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1 THE SUSTAINABILITY OF THE CATHOLIC WORKER MOVEMENT THROUGH BIOREGIONALISM By VICTORIA MACHADO A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGR EE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 2013 Victoria Machado
3 To mom, dad, Tammie, and everyone at the GCW
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my family for their love, encouragement and s upport. I particularly want to thank my mom and my sister Tammie. They each served as an extra set of eyes for my countless rough drafts. I would also like to show gratitude to my chair and mentor Dr. Whitney Sanford for gui ding me though the thesis writi ng process, offering me continual feedback, and engaging my research interests. Additionally, I am grateful for such professors as Dr. David Hackett for helping the revision process as well as Dr. Anna Peterson and Dr. Manuel Vasquez for teaching classes t hat cultivate d these ideas. Perhaps m o st of all, I would like to recognize the Gainesville Catholic Worker for opening their doors and exposing me to their work. Without them, none of this would be possible.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 7 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 10 CHAPTER 1 IN TRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 12 Purpose ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 12 Theoretical Approach Why Tweed? ................................ ................................ ....... 13 Method ology My Position ................................ ................................ ....................... 14 The Need for this Scholarship ................................ ................................ ................. 17 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 18 2 HISTORY AND BIOREGIONALISM OF THE CATHOLIC WORKER ..................... 21 History ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 21 Dorothy Day ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 21 Peter Maurin ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 22 The Catholic Worker ................................ ................................ ......................... 24 Theological Foundations ................................ ................................ .................. 26 ................................ ................................ .................... 27 Three Pillars: Cult, Culture, Cultivation ................................ ............................. 28 Growth and Trajectory of the Movement ................................ .......................... 29 ................................ ................................ 30 Practice ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 32 Ecumenicity of the Moveme nt ................................ ................................ .......... 33 ................................ ................................ 35 Sustainability ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 36 Bioregionalism ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 37 History ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 38 Anarchy ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 38 Catholic Workers and Bior egionalism ................................ ............................... 40 Bioregionalism and the Creation of Sustainability within the CW Movement .......... 41 Houses Today ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 43 The Mustard Seed ................................ ................................ ............................ 44 Sheep Ranch ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 44 The Alderson Hospitality House ................................ ................................ ....... 45 Silver Springs Catholic Worker ................................ ................................ ......... 45 Su Casa ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 46
6 Reflection ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 46 3 THREE HOUSES ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 48 The L.A. Catholic Worker ................................ ................................ ........................ 48 Gainesville Catholic Worker ................................ ................................ .................... 52 Resistance ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 63 Lifestyle ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 64 Local Food ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 65 Houston Catholic Worker ................................ ................................ ........................ 66 Nonprofit ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 67 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 68 4 RELIGION AND GEOGRAPHY ................................ ................................ .............. 74 Position ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 74 Tweed on Position ................................ ................................ ............................ 74 R esistance ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 76 Movement and Relation among Regions ................................ ................................ 78 Dwelling ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 80 Flu idity ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 85 Crossing ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 86 Publications as Crossings ................................ ................................ ................ 88 Corporeal Crossin g ................................ ................................ .......................... 90 Cosmic Crossing ................................ ................................ .............................. 91 Spiritual Activity as Crossings ................................ ................................ .......... 92 5 CONCLU SIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 97 Blind Spots ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 97 Gaps in Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 98 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 99 Future Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ 101 Benefits Education ................................ ................................ ............................... 102 Benefits Organizational Sharin g ................................ ................................ ........... 102 APPENDIX: NONPROFIT PERSPECTIVE ................................ ................................ 104 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 106 BI OGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 110
7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Comparison of three case studies. ................................ ................................ ..... 73
8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2 1 Founders of the Catholic Worker Movement ................................ ...................... 47 2 2 A picture expressing the Works of Mer Peace .......... 47 3 1 The L.A. C ................................ ........................ 69 3 2 ................................ ................................ .... 69 3 3 ................................ ........... 70 3 4 Paper Cranes ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 71 3 4 Our Lady of Guadalupe, the inspiration behind the name CJD. .......................... 72 4 1 Catholic Agitator .. ................................ .............................. 94 4 2 Houston Cath olic Worker ................................ ..................... 95 4 3 ConSpire ................................ ................................ ............. 96
9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CJD Casa Juan Diego CW Catholic Worker GCW Gainesville Catholic Worker LACW Los Angeles C atholic Worker
10 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts THE SUSTAINABILITY OF THE CATHOLIC WORKER MOVEMENT THROUGH BIOR EGIONALISM By Victoria Machado May 2013 Chair: Whitney Sanford Major: Religion The pu rpose of this thesis is to explain the sustain ability of the Catholic Worker M ovement today through bioregionalism The Catholic Worker Movement is made up of a variety of individually run houses of hospitality and farms that serve the underprivileged, poor, and oppressed. T he founders and the main religious foundations of personalism and the Works of Mercy are important to its success. Personalism is the dignity and wor th of each person. The Works of Mercy, which arise from the Gospel of Matthew, include feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, providing shelter for the homeless, clothing the naked, visiting the imprisoned, visiting the sick, and burying the dead Sustainability is the ability to the future. Bioregionalism is a place based philosophy that supports a small scaled, decentralized way of living T his thesis argues that the Catholic Worker M ovement susta ins itself through bioregionalism how bioregionalism connects to the Catholic Worker Movement through crossing, dwelling, and the iates time and space, displaying how communities perpetuate the work of social justice into the future.
11 I n this thesis I find that current Catholic Workers Houses have sustained themselves through their adaptability and fluidness. Rather than adopting the same model in eve ry location, each House and c ommunity fills its bioregional n iche The M ovement is not only compatible with bioregionalism, it is bioregionalist This is expressed through its use of resources, how it addresses social needs, in addition t o its cultivation of community. Together, these have allowed the Catholic Worker Movement to continue since the death of its founders in 1949 and 1980
12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Catholic Worker Movement is made up of a variety of individually run house s of hospitality and farms that serve the underprivileged, poor, and oppressed. They present no set hierarchy of authority and hold no specific structural code to which they all abide. Fr. Mike Baxter of the Andre House of Hospitality in Phoenix, Arizona n oted Baxter and Riegle Troester 1993, 481). Catholic Worker Houses are collective in mission and values as they seek to live out the teachings of Jesus. Their acts include but are not limited to feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, and visiting the imprisoned. These H ouses ena ct similar values and missions, translating them i n different ways according to th e specific needs of the surrounding community Each Catholic Worker H ouse must be familiar with their needs and resources. With this in mind, bioregionalism is a helpful philosophy in which to frame this kind of study. Purpose The purpose of this th esis is to explain the sustain ability of the Catholic Worker M ovement today through bioregionalism a place based philosophy that supports a small scaled, decentralized way of living In this study, I uncover how internal rep resentations of Catholic Worker Houses are bioregionalist through their negoti ation of time and space in their locale T he founders based the Catholic Worker M ovement in the Catholic foundations of personalism and the Works of Mercy. Personalism is the dignity and worth of each person. The Works of Mercy come from Matthew 25, including feeding the hungry,
13 giving drink to the thirsty, providing shelter for the homeless, clothing the naked, visiting the imprisoned, visiting the sick, and burying the dead While these concepts are importan t, the sus tainability of Catholic Worker H ouses is not solely limited to this principal groundwork. R ather, as this study argues the M ovement sustains itself by implementing these concepts with careful regard to both time and location. C urrent Catholic W orker Houses sustain themselves through adaptability and fluidness. Rather than adopting the same model in eve ry location, each H ouse and community fills its n iche for the region in whi ch it operates. The M ovement is not only compatible with bioregionalism it is bioregionalist This bioregionalism is expressed through its use of resources, how it addresses social needs, and most importantly, its cultivation of community. Together, these concepts of adaptability and fluidness have allowed Catholic Worker Ho uses to continue since the death of its founders in 1949 and 1980 In this thesis, I draw from the modern notion of sustainability and the ecologically based philosophy of bioregionalism. Ad of religion. T his study connects the social and the environmental to display the confluence of religion and nature. Theoretical Approach Why Tweed? Movement draws from bioregionalism Tweed views the ories as travels as they are (Tweed 2006, 9). By understanding theories in this manner he uses spatial metaphors to further elucidate activities, relationships, and are as. For Tweed, the tropes of move ment, relation and position help us understand religious phenomenon and
14 underlie the central con cepts of crossing and dwelling. Crossing is moving across boundaries sometimes through both time and space. Dwelling is a plac e of being as it cultural flows that allows devotees to map, build, It is with both crossing and dwelling that we receive an understanding of how religion negotiates space and time t hrough a series of relationships. Similarly, Tweed pairs these ideas with the notion of aquatic flows acting as a metaphor for the vital ity of motion within his theory Water su ggest s the fluid nature of this m ovement and motion perpetuates and establishes the crossing and dwelling. Some Catholic Worker H ouses speak more directly to the notions of crossing over dwelling, or movement rather than position. In these cases, I spotlight the case study that best aligns w ith the concept being described. While ther e are various spatial theories available, I fou it speaks to both the social and environmental aspects at play within religion. Though he does not use the understanding s of movement and dwel ling illustrate how the Catholic Worker M ovement can be considered bioregionalist. Methodology My Position I first came to the Gainesville Catholic Worker (GCW) in Februa ry 2009 when I was looking for a Christian justice group to study for a class assignm ent. Additionally I was looking to connect my faith with my daily actions. Upon completing my assignment, I stayed on as regular vol unteer through my undergraduate career. In the Fall of 2011, as I started my Master s degree program I began living and wor king full time at the GCW. In the Spring of 2013, I completed my second year of what they call the Metanoia semester, a discernment time for students and mostly you ng adults to live and work in the Gainesville Catholic Worker House. The core of the live in community consists of
15 founders Johnny Zokovitch and Kelli Brew, and their two children. Each semester they accept one to four, usually, young people eng aging in the Metanoia semester. 1 Other resi dents include formerly homeless individuals trying to get a fresh start. These are my friends and my Gainesville family. As part of this community, I am an insider. I have the privilege of living and work ing alongside everyone at the H ouse on a daily basis. The work is full time. It begins first thing in the morni ng and sometimes lasts into the night, with the occasional visitor ringing th e doorbell well past dark. The H ouse is open six days a week. We try to reserve Sunday as a day of rest, but every now and then we still have an unexpected visitor. I am sympathe tic towards the C atholic W orker Movement, and my insider perspective influences my tone and approach to this work O ffering an perspective does not necessarily mean I am not going to be critical. Dorothy Day, one of the founders of the Catholic W orker Movement, is the best example of an insider who is also a critic. She was known to excommunicate H ouses for their behavior. For example, one community used fou l language in their newspaper. After reading the pa per, Day confronted them. When they refu sed to alter the words to satisfy Day, she simply refused contact. Though in this respect I am an insider, I am an outsider compared to the founders of the GCW House, Johnny and Kelli. The final responsibilities for the House rest in their hands. Financia lly, they manage the house budget, pay the bills, and hold 1
16 the mo rtgage. They have established deep er relationships with those who come to the H ouse, in addition to their friends and family. In these respects, I am an outsider. As for the other Catholic W orker H ouses, my data collection comes from recent literature as well as information gleaned from the ir websites Due to time and resource co nstraints, I have not visited, either the Houston Catholic Worker oth e rwise known as Casa Juan Diego (CJD) or the Los Angeles Catholic Worker (LACW) I analyze them through the above resources. Additionally, I use an array of Catholic Worker secondary source s especially The Catholic Worker after Dorothy: Practicing Works of Mercy in a New Generation an d Rosalie Riegle Troester Voices of the Catholic Worker For Catholic Worker history, I look to the resources listed above, in addition to other Catholic Worker All is Grace: A Biography of Dorothy Day and Frank Pete r Maurin Apostle to the World I also draw from Dorothy Day and Peter community publications help fill in various gaps. The books, articles, and publications on the Cathol ic Worker Movement and various H ouses are numerous. Most are historical. Others Dorothy Day are biographical. Some are semi autobiographical as Robert Ellsbe By Little and By Little also autobiographical work by co founder Dorothy Day such as Loaves and Fishes Both Day and co founder Peter Maurin, offer firsthand accounts t hrough their various essays, journal writings and short poems. Firsthand accounts of other Catholic Workers
17 include All the Way to Heaven The Catholic Worker Movement : Intellectual and Spiritual Origins Tog et her these resources provide a historical backg round for the M ovement, while offering insight into the similarities and differences presented by various Houses. These writings have been written and complied by both Catholic Workers and scholars of Catholic Workers. While the perspectives I gather also come from within the Catholic Worker (CW) Movement, my study is framed by outside theories. I draw from intentionally to uncover internal representations within an academic framework. The this thesis the interviews I gather come mainly from those doing the daily work. I analyze what they do and if it proves sustainable. Within the publications Catholic Workers and t hose associated with C atholic W orker Houses have used notions of bioregionalism to explain their stance on issues without actually labeling their philosophy bioregionalist Similarly o ther CW schol ars such as Rosalie Riegle Troester noted how CW Houses 1993 460 ). Within these discussions, I have yet to find anyone to describe the M o vement as bioregionalist. I therefore show how the fairly modern term of bioregionalism applies to the C atholic W orker M ovement. This scholarship helps us to better make sense of C atholic W orker Houses and their social presence. The N eed for this Schola rship This work is merely a star t ing point for a more complete study of how Catholic Workers Houses are bioregionalist. This work contributes to knowledge about social
18 movements and their efforts to engage locally. Additionally, my research connects intern ally (within groups) and externally (group to group) on a larger level. Catholic Worker Houses are intentional as they try to live together with a central vision. This thesis is intended to spark a wider outlook and lead to a more comprehensive study of ho w community groups organizations, nonprofits, and even individuals are using bioregionalism to make an impact on the larger society. By understanding how one group is bioregionalist perhaps other social groups, organizations, nonprofits, and individuals may learn how to better enact bioregionalism in their place of residence. Through place based efforts, these groups can join Catholic Worker Houses establishing their own locally cent ered collective s If all social service groups 2 cared for the needs of their particular community, more people could be helped Additionally, newly emerging efforts could f ocus on underserved areas. Keeping in mind the larger implications of this thesis, I now provide an overview of my thesis. Overview I make my argument through five chapters. To begin my argument Chapt er 2 offers a history of the Catholic Worker M ovement. Here I desc r ibe the founders, discuss the initial goals, and explain ho w the origina l framework was placed into action. T his history lead s into the next part of C hapter 2 where I look briefly at an overview of functioning H ouses I introduce bioregionalism as a f ruitful way to understand this M ovement. In this section, I draw upon notions associated with sustainability and bioregionalism in an effort to illustrate models of how the CW M ovement continues to 2 By social service groups, I do not limit this to government established groups, but rather any group that
19 sustain itself primarily through its localized commitments. Catholic Worker Houses combine the work of leading by example and p romot ing involvement within s ociety by basing their work at the local level Their actions spotlight the tension between change in the larger social system and localized politics and actions. Following this historical account, I continue C hapter 2 by provi ding a working definition of the M bioregionalism and sustainable efforts. position between the ecological and the social. Chapter 3 prese nts three case studies of how bioregionalism sustains H ouses today. I spotlight the Los Angeles Catholic Worker (LACW), the Gainesville Catholic Worker (GCW) a Casa Juan Diego (CJD). The LACW and the GCW deal with issues of homelessness, while CJD concerns itself wi th caring for immigrants. Each H ouse draws from the resources in its particular area to serve the vide an overview of what these H ouses do and where they are situated. I draw heavily from my et hnographic work at the GCW. In the cases of the L ACW and CJD, I rely upon their i nternet presence in addition to House publications such as their newspapers, blog posts, and literature. Previously published interviews offer words from the founders and thos e involved with the communities. Chapter 4 dwelling to frame how bioregionalism connect s to the Catholic Worker Movement to the Catholic Worker Movement, further emphasizing how when joined, bioregionalism is use d to sustain the H ouse s today. explain how the
20 three H ouses exemplify a bioregionalist spirit that perpetuates their sus tainability. Chapter 5 is my conclusion. First I identify major gaps in my study and the implications o f my current understanding. Secondly, I provide a final overview of my thesis. Finally, I end by questioning the broader implications of my study, askin g how it can act as a framework for understanding similar social movements. The first sto p on this journey is Chapter 2 The History and Bioregionalism of the Catholic Worker.
21 CHAPTER 2 HISTORY AND BIOREGIONALISM OF THE CATHOLIC WORKER The first part o f C hapter 2 sketches the history of the Catholic Worker Movement. The second part links the Catholic Worker Movement to issues of bi oregionalism and sustainability. I end the C hapter by looking at bioregio nalism within various CW Houses. History Before exp laining the terms sustainabil ity and bioregionalism and discussing t heir interactions with various CW H ouses, we need to understand what the CW M ovement is and how it originated. The following addresses the founders, foundations, concepts and early history ovement, it s practice, and the religious diversity of those involved. Dorothy Day In the early 20 th century, a young agnostic socialist by the name of Dorothy Day found her way to Catholicism. Her fath er was a journalist and moved the family several times to find work. Although raised in a family that did not value religion, Day was exposed to various churches through neighbors and friends. Despite this exposure, she never became deeply involved in any religious practice at that time. Dorothy Day high school exposed her to writers and works from Socialist Party, the Industrial Workers of the World, Jack London, Peter Kropotkin and The Jungle which highlighted issues of urban poverty, s poke to the notion of justice that later inspired her life work (Forest 2011 18).
22 After attending college, Dorothy Day worked various freelance journalist jobs. Following an abortion, a divorce, and a couple of unhealthy relationships, Day found herself gradually moving toward Catholicism. Many of her radical friends, met through her work for various leftist ne change. 1 Day continued to support leftist causes, engaging in protests and offering her written words to speak out abo ut injustice. Ultimately for Day, the spiritual meaning that came with religion only reinforced her activism This emphasis became largely apparent after the birth of her daughter Tamar (Forest 2011, 76). Day was baptized in the Catholic Church and continu ed her spiritual journey by attending Mass and engaging in regular prayer With her new found faith and w ithout giving up her activist approach to life, Day continued to live out her spiritual and radical beliefs through her writing. She bega n w orking as a reporter on the Lower East S ide of New York. At 35 years old, she continued to reconcile her faith with her strong beliefs of justice. During this time she met Peter Maurin, a French intellectual and essayist, deeply influenced by St. Francis of Assisi a nd his Catholic tradition (Coy 1988, 19 21) (Figure 2 1, A) Peter Maurin Born and raised into a French peasant family, Maurin was accustomed to simple, communal living. As a boy he attended Mass with his family, reaching adulthood as egan conflicting with Catholic tradition. 2 Maurin learned about 1 Quoting Karl Marx, (1843). 2 France when Enlightenment sensibilities were clashing (Sicius 2004, 10).
23 Catholic social teachings on poverty and economics. He soon became familiar with the 1891 publication of Rerum Novarum analyze the conditions of encyclical condemned socialism and spoke against excessive capitalism and individualism. It aided the endorsement of the labor movement and promoted a social conscious. As a teenager, Maurin joined the Christian Brothers, a religious community within the Catholic Church concerned with caring for the poor and oppressed. With them, he stayed at various monasteries but never took vows. He left to join Le Sillon until shortly before it dissolved in 1910. Subsequently, he became interested in homesteading in n the to make a success of t is suspected he encountered extreme difficulties including low rainfall, harsh winters, and little food. 3 After leaving Canada, Maurin found his way south to the United States where he worked various (Sicuis 2004, 29). For exam ple, Maurin often recounted the time when he knocked on a frozen the door shut. H is efforts to help her open the door, led neighbors to believe he was breaking in. They called the police leading to his arrest. 3
24 In subsequent years, Maurin contin ued to promote the connection between faith and ju stice. He participated rallies and community meetings. 4 During this time, a t the age of 55, Maurin met Day. She I mmediately saw that P responsible Christianity provided an alternative to society as envisioned by both industrial capitalism and communism. His synthesis helped to remove a serious conflict, which has troubled Dorothy since her conver sion (Sicius 2004, XX). 5 (Figure 2 1, B) The Catholic Worker t flow of ideas led them to start a newspaper in which they blended Catholic social teaching with socialist thought. The Catholic Worker 6 was published, printed, and released to the public on May Day 1933. The paper, which sold for a penny a copy, provide d social commentary, drawing from current notions of Catholic s ocial thought. Articles highlighte d contemporary social ills and promoted union organizations, direct actions and strikes. In many ways Day and values anticipated changes enacted by Va tican II. Today, the US Conference of Catholic Bishops l ists seven themes of Catholic social t eaching, all of which were and continue to be key aspects of the Catholic Worker Movement. These include: life and dignity of the human person; a call to family, community and participation; rights and 4 As detailed in Francis J. Peter Maurin Apostle to the World (2004) 5 Rerum Novarum the same encyclical that inspired Maurin, was welcomed in the United States around the time of its publication. Soon after, Rerum Novarum lost popularity, as American Catholics did not find social justice to be a pressing issue. Rather internal disputes were important for American Catholics, as they were faced with such issues as Americanism (Dolan 1985, 335). Additionally, they did not have the tools or methods in which to utili ze the social justice resources of Rerum Novarum Socialism was also 6 Although Peter Maurin wanted to call it The Catholic Radical they decided on The Catholic Wo rker
25 responsibilities; option for the poor and vulnerable; the dignity of work and rights of 2013). 7 workers rights, human dignity, the importance of community, care for the poor, and a sense of solidarity. 8 While Day and Maurin drew from Catholic s ocial teaching, in many way s they were ahead of their times 9 Their values reflected communistic thought wh ich, given political antagonism towards Soviet Russia, was generally viewed negatively. 10 Both recognized inequalities through the lens of their faith, discussing the social ills of the time through their writings and later through community gatherings k now n as Roundtable Discussions. As The Catholic Worker people became interested in more than just newspapers. A stead y stream of visitors came to Day and Maurin, looking for food, a bed for the night, and a place to be heard. Day soon focused on creating a Houses of Hospitality in New York, w hile Maurin took steps toward developing a rural connection to the land. In both cases, they sought to provide food, shelter, and comfort for others. They expanded from a on e room apartment to multi ple apartment buildings and a farm on Staten Island The foundations of the Catholic Worker Movement were being put into place 7 For more information s ee : The American Catholic Experience ( 1985, 334 336 ). 8 Again foreshadowing values of Vatican II as expressed above. 9 As expressed above with the reference to Vatican II. 10 The first Red Scare following that o f the Bolshevik Revolution (1917) included the Russian civil war in which an uprising of various workers groups made efforts to overthrow the government. Communist power ensued.
26 Theological Foundations The CW M ovement springs from two ideas 1) the Catholic idea of personalism and 2) the Works of Mercy as expressed in the Gospel of Matthew (25:31 46). P ersonalism is in which the goodness of Christ i s apparent in every person (Day 1963 21). Maurin described a personalist as someone giver not a go getter, Day 1963, 21). 11 Catholic Worker, Chuck Trapkus, ( Trapkus n.d ). For Maurin, person alism meant viewing everyone as a direct representation of Christ and responding to their needs. The Works of Mercy is the second main concep t. gave me so mething to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me in, I needed clothes and you clothed me, I was sick and you looked after me, I feed yo u, or thirsty and give you something to drink? When did we see you a stranger and invite you in, or needing clothes and clothe you? When did we see you sick or in prison of the least of 40 NIV ). Here, the seven acts of mercy include : feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, providing shelter for the homeless, clothing the naked, visiting the impriso ned, visiting the sick, and burying the dead. Day and Maurin took these acts literally and based their actions upon them. (Figure 2 2 ) 11 Personalist Manifesto (Sici us 2004, 35). He combined this with the notion of the Mystical Body of Christ, where all people are united as the body of 13).
27 Day and Maurin also believed strongly in the seven Spiritual Works of Mercy. 12 These were listed by Day as: To admonish t he sinner, instruct the ignorant, to counsel the doubtful, to comfort the sorrowful, to bear wrongs patiently, to forgive all injuries, and to pr ay for the living and the dead (Zwick and Zwick 2005, 30). These practices work with personalism. Day often sa id who are important, not the masses 13 three main project themes: Roundtable Discussions, Houses of Hospitality and Farming Communes. Roundtable D iscussions provided the opportunity to clarify thought by discussing issues. These conversations often took place over dinner and offered a events, leading to a com munity dialogue. Houses of Hospitality offered space to those 14 The Roundtable D iscussions and Houses of Hospitality enabled Day and Maurin to address social problems such as hunger and homelessness. To solve such large pr oblems required a n entirely new system of society The H ouses offered an open door, a comfortable place to stay, food to eat, and good company. The D iscussions provided an opportu nity to talk about the social issues The simple lifestyle of Farming C ommune s linked a craft based eco nomy to the M ovement. Catholic Worker Farms drew from surrounding practices and resources, to 12 According to The Catholic Worker Movement: I ntellectual and Spiritual Origins 13 The Long Loneliness (1952). 14 Luke 9:58. This language r einforces the call of Catholic p ersonalism, viewing all with a sense of Christ.
28 create a craft based economy outside mainstream culture 15 B y encouraging craft based skills, like baking br ead, soap making, and carpent ry, CW Farms promoted the exchange of goods and s ervices for goods and services. This localized economy drew upon local strengths and talents. Maurin believed farming provided a humane alternative system to the degradation of industrialization. From these thoughts came his idea of the Agronomic University, a place to nurture his alternative economic and farming systems Implementing Maurin encountered bills that needed to be paid, usually findin g just enough to suffice As Day described it 1934 59 ). 16 As a group, Day, Maurin, and those who stayed to join the work focused on the present in order to keep the community going Three Pillars : Cult, Culture, Cultivation Maurin often spoke of three pillars: cult, culture, and cultivation. He saw these pillars as springing forth from the concepts of per sonalism and the Works of Mercy C ult referred to the importance of cognition of the Catholic Church worship and scripture (Miller 1984, 257). 17 Equally important, culture, understood by Maurin as 15 mainstr apitalist way. 16 Loaves and Fishes She related the daily struggle of living day to day with the The most notable biblic al passages are the stories found in Matt. 15:34 38 as well as John 6:10 13. 17 than the negative light that most uses of the term today hold.
29 personalism was manifest thro ugh the Roundtable Discuss ions, which helped create alternative stream s of though t and culture. The final pillar of cultiva tion focused on the land. Maurin firmly believed in e CW F arms provided both a holistic experienc e of body and spirit while provid ing a sustainable economy for future generations. Growth and Trajectory of the Movement Following these three pillars, Maurin b egan the first Catholic Worker F arm on Staten Island, New York. Eventually, this farm spawned the establishment o f more Catholic ommunists, socialist s anarchist s and an assortment came to visit ( Day 1970). 18 The topics of discussion and services offered also attracted unlikely characters. Some visitors became inspired and remained, learning from the community and later starting their own CW communities Catholic Worker Houses began opening in cities across the country The diverse responses of CW Houses to WWII, slowed the Movement, as some sup ported and others opposed the war effort. 19 A fter the ending of the war, various CW communities soon rebounded as the number of H ouses began to stea dily increase. Communities fl ourished once again in the 1960 s, as a lternative lifestyles and a strong opposi tion to the war in Vietnam helped 18 Found The Catholic Worker, February 1970. Also found here: http://www.catholicworker.org/dorothyday/daytext.cfm?Te xtID=192 19 d role in WWII. The closing of H ouses was due to mixed feelings on the war effort. The early communities include those of the Midwest. M any community members left the M ovement, serving overseas or working on the home front in an effort to support the
30 promote this growth. Throughout the course of this time, Day continually visited other CW communities and H ouses, encouraging the work and promoting the cause. 20 The death of Peter Maurin in 1949 and Dorothy Day in 1980 di d n ot slow the development of the M ovement Together the founders had provided a foundation on which to build. Their values live on through the communities and their writings. Since each H ouse is individually run, it is difficult to ascertain exactly how m any CW H ouses exist today. Nevertheless the various H ouse websites and word of mouth suggests there are currently over 200 Catholic Worker Houses around the world. 21 Aims and Means of the Movement Currently the M ovement. T he primary just ice and charity of Jesus Christ ( The Catholic Worker 2012 ). This is not taken lightly, as they strive to place the justice and charity of Christ a bove all else, even government laws. In this sense, some Catholic Workers consider themselves Christian anarchists. An anarchist is someone who rebels against authority, abiding by personal rules and power Christian anarchists adhere to the spiritual s tructur es provided by the Gospels. They find n this world because anarchy s to engage without selling out their primary allegiances and core commitments, especially to peac emaking and nonv Radicals 2013). The Though most 20 The Catholic Worker after Dorothy: Practicing Works of Mercy in a N ew Generatio n, specifically Chapter 3, Flowering of the Sixties (McKanan 2008, 71 96). 21 A majority of t hese communities are in the US. Still, a website that hosts a directory of Catholic Worker Houses lists 21 communities in other countries, includi ng: Belgium, Canada, Germany, Great Britain, Mexico, New Zealand, Sweden, The Netherlands and Uganda (The Catholic Worker Movement 2013).
31 religious Catholic Workers adhere to the Bible, like most Christian anarchists, their views often conflict with those of the Church. For many C hristian anarchists, the means is through lifestyle rather than doctrine As tion of a society in which it is The Catholic Worker 2012). economics, labor, politics, morals, and th e arms race. Echoing Maurin, m any within the Ca tholic Worker M ovement advocate for personalism, a decentralized society, and a Each notion three projects and three The cult of worship and the importance of s cripture appear in personalism, that i s, Christ is seen in every person. This stance promotes not only the reality of scripture and biblical virtues, but also the nearness of the values of Christ as they are enacted daily through sharing meals and caring for those in need. The promotion of a s mall scale society appears through culture, as the current mainstream society is called into question. A decentralized society echoes the stream of bioregionalism through an emphasis on the local Community efforts support family farms, land trusts, worker ownership, homesteading projects, food and housing cooperatives, among other initiatives. All of these projects suggest a simpler more personalist lifestyle. Face to face interactions are valued and technology is placed
32 agricultural system of abundance. Ag riculture yields increased, causing the price of food to decrease, thereby sufficiency and simplicity The Catholic Worker 2012). 22 Practice Collectively, these notions are supported through the values of nonviolence, man ual labor, and voluntary poverty ( The Catholic Worker 2012). Nonviolence ca me directly from the teac alled (Matt. 5:9 ). 23 Worker website, does not specifically state th e biblical notions behind labor, it drew fro m Day understandings of Catholic values As she stated, Besides inducing cooperation, besides overcoming barriers and establishing the spirit of sister and brotherhood (besides just getting things done), manual labor enables us to use our bodies as well as our hands, our minds ( The Catholic Worker 2012). In addition to nonviolence and manual labor, Day also viewed voluntary poverty as a oppressed, people may gather a greate r sense of empathy. The pain felt becomes a greater reality and the push for solidarity and justice usually ensues ( The Catholic Worker newspaper, 2012) Th ough not officially related to the Roman Catholic Church, and in some ways very much opposed to the hierarchical nature and orders given, Catholicism played and 22 e ( http://www.catholicworker.org/aimsandmeanstext.cfm?Number=5 ). 23 Similarly the Works of Mercy expounded upon nonviolence aid in Matt. 25:31 46.
33 continues to play a large role for some Catholic Workers. Day, Ma urin, and some of those in the M ovement today have been spiritually enriched by the sacraments, drawing heavily from the Gospel s while still offering a critical critique of the institutional Catholic Church. A Catholic Worker lifer 24 described how his personal faith related to the movement, stating : The Church needs a Catholic Worker presence. The parishioners in the parish near w here I live know our family, see us in the newspaper when we get arrested or go to jail, know about our work with the poor, and mostly respect us for that ministry. If we were not part of a parish community these relationships would not exist (2013). 25 The se views ex tend beyond Catholicism as the M ovement has been adopted by other denominations in addition to those outside the religion entirely. Ecumenicity of the Movement While Catholic Worker Houses and communities still follow biblical teachings, man y hold alternative faiths lying outside the institutional Roman Catholic Church. 26 While Catho lics continue to engage in the M ovement, young evangelical Protestants are becoming more prevalent. This seems especially common with the rise of the Emergent Chur ch Emerging churches are communities that practice the way of Jesus within postmodern cultures. This definition encompasses nine practices. Emerging churches (1) identify with the life of Jesus, (2) transform the secular realm, and (3) live highly commun al lives. Because of these three activities, they (4) welcome the stranger, (5) serve with generosity, (6) participate as 24 I have often heard this term in relation to those that devote ne arly their entire lives to the M ovement. Many of these people met or knew Dorothy Day. 25 Email correspondence with North Carolina Catholic Worker, February 2013. 26 .g. few refer to the Buddhist faith or Hindu faith. I use this word, echoing the Catholic Worker movement today thro ugh the word choice of various H ouses.
34 producers, (7) create as created beings, (8) lead as a body, and (9) tak e part in spiritual activities. 27 The Emergent Church has made popular New Monastics New Monasticism recognizes an emerging movement of young Christians creating religiously based communities in slum neighborhoods. 28 These are usually made in the spirit of the Franciscans, Jesuits and other early church orders. 29 Cath olic Workers a re not limited to Catholics, evange lical Protestants or even those who profess a religion People from many backgrounds are attracted to the CW good natured hospitality, egalitarian focus, and universal conceptions of love and good will. the staying out of the limelight (with the exception of public protests). 30 For example Nashville Greenlands, is based in the so called Bible Belt. Contrary to their location, this CW group describe s sectarian community, not based in prayer or irect action through protests in the promotion of justice and peace, act as a place for 27 The Emergent Church is defined by Eddie Gibbs and Ryan Bolger in their book, Emerging Churches: Cr eating Christian Community in Postmodern Cultures ( 2005). This definition was also echoed in Scot Christianity Today 28 For more information, see: J Living Faithfully in a Fragmented World (1998), Shane The Irresistible Revolution on website ( http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2005/september/16.38.html ). 29 Based out of evangelical Christianity, Shane Claiborne is a prominent New Monastic. He drew from early Church orders in addition to the Catholic Worker in ord er to form his community, The Simple Way located in Philadelphia. See http://www.thesimpleway.org/. 30 Similarly they are not They show the ir faith through works.
35 education about peacemaking and nonviolence, and attempt to create an ecologically iated with the Catholic Worker M ovement through many years of person al association, and a deeply (The Catholic Worker Movement 2013). 31 Y ears after the founders deaths, the spirit continues in the rhetoric, ideas, and values of contemporary communities. The M ovement continues to evolve and expand. Before looking at individual cases, I draw from Pramod Parajuli to help set the stage for how these communities are utilizing bioregionalism in order to sustain themselves. P r amond Par a juli Catholic Workers form Anthropologist Pramond Parajuli defines an through day to day negotiation with their immediate env iro Parajuli viewed these communities as enacting justice both environmentally and 4, 236). Environmentalism of the global S outh encompasses both social and environmental the environmental part of the struggle begins and a joli Laura Pulido, 236). d social justice of the global S outh to understand CW communities in the United States. 31 Today there are various online publications including The Mormon Worker and the Mennonite Worker both heavily influence See: The Mormon Worker in Salt Lake City, Utah, and The Mennonite Worker based out of Oklahoma City (The Morm on Worker 2013; The Mennonite Worker 2010).
36 Parajuli claimed that about initiating alternati 2004, 241). Catholic Workers fit the model for ecological ethnicities as they resist the strictly mainstream (and often global) markets. Ecological ethnicities act as a barrier to global capi tal markets through resistance and political autonomy. T hey provide sustainable living technologies (Parajoli 2004, 254). Understanding who the Catholic Workers are and how they can be co nsidered ecological ethnicities helps form the connection to how they unknowingly have utilized and continue to utilize the modern idea of bioregionalism. They do this in an effort to sustain themselves. Sustainability is a widel y used word in our culture Its broad meaning extends from agriculture to soc ial systems and everything in between. In most cases, sustainability results from the intersection of positive environmental, social, and economic systems. The 1987 United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) addressed this issue in the Brundtland Report The Report offered a holistic understanding of the environmental, developmental, and energy related crises. The WCED defined development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to me should balance the needs of the s Brundtland Report 1987). Sustainability meets the needs of today, while promoting and caring for the needs of the
37 future. 32 In this study I am defining sustainability as that which meets the needs of today without compromising those of the future. Bior egionalism B ioregionalism is the defined by ecological, biological and topographical features. 33 Reinhabitation may occur Worker communi 13) B ioregionalism is not a new concept It was practiced long before it s naming. I t was enacted by indigenous people and later in the 19 th strialized society and his call for a simple lifestyle. Michael McGinnis views bioregionalism as both a philosophy and an activism settled at the intersection of eco logy, politics, and culture. It emphasizes decentralization and place based views of life. Bioregionalism is based in ilosophy is concerned with local economies and their role in supporting inhabitation Before connecting bioregi onalism to the Catholic Worker M ovement, a brie f history w ill help position this term in its proper context. 32 The 2005 World Summit placed sustainability at the confluence of environmental, social and economic Element s of Organizational Sustainab ility, The Perfect Swarm (2009) as speculating that system. In this respect, a sustainable system takes a variety of issues and concepts into account in order to maintain itself (Smith, Elements of Organizational Sustainability, 6). An example of this expresses itself able http://www.earthcharterinaction.org/content/ ). Started by the UN, and now run by an independent international group known as the Earth Charter Commission, this global project set out to 33 Doug Aberley defined the term this way: A body of thought and related practice that has evolved in response to the challenge of reconnecting socially just human cultures in a sustainable manner to the region scale ecosystems in which they are irrevocably embedded (Aberley 1999, 13).
38 History First coined in 1975, 34 scholars have traced the roots of bioregionalism to past authors, activists, and environmentalists. In the beginning of Bioregionalism McGinnis recognized the im portance Walden as it influenced regional planner, Lewis Mumford and his call for ecoregionalism. 35 Ecoregionalism was based regionalism, or a steadily expan ding ough these terms may seem like a better way to represent the Catholic Worker H ouses and communities, I find the holistic concept of bioregionalism best describe s the M ovement. Since Bioregionalism was publi shed in 1999, recent literature has continued to expand the concept of bioregions. 36 Bioregionalism advocates ( McGinnis 1999 3). 37 T he effort s of social movemen ts enacting bioregionalism have continued to popularize this philosophy Anarchy Bioregionalism first appeared in the actions of radical environmental groups to preserve watersheds. In their efforts to preserve various natural areas la rge regional 34 Bioregionalism was first coined by Allan Van New kirk who was active in radical politics of the Eastern U.S; however he failed to expand upon the notion (Aberley 1999, 22). 35 (McGinnis 1999, 3). 36 r 37 Recent scholarship, like that of Terrance Young, a geographer known for his sustainability and bioregionalist work, drew from previous scholars in an effort to find a foundation for this new conc ept. In g: The Vision of Bioregionalism, Howard T. Odum, Frederick Jackson Turner, Patrick Geddes and Paul Vidal de la Blache as having a lasting impact on the philosophy.
39 movement s were established, such as those in the Pacific Northwest involving the preservation of wild salmon. Eco anarchists, such as Earth First and Plant Drum Foundation, raged against mechanical and industrialized culture in th eir efforts to promote the well being especially his poems found in Turtle Island (1974) became popular literature for t hese groups. Using this material, eco anarchists and environmentalists reinforced the notions of being place based, advocating for the holistic concept of nature. These groups enacted this holism by promoting various forms of resistance that defied mainstream activities geared at sectioning off natural areas. Protests and civ il disobedience such as monkey wrenching, 38 fought the dominant culture while establishing unity of their alternative sub culture. The anarchy and resistance of bioregionalism is reminiscen t of the early views of the CW M ovement. For example, many Catholic Workers were, and still are, committed to the Plowshares Movement (against nuclear arms) and the anti death penalty movement. Both environmental and social activists look for an alternative to mainstream id eals. This continues in the CW M ovement today, as displayed through my three case studies and their individual res istance efforts. The overall trend of bioregionalism has expanded from radical environmental eep ties to ecology in the 1970 s and 1980 s and into community groups of the 38 Monkey wrenching The Monkey Wrench Gang (1975). It is a form of eco tage or sabotage in defense of nature. Protestors would throw monkey wrenches into logging machines and other such equipment in an effort to slow and stop the deforestati on of trees. Tree spiking is another form of monkey wrenching. It occurs when spikes are driven into trees, as they wou ld destroy sawmill equipment.
40 1990 s 39 This trend has finally reached into the world of globalization through the social and environmental justice advocacy of today. Catholic Workers and Bioregionalism Catholic Workers have exemplified bioregionalism since their beginnings of simplicity and community al ign with the bioregional ideas of McGinnis. human beings cannot avoid interacting with and being affected by their specific location, place, and bioreg McGinnis 1999, 2 ), Maurin showed the importance of being rooted in the immediate surroundings and conditions. McGinnis argues that bioregionalism is just as much cultural as it is environmental Bioregionalism, he argues, is a grass roots movement ba sed within social and community activism, and existing McGinnis 1999, 4). Like the CW, b ioregionalism does not stop merely at the local. By recognizing the global situation, conte mporary bioregionalism use s the idea of catering to the local in conjunction with living in a globalized world. 40 globalization and localization. Bioregionalism parallels the Catholi c Worker Movement in that the impact for both is localized and global. Both spiritual and religious activities 39 Bioregionalism and Global Ethics entitle d the bioregional imagination Root ed ness: On Bioregionalism and R 40 It is important to note popular bioregionalist authors known to many Catholic Workers. These include Wes Jackson, Wendell Berry, and Ched Meyers. Wes Jackson and Wendell Berry share a particular affinity to the land reminiscent of Peter Maurin.
41 have led to the growth and expansion of bioregionalism 41 I draw upon this term to show how the Catholic Worker Movement, based in a religious and social a ctivist framework reconciles work with a sense of place in or der to sustain its efforts. 42 B ioregionalism provide s a useful context for us to understand the Catholic Worker Movement especially with its community based ecosystems and functioning pow er found outside mainstream American society. Before looking in depth at my case studies, I will provide an overview of how bioregionalism manifests in various Catholic Worker Houses and communities. Bioregionalism and the Creation of Sustainability withi n the CW Movement While the founders, foundations, and history contribute to the M longevity it is ultimately the regard for specifics through the practice of bioregionalism that sustains the CW M ovement today. Each H ouse or community fills it s b ioregionalist niche. According to Dan M cKanan, the CW M ovement is organizati 2008 28 ; 22). This organic nature created its sustainability. R ather than instituting the same mod el in eve ry location, each H ouse and community fills its own niche for the region within which it 41 Totem Salmon: Life Lessons from Another Species discussed the eff orts of a group of people in Northern California who work to protect the Mattole king Salmon. They take their place into account, as they advocate for the protection of their watershed. Their local watershed is 42 Whil e this appears positive, it is important to also acknowledge the negative effects of bioregionalism. Rootedness: On Bioregionalism and Right Wing Ecol in which far right groups have used the bioregionalism philosophy in order to oppose immigration 42 (Olsen 82). Similarly, Catholic draw from the glocal, promoting the care for all pe ople through personalism on both a large and small scale. It is interesting to note, because the literature mentioned above, in addition to this study of Catholic Workers, have taken the exact opposite approach.
42 operates. While vi siting other H ouses, Day counseled those new to the M ovement, McKanan 2008 23). Mc Kanan specifically notes four pieces of advice that Day offered to new Catholic Worker communities. First, start at your current place, meaning, gifts and needs present in your neighborhood and practice the works of merc (McKanan 2008 35). The other three follow a similar a ttitude of simplicity, including the ideas of staying small, honoring your vocation, and accepting mishaps and failure. Staying small counters the common trends of glob a lization and industriali zation. C atholic W orker Houses have a small yet manageable network of relations, focusing on a more artisan and do it yourself approach to life. Tied to the idea of staying small, honoring your vocation invites the individual to purs ue their calling in lif e and do it in a way that produces b eauty. While Maurin advocated both manual labor and self reflection, he recognized the importance of living in a mindful manner, not in an assembly line like setting. y upon the skills of many to promote the daily work. Similarly, the founders accepted learning from mishaps and failures a s part of life. Even today, these communities consider themselves experiments. S oon after purcha sing the first Catholic Worker F arm, D ay and Maurin discovered the sole water source belonged to a neighbor, creating difficulty for sustaining their own crops. They later overcame this challenge by purchasing the surrounding land, which contained a reliable stream (Day 1963, 4 6). For Day, the se challenges were to be embraced and she accepted them as just another part of the experience to live out her beliefs.
43 T hese four ideal s suggest a bioregionalist view that has help ed these communities persist since the death of Day and Maurin Like biore gionalist s, CW communities realize the importance of the goods, services, ideas, and people asso ciated with a particular place. While t here are no living central figures offering these axioms to new CW communities, the legacy of D ay and Maurin allows for t hese guidelines to flourish in t he communities of today. I now provide examples of how bioregionalism is reenacted in present communities Houses Today E ach Catholic Worker community is individually run, unique to the a rea, and centered on the local. As t he website of the recently established San Diego Catholic Worker House states, needs of the people in the area and the prompting of the Holy Spirit (S an Diego Catholic Worker 2013 ). Thes some refusing to be incorporated into an official non profit or NGO. 43 Not only does this refusal show their opposition to the larger governmental social structure, but it also allows for quick adaptation. Thei r plans can change according to emerging needs 44 T he CW Houses recognize the power of the individual as well as the local and the potential harm wrought by centralized structures. As Day put it We must never cease emphasizing the fact that the work must be kept small. It is better to have many 43 Here I use non profit in a governmental s ense, as a 501(c)(3) tax exempt organization. Some Catholic Workers such as the community in Syracuse, NY, run by Catholic Charities, have adapted this identification, or that of a non governmen tal organization (NGO). We see this again with the Houston Cat 44 For example, the Gainesville Catholic Worker (GCW) can change its projects to better meet the needs of the homeless without going through the legalities of a non profit. Specifically, the GCW are able to exceed the meal li mit placed on the local non profit s restricting t he number of meals it can serve due to regulations.
44 s mall places than a few big ones ( Day and McKanan 2008 43). 45 The M ovement grew in precisely this fashion, focusing on many small communities, rather than getting lost in the politics of a large corp oration. This s tructure allowed each H ouse to focus their efforts on the issues in their particular area or bioregion. The Mustard Seed A prime example of this place based attitude is The Mustard Seed, a Catholic Worker F arm, north of Ames, Iowa. While they believe in f eeding the homeless, they recognize their homeless population is nowhere near that of a large city like Los Angeles. Where other CW Houses must rely on outside food sources, The Mustard Seed works to grow food for those in need, donating part of their harv est to local shelters and soup kitchens. 46 Instead of providing a soup kitchen, The Mustard Seed holds farmland. Recog nizing the destruction wrought by modern farming techniques, they work to implement crop rotation, cover crops, green manure, permaculture, promotion of helpful insects, erosion control, and other organic farming m ethods (The Mustard Seed 2013 ). Sheep Ranch Another farming community is Sheep Ranch, located in the foothills of the Sierras, a three hour drive inland from San Francisco. L ike Th e Mustard Seed, they focus on stewardship of the land. Since the community is located 45 minutes from the nearest town, its social action efforts are targeted their various projects over the years, acting as a summe r camp for disabled adults from 45 46 The other part of their harvest goes towards their C SA (Community Supported Agriculture), in which people buy shares of food in an effort to support continual production on the farm.
45 1987 to 2006, and then functionin g as a retreat center in 2001 (Catholic Worker Farm, Sheep Ranch 2013). The Alderson Hospitality House The Alderson Hospitality House (AHH), located in Alderson, West Virginia, uses its eff orts to support the women of a local federal prison camp. Since they opened in 1977, The Alderson House has provided accommodations for over 50,000 guests who come to visit family and fri ends in the Federal Prison Camp ( Alderson Hospitality House 2013 ). Ad ditionally, they offer support for women who are looking to turn themselves in to authorities for a crime they committed. Their website offers information on this process of self surrendering. It informs women of the logistics behind the process, such as what to expect, the time of day in which it occurs, and the formal steps to make the situation as peaceful as possible. They prepare women, by administering helpful tips concerning personal items, goodbyes to family members and contact information for the Bureau of Prisons. Silver Springs Catholic Worker Another hospitality based house is the Silver Springs community in Maryland. Accordi ospitality on a small scale to seniors and those who come to Washington, D.C. for demo nstrations, lobby ing, internships, and studying (Silver Springs Catholic Worker 2013) B ased in the politically active realm of D.C, they also direct their energies toward maintaining a legal clinic, which contributes free legal assistance in cases such a tenant disputes, small claims, immigration, mental hea l (Silver Springs Catholic Worker 2013 ).
46 Su Casa Just as the AHH and Silver Springs focus their effor ts on assisting visitors to prisons and Catholic Worker to cater directly to their guests by offering bilingual services. Since 1990, Su Casa has served their surrounding community givi (Su Casa Catholic Worker 2013). They do this service through education and social action to better their guests and the surrounding neighborhood. Their activities involve a soup kitchen, education for community members and a special area for children known as Su Casa Kids. Reflection C hapter 2 has explored the history of the CW M ovement by looking at its founders, beginnings, foundations, and expan sions. It then linked the issues of bioregionalis m and sustainability to the CW M ovement I ended by show ing how various CW H ouses and communiti es enact bioregionalism today. Chapter 3 provides a more i n depth look at three of these H ouses and their attemp ts to serve in a place based way.
47 Figure 2 1 Founders of the Catholic Worker Movement, (A) Dorothy Day and (B) Peter Maruin. Courtesy of the Catholic Worker Website ( www.catholicworker.org ). Figure 2 2 A picture expressing the Works of Mercy, found at the GCW Courtesy of author (2013)
48 CHAPTER 3 THREE HOUSES My brief look at various CW H ouses and their locations helps connect bioregionalism to the Catholic Worker Movem ent. I focus C hapter 3 on three specific case studies. They illustrate the values of Day and Maurin in different locations and through distinctive structures. I focus heavily on the Gaine sville Catholic Worker (GCW), because I have done extensive research there. Since the GCW modeled it s framework loosely after the Los A ngeles Catholic Worker (LACW), I chose to also look at their projects and structure through the LACW websites and publications. I fo llowed the same method to glean information for my study o f the Houston Catholic Worker Casa Juan Diego (CJD). CJD was selected because it embodies bioregionalism through it s close proximity to the US Mexican border and its focus on immigration. It also holds the official status of a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, unlike the other two houses. All three H ouses demonstrate how bioregionalism appears in the CW Movement The L A Catholic Worker The Los Angeles Catholic Worker (LACW) was founded in 1970. It is positioned in East L A just north of Huntington Park. Los Angel es is one of t he largest cities in the US boasting more than 140 cultures and roughly 224 languages. According to it s w ebsite, L.A. County is home to 9.9 million residents R oughly 51,000 of these residents are homeless and 10,000 of them are located in t he area of Skid Row a run down area 2011). The LACW features a soup kitchen on Skid Row An additional house, four miles away on North Brittania Stree t, acts as their community home and volunteer
49 coordination center. In addition to running the soup kitchen, the LACW also ma nage s a House of H ospita lity for the homeless, provide s hospice care f or the sick and dying, produce s a newspaper, and actively stand s against war and in justice. Although these activities mir ror the larger Catholic Worker M ovement, th e way this community enacts these projects in response to the needs of the community is specialized. Their themes echo the fo undations by provi ding groundwork, but ultimately, like others, the LACW takes its specific location into account. Out of all their projects, the one that is most clearly place base d is their e kitchen is based on Skid Row and opens for serving three days a week, providing m eals to those on the streets (LACW 2013 ). (Figure 3 1) By positioning themselves in the heart of homelessness, they can better take care of the needs of those they serve. Je ff Dietrich a longtime LACW Community member and editor of the LACW Agitator described their mission in a 2008 independent interview as meeting people where they are. As Dietrich noted, haired hippies, and so they called us The Hippie Kitchen (Dietrich 2008). The LACW began by renting a building that once h oused a hotel and a restaurant on the first floor. During that time, the Franciscans paid the rent and supported the efforts. Ultimately, they were able to buy the building. Since then, they have made a few changes: creating a prep kitchen and serving outs people and offers a more positive atmosphere decorated with various donated plants in addition to a few fountains and areas for birds ( Morris 2010) Another long time
50 community member, Catherine Morris has referred to (Morris 2010 ). 1 Debode 201 2). In this way, they offer a critique of the dominant culture, as they resist the city powers at play. 2 Recognizing the issues that arise from living in a big city, the LACW engages in other efforts to support those on the streets S ince L.A. is a fairly spread out city, homeless people may be forced to travel long distances. Although the climate does not fluctuate too much, homeless people must bring their belongings everywhere they go, and be prepared for any form of weather. Most homeless people push sh opping carts, full of belongings and stray cans. Others who are disabled use the carts as a form of transportation. When the city passed a law against removing shopping carts from their various store parking lots, the LACW decided to take matters into th eir own hands. Since 1997, the LACW purchased and distributed over 25,000 shopping carts. (Figure 3 2 ) Not only does the LACW serve the surrounding Skid Row community, but they also engage in protest and resistance actions. R esistance appears in various fo rms of protest through public vigils, marches, prayers, and fasti ng. The LACW has protested such issues as nfair treatment of the poor and homeless, the death penalty, US torture policy, US wars and occupations, and bloated military budgets that rob the poor and make the world an unsafe place to live (LACW 2013). Both the local and the global 1 Also see interview with Catherine Morris, (Morris 2010). 2 This occurs at public protests in which action is presented thr ough nonviolent resistance.
51 are engaged in these protests, as participants see the physical links that connect various issues of concern. At times, the LACW has engage d in acts of civil disobe dience, leading to arrest, jail and prison time. Like most Catholic Worker s, the LACW promotes standing in solidarity with the oppressed in an effort to amplify the voice of the voiceless. Within the pa st year, t hey have teamed with Occupy LA, Occupy Skid Row, Occupy the Hood 3 and LA Community Action Networ k (LA CAN) 4 for various protests. These groups empower those living in poverty In May of 2012, the LACW protested the injustices and mistreatment of the poor and homeless by the Los Angeles Police Depart ment ( LAPD ) The actions, held in front of the Central City Association (C CA), resulted in the arrest of several members from the LACW for blocking traffic and using chalk to deface the sidewalk ( LAC W 2012). These local issues can turn into larger disputes as expressed below. The LACW also offers a voice on national iss ues, such as the death penalty. teachings, such as the story of Zacchaeus in Luke 19:1 10, 5 the LACW push for a lowed to live and are called to destruction ( Debode 2012 ). 3 The Occupy groups, follow and support the larger Occupy Movement, that was made popular by Occupy Wall S po e power ( http://occupywallst.org/about/ ). 4 create and discover opp ortunities, while serving as a vehicle to ensure we have voice, power and opinion http://cangress.org/about us/ ) 5 Though labeled a sinner, upon meeting Jesu s, Zacchaeus, a wealthy tax collector, offered to pay back four times the amount he had cheated. The LACW use the story to show redemption.
52 These calls to action connect their locale to their wider community Just as early environmentalists used bio regionalism to advocate for the well being of their watersheds, and in tu rn the surrounding environment, Catholic Workers advocate for their communities in addition to th e larger social structure. They recognize their acti ons have larger repercussions that reverberate into their community and beyond. The LACW acts locally in an effort to promote broader positive effects. Their local actions create a larger rippling effect showing the wider impact of small communities Drawing from Dorothy Day, they believe 2013 ). Positioning thems elves with a focus on community caters to their surroundings, further echoing the key concepts of bior egionalism. This is also seen in the next case study, the Gainesville Catholic Worker (GCW). Gainesville Catholic Worker The Ga inesville Catholic Worker (GCW) is located in Gainesville, Florida, about an hour and a half drive from both the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean Gainesville, a small town with 125,000 residents, is best known as a college town, home to the University of Florida, which hosts 50,000 s tudent s ( US C ensus 2010 UF 2011). The GCW refers to the LACW as their sister house, modeling much of their structure after that of the long er existing L.A. home Like the LACW, they are unincorporated, partly to stay within the CW tradition, but mainly because the GCW feels like it can better serve the changing needs of the community by existing a s an independent home. The live in community currently consists of Johnny Zokovitch, Kelli Brew, and thei r two children, Johnny and Grace, living upstairs. Downstairs lives a young married couple Gloria and Clayton Grady Schmidt, Mohamad Ramadanan, a n old er moderate
53 Muslim who was formerly homeless, and myself The community ha s held as many as fourteen live in residents and as few as five Community members have included formerly homeless, those suffering from addiction and still others in the confines of mental illness. Johnny who has been directin g the afternoon serving at the H ouse for nine years labels their position in the neighborhood as an accessible location for the east and west civil rights era, has been considered income housing projects. 6 The West side holds the University of Florida Shands Hospital, suburban neighborhoods and prospering schools. 7 According to Kelli, the H third space for folks who norma gives University students and residents from West Gainesville insight into a different world. Many students only come downtown for the entertainment of the theat re, restaurants or nightclubs passing by the H ouse u naware of its foundation in the community. Similarly, the GCW provides a comfortable space for homele ss people to interact with a range of people from the community. The H ouse has hosted people living on the streets, students, and city commission er s all in one dining The s e meetings bridge the differences, causing people to step out from their wo rld and gain insight into the life of someone else. 6 According to various GCW House visitors and local neighbors. 7 West Gainesville holds Haile Plantation, an upsc famous head football coach, Urban Myer.
54 Since purchasing the H ouse, the neighborhood, like most downtown areas is becoming increasingly gentrified. 8 T he area had been home to numerous African American families, yet, over the last eight years, a n increasing amount of college s tudents have moved in. Many CW H ouses are situated in neighborhoods in the process of gentrification, and the increased taxes can be a problem. This has been the case with the Dorothy Day House in Washington, DC, increasing their taxes. 9 Alth ough this is not a worry of the GCW, the eclectic mix of neighbors opens the H ouse up to a variety of people. The GCW began in a small house labeled the Jeremiah House 10 in the Plea sant Street neighborhood, a couple blocks north of their current location and close to downtown I n October of 2000, the early GCW served the community with three primary activities: offering breakfasts at labor pools, preparing and serving a weekly meal at a local homeless shelter and offering hospitality in t heir modest home. In 2004, they expanded to their current location, a larger house w ith seven bedrooms, two and a half bathrooms, a large kitchen and an open c ommunal di n ing and living room (Figure 3 3) The h ouse, whi ch dates back to the early 1900 s, was formerly used as the old Birthing House of Gainesville, an alternative to hospital deliveries, complete with midwives and doulas. This larger house allowed the GCW to joi n other CW H ouses as they began 8 Many people are fixing up older houses and advertising them for rent as higher prices than normal for this area, usually for college students. 9 Even with neighborh ood gentrification, needs still exist. Houses may also expand their impact into surrounding areas, displaying the fluidity of bioregions. 10 The name comes from the pit that Jeremiah was left in. The house had various problems, and the shower consisted of a garden hose st rung through a hole in the wall The GCW actually predates the uests.
55 hosting an in community (GCW 2013) An intentional community is defined by the Fellowship for Intentional Communities, as: An inclusive term for ecovillages, cohousing communities, residential land trusts, communes, student co ops, urban housing cooperative, intentional living, alternativ e communities, cooperative living, and other projects where people strive together with a common vision (Fellowship for Intentional Communities 2013). The GCW was able to create an intentional community along with on going hospitality for a handful of home less men and women. Over the years they have established various H ouse projects to serv e their community, one of which hosts several young people for a chance to live and think differently about their place in the world. In the following paragraphs I will discuss the activities of the GCW House. First I will explore their Metanoia semester Caf, Breakfasts, distribution of socks and blankets, Art for All, and Gree n H ouse Knitters. I end by discussing res istance, lifestyle and local food. Y oung adults usually commit a semester to living at the H ouse. 11 T his time is known as the Meta noia semester, coming from the G reek word, roughly meaning transformation Johnny and Kelli created this internship to allow participants to reevaluate the direction of their lives and the world in which they live This period is viewed as a time of discernment and question ing in their journeys of life Oft en this time provides insight into a different, more communal way of living. It exposes participants to a chance to live out their faith. This type of living places values on developing unlikely relationships and doing simple, often underappreciated work. Part of the work consists of House chores, 11 In some cases, this time continues for a year or longer, as in my case.
56 such as laundry, dish washing, and sweeping. More importantly, this time involves developing uncommon The Metanoia semester allows communion with others, regardless of class or background. This time is about listening and being present with those who need to see a friendly face or hear encouraging words. B y doing odd jobs who stop by the GCW can better welcome guests. The comfort th ey provide creates an atmosphere in which stories can be shared and community made. In additi on to aiding with the H ouse projects and partaking in communal dinners, t he se mester consists of various book readings and d iscussions, scripture study, and weekl y cent ering prayer. Additionally, the live in community hold s H ouse meetings, in which the coming weeks are discussed and planned. House members sign up for various duties and responsibilities, such as tending the chickens, shopping at the cooking dinner, working at the Micro Farm, and being present for such activities as Art for All and Monday Night Knitting (explained below). ts of being present at the GCW H ouse. Every day, Mo nday through Saturday, someone is gu aranteed to be at the GCW from one to five in the afternoon Since the H ouse is not large enough to offer full time over night hospitality in addition to the intentional house members, it tries to accommodate the daily n eeds of those who pass by. During these daytime hours, people can stop to make a phone call, grab a blanket or use the restroom. Additionally, donations can be dropped off, most of which come from local community gardens. 12 12 House Days have changed semester to semester depending on the schedules of those living full time at the House. At one point, a House Day consisted of a 24 hour shift.
57 Like the LACW, t he GCW offers foo d to its surrounding community, but in a different way. The homeless count in Gainesville is considerably lower than that of Los Angeles numbering around 1,500. 13 Recognizing the homeless in Gainesville are not calorie deficient, but rather nutrient depri ved, the GCW focuses its efforts on a weekly home cooked vegetarian meal, incorporating fresh food that is both local and organic in a caf setting ( Kelli Brew and the GCW website). Rather than resorting to a separa te location, the GCW serves these meals from it s home in downtown Gainesville. The GCW offers a space in which people can be served with dignity and respect. Every Wednesday from noon to three dining and living rooms of their home. The tabl es are set with linens, silverware, glasses, plates, and freshly picked f lowers from the garden in front, reminding more The Caf provide s an average of fifty to eighty lunch meals each week, which requires a large oversized kitchen The kitchen offers two stoves/ovens and a wide industrial sink. This is different from thousand meals each serving day, and therefore require s a larger kitchen and more volunteers. Kelli pr epares the m eals each week, with help from other members and various volunteers from the community. Most of the volunteers are coll ege students, which is why the H ouse schedule usually corresponds to that of the University. The GCW take s summers off as a t ime to rest, and in a n effort to not be shorthanded. Kelli Brew is the mastermind behind the meals, organizing a nd leading the preparation with a handful of vo lunteers. She views the C celebration of the 13 Ac cording to Alachua County Coalition for the Homeless and Hungry 2011. For more information see: http://www.acchh.org/infoabout.shtml
58 abunda nce of what grows in our region (Bre w 2013). Nearly all of the ingredients are locally grown, reminding many guests of their Southern family dinners. Such meals include, Collard Greens and Beans, Citrus Salad, Stuffed Squash, Baked Rutabaga and Turnip fries Black Eyed Peas over rice, Stuffe d Sweet Potatoes Veggie Quiche, among others. All meals are served with fresh homemade bread and honey butter 14 O nly vegetarian me als are offered in an effort to respect animals a nd the system in which they were raised. 15 There are many injustices against both animals and workers in the meat industry. B y avoiding the purchases of meat, and buying only local system they oppose ( Pollen 2008 ). Avoiding meat also allows the G CW to keep their kitchen clean. Although not an official certified kitchen, 16 they make a strong ef fort to adhere to industrial standards, showing that good food need not always be regulated. Kelli says they try As Johnny notes t hey car ry out their C af each week, by Mohamad Ramadan who has been to all of the homeless services in Gainesville describes the GCW H ouse Position continues to play a big role in the GCW. Like the LACW, the GCW takes its location and situation into account when designing their projects. T he population size 14 No bread machines are used. Rather Gloria, a current resident, or Kelli mix and kneed 8 12 loaves. Similarly local honey is added to organic butter to create honey butter. Sometimes extra grains are added to the bread creating Sunflower Flax Bread with Cornmeal, Wild grain rice, or oatmeal honey loaves. 15 This acts as a protest against factory farm injustices. These injustices occur as conditions sometimes create unsafe environments for both animals and workers. 16 for profit kitchen incubator, Blue Oven Kitchens (For more information see http://www.blueovenkitchens.org/about/ ). By industry standards, they cannot qualify as an official kitchen, due to their location in a private home. Their little dog, Rudy, also creates a problem for industry standards, however he does his part in keeping the floors clean by eating any crumbs that drop.
59 and resources available are taken into consideration in an effort to cater to the n eeds of the area. Often during the harvest months, extra vegetabl es are available for gues ts to take home with them. The C af attracts homeless as well as low income folks from arou nd the neighborhood. Volunteers, usually students, young adults, and famili es, are always encouraged to sit and eat with guests most of who are on government assistance or homeless. This is done in an attempt to bridge social barriers and norms with the breaking of bread In addition to Dor Johnny and Kelli became aware that many homeless people looking for work typically missed the breakfast served at the local shelter The work these men and occasionally women engaged in was difficult and repetitive labor that was often constru ction related, e.g. moving slabs of concrete, sweeping, laying bricks, picking up trash For the most part, this work required few ski lls and paid low wages. in an effort to recognize the workers and thank them for their work. The GCW would bring freshly made cinnamon raisin bread, cage free 17 hard boiled eggs, and local fruit (usually locally grown oranges or Muscadine grapes) to various labor pools around the area. Volunteers carried t he f ood in baskets, and occasionally set up a table with a tablecloth, flowers, and a candle The decorated tables brought a particular sense of beauty to the labor pool halls which usually consisted of a sparse warehouse with cold concrete floors. The Breakf ast Brigade, as the GCW labeled this project, helped to remind students and other volunteers that these men and women performed important labor. 17 The importance of locally raised chicken eggs, and cage free chickens connects for all life, including animals.
60 Bringing bre akfast showed respect and dignity for both the jobs and, most of all the people who perform ed them In January of 2013, the GCW responded t o changing need s and halted the Breakfast Brigade Since the downturn of the economy, fewer people have been finding work and most of the jobs going out of the labor pools went to men who had previous skills. Many o f these people were coming from their home and had already received breakfast. The need was no longer there. Instead, the GCW discovered that most homeless people have a lapse of time between when they wake up and when the library or other various public s ervices open. T he GCW H ouse refocused their resources and efforts toward a new kind of breakfast served from their home Johnny notes, awkward time. Not just difficult, because The difficulties of sleeping in cold weather, rousted by the cops, taunted by college students it gives them a friendly welcoming place to start the day, catch their breath, feel human again (Zokovitch 2013). 18 Currentl y, e very Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and Friday from 7 am to 9 am, the GCW opens it s doors for a light breakfast. They create a warm atmosphere for people to come, sit for a while and have a cup of coffee and a piece of toast and an egg, or maybe a baked goo d such as a scone or muffin. Again, they cater to their specific place offering local jams and jellies such as Orange Marmalade or Blackberry Honey Jam. 19 The eggs are cage free and come from local farmers and every now and then a Southern favorite (always biscuits and gravy or Swiss Chard Frittata Again, their position acts to their advantage 18 Various guests agree with Johnny. A homeless man with tan leathery skin commented on how nice it was to have breakfast at the H ouse. He appreciated the positive tone it set for the rest of his day. 19 Both a local favorite.
61 as they are situated in relative proximity to public service offices, legal offices, the ho meless shelter, and the library Waiting in a cozy house is usually preferred to wandering around outside for these services to open. Since January, numbers ha ve increased to an average of 40 45 guests each morning. Like the Caf, sometimes the numbers correspond to the time of month, as many people receive government assistance. While Johnny and Kelli speculate that the numbers correspond to paydays and days of harsh weather, t hey have noticed that overall, there is no particular pattern. People come when they come. At the G CW homeless and low income guests appear on a daily basis and give back in different ways. One man, who usually bikes everywhere, brought the GCW a rather large chocolate bar (taking out 20% for himself). 20 Others offer small acts of kindness, gracing the H ouse with artwork, cleaning up trash in the yard or helping with service the y can. Those in the surrounding Gainesville community who may not be able to give time or serv ice, may donate money and gifts, such as socks and blankets, to the H ouse. When a cold snap is forecasted, donations of blankets come pouring in. People can stop by anytime during the week to pick up additional layers Many of these items are distributed from the GCW during breakfasts and the Cafe. Again, this form of distribution caters to their specific location. Since most people do not expect cold weather in F lorida when temperatures drop, the homeless are caught unprepared. The GCW works to 20 Another time, he donated a bag of beans and a single potato. A large amount, if you do not have much.
62 collect and distribute blankets during the winter months. They offer to wash and replace any dirty blankets in an effort to save them from the trash. Additionally, the humi dity in Northern Florida can be extremely high, preventing the drying of clothes soaked in a rainstorm or from the mor ning dew. For this reason, the H ouse also works to collect socks. Distributing clean socks prevents complications that arise from wet feet along with issues of other illnesses. Over the years, additional projects like the collection of blankets and socks, have emerged, adapting and changing in response to community needs. Art for All, weekly gatherings in which art is created from recycle d materials, wa s started by a former community H ouse member in an effort to utilize her skills. Participants turn calendars into gift bags, magazines into greeting cards and scraps of fabric into prayer flags. Th e gatherings began as a way for homeless peo ple to earn a small amount of income by selling th eir recycled art through the H ouse. After various meetings including homeless, formerly homeless, and community participants, Art for All soon transformed itself in an art therapy group, as they focused mor e on the emotional connections behind their creations rather than making enough to earn an income. Another project is the Monday Night Green House Knitters group. Every Monday eve ning, throughout the year, the H ting group. The group was originally established to provide homeless women a place of their own. Most homeless women travel with a male counterpart for protection, and usually do not find time for themselves. The original need for the spa ce did not match p articipants, but still the group continued. They teamed with Art for All and supplied
63 v arious items for the art sales. Their crocheted rugs m ade from old t shirts became a signature item. Resistance The GCW also addresses the needs o f the community by eng aging in various protests including such local actions as joining pray ins 21 and holding signs in support of workers rights. 22 Members have also attended events like the School of the Americas 23 protest in Ft. Benning, Georgia, pushing for the closing of a U S based militant training area. resistance is found in their H ouse projects. Perhaps the most well publicized project is the Peace Crane Project. Made from used and outdated magazines and hung on beaded strands, these sm all origami bi rds beautify the H ouse and the community while representing the greater cause of world peace. In August of 2011, for the 66 th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the GCW engaged in an act of guerrilla art as 40 community members met and f olded one thousand paper cranes to hang throughout various locations in Gainesville. Over the course of four days, they decorated downtown Gainesville with 21 Pray ins are public prayer vigils. The GCW joined one held by the Coalition of Immokalee Workers ( CIW ) at a local Publix in p romotion of fair wages. 22 They have done this in support of such localized groups as The Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW). The CIW based organization of mainly Latino, Mayan Indian and Haitian immigrants working in l http://www.ciw online.org/about.html ). They push for fair wages, better working conditions, respect and dignity. 23 The School of the Americas (SOA) is a militar y training facility that is linked to many conflicts in South and Central America. Protesters see the base as a militant training area for foreign governments as well as US military personnel to learn tac tics in the act of suppression. For more information see: http://www.soaw.org/.
64 these birds, each attached with a message that read Peace in 24 ( Figure 3 4) This action is strikingly similar to action. After being deeply influenced by various Vietnam protests, Rumpf and a group of people trespassed on government property in an eff upon military planes (Riegle Troester 1993, 223). Rumpf hung paper cranes on various couple planes. They hammered on weapons, symb olically displaying their opposition to the war. 25 Lifestyle Resistance enacts itself t hrough lifestyle choices While many Cath olic Worker H ouses and individuals commit to a life of poverty, sustaining on donated items or dumpster diving, 26 the GCW does not resort to these measures (Ho lben 1997 ). Instead, the GCW makes an active eff ort to live simply realizing their actions impact others. 27 In their dining room, green letters grace the wall, stating, o the best that you can in the place where you are and b They understand nonviole nt resistance takes many forms and try to cultivate a local peace through their daily actions. 24 Another well known art project is their crocheted rugs. It uses old t shirts, savaged from ending up in the trash. 25 ng of 1,000 paper cranes. Sasaki was a survivor of the bombing of Hiroshima. She passed away from leukemia, 9 years after the http://www.wcjb.com/local news/2011/08/paper cranes promoting peace 26 Dumpster diving is the act of salvaging food from the dumpsters of restaurants and grocery stores. This promotes solidarity with the po or, while presenting a simple, non consumerist lifestyle. 27
65 T he GCW makes a conscious effort to re move itself from the mainstream, industrialized food system and the associated social and environmental devastation. They promote alternative activities such as keeping chickens, composting and gardening in the medians of the adjacent parking lot. They derive a significant portion of the food they serve from a local large family garden, common ly referred to as The Mi c r o Farm. The GCW has established a relationship with the family that runs this agricultural endeavor, which is located a mile away from the H ouse. Local Food The Micro Farm is run by a young family who volunteer s at the H ouse as a group a half acre of land surrounding their suburban home, encompassing their entire yard. ficial, but rather something the GCW community has labeled them. Although volunteers from the GCW House come once a week, the work is on going spirit of the Community workdays occur on the third Saturday of each month. The GCW H ouse supplies volunteers and the farm delivers a generous portion of vegetables each week. In addition to The Micro F arm, the GCW receive s local produce from farmers with whom they have developed relationships over the ye ars. T he Hendersons provide discounted oranges in the winter and the Grah ams offer vegetables and canned goods such as hot pepper relish and various jams and jellies. For goods they are unable to buy from farmers markets, they resort to the lo cally owned g rocery or the Citizens Co op. 28 28 A local cooperative grocery store that sells local and organic items and produce. For more information see: http://www.citizensco op.com/
66 Again they commit to protecting the larger landscape by purchasing organic food ( most of this consists of grains, like rice, quinoa, pasta, etc. and baking ingredients such as flour, sugar etc ). For household supplie s they purchase items with the lowest environmental impact possible, refilling soap bottles, purchasing environmentally friendly cleaning agents and looking for materials made from previously recycled materials, such as toilet paper and trash bags. Taken togethe r, the resistance of the GCW both through protest and lifestyle choices, displays their dissatisfaction wi th the dominant culture. T hrough these forms of ( Maurin 1961 ). 29 This opposition aids their personal quest for living an authentic and integrity filled life. Just like the LACW and the GCW, these reflections continue in the last case study, Casa Juan Diego (CJD). Houston Catholic Worker My third case study Hous Casa Juan Diego (CJD) s 30 Houston is about a five and a half hour drive from the US Mexican border. CJD focuses primarily on serving undocumented immigrants and refugees (Kir kwood 2011) Founded by Mark and Louise Zwick in 1980, CJD began by offering hospitality to the refugees who came in from the wars in Central America (Connolly 2012). Over the years they have expanded their community from one to ten homes, offering service s such 29 the Dorothy Day Centenary Conference, Marquette University, October 10, 1997, fou nd here: http://www.catholicworker.org/roundtable/pmlegacytext.cfm?Number=67 30 A Houston 2013), the city hosts such well known facilities as Texas Medical Center and Johnson Space Center, in addition to a rising music scene. Officially home to over two million people, 919,000 who classify themselves as Hispanic or Latino.
67 food and clothing centers. All of their services cater directly to immigrants, mainly those of Mexican and Cent ral American descent and o rigin. (Figure 3 5 ) Nonprofit In 1982, CJD registered with the IRS and incorporated as a 501(c) ( 3 ) nonprofit organization in an effort to better cater to their community. 31 Although a government recognized charitable organization, CJD considers themselves t o be a CW House Some Catholic Workers view becoming a nonpro fit as an individual preference. 32 They realiz e each house does what it can to respond to the circumstances of their particular bioregional. Sometimes that involves t he form of incorp oration. Oth er h ouses strongly oppose incorporating as they feel it lessens the passion of the work and creates a more institutionalized feel. 33 The LACW decided not to follow the nonprofit path, stating, e do not accept nor solicit donations from corporations nor th e institutional church. We do not write grants. We are not, and never h ave been, a 501(c) (3) non (LACW 2013). Rather, adhering to the anarchy of Dorothy Day and ans should not expect reward fro (LACW 2013 ). Either way, the nonprofit dimension of CJD shows that Catholic Workers are a diverse crowd. Though CJD is an official 501(c)(3), I do not believe th ey intend to 31 Nonprofits also adhere to guidelines, regulations, and power structure s beyond those of the house members and communities. These take the form of board members, bylaws, and governmental 32 In some CW communities, becoming a nonprofit is looked down upon. Other CW Houses could care less about nonprofit incorporation. 33 This is an interesting point as some Catholic Workers echo the thoughts of Peter Maurin, as he stated n Rosalie Riegle
68 fall out of line with the CW M ovement. For example, they still demonstrate anarchistic tendencies as their work care s for those unwelcomed by the US government. Like all CW H ouses, their organizational structure diffe rs according to their situation lo cations, and the people involved. Further discussion of CJD can be found in Chapter 4 Reflections I have offered cases studies of the LACW, the GCW and CJD to show how each caters to the particular needs of their communiti es. ( Table 3 1) Both the LACW and the GCW aid the homeless as individual collections of people, while CJD supports immigrants through a nonprofit model. Each provides an overview of what it means to serve the needs of their regions, with the local resources and community support. I now tu connect to bioregionalism
69 Figure 3 1 The L.A. Cathol Mike Wisniewski, http://lacatholicworker.org ) Figure 3 2 Courtesy of Mike Wisniewski, LACW website ( http://lacatholicworker.org 2012 ).
70 Figure 3 1 The Gainesville Catholic Worker Courtesy of author (2012).
71 A B C Figure 3 4 ( A) Paper Cranes hanging in the Downtown Bo Diddley Plaza. ( B) A Paper Crane made from recycled paper. ( C ) Cranes in front of a local business. Courtesy of Kelli Brew (2011) F ound on the GCW website ( http://gainesvillecw.org ).
72 Figure 3 4 Our Lady of Guadalupe, the inspiration behind the name CJD. Featured on htt p://cjd.org/ 2012 )
73 Table 3 1 Comparison of three case studies. CW House LACW GCW CJD Location Los Angeles Gainesville Houston Year Founded 1970 2000 1980 Status Individual Individual Nonprofit Serves Homeless Homeles s Immigrants Population of Region ~9.9 million ~125,000 ~2 million Website http://lacatholicworker.org/ http://gainesvillecw.org/ http:/ /cjd.org/
74 CHAPTER 4 RELIGION AND GEOGRAPHY P olitical boundaries both create and reinforce divisions. 1 In an effort to deconstruct these formalized boundaries and understand how a fairly recent term, like bioregionalism, is used to promote the sustainab ility of the Catholic Worker Movement, I Crossing and Dwelling: A T heory of Religion (2006). In his theory, dwelling and crossing help account for movement, relation, and position. I u se these key aspects for understanding Catholic Workers H ouses in relation to their community work. His notions of dwelling and crossing expressed through aquatic metaphors can assist underst anding how the Catholic Worker M ovement sustains itself through b ioregionalism. Position Tweed on Position In Crossing and Dwell: A Theory of Religion Thomas Tweed employs geographic notions of movement and place in an effort to make sense of Catholic ritual enacted by Cubans in Miami, Florida. The result of his stud y is a kinetic understanding of religion that is both relational and dynamic. Understanding posi tion allows a smooth transition into the notions of dwelling in a particular place, movement through crossing, and the power of relationships. Just as I have ma understanding of position to place my case studies. Tweed reminded us that religions have their place as they imagine the wider terrestrial landscape and the ultimate 1 egions based on political boundaries, however are territories designed for ease of management rather than sustainability ). For more information see: Landscape Journal
75 horizo n of human existence bioregionalism, as both bioregionalism and Catholic Workers account for the local in addition t o the global. Their position is not static, but instead takes movement, both regional and global, into account. Together these organic cultural fl ows move through is rem Space and Homogeneity the 1995 book Global Mod ernities. to cast the idea of g Robertson combined the two, considering both space and time (Robertson 1995, 40). Catholic Workers engage in glocalization as they transmit concepts from pre viously visited H ouses to tha t of a new community. By accounting for their strengths and the needs of the local community, Catholic Worker Houses are able to assist their homelands in addition to the wider or global landscape. As expressed through the concept of bioregionalism, many C their projects care for both the regional as well as the larger surrounding area. Their glocality is exemplified through various social actions in the form of resistance, such as direction action and lif estyle choices, to be described below. This resonates with Tweed, as he provides a fluid understanding of movement
76 among vast regions of both time and space. For Tweed, religion perpetuates crossing and dwelling with the establishment of steady, flowing s treams. Crossing refers to the moving across boundaries, home, homeland and cosmos. Dwelling is a place of being that is mapped, built, and inhabited. It is with these two concepts that we receive an understanding of how religion deals with space and time through a series of relationships. Catholic Workers are constantly negotiating and renegotiating spaces through crossing, dwelling and movement flows. In this sense, they can cater to both the local and the global as they draw from the encouragement of oth er Catholic Workers, foundational values, and their surroundings. This is enacted through their actions, as seen prominently with resistance. Resistance R esistance includes both direct action protests and nonviolent, intentional choices. 2 The latter inc ludes activities such as the work of CW intentional communities. They purposefully choose to spend their time, energy and resources constructively feeding the hungry, giving clothing to the na ked and sheltering the homeless rather than participating in des tructive activities. Riegle not ed orkers point out that they are both protesting and resisting by living counter culturally in community and providing Troester 1993 184). By partaking in counter cultural efforts, resources are spen t in a different way, promoting alternative forces and power. Those 2 Rosalie Riegle Troester found, simple trespass action, to the nonviolent property destruction know as the Plowshares Disarmament Actions, with imagery t (Riegle Troester 1993, 184). The Plowshares movement is firmly against nuclear weapons and power. It draws i 4, as swords were beaten into plowshares and spears into pruning hooks. Similarly, resisting the dominant culture has also proven to be a form of action. For example, refusing to pay income taxes has become a form of resistance as H activities as war, the production of nuclear weapons, and other such endeavor s (Riegle Troester 1993, 185).
77 who live in this way fight the current system by questioning mainstream society and the authority powers that support it. This form of resistance is expressed though each of the three hous es I spotlight. global. Glocalization enacts itself in their service of meals on Skid Row and through their engagement in public protest. Drawing attention to examples of homeless discriminations or the destruction of the death penalty offers criticism of inequalities within mainstream society. Providing shopping carts to their friends on the streets or chalking sidewalks call into question the morality of dominant powe rs (laws and police authority). 3 Likewise, the GCW bridges the gap of their immediate surroundings and that of the larger region or world. Their push for peac e penetrates the larger context as, for example, they hung paper cranes of peace in remembrance of the 66 th ann iversary of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. By publicly hanging these cranes, they looked to broaden the thoughts and hearts of their community. Not only are they pursuing peace by beautifying the town, they are expanding the call to peace by remind ing their neighbors of injustice. Again glocalization occurs in their attention to food. By promoting a local food system, they are actively choosing not to participate in larger industrial agriculture. Their choice is intentional as it promotes the local as well as the global By supporting local farmers, they are supporting a transparent, just food chain. Similarly, in the purchase of organic and environmentally friendly goods, they are investing in a more sustainable 3 By recognizing a flawed system of authority, the LACW ca n make efforts to make a positive change in their neighborhood and the larger community.
78 future. This investment is enacted as they promote companies and organizations that choose an alternative, more positive way of production and manufacturing defined by environmental and human rights standards More so, by raising their own gardens, tending their own chickens, and doing witho ut, they lessen their participation in the CJD also practices resistance as their work speak s directly against the US of immigration. They do not ask to see k documentation from those they aid, but rather t 4 Their wor k impacts people across borders as the care for one may provide emotional and spiritual strength of families in Latin America. The glocal is ex pressed through the name of CJD as it is drawn from the religions of many of those familiar with the story of Juan Diego and the Virgin of Guadalupe (expressed below). In this respect, they are directly enacting Religious practitioners, especially those from other countri es, help fuel the religious overtone of CDJ. Their participation brings their faith from their place of origin to their current locatio as well as those of the LACW and the GCW go beyond placement. These houses also represent motion as we view them in relation to Movement and Relation among R egions crossing and dwelling help us understand how Catholic Worker Houses sustain themselves. As mentioned above both the GCW and the L ACW position themselves, geographically, culturally, and socially, in a setting through their protests, projects, and simple lifestyle. These actions aid the constant movement 4 As exemplified through Luke 10:25 37, The Parable of the Good Samaritan.
79 of values between the local and the global. They both use resistance in an effor t to bridge the gap between the local and the global. In this respect, they are able to cross boundaries, connecting the act of speaking out against community violence in L.A. with the opposition of war or hanging a paper crane in Gainesville wi th the symb olism of world peace. A n even greater example of the impo rtance of movement and relation is presented through the Houston Catholic Worker and their particular focus on immigration. Again, echoing the importance of bioregionalism, the Houston Catholic Worke the local and the global through the movement of ideas such as anti industrialization and nonviolence, but they, more than the others, deal with the movement, position and rela tion of the physical, through their front line work on immigration. Movement and relation are also exemplified through CJD as they host and cater ide include serving food offer ing clothing, caring for the sick, holding English classes, putting on a weekly Spanish liturgy service, shelter ing men new to the country, and housing pregnant and battered women whose spouses have been deported. Immigrants utilize the services as needed as CJD provides a foundation on which to rebuild life. Their website hosts a list of Houses of Hospitality abroad for immig rants who have been deported back to Mexico and Guatemala. Though only a list of names and addresses, this information can be vital t o someone who was removed or deported from the U S Additionally, blogs and past publications offer literature that mov es through time. While most CW H ouses presen t thoughts on Day, Maurin, the M ovement, Catholic social
80 teaching, liberation theology, and ec onomics CJD caters specifically to the issue of movement through its writings of immigration and globalization. Throughout the years CJD has se en an estimated 50,000 people. M ostly immigrants, pass through their doors in search of a better life, restored health and spiritual comfort ( Serazio 2005). 5 Similar to glocalization, movement, relation, and position are also represented through the very name of CJD. The story of Our Lady of Guadalupe tells of the appearance of the Virgin Mary manifested as an indig enous woman to a poor Native American named Juan Diego. Juan Diego was instructed by the saint to speak to the Bishop about the importance of the native people. Though reluctant at first, the Bishop ion of Our Lady of Guadalupe im CJD labels the story a reminder that the poor are ). While movement and relation appear in CJD, it did not originate here. Dorothy Day wa s always traveling to other CW H ouses, encouraging and at times reprimanding notion of crossing. Before entering this discussion, it helps to understand the point from which the crossing is initiat ed. I will now explain Dwelling For Tweed religions establish ever expanding homes or dwellings. He labeled the various degrees of homemaking starting with the body, expanding to the home, into the homeland and finally beyond t o the cosmos. Each level appears pertinent to the Catholic Worker Movement. 5 T hey push for immigration reform and better policies th at help those moving into the U S.
81 While homemaking is an essential part of any CW H ouse, it is a particularly important theme at the GCW. Recognizing that many of their guests do not have a place to live, the GCW strives to host a space that is not simply a house, but a home. They serve needs, while creating a beautiful space in which people can feel welcome, as if it is their home. 6 Founders Johnny Zokovitch and Kelli Brew have lived at the GCW since its beginning Homemaking is significant to them because it is their home. Not only do they feel the desire to create a loving space where their two children who live at home with them and their four grown children can feel safe coming to, they also are driven to pro vide a safe place for those outside their immediate family to come and rest. Like Day, they are personalists, as they strive to see Christ in every person who walks through their doors. This idea brings the notion of family to the forefront, as Lawrence H olden noted very human person is, in and of him or her self, the whole, total, and complete focus of the self (Holden 1997, 6). As stated above, personalism asserts that there are connections between the rede mption of individuals and that of the whole universe (Holden 1997, 31). Johnny notes the importance of going beyond the metaphorical labeling of others as their brothers and sisters in Christ, but actually believing that every person is their brother and s ister in Christ. your brother came to the door hungry, disheveled, and frighten, you day old PB & J sandwich and some pie filling. No, you would prepare the m something nourishing to eat (Zokovitch 2009). 6 One homeless man felt so comfortable he took his shoes off, once inside, only to find them gone by the time he was ready to leave. Luckily, a community member offered him another pair.
82 In most cases, a home is established along with a notion of family. Even those H ouses that are incorporated, such as CJD, still hold a family like atmosphere, caring for the needs of the community and individ uals rather than using the jargon of catering to the public. Many of those who visit the H ouses reside in surroundin g regions. M any of those who visit the LACW stay in the streets of Skid Row in L.A. while Tent City 7 and surrounding woods supply the locat ion for the homeless of Gainesville. By pr oviding a warm atmosphere, the H ouses offer a home to those without. One morning when discussing the GCW and its impact, a regular guest came i back yard for weather is particularly rainy, the GCW opens its doors to a handful of their homeless friends. If room is limited inside, John ny and Kelli open their backy ard as a space for people to stay. This hospitality acts as a gift especially as many homeless are run off of private property and occasionally arrested for trying to sleep in public areas. Although the home is a comfortable space, Tweed reminds us, it i impermanence is expressed through the notions of hospitality in the LACW, the GCW, and CJD. The life they create for guests is not meant to be permanent, but rather a step towards independence an d the creation of a sustainable livelihood. Realizing the downward spiral of homelessness, they know that not everyone achieves this independence. In that case, the LACW, GCW, and CJD offer a place of resting, a break from the harsh world. Houses of H ospit ality offer a chance for guests to recuperate, recover, and rejuvenate and are usually not a permanent 7 Tent City refers to an area in the woods where many homeless set up camp.
83 residence. Similarly, many H ouses offer care for the sick and those recentl y released from the hospital. The dwelling, though temporary, is home for youn g adults w ishing to learn more about the M ovement and its alternative and simple lifestyle. Commitments for the semesters as well as hos pitality invitations vary from House to H ouse and for the most part people come and go as they please. Tweed comments on this fluidity through the use of aquatic metaphors particularly seen in Gilles Deleuze and F 2006, 59). This is further explained below as dwellings are crossed. The fluid movement of Catholic W orkers dates back to the first H ouse in New York. People came and went as they saw nece ssary. Maurin saw the need for Houses of H ospitality to be similar to that of parish houses of early times, stating : W e ne ed houses of hospitality as much as they needed them then, if not more so. We have parish houses for the priest, parish houses for educational purposes, parish houses for recreational purposes, but no parish houses of hospit ality ( Miller 1984, 259). For M aruin, it was important for every home to have a Christ Room. 8 He found no reason for people to turn others away to a governmental agency In this respect, the CW M ovement caters to the personal body. Its anarchistic nature allowed and continues to allow f or a free environment in which very few externally structured rules and regulations exist. The community takes on the responsibility of caring for each other, rather than relying on government assistance. This notion expands the study into the homeland. 8 A Christ Room refers to an extra room for expected and unexpected visitors, or those in need.
84 Ju st as the body gave way to the home, the home offers itself to th e notion of the homeland. This fluidity i s precisely how bioregionalism affects the Ca tholic Worker Movement as each H ouse creates a symbiotic relationship with its homeland. In the case of m ost Catholic Workers, their homelands are the communities in which they are situated. The GCW, LACW and CJD depend greatly on their surrounding community. As Lawrence Holben states in All the Way to Heaven e are meant for community, community understood as a place where love is found and given in all the interactions (including frictions) of daily living and shared fortune (Holben 1997, 27). The community is both the served and the server. Not only are the needs o f the surrounding community met but the resources used to meet these needs are gathered and utilized In the case of the GCW, outside community members donate food, time, and money to ensure the longevity of the H noted, the homeland deals wi 110). CW H catholic hints at notions beyond our world. Kelli, who has visited a wide a rray of CW H ouses, views her work at the GCW and the broader work of the CW M g out the spirit of Dorothy Day (Brew 2013). She sees the work displayed by Day and the work at the GCW to be very similar. Situations are d ifferent, but the basic motivations and intentions behind the work is the same. Again drawing upon the notion of bioregionalism and the importance of utilizing local resources and efforts to create positive repercussions within each community.
85 Kelli noted how Day struggled to find any food to provide me n and women because it was the D d available. Those donors who aid the H ouse en courage the effort to buy local, organic and fair trade products. Not only do these activities tie various homelands together as these purchases work to promote positive environments for both people and nature, but they also symbolically display a universa l love that transcends both time and space. The push to buy local, organic and fair trade is an effort to promote a system that not only benefits c urrent people and places, but also supports a social atmosphere and environment that can flourish for generat ions to come. 9 Fluidity The LACW, GCW, and CJD all practice resistance F orms of resistance also create a sense of fluidity as spaces are negotiated and systems are co nstantly created and recreated. Though individually structured, each H ouse hosts a grea t deal of fluid ity through the movement of their projects, guests, and/or services. The GCW expresses this aquatic metaphor through their experimental nature. Even after almost thirteen years, t hey continue to refer to their H ouse as an experiment in the m to the transient nature of this. T hings 9 The conditions of work and the land benefits workers, the environment and those immediately effected involved. Additionally it promotes a higher standa rd of living for future generations. By implementing future. The same can be said of the environment. By creating sustainable food systems now, we c an better ensure sustainable systems of agriculture and food for the future.
86 per sonal lives in relation to the H ouse, but right now it feels like a really good place (Brew 2013). The fluid notion has expressed itself in the experimental concept of dwelling in addition to the idea of crossing. Fluidity corresponds with bioregionalism, as bioregions and watersheds themselves are constantly changing areas. For example, w hile climate stays steady during various spans of time, the ever looming climate change presents the world in flux. Watersheds flood and land forms ch ange. New region s with different needs and resources arise. I find this to be the case in Los Angeles, Houston, and Gainesville. Both the natural and cultural environments of these areas matter, as these aspects sustain life and livelihood. Changing climate may prohibit crossings, dwellings, movements, and relations from forming. By understanding this fluidity, we can better comprehend the role o f dwelling in addition to the position of crossing. Crossing The biggest thing is that the Gainesvi lle Catholic Worker is an extended community that goes well beyond the people who live he re (in Gainesville) and wel l beyond those who live at the H whatever small thing or whatever little thing they can do. Not a heroic amount, but doing what they are capable of doing. I see our Catholic Worker (House) as b eing a really large extended community that kind of goes beyond time and space (Zokovitch 2013). Tweed made clear that dwellings do not come without movement. Each aspect of homemaking suggests some form of crossing. Crossing, like dwelling, comes in vario us forms. It further promotes the negotiation of space as movement causes areas to be interpreted and reinterpreted. Tweed discussed terrestrial, corporeal and cosmic crossing as it mirrors various spaces, each aiding a particular form of movement. It is
87 t hrough this movement that aquatic metaphors are applied in an effort to show the open transition periods of the body, emotions, and spirit. Tweed discussed terrestrial crossing in relation to physical motion. He spoke directly to the notion of pilgrimage and it place of orig in or sacred area. I mentioned Day physical mobility during the early years of the CW M ovement as she encouraged and supported other H ouses through traveling. In addition to her travels, othe r people involved with the Movement set out on their own voyages to discover what other CW H ouses looked like and how they functioned. Today, this physical motion enacts itself as a form of pilgrimage as many Catholic Workers travel the country staying at H ouses along the way. The GCW has had more than a handful of calls, which ha ve resulted in various visitors from current and past CW Houses interested in visiting and seeing how the GCW specifically works and caters to their social environment. Similarly, the GCW engages in a form of pilgrimage as they encourage their Metanoia semester residents to choose another Catholic Worker community to visit. Their young adults have since traveled to the LACW, the Dorothy Day CW (Washington D C ), the Karen House (St Louis), and the Haley House (Bos ton), among others. For current resident, Glor ia Grady Schmidt the idea of visiting other H ouses adds to the experience, H ouses apply some of the same principles of Dorothy Day and Peter Marui Physical crossings may appear more clearly in the aid and connections supplied to guests. While this is evident in the care for immigrants at CJD, it is important to note that each H ouse presents some kind of physical crossing for guests, residents, an d
88 community members. As mentioned above, people are constantly mo ving in and out of the H ouses. Very rarely i s the home an ending location. The beginning stages of the CW M ovement display this movement as well, beginning with its first public appearance i n newspaper format. Starting as a newspaper, the Catholic Worker acted as a way to distribute information by transcendi ng physical and social space. Dur ing the Great Depression era, Day first began writing on such issues as unemployment, evictions, the eco nomic system, and communism 10 Copies were sold for a penny each, and stayed at that price throughout t he lifetime of Day. Today most H ouses continue in the spirit of the first Catholic Worker through the ir publications, which include H ouse news, prominent issues of the day, social commentary, and reprinted essays from Day, Maurin, and other Catholic Workers. This notion of traversing time and space is discussed below as a cosmic crossing. The idea of reaching out to current supporters, friends, and family via news publications offers another example of terrestrial crossing. Publications as Crossings E ach H ouse, Los Angeles, Houston, and Gainesville, crosses the boundaries of space utilizing the same means of written words. As mentioned above, the Catholic W orker started as a newspaper. It was never meant to generate an income, but rather rothy Day: Select Writin gs, 61, 1934). Since then, the M ovement has continued as many H ouses have followed suit, producing publications similar to those of Day and Maurin. 10 Holding communistic ideas, though heretical, in a positive light (Miller 1984, 262).
89 The physical movement generated by these publications cross es boundaries of space, a of terrestrial crossing. In terms of CW Houses today, the LACW offers one of the larger newspaper s The LACW publishes a paper six times a year, called the Catholic Agitator. ( Figure 4 1) Following in the steps of Day and Mau rin, LACW offer cheap subscriptions for $1 a year, but they are more than happy to accept subscription without any payment. 11 They supporters and spread our ideas on what it mean s to be a disciple of Jesus in our crossing, as the newspaper is meant to act as a bridge for exten ded community and those at the H ouse. Similarly, CJD also offers a news publication that is bilingual, half in English and the other half in Spanish (covering t he same stories). Simply named t he Houston Catholic Worker the publication is issued roughly five times a year in an effort to share stories of current Catholic Worke rs, volunt eers, and those aided by the H ouse. ( Figure 4 2) Like the LACW, they also post pertinent issues and the progress of national campaigns in an effort t o keep those interested in CJD and their work up to date. The November/December 2012 issue featur ed an article on the Dream Act, a nation wide push to allow young undocumented immigrants the opportunity to become legal, pursue an education, and attain better jobs. These articles cross terrestrial boundaries, extending the work, efforts, and support be yond those in the community. 11 a second class mailing permit if you give away a copy; so you put the least possible price on it to indicate
90 The same situation occurs at the GCW. Of the three houses, the GCW, perhaps the smallest size wise and situated in the smallest town, also offers the shortest newsletter publication, which they have named ConSpire (Figure 4 3) ConSpire, offers the H ouse letter, a and vari ous events involving the H ouse. House projects including Caf, Art for All, Breakfasts, Knitting, and gardening days are included. Reflections are a lso offered from both from present H ouse members as well as past writings from Day and Maurin. This is similar to other CW Houses and helps to keep the tradition alive. ConSpire is usually complied by Johnny with occasional help from various house members. Like the LACW family both locally and far away. Corporeal Crossing While these activities speak direct ly to a physical crossing, the M ovement can also be found in transi tion periods. The best example of these transitions can be seen in and the beginning of a semester In each case, the GCW hosts prayer services and potluck dinners to act as an official start and end to the M etanoia semester. Periods o f reflection mark this time as H ouse members, community members, and friends gather in a circle to reflect on the hopes and prayers of upcoming semester. Similarly, when the semester ends, the circle is again created as past even ts and experiences are shared. Throughout the process, the person is honored and thanked for their presence. In both cases, the person is blessed as everyone lays hands on them an d a collective prayer is given. Viewing this framew ork helps us to understand that religions both
91 transitions from one point of life into the next. As Tweed noted, transitions do not stop at the physical. They go beyond li fe into a cosmic journey. Cosmic Crossing Even those who commit to a lifetime of service to the CW M ovement find their position on earth as merely a step in a cosmic voyage. GCW Foun der Johnny Zokovitch views the H stating, life are always changing. The ideal world would be part of a continuum in my life (Zokovitch 2013). The journey transce nds the here and now as the CW M ovement promo tes the effort to live out the spirit of Day and Maurin. Similarly and perhaps even more so, the M ovement transcends time and space to live out the spirit of the Gospels, the spirit of terms of eternity, but of the present life where we are actors, where we are placed as though on XXV). The cosmic world of Day and Maruin are negotiated in the present as communities con tinue to look to them and other worldly beings in day to day life. As many have commented, the spirit of these beings lives in the present. carried out through the CW Mov ement, not everyone associa ted with the M ovement is Catholic, Christian, or even religious, as noted above. Thos e who are very much irreligious still drawing on the notion that there are greater forces and powers within the
92 world. These greater forces can be anything from a higher power to the responsibility to treat everyone with dignity and respect. 12 While religion need not factor into cosmic crossing, it plays a huge role in early CW th ought in addition to the three H ou ses today. Both Day and Maurin were devout Catholics, drawing heavily from e should always be Day 1946 ). 13 Their physical travels mi micked their spiritual journeys; they refused to be stagnant, always questioning and discerning the next step, through Mass, prayer, and meditation. Spiritual Activity as Crossings Each of the three H ouses engage in some form of spiritual activity that is a form of crossing. The LACW is known to offer Stations of the Cross during the Len ten Season, practicing prayers at various locations around town in which the injustices of Jesus a re replayed. Such places have included the downtown Federal Building and a lso engaged in a similar Stations of the Cross during the Lenten season in Gainesville, offering prayers in front of the City Court House, the poli ce station, City H all, and the offices of large bank companies that rest in the control of corporate America. A large suffering and op pression that still continues today. Knowing that most of their guests are immigrants from Latin America, Casa Juan Diego caters to them spiritua lly by offering a 12 Though not interested in the actual form and structure of religion, some Catholic Workers still believe in some sort of cosmic power. Similarly, the power may not be an over arching power, but rather a universal concept of love, kindness and/or peace. 13 website ( http://www.catholicworker.org/communities/onpilgrimage.cfm ).
93 once a week liturgy in Spanish. Just as their services provide a material and physical assistance, this effort offers a renewal of spirit, connecting them with their place of origin and suggesting a spiritual home. They offer guitar music encouraging song and worship that is usually familiar to those from Latin America. They are more than welcome to offer transportation to guests wishing to attend Sunday Mass. After Mass services, they pray for t he canonization of Dorothy Day, a contested subject in CW circles. Some argue Day explicitly did not want to be labeled a saint, while others push for her sainthood. As a community, the GCW has been offering a weekly mediation practice known as centering prayer. It is offered early mornings and is attended by most of those living at the H ouse. Centering prayer is a form of mediation made famous by such people as Thomas Keating and John Main. Drawing from Eastern practices, this silent form of contemplative prayer is commonly practiced as a way to e xp within the self (Contemplative Outreach 2013). The GCW begins this time with a short reflection, followed by 10 20 minutes of centering prayer. During this time, a mantra is self and open the soul to God. At time of faith sharing. The GCW concludes this time with the sig n of peace. provide a frame work in which to study how bioregionalism is used to promote the sustainability of the Catholic Worker the gaps in sc holarship
94 Figure 4 newspaper Catholic Ag itator Courtesy of the LACW (2012).
95 Figure 4 newspaper Houston Catholic Worker (2012). (A) English version. (B) Spanish version. Mailed to the GCW.
96 Figure 4 3 newspaper ConSpire, (2012). Courtesy of the GCW.
97 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION S Chapter 5 presented my analysis of how religion helps us to view the Catholic Worker Movement as bioregionalist. The ideas of crossing and dwelling through motion, space, and time offered clarity to my argument. The LACW, the GCW, and CJD each exemplified aspects of crossing and dwelling. While some Houses embodied these actions better than others, collectively they show how religion and geography interact. This interaction once again connects the social to the environment al. It is through this interaction that we discover the importance of connecting an ecological term like bioregionalism to the social movement of the Catholic Workers. I begin C hapter 5 by uncovering the blind spots in my study and laying out an overview o f my thesis. I end by presenting my conclusion and the need for future research. Blind Spots M y researc h has various gaps and unanswered questions. For example f luidity raises the question of how to measure the flow of ideas. While I know ideas are transf erred between Houses and people I am currently unable to measure to what extent these ideas are conveyed. The transmission of ideas expresses itself as past participants in the GCW Metanoia semester draw from their experiences and question how to live the ir current lives. Tamra Travers, who participated in the 2011 2012 Metanoia year, continues to seek a Catholic Worker inspired lifestyle as she attends medical school at The Florida State University. Similarly, Daniel Loya, a 2011Metanoia semester particip ant moved south to Polk County to pursue a sustainable lifestyle through small scale farming. Like Tamra, he looks to uncover aspects of Catholi c
98 Worker life outside the GCW. The ideas and values of the Catholic Worker were not new to either participant. T herefore, it is difficult to measure to what extent their GCW experiences have shaped their current quests for aiding the poor and being self sufficient. Also, like Tweed, it is unclear to me where nature ends and culture begins. I continue to ponder this issue in my study. I wonder to what degree does nature create an area, especially an urban area such as Los Angeles, Houston, or Gainesville? To what extent does culture make up these regions? Weather factors into the daily lives of the homeless, especial ly those in Los Angeles and Gainesville as expressed through the need for shopping carts, socks, and blankets. Nonetheless, culture also plays an important role, as the dominant culture restricts mobility and services of illegal immigrants. In the case of Houston, culture plays the driving role in establishing the landscape. I would be interested to discover the role of nature and culture in other CW communities. Do the LACW and the GCW draw more from nature? Does CJD draw primarily from culture? How might my study change if I were to look at different CW H ouses or communities? Gaps in Research The fact that I have not visited the LACW or CJD presents a gap in my research. I look at th em from afar, relying on their i nternet presence and the personas they dis play in their publications. This gap is lessened as I drew from previously published interviews with the founders of the LACW and drawing from books published by the founders of CJD. I would be interested to discover how their projects function in real tim e. It would help my study to discover on a first hand account, the area, people, and more importantly the community associated wit h the work in these two cases.
99 Outsiders may accuse the CW Movement of simply perpetuating a cycle of homelessness and oppres si on. My study may be viewed as merely addressing symptoms rather than the problem. In this respect, I do not show how the various projects of CW Houses are sustainabl e but rather how the CW Houses sustain themselves over time. None of the H ouses I looked at labeled the goal of their mission to be ending homelessness or solving oppression. Rather, as I mentioned above, they are trying to create a better world. They are attempting to echo Peter Maurin, pursuing a Maurin 1 961 ). Conclusion In this study, I uncovered how internal representations of Catholic Workers Houses are bioregionalist through their negotiation of time and space in their locale. M y study shows how the bioregionalism of this M ovem ent promotes its sustaina bility. I did this through a consideration of three Catholic Worker Houses. Chapter 1 introduced my study and questioned the larger implications behind my research. It also acted as a roadmap, providing an overview of my research through my position, metho dology, and outline of the chapters that followed. Chapter 2 presented the historical foundations of the M ovement. It defined the founders, beginnings foundations, and expansions. Pramod Parajuli theories led my thesis into a more holistic r ealm, as he connected the environmental with the social. From here, I expanded upon the notion of sustainability and the philosophy of bioregionalism and then con nected these terms with the CW H ouses of today. Chapter 3 offered my three case studies. I loo ked specifically at the Los Angeles Catholic Worker (LACW), the Gainesville Catholic Worker (GCW), a nd the Houston
100 C asa Juan Diego (CJD). For each H ouse, I uncovered their location and the situational needs they serve. Through their words and representations, I explored their projects and how they see themselves in relation to their community. Chapter 4 presented my analysis of how the Catholic Worker Movement is to the ph ilosophy of bioregionalism because both privilege place and time. This was explained through the LACW, the GCW, and CJD as each exemplified aspects of crossing and dwelling as multiple levels across regions and time periods. In this thesis, I have shown that b y focusing on the current needs of the surrounding community, these groups are able to adapt themselves to the ir region. They fulfill their niche as a service provider, be it through feeding the homeless, providing food for shelters, offering medical assistance, hosting hospitality, aiding with legal service or acting as a retreat center. In each case, all of these actions help sustain the community both the CW group and the surrounding area well into the future. 14 The sense of place holds a g reater impact on the movement than I had originally imagined. Place does not only account for the needs and resources in a particular aps the main driver behind the M as it provides the resources, physical work force, and emotional and spiritual support to perpetuate such projects. Reminiscent of the same importance Day offered to the M ovement, Tamra Travers explained community as one of the main notions of CW living. I can make that kind of community 14 The CW groups offer their skills addressing the needs of the community. They hold a symbiotic rela tionship, aiding each other.
101 and the environment of community can impact your life, being so encouraging and helpful (Travers 2013). intersection of the social and environmental that the Cat holic Worker Movement provides. 15 Future Discussion Until other Houses arise this thesis is a star t ing point for a more comprehensive s tudy of how the Catholic Worker communities sustain their efforts through bioregionalism. A further study would provide a more detailed understan ding of the specific ways each H ouse supports the local, rather than the short descriptions I have provided here. It may also include the dri v ing forces behind the various H ouses, as I have mentioned earlier in this C hapter. Perhaps the forces go beyond those of the social and environmental, ente ring the realm of economics Only further studies will tell. Beyond notin g the value of Catholic Wor ker H ouses and communities, my study raises various broader questions a bout bioregionalism, communities, and sustainability. Further research may uncover what roles bioregionalist communities play within society with regards to larger social movements. Lik e the Catholic Workers, there are many other groups across the country, which provide aid to the surrounding social stru cture. 15 The Movement continues to thrive. As I mentioned above in a previous footnote, other groups and faiths have drawn from the basis of the Catholic Workers, establishing such newspapers as The Mormon Worker in Salt Lake City, U tah, and The Mennonite Worker based out of Oklahoma City (The Mormon Worker 2013; The Mennonite Worker 2010). Both offer opinions and commentary from their respected and Maurin, expanding to Houses of Hospitality. It is important to note that another group known as The Mennonite Worker, based in Minneapolis have established an intentional community (The Mennonite Worker of Minneapolis 2013).
102 Benefits Education A wide range of groups can benefit from my study. CW H ouses and future CW communities will better understand the implications of being place based. Perhaps they can call more upon their surrounding community in addition to their immediate community in order to perpetuate their work. Similarly, other intentional communities, communes, and cooperatives may gain in formation. By learning about bioregionalism, implications, may allow for a greater ecologically sustainable lifestyle. This lifestyle can arise as people engage in a s ymbiotic relationship with their surroundings and local neighbors. Other organizations may benefit such as environmental and social justice nonprofits. By catering to th e needs in their place of being or establishing collectives in a region that needs help these organizations can offer more energy towards their work. Fewer resources will be spent on transportation and people aid. Such initiatives are already underway, as expressed through the Pre sbyterian Hunger Program, a ministry working to alleviate hun ger and the causes related to hunger nations This program work s with communities in the area that needs support. They work on a local level to alleviate hunger through local, sustainable solutions. Benefits Organizational Sharing Si milarly new CW Houses can benefit by drawing from the organizational structures of existing Houses. The decision to become a nonprofit is something many new communities face. Incorporation could expose CW Houses to a wide array of grants and fundraising op tions. This exposure could support the development of projects and community aid. Additionally, this recognition could promote community support, perhaps proving more effective at uniting regional aid with regional needs.
103 Though incorporating into a 501(c) (3) presents mixed feelings within Catholic Worker circles, sharpening organizational tactics may propel the Movement into the future. Those CW Houses that may be wary of becoming a government recognized status organization still draw from nonprofit aspect s without officially incorporating. For example, sometimes without realizing it, Houses consider strategic planning elements as they analyze their strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (otherwise known as SWOT). Similarly, Houses establish concr ete policies, procedures, and leadership in an effort to sustain their community projects. By implementing some form of risk management or crisis control, Houses are proactive rather than reactive. 16 Using these organizational concepts in regional settings further expands glocalization and the importance of bioregionalism within the Movement. (A ppendi x Nonprofit Perspective) Ultimately, this study expands discussions of how groups and individuals make a localized impact on the larger society. These vital disc ussions are critical as we continue to negotiate our place in the world with regards to environmental and social concerns. 16 These are points current CW Houses have considered, a more in depth study could show the overlap of nonprofit concepts with those of independent CW groups. For example, Catholic Worker Houses display such notions as networking through their House to House relations and movement.
104 APPENDIX NONPROFIT PERSPECTIVE From a nonprofit organizational perspective Catholic Worker Houses that have not decided to incorpo rate may gain from adopting nonprofit management skills. As I mention in my conclusion, strategic planning may prove useful when dealing with fundraising, risk management, policies/procedures, and SWOT analysis (strength, weakness, opportunities, and threa ts). A plan could cater to the present needs while offering a path for future organizational and community based desires. Additionally, leadership and decision making may also aid various CW Houses in their ability to sustain themselves or expand. A divers e Board of Directors could expand include homeless advocates as well as current and former homeless individuals. This diverse leadership creates a wide variety of outlooks that could help lead each CW House in its decision making process. A wide variety of views from an established Board of Directors could provide a holistic and sustainable way of approaching issues and planning initiatives. Appointing a set structure of leadersh ip would also delegate responsibilities and create a durable CW House that may flourish into the future. Creating this type of governance and leadership could offer more transparency concerning funds and projects. This may encourage more people to donate funds and volunteer time to CW Houses. This governance may also improve or create bylaws, rules, regulations, and plans for future development. Additionally, a crisis control plan could be placed into effect, allowing CW Houses to better handle unexpected issues. Follow up studies could account for the number of incorporated CW Houses and their role in the surrounding community. Further research may also shed light on the
105 reasoning behind why CW Houses incorporated and if they find their community outreach to be strengthened or limited. In any organizational model there are benefits and downfalls. Recognizing the diversity of CW Houses helps us understand how each survives in its particular region. Questions arise from this discussion of nonprofit incorpora tion. If CW Houses become 501(c)(3) organizations, to what extent are they required to comply with government rules and industry standards? When does a CW House stop being a House and turn into an organization or institution? Each CW House will have a diff erent answer to these questions because each CW House faces different regional needs. These are issues to consider in a future discussion. The purpose of this Appendix is simply to bring light to these matters.
106 LIST OF REFERENCES In Bioregionalism edited by Michael Vincent McGinnis, 13 42. New York: Routledge Alachua County Coalition for the Homeless http://www.acchh.org/infoabout.shtml The Alderson Hospitality House. 2013. Last modified January. http://www.aldersonhospitalityhouse.org/ Catholic Worker Farm, Sheep Ranch. 2013. Accessed February 16. http://claim.goldrush.com/~eartha/index.html Accessed Febru ary 16. http://www.catholicworker.org/communities/websites.cfm Catholic Online December 5. A ccessed February 17, 2013. http://www.catholic.org/hf/faith/story.php?id=48734 http://www.centeringprayer.com/ Coy, Patrick and Jim Douglas. 1988. A Revolution of the Heart: Essays on the Catholic Worker Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Joseph Dorothy Day: Sel ect Writings Edited by First Last Name, 59 60. Maryknoll: Orbis Books 1983. Day, Dorothy. 1941 http://www.catholicw orker.org/communities/onpilgrimage.cfm Day, Dorothy. 1963. Loaves and Fishes San Francisco: Harper and Row. Day, Dorothy. 1970 The Catholic Worker February 1970. Also found on The Catholic Worker Movement web site: http://www.catholicworker.org/dorothyday/daytext.cfm?TextID=192 Debode, Eric. 2012 In California: Ending LACW Agitator Vol. 42 No 5 Oct ober. Diet 2008. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RpH 2OFSXcc Dolan, Jay P. 1985. The American Catholic Experience. Garden City NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc.
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110 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH In May of 2011, V ictoria Machado earned her Bachelors, graduating Magna Cum Laude from the University of Florida where she majored in religion and double minored in environmental studies and g eography. Victoria e ntered the Masters program for religion and n ature as an unde rgraduate, pursuing a combined BA/MA degree. In the Fall of 2011, she began her graduate studies full time studying religion and minoring in Nonprofit Organization and Leadership It was also during this time, she began living at the Gainesville Catholic Worker. Victoria earned her Masters of Arts in May 2013. This thesis resulted as a culmination of her studies and her daily experience at the Gainesville Catholic Worker