p politicians giving away public land to individuals for political support reached its height in the 1990s, Nairobi never had the opportunity to develop proper housing markets and residents of the Kibera area were never given any rights for land tenure after decades of informality As rural urban migrations began in th e 1990s and continue into the 21 st century i llegal migrations onto uninhabitated government land in Nairobi led to the spread of slum areas around the city increasing the population of Kibera from a few thousand to close to a million people ( Harding 200 2) Demographic Characteristics of Kibera One of the most debated and difficult to ascertain characteristics of Kibera is its other smaller slum areas) accounted for 640 ,000 people, however by 2004, was

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48 estimated to have grown to 81 0,000 (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008 ). While the GoK has estimated the current population of Kibera to be between 800,000 and 1.2 million people, other sources such as Map Kibera project estimates a significantly smaller population value between 235,000 and 270,000 based on door to door surveys and population density information (Carolina for Kibera, 2012; Map Kibera, 2010). It seems opulation debate, with informal housing and transient employment. The average household size in Kibera is between 3 5 people, a relatively low rate that has been partly attributable to the high proportion of single person households (almost a third (32%) of all househ olds) (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008 ). The majority of percentage of male residents than female residents, at a 55:45 ratio (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008 ). Around half o old, due in part to the HIV/AIDS epidemic and large number of orphans in the city (Carolina for Kibera, 2012). Spatial Characteristics of Kibera Kibera is located approximately 3.1 miles to the southe ast of Central Business District (CBD) and houses between 800,000 and 1 .2 million people on 1 square mile of land (630 acres) (Mulcahy & Chu 2008 ). While population estimates in Kibera have varied widely, it is said to be around 30 times as den se as central New York City ( Mulcahy & Chu, 2008 ; Salon & Aligula, 2012 ). The Ngong River, Nairobi Dam, and Kisumu rail line serve as borders of Kibera, and physically limit the expansion of the slum. Terrain in the area is hilly, sometimes steep, and due to proximity to the Ngong River, several villages within Kibera frequently flood during the rainy season.

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49 Figure 4 1 illustrates the location of Nairobi within the county of Kenya, and also the location of Kibera within Nairobi. Figure 4 2 illustrates the location and size of Kibera with respect to the City of Nairobi CBD illustrated in Figure 4 3: Lindi, East Soweto, West Soweto, Makina, Kianda, Mashimoni, Gatuikira, Kisumu Ndogo, Laini Saba, and Siranga. E c onomic Characteristics of Kibera recession since independence in 1963 ( Harding 2002). T Ksh. per month (around US $1 14 / month and $1.25/ day) below the international standard of poverty (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p.11). The unemployment rate among Kibera residents is relatively high 26% overall, 46% for youth, and 49% for women (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008) Household enterprises are operated by 31% of Kibera househ olds, employing 19% of Kibera adults. Economic Sector. Not only has the recession trickled down into Nairobi, but also into Kibera as well. Several sources cite the dominance of the informal employment sector in Nairobi (Harding, 2002; M ituallah, 2003 ; Oxfam Great Britain, 2009 cited as static or on the decline. In Nairobi, along with many other large cities i n Africa, the informal sector has continued to generate more employment th an the formal sector (Mitullah, 2003, p. 4 ; Oxfam Great Britain, 2009, p. 11 ). The 2002 Economic Survey ( GoK 2002) estimated that during 2001, 176%, while the formal sector employment declined at 0.43% (Mitullah, 2003, p. 4). Oxfam from 5.5 million in 2003 to 6. 4 million in 2005 (2009, p. 11)

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50 Most economic activities in Nairobi, and Kibera, are within the informal sector, which compete well to earnings that can be made in urban unskilled or agricultural wage employment (Mitullah, 2003). Categories under the informal sector that are common in Nairobi include: wholesale trade, retail trade, hotels and restaurants, manufacturing, in dustry, community, social and personal services, transport and communication, and construction ( Oxfam Great Britain, 2009, p. 12). Kibera is home to a large number of small business activity, of every type imaginable for residents to earn an income. Whil e the informal sector can often be criticized, it has been shown to significantly 2003). Figure 4 4 illustrates the formal economic uses in Nairobi, and Figure 4 5 illus trates the formal economic uses within 2 mile s of Kibera primarily shopping centers, restaurant s supermarket, and petrol stations. Map Kibera did not provide information about economic uses within Kibera, as most are informal and difficult to map. The m where there exist several factories and industrial sectors. However, both of those districts are at least a 3 mile distance from the nearest village of Kibera. Tr ansportation and Infrastructure Characteristics of Kibera Transportation infrastructure in both Nairobi and Kibera has been cited as isibly travel challenges for residents across all income gr Gulyani cite s an between policymakers, academics, city residents, development agencies, and other experts & Talukdar 2008, p. 1921).

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51 Modal Split While this modal split is similar to other African cities, Salon and Aligula (2012) note that while other cities in the developing world also have high levels of walking and public and thr ee in Nai robi the p resence of motorized two or three wheeled vehicles is not as prevalent or influential to transportation in the city as in other African cities. Road and Bus Network Kibera h as no paved road network, and very limited vehicular infrastructure Transportatio n within Kibera is primarily served by several informal walking paths roads leading to and from the city, physically leaving Kibera is quite challenging History n.d. n.p. ). Poor transportation accessibility has continued to magnify the environmental, social, economic, and health issues that Kibera fa ces (Mulcahy & Chu 2008, p. 12). Major roadways to enter and exit Kibera are located on the eastern and western sides of the area, and the north and south borders are significantly more difficult to enter or exit. Two government operated bus lines curre ntly traverse roads that neighbor Kibera including Joseph Kangethe Road/Kibera Road (through Northwest Kibera) that connects Western Nairobi with the Nairobi CBD Figure 4 6 illustrates the location of the nearest bus stops and location of walkways throu gh Kibera.

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52 S ix bus stops serve the Kibera territory along Kibera Road, which are within walking distance from most of the Northern and Western neighborhoods of Kibera. The only other bus line accessible for Kibera residents is to the East of Kibera, alon g Mbagathi Road by the Kimalei Primary School, and at the intersection of Mbagathi Way and the entrance to the Soweto neighborhood of Kibera at the very east. F our bus stops are located within walking distance of Eastern Kibera neighborhoods, however all f o ur are outside of Kibera, with two along a major roadway, Mbagathi Way, and two within a residential neighborhood. Walking in Kibera transport. While this is a good thing from a n environmental and congestion perspective, walking also reflects a physical and time 2012, p. 72). Matatus I nformal fleets of privately matatu taxi buses are the major means of public transportation around Nairobi, and function as the paratransit system of Nairobi; no formal system exists according to Salon and Aligula (2012) Matatus are typically 14 and 25 seater minivans, and are known for being very quic k at bringing people from points of interest (McKinley, 1996) Close to two thirds of Kibera residents say they use these in formal matatu related travel, followed by buses and walking (Salon & Aligula, 2012) The average roundtrip price of a matatu trip is estimated to be around

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53 Ksh. 50 (US $0.57) but prices can vary depending on location or time of day (Mitullah, 2003, p. 14). However, matatu s have notoriety for breaking traffic rules and low levels of safety (McKinley, 1996) 2,617 last year [ Polite Notice, 2011 ). Compared to the average price of rent in Kibera, around Ksh. 750 (US $8.56) per a Table 4 1. Comparative Avg. Monthly Prices for Kibera Residents Cate gory Average Price (Ksh.) Average Price (US $) Education 2,500 $28.50 Food 5,000 $57.07 Healthcare 750 $8.60 Housing 750 $8.60 Income 6,000 $68.50 Matatu Round Trip 50 $0.57 Water 200 $2.28 (Mitullah, 2003, p. 14) While matatus are ubiquitous on p aved roadways throughout Nairobi, very few are physically able to enter into Kibera due to the lack of paved roadways. Therefore, to find and board a matatu, residents must leave Kibera or exit to one of the major adjacent roadways. Only a f ew matatu lines stop in Kibera. The 32 Route Matatu, the Kibera (via Argwings Kodhek Rd) line, takes Kenyatta Avenue, Serena, Panafric, Valley Road, Argwings Kodhek Road, Hurlingham, Kilimani, Yaya Centre, Ring Road Kilimani, Adams Arcade, Kibera Drive, and Kibera Ayany Estate (Jambo Nairobi, 2011 a ). The Government of Kenya (Go K ) and City of Nairobi have debated for years if they should regulate the matatu industry or convert it into a cooperative structure, but have received significant amounts of criticism (McKinley, 19 96) While the regulation

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54 could provide benefits for residents, it could also make transport relatively more expensive and force many matatu operators out of their jobs. While other large African cities have provided precedent of regulated bus lines (such as Cape Town and Johannesburg, South Africa), many argue that matatu expertise required to run cooperative industries (Polite Notice, 2011) Despite public criticism, the City of Nairobi made significant and controversial ch in January 2011 The changes essentially forced all single they rent o Polite Notice, 2011). While many support the changes, others claim an emphasis on accountability will inevitably incur additional costs that will be passed down to matatu users, making transit more expensive and encouraging the use of p rivate cars or taxis. Rail Transportation The Kisumu Rail Line is a regional rail line that originates in the city of Kisumu, to the west of Nairobi, and connects with Nairobi and neighboring country of Uganda. The Rail Line passes through Kibera as it app roaches Nairobi, and separates the north and south neighborhoods of Kibera. Stations in Kibera were active until 2008, when they were closed due to safety vandalism and high operating costs As a result, the Kisumu Rail Line makes no stops in Nairobi unt il it reaches the Nairobi Railway Station (Sanga 2008). Transportation Safet y in Nairobi Traffic safety is a significant issue in Kenya, and Nairobi especially. A 2002 report by Odero, Khayesi, and Heda (2002) claimed t hat over 3,000 people are killed a n nually

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55 on Kenyan roads (Odero et al. 2002). Nairobi tops the global list of pedestrian fatality rates, at 65% (Khayesi, 2005), seconded by 54% (Donroe, Tincopa, Gilman, Brugge, & Moore, 2008) in Latin America, 42% (Ackaaha & Adontength, 2011) in Ghana, co mpared to 12% in the United States (Dovom et al., 2012, p.1). Nationally, Kenya has one of the highest road fatality rates compared to vehicle ownership in the world, at an average of 7 deaths per the 35 crashes that occur each day (Assum, 1998 ), amountin g to around 3 000 deat hs on Kenyan roads each year As Odero et al. (2002 p. 53 40 times greater than Not only are these rates high when compared to other countries, but these rates have continued to experience rapid increases not only in number, but it terms of magnitude and mortality ( Odero, 200, p. 53 ). In addition to overall increases in crash numbers, the mean number of casualties per crash increased, reflecting the frequent inv olvement of matatus and buses with high er passenger loads than private vehicles. As the third leading cause of death in Kenya (after malaria and HIV/AIDS), traffic safety presents a major public health concern not only to citizens who own and travel via pr ivate vehicle, but also pedestrians and passengers of matatu s. In Odero et al. (2002) pedestrians and passengers were found to be the most vulnerable group of roadway users, accounting for 80% of vehicle r elated deaths in Kenya ( Odero, 2002 p. 53 ). In N airobi specifically, O dero et al. (2002) and Salon and Aligula (2012) both examined detailed traffic safety patterns and found several applicable trends that can further inform transportation recommendations. In the Nairobi region, 68% of fatalities were p edestrians, compared to other more rural regions where passengers were the

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56 primary casual ties involved in the crash (p. 54 ). The Kenyatta National Hospital in Nairobi has also reported overrepresentation of pedestrians (64.5%) and passengers (22.8%) (Said, 2000 ). Crashes that involve pedestrians are 17% of the total Nairobi crash levels, with 8.8% involving driver fatality and 3.2% involving bicyclist fatalities (Odero et al., 2002, p. 56, based on data from National Road Safety Council, 1992). In Nairobi, the majority of the fatality and injury victims from these crashes are between the ages of 15 and 44 years (76%) a ctive and productive population (2002, p. 57). In Nairobi, 62% of all reported crashes invo lved public transpor tation vehicles which can be attributed to the number of buses and matatus involved in the urban region of Nairobi ( Odero, 1995, p. 54 ). While matatu s and buses only account for a small portion of traffic crashes, buses constitute only 3.7% of the total registered vehicles in Kenya. For matatus, vehicle registration is based upon the make of the vehicle, not whether they are used for carrying passengers Implications Not only do these high pedestrian fatality rates indicate dangerous e nvironments for pedestrian travel within Nairobi, but they could also suggest a lack of emergency services and access to medical treatment after crashes. Salon and Aligula (2012) also cite high risk for pedestrians and bicyclists while traveling in Nairobi widespread lack of pedestrian and bicycle infrastructure increases the risk that they face Odero et al. (2002) attributes the rising numbers of traffic in juries and fatalities in Kenya to ic transport system with special reference to buses and matatus; deficiencies in road network development and maintenance; and deficiencies in road

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57 Odero et al. (2002) also cites the basic lack of safety features that most buses and matatus have involvement of buses and matatus in road crashes also indicates their general lack of easily detacha 2002, p. 60). Though it is likely that the lack of matatu safety features contribute to crash rates and fatalities, transportation safety interventions should take a closer examination of cras h rates within Nairobi. A more detailed analysis has not been conducted to evaluate the location of crashes to determine the nature of relationships between crash location, access to emergency services (ambulance, hospital, clinic), and fatality rates. Hou sing Characteristics of Kibera Housing in Kibera is crowded, unsanitary, and primarily impermanent and illegal Since Kibera is located entirely on land owned by the GoK residents do not have secure tenure and occupy land informally population, only 8% are owner occupiers, and, of those, 60% are residents Another & Talukdar 2008, p. 1921). household, and 2.6 persons per room (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008 ). Homes are typically constructed as mud huts, and paths between houses are irregular, often with ditches running down the middle. The vast majority (88% ) of homes have impermanent walls and tin roofs (98%) (Gulyani & Talukdar, 2008 ). Despite their impermanent status, r ent pric e s are significant when compared to the average income of Kibera residents at an average of US $11/month ( 26 % of income)

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58 Informal Land Tenure and most complicated challenges to improving Kibera and other slums in the city. when the British colonial government allowed a group of Nubian soldiers from Sudan to settle on the land that is now Kibera temporarily. After World War One, the British decided to allow the Nubians to remain on the land, but they never gave them the title deeds to their new land. Since t hat time, a large number of people have moved into Kibera, some managing to acquire their own piece of land to squat on, and the majority renting their huts from landlords. With taxes on collec ted rent, and have no legal requirement to provide any services sanitation, water, electricity, trash, infrastructure, housing to tenants (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p. 11). Landlords are said to own as many as 1,000 units in Kibera, receiv ing significant amount of tax free rent According to a study by the University of Nairobi, out of 120 of the landlords interviewed, 57% were either government officials or politicians (Af fordable Housing Institute, 2005 ). In conclusion v er y low incomes, combined with high rates of irregular employment and lack of land tenure contribute to a complicated economic situation that has severely hindered progress in Kibera (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008). Sanitation and Utility Access One of the greatest ch allenges in such a dense informal settlement is provision of sanitation and utility access. In an article by BBC News (2005), a 67 year old Kibera resident describes his living conditions within Kibera, sharing one room with his eight children and wife. Se rich stench of almost 1 million people living in this ditch in mud huts, with no sewage

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59 2005). The intense overcrowding and severe lack of utility and sanitation in Kibera p. 11). Sanitation villages border the Ngong River particularly the Sowet o East village, Pollution resulting from pit latrines, ditches, and dust from unpaved roads and footpaths has also contribute d to disease and waste problems, and severely affects the quality of nearby drinking water sources. Studies by the Nairobi Cross Sectional Slums Survey of 2000 and the Kenya Demographic Health Study of 1998 found worse off whe n compared to residents of Nairobi in general (Mitullah, 2003). water scarcity can be traced to a number of factors including political exclusion, water mafias, water rati oning, and poor infrastructure. Of the approximately 650 water vendors in Kibera, 98% (637) are private enterprises and 2% (13) are run by community based organizations and NGOs ( M Maji, 2013 ). The price of a 4 gallon can of water is typically around Ksh. 2 3, however during shortages, the prices can skyrocket to Ksh 5 10 or even Ksh 30 ( M Maji, 2013 ). During these shortages, residents can spend all day looking for water, and if they do not find clean water, will consume potentially contaminated water from free yard taps or springs ( M Maji, 2013) Utilities Around 24 % of slum households in Nairobi were estimated to have access to piped water, as compared to 92% of the entire Nairobi population (Mitullah,

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60 2003, p. 11). As of 2008, around 25% of Kibera resi dents were found to have access to piped water, private toilet, public sewer, working drain, public garbage collection, or electricity, according to Gulyani and Talukdar (2008, p. 1922). Within the Soweto East village, approximately 70,000 residents live w ith access to only 100 toilets and 50 baths (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p. 11). Dating back as long as 1993, a commentator on urban issues fo r the Nairobi City Council observed, rapid growth of th e city [Nairobi]. The vast majority of the urban poor do not have access to such services, which are inadequate and not properly maintained. Whereas the urban population has doubled in size during the past decade, infrastructure developmen t has proceeded f ar more slowly (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p. 10). Sanitation and Utility Costs While Kibera lacks severe access to sanitation, water, and utilities, the costs for these services are significantly higher than other regions of Nairobi, even wealthy neighborhoo ds. Several studies have shown that residents often pay higher fees for water or sanitation services such as toilets (Mitullah, 2003, p. 11). In addition to extremely high water and sanitation costs, fees for electricity off of legitimate power lines on the western edges of Kibera has fueled a market for electricity that can run around Ksh 300 per month (between US $8 and $9) ( Odbert 2011) Kibera households can spend up to 20% of their income on water equa l to the cost of rent ( M Maji 2013 ). C ontrol of water vendors and water supply by private vendors and cartels is one reason behind the extremely high prices of water within Kibera (M Maji 2013 ). To raise profits, vendors and cartels can create artificial

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61 shortages, or ration concentrations of water to a select number of vendors within Kibera to create scarcity. Educational Characteristics of Kibera Though Kibera residents face daily challenges in sanitation and housing quality, Kibera boasts high rates o f primary education. Approximately population have completed primary school, a rate that rate ( Oxfam Great Britain, 2009 p. 10). At the secondary school level, however, the education rate drops to less tha n 33% primary education and literacy levels, several organizations have potential for capitalizin human capital assets Oxfam Great Br itain, 2009, p.10 ). High rates of primary literacy in Kibe ra, and Nairobi in general, can be primarily attributed to the Free Primary Educat ion (FPE) program developed by the GoK in 2003. A significant need was acknowledged by the GoK for impr oved access t o basic education and currently, 92% of children from age 6 to 14 are enrolled in primary school (Achoka et al., 2007) The primary education cycle i n Kenya lasts 8 calender years and the FPE has encouraged the transitions from primary to secondar y school, improving rates from 40% to 70% between 2003 and 2008 (Achoka et al. 2007). As a result, 95% of children are literate, and 78% have completed primary school (Gulyani & Talukdar 2008 ) nd capable of further technical training, many adult residents of Kibera missed the FPE program and have lower levels of literacy and basic skills for employment. While the FPE program has improved literacy levels for children in Kibera and Nairobi,

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62 Mitullah (2 003) point s to the severe lack of adult t raining establishments accessible to Kibera residents. Gender gaps also exist in educational sphere. For the most part, Kibera men have higher levels of education than Kibera women (Mitullah, 2003, p. 14). One 1997 interview of female Kibera residents by Mitullah found that none of the 10 interviewees had secondary education, 7 had attended primary school, and the remaining 3 were illiterate (Mituallah, 2003 ). More recently, the Pamoja Trust Database (2001 ; in Mitullah, 2003 ) confirmed this trend in a n enumeration of slum students in school, stating that more boys than girls were enrolled in Kibera schools. Kibera has several government run public schools the Olympic Primary School, Kibera Primary School PCEA Silanga High School, Raila Educational Centre, and Olympic Secondary School. Figure 4 7 shows the location of the educational uses in Nairobi, and Figure 4 8 shows the location of the educational uses within Kibera. The PCEA Emmanuel Technical Train ing Centre offers self employment skills to Kibera residents, and is one of many schools owned by the Presbyterian Church of East Africa. While Kibera has relatively close access to a few colleges and universities, these have high tuition fees and not avai lable to children with only primary education backgrounds. Achoka et al. (2007) concludes that education centers are often informal and located in random buildings, behind shops, part of churches, and that homes of the learners, who must then walk long (Achoka et al., 2007 p. 279 ). Many of the schools within Kibera are owned and operated by churches and NGOs.

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63 Health care Charact eristics of Kibera The h ighly dense, congested and unsanitary living conditions within Kibera have contributed to a dangerous health environment for residents. Kibera suffers from very high rates of infectious disease and the presence of solid waste, deg raded water and environmental quality, and pollution contribute to persistent contamination (Mulcahy & Chu 2008, p. 11). Figure 4 9 shows the location of healthcare facilities in Nairobi, and Figure 4 10 shows the location of healthcare facilities within 2 miles of Kibera. Though a handful of large hospitals are located close to Kibera, several challenges exist for primarily financial and spatial. Besides the provision of hospitals outside of Kibera one large health c are centre is loca ted within Kibera and sever al other clinics within Kibera. N o government hospitals or clinics can be found in Kibera Medical facilities within Kibera are owned and operated by churches, international aid organizations, or NGOs. HIV/AIDS The HIV/AIDS p andemic continues to have a large impact on Kibera, with 10 25% of residents currently estimated to be infected with the virus (Carolina for Kibera, 2012). The pandemic has had significant effects upon demographics, mortality rates, economics, and access t o education for primary age children and orphans. Over 600,000 of Kenyan children, in 2003, were living with HIV/AIDS and a majority of those are assumed to be living in Kibera (Achoka et al., 2007, p. 280). The HIV/AIDS pandemic has also been linked to th e rapid growth in the number of orphans, an increase in number of street children, and massive strain on extended family and public welfare services (Achoka et al., 2007, p. 280).

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64 Institutional Characteristics of Kibera Kibera is home to a multitude of ch urches, mosques, non governmental organizations and several other institutions that fuel the cultural and social lives of its residents As previously noted, m any of churches and institutions play multiple roles, as schools, health clinics, and c ommunity centers. Figure 4 11 shows the location of the institutional uses in Nairobi, and Figure 4 12 shows the location of the institutional uses within 2 miles of Kibera. Government of Kenya Plans for Slum Improvement T he GoK embarked upon creating th eir first Medium Term Plan (MTP) Vision 2030 in 2008 ( GoK 2008). The MTP addresses several aspects of economic incomes and access to education, health and land, as well as to basic needs, including: GoK 2008, p.3). Infrastructure is the Go K claiming they create and sustain economic growth ( GoK 2 008, p.16). As of 2008, the MTP estimated national infrastructure sector spending to be 2.6% of the Kenya GDP and 13.4% of overall GoK expenditure ( GoK 2008, p. 16). A National Integrated Transport Policy (NITP) was created in 2004 to address challenges in the Kenyan sub sector, and covers issues like transport infrastructure planning, development and management, legal, institutional and regulatory frameworks, safety and security, funding, gender mainstreaming, as well as environmental considerations. ( Go K 2008, p. 17). Between 2008 2012, the GoK describes several of their program initiatives:, including a National Span Plan, National Integrated Transport Master Plan, Nairobi

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65 Metropolitan Region Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) System, Development of Light Rail for Nairobi and its Suburbs, and others ( GoK 2008, p. 20). Following in the steps of many large cities, the Government has identified 3 different corridors to use for BRT in Nairobi: Athi River Town to Kikuyu Town (approximately 38km), Thika Town to the C BD (approximately 50km), and Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to the CBD (approximately 25 km) ( GoK 2008, p. 21). The proposed Nairobi Light Rail service covers similar areas, and expects to stretch from Nairobi Railway Station to Embakasi/Jomo Kenyat ta International Airport 15.6 kilometers and serving around 150,000 daily passengers ( GoK 2008, p. 21). National Infrastructure Plans As part of the GoK First Medium Term Plan Vision 2030 (2008, p. x), the GoK uality national physical infrastructure is a critical The MTP includes nine infrastructure strategies ( GoK 2008, p. 20 ): 1. Strengthening the institutional framework for infrastructure development ; 2. Developing and maintaining an integrated, safe, and efficient transport network ; 3. Benchmarking infrastructure with globally acceptable standards ; 4. Integrating information communication technology in infrastructure services provision ; 5. Implementing infrastructure projects that support development in neglec ted areas ; 6. Development of a plan to optimize the development and utilization of infrastructure facilities and services ; 7. Modernizing and expanding inland port facilities ; 8. Identifying, developing, and retaining the requisite human resource to maintain infras tructure ; and 9. Enhancing private sector participation in the provision of infrastructure

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66 Not only does the Government acknowledge needs for a stronger institutional framework for infrastructure development in Kenya, but also the efficiency and quality of infrastructure and speed with which it can be implemented ( GoK 2008). Within 5 years, the Go K maintained and motorable roads with a total of Kshs. 186 billion (US $2.122 billion) spent on road construction and upgr between 2008 2012 ( GoK 2008, p. x). Other major transportation infrastructure projects Metropolitan area, which is expected to serve as a prototype for the other main urban areas in the country GoK 2008, p. x). The commitment of several international agencies to the global reduction of poverty, primarily through the MDG program, has been reflected by the nation of Kenya, as well as the City of Nairobi. The MDGs appea (Government of the Republic of Kenya, 2003). The living conditions in Kibera have led to a significantly diminished quality of life and inc redibly stressful living environment for News, 2005). In combination with an ext ensive history of government promised upgrade projects, current conditions have left a large majority of Kibera residents skittish and distrustful of government intervention for redevelopment. Nairobi Railway City Development A large projects that could h ave significant effect upon Kibera in the near future is the pro As the host to many international companies and organizations, the City of Nairobi is proposing the creation of a 200 acre Railway

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67 City to serve as a heart of business, financial, and government within the current CBD. Occupying around 35% of the existing CBD, the propos ed development will include a hub for commuter inter city and regional passenger rail traffic and a direct rail link to Jomo Kenyatta Internati onal Airport (Kenya Railways Corporation, 2008, slide 3) The Railway City is also planned to include a variety of commercial buildings, a business park for light manufacturing, 2 hotels with conference facilities, shopping arcades, malls, restaurants, par king silos, and adequate infrastructure to support development. Railway access to the new Nairobi Railway City could be tied with future rail expansion plans of the Kisumu Rail Line through Kibera or development of alternate rail routes. Kenya Slum Upgrad ing Program Acknowledging the magnitude of poverty and need for action, Amos Kimunya, Alliance Program in 1999 (GoK, 2007) The next year, President Moi met with the e xecutive director of UN HABITAT to create the Kenya Slum Upgrading Program (KENSUP) (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p. 10; University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008; Scruggs, 2010 ). KENSUP was created as a national program administered through the Kenya Mini stry of Housing, and funding has been provided through the Ministry (University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008). The funding breakdown of the initial project included Ministry of Roads, Publ ic Works, and Housing, and US $110,000 from UN HABITAT. Goals of KENSUP The goals of KENSUP focus upon project implementation in slums areas around Kenya that need improved housing and access to basic services, secure tenure, and opportunities to generate income ( GoK, 2007; Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p. 10; Scruggs,

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68 2010). A new national Housing Policy was passed by parliament in 2004, recognizing the key components of slum upgrading (University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008 n.p. ). the beginning of the project, KEN ; GoK, 2007 ). The plan aims to improve the lives of residents by pro viding new housing, education facilities, playing grounds, job opportunities, and HIV/AIDS prevention and protection programs. Ministries of the Kenyan national government involved with KENSUP include: Housing, Office of the President, Lands, Local Governm ent, Roads and Public Works, Finance and Planning, Trade and Industry, Health, Water and Irrigation, Information & Communication ( Government of Kenya Ministry of Housing 2013). specific projects aim to facilitate the provisi on of secure tenure, improved housing, income generating activities, and physical and social infrastructure (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p.10). Partnerships at the agency and local levels have been critical in development of the institutional structure and proces s, and have continued to evolve as the project continues (Mulc ahy & Chu, 2008, p.10). The project is not only aimed at physical improvements to Kibera, but also working with the residents to ensure successful implementation (GoK, 2007) The executive direc tor of UN

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69 you have to spend time on what we call social organization, otherwise you might New News, 2005). KENSUP Soweto East Pilot Project The first KENSUP project is in Kibera, in the Soweto Neighborhood. T he Kibera Soweto Pilot Project was launched in 2004 and has been estimated to require approximately US $11.5 billion to complete through 2020 (University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008). The Soweto East neighborhood is the neighborhood furthest to the east of Kibera, and is closest to Nairobi CBD. Thus far, the Kenya Ministry of Housing has allocated Ksh 485 million ( US $5.53 million ) on the Soweto site, and Ksh 90 ( US $1.03 million ) to a 0.5 kilometer roadway in the Soweto East neighborhood. Between the years of 2004 and 2004, several studies were comp leted in Kibera, including socio economic mapping, physical mapping, enumeration, and a proposed master plan (University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008). These plans also include community involvements and education to residents about KENSUP (Ferna ndez & Calas, 2010) In Fall 2005, construction began on a temporary housing site for residents of Soweto East to be placed while new housing is constructed (GoK, 2007) In 2006, the Kibera Integrated Water, Sanitation, and Waste Management project was ini tiated, and has been addressing draining, and garbage ( Fernandez & Calas, 2010; GoK, 2007; University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008). Thus far, the project has reached out to the Soweto community extensively, electing a committee of 18 for the Settlement Executive Committee (SEC) to represent

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70 various community groups structure owners tenants, youth, disabled, non governmental organizations (NGOs) and widows ( GoK, 2007; University of Pennsylvan ia School of Design, 2008). As discussed in the literature review, it is essential that any infrastructure project have a key element of community involvement the governme community (University of Pennsylvania School of Design, 2008). With such a large project bringing transformational changes, major issues have arisen in the project since its launch in 2004, and are expected to continue (Fernandez & Calas, 2010) Clashes between KENSUP, UN HABITAT, and Kibera residents over ideology and approach have escalated, with the University of Pennsylvania School of upgrading, rather than the form of redevelopment that KENSUP and Ministry of Housing of permanence of the development concern UN HABITAT, while other concerns regarding the staff, funding, and knowledge capacity to fulfill the proper implementation have also arisen. Concerns regarding the SEC have also arisen regarding the presence of communication, quality of information, and process by which SEC representatives were elected ( Scruggs, 2010; University of Penn sylvania School of Design, 2008 ). KENSUP Transportation Improvements While the Soweto East Project is quite comprehensive, addressing infrastructure, housing, and health, it also include s transportation infrastructure. The Soweto East Pilot Project will include a new 2 .6 m ile roadway and associated infrastructure parallel to the Kisumu railw ay line passing through Kibera ( Fernandez & Calas, 2010; GoK, 200 7; GoK Ministry of Housing, 2011 ) Proposed physical infrastructure include : roads and

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71 walkways, stormwater drainage, water reticulation, street and security lighting, sewer infrastructure, business stalls, bus stops, public toilets, and environmental and solid waste management ( Fernandez & Calas, 2010; GoK Ministry of Housing, 2011 ). The majority of funding and physical area required for the KENSUP project allocated to transportation is for construction of this commercial road corridor parallel to the Kisumu rail line These proposed transportation improvements can be seen in Figure 4 13. Though the emphasis by KENSUP se ems to be on vehicular transportation primary mode of transportation (UN HABITAT, 2007). The current feasibility of vehicle ownership and use is very low in Kibera due to se veral factors cost, spatial parking and use constraints, and lack of roadway facilities (Mulcahy & Chu, 2008, p. 17), and it seems likely that the incorporation of transit or alternative strategies could be more mary mode of transportation. Transportation Plans Be Improved? In this next section, the KENSUP plans for Soweto East are spatially analyzed along with current levels of spatial, economic, infrastructure, education, and healthcare accessi bility. Current levels of accessibility and distances between Kibera and key points of interest are determined which further provide the data background for the use of several GIS spatial analysis tests. The results from the spatial analyst tests greatly inform the final stage of analysis, in which GIS is used to examine potential transportation and land use strategies that KENSUP could incorporate into their plans for Kibera, for increased effectiveness and poverty reduction.

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72 Results of Spatial Analysi s Tests The use of GIS was instrumental in displaying several spatial relationships between Kibera and Nairobi resulted in many findings that can inform the levels of current access that Kibera residents have to the four different land use categories in this study: economic uses, educational uses, institutional uses, and healthcare. The analysis also illustrated the general size and direction of these land use categories. By evaluating these spatial trends, well informed recommendations can be made about loca tions that types of public transportation or alternative transportation strategies recommended as part of KENSUP should be oriented towards. Economic Access As previously mentioned in this study, the majority of employment and economic activities in Nair obi and Kibera are the in the informal sector, and are not represented through this GIS analysis. Trends in formal employment, however, can be explored in the analysis of the formalized economic development data. The location of most formal economic develo Business District, and is around 3 miles in distance from the center of Kibera. Based upon the spatial analysis, Kibera overall lacks access to formal economic opportunities. The aver age distances from the center of Kibera to various economic uses are displayed in Figure 4 16 and Figure 4 17. Within 0.3 miles, the only formal economic opportunities include a hotel, market, shop, and two shopping centers. As distance from the center of Kibera increases, so does the number of economic opportunities that c an provide potential employment The number of formal economic uses and select uses is illustrated in Figures 4 18 and 4 19, with a total of 256 economic opportunities within a 3 mile ra dius of Kibera.

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73 The greatest number of individual economic uses in this category, within 3 miles of Kibera, are petrol stations (55), hotels (45), factories (29), and shopping centers (18), detailed in Table 4 2. The number of hotels, petrol stations, and factories increase significantly between 2.5 and 3 miles from Kibera, as seen in Figure 4 19. For some economic activitie s, such as factories, a few exist within a mile of Kibera, and within 3 miles, 30 factories are present ( in the Industrial Area to the East). Mitullah agrees stating that Industrial Area. Most slum dwellers walk to work in the morning to the industrial area A handful of o ffice buildings and shopping centers, are within a mile of Kibera, but most are located between 2 3 center, in and around the CBD. Educational Access Based upon the spatial analysis, Kibera has significant access to educatio nal opportunities. The average distances from the mean center of Kibera to a variety of educational uses are displayed in Figure 4 20 and Figure 4 21. Kibera boasts a large number of schools when quantitatively compared to other categories 160 within a 3 mile radius as opposed to 256 overall formal econom ic uses and 36 healthcare uses listed in Table 4 3 Nineteen schools are located w ithin a 0.3 mile radius of Kibera, however as noted by Gulyani and Talukdar (200 8 ), this number may or may not include informal institutions and schools operated by NGOs and churches. Figures 4 22 and 4 23 illustrate the exponential growth in the number of schools as the distance from Kibera increases. The only colleges, universities, and higher levels of learning are at least a mile away, with University of Nairobi Kenya Science Campus around 4 miles to the West and Strathmore Business School 1 mile to the East

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74 Compared with economic access, the patterns of schools are spread more evenly across the greater Nairobi are a and throughout Kibera as well. While this ensures greater access to a greater number of residents, it also makes it more difficult to estimate transportation patterns and determine transportation system needs for modification of any existing transit serv ices, such as the public buses and matatus. The location of most formal educational uses in Kibera is more expansive in nature than that of economic uses. This indicates that Kibera offers broader and more far reaching availability to its residents for edu cation than economic uses. While this is good news for adults to take part in adult education programs at institutes, technical centers, or community centers Compa red to the large number of schools (160) within 3 mile radius of Kibera, only twelve kindergarten facilities are located in the same area This is likely due to cost constraints, as most families raise their children in the home until primary school. While there does seem to be a lack of access to higher education facilities (only 19 in a 3 mile radius), this gap is more explained by the trend that universities and colleges are traditionally fewer in number and larger in size. Since post secondary education costs for Kibera residents are quite high, it is likely that the market for colleges to locate near Kibera is not high enough. In the future, if more students living in Kibera can afford post secondary education, a greater number of colleges and universit ies may relocate nearer to Kibera. Or on the contrary, there may be increased demand by Kibera residents for transportation access to existing colleges and universities in Nairobi. Additional access

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75 issues for Kibera residents to educational facilities cou ld be related to cost, school capacity, or other undocumented factors. Healthcare Access Based upon the spatial analysis, Kibera has moderate access to healthcare and medical opportunities. The average distances from the center of Kibera to various healt hcare uses are displayed in Figure 4 24 and Figure 4 25 Four large hospitals are located within 2 miles of Kibera Kenya Medical Research Institute, Armed Forces Adams which ar e detailed in Table 4 4 In addition, healthcare centers and clinics operated by churches and NGOs, both documented in this study and undocumented informal clinics. Similar to education, Kibera boasts a large number of health clinics when quantitatively c ompared to other categories, however many of these are likely to be informal and quite small. The detailed numbers of clinics, healthcare centers, and hospitals can b e seen in Figure 4 26 and 4 27. W hile spatial access to clinics and the large hospitals m ay support the assumption that Kibera residents have a reasonable access to healthcare, the rates of HIV/AIDS and infectious disease within Kibera remain high Therefore, other factors might exist that inhibit access for Kibera residents to receive treatme nt a t these healthcare facilities. These barriers are likely related to affordability and facility capacity. The lack of paved road network within Kibera can complicate healthcare needs such as emergency medical needs or provision of fire trucks. While it is difficult to traverse to a hospital from Kibera in good health, let alone having to walk 2 miles to the nearest hospital under an emergency circumstance.

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76 Institutional Access Based upon the spatial analysis, Kibera has moderate access to institutiona l opportunities. The average distances from the mean center of Kibera to institutional uses are displayed in Figure 4 28 and Figure 4 29. Within 3 miles of Kibera, 438 institutional uses are located with the radius, and are further detailed in Table 4 5 and 39 within 0.3 mile radius. The greatest number of institutional uses are churches ( 200), institutes (62), government of fices (58), and embassies (27), as illustrated in Figure 4 30 and Figure 4 31. With 26 documented churches within Kibera city limits alone and presence of church organizations is a large factor in Kibera, and perhaps Nairobi in general. Along with the large presence of churches, mosques and temples are als o present within a 1 mile radius of Kibera (3), and within a 3 mile radius (19). Other documented institutions located within a 3 mile radius of Kibera include: institutes (62), government offices (58), and embassies (27). Contrary to their popularity in slum areas like Kibera, very few documented community centers are located within a 1 mile range (1) of Kibera, and within a 3 mile radius (11). No libraries are located within Kibera, but 4 are located between 2 3 miles from Kibera. Utility provision and basic services are also included in this section, and include seve ral interesting finds. Two police stations are located within a 1 mile radius of Kibera and 10 within a 3 mile radius, 10 police stations exist. Only 2 post offices are located in the area between 2 3 miles away. Only 2 fire stations are located near to Kibera, both between 2.5 3 miles away.

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77 Directional Distributions The size and location of directional distributions for each of the land use categories plays a large role in their relat ionships to Kibera. The directional distribution of formal economic uses in Nairobi does not completely cover Kibera (in the southwest corner of the ellipse), illustrated in Figure 4 32. The directional distribution for educational uses in Nairobi, illustr ated in Figure 4 33, contains all of Kibera. This indicates that Kibera has relatively good access to educational systems, and the prevalence of primary and secondary level schools within and nearby Kibera aligns with the recent initiatives by the FPE prog ram of 1999 to raise primary education rates across the country. Similarly, the directional distribution for healthcare, illustrated in Figure 4 34, contains all of Kibera, and is the closest out of the four land use categories to the center of the directi onal distribution ellipse. The location of Kibera within the healthcare ellipse indicates that Kibera has adequate spatial access to healthcare. The directional distribution for the last category, institutional uses, also contains all of Kibera, illustrate d in Figure 4 35. The directional distribution of formal economic activity in Nairobi is the smallest in size of the four land use categories examined, indicating that formal economic activity in Nairobi is more spatially concentrated than healthcare, educ ation, or institutions. Similar to educational uses, institutional uses have more of a geographic distribution than other uses (such as the CBD). While this ensures greater access to a greater number of residents, it also makes it more difficult to estimat e transportation patterns and determine transportation system needs for modification of any existing transit services, such as the public buses and matatus.

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78 Limitations of the Analysis Results Using GIS to explore the spatial relationships between Kibera a nd Nairobi in general resulted in many interesting relationships and findings, however some significant limitations exist to the results of the analysis. One limitation involves the consistency and classification of the land use shapefiles four categories: economic uses, educational uses, healthcare, and institutional uses. A small percentage of polygons were found i n each of the four data sets that were not labeled with a land use type, such as the land use types classified in Table 4 1 through Table 4 4 ( i.e. bank, hospital, oil tank, university). For the purposes of this study, those polygons were not included in the calculations and were all assigned as undeveloped. If they are in fact developed, which we can assume some are, the amount of study it would have taken to find their exact land use would have taken more time than the expected effect on the data results. Because of this limitation, values estimated in Table 4 1 through Table 4 4 are not expected to reflect exact real world data, but are rather estimates based on the best available data (MapKibera, 2009; University of Nairobi, 2013a, 2013b) for analysis. In the past three years, it is certain that these values have changed. Another limitation is related to the lack of data for informal economic activity. Since the majority of economic activity in Nairobi (and Kibera) is informal, this data can only be used to interpret the levels of access for Kibera residents to formal economic uses, not the informal sector. If data could one day be acquired fo r the informal sector, a more comprehensive analysis of economic uses in Nairobi could be conducted.

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79 Figure 4 1 .Context Map of Nairobi and Kibera

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80 Figure 4 2 Kibera and the Nairobi CBD (Go ogle Maps) Figure 4 3 Villages of Kibera

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81 Figure 4 4 Formal Economic Uses in Nairobi and Kibera Figure 4 5 Formal Economic Uses in Kibera

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82 Figure 4 6 Current Transportation Routes near Kibera

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83 Figure 4 7 Educational Uses in Nairobi and Kibera Figure 4 8 Educational Uses in Kibera

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84 Figure 4 9 Healthcare in Nairobi and Kibera Figure 4 10 Healthcare in Kibera

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85 Figure 4 11 Institutional Uses in Nairobi and Kibera Figure 4 12 Instit utional Uses in Kibera

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86 Figure 4 13 KENSUP Transportation Plans

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87 Figure 4 14 Current Distances to Transportation within Kibera

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88 Figure 4 15 Nairobi Land Use s and Distance from Kibera

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89 Figure 4 16 Distances to Economic Uses from Kibera (Large Scale) Figure 4 17 Distance to Economic Uses from Kibera (Small Scale)

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90 Figure 4 18 Formal Economic Uses near Kibera Figure 4 19 Select Economic Uses near Kibera

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91 Figure 4 20 Distances to Educational Uses from Kibera (Large Scale) Figure 4 21 Distances to Educational Uses from Kibera (Small Scale)

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92 Figure 4 22 Total Educational Uses near Kibera Figure 4 23 Select Educational Uses near Kibera

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93 Figure 4 24 Distances to Healthcare from Kibera (Large Scale) Figure 4 25 Distances to Healthcare from Kibera (Small Scale)

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94 Figure 4 26 Total Healthcare Uses near Kibera Figure 4 27 Select Healthcare Uses near Kibera

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95 Figure 4 28 Distances to Institutional Uses from Kibera (Large Scale) Figure 4 29 Distances to Institution al Uses from Kibera (Small Scale)

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96 Figure 4 30 Total Institutional Uses near Kibera Figure 4 31 Select Institutional Uses near Kibera

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97 Table 4 2 Formal Economic Uses near Kibera Economic Uses 0.3 miles 0.6 miles 1 mile 1.5 miles 2 miles 2.5 miles 3 miles Bank 1 4 15 Cinema 1 1 1 2 6 Factory 5 29 High Rise Building 1 2 4 6 Hotel 1 1 3 8 20 28 45 Market 1 2 2 2 5 7 11 Office Building 8 19 21 23 Oil Tank 2 2 5 5 5 5 Petrol Station 2 11 21 30 42 55 Plaza 1 1 2 4 10 13 Restaurant 2 6 11 13 15 15 Shop 1 1 1 3 3 3 7 Shopping Center 2 2 8 14 15 17 18 Supermarket 3 4 4 4 4 5 Travel Agency 2 3 3 3 Total 5 16 39 82 125 170 256 Table 4 3 Educational Uses ne ar Kibera Educational Uses 0.3 miles 0.6 miles 1 mile 1.5 miles 2 miles 2.5 miles 3 miles College 1 2 2 3 4 Kindergarten 5 8 8 12 School 19 29 45 72 91 134 160 Training Center 1 1 2 3 3 3 University 1 2 3 6 19 Youth Center 1 Total 19 3 0 48 83 107 154 199

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98 Table 4 4 Healthcare Uses near Kibera Healthcare Uses 0.3 miles 0.6 miles 1 mile 1.5 miles 2 miles 2.5 miles 3 miles Clinic 1 1 2 4 4 Healthcare Clinic 1 1 2 3 3 3 3 Hospital 3 5 11 18 19 20 Water Tank 4 5 5 8 9 Total 1 4 12 20 28 34 36 Table 4 5 Institutional Uses near Kibera Institutional Uses 0.3 miles 0.6 miles 1 mile 1.5 miles 2 miles 2.5 miles 3 miles Animal Hospital 1 1 1 1 1 Church 26 42 60 82 112 158 200 Community Center 1 1 1 2 5 8 11 Dispensary 2 4 4 5 5 5 5 Embassy 1 3 10 20 23 27 Fire Station 2 Government Offices 3 5 5 11 25 48 58 Institute 2 4 15 29 46 60 62 Library 1 2 4 Mosque 3 4 7 7 9 11 18 NGO 1 3 5 9 12 15 16 Nursery 1 2 3 6 7 9 Orphanage 1 1 Police Station 2 3 4 6 10 Post Office 1 2 Prison 1 3 4 4 4 4 5 Temple 1 1 1 Utilities 1 1 3 3 3 Total 39 68 110 167 254 357 438

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99 Figure 4 32 Directional Distribution: Economic Uses

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100 Figure 4 33 Directional Distribution: Educational Uses

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101 Figure 4 34 Directional Distribution: Healthcare

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102 Figure 4 35 Directional Distribution: Institutional Uses

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103 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION This next sectio n presents a discussion based upon the literature review further discussion of slum upgrading in other similarly sized African cities, and an evaluation of Discussion of Results Overall, the result s of the analysis point to a severe spatial mismatch between Kibera and the rest of Nairobi. These results are not surprising, and are largely consistent with expectations based off the literature review of other developing cities and accessibility. Howeve r, the analysis also displayed an extremely uneven distribution of services across Nairobi and with respect to Kibera. Much of Kibera has restricted access to the center of the economic area, or the Nairobi CBD. The large role of the informal employment se ctor in Nairobi, and Kibera as well, likely has a huge undocumented influence on the spatial presence of economic uses that cannot be addressed by the magnitude of this study. This mismatch has also been referenced in other studies on Nairobi, with Salon a lifestyle. Although this lack of physical mobility is a choice for some, it is likely forced (Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 67). With respect to these findings, how should access and mobility be provided to residents of Kibera? Slum Upgrading in Other African Cities While the challenges faced by Kibera are large in scale, the area does not face unique challenges as a slum area in a developing country. In fact, there exists much

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104 similarity between Kibera and other slum areas in African cities, namely Khayelitsha in Cape Town, South Africa and Makoko in Lagos, Nigeria. Briefly examining the characteristi cs of the two areas can greatly inform how governments have or have not intervened to reduce poverty in these slum areas. Khayelitsha Cape Town, South Africa is the largest city in South Africa, and the is home to around 400,000 people on 16.8 square miles of land (Department of Social Services and Poverty Alleviation, 2005). Khayelitsha has a similar population size to that of Kibera however that population is spread over a significantly larger land area. Khayeli tsha is around 12 miles from the Cape Town CBD, even further from the majority of the Cape Town suburban neighborhoods. Around 53% of severely food insecure). The slum is locate d on a flat area of unwanted government land, and is divided into 22 sub neighborhoods. One of the ways that Khayelitsha differs from Kibera is its establishment is its establishment as a region it has relatively good transportation infrastructure, inclu ding access to bus services, Metrorail trains, and many taxis within the township and to/from the Cape Town CBD According to several sources, trains are the cheapest and most relied upon modes of transportation. The government of South Africa, Cape Town have pushed through various anti poverty programs, however up until recently, has not been as proactive as the City of Nairobi and Kibera. Part of that reason could simply be due to proximity to the city centers Kibera is 3.1 miles from the City of Nairo bi CBD, and Khayelitsha is around 12 miles from the City of Cape Town CBD. Another reason could be magnitude and prominence of the poverty conditions in Khayelitsha.

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105 a fire that cons umed over 700 family dwellings and claimed the lives of several residents ( Lobel new, gro und Lobel 2013). emergency vehicle acc Lobel 2013). Makoko Lagos, Nigeria continues to experience the highest population growth rates in all of Africa, and by 2015, the Government of Nigeria estimat es that Lagos will have 25 million residents, making it the 3 rd largest city in the world (IRIN News, 2006). However, Lagos is also experiencing high rates of slum growth currently, two out of to clean drinking water, electricity, waste disposal largest slums, is home to approximately 500,000 residents. The slum is illegally constructed and an unique characteristic of Makoko is how residen ts have constructed their wooden shacks not on government land, but on stilts over Lagos Bay. As such, wooden canoes are the primary mode of transportation within the slum and to access other regions of Lagos (IRIN News, 2006) After numerous poverty redu ction programs, the Government of Nigeria and Lagos State decided to knock down the Makoko slum in July 2012 in efforts to revamp the waterfront and stimulate economic activity. Residents of Makoko were given 72 hours to

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106 vacate their properties before dem constitute an environmental nuisance, security risk and an impediment to the economic Since that time, t he City of Lagos has begun construct ion on a light rail system, road widening projects, and is (BBC News, 2012). This method of reducing poverty through slum eradication is quite different from the metho ds of the City of Cape Town and the KENSUP plan. How to Provide Access? Since the GoK and City of Nairobi agree upon taking measures that reduce poverty for Kibera and improve quality of life, rather than demolishing and eradicating residents, it is essen tial that access is part of their poverty reduction initiatives. While it is evident that Kibera desperately lacks access to several types of goods and services, the question remains: how can this access best be provided? There seem to be two primary metho ds to improve access to Kibera : be tter transportation options, provided by improving services by enticing new services to open up within Kibera as part of KENSUP Both of these me thods will be presented and discussed in further detail as they apply to Kibera Increased Transportation Options While bus lines and matatu routes currently run from Kibera to both the CBD and Industrial Area, a very limited number of access points exist for Kibera residents to access those bus lines and matatu routes. A Kibera resident must currently walk from their neighborhood either to the northern or east ern edges of Kibera to access a matatu. While the conditions of Kibera currently are closed off f rom vehicular access and

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107 thereby any form of public transit, this also directly limits economic growth in the region by limiting physical access to employment. A household travel survey of Nairobi residents conducted by Salon and Aligula (2012) found that 36% of walkers desired the provision of more and differentiated transit services, 32% of walkers desired improved public transportation vehicle quality, and 28% desired improved transportation infrastructure (Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 73). Existing mat atu network and public bus lines provide networks of public transport around the City of Nairobi. While these systems appear to be able to serve the travel needs of Kibera residents who are willing and able to walk from their neighborhood to the stops on t he Kibera boundaries, this could be between a 5 minute or 30 minute walk (100 feet to 1.5 miles). If a formal matatu/bus network is incorporated to pass through Kibera, it is likely that even more access to healthcare, education, and employment could be of fered to Kibera residents. In their household travel survey of Nairobi residents, Salon and Aligula (2012) asked a set of questions about public transportation in Nairobi. Response from the survey indicated that there exists substantial agreement among Nai public transit system though the transit riders and walkers feel more strongly about (Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 72). In partnership with the propo sed development of a commercial road corridor parallel to the Kisumu Rail Line, it is strongly recommended that a detailed analysis of matatu and bus routes explore the potential formalization of matatu service through Kibera, focusing upon providing resid ents direct access to the CBD, Industrial Area, and healthcare uses. While KENSUP is still in the implementation and design phase, the

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108 City of Nairobi and GoK has an opportunity to seriously consider and evaluate the incorporation of subsided public transi t strategies connecting Kibera through a loop system and with key areas in Nairobi namely the CBD, Industrial Area, and major hospitals. The incorporation of matatu and bus routes through Kibera as part of KENSUP should include not only mere provision o f bus stops, but also steps to ensure financial accessibility for residents. If an additional bus line is developed and funded for the specific purpose of connecting Kibera residents with the Nairobi CBD, but becomes unaffordable for residents, it becomes a waste of funds for the City, GoK, residents, and other financial supporters of KENSUP. While the expansion of the commercial road corridor parallel to the Kisumu rail line will serve the middle of Kibera, it does not access the individual neighborhoods and not connect them with the outside roads. Construction of new housing and utilities will require emergency access and service roads. In Figure 5 1 on the next page a rough location of the new KENSUP commercial corridor is illustrated along with propos ed locations of paved pathways and new bus stops from this analysis These locations a re based simply upon increasing the number of access points within Kibera, and actual design and construction would require further detailed analysis of the area and furt her knowledge of the specific KENSUP development and site layout plans.

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109 Figure 5 1 Proposed Transportation Developments within KENSUP

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110 Increased Service Dispersion The alternative to increasing direct transportation access within Kibera is bringing fo rmal land uses and services into Kibera, such as schools, healthcare clinics, hospitals, or formal employment o pportunities such as businesses While this alternative avoids ant challenges with land tenure and formalization can play a major deterring role The argument against this alternative. Generally, economic activities (retail) will follow the de velopment of residential development (rooftops), to serve its residents. However, in the case of informal slum settlements such as Kibera, without formal land tenure, utilities, or transportation access, too much risk exists for formal economic uses to mov e into Kibera under current conditions. I f a grocery store, for instance, decided to move from the suburbs into Kibera, it would encounter significant challeng es in terms of gaining revenue, paying cost, and safety. First, finding a parcel of land would b e difficult, expensive, and ultimately, temporary. The acquisition of electricity and running water would also be expensive, and somewhat unreliable. On top of these challenges the costs for the land rental, electricity, and water would be significantly h igher compared to other locations with existing amenities or utilities. The store would have no legal rights to its investment into their facility, and would have little financial security with which to protect itself. This option seems to have been the p reference of the GoK for several decades, waiting for economic activity and formal structures to take over Kibera through the free market. However, with KENSUP, the GoK has made significant moves towards improving Kibera through government interaction and slum redevelopment.

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111 Character of Government Action T he City of Nairobi and Government of Kenya can play a role in increasing access to Kibera in several ways. T he implementation of these recommendations will largely depend upon the character of several a ctors in the KENSUP process and through to implementation and monitoring. While the implementation and exploration of transit options as part of the KENSUP plan for Kibera will likely provide reductions in poverty through increased access, it will come wit h several political challenges and costs to the Government of Kenya, City of Nairobi, UN HABITAT, and international aid agencies. Hook and Howe (2005) argue that s ince African cities are lower income, less dense, and have less roadway infrastructure than other cities in the developing world, it can be very expensive to provide public transportation service because of pressures for affordability (Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 72). Hook and Howe (2005) therefore conclude that rt are unlikely to be successful in Africa without government actions that change these Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 72). Therefore, it is essential that for KENSUP to be a successful project and achieve its goal s, the City of Nairobi and Government of Kenya should continue investing time, research, an d funding into the physical redevelopment of the slum, as well as the underlying conditions of land tenure, employment, sanitation, and basic services. Since indep endence, African governments have been partners with many other entities assist ing in the improvement of quality of life and poverty reduction in their countries. These international aid agencies such as UN HABITAT, UNDP, the private sector and NGOs all h ave valuable role s and improvement. While specific roles and levels of funding will depend upon the KENSUP

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112 projec t and location characteristics, it is recommended that KENSUP and the GoK continue to utilize both re sources and financial support from these international aid agencies and NGOs as KENSUP projects move through the design, implementation, and monitoring phases. Challenges to Implementation I dealistic views of how a region such as Kibera can be transform ed through the effects of one project alone can be useful in project planning however it is essential that challenges to implementation be seriously evaluated and taken into account in project design and recommendations As evidenced by the interwoven se t of factors explored in this study (and others merely mentioned), Kibera is a very complex and challenging place, and any project intending to relieve poverty by some method will encounter challenges. The spatial trends examined in this study solely refle ct spatial access based upon physical distance s, and do not represent any social, political, or financia l barriers to goods or services, though significant challenges are known to exist Political Feasibility The KENSUP program was initiated by a governm ental regime that was and continues to be supportive and proactive towards poverty reduction programs and policies. However, it is pos political environment could drastically change overall political support for poverty r eduction or the KENSUP program. As one of the more recently stable African countries, it is less likely that a dramatic change like this could occur, but if so, would present significant challenges to the funding and effectiveness of a long term slum redev elopment and poverty reduction program like KENSUP. Cost The KENSUP program involves significant investment by the City of Nairobi, GoK, and UN HABITAT into the future of not only Kibera, but Nairobi and the country of

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113 Kenya as a whole. To continue these improvement projects in Soweto East and beyond into the other 11 neighborhoods of Kibera, continued investments shall be made into KENSUP projects by not only the City, GoK, but also international aid agencies or other neighboring countries. Though fundin g for long term projects like these can be difficult to sustain, it is essential that continued funding is guaranteed for KENSUP to reach its intended effects through redevelopment and access provision for Kibera residents. Affordability In addition to funding by the project sponsors, it is essential that housing and transportation plans developed by KENSUP be affordable to Kibera proposed developments and transportation plans should be physically accessible to the residents of Kiber a on both the beginning and ending points of their journey, local and national policies developed by the City of Nairobi and GoK must take close care to ensure the affordability and safety of the system. The household travel survey of Nairobi resident s conducted by Salon and Aligula (2012) found that while residents did support government intervention in public transportation systems, their top condition ( for 69% of walkers and transit users) on which the government could improve the public transport n etwork was for them to (Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 73). Comparatively, around half of that number ( 36% ) desired the provision of more and differentiated transit services, 32% desired improved public transportatio n vehicle quality, and 28% desired improved transportation infrastructure (Salon & Aligula, 2012, p. 73). Maintaining service affordability is one of the most essential aspects of this slum redevelopment program, and is key to achieving poverty reduction b y improving affordable access.

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114 Gentrification Slum populations across the world have experienced both positive and negative reactions to upgrading projects similar to KENSUP and it is essential KENSUP take into account the challenges of gentrification t hat could result. Tied closely to affordability, the GoK and the City of Nairobi should ensure that land, housing, and transportation costs after redevelopment are not raised so high that current residents cannot afford to remain in Kibera. Predicting the economic variations that a slum redevelopment project such as KENSUP can have upon land values and costs for Kibera residents is a significant challenge, but must be evaluated and further examined by the GoK and City of Nairobi. Physical Accessibility. R edevelopment plans formulated by the GoK and City of Nairobi must not only be affordable, funded, and not produce excessively high land values, they must also be physically accessible for Kibera residents. In particular, housing and transportation plans should focus upon improving access for specific population groups within Kibera such as the youth, the elderly, and the medically handicapped. As discussed previously in the literature the priority of an elderly or a medically handicapped population to ha ve access to healthcare facilities is greater than access to education or employment facilities, and the design of the redevelopment plans should take these into account.

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115 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION Finding a way to consolidate several discussions about the current state of a complex place as Kibera is about as challenging as navigating the complexity of Kibera itself. Kibera poses a set of several challenging circumstances evident in the literature review background and current conditions of the region sp atial analysis, and results While the recommendations of this study and conclusions echo similar themes in other development literature this study does point to the continued need for investment of resources and study into centers of urban poverty such a s Kibera Further Research While Kibera has been the focus of much study by international aid agencies in the past few decades, the high rates of disease and poverty rates have remained. Though it is challenging to document geographic and spatial data in d eveloping nations, it is even more challenging to document these conditions in informal settlements with informal pathways, housing patterns, and informal land tenure such as Kibera. MapKibera and the University of Nairobi have taken huge strides forward in beginning the process of documenting several aspects of Kibera, and these efforts should be not only continued into the future, but also expanded by these agencies, the City of Nairobi, and ultimately the Government of Kenya The more data available on Kibera is more information that can inform study and critical decisions by government officials, potential investors, and international aid agencies. Another layer of further research that holds significant potential for its effect upon land use and transp ortation decisions for Kibera should be interviews. Talking w ith Kibera residents could also be very helpful in identifying day to day access patterns to employment opportunities, education, and healthcare. In

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116 addition, resident interviews would likely rev eal underlying factors or challenges that are not mentioned in this study Summary of Conclusions While the sca le of the poverty challenges within Kibera can seem overwhelming, it is essential that this type of proactive attention continue to be given to improving the quality of life and reducing poverty The scale of urban poverty in slum areas around the world, like Kibera not only demand attention from local and national governments but increased international support and a sust ained commitment by several parties to i mprove the quality of life for b illions of people across th e planet (Briceno Garmendia et al 2004). Through c lear national priorities and local policies the City of Nairobi, the G overnment of Kenya and internatio nal aid organizations have the opportunity to guide the use of their resources towards investment in infrastructure and transportation networks that will be able to spur forth residents, and reduction s in poverty levels and im proved quality of life for generations of Kiberans to come

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117 LIST OF REFERENCES Achoka, J.S., Odebero, S.O., Maiyo, J.K., & Mualuko, N.J. (2007). Access to Education in Kenya. Educational Research and Reviews, 2 (10), 275 284. Ackaaha, W. & Adontengh, D. O. (2011). Analysis of Fatal Road Traffic Crashes in Ghana. International Journal of Injury Control and Safety Promotion 18 (1), 1745 7319. d oi: 10.1080/17457300.2010.487157 Affordable Housing Institute. (2005). Kibera: A fro m http://affordablehousinginstitute.org/blogs/us/2005/07/kibera_africas.html Assum, T. (1998). Road safety in Africa: Appraisal or road safety initiatives in five A frican countries. The World Bank and Economic Commission for Africa. Sub Saharan Africa Transport Policy Program, Working Paper No. 33. BBC News. (2005 September 20 ). BBC News Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4261846.stm BBC News. (2012 July 17 ). Lagos Makoko slums knocked down in Nigeria. BBC News. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world africa 18870511 Berg, N. (2012 April 9 ) The Uneven Future of Urbaniz ation. The Atlantic Cities. Retrieved from htt p://www.theatlanticcities.com/neighborhoods/2012/04/uneven future urbanization/1707/ Briceno Garmendia, C.; Estache, A.; Shafik, N. (2004). Infrastructure Services in Developing Countries: Access, Quality, Costs, and Policy Reform. Policy Research Workin g Paper 3468 Washington, DC: The World Bank. Carolina for Kibera. (2012). Why Kibera ? Retrieved from http://cfk.unc.edu/whatwedo/whykibera/ Coudouel, A., Hentschel, J.S., & Wodon, Q. (2002 ). Poverty Measurement and Analysis. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Donroe, J., Tincopa, M., Gilman, R.H., Brugge, D., & Moore, D.A. (2008). Pedestrian Road Traffic Injuries in Urban Peruvian Children and Adolescents: Case Control of Analysis of Personal and Enviro nmental Risk Factors. PL os ONE, 3 (9), e3166 doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0003166 Dovom, H.Z., Saffarzadeh, M., Dovom, M.Z., & Nadimi, H. (2012). An Analysis of Pedestrian Fatal Accident Severity Using a Binary Logistic Regression Model. ITE Journal : 38 43.

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118 Fernandez, R.F. & Calas, B. (2010). The Kibera Soweto East Project in Nairobi, Kenya. Retrieved from http://halshs.archives ou vertes.fr/docs/00/75/18/73/PDF/Rosa_Flores_Bernard_Calas_ _KIBERA_SOWETO_EAST FINALE.pdf Foster, V., & Araujo, M.C. (2004). Does Infrastructure R eform W ork for the P oor? A Case Study from Guatemala. Policy Research Working Paper 3185. Washington, DC: The World Bank. doi: 10.1596/1813 9450 3185 Gachassin, M., Najman, B. Raballand, G. (2010). The Impact of Roads on Poverty Reduction : A Case Study of Cameroon. Policy Research Working Paper 5209. Washington, DC: The World Bank. doi: 10.1596/1813 9450 5209 Glo bal Poverty Project. (2012). Infrastructure and Poverty. Retrieved from http://www.globalpovertyproject.com/infobank/infrastructure Government of Kenya Ministry of Housing. (2011 ) Kenya Slum Upgrading Programme (KENSUP). Retrieved from http://www.housing.go.ke/?p=124 Government of the Republic of Kenya. (2000 ). Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper 2001/2004. Nairobi, Kenya: Office of t he Prime Minister. Government of the Republic of Kenya. (2007). Abridged Version of the Kenya Slum Upgrading Programme (KENSUP) Strategy, 2005 2010. Nairobi, Kenya: Office of the Minister of Housing. Government of the Republic of Kenya. (2008). First Medi um Term Plan, 2008 2012. Nairobi, Kenya: Office of the Prime Minister. Retrieved from http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2010/cr10224.pdf Gulyani, S. & Talukdar, D. (2008). Slum Real Estate: The Low Quality High Price Practice. World Development 36 (10), 1916 1937. Gulyani, S. & Talukdar, D. (2010). Inside Informality: The Links between Poverty, Micro en World Development, 38 (10), 1710 1726. doi: 10.1016/j.worlddev.2010.06.013 Gulyani, S. Talukdar, D., & Jack, D. (20 09 ). Poverty, Living Conditions, and Infrastructure Access: A Comparison of Slums in Da kar, Johannesburg, and Nairobi. Policy Research Working Paper 5388. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Washington, DC : The World Bank. Harding, A. (2002 October 15 ). Nairobi Slum Life: Escaping Kibera. BBC News. Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2297279.stm Hilling, D. (1996). Transport and Developing Countries London: Routledge.

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119 IRIN News. (2006 September 5 ). NIGERIA: Lagos, the mega city of slums Huma nitarian News and Analysis Retrieved from http://www.irinnews.org/Report/60811/NIGERIA Lagos the mega city of slums Jambo Nairobi. (2011a) Kencom Bus Stage In Li ving in Nairobi Retrieved from http://www.jambonairobi.co.ke/services/public transport/road transport nairobi outskirts/kencom bus s tage/ Khayesi, M. (2005). Livable Streets for Pedestrians in Nairobi: The Challenge of Road Traffic Accidents. World Trans port Policy and Practice, 3 ( 1), 4 7. Lobel, M. (2013 January 10 ). BBC News. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world africa 20962623 Map Kibera. (2010 September 5 Retrieved from http://www.mapkibera.org/blog/2010/09/05/kiberas c ensus population politics precision/ Map Kibera. (2012). Boundary [Data file]. Retrieved from http://mapkibera.org/download/ Map Kibera. (2012). Education [Data file]. Retrieved from http://mapkibera.org/download/ Map Kibera. (2012). Health [Data file]. Retrieved from http://mapkibera.org/download/ Map Kibera. (2012). Security [Data file]. Retrieved from http://mapkibera.org/download/ Map Kibera. (2012). Transport [Data file]. Retrieved from http://mapkibera.org/download/ McKinley, J.C. (1996 April 16 ). Take (On) The Minibus es, if You Dare. New York Times Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/16/world/nairobi journal take on the minibuses if you dare.html M itullah, W. (2003). Urban Slum Reports: The Case of Nairobi, Kenya. Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements. Retrieved from http://www.begakwabega.com/documen ti/Nairobi HabitatReport2003.pdf M Maji. (2013). Water in Kibera. Retrieved from http://mmaji.wordpress.com/water/ Mulcahy, M., & Chu, M.R. (2008). Kibera Soweto East: A Case Study in Slum Upgrading. Ret rieved from http://www.scribd.com/doc/50200869/02b KiberaMulcahy

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120 Odbert, C. (2011 April 4 ). Power to the People: The Black Market for Electricity in Kibera. Forbes Retrieved from http://www.forbes.com/sites/megacities/2011/04/04/meet chris dancer community organizer and stolen electricity supplier/ Od ero, W. (1995). Road traffic accidents in Kenya: An epidemiological appraisal. East African Medical Journal, 72 (5), 299 305. Odero, W., Khayesi, M. & Heda, P.M. (2002). Road Traffic Injuries in Kenya: Magnitude, Causes and Status of Intervention. Injury Control and Safety Promotion, 10 (1 2), 53 61. Oxfam Great Britain. (2009). Urban Poverty and Vulnerability in Kenya Polite Notice. (2011). Various Articles. Retrieved from http://noticethepoliten otice.blogspot.com/ Ravallion, M., Shaohua, C., & Sangraula, P. (2009). Dollar a Day World Bank Economic Review, 23 (2), 163 184. Reidy History. (n.d.) Kibera: The Illegal Slum. Retrieved from the Reidy History Wiki: http://reidyhistory.wikispaces.com/Kibera,+Kenya Said, S.H. (2000). The care burden and severity profit of road trauma admissions at Kenyatta National Hospital. [M. Med. Dissertation]. Nairobi, Kenya: University of Nairobi. Sa lon, D. & Aligula, E. M. (2012). Urban travel in Nairobi, Kenya: analysis, insights, and opportunities. Journal of Transport Geography, 22, 65 76. doi: 10.1016/j.jtrangeo.2011.11.019 Sanga, B. (2008, June 16). Kenya: Nakuru to Kisumu Rail Line Closed. Al l Africa Retrieved from http://allafrica.com/stories/200806170198.html Scruggs, G. (2010 April 22 ). Nairobi Notebook: KENSUP Pilot in Kibera. Next City Retrieved from http://nextcity.org/daily/entry/nairobi notebook kensup pilot in kibera The World Bank. (2002). Urban Transport and Poverty Reduction. Cities on the Move: A World Bank Urban Transport Strat egy Review. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Turkstra, J. & Raithelhuber, M. (2005). Urban Slum Monitoring. Services. Retrieved from www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/presscenter/pressreleases/2012/07/16/afri ca s development rests on access to quality jobs and socia l services/

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121 UNDP. (2012b). Poverty. Retrieved from http://web.undp.org/africa/poverty.shtml UNFPA. (2007). State of World Population 2007. New York, New York: United Nations Population Fund. Retrie ved from http://www.unfpa.org/webdav/site/global/shared/documents/publications/2007/69 5_filename_sowp2007_eng.pdf UN HABITAT. (2003). The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003. London and Sterling, VA: Earthscan Publications. UN HABITAT. (2007). Briefing Note on Go K /UN HABITAT Kenya Slum Upgrading Programme (KENSUP). Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/Press_SG_visit_Kibera07/SG%2016.p df UN HABITAT. (2010a). Number of Slum Dwellers Halved Across North Africa. The State of African Cities 2010. Nairobi, Kenya : United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN HABITAT). Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/documents/SOAC10/SOAC PR2 en.pdf UN HABITAT. (2010b). The State of African Cities 2010: Governance, Inequalities, and Urban Land Markets. Nairobi, Kenya: United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN HABITAT). Retrieved from http://www.unhabitat.org/pm ss/listItemDetails.aspx?publicationID=3034 University of Nairobi. (2013a). nairobi_LU_2010 [Data file]. Department of Urban and Regional Planning. Retrieved from http://nai robigismaps.wikischolars.columbia.edu/2010+Land+Use+Data University of Nairobi. (2013b). nairobi_roads_gis [Data file]. Department of Urban and Regional Planning. Retrieved from ht tp://nairobigismaps.wikischolars.columbia.edu/2005+Roads University of Pennsylvania School of Design. (2008). Kenya, Kibera, Abstract. Retrieved from http://www.d esign.upenn.edu/new/cplan/minisite/level3_kiberaabstract.php World Resources Institute. (2013a). ke_district_boundaries [Data file]. Retrieved from http://www.wri.org/publication/content/9291 W orld Resources Institute. (2013b). ke_gini_constituency [Data file]. Retrieved from http://www.wri.org/publication/content/9291 World Resources Institute. (2013c). ke_major_rivers [Data file]. Re trieved from http://www.wri.org/publication/content/9291 World Resources Institute. (2013d). ke_major_roads [Data file]. Retrieved from http://www.wri.org/publication/content/9291

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123 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Amy Cavaretta is a candidate for her Master of Arts degree in Urban and Regional Planning from the University of Florida She received her Bachelor of Science degree in Civil Engineering from the University of F lorida in 2011, with a Concentration in Transportation, and minor in Urban and Regional Planning. She has interest s in transportation engineering, planning, and policy in the developing world after visiting the slums of Brazil during high school She hopes to work in transportation policy in Washington, D.C. after graduation in May 2013, and hopes to one day put her transportation knowledge to work internationally