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1 By ELLIOTT GEORGE KUECKER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNI VERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 2013 Elliott George Kuecker
3 To Mama
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Jodi Schorb has been a true m entor to me. I speculate that without her support I may not even graduate. She also wasted co untless hours reading my work and helping me to balance jokes with more appropriate academic language. I thank David Rachels for his important Longstreet collection and for answering my emails and I thank Stephanie Smith for reading this paper and offering her support. Rebecca Fitzsimmons was a great editor, which I clearly needed, but she is an even better friend. Everyone in my family has been so sweet and loving concerning my literary pursuits and graduate studies, even though they question my fancy for deviant Southerners. My grandmother is my original literary ally, buying me books and forcing me to practice my spelling and grammar (she tried). F inally, m y partner, Kim Dawson, is always as lovi ng as can be (no matter what ), b ut she i s particularly givin g and lovey dovey while watching me write graduate papers
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 7 Antebellum Manhood ................................ ................................ ................................ 7 The Tale of Two Markets ................................ ................................ ........................ 13 The Queer Frontier ................................ ................................ ................................ 23 2 ................................ ............................... 2 9 Masculinity and Indulgence ................................ ................................ ..................... 29 The Most Harmless Spirit in the World: Posthumous Refashioning of Longstreet .. 53 3 ............................ 62 Decay and Death of the M ost Famous Keelboatman ................................ ............. 62 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 76 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 78 BI OGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 82
6 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts U SOUTHERN HUMOR By Elliott George Kuecker M ay 2013 Chair: Jodi Schorb Major: English This study reads three stories from Augustus Baldwin Longstreet and Joseph M. Field in order to challenge typical views on both antebellum masculinity and the genre of S outhern Humor. Antebellum white men are traditionally described as anxious about their sexuality and constantly seeking to control their appetites and ejaculations. This notion of the antebellum man is derived from the American Romantic archive of literatu re. I describe the problems associated with using American Romanticism as the basis of definition for American masculinity, with special attention to publishing restraints and censorship. Instead, I suggest that we look at a more obscure archive, which is not typically understood to define masculinity and sexuality, to see the way in which this literature challenges traditional notions of antebellum male anxiety and self restraint. Revealed are joyous male deviants and misunders tood American hero sodomites.
7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Antebellum Manhood Dana P. Nelson, in her highly influential text National Manhood: Capitalist Citizenship and the Imagined Fraternity of White Men (1998), borrows from theories by Theodore Allen and David Roediger to argue that p ost revolutionary citizens of the United States collectively defined themselves against others in order to assert themselves as racially superior, as well as solidify a sense of natio nal unity in a new nation. Pre R evolutionary settlers of these territorie s defined themselves in a more European fashion, thus they were never a collective whole of whiteness, but rather, this new nation worked hard toward national frate his own self difference into a rationally ordered singularity. In this way, the new fraternal modeling of white manhood would accumulate imperatives for self management and goal of sameness was a national project: Nelson describes this project of National Manhood, Nelson convinces us that whi te antebellum men can be understood as a collective whole. The pressure to self regulate gave rise to the ideology of the self disciplined, self regulating, self made man. The self made man dominates our
8 understanding of antebellum manhood, especially in t erms of male sexuality and gender expression. G. J. Barker Horrors of the Half Know n Life (1976) is an even more influential text perhaps the original text to argue that antebellum men worked constantly on their self purification. Barker Benfie ld also characterizes antebellum manhood as a unified set of traits and goals though he places white manhood particularly in opposition to white womanhood, rather than in opposition to those of another race. His study of the self made man similarly descri bes a man who is very anxious as he attempts to meet the high standards of self regulation and self control, or sometimes even abstinence. He reveals the way in which these anxieties were most pronounced in male sexuality, including copulation, but especia lly masturbation. A at work. His success in the new industrial United States would be determined by how much energy he had for productivity. Any superfluous waste or ene rgy was strongly discouraged by society, male role models, and numerous doctors. In particular, sperm a fluid that unified men was not to be expelled because of the way it depressed the body, du lled the mind, and wasted time. Barker vivid portrayal of the anxious, sperm hoarding, self made man describes how all antebellum white men were highly influenced and nsumed a ] he had to be on perp Benfield 178). Masturbation, copulation, and accidental night emissions were strictly prohibited by antebellum men, especially because this male vice symbolizes the general anxiety
9 antebellum men had about every piece of their identity: have been more widespread a mode of anxiety over physiological identity than the others (and, conversely, more widespread a factor in the formulation of male identity) for Benfield 178). He emphasizes the intensity of these demands for self masturbation mirrored the normal male obsession with a selfhood defined as the autonomous accumulation of energy; a central part of t hat selfhood was masturbation Benfield 178). As with Nelson, Barker Benfield makes it a point to note that each and can be termed the American Manhood (1993) both repeats and, in a small way, complicates this theory. As with other scholars, he describes the rise of this new made manhood had begun to grow in the late eighteenth century [and that] the new manhood emerged as part of a broader series of (3) Furthermore, he contends that by the 18 00s, the dominant type of manhood was self made manhood. An obsession with s elf regulation and self control becomes an thoughtful arguments on the possibility of proto homose xuality during this p eriod, but, in his descriptions these possible homosexuals do not break the mold of the self made numerous men expressed passionate love through typica l sentimental rhetoric
10 acclaimed Men Beyond Desire (2005) complicates the collective understandings of antebellum masculinity by suggesting that not only were men anxious over the restraints of self made manhood and its consequen ces on male sexuality, but were also anxious about the emphasis on collective male fraternity. To t that men were not only anxious about compulsory heterosexuality, but also compulsory homosexuality. While an tebellum men worked to restrain their ejaculations, they also coped with the discomfort of forced brotherhoods, which are separately problematic a nd equally burdening. While these theories on antebellum masculinity are fascinating and very strange, and while we should commend these scholars for bravely analyzing the social and political factors that shaped male sexuality, we should also question how the dominant scholarship on white antebellum manhood has so often come to the same conclusions. Nelson, Barker Benfield, R otundo, Greven, and many others have frequently used the American Renaissance writers most often Emerson, Hawthorne, Cooper, and Melv ille to provide evidence about the anxious nature of antebellum manhood. I pose that this detail in their work is problematic for several reasons. Since they often draw from similar sources, using the same small archive, as a result they often come to simi lar conclusions. Additionally, the American Renaissance writers themselves are particularly unreliable because they were confined more than many other writers by genre and what their publishers would allow, leaving them censored and edited. These scholars often use the works of American Renaissance writers as places to launch their
11 projects about male anxiety, or as illustrative examples of the larger claims they hope to prove. Barker Horrors of the Half Know n Life) is taken from Moby Dick to launch her entire views of civilization Natty Bumppo is proof of self restraint, for example. Greven u ses Hawthorne, Cooper, Melville (and other contemporarily popular authors) to make his (1). And the list goes on. Moreover, none of these authors were particularly pop ular during their period only wildly popular in contemporary times meaning that it is unlikely that their anxieties represent actual antebellum male anxieties, or represent universal or commonplace masculinity. Knowledge about the publication industry in this p eriod suggests that these authors were disliked, censured, took themselves very seriously, and were usually commercially and/or critically unsuccessful as writers. When we look away from the canonized American Renaissance writers, and toward amateur, non c anonical writers, many of our dominant collectivist notions abo ut the self made man fall apart and instead, surprising variations emerge. In the sections that follow, I will unfold how alternative masculinities emerged in the an tebellum marketplace. I begi n with an overview of the problems that these American Renaissance authors, and other career writers like them, faced in the new market economy. I closely analyze two authors and three works: Augustus Baldwin
12 group of amateur writers who had no goals of becoming literary giants, called Southern Humor, Southwestern Humor, or Humor of the Old Southwest. Unlike the American Renaissance writers, both of these writers and all the writers in this genre ha d vastly more control over their writing and huge support from the very few publishers of the genre. Also unlike the American Renaissance writers antebellum men actually read Southern Humor stories in great volume, all over the country, and especially in the New England cities (this is not a regionally limited literature, despite the name). As a result, they had more freedom in what kind of men th ey depicted and what kind of stories they were permitted to tell about masculinity. These stories help highlight why Southern Humor is perhaps one of the most undervalued literary genres for exploring gender and sexuality. In fact, Southern Humor is one of the more accommodating genres of the antebellum period accommodating of eccentricity, queerness, and oddness, which I intend to unpack by exploring the goals and tra its of the genre in more depth. Specifically, these three stories deal with same sex desir e in the most surprising ways sometimes jovial, sometimes dark, but always in a knowing way that surpasses common American Renaissance treatment of the engage with the ideals of the pure self made man, but quickly counter them with a fun and indulgent antithesis, and as I will argue, even propose the benefits of same sex made man ideology far behind, as if Fi eld has no use for it, and instead argue that an American hero as big as Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett must be reclaimed as a sodomite who was killed in an act of proto homophobia. By turning our gaze away from the American Renaissance
13 and into new archiv es and new genres, we find a new use for an understated genre, evidence of same sex love and desire in the antebellum period, and amend the collectivist ideology of antebellum manhood with astonishing alternatives. The Tale of Two Markets Longstreet and Fi eld could offer alternatives to the self made man, in large part because their genre was more accommodating of variation, and they were able to publish without the pressures of censorship. By contrast, the writers most popularly invoked by scholars studyin g American manhood Melville, Emerson, Hawthorne, Cooper, and possibly Douglass were limited by what they could say and do in print, largely due to the competitive and limiting nature of the large publishers to which they sent their work, or by the expectat ions of their genres. The rise of the self made man occurred alongside the proliferation of the American publishing industry. By the early nineteenth were exploding with production, which is when we see the appearance of the infamous ma The American publishing industry followed this same trajectory, and in June of 1802 New Y ork hosted its first book trade show. Michael J. Everton writes in his thorough study of American publishing business ethics that at this tr ade show, a publishing bigwig, Hugh Gaine, spoke on the grand benefits America now had by challenges facing it. One challenge was the fact that unless American printers c ould produce large editions of works, any advantage they had over imported texts was sell enormous amounts of texts from each author. Not surprisingly, as with most o ther
14 businesses, those running the publishing industry quickly became compared to professional American authors. The publishing houses rejected work that would not sell in huge numbers and only printed what they thought woul d yield profit. If accepted, they would edit an entire work into what would sell. These traits caused Ralph Waldo Emerson to claim that the most affected by the snakes in publishing were those who constantly submitted their novels and stories to big publishing houses. Harper and Brothers and Putnam were some of the most successful publishers in the country (New York City), though they still produced more failed texts th an successful texts. If one wanted to earn a good promising route for a career writer was through the companies who cared less about the art of writing and literature and more about the money. Cooper, Emerson, Melville, et al., lamented these problems in great detail. And while they are considered highly achieved writers today, they were o ften failures during their time, for the most part. Hawthorne did reach fame while alive, but not exactly popularity The Scarlet Letter was a c ritical success, but not a best become Melville, we might reme them people read his books and Harpers and Brothers often could not even sell all the copies from the original printing. F.O. Matthiessen, in his The American Renaissance a lengthy book written entirely to defend the American Romantic authors and construct
15 them as the true geniuses of American Literature admits that Emerson had trouble selling a mere 500 copies of his first book and that Hawthorne sold 600 to 700 copies of Twice Told Tales (x). Melville suffered through his career, with one failure after the next (eventually taking a day job), though he strong ly believed he was worth more. Worse Cooper had an even more inflated sense of his market we will be perfectly candid with you. By the [ Last of the ] Mohicans we have not made fact, the sales from the book could not even pay for the (Hawthorne) into a huge bonfire t exts stolen from libraries, book shelves, stands, and book stores and seems to suggest a holocaust of the publishing industry (Everton 14). Melville described the errand boy who came to collect the pages of Moby Dick as per and Brothers, as well as at Putnam, what did not sell was what Melville (and others) wanted banned, it will not pay Ye his mania for writing An tebellum Americans were reading, most certainly, even if they did not care much for the romantics. And (for better or worse and I believe better) they clearly enjoyed scandalous and cheap texts. Dime novels sold in fabulous volume, as did
16 paperback stories sensationalizing crime and sex. The big publishing companies rose to power in the early nineteenth century, but old avenues for publication were still popular with readers, such as local newspapers and small periodicals controlled by few people. In the ea rly eighteenth century, Benjamin Franklin famously started his own publication, a newspaper called The Pennsylvania Gazette so that he could control his own language and write funny and strange things (under a pseudonym) for people to enjoy. In the early ninet eenth century people continued this tradition. This is th e case with a notable but under acknowledged genre, the sporting press, and later, the flash press. The sporting press gained its popularity in the 1830s and 1840s, catering to Chudacoff 187). The very first sporting press, The Spirit of the Times, was born in New York in 1831, founded by William T. Porter. From that point, copycat publications popped up, giving men (and probably, though unintentionally, women!) a great selection Spirit, including Thaddeus W. The Rake, The Whip, and The Flash 187). These journals were widely available, sold i n brothels and barbershops, advertised all over urban cities, and even sent out to small towns. Letters to the editor Connecticut and Massachuset ts south through Newark and New Brunswick, to Philadelphia, Baltimore, and even Augusta, Georgia, and west to Cleveland and flash press include all the activities an antebellum bachelor presumably enjo yed: billiards, gambling, horse racing, brothels and particular prostitutes, pugilism, and
17 especially baseball. It should be noted that while flash press was born of the sporting press, it was more explicitly sexual, whil e sporting press was more focused on adventure and sport, though they seem to overlap topics at various times; moreover, because of the rarity of the journals (they are primarily in an inaccessible collection) no exact tally can be made on what appeared in Spirit of the Times is strictly a sporting press, while The Whip and The Rake deserve to be called flash press, since they openly reviewed the quality of prostitutes, defended madams, and other ournal probably did not do. Patricia Cline Cohen, Timothy J. Gilfoyle, and Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz posit that the flash press, like The Whip and The Rake, sexual regime emphasizing suppression if not outright denial illuminating a thriving erotic universe and underground economy of prostitutes and the editors challenged the ethos of sexual purity that constituted t he official story about suppression, they also promote an exclusively heterosexual agenda. For instance, later in this essay I will detail importance to the h istory of sodomite hate and violence. We might say, then, that while these flash press journals were extremely brave in their promotion of sexual freedom, they were very specific with what type of sexual freedom was permissible. They celebrated the sexual man who consciously decided not to control his appetite, which is non normative in terms of our understandings of Victorian sexual regimes, but did strongly promote an exclusively heterosexual indulgence. The Spirit of the Times was the foundation for The Whip and
18 The Rake, but was far less explicitly expressive about sexuality, as it had other goals of promotion, which were no less interesting to bachelors. In addition to reporting sports, The Spirit of the Times single handedly advanced Southern Humor as a popular and well place in the history of Southern Humor, because without the popularity of his journal, these stories may have been kept hidden in small local papers, never to become an entire genre. Porter s olicited stories from humorists, published their stories in his journal, and eventually he even collected their stories in the first ever anthology of Southern Humor: The Big Bear of Arkansas and Other Sketches Illustrative of Characters and Incidents in t he South and South West (1846). In a rare look at the first issue of the Spirit new journal (1831): The paper will treat of FASHION, TASTE, and SCENES OF REAL LIFE, gathered from the ever y day exhibitions of the world. THEATRES, MUSEUMS, and other fashionable places of resort, will receive appropriate notices, while SPORTS OF THE TURN, the RING, the PIT, of the FISHER and the FOWLER, will engross no inconsiderable portion of attention. The proceedings of the COURTS, civil and criminal, will as far as possible be given, when matters of interest occur; and more especially those of the POLICE, where Life in all its forms and coloring is so faithfully portrayed we present ourselves before an enlightened community as candidates for their patronage and smiles. (Boyd 79) Porter also mentions that this urnal is meant to be used, foremost, for enjoyment. While Porter sought to disseminate Southern Humor by embracing the sporting ma earliest Southern Humor sketches. Lon gstreet did so by promising to simply deliver to
19 his readers the true nature of Georgia. Some of his earliest stories first appeared in Southern Recorder (Milledgeville, GA), Mirror (Augusta, GA), or Magnolia (Charleston, SC). Many of his stories, however, first appear in his own publication, a newspaper in Augusta Georgia, called the States Rights Sentinel (the stories appear sporadically in each between 1832 and 1835 ) Central to my purpose, Longstreet purchased the newspaper so that he could write anythi ng he wanted that he thought would sell and interest readers, w ithout an editor changing his words. His own newspaper worked as his venue for publishing strict arguments for Whig politics and passionate articles in defense of slavery. (Longstreet owned sla ves most certainly, many of whom belonged to his wealthy wife prior to the ir marriage.) Among these articles appeared his stories, written under a pseudonym, known by the realist title, Georgia Scenes. Hugely popular, these stories almost immediately appea red in more than just the little local papers mentioned above, including the Spirit and eventually in several full length books, which Georgia Scenes, had by 1894 passed through twelve editions, and a writer in 1874 held it had fueled other writers to contribute similar stories about other states and territories, and thus the genre grew. Like Lon gstreet, many humorists published their stories in small local papers, which, for obvious reasons, allowed them more control over their writing and more ability to tailor their writing to local tastes. Knowing William T. Porter was often the road to succes s. The relationship between Porter and his writers provides a useful contrast to the relationship between Melville and his publishers. In 1835, Sol Smith, a very
20 perso Spirit, correspond publishing companies, who rejected most everything sent to them. James L. W. West emphasize his (84), meaning Southern Humor. Though his journal covered sports and other news, Porter will always be known for being an incredibly generous editor and, I would say, activist for a small genre primarily contributed to by amateur writers. Far from competitive, Porter helped Joseph M. Field get his Southern Humor literary journal, the Reveille, material from the St rather Reveille Unlike the competitiveness of mainstream literary productions, Southern Humor publications formed a brotherhood among publishers, editors, and writers to help advance their underdog publication s, seemingly with less regard for wealth than for their love of the literature. The relative control that humorists such as Longstreet and Field wielded over the means of production and proliferation impacted the representations of masculinity and
21 sexualit y. In fact, my thesis seeks to demonstrate that the periodical publications of these humorists are particularly hospitable to representations of alternative masculinity and queer sexuality. Despite this, scholars have resisted reading Southern Humor as a g relationship to the sporting press, it has always been understood as deviant in acceptable ways, such as its explicit racist, sexist, and classist nature. This low brow lit erature seemed to offend some nineteenth century reviewers, but mostly for reasons related to dialect and language, not for reasons related to sexuality. Humor, in general, 1873 (Blaire 17). Possibly because it has links to the Old South and Whig politics, scholars have not been abl e to view the genre as one that proposes radical al ternatives to antebellum male sexuality. Cohen and Dillingham write that few want to read it inant theories of the genre: the environmental theory and the socio political theory. (John Q. Anderson parsed these out in Scholarship in Southwestern Humor .) The environmental theory, especially described by Cohen and Dillingham in Humor of the Old South west (no matter the author) was to describe the frontier to readers who would never witness it, and therefore it is a purely realist genre, complete with country dialect an d all the cruelties of backward folk, designed simply to illustrate a quickly disappearing landscape and culture. The socio political theory, especially advanced by Kenneth Lynn
22 in Mark Twain and Southwestern Humor, was to make fun of lower class people in order to advance Whig politics and make fools of Jacksonian democrats. There is truth in both traditional theories, but neither allow for much explanation of the more complicated stories in the genre. There are rea sons why Southern Humor is exceptional among other antebellum genres in its sneaky ways of allowing for such alternative masculinities. More recently, in a welcome reassessment of Southwestern humor, James Justus argues that the genre is more than cracker literature because of what Southwestern humor tells us about the antebellum S outh and the amateur writers who accommodation that, in part, accounts for the vigor and enterpris e of southern ngs of Longstreet and cultural possibilities than normative understandings and descriptions of antebellum ude toward the literature is the same, as he writes that Southern Humor shows the inadequacy of our cultural patriarchy in which power and authority rippled outward and do wnward from men whose which Southern Humor stories reveal a sophisticated discourse on male pride, performance, and masculinity itself. Mayfield and Justus are limited sti ll, because their
23 inte rventions are only centered on S outhern manhood, rather than the larger scene of American manhood, and neither discusses alternative sexuality at length. Since Sou thern Humor was read mostly by N ortherners, and since it was written by people from a huge variety of regions, about a huge variety of frontier territories, it by no means challenge s norms related to Southern men exclusively. It challenges general norms related to antebellum men from all over America, as evidenced by the spor popularity, and also challenges mainstream antebellum literature through a variety of factors related to the genre. The Queer Frontier Southern Humor frontier because it claimed to relay stories about new settlements in the geographical area known as the Old South Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, L ouisiana areas known as the Mid west and even areas we have forgotten were ever part of the frontier, like civilized, less inhabited places. The stories gave a picture of the bac kwoods people that the resident s of New York and Philadelphia w ere only hearing about, but never able to truly know. But of course the genre was not as simple as that. The sketches were published in three major journals and newspapers: Spirit of the Times, the Reveille, and the New Orleans newspaper, the Piscayune (Bl aire and Meine xxi). Some book length collections that came later, such as (George Washington Harris), The Flush Times of Alabama and Mississippi (Glover), and Odd Leaves from the Life of a Louisian (Lewis), though nearly all Southern Humor stories were originally published in a local ne wspaper or a sporting journal. The
24 authors include politicians, aristocratic Whigs, ministers, or judges, as in the case of Augustus Baldwin Longstree t, or, in the case of Joseph M. Field, an actor, playwright, and successful director. Themes of the stories tend to be extracted from oral tales or are about the people the authors encountered in uncivilized territories or rural towns: te about, the Old Sou thwestern humorist had simply to open his ears Cohen and Dillingham wrote the most trustworthy introduction to the genre which no good Southern Humor essay ignores. In this, they list the topi cs of the genre, which include fighting, racing, gambling, courting, performing swindling, shooting, hunting, riverboats, and local eccentricities. This flare for eccentricity and oddity, c oupled with its fascinating descriptions of the f rontier, is where hospitality toward alternative masculinity and sexuality. Cohen and Dillingham explain Their audience was far different from that of The Coque tte (1797) and Charlotte Temple (1791). They had a genuine interest in local color and in history and filled their pages genre, as it attempted to create a believabl e picture of the men who explored and obsession with oddity and vulgarity pleased the readers who were sick of contrived ountry character describes Meine xxxi).
25 Lloyd Pratt argues that this fiction provided a fantasy that antebellum male readers enjoyed because of its manly qua lities, such as wilderness, brotherhood, and the excitement of an early frontier full of natural wonders and challenges to survival. He pays special attention to the nostalgic qualities of the genre and the theory that the frontier was already exploited an d had vanished by the time Southern Humor came into decades of the nineteenth century aspiring and middle class white men found themselves standing on unstabl e social ground, and th is literature promised the refug e man of an Arkansas bear be officer o argument hinges on the existence and prevalence of the anxious, stereotypical antebellum man, but still, I fi Humor to be useful. Pratt suggests that the genre's male readers sought tales of an The frontier is already kno wn as an alternative space in the American territories for a variety of reasons, including as a location for more deviant sexualities to thrive. describing the frontier, but combining these histories allows for a richer understanding of instances of cross dressing in these territories, for example. A Minnesota territory
26 was a successful member of his Minnesota community for a decade before, in the 1850s, a wardrobe malfunct ion reveals him as biologically female. This is one example of many. In addition to using the frontier as a space to escape from the law, invent a opportunities, people like Mr reasons of preference, but did not do this in a city setting, as that space was too hostile to such radical acts. The frontier is uniquely designed to tolerate new identities, in that it is isolated fr om civilizations in the early nineteenth century. sexuality, Intimate Matters, directly states that because of their attractions to men. Co wboys wrote of their love, including one who attempted to hire younger men to spend the night Queer Cowboys unearthed letters from commoners and famous writers alike that shed light on the possibility of male male love on the frontier. Samuel Clemons, for example, wrote his brother in 1861, sharing a memory from his younger years staying in a And if you stood in a dark room and your neighbors in the next had lights, the shadows ard 96). Whitman called the West
27 his enthusiasm for robust masculinity we can ass order brides, taken from the East and delivered to the West attempted to balance out the nearly entirely male population (Enss). These sources impl icitly reference the queerness on the frontier, but are of course limited to the language and permissible details of 1830s and 18 40s fiction and correspondence. Inarguably, the American frontier was full of sodomites and boy prostitutes, and if the Souther n humorists were truly describing the real frontier, they were describing a frontier amenable to a host of queer possibilities. While they have convinced the majority of scholars that they operated within the limits of 1830s and 1840s sexual norms, the hum orists broke boundaries on other bawdy topics and have been vilifie d for their lack of etiquette. As stated, one explicit goal of Southwestern H umor was to reveal need to represent what they heard and saw, but they also wanted to emphasize the strangeness of what one might see. Justus writes when explaining Southwestern H gathered into hard cover collections by publishers in Philadelphia and New York, were o f the most famous Southwestern H umor books, most repellent book sexual limits in explicit ways. John Mayfield presents a good example of one of the dirty walking home four legged nag she is. She was weak in
28 two of hir legs, but tother two oh, my stars and possum dogs they make a man swaller and the waistband too tite for stories meant to describe strange characters abounded. For example, Henry Clay Lewis occasio nally meet with men whose peculiarities stamp them as belonging to a class composed only of themselves. So different are they in appearance, habits, taste, from the majorit y of mankind, that it is impossible to classify them, and you have therefore to set thinking about the diversity of gender and sexuality in antebellum literature.
29 CH APTER 2 Masculinity and Indulgence As the oft noted founder of Southern Humor, Augustus Baldwin Longstreet provides a natural starting point for thinking about the unnatural in frontier fiction. His stories were collectively titled Georgia Scenes, though they each had individual story names. He wrote dozens of these scenes from Georgia, publishing them at different times beginning in 1833. Longstreet was a native Southerner, usually understood as born in Augusta, GA, although scholars from South Carolina swear he was born somewhere in South Carolina. [Being that I was also born in Augusta, we wil l assume that is his true birth place and his name is no coincidence!] He was most famous as a humorist, though he lived a fascinating life and achieved the status of president of multiple southern universities and colleges, was a Methodist minister, a judge, and a trate the surprising l atitude of this genre Not only do es each of these stories contain sexual content, but the content is specifically perverse, deviant, and alternative to the mainstream notions of male antebellum sexuality. The purpose of the stories i s not moralizing the act of instruction by way of bad example because there are no instances in the text where the characters are viewed as misbehaving or immoral. In fact, David Rachels researched reactions to this story to prove that readers found them a musing, not moralizing. James Wood Davidson wrote that the main character of these two stories is the most fun Georgia Scenes oddities, and drolleries achels lvi). James Jackson
30 the story of travel ing to Savannah, GA, and staying in a boarding house with his friend, Ned Brace. Hall describe s perfect at imitat ion, and one who loves to tease proud, the over fastidi Lon early scene has Ned at the dinner table upon arriving at a Savannah boardinghouse. Ned sea ts himself next to Mrs. Blank, the landlady of the boarding house, and when asked if he would care for tea or ashamed to acknowledge and to expose my very singular appetite but habitual indulgence of it, has made it necessary to my comfort if not to my health, that I should still favorite it Always the gentleman, Ned has asked for his odd order in such a way to win the suspicions of his ques tionable character (earlier in the story he has refused to give his name, making himself seem like quite the con man). Not only will she now indulge Ned, ultimately lead to a flourished and loyal friendship. She brings Ned his
31 His performance of indulgence continues, sugar, milk. He tests again and again, and requests a drop of this or that, continually. The landlady resolves that Ned is so odd tha style meal, he proceeds to use no moderation or selection in his meal choice: Waffles were handed to Ned, and he took one; batter cakes wer e handed, and he took one; and so on of muffins, rolls and corn bread. Having laid in these provisions he turned into his plate upon his waffle and batter cake, some of the crumbs of the several kinds of bread which he had taken in different proportions, a nd commenced mashing all together with his knife Having reduced his mess to the consistency of a hard poultice he packed it all up to one side of his plate in the form of a tarapin, and smoothed it all over nicely with his knife. (23) In addition to his bread preparations. This meant that th e next to the tortured and this gentleman, turnin co lo u red to the servant breads The table laughs hard when the gentleman seated near the steak serving dish leaves the dinner table (probably to vomit). The laugh, Longstreet t ells us, was directed at the gentleman, for being so uptight. Ned mistakes this laughter to be directed at his
32 habits, which leads him to two confessions directed at the landlady who m he had previously beseeched to bring him the variou s beverages on the or igins and troubles of such an excessive appetite. In his first speech, he seems regretful to have displayed o retire, without again bespeaking your indulgence of the strange, unnatural appetite, which has just caused her, noting that it would take her away from her duties, but suggesting it has something Ned indulges in his room from that point on, but conti residents and visitors in various ways over the next few days. After which, Ned performs his second confession to the landlady: H umor has been my besetting sin from my youth up it has sunk me far below the station to which my native gifts entitled me it has robbed me of the respect of all my acquaintances, and what is much more to be regretted, the esteem of some of my best and most indulgent friends and as often resolved to conquer my self destroying propensity but so deeply is it wrought into my very nature so completely and indissoluble interwoven is it, with every fibre and filament of my being, that I have found it impossible to subdue it. Being on my first visit to Savannah, unknowing and unknown, I could not fore go the opportunity which it furnished, of gratifying my ungovernable proclivity. All the extravagancies which you have seen, have been in subservience to it (31) The landlady listens intently and thoroughly convinced o assures him she understands and his appetite proves no problem to her. In scenes outside of the boarding house, Ned behaves in the same manner. t erms of volume. One of the dark er exam ples is when the entire boarding house and all
33 its neighbors are called outside to form a brigade and pass water along to help extinguish a fire. After Ned slowly and reluctantly takes his place, he takes the first eliberately [raised it] to his mouth and began urged out of line. At this, the captain orders him back in line to perform his duty. He says Ned may take a sip, and thus Ned steps back in line. Again, he slowly raise s the bucket to his lips and dri nk s Ned peacefully leaves and walks home, unperturbed. Similarly, when at the market, he is unable to st they do support the notion of Ned as an indulgent man, who is able to drink more than a horse. As the market example proves, however, he does not always get his way with others, and some refuse to satisfy his bizarre requests. uently understood as a story about a prankster, as James Justus has defined Brace, who enjoys shocking others with his boyish habits and his refusal to live up to the expectations of antebellum manhood. Standing alone, it is interesting that Ned can make g ood friends and avoid the ridicule of others despite his indulgence. Most certainly, Longstreet is engaged in creating a
34 instructing his readers that this way of life is wr ong, as he proves the opposite through laughing at the uptight guest, not at Ned. The man who leaves the boarding house table after watching Ned eat holds the place of the corr ect antebellum man in this story, as he is repulsed by indulgence and wishes not to witness the act, but we are told by Longstreet that this is the man who is behaving badly. Rotundo cites an utterly typical antebellum men on how to regulate their appetite by Bra example. Scholars less familiar with antebellum rhetoric and language might find L ally about food, but actually ells the landlady that he wants to This phrasing has a double connotation of deviant sexuality through the use of the century stories. A visitor of Philadelphia, in 1790, wrote that he witnessed
35 (69). Many sexual reform texts use this phrasing, as in a ninete enth century anti onanism piece which appetite which will not be appeased, which defies bars and bolts, the rigors of a bread and water diet, the constraint of fetters and a straight jacket Barker Benfield 264). Written into the very code of Western legislation, appearing as early as Roman law in the sixth century, non reproductive acts such as bestiality, same sex copulation, anal sex, and so forth, are termed unn atural (Soble 768 769). Rotundo writes that few also refer to mastu rbation. It is no wonder that many scholars have defined the antebellum man as an needed antithesis to that man. In antebellum America, during the rise of the market and industria lization, sexual during this period, whose construction, not coincidentally, coincided with a hu ge body of literature and lecture s on self restraint and self denial. In this same spirit, the more famous movements, such as temperance, gained popularity. Abstaining from vice by using self control, self denial, and self restraint was a mainstream projec t, and many philosophers/scientists/moral reformers distributed essays and pamphlets, or sermonized on the benefits of puritanical rejection of superfluous pleasures, and often,
36 any pleasures at all. Most importantly, men were warned against a particularly powerful defined as the autonomous accumulation of energy; a central part of that selfhood was Benfield 178). especially his sperm, must be hoarded so that he may be healthy and energetic, and be of value to his family and work threateni vigor, loses its energy and bends under the too frequent expenditure of this important secret ion; and no age or condition will protect a man from the danger of unlimited Benfield 179). The phobia to masturbation was advanced through anecdotes and warnings about the terrible outcomes a yo missionaries for self of intellect and the destruction of will, and thus to effeminacy, to insanity, and even to prematur Lon gstreet was a learned gentleman and undoubtedly had control over his would become a parson quickly after he wrote this story, so he would be fa miliar with destroying propen sity but so
37 deeply is it wrought into my very nature so completely and indissoluble interwoven is aint by suggesting his y nature of man: one who wishes to indulge and enjoy the pleasures of manhood. On the other hand, Ned is working against the anti vice rh etoric of his day proving that Longstreet was well read on such topics saying that he has found his desires restraint do nothing for Ned, and he es in them with a polite and thorough apology, but no sense of regret. If Longstreet wanted to instruct readers against indulgence, he would not have allowed Ned to compose a very convincing argument against self race, who is likable, polite, and charming, sees his indulgence as an intrinsic trait bound up in the very essence of his being, and thus an acceptable trait. Not only does Ned indulge his unnatural appetite, but his old and new friends facilitate his indu in behavior to continue, again suggesting that the indulgence he is referring to is one that often requires an enabler or partner. We see these erotic notions comes clear when the
38 landlady decides that she will not allow the guests of her boarding house to humiliate Ned d which (113). Almost suggesting the theories behind sexual tourism, Ned begs the landlady to understand his urges to engage in his proclivities while he travels to a new city where opportunistic indulger would o f course use vacation time to pleasure himself The landlady is charmed into indulging him, but we also learn that the market people refuse with his needs. If the general public will not indulge him, but the landla dy who has taken sexual narrative in which what is socially unacceptable by some is privately acceptable by others, so long as they take the time to understand the origins of the eccentricities. Ned appears once more in a Longstreet sketch, and this time, he is with Georgia Scenes narrator: Baldwin (all Georgia Scenes are narrated by either Hall or Baldwin, depending on whether he desired a gruff or priss y narrator). This sketch, titl hidden nor secret and has appeared in numerous anthologies (though sometimes edited, which I will speak to later). Ned and Baldwin are travelling through the country and decide to stop for the night at
39 are alone for the night. (129). Baldwin says this must be a prelude to a trick, as Ned does not normally say nversation: most excellent men, who became so much attached to each other that they actually got married -. (129) went to their house; and no people could have lived happier or manag ed better than Very quickly, Ned gets up to make his bed and lay down for the evening. The two Baldwin notes th at the women were left in amazement, and he thinks that Ned must have noticed this, and thus wanted to prove that his trick was true by asking Baldwin, in ear their daugh children the two men raised, and how one was a bit wild, but still a good child. He then to sleep and not to talk; and (130).
40 Longstreet positions Baldwin as an observer to the conversation among the not resist the temptation of casting an eye through the cracks of the partition, to see the groups of children men s man mean by thinking about. It seems might y Ned was not joking, and must have been telling the truth, since he had a ll the details Christian The conversation amongst the women centers upon the possible explanations for for a while, as each woman seems to know at least one woman who has dressed in dressed and tried to marry. In the case of Ge orge and David, however, the cross women realize it is highly unlikely that George or David would have bee n biological female s, given the fact that she could not have kept up her disguise. The implication is that during either sex or the birthing of children, her vagina would have certainly given her away.
41 From cross dressing, the conversation goes to other married couples they know. The joke s in these exchanges are the sexual puns suggesting that the women who decide Ned will have to explain the situation of George and David in the morning. When the that them was two men that got s fact. The tells them that all their chil dren were born before the their travel. David Rachels in a refreshing break from the overwhe lming resistance of certainly the most misunderstood because critics have been unwilling to recognize i ts sexual content. In fact, critics have dismissed the notion that Longstreet deals with sex anywhere in Georgia Scenes. Lucy B. Sitton about him, with the possible exception of never touched upon the seamier side of sex. One wonders how carefully He is right, of course Rachels investigative work on this is short, as he is only writing an introduction to his book collecting all the known Georgia Scenes but he does valuably mention that this story deserves attention for its homosexual themes, and that scholars have alw ays purified Longstreet. Timothy Stewert Winter and Simon Stern,
42 who are the first and only scholars to truly attem pt a reading of this story that discusses sexuality at all, write that it is hard to reconcile the fact that such a conservative projections of contemp orary sex and gender categories prejudice of scholars themse lves. All scholars have trouble reconciling the idea that a slave holder would have been able to imagine same sex marriage and desire, especially in a time when a slave could not even marry a white free person. James Meriwether, an accomplished Southern Hu mor scholar, angrily wrote that the story about this Longstreet story). While completely crazy, his reading might also be the most accurate, in terms of its attention to sexuality. Longstreet brings trave ling men into a domestic sphere of three women, who make them food and provide them comfort, but then, queerly, these men and wo men ponder life without the other sex, with special attention to a particularly normative directs attention to normative gender constructions, and then at once, presen ts an metaphor for thinking about how each sex separately deals with the costs and benefits of the institution w and novel information about same sex intimacy. At its most basic, the partition serves as the physical object that divides B aldwin and Ned from the three ladies. Baldwin stays awake
43 to peer between the slats of the partition and watch the women Inge and Piacentino describe him as an emasculated Peeping Tom (122) and delight in their conversation. peeping through the slats forces the reader to acknowledge a great sens e of divide en physical manifestation of this. I will explain the way in which the women, on one side of the partition, may understand and engage with the possibility of same s ex marriage, and the way the men, on the other side, may also engage and ponder this possibility, so as not to neglect the symbolic value of the partition provided for us by Longstreet. rick the women by telling them an outrageous story of same sex desire, we need to understand Baldwin as but rather, an agent of information for what contemporary peopl beginning of dinner in order to construct himself as a Christian man, and the women later reference this as proof of his Christianity. He coul d not possibly be lying to them because he is Christian, one admits, when she is certain of his honesty. The result of his story is new knowledge about a possibility that seems to have been previously unknown to these women. Since the women are not at all scandalized by their new knowledge of male male marriage, it seems that they are thoughtfully considering it.
44 Their conversation, after Ned has gone to sleep, centers not only around the two men in question, but on the topic of women who have cross dresse order to travel places to follow men where they were permitted to go. Meriwether called nothing particularly da rk about their conversation; if but it seems to do not marry women who have trave through the military). Their conversation has changed to the possibilities afforded to women, and the cost of female masculinity ke to marry gals that take on or acts like a man, which reveals that the women have thought through the topic of female masculinity (the lackaday!). Moreover, this discussion of marriages leads the reader to ponder what has brought these women together on this night, with a missing husband. The house is said to belong to one of the women, but why are three of them at this home and spending the night together? Longstreet has cho sen to not place Baldwin and Ned in a home with a man and woman present, but instead, in a home where three female friends are brought together and at least one husband is exploring the land, for a seemingly unknown amount of time. Though not exactly sugge stive of a sexual relationship, it suggests female companionship in place of male female companionship, which is obviously the traditional marriage arrangement
45 The women may prefer their husbands be missing, and they may be curious about the possibility o f same sex marriage, not only because it is strange, but also because it is promising. While women in the nineteenth century saw benefits of individualism, such as more personal choice in selecting husbands, this rising change been accompanied by the separation of sexual spheres Benfield 40). Women were to hold the burden of maintaining the home for their family, complete with virtue, morality, and general domestic comfort. Rotundo writes, and, in most cases, the control of her property. She surrendered her social identity and wife, in the antebellum period included mother like care giving (some men wrote their them to do. Rotundo mentions that wife, and that some women posed more problem s as subordinates than others. While men were at home, gender norms enforced them to be in charge, but as Rotundo mentions, men frequently left home, and the When we peep at these women, they are running a household without a man. Longstreet has decided to present no circumstance in which the women would need a man, and places them contently sitting up by a fire together discussing strange marriages and working through possible explanations of how two men could marry. While marriages were of course run in different fashions depending on individual taste, a woma n did lose most control and autonomy if she chose to marry, wh ich was
46 strongly encouraged and usually necessary. In the antebellum period, even men seemed distressed with marriage duties, which is why the period is marked by a rise in debating societies, athletic clubs, elite clubs, coffee houses, bars, Masonic gathe rings, and other such places in where men could escape their homes (143). It seems that this e of information st ands out in the story activity, which serves no real purpose in the story except to suggest that he has chosen from home for a very long time. Fa r m ore extreme than activities that Rotundo mentio ns, such as a visit to a coffee house, this old man has left civilized territory. Women have come to his house, in his place. This one sentence about the husband seems to exist to ward off any discussion by critics of why these women were spinsters, or to suggest to readers that the husband had to get away from his wife. Longstreet the en suggest that the idea of an elderly man going into the wilderness is so absurd that it is surely a lie, meaning the woman was not married at all, but told the visitors her husband was off. Regardless, the absence of the husband is extremely curious, as is the lack of talk live or stay in this house together. The oddness of the female sphere in this story is obvious, but the male sphere, on the other side of the partition, i s less obvious. Baldwin does not understand that the
4 7 the pillow, there must be no m (130), but maneuvers his body to observe the ladies, just as surprised and curious as they are. Ned did not inform Baldwin he was out to trick old women, nor did he assure him that he was simply teasin g. In fact, there is absolutely no evidence to suggest that interestingly, Baldwin is as affected by it as the old women. While it is not atypical for two men to b e bedfellows in the antebellum period, Baldwin is a bachelor with a record of unsuccessful courtship s with women. Judging by s he could not possibly have found a wife. We only know that he travels with Hall and Baldwin, and once (in suggesting he does not even have a wife. Ing bachelor with no visible prospects, and as Georgia Scenes progresses, his chances of a all of the Baldwin stories and discover that Ba ldwin becomes increasingly disgruntled other men. In his final sketch, it is N ed Brace a man going to bed with another man as the worst case scenario, we might view it as the
48 affirmation of a roundabout suggestive story told by Ned, intended primarily for and Baldwin could be married. As Baldwin la ys awake next to Ned, thinking a bout the has played, he is directly engaged in wondering about this same sex relationship. Ned knows he will have questions, thus he warns Baldwin that he should not Baldwin were other aspects of daily life in the nineteenth century which provided a context for the physical expressiveness of romantic friendship. One has to do with the meanings attached to century would have slept with countless other boys, either while they were growing up with brothers, in dorms at college, or on travels such as these. As Rotundo reminds us, rom antic friendships were aware of the sensuality of the shared bed experience through physical touch even if their bed another man even if it was just because the body was warm in a time before electric heaters. Letters from boys who slept in the same bed reveal affection for these his brother, i n 1838. The ordinariness with which a man felt the body of another man had sexual consequences, especially in the case of non family members. Rotundo wrote, more than once, that men were often reluctant to marry women because they knew this new union would sever their old union with a boy friend. He explains that once
49 m Rotundo does not do much to account for, w ere like Baldwin, bachelors for life Since Southern Humor is a genre in the sporting press, the narrators and characters would also tend to be sporting men, or bachelors. Snyder writes that in the nineteenth men were, or at least, were perceived to be anti domestic many of the men of the bachelor subculture forced an alternative definition of manliness that was predicated on a rejection of family sexual promiscuity and erotic indulgence with individual autonomy and personal To be fair, married men participated in bachelor subcultures a ll the time, such as the land expedition and left her at home. These cultures were homosocial by nature, which is why it is generally understood that men who desired othe r men would prefer to be part of this culture than the domestic spheres. Men who enjoyed women, but preferred prostitutes, deviant sexuality, and the freedom from familial duties would also prefer to be part of this subculture. It is unclear whether or not Ned or Ba ldwin are sodomites (individually or together) in either story, but reveals a strange uni on between Ned and Hall When the boarders a re called out of their beds to help extinguish the fire ( the scene where Ned drinks all the water), Ned and Hall had been in bed. Ned gets up before Hall, and Hall wakes up to discover one
50 and finding what had been done, I kn ew that Ned could not have left the house, for it my boot in his hand, and having words, Ned awoke before Hall, at the sound of the call for help with the fire. When he Hall that he did this odd trick so that Hall could not leave the boarding house without him. While this could be read as another prank, it also poses another opportunity for us sex desire. In this case, he prevents Hall from being able to leave without him, ensuring they will stay together. At the least, Ned is flirting with Hall, the masculine narrator, to see how far he can get, or Don other way. Not only are the three women, Ned, and Baldwin of questionable sexuality because of their interest in male act of same s the implications of sodomy. In the words of a Southern matron, How did two men raise a fine pa cel of children? s first guess is that one of the men was a biological woman, but the biological man did not know that. They are queerly attempting to normalize the relationship by assigning normal biology to the marriage: one man and one woman. If
51 one of the men was a biological female, they could have birthed the numerous children Ned described. The women reveal that they are thinking of sex when t hey realize this reader) realize that a biological man could not have produced childr en with a stealth y cross dressing female without finding out about her biological sex. This theory that the man would have eventually found out his husband was a biological female leads to questions about queer sex: If a man and a woman married, and the wo man was pretending to be a man (if their cross dressing theory i s true), how would they have produced a child without the man finding out that his husband was actually his wife? By vested in the idea that the man wanted to marry only a man, and thus the woman dressed as a man to trick him, but would have been revealed upon reproduction. If the women are not referring to the biological female being revealed during the act of sex, they are referring to the biological female being revealed while giving birth to so many children. This would mean that the women are accepting the idea of anal sex as replacing vaginal sex. A man wo uld not have known the difference until he witnessed his husb and give birth, and then he would realize he had not been having anal sex, but had been having vaginal sex. While this reading is perhaps overly thorough in its descriptions of copulation, and deeply unorthodox in terms of Longstreet scholarship, it is a n ecessary conundrum to consider. In either case, the women were thinking about alternative sex practices in great detail.
52 they could have children I would ask you how it could be? I suppose you wont mind The matron must be asking, in the most polite and feminine way, how the sex was possible. How was reproductive sex possible, between two y fell in sodomy to love. His answer resolves the problem of sex for reproductio n, and instead already had children. Just as provocative as the idea of sex between men is the idea of not just Antebellum marriage was often a love ase, two individuals represent the different parts which join to make an agreeable whole. Ned ility of two men copulating and making a baby, but also maintains an imaginary possibility of two men accept this answer as satisfactory. They were only wondering how the men had reproductive sex, but did not question the idea that the men were in love and got married. This might prove that they feel the same way, or it might prove that they would tolerate such oddity in the rural South, or it might simply be a story th at presents a
53 situation in which the only restraint on male male marriage is working through the consequences of biological sameness The Most Harmless Spirit in the World: Posthumous Refashioning of Longstreet An anonymous Southerner, in 1930, once compla ined: Dames, United Daughters of the Confederacy, and ye stalwart son and fair daughters of a glorious civilizations, rise up and shake off such a slur as this! Shall we permit the untarn ished name of this our grand old State to be traduced? Shall we permit the outside world to be told that our ancestors (Inge xvii) One would think this quote was directed at Longstreet and his stories about Georgia, but actually it was directed at a Longstreet biographer who apparently was too honest in his assessment of Longstreet. John Donald Wade, who wrote Augustus Baldwin Longstreet: A Study of the Development of Culture in The South (1924), the most im portant bi ography of Longstreet and one of the most important pieces of Southern scholarship ever published (which is not my own assessment, but the general consensus), did not say anything particularly controversial about Longstreet, but he did reveal some of Longs on Longstreet suggests that Longstreet knew his Georgia Scenes contained controversial content moralist. According to Wade, small local paper, in which he wrote fake letters to the newspaper supposing to come from escaped convicts just loose from jail (147). He had liked writing since then, and in adulthood, aware of th Remember, Georgia was frontier territory (Augusta had 1100 citizens when Longstreet
54 was born). His wr itin inhabitants spoke a bit coarsely, and their experiences were odd. Three main features g, other than its naturally bizarre nature, prove that he knew he was writing something he should not be wr iting. First, as described above, Longstreet insisted that his stories were non fiction. Second, Longstreet went to great lengths to disassociate him self from his writing by publishing it anonymously. Third, despite wanting to disassociate himself from his own writing, Longstreet had to publish his stories in his own newspaper, proving that he was aware that no one would publish the strange stories he was writing (perhaps because of their classist and racis t nature, but since many racist and class ist things were being published, it might be due to characters like Ned Brace). Unlike the American Renaissance writers, Longstreet was able to publish what he wanted to say, though it seems he developed stratagems or masks to deliver the literature to readers without implicating himself as the writer of provocative sketches. realism at its properly titled Georgia Scenes suggesting that he is illustrating real events from his stat Southwest differed so greatly from those in other parts of the country that writers were lor of which Longstreet was the first. His introductions always reminded
55 fict ion as Longstreet professes is irrelevant, but it is useful to understand that the guise of realism is a way to escape responsibility for anyone relaying a controversial or vulgar message. This technique held up well for Longstreet, as I will discuss when I describe the wa y scholars have written about him. Eventually Longstreet defended his l iterature by saying that Georgia was st range, thus his language was coarse, but before that he had an elaborate plan for remaining anonymous. He hid his authorship of h is stories by publishing them under seemingly narrated by its respective author: Baldwin or Hall. A Native Georgian was a term that allowed him to m aintain a realist scapegoat. He wrote, in a preface to his first edition of the book length Georgia Scenes, that his stories combinations of real (iii) and continues to contend that he only f ictionalized incidents because some real events small newspapers, and that bec book form. Readers of the original sto ries, in the newspaper, may not have known if r below each story they narrate as if they wrote it were actually the names of the writers. In the book length collection, he explains that Hall write s sketches in which men appear as principal actors, and Baldwin
56 hide himself from his writing, proving that despite his constant reminder that his whether true or not were too scandalous for Longstreet to admit to writing. Southern Humoris ts would follow this tradition, many writing under a pseudonym, and some writing with a constant narrator of a different the anonymous writer, not Longstreet himself. In 184 the writer of Georgia Scenes in the Southern Literary Messenger (Wade 151). Later it seems that Longstreet would ad mit to writing the stories, but after he became a the writing of humorous tales as Longstreet was a fervent supporter of slavery, and thus he chose to run his own newspaper, The States Rights Sentinel in order to publish his activism. As th e editor and publisher, he had complete control over his writing, including techniques (at first) for distancing hims elf from it personally did not agree with his political views, then Longstreet would us e his paper to convert for his sketches, which reveals a link between the controversy of his activism and the pical Southern newspaper by personalizing his newspaper and by moving beyond the neoclassical editorializing of and Baldwin asking if the newspaper would publish their scenes, and he replied to
57 charade seems to have been a way to distance himself from his sketches, but it also acknowledges that he understood he could not simply submit his stories to other publishing companies and be readily accepted, as they were of a controversial natu re, at least for language alone and in our understanding, because of the character of Ned Brace, who would soon grace the pages of his paper. Posthumously scholars have worked hard to protect Longstreet from harmful readings. Wade writes that after Longstreet became a minister, he was still better known as a humorist. This caused distress for both him and the Bishop. Friends, however, always assured Longst scenes he was reminded, but actual transcripts from life, which obviously, if the author is to be truthful [preacher though he be], must include at times perhaps both the lud icrous and This view of the scenes became very typical, as the scenes became known as valuable history written by a trustworthy minister and educated man. Wade Georgia Scenes is precisely what the author meant it for, a very valuable source book of the social status of Georgia in the first fifty years of the his scholars would constantly deliver this excuse for any controversial parts of his of sketches, protectin g his stories from ever being understood as provocative fiction. In 1859, Harper and Brothers approached Longstreet to produce the second edition of Georgia Scenes, knowing that his fame would lead them to great fortune. In doing this, they reprinted Longs stories, again repeating this protective veil, deterring literary interpretation. They also
58 considering that it was alread y public information that Longstreet had written the stories. In 1891 a Methodist bishop, O.P. Fitzgerald a book titled Judge Longstreet: A Life Sketch. This version was printed at the Publishing House Methodist Episcopal Church in Nashville. Bishop Fitzgerald explains that Longstreet and his family asked him to reprint these stories so that they may be accessible, as no real version of the stories had circulated in decades. The introduction also mistakenly credit s when in fact it was Longstreet himself This edition did contain the Ned Brace stories, but oddly, it was published by a Methodist publishing house, meaning it held the approval of Longstre cations. Using this title also seems to enforce a sense of the morality of the author, furthered by the morality of the publisher. In 1 dead and the changes to the text were more liberal. He retitled the scenes, Stories with a Moral Humorous and Descriptive of Southern Life a Century Ago. This edition included none of the Ned Brace stories, further evidence that Ned Brace was not uncollected scenes, which proved to be lack Lilly 3 ) of the original scenes. F names of one or two articles, so as to gi ve them more appropriate titles and better stories
59 which were not access ible to readers, but it is entirely possible that these sketches were in fact found, but not included because they were too provocative, as the pun filled nam of which te the about with someone who had read it. He describes this story as well, with mundane details. Rachels writes, howev er, that information. He provided publication information for five of the listings In all five mora listic title, family relation, and reputation for giving unreliable information about his understand his uncle as a conservative and important man, not as a vulgar and perverted story teller. It is purely speculation, but the titles of the uncollected stories the very least included sexual puns, but which hav e been lost or purposely obscured from view. Most scholars assert that Longstreet avoided the topic of sex in his stories. John the matter of sex and its implications am ong unmarried people) a complete picture of village life as experienced by the ordinary, every day, middle and upper middle class
60 oman (mentioned briefly as a local who married so and also writes that this story contains more puns, as one which Rachels reads as a pun on bestiality, or possibly anal sex. Regardless, says (lxvi). Wade fails to mention this pun, as well. He does write, about the missing story that rakish ever to be given to the public. It was written, of course, in the most harmless spirit in the world, but there are always so many peop le bent upon making evil out of the naughty readers who are readers, Rachels and I are certain that Wade was unwilling to deal with the truth of hen ever possible. A 1907 collection of Southern Literature, Southern Literature from 1857 1895: A Comprehensive Review, With Copius Extracts and Criticisms (Louise Manly) included a short biography of Longstreet and some extracts from sketches. The biogra phy states that Longstreet was a judge of the Superior Court, the President of Emory College, Centenary College, the Un iversity of Mississippi, and South Carolina College, as well as known book seems in his late r days to have troubled his conscience and he tried to suppress it entirely. But sketches so amusing
61 from only two stor i The first is a short scene describing Ned in church. The second is only a conversation between the three old ladies which contains no mention of the male mal e marriage. The only Ned Brace stories were censored to eliminate all the original perversity and deviant rhetoric. Mid century scholars did not break the tradition of making Longstreet more pious and less interesting. Kenneth Lynn wrote that Longstreet wr entire community to the temperate values of Whiggery was the ultimate purpose of Southwestern humor, and the frame was the place where those values were most this tradition, denying the obvious sexual content, as Rachels said. Ironically, a man who worked hard to ensure that he had complete control over his bizarre and perverse writing during his time has slowly become a hero for Southern conservative values. Similarly, the next text I look at is written by Joseph M. Field, another humorist who came to be popular after Longstreet had created Southern Humor. His background e was an actor and director, never a minister. Like Longstr eet, however, he was the founder and editor of his own journal, had control over his own writing, and was successful in this endeavor. Most importantly, Field used his position as editor to publish interesting work on same sex desire, much like Longstreet did with his sketches. The setting is very different, the relationships are darker, but the accommodations afforded by Southern Humor are the same.
62 CHAPTER 3 Decay and Death of the Most Famous Keelboatman mythic frontier we all think of In fact, this story is about a famous frontiersman and keelboatman, Mike Fink. Thousands of stories about Mike Fink have been written, and Blaire and Meine ( Half Horse Half Alligator, 1981) claim that w hen they tried to compile these nine hundred and ninety them were only oral history, never to be transcribed. Still, many stories of Fink are left, proving that at one time this figure was as big as Davy Crockett or Daniel Boone. The surviving arity keelboat, which was a technology displaced by the steamboat (Justus 285). Two stories ich is (Justus 288). The two stories work together because the latter is a r evision of the mythic ways that Joseph M. Field revise d oes not fit within the genre of S outhwestern H in fact, is regularly anthologized as a good example of the genre. In addition, Field founded a journal dedicated to this genre, making him not only in control of his own writing, but an important figure i n the
63 promotion and development of the genre of Southwest Humor. Most compellingly, Field was a sodomite, which may result in profound changes in our understanding s of the heterosexual American hero, frontiersman, and keelboat culture. Though not typically continues the hidden discussion abou t male male desire that we see i n Longs early national frontier culture preferring the homosocial culture of the keelboat lifestyle and, I argu e, as a sodomite. that he is aware of a growing intolerance and I analyze how Field constructs Fink as a sodomite through his death, not his life, and how these failures and tragedies are linked to a larger tradition of nineteenth century queer sexuality, according to theories developed in contemporary queer studies, disproving the possibility that my interpretation is mere ly que er anachronism. popular in the mid nineteenth century and generally given as Christmas gifts to ladies of gentility (43). They were published in silk and with embossed leather. Famously, ed scent (43). By The Western Souvenir for around
64 $2.50, which informed them about the frontier territories using a deeply sentimental rhetoric (43). Neville, a childhood friend of the real Mike Fink ar ound the Pennsylvania area in the 1770s to 1780s, introduces the literary Fink as a beloved hero traveling from Cincinnati by keelboat, a technology that is old fashioned even by the time the story was written in 1828. Fink looks and acts like the hero one would expect, nonchalantly as his left arm negligently pressed a rifle to his side, presented a figure that Salvator would have chosen from a million as a model for his wild and gloomy pencil. His stature was upwards of six feet, hi s proportions perfectly continues in this fashion, celebrating his bravery and exploits as a keelboatman The (meaning drank too much) while playing a game of shooting things off of a shooting the cup? And if he was drunk, why did the frien death as well because in 1844 he sought to rewrite the death. He states in the notes prec The story of Mike Fink, in cluding a death, has been beautifully told by the late Morgan Neville, of Cincinnati, a gentleman of the highest literary taste, unexceptionable in style, and we believe, in fact, with on e exception, and
65 die on the Arkansas, but at Fort Henry, near the mouth of the Yellow Stone. Our informant is Mr. Chas. Keemle of this paper, who held a command in the neighbourh ood, at the time, and to whom ever y circumstance connected with the affair is most familiar. We give the story as it is told by himself. (109) Mountain Man, one of the fou nders and editors of the St. Louis Reveille, and witness by drunk en has king of the river because keelboats no longer exist. He is working for the Mountain Fur Company on the Yellow Stone. Field wri tes that Fink was always a dare devil, but that around with him, shooting casks open, when needed, and filling his cup. The entire crew disliked his violent behavior, and thought of it as ueer how shamefully he was acting. behavior. He chooses to se
66 (110). His refuge was a cave. Field wr ites, In this place he buried himself, sometimes unseen for weeks, his protg providing what else was necessary beyond the whiskey. At length, attempts were used, on the part of those in the fort, to withdraw Carpenter from Fink; foul insinuations were ma de as to the nature of their connections; the youth was twitted with being a mere slave, &c., all which (Fink heard in spite of his retirement) served to breed distrust between the two, and though they did not separate, much of their cordiality ceased. (11 0) This passage is very important to understanding Fink as a possible sodomite, in terms of both plot and rhetoric. Field suggests a sexual relationship between Fink and protg we can assume he is not really speaking of a protg; after all, why would others gossip about merely a tutor and his student? Certainly, even without all the other signals in the text, the mere fact that a boy and a man lock up in a cave together for we eks, with things provided by the boy, is itself suggestive. The ultimate result of the gossip within the camp is that it strains t heir made fun of, but would not be an issue for two platonic friends, or a tutor and his student. This language suggests that the relationship between Carpenter and Fink is odd, at least, and Field provides numerous signals to this through his language choice a nd erotic plot. I have located only one scholar who ever remotely addressed the sodomy plot in avoiding the obvious sexual passion of the text, or failing to see it. He only mentions the
67 primarily literal, Field must also have known it as one term for a young homosexual mate for experienced sailors. Mike is the product of the male world of the river in which the phenomenon of expedient sex was presumably no rarer than in the grander tradition of the sea nor in the quasi military society of the trading post and the hunting and trapping society, which were homosocial sexual competitiveness. (287) As Ju milar to other, more well known homosocial male and had a culture and language all their own, thus Fin k is definitely a member of a homosocial group. Justus seems to want to normalize the use rela tionship in the era, and that the homosocial nature of the river probably leads to jealous of Fink, however, all evidence from the story suggests that they found the relatio meaning that they were judging the man as filthy, not experiencing jealousy. In all readers that F ink and Carpenter shared an affectionate relationship that some would not to lerate. The sporting press or flash press was actually a significant, underappreciated came abou d to describe a homosexual mate for a man. Jonathon Ned Katz claims that the first use of the term sporting journal, The Whip :
68 the gossip peddling paper, The Whip published the first of a series of plural is important: sodomy had earlier been organized and perceived as the temporary aberrant act of an isolated individual. Now sodomites were pres ented as soldiers in an army of seducers. The Whip here identified as sinister band sodomites named a class of men defined by their acts, an assigned, spoiled, group ide ntity. (45) The Whip reported where sodomites worked and encouraged concerned citizens to act out against this sinister band, vigilante style. The report also described sodomites as older men who prey on younger victims, another trend that would continue i nto the twentieth century. Katz insists that sodomite report is one of the earliest forms of modern discourse on sodomy that turns the act into an identity, and importantly, it constructed sodomites as older men who prey on young boys, and that this crime is a problem that the community must defend against. These periodicals were not alone: many writer reformers were also construct ing characters within novels that followed the same man Redburn, for example, or the lesser known 1849 novel, City Crimes in which the author tells readers that in City Hall Park, many boy prostitutes await gentleman buyers, every 1 discussing homosexuality in this co have found melancholy testimony to establish one general fact, viz., THAT BOYS ARE PROSTITUTED TO THE LUST OF OLD CONVICTS. I am aware, that the mere suggestion of this subject, is so revolting we
69 (27). Dwight goes on to describe young boys with symptoms of rape, which are identical to the symptoms of onanism, like sunken eyes and sickly pallor. These boys have been M IS THE VICE OF PRISONERS, AND writes that Mike Fink was and Carpenter. The way this narrative begins to sound like a sodomite story is not the Mike Fink's story has not bee n adequately recognized as drawing on both the newly emergent discourse and cultural knowledge of the sodomite but importantly, I will arg ue we have failed to see how Field uses Southern Humor in a surprising way in the tale: to condemn, not endorse, the intolerance and hostility directed at the sodomite. The intolerance toward sodomites that The Whip and other journals encourage is similar intolerance is ultimately what kills Fink. The rest of the story is this: winter wears on as
70 drunk Fink very quickly beg ins implicating own cub s speech continues a nd Carpenter fancies en to a with Mike deeply nt, however, The scene of the shooting is further evidence of the romantic and loving attachment Mike had for his boy. Carpenter the head. He immediately regret s his action: the unhappy boatman lay in his cave, shunning both sympathy and sustenance. He spoke to none twas to burst into paroxysm of rag his boy. The crew urges Carpenter to shoot Fink in a parallel way to the vigilante violence encouraged by texts like The Whip which assumed that all man boy relationships were nonconsensual. The situation is agitated first by Fink challenging any Carpenter to a shooting game
71 Particularly striking is the language of love. Field writes that Fink only speaks to meaning proof of not performed out of rage, but out of a broken heart. In this part of the text, we see some of the co mpassion Field se ems to have Field further revises Fink's story by focusing on the loss and trauma experienced by Fink after Carpenter's death. Days after shooting Carpenter, it is said that Fink ventur es out of his cave to speak to Talbott, a man who has been accusing Fink of died him he will shoot him if he continues to speak. Warning shots are fired, but Fink seemingly does not care and continues. Talbott then words we fashion, that Tablott himself died shortly afterward in a boating accident. Field's conclusion also withholds the expected moral censure for sympathy: even not mean to kill him. Suspicion of treachery, doubtless, entered his mind, but cowardice and
72 circumstances leading also be a little about redeeming poor Mike, who really never intended to murder his boy. teaching his reader s about proper sexual desires by way of counter example. Even though Fink was killed bec ause of his love for another male Mike, not the community, which suggests that he hopes to tell the true story of Fink, and if there is any moral, it is certainly not that Mike Fink was the immoral one. Mike Fink was constructed as a queer bird in the story by Joseph M. Field, but it is likely that he was one in truth. In searching the historical texts on the territories around the mouth of Y ellowstone, the place Charles Keemle told Field was the place of trading post in 1822 and this post was abandoned within one year of its construction (Parry 216). According to record, only two graves exist at this fort, and upon excavation, they are said to be of Mike Fink and the boy named Carpenter. The bodies were dug up once, by B lackfeet looking to pillage graves, but discovering no treasures, the Blackfeet placed the man and boy back into the ground (Brown 65 66). These are twentieth graves sit th truth about the and any other
73 It is uncomfortable to use fact sex desire is intricately nineteenth century literatur decayed in in fluence, above all become a victim of whisky, he was morose and time his murd er happens. The title itself suggests that this story has little to do with into a pattern of nineteenth century queer texts. In her book, Feeling Backward: Los s and the Politics of Queer History (2007) Heather Love revisits literature of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to rking against the contemporary notion that dismisses sex love make better theoretical us e of the fact that "queer" despite its powerful reappropriation
74 Western queer literary past. These texts sex suggests that we frequently have to look at the gothic or the melancholic to discover the nineteenth of sexual deviance, murde r, and impossibility, which may not have always been queer traits, but which Love proves as such. Mike Fink was never bitter, defeated, lonely, or shameful until Field wrote him this way. These traits are completely contrary to that of a tall tale figure, a living legend, a man of strength and skill. The death of Carpenter signals the impossibility of same when he ainst the enemies who had dead, a ghost archetypal and uncomplicated, fashioned similarly t o a James Fenimore Cooper hero in The Leatherstocking Tales He is perfectly symmetrical and compared to Hercules, nct enlargement of outline,
75 which, deepening through long ages, invests distinguished mortality with the sublime of the hero and the demi hero with the opposite a walking dead man Fi or anti future, of homosexuality. He kills his boy because they cannot exist in their time and place. In this trajectory, it also makes sense that Fink was shot. He is shot while trying to explain that he regrets his actions. Talbott, his murderer, is so horrified by Fink Carpenter and Talbott kills Fink, leaving both queer figures dead. The story ends by informing the reader that Talbott drowned (an accident, not a murder). We assume Talbott is heterosexual because he directs phobia toward Mike. The accidental nature of tal retribution for his lifestyle. To further explain this point, Lee Edelman, in No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive, explains that reproductive futurism is a thing for heterosexuals. He writes, f the social, is called forth to figure: queerness, he is not permitted a future. Fin k, always nostalgic and mourning the loss of keelboats may
76 have achieved older age, but is a decayed hunk of drunken flesh by the time we get to him. Field, and historical record, posit year that Neville published the story about his life, meaning that the occasion for the f irst story was death, not life. witness documentary, but as a slightly reliable source. Field did not veil the text much, when we consider the way the story genr e for discussing alternative possibilities in sexuality, Field was able to describe a finding of the Fort Henry grave sites prove s that Fink and Carpenter died together, and th e fact that they are the sole gravesites at the place is an appropriately haunting detail. As James Justus said, the steamboat was cherished by humorists because it was a d never adhere to the sexual mores and social expectations in life after the steamboat, rendering his desires, and even his life, an impossibility. Conclusion Longstreet and Field, by way of the strange and limitless nature of Southern Humor, have taken us a long way from the dominant notions of antebellum manhood, obsessed with an extreme ideal of self restraint and self control that could not possibly have affected all white antebellum men universally. Suggesting that all white antebellum men fell for the rhetoric of abstinence and purity only denies antebellum men balanced sensibilities and a healthy curiosity and desire for sex. Counter to myth, antebellum readers were not as snobby about literature as contemporary critics are, and enjoyed
77 literature fro m places other than New England. This non New England literature did in fact get published and did circulate widely, bringing the subversive frontier and South to readers everywhere. Also contrary to myth, antebellum men concerned themselves with all issue s of sexuality, including challenging the man of restraint with indulgent merriment, and rewriting American heroes to reveal who they really were: aging men nostalgic for the past and desperately clutching on to the vanishing frontier, a place that granted more permission for same highly complicated topics of male sexuality with humor, not anxiet y.
78 LIST OF REFERENCES Mississippi Quarter ly, 17.2 (1964): 67 86. Baldwin, Leland D. The Keelboat Age on Western Waters. Pittsburg: Unive rsity of Pittsburg Press, 1941. Barker Benfield, G.J. The Horrors of the Half Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth Century America New York: HarperCollins, 1977. Bell, Michael Davitt. Culture, Genre and Literary Vocation: Selected Essays on American Literature. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2001. On Humor. Ed.Budd, Louis J. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. 13 32. Blaire, Walter, and Franklin J. Meine. Half Horse Half Alligator The Growth of the Legend of the Mike Fink Legend. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956. with Cross Dressers: Researching the History of Sexual and Gender Transgressiveness in the Nineteenth Century American West. Oregon Historical Quarterly 112.3 (2011). Brown, Mark H. The Plainsmen of the Yellowstone: A History of the Yellowstone Basin. Lin coln: University of Nebraska Press, 1969. Cohen, Hennig and William B. Dillingham. Introduction. Humor of the Old Southwest Athens:University of Georgia Press, 1994. xv xl. Cohen, Patricia, Timothy J. Gilfoyle, and Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz. The Flash Pres s: Sporting Male Weeklies in 1840s New York. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008. Creech, James. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. Edelman, Lee. No Future, Queer Theory and the Death Drive. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004. Enns, Chris. Hearts West: True Stories of Male Order Brides o n the Frontier. Guildford: Twodot, 2005.
79 Everton, Michael J. The Grand Chorus of Complaint: Authors and the Business Ethics of American Publishing. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Humor of the Old Southwe st. Ed. Cohen, Hennig and William B. Dillinghan. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994. 109 112. Fitzgerald, O.P. Judge Longstreet. A Life Sketch. Nashville: Publishing House of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, Barbee and Smith, 1891. Gardner, J ared. The Rise and Fall of Early American Magazine Culture. Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2012. Greenburg, Amy. Manifest Manhood and the Antebellum American Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Greven, David. Men Beyond Desire: Manhood, Sex and Violation in American Literature. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. the 22.1 (1968/1969): 77 84. Hal International Journal of Cultural Studies 6 (2003). 313 333. Justus, James. Fetching the Old Southwest: Humorous Writing from Longstreet to Twain. Columbia: University of Mis souri Press, 2004. Kaden, E. M. Rev. of Augustus Baldwin Longstreet: A Study of the Development of Culture in the South by John Donald Wade. The Sewanee Review 33.2 (1925): 246 249. Katz, Jonathan Ned. Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U SA. New York: Plume, 1992. Katz, Jonathan Ned. Love Stories Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003. Laydaker, Derek, et al. Methods, Sex and Madness. New York: Routledge, 1994. On Humor. Ed. Budd, Louis J. Durham: Duke University Press, 1992. 168 189. Leverenz, David. Manhood and the American Renaissance. Ithica: Cornell University Press, 1989. Dictionary of Literar y Biography Vol. 11. Ed. Stanley Trachtenberg. Detroit: Gale Research, 1982.
80 Augustus Baldwin Ed. David Rachels. Athens: University of Georgia Press 1998. Georgia Scenes Completed. Ed. David Rachels. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998. Longstreet, Fitz R. Stories With a Moral: Humorous and Descriptive of Southe rn Life A Century Ago, By Augustus Baldwin Longstreet. Philadelphia: The John Winston Company, 1912. Love, Heather. Feeling Backward, Loss and the Politics of Queer History. Boston: Harvard University Press, 2007. Gothic Images of Race in Nineteenth Century Britain. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996. 41 123. Southern Literature from 1579 1895: A Comprehensive Review with Copius Extracts and Critici sms. Ed. Louise Manly. Richmond: B.F. Johnson and Company, 1907. Matthiessen, F. O. American Renaissance: Art and Expression in the Age of Emerson and Whitman London: Oxford University Press, 1941. Oehlschlaeger, Fritz. Old Southwest Humor from the St. L ouis Reveille, 1844 1850. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990. Packard, Chris. Queer Cowboys: And Other Erotic Male Friendships in Nineteenth Century American Literature. New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2005. Parry, Ellis Roberts, Montana Dateline. Guilford: The Globe Pequot Press, 2001. Century Literary Archives of American Time Ed. Lloyd Pratt. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010. 125 156. Quinn, D. Micha el. Same Sex Dynamics Among Nineteenth Century Americans: A Mormon Example. Urbana Champaign: University of Illinois Board of Trustees, 1996. Rachels, David. Introduction. Completed. By Rachels. Athens: Univers ity of Georgia Press, 1998. xi lxvii. Jones Hooper, and George Washington Harris. A Companion to American Fiction 1780 1865 Ed. Shirley Samuels. Malden: Blackwell Publish ing, 2004. 400 410.
81 Rotundo, Anthony E. American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era. New York: BasicBooks, 1993. Class Youth in the Northern Uni ted States 1800 Journal of Social History 23.1 (1989). Soble, Alan. Sex From Plato to Paglia: A Philosophical Encyclopedia, Volume 2. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2006. Stewart Sex Marriage in the Ante Journal of the History of Sexuality 19.2 (2010). 197 222 Wade, John Donald. Augustus Baldwin Longstreet: A Study of Development of Culture in the South. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1969. Waterson, Henry. Oddities in Souther n Life and Character. Riverside: Haughton, Mifflin, & Co., 1882. West, James L.W. Gyascutus: Studies in Antebellum Southern Humorous and Sporting Writing. New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1978.
82 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Elliott Kuecker was born and raised in the acolytes. Because of this he is dramatic and spends most of his time thinking about Southern men. His future and current res earch concerns eighteenth and nineteenth century Southern literature, deviant sexuality, altern ative masculinity, oddities, outl aws, and misfits. He received his Bachelor of Arts in English from the University of Florida, where he currently studies, and will earn his Master of Arts in English in 2013.