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1 MEDIEVAL MASCULINITY AND THE CRUSADES: TH E CLERICAL CREATION OF A NEW WARRIOR IDENTITY By ANDREW HOLT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013
2 2013 Andrew Holt
3 To Isabella, Claire, and Jack
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The process of writing a dissertation has reminded me of how we are o ften dependent on the kindness of others whenever we attempt to achieve something significant. To this end, my wife Michele has been a constant source of loving encouragement for which I am grateful. Similarly, my three young children, Isabella, Claire, an d Jack, have been extraordinarily patient, often accepting the fact that their father had to work rather than play. Now that this dissertation is completed I hope to make up for lost time. Similarly, my brother Michael has always supported my academic goal s and without his help (in a number of ways) they often would have been unobtainable. Finally, I thank my late mother, Anita, who passed away during the writing of this dissertation, but over the course of my life inspired a love of reading and desire for education that has served me well. I would also like to thank my colleagues at Florida State College at Jacksonville. My Dean, Margo Martin, was willing to give me a much needed job as an Assistant Professor of History on the assumption and promise that I would eventually complete my dissertation. I am happy to finally make good on that promise. I also thank my colleages, Professors John Fields and Wesley Moody, who have read various drafts of this dissertation and offered valuable feedback. Moreover, John and Wes have been good friends and a constant source of much needed encouragement. I also thank all of my former professors at both the University of North Florida and the University of Florida. One group inspired a love of history and a passion to purs ue a doctorate, while the other patiently suffered through the process of guiding me to its completion. In particular, I thank Bonnie Effros, who was extraordinarily patient and generous with her time and expertise as a member of my dissertation committee; I
5 also thank Howard Louthan, who has always been a source of encouragement and much needed good humor in tough times; and Andrea Sterk, whose many efforts on behalf of her students have set a standard to which I can only hope to aspire. More than anyone, I wish to thank my advisor, Florin Curta, whose thoughtful guidance has made everything possible. Although a world class scholar of medieval history, Dr. Curta has always treated me with tremendous respect and kindness. In this short space I could never ho pe to fully express the gratitude I owe him.
6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ............................. 8 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: CHRISTIANITY, MASCULINITY, AND THE CRUSADES ......... 11 Modern Historians, Ecclesiastical Reform, and Medieval Masculinities .................. 18 Modern Historians, The First Crusade and Knightly Masculinity ............................. 22 The Challenge of Reforming the Knightly Class ................................ ..................... 27 Organization ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 29 2 EARLY CHRISTIAN MASCULINITY: THE ASCETIC IDEAL ................................ .. 36 Scholars and Early Christian Masculinity ................................ ................................ 37 Sexual Renunc iation and Early Christian Masculinity ................................ ............. 40 The Male Body and Christian Masculinity ................................ ............................... 45 Hair, Clothing, and Masculinity in Early Christianity ................................ ................ 48 Humility and Early Christian Masculinity ................................ ................................ 56 Martial Rhetoric and Early Christian Masculinity ................................ ..................... 60 Coura ge and Early Christian Masculinity ................................ ................................ 65 Conclusion: Forging an Early Christian Masculine Ideal ................................ ......... 71 3 CLERICAL MASCULINITIES AND CLERICAL REFORM EFFORTS IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE, C. 500 1100 ................................ ................................ ........ 73 Masculinity and Monasticism in the Early Medieval West ................................ ....... 74 Masculinity and the Secular Clergy in the Early Middle Ages ................................ 82 Clerical Masculinity in Merovingian Gaul ................................ ................................ 83 The Limited Growth of Monastic Influence Under Carolingian Rule ........................ 87 Carolingian Decline and its Effect on Clerical Masculinity ................................ ....... 93 Monastic and Clerical Reform Efforts in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries ........... 95 The Gregorian Reform: From Leo IX until Gregory V II ................................ ........... 99 4 THE GREGORIAN REFORM, THE MASCULINE HIERARCHY, AND THE EFFORT TO REFORM CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS ................................ .................... 103 Ecclesiastical Views of Warfare and Warriors until the Early Eleventh Century .... 107 The Peace and Truce of God Movements and their Effects on Knights ............... 111 The Basis for Knightly Masculinity ................................ ................................ ........ 118
7 The Clerical Effort to Reform Knights ................................ ................................ ... 123 Knightly Resistance to Clerical Reform ................................ ................................ 130 5 BETWEEN WARRIOR AND PRIEST: THE CREATION OF A NEW MASCULINE IDENTITY DURING THE CRUSADES ................................ ............ 133 Pope Gregory VII and the Foundations of the Crusading Movement .................... 137 Pope Urban II and the Calling of the First Crusade ................................ .............. 140 The Concepts of the Crusade and the Crusader ................................ .................. 142 The Crusader and the Creation of a New Warrior Identity ................................ .... 148 The Traits of the Crusader and the Forging of an Alternative Masculine Identity 151 Humility and Modesty ................................ ................................ ............................ 151 The Rejection of Women and the Maintenance of Chastity ................................ .. 156 Increased Courage and Military Prowess: The Manly Benefits of Crusading ........ 161 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 167 6 WARRIOR MASCULINITY AND THE KNIGHTS TEMPLAR ................................ 169 The Origins of the Templars ................................ ................................ ................. 171 The Earliest Templars ................................ ................................ ........................... 173 The Council of Troyes and the Primitive Rule of the Templars ............................. 177 De Laude Novae Militiae ................... 184 ................................ .............. 190 ... 194 The Broader Acceptance of the Templar Model in Medieval Christian Society ..... 198 Conclusions ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 201 7 CONCLUSION: THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND WARRIOR MASCULINITY: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? ................................ ................................ .... 203 The Relationship of Clerical Reform and Medieval Warrior Masculinity ................ 204 Crusading and Medieval Masculinity: Where do we go from here? ...................... 206 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 214 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 238
8 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS MGH: Epist. Mo numenta Germaniae Historica: Epistolae. MGH: Lib. Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Libelli de lite MGH: SRM Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Sc riptores Rerum Merovingicarum. MGH: SS Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Schola rum Separatim Editi PL Patrologia Cursus Completus, Series Latina. RHC: Occ 3 Recueil des Historiens des Croisades: Occidentaux 3. RHC: Occ 4 Recueil des Historiens des Croisades: Occidentaux 4.
9 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy MEDIEVAL MASCULINITY AND THE CRUSADES: TH E CLERICAL CREATION OF A NEW WARRIOR IDENTITY By ANDREW HOLT May 2013 Chair: Florin Curta Major: History Because the clergy equated the First Crusade with an armed pilgrimage, thereby demanding the same behavioral reforms of warriors who participated in the crusade as those they expected of any pilgrim seeking to do penance for his or h er sins they also effectively required secular knights who participated in the crusade to abandon many of the key behaviors by which they had long defined themselves as men Crusaders, if they wished t o participate, were to take formal vows of humility an d chastity, which represented quite a challenge to traditional notions of knighthood. Secular knights of the era were better known for establishing their manly identities through their sexual subordination of women and arrogant boasting of their deeds on o r off the battlefield. Thus, the crusader, who vowed to abandon these traditional markers of knightly masculinity, represented a new holy warrior ideal that stood as a challenge to the secular model of knighthood. The problem with the crusader ideal from the clerical was was addressed by the for mation of the Knights Templar as a permanent religio us order of fighting monks dedicated to the defense of Christians in the Holy Land.
10 This dissertation argues that this alternative model of holy warrior identity institutionalized during and immediately following the First Crusade and reaching its fulfill ment with the foundation of the Templar order, should be recognized as a distinct hybrid form of masculine identity that represented a challenge to traditional notions of knightly masculinity in the Middle Ages. It should be categorized alongside the vario us masculine identities that gender scholars have already acknowledged when they Middle Ages. While modern historians of medieval gender have identified the existence of distinct masculine identities accorded to knights, celibate clerics, merchants, and others, they have not recognized the role of crusaders, and their successors, the Templars, as having a unique place in the gender hierarchy of the era. This dissertation a rgue s why they should.
11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: CHRISTIANITY, MASCULINITY, AND THE CRUSADES Writing around the year 1129, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, one of the most influent ial religious voices of twelfth century, found it troublesome that the knights o f his and precious stones that were impractical for combat. Indeed, Bernard attacked the highly prized traditional masculine persona of secular knights when, regarding their 1 This was in stark contrast, Bernard noted, to the unwashed Knights Templars, who dressed simply, wore their hair dirty and short, an d always maintained what was, for Bernard, the properly rugged appearance of the true warrior. 2 In drawing such a sharp distinction between secular knights and Templars, Bernard highlighted two models of warrior masculine identity that existed at the time Yet the differences of appearance identified by Bernard above only begin to scratch the surface of the much larger distinctions that existed between the two models in how they understood their roles as men and warriors in medieval European Christian soci ety. instead the product of a time honored tradition in Christian thought that emphasized an ascetic ideal for Christian men; this vision had long been at odds with dominant lay ideals, from the early Church until the high medieval period that is the primary focus of 1 S. Bernardi Opera eds. by Jean Leclerq, C.H. Talbot, an d H.M. Rochais, vol. 3 (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963), 207 239; PL 182: 921 ff. In English translation, see Bernard of In Praise of the New Knighthood Treatise III trans. M. Conrad Greenia (Kalamazoo, MI.: Cistercian, 1977), 129, here 132 33. These texts are considered in greater detail in Chapter 6 of this dissertation. 2 40.
12 this dissertation. Thus, my work will consider, from the perspective of the longue dure the theological and cultural innovations that influenced Christian thinking from the era of the Gospels to the decades that followed the First Crusade that made it possible for the Templars to emerge as a new type of holy warrior ideal. More specifically, this dissertation will consider how such innovations represented a challeng e to traditional models of lay warrior masculinity as represented in the figure of the secular knight. Indeed, monastic and clerical authorities celebrated and promoted first the crusader and then the Templar as alternative models of warrior masculine iden tity that rejected many of the traditional means by which secular knights had defined themselves as men. Re gardless of whether or not the laity embraced their arguments, a ncient and medieval clerical and monastic authors had long argued that ascetic masc uline ideals were superior to the lay ideals of the nobility. This was in large part because the behaviors by which aristocratic laymen traditionally defined themselves as men, including sex, violence, boasting, and ostentatious dress, were behaviors that the clergy defined as sinful symptomatic of spiritual weakness and the path to damnation. 3 Such behaviors were in stark contrast to the highest Christian ideals, which were reflected chiefly in the asceticism of the Christian monk. Unlike laymen, monks h ad defined 3 Medieval lay masculine ideals prior to and during the era of the F irst Crusade are considered extensively in Chapters 3, 4, and 5 of this dissertation. On the importance of such behaviors for early Violence and Society in the Early Medieval West ed. Guy Halsall (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell, Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. Dawn M. Hadley (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 132 138. For the high middle ages see Medieval Masculinities : Regarding Men in the Middle Ages ed. Clare A. Lees (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 31 45 and asculinizing Religious Life: Sexual Prowess, the Battle for Chastity, and Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages eds. P.H. Cullum and Katherine J. Lewis (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004), 26. Murray, focusing on the el eventh century, refers to
13 themselves by how rigidly they could adhere to the demands of their ascetic calling, includ ing sexual abstinence, humility, poverty, and physical, although not spiritual, non violence. 4 if he sought to follow the highest ideals of Christian holiness as expressed by Christian leaders when such ideals were at odds with the key markers by which laymen defined themselves as men? If judged by lay masculine norms, such a man could be seen as l osing the right to call himself as such. Yet Christian authorities argued there was an alternative; they acted to define and promote a different type of masculine identity that was based on an ascetic ideal, which had been long been present in Christian so cieties as a competitor to lay ideals. While this dissertation considers the evolution of the clerical masculine ideal from the early Church until the twelfth century, as well as its competition with lay ideals from the early Roman Empire until the High M iddle Ages, it particularly focuses on the tension between the emboldened reform minded clergy and the aristocratic warrior class of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Church had long viewed the warrior class with suspicion and distrust. This was part warrior class engaged in warfare, it was often with other Christians, and this resulted in social instability that also negatively impacted both the status and property of the 4 The early origins of the Christian monk, and the attributes associated with hi m, are considered extensively in Chapter 2 of this dissertation. See, in particular, Mathew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001) and David Brakke Demons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christianity (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2006).
14 Church. 5 Moreover, Christian clerics since at least the era of the early Church Fathers had long condemned bloodshed, regardless of the circumstances, as a sin that needed to be expiated. 6 Durin g the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, the clergy especially focused on the reform of the knightly cla ss drawn from the nobility and at the top of the military hierarchy. As early as the Peace and Truce of God movements, spanning the late tenth and eleventh centuries, the clergy sought to use its moral authority to bring about changes in knightly behavior. Subsequently, in the wake of the Gregorian Reform, the clergy renewed its historic push to reform the nobility as well. It was during this period, as I will argue, that ecclesiastical authorities made a unique effort to control the action and behavior of the knightly class by redefining the qualities of an ideal Christian warrior. This was done through an unprecedented effort by ecclesiastical leaders, including popes, prominent theologians, and influential canonists, to both legitimize (under limited circ umstances) and control Christian violence at a level and scope that had never before been witnessed in Christian history. Yet while ecclesiastical authorities during the late eleventh century may have allowed for the necessity of warfare under some circum stances, they also argued that 5 See the discussion of this topic in Chapter 4 of this dissertation, particularly in the section that deals with the Peace and T ruce of God. See also Hans Defense of the Law, and Reform: On the Purposes and Character of the Peace of God, 989 The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, ed ited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY: 1992), 259 279 and Marjorie Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984),134 135. 6 Although sometimes considered necessary, bloodshed, at least until the later 11th century, rem ained a sin that many clerics believed needed to be expiated even when committed for a noble cause. See Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 139 and Maurice Hugh Keen, Chivalry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 46.
15 holiness. In other words, to win on the holy war battlefield, the warriors themselves needed to be holy. This meant that knights needed to abandon the traditional markers of masculinity by which they had traditionally defined themselves as men, including having sex with women, exhibiting pride, wearing ostentatious clothing, and boasting arrogantly for the purpose of self promotion. To th e contrary, the clergy called on such knights, quite often with very limited success, to embrace long established monastic virtues of chastity and humility. More importantly for the purposes of this dissertation, the call for the First Crusade provided th e clergy with a new and unprecedented vehicle not only for the of the aristocratic knightly class. This was because the Church dictated the ideological framework by wh ich the crusade was established and organized. Clerical promoters of the First Crusade equated it with an armed pilgrimage, thereby demanding the same behavioral reforms of warriors who participated in the crusade as those they expected of any pilgrim seek ing to do penance for his or her sins. 7 Crusaders, if they wished to participate, were to take a vow that committed them to chastity and humility, two characteristics not normally associated with the knightly class, and put them (like pilgrims) temporarily under the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical law. 8 But in addition to spiritual benefits, clerics argued, there were also practical benefits for knights who heeded clerical calls for greater personal holiness, since such knights could then be 7 For a more detailed analysis of the pilgrimage framework of the First Crusade, see Chapter 5 See also James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), 3 29. 8 See Chapter 5 See also Jonathan Riley Smith, The First Crusade and t he Idea of Crusading (London: Athlone, 1993), 23 and Jonathan Riley Smith, What Were the Crusades? Third Edition (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2002), 66.
16 good will and support on the battlefield. As a result, the clergy promised that God would bless them with the two things they valued most as knights: courage and prowess. 9 the basis of a newly emerging model of Christian warrior identity that differed significantly from the prevailing norms of secular warrior society. 10 They represented an al ternative model for devout Christian warriors who were now told that they could engage in their profession without fear of sin, so long as they were able to adhere to the standards of behavior outlined by the clergy. This opportunity allowed them to seek a reputation for warrior manliness that competed with secular notions of the same. The problem with the crusader ideal was that it was temporary, lasting only until comple tion of the First Crusade complained that former crusaders quickly returned to the sinful lives they had lived before the crusade; these circumstances made them question the degree of sincerity with which they had taken their crusading vows in the first pl ace. 11 This problem, as this dissertation will show, was addressed by the formation of the Knights Templar in the wake of the First Crusade during the early 9 See Chapter 5 for a fuller consideration of this issue. 10 On the estimate of 6000 knights partic ipating in the First Crusade, see John France, The Crusades and the Expansion of Catholic Christendom, 1000 1714 (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 56. 11 See Chapter 6 for a fuller consideration of this issue, particularly in the case of Bernard of Cl The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (London: Burns Oates, 1953), 476 77. This text is also considered in R.J. Zwi Treatise III trans. M. Conrad Greenia (Kalamazoo, MI.: Cistercian, 1977), 119 20.
17 twelfth century as a permanent religious order of fighting monks dedicated to the defense of Christi ans in the Holy Land. The Templar ideal was the culmination of clerical efforts to reform the warrior class according to standards that would be acceptable to the Church. Those aristocratic knights who joined the Templars committed themselves to the three fold monastic vow of chastity, poverty, and obedience to the Church, as well as the long held monastic ideal of humility. 12 permanent, and thus represented a more lasting level of commitment to the new clerical warrior ideal. Most significantly, for the purposes of this dissertation, the Templars defined themselves as men according to very different standards than the secular knights of the era, as Bernard of Clairvaux pointed out in the passage quoted at the beginning of this chapter. It is my argument that this alternative model of holy warrior identity, institutionalized during and immediately following the First Crusade and reaching its fulfillment with the foundation of the Templar order, sh ould be recognized as a distinct hybrid form of particularly, masculine identity that existed in the Middle Ages. 13 It should be categorized alongside the various masculine identities that gender scholars have already acknowledged when they consider the p 12 See Chapter 6 for a fuller consideration of Templar vows. See also William of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, transl. by Emi ly Atwater Babcock and A.C. Krey, vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 525 13 While other scholars have already considered the hybrid nature of the crusader (and particularly the members of the knightly orders who would follow) as a blendi ng of the monk or monasticized cleric and knight, none have considered the gender implications of such development on warrior masculinity. See, for example, Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 99 and Jennifer G. Wollock, Rethinking Chiva lry and Courtly Love (Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger, 2011), 51.
18 14 While modern historians of medieval gender have identified the existence of distinct masculine identities accorded to knights, celibate clerics, merchants, and others, th ey have not recognized the role of crusaders, and their successors, the Templars, as having a unique place in the gender hierarchy of the era. This dissertation will argue why they should. Modern Historians, Ecclesiastical Reform, and Medieval Masculiniti es This dissertation builds upon the work of a great number of scholars whose research focuses on a number of areas including religious, gender, and crusades history, as well as the history of knighthood. I have been particularly dependent on the conclusio ns of modern historians of medieval gender as my research assumes that multiple masculine identities existed in the Middle Ages and that the era of the Gregorian Reform was somewhat of a watershed period for redefining and expanding the scope of those iden tities. Indeed, Gender historians have long argued that the social and cultural effects of the Gregorian Reform movement were immense, particularly as they related to medieval notions of masculine identity. A seminal essay on the subject in 1994 by Jo Ann McNamara characterized the effects of the Gregorian Reform as the cause of a masculinity crisis that she cleverly 14 See, for example, various essays in Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages ed. Clare A Lees, Medieval Cultures, v. 7 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, Ja cqueline Murray (ed) Conflicted Identities and Multiple Masculinities: Men in the Medieval West (New York: 1999), and Dawn Hadley (ed) Masculinity in Medieval Europe (New York: 1999). Note two of the volumes, as demonstrated by their titles, are organized based on the assumption of multiple masculine identities in the middle ages. See also Ruth Mazzo Karras in From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Late Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003) Karras arranges her study of multiple masculine identities in the Middle Ages by profession or occupation, such as knights, students or merchants, and considers the standards men in each group had to achieve to be fully deemed a man.
19 termed the Herrenfrage 15 While McNamara argued that the crisis broadly affected all types of men, her focus was on secular clerics who, by vi rtue of the institutional and popular demand for clerical celibacy from 1050 to 1150, were deprived of their wives 16 McNamara pr oposed that such events ed as an important threat to clerical ideals of masculinity and so the unmarried cleric found himself removed from important opportunities to display his masculinity. These issues whether a person who did not act like a man, by having sex with and dominating women, could still be considered a man. 17 cited essay provided numerous opportunities for historians to rise to the challenge and respond to such questions in ways that have significantly enhanced our understandings of medieval clerical masculinity. 18 15 cturing of the Gender Systerm, 1050 Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages ed. Clare A Lees, Medieval Cultures, v. 7 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3. 16 McNamara, The Herrenfrage 5. 17 McNamara, The Herrenfrag e 5. 18 studies on medieval masculinity are Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 25; Ruth Mazo Karras, Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), in Gender and Christianity Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer D. Thibodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 20 10), 3
20 On Being Male in the Middle 19 By adapting the work of anthropologist David G. Gilmore to the study of ate it in comparison impregnating women, failu ulinity, but also to 20 clergy, who did not engage in any of the key markers of masculinity th at he had controversial 1999 essay by R.N. Swanson, who claimed that the medieval clergy, since it masculine characteristics. 21 Yet while the medieval cleric was not masculine, according to Swanson, neither was he feminine. Indeed, Swanson pushed his conclusions further to make the claim that the celibate cleric, who disavowed the typical behavior of lay 22 Intersections of Gender, Religion and Ethnicity in the Middle Ages eds. Cordelia Beattie and Kirsten A. Fenton (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), 4. 19 45. 20 On Being Male in the Middle Ages 21 Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: Longma n, 1999), 160. 22 Swanson, Angels Incarnate 161.
21 historians, who have challenged his conclusions. 23 prompte d historians to focus more carefully on the complexities of medieval masculine identities by either reaffirming older theories or considering new ways of approaching the subject. Ruth Mazo Karras, for example, argued in a 2008 es say that rather than speak third (or fourth or fifth) genders, it is more useful to speak of variations on the 24 Indeed, it has long been standard thinking among historians of medieval r 25 Such a conceptualization gives the historian options when dealing with masculinity. Rather than merchants, knights, or celibate clerics representing multiple genders, they instead represent only one gender, masculinity, but in various forms (masculine identities) along a spectrum. Similarly, Maureen Miller argued that rather 23 Masculinity, Reform, and Clerical Culture: Narratives of Episcopal Holiness in the Gregorian Era Church History 72:1 (2001): 28; Karras, Chastity Belt 53; Thibodeaux, Introduction: Rethinking the Medieval Clergy and Masculinity 4. ole models who reaffirmed to celibate men that they were not a third gender nor were they effeminate or emasculinized mine] Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 37 Yet in a later study Murray is willing to allow for the possibility of a thir Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 49. 24 K arras, 53. Such a view seems to work well with the earlier based on sex, class, vocation, and personal characteristics, with the m ale end of the spectrum representing the superior side and the female end of the spectrum representing the inferior side. The gender of a servile man, for example, might be located toward the inferior female end of the spectrum, while the manly warrior wou ld be located toward the superior manly side of the spectrum. See Jo Ann Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages ed. S. Tomasch and S. Gilles (Philadelphia: Universit y of One Flesh, Two Sexes, Three Genders, 36. 25 Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Mi ddle Ages
22 an more radically distanced from female impurity and one 26 This dissertation accepts and then moves beyond such claims to argue that the to extend their influence over the First Crusade as a vehicle to align knightly behavior with cl erical ideals. Conceptually, I will argue that the crusaders and Templars, by virtue of their formal status as chaste warriors who committed themselves to clerical and monastic ideals of manhood, represented an extension of the monastically inspired cleric al masculine ideal that emerged during the Gregorian Reform. Yet such an ideal did not represent a new gender, but rather a masculine variant that can and should be included in the spectrum of existing masculine identities described by modern historians. T o date, such a consideration seems to be totally absent from existing studies of masculine identity in the Middle Ages. Modern Historians, The First Crusade and Knightly Masculinity This dissertation is also dependent on the scholarship of historians of t he crusades and medieval knighthood. Studies by such scholars of the nature of knightly behavioral norms and the philosophical and theological underpinnings of the First Crusade are central to understanding how the clergy attempted to justify their calls f or 26 Masculinity, Reform, and Clerical Culture reaffirm a position that had long been favored by gender historians. Jo Ann McNamara, for example, made a similar argument in her 1994 essay on the Herrenfrage suggesting that among monks, cleric s, The Herrenfrage 7.
23 the reform of the warrior class. In more ways than one, the era of the First Crusade was a revolutionary period in medieval Europe. Not only was this a period of significant internal ecclesiastical reform, culminating in the Gregorian Reform, but it was also an era in which the legitimacy of Christian warfare was reinterpreted and redefined. 27 As eleventh century clerical authorities increasingly came to accept the role of a Christian warrior in defending Christian society and keeping the peace, such auth orities also sought to exert greater control over the knightly class. Knights, after all, as members of and so the ability to control the actions of knights through a co mbination of moral suasion and spiritual rewards offered the clergy the potential to prescribe when, where, and against whom Christian warriors could fight. they had mostly been a source of suspicion for clerical writers since the early Middle Ages, but by the later eleventh century such thinking began to change. Clerical authorities now argued that there were instances in which knights could exercise the profession of arms not o nly without sinning, but even as an act of love or charity if done for the right reasons. 28 Such instances were limited, no doubt, with the Church claiming the right to judge under what circumstances Christians could, in good conscience, commit violence, bu t nevertheless this era marks a broader acceptance of the legitimacy of Christian warfare and a greater effort to establish clerical oversight. The high point of such efforts came in the birth of the crusading movement in 1095, during 27 See especially Chapter 5 of this dissertation. See also Jonathan Riley Smith, What Were the Crusades? Third Edition (San Francisco: Ignatius Press 2002), 56 57. 28 See Jonathan Riley The Crusades: The Essential Readings, ed. Thomas Madden (Oxford, UK; Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002), 31 50.
24 which thousands of Eu First Crusade and thereby placing themselves, at least theoretically and temporarily, under the authority of the Church during their time of service. 29 In exchange for doing so, the clergy pro mised knights that the hardships and dangers they faced during the crusade would be penitential, offering them a chance to atone for the sinfulness of their past lives. 30 Thus the First Crusade, clerics argued, offered knights the opportunity to employ the tools of their deadly profession in a way that could help bring about their salvation, rather than their damnation, so long as they carried out their efforts according to the guidelines provided by the Church. Indeed, clerics told recruits for the crusade that if they participated, they would be going to the aid of recently conquered eastern Christians now suffering under Muslim rule and that they would be restoring the Holy ilement under Muslim control. 31 Under such circumstances, as framed by the clergy, knights could be assured that God willed their efforts and that their selfless suffering during such an effort would redeem their souls. As Jonathan Riley Smith, Marcus Bull, and 29 See Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23 and Riley Smith, What Were the Crusades? 66. 30 See, for example, Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23 24; Riley 50; and Jonathan Riley Smith, The First Crusaders (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 67 68. 31 Historia Iherosolymitana for example, which claims to provide an eyewitness account of the Council of Clermont, Urban described the desecration of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and, in graphic detail, the rape and torture of Christians at the hands of their Muslim persecutors. See Robert the Monk, Iherosolimitania Trans. Carol Sweetenham (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 79 81. See als o Peter Frankopan, The First Crusade: The Call from the East (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2012), 87 94. Frankopan convincingly argues that such accounts orginated with the Byzantine Emperor Pope Urban II. Moreover, these reports of Christian suffering at the hand of the Seljuqs are confirmed in Muslim sources.
25 other leading crusades historians have argued, many Christian knights, although still only a minority of their class, worried about the state of their souls after a lifetime of living according to the sinful standards associated with secular knighthoo d and initially responded enthusiastically to the cause. 32 With the First Crusade, clerical authorities embraced the idea that Christians could fight in divinely approved wars, but they subsequently argued for the necessity of a new type of warrior to take part in such ventures on a more long term basis. Put simply, holy wars needed to be fought by holy warriors if they were to be successful. This view was based on the theoretical reasoning that holy wars were won only with 33 While God might su pport the cause, God also had to approve of the men who represented Him on the holy war battlefield. To do so, they had to be pleasing to God in terms of their commitment to personal holiness both on and off the battlefield. In other words, sinners could n ot effectively fight holy wars. Not only did sins result in defeat on the battlefield, but if they were killed under such conditions, they faced eternal damnation. 34 Thus crusaders were thus required to take the equivalent of pilgrimage vows intended to go vern their behavior in a way that significantly differed from the 32 In addition to numerous works by Jonathan Riley Smith already referenced in this chapter, see also, for example, Marcus Bull, Knight ly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, c. 970 c. 1130 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 165 The Crusades: The Essential Readings ed. Thoma s Madden (Malden, Ma.: Blackwell, 2002), 189 190. For a more detailed analysis of this subject, see Chapter 5 of this dissertation. 33 See, for example, clerical accounts of the events of the Battle of Antioch during the First Crusade as considered in Chap ter 5 Chapter 6 that the 34 ching of Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God Through the Franks: Gesta Dei Per Francos (trans) Robert Levine, (Suffolk: 1997), 38, 43.
26 typical standards by which knights of the era judged and established their manly identities. 35 Indeed, according to the clergy, the only type of warrior who could be successful on the holy wa r battlefield was a chaste and humble knight, who abandoned the sins of arrogance and lust that were typically associated with his class and were representative of some key standards by which knights often judged the manhood of other knights. While such th inking may seem like a clear and logical extension of clerical assumptions about personal holiness and warfare, what is less clear is how the popularization of such thinking about the nature of Christian fighting men challenged long established identities of knights as men in secular society. As a result, this dissertation will consider how clerical efforts to reform the knightly class during this period presented a challenge to the existing warrior masculine hierarchy. While only a small percentage of Euro warrior ideal as presented by the clergy, continuing to live instead by the secular standards of manly behavior associated with their class, I will argue that the clergy nevertheless oversaw the crea tion and institutionalization of an alternative model of Christian warrior masculine identity through the promotion and appeal of the First Crusade and the subsequent establishment of the Knights Templar. While modern historians have long identified the ex istence of multiple masculine identities in the Middle Ages, including, for example, the monasticized cleric, the merchant, and, of course, the knight himself, the crusader or his Templar successors, have never been identified among the current prevailing scholarly hierarchy of medieval 35 For an overview of the evolution of the crusading vow, and its relationship to the pilgrimage vow, see Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader 30 65.
27 masculine identities. In contrast, I will argue that the crusader represented a unique hybrid masculine identity that drew from the traits typically associated with the secular knight, as he was expected to demonstrate coura ge and prowess on the battlefield, and the monk or monasticized cleric, beholden to vows of chastity and humility meant to insure his personal holiness. Thus the crusader ideal that emerged during the era of the First Crusade, which would reach its fullest expression with the emergence of the Knights Templar, represented a powerful form of masculine expression worthy of recognition and inclusion in the hierarchy of medieval masculine identities that has thus far not been identified and commonly accepted by modern scholars of medieval gender history. The Challenge of Reforming the Knightly Class Moreover, in addition to giving a place to crusader masculinity, as institutionalized in the form of the Templar order, in the gender hierarchy of the era, this dis sertation will contribute to our understanding of the period by highlighting the extraordinary challenges the Church faced not only in reforming clerical behavior according to ecclesiastical masculine ideals, but especially selected members of the laity. A lthough medieval ecclesiastical authorities energetically promoted alternative models of manhood for the laity, few laymen were ever willing to embrace those models. This is perhaps best reflected in the often limited lay aristocratic response to ecclesias tical institutional efforts such as the Peace and Truce of God movement and the limited effectiveness of any long term reform derived from the pilgrimage framework of the First Crusade. Certainly, as this dissertation will show, some knights responded favo rably to ecclesiastical reform efforts, but most did not. The Peace and Truce of God movements did not bring about the type of widespread reform of the knightly class that
28 ecclesiastical authorities had hoped for, nor did the pilgrimage framework of the Fi rst it, as their vows were only temporary and many former crusaders returned to lives the clergy viewed as sinful (based on lay models of masculinity) when (or even be fore) the crusade was over. As this dissertation will show, the evolution of ecclesiastical efforts to reform the knightly class finally found its fullest expression in the founding of the Templars during the twelfth century. But the model of the Templars and the later military orders they inspired, calling on aristocratic knights to give up all they owned and commit themselves to a life of chastity, was a model that would only appeal to a small percentage of chaste clerics, representing only a small ideals, which most lay Christians could never imitate, the Templars served in the same capacity, as exemplars of the ecclesiasti cally conceived knightly ideal that most lay knights would never aspire to fully either. Thus, in this sense, the ecclesiastically conceived hybrid gender identity of the Templars, that was formed over the course of ightly class in the High Middle Ages, can also be seen as a concession that most knights would never fully achieve this standard. Leading clerics like Bernard of Clairvaux could nonetheless console themselves that at least the Templars lived up to their de sire for a warrior class that embodied a form of masculinity that might wield some influence over the institution of knighthood more generally during the High Middle Ages.
29 Organization Crusades era clerical views of proper Christian masculinity did not em erge in a vacuum. Instead, they were fundamentally influenced and shaped by texts and traditions that emerged in the ancient and early medieval Christian worlds. Consequently, Chapter 2 of this dissertation considers how Christian beliefs that developed du ring the first through fifth centuries provided the basis for a unique understanding of masculinity often at odds with typical Roman masculine ideals. Such beliefs are reflected in authoritative New Testament era writings and patristic commentaries, as wel l as hagiographical examples of ancient holy men ranging from Jesus to St. Martin of Tours. Through a careful examination of such texts, Chapter 2 considers the development of Christian masculine ideals in this era. 36 Among the specific issues considered i n Chapter 2 are the efforts on the part of ascetic holy ideals. 37 Unsurprisingly, many early Christian authors believed this was best represented in the figure of the la te antique monk. 38 As a result, this chapter will consider the emerging popularity of early monasticism and how monks set themselves apart from society at large in terms of their bodies, dress, hair, chastity, personal humility, courage, and devotion to God Indeed, it was by these standards that ancient Christian authorities judged the manliness of Christian men. Roman men, for example, 36 Bernard of Clairvaux, for example, as considered in Cha pter 6 of this dissertation, cites St. Paul (1 Cor. 11:14) in his condemnation of long haired knights in the twelfth century. See Bernard of Clairvaux, 40. 37 See Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 115. On the monastic model as representative of a Virginia Burrus, Begotten, Not Made: Conceiving Manhood in Late Antiquity (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2000), 5 6. 38 Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Mo nk 182 183.
30 often defined their manhood according to their sexual subordination of women, their abilities to commit physical violence, and their ostentatious dress. In contrast, Christian authorities condemned Roman masculine norms and instead promoted a monastic masculine ideal that called for chastity, spiritual (rather than physical) strength, and humble dress and demeanor. Chapter 3 considers the evolution of clerical views of Christian masculinity during the transitional period from the decline of the Roman Empire in the West through the Gregorian Reform of the eleventh century. In particular, this chapter considers the effects of cl erical reform throughout the Middle Ages on perceptions of Christian masculinity. During these centuries, the monk still represented for clerics a distinct form of ascetic Christian masculine identity, based on ideals born in the ancient and late antique C masculine hierarchy as a chaste and obedient exemplar of Christian virtue was not assured as married priests, who had not renounced their sexuality, and fighting bishops, who we re as willing to shed blood as any layman, coexisted alongside the medieval monk and represented competing and sometimes popular alternative clerical masculine identities. 39 Indeed, as Conrad Leyser has noted, ascetic notions of masculinity as represented b emerged in the early Middle Ages and sought to win the respect and obedience of other 39 That early medieval monks were still inspired by the late antique ascetic ideals is confirmed by the efforts of Jonas of Bobbio, for example, who still drew from late antique ideals considered in Chapter 2 to construct and promote an idealiz ed vision of monastic holy men like Columbanus in his own time. See Albrecht Diem, Speculum 82 (2007), 523 524.
31 men. 40 As Chapter 3 will show, it was not until the era of the Gregorian Reform that priests were o 41 For the Carolingian era, ecclesiastical reform efforts focused on the monasteries and the need for purity, which was associated with greater spiritual authority and effectiveness. 42 If a monk was known for an exceptional degree of purity, and therefore than other Christians who were not considered to have achieved as high a level of purity. Because monks adhered to the highest level of ascetic practices, they were generally considered to be exemplars of personal holiness in Carolingian society and so reform efforts focused on the maintenance or rest oration of purity in the monasteries. Due to such reform efforts, Carolingian monks understood their ability to avoid sins related to sex and violence as major markers of what scholars have referred to as Benedictine Rule 43 40 l Emissions and the Limits of Celibacy in the Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: London, 1999), 105. 41 ver the secular clergy. See, for example, William Francis Berry, The Papal Monarchy: From St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII, 590 1303 (New York: Putnam, 1902), 193. More recently, see also, Chapter 8: The Victory of Monasticism in the West in Raymond J. Lawerence Jr., Sexual Liberation: The Scandal of Christendom (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2007), 45 50. 42 Intersec tions of Gender, Religion and Ethnicity in the Middle Ages eds. Cordelia Beattie and Kristen A. Fenton (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), 19. 43 This chapter highlights how monastic rules provide gender historians with excellent sources for understanding the b ehavioral ideals for Christian monks during this period. See Lynda L. Coon, Dark Age Bodies: Gender and Monastic Practice in the Early Medieval West (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 73 79 and Marilyn Dunn, The Emergence of Monasticis m: From the Desert Fathers to the Early Middle Ages (Malden, Ma.: Blackwell, 2000), 82 138. On early medieval monastic
32 Yet while monasteries were reformed in the Carolingian era, comparatively little effort was made to reform secular priests, who often refused to give up the benefits of marriage or concubinage. Thus, as Cha pter 3 will show, in the wake of the Carolingian decline of the ninth century chaste monks and often married priests continued to define their manhood according to different standards. It was not until the tenth century that the monks at Cluny emerged as l eaders of a reform movement that would eventually culminate in the Gregorian Reform of the late eleventh century. It was during this time that advocates of clerical celibacy would finally, as historians have claimed, find 44 Chapter 4 examines the broader impact of religious reform on society in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Specifically, this chapter focuses on how secular knights defined their masculinity according to their own worldly standards and the efforts of the recently reformed clergy to extend their reforms to the knightly class. While the clergy aggressively tried to align the behavior of knights with monastic ideals, by condemning their arrogance, flamboyance, reckless bloodshed, and lack of chastity, the problem they faced was that such behaviors were central to the way knights defined themselves as men to other knights. So while some pious knights embraced clerical calls for reform Benedictine Rule see Coon, Dark Ages Bodies 55. 44 been used by various scholars to describe clerical reform efforts during the Gregorian Reform. See, for example, Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 6; Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 25; Ruth Mazo Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel and Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 54; Raymond J. Lawerence Jr., Sexual L iberation: The Scandal of Christendom (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2007), 48 Gender and History 18:2 (August, 2006): 383. This heigh tened clash of competing monastic and secular ideals during the Gregorian Reform resulted in what
33 and the penance of pilgrimage to atone for their sins, th e vast majority seems to have had little desire to change. Indeed, while some knights may have been concerned about the status of their souls as a consequence of the traditional behaviors by which they define themselves as men, the reforms advocated by the clergy could damage a of the aristocratic elite. Chapter 5 examines the ways in which the clergy used the First Crusade as a vehicle by which they could more effecti vely attempt to reform knights, or at least those knights who participated in the First Crusade. In doing so, this dissertation argues that the clergy promoted an alternative model of knightly masculinity based on a synthesis of traditional ascetic and lay warrior ideals whereby crusading knights could abandon many of the old behaviors by which they defined themselves as men, yet still maintain their masculine reputations as warriors. The participation of thousands of knights in the First Crusade, which the clergy used as a vehicle for their reform, suggests (at least) a limited degree of success for the clergy in their efforts to reform (at least) some knights. Indeed, in contrast to once popular assumptions about selfish or economic motivations of the crus aders, a small but highly influential community of crusades historians has convincingly argued that rather than being motivated only by greed in one form or another, the sources suggest that many of the earliest crusaders were instead, motivated by pious r easons, often seeking to redeem themselves from a life if sin. 45 As a result, when spiritual authorities presented the First Crusade in the context of an armed pilgrimage, those who took up 45 In particular, the various works of Jonat han Riley Smith and Marcus Bull.
34 the cross did so seeking to conform their lives and behavior more i n line with the expectations of the clergy and confirmed their willingness to do so through the voluntary taking of a vow committing themselves to personal holiness. Such reforms had significant implications for knightly masculinity as they led to the cre ation of an alternative model of warrior identity in which the knight who embraced such reforms carried himself in a wholly different way than had been the norm among the knightly class up to this point. This model, humble, chaste, and obedient to ecclesia stical authority, represented a theoretical, but direct, challenge to the way knights had defined themselves as men up until this point. Yet while the First Crusade had provided a vehicle for the establishment and promotion of an alternative model of warri or identity, it provided only a limited means of enforcing it, as many knights did not live up to their vows during the course of the crusade, or returned to their old ways once the crusade ended and their temporary vows had been fulfilled. Chapter 6 deal s with the emergence of the Knights Templar in the wake of the First Crusade and how they represented an attempt to make more permanent the crusader model established during the First Crusade. While the taking of vows committed the crusader to the reform o f his life until he redeemed his vows, a process that could last years, it was nevertheless only a temporary vow. In contrast, those early knights who became Templars took permanent vows, like monks, rather than the temporary vows associated with pilgrims. Consequently, the Templars, heavily promoted and encouraged by Bernard of Clairvaux, perhaps the dominant religious voice of the twelfth century, represented the final step in the evolution and
35 institutionalization of the new masculine warrior identity fi rst theorized by clerics during the era of the First Crusade. Moreover, with the formation of the Templars, ecclesiastical reformers in the era of the Gregorian Reform seemed to be acknowledging that, for all their historic efforts to reform warriors, mos t knights would never embrace the clerical ideal of masculinity. Thus, the promotion of the Templar model of knighthood by ecclesiastical authorities, as a small and relatively exclusive group, represented a concession that originally larger ambitions to r eform the broader knightly class simply could not be achieved on any broad scale. With the formation and existence of the Templars, at least a small group of knights could fulfill and represent the ecclesiastical ideal of warrior masculinity that emerged d uring the First Crusade.
36 CHAPTER 2 EARLY CHRISTIAN MASCULINITY: THE ASCETIC IDEAL Although this dissertation examines the efforts of the clergy to redefine warrior masculinity in the crusading era, this chapter recognizes how such efforts did not emer ge in a vacuum and considers the early Christian basis for such reforms. The monastic ideals of Late Antiquity, which collectively amounted to what scholars have rationali zed that they maintained their influence throughout the early Middle Ages and well into the high Mi ddle Ages 1 These representations of an idealized form of early Christian masculinity deeply influenced how later medieval clerics of the eleventh and twelft h centuries would construct a similar ideal in their own times, representing the 2 Consequently, any study of medieval images of Christian masculinity should be firmly rooted in ancient understandings of the same. Accordingly, this chapter will trace how early Christian authors promoted an ascetic ideal that influenced later Christian 1 Mathew Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago: The Univer sity of Chicago Press, 2001), 115, 287, 290, 292, and 296. See also, for example, David Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christianity (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2006), 182, 183. Such an ideal, once estab lished, was subject to several challenges and modifications. In fact, the ascetic ideal was never normative, but instead represented a goal or ideal, promoted by influential Christian authorities, which all Christian men, particularly the clergy, were expe cted to emulate. See Chapter 3 for a more detailed examination of the evolution and transmission of the monastic ideal during the Middle Ages and its implications for early medieval Christian masculinity. 2 Scholars have long presented the Gregorian Refor The Papal Monarchy: From St. Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII, 590 1303 (New York: Putnam, 1902), 193. More recently, see also, Chapter 8: Th e Victory of Monasticism in the West in Raymond J. Lawerence Jr., Sexual Liberation: The Scandal of Christendom (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2007), 45 50.
37 concepts of manhood. 3 In doing so, it will help us, in Chapters 4, 5, and 6 of this di ssertation, reach a greater understanding of how reform minded clerics in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, many of whom were influenced by the surviving works of early Christian authors considered here, formulated their own understandings of proper Chri stian masculinity. Scholars and Early Christian Masculinity A number of recent scholarly books have considered why early Christian masculine ideals ultimately became so influential with both Christian and Roman men before or during the fourth century. Pri or to the fourth century, Roman men and Christian men had defined masculinity in significantly different ways. Roman men, for example, had demonstrated their masculinity through military service and sexual activity, whereas, in contrast, influential Christ ian leaders had advocated sexual renunciation and rejected bloodshed. Yet during the fourth century, an increasing number of Roman men embraced Christianity and with it a new type of masculine expression. Virginia Burrus argues that fourth century Trinitar ian debates led to a redefinition of Christian manhood that appealed to Roman men. 4 Through an analysis of the works of Athanasius of Alexandria, Gregory of Nyssa and Ambrose of Milan, she maintains d equal divinity of Father, Son, and Spirit became for the first time the sine qua non of doctrinal orthodoxy" and resulted 3 Thus, the goal of this chapter, in particular, is not to provide a new argument, as historians have a lready thoroughly considered the issues here, but rather to consider what we already know about the key masculine elements that made up the influential late antique Christian masculine ideal. 4 Virginia Burrus, Begotten, Not Made: Conceiving Manhood in Lat e Antiquity (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2000).
38 in the emergence of a new style of masculinity that "heightened the claims of patriarchal authority while also cutting manhood loose from its traditional fleshly and familial moorings." 5 This new masculine identity promoted "a radically transcendent ideal" that replaced classical Roman ideals of civic manhood, which had been under threat with the decline of the Empire, with the Christi an ascetic model of chaste spiritual fathers 6 Roman elite and the decline of the legal power of the paterfamilias during the fourth century hampered 7 According to Kuefler, Christian notions of masculinity offered a chaste alternative masculine identity that elite Roman men, who were increasingly unable to demonstrate their masculinity on the battlefield or in the bedroom, could embrace without hindrance in the role of bishop. 8 abandoning the increasingly unobtainable markers of traditional Roman masculinity in 9 In investigating these issues, Burrus and Kuefler, among o thers considered in here had to carefully examine how early Christian masculinity was constructed in an effort to understand its appeal to both Christian and Roman men. They, along w ith others, concluded that a specific form of Christian masculinity, defined by the various 5 Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 3. 6 Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 5. 7 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch see pages 37 69 on demilitarization and pages 70 102 on the decline of the paterfamilias 8 Kuefl er, The Manly Eunuch 142 160. 9 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 296.
39 ascetic ideals of the emerging late antique monastic community, represented a new and appealing model of Christian masculinity. According to Kuefler, the monastic model 10 Similarly, David Brakke has argued that the monk represented a new form of Christian man liness 11 Burrus, as well, has noted how, through the adoption of dominant fourth century ascetic 12 In these cases, all of these scholars are referring to a mode of Christian masculinity based on ascetic ideals associated with Christian monks. Consequently, in an effort to better understa nd the standard by which early Christians measured their manhood, a careful examination of the elements that made up the monastic ideal of the early Church are the focus of the remainder of this chapter. Some of the k ey elements of the early Christian mona stic ideal including sexual renunciation, humility, and the view of monks as spiritual holy warriors, remained integral to monastic identity until at least the Gregorian Reform. Moreover, such an ideal 10 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch masculinity regard to the former Roman emperor Nepotian on pages 289 290. Although Nepotian had been a good 11 Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Monk 182 183. 12 Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 5 6. Burrus notes that Christian masculinity, through its adoption Roman men, such as virginal modesty, withdraw from the world, and the reluctance to compete (militarily, politically, or socially), all markers of monastic masculinity, are what made the Christian masculine alternative so appealing to Roman men during a t ime when so many of the traditional avenues for Roman masculine expression were cut off from them.
40 had significant consequences for how the clergy in th e eleventh and twelfth centuries would attempt to use their limited control over the crusading movement as a vehicle for the reform of the warrior class. 13 In seeking to reform the arrogant and lustful warrior class, the medieval clergy presented a chaste a nd humble warrior alternative with characteristics that were in significant part drawn from early Christian works that are the focus of this chapter. Sexual Renunciation and Early Christian Masculinity In contrast to Roman societal norms of the time, which in significant part defined masculinity by sexual aggression and playing the active, rather than passive, role during sexual activity, early Christians rejected popular markers of masculine identity by pointing to Jesus as having never married and having remained continent throughout his life. 14 That Jesus was celibate and abstinent is not surprising in light of the Jewish influenced environment from which he is believed to have emerged. Near the Dead Sea, large communities of abstinent ascetic males are kn own to have preached repentance to nearby cities in a way similar to their better known contemporary, John 13 The transmission of monastic ideals into the Middle Ages, the effects of the Gregorian Reform on clerical masculine identity, and the effort to reform Eur each individually the focus of later chapters in this dissertation. 14 The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 41. On Roman views of penetration see John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian Era to the Fourteenth Century (Chicago and London: The Univers ity of Chicago Press, 1980), 74 Journal of Biblical Literature lying themselves with lower status The Manly Eunuch 87. Kuefler emphasizes how Roman traditions of pederasty held it as a mark of maturation and manhood when an adolescent boy switched from being penetrated to penetrating others On the association of Roman masculinity with sexual aggression see Centurian, The Chap, and the Christ in Matthew 8: 5 Journal of Biblical Literat ure 123:3 (2004): 474 475.
41 the Baptist. 15 While Jesus never preached the abolition of marriage, his followers interpreted his view of the married life as a hindrance to the high est levels of spiritual commitment, as he called on his followers to abandon their families to follow him. 16 Paul of Tarsus more directly promoted the unmarried life as superior to the married life when, in his mid first century letter to the Corinthians, he compared how the unmarried state offered clear advantages over the married life, as he first cited his own commitment to celibacy before praising the singular devo tion of the unmarried man who 17 In contrast, the married man was how he can please his wife and his efrain from marriage to view the unmarried man as superior to the married man in spiritual matters. 18 15 See Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 90, for a brief examination of how patristic authors such as Gregory of Nyssa cited John the Baptist as a biblical model of Christian celibacy. She cites Gregory as they [the biblical examples of Elijah and John the Baptist] would not have 16 Brown, The Body and Society 40 42 See also The Gospel of Luke 18:29. The author of the Gospel of Luke notes t 17 See 1 Corinthians 7: 32 1 Corinthians 7:8. See Theology and Sexuality 12:2 (2006): the need for single minded devotion to Christ, the nearness of the end, the u nimportance of worldly concerns and interests. It is indeed likely that the Corinthians had learnt 18 See 1 Corinthians 7: 38. Many early Christian writers used 1 Corinthians 7 as the basis for promoting the superi 1 Corinthians the other and higher sanctity preferring self control and vi Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian : Three Parts, I. Apologetic; II. Anti Marcion; III. Ethical The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3. Eds. Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1957), 462. See also Price, Celibacy and Free Love
42 Early Christian writers certainly took notice of these biblical examples as they also adopted the belief that sexual renunciation, in all its forms, was superior to married life. The second century Christian apologist Justin Martyr, in an effort to show how some early Christians avoided marriage altogether and lived in complete continence, describes how a young Christian man in Alexandria petitioned, unsuccessfully, the Roman Prefect for the right to castrate himself to prove to critics that sexual promiscuity was not a secret rite among Christians. 19 rent approval of the young disapproved of the practice, there nevertheless remained some early Christian thinkers who saw either spiritual justifications for castrat ion or practical reasons in eliminating all suspicion over the potential to engage in sexual activity. 20 The influential Alexandrian theologian Origen (d.254), for example, is reported by Eusebius to have castrated himself on the basis of his reading of the Gospel of Matthew 19:12 to avoid the temptations of lust and to enable him to tutor women without suspicion. 21 Thus Christian highlights the later arguments of Jerome on the superiority of the chaste cleric to the married cleric. She coun The Journal of Roman Studies 82 (1992):156. 19 Justi n Martyr, The First Apology of Justin, the Martyr, Early Christian Fathers, The Library of Christian Classics Vol. 1 Eds. Cyril C. Richardson (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1953), 260. 20 On the general disapproval of castration in the early Church Vigiliae Christianae 51:4 (1997): 396 and Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 249. On Christian opponents of castration who claimed the practice was unmasculine, see Kue fler, The Manly Eunuch 263. On the reasoning of those who sometimes found the practice acceptable, also see Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch uchs and castration as religious unorthodoxy and sin. But the same readers could turn to other passages that depicted eunuchs 21 See Eusebius, Church History Book 6, Chapter 8. Matthew 19:12 describes have made themselves eunuchs for the sake of the
43 sources suggest that castration, while otherwise condemned by the broader early Christian community, still represented a symbol of extreme chastity for at least some Christians who invested the eunuch with the virtue of sexual continence. 22 Other Christians took a less drastic approach, but still embraced the importance of sexual renunciation as essential to obtain the highest levels of Christian spirituality. Influential early Christian authors such as Tertullian, Cyprian of Carthage, and Augustine, for example, all authored works that elevated chastity above married life. 23 Indeed, the importance early Christian leaders attached to se xual renunciation as a means of achieving greater spirituality manifested itself officially in canon 33 of the Council of Elvira in Hispania in 306, which attempted, without success, to formally impose continence on members of the Spanish clergy, whether m arried or unmarried. 24 Perhaps the most dynamic Christian advocates of sexual renunciation were the Desert Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries, through whom sexual abstinence became a pillar of the ascetic movement. 25 The ascetic par excellence was u ndoubtedly the Egyptian saint Anthony (d.356), whose life was made known to the 22 99 and Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 258. 23 See, for example, Tertullian, On Exhortation to Chastity (c. 196 ), Cyprian, Of the Discipline and Advantage of Chastity (c. 250), Augustine, On Continence (c. 421). 24 Alfons Maria Cardinal Stickler, The Case for Clerical Celibacy: Its Historical Development and Theological Development Trans. By Father Brian Ferme (Sa n Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1995), 22. The date of the Council of Elvira is disputed. Cardinal Strickler gives a date of 311, while the editors of Concilios Visigoticos e Hispano Romanos places it between 300 and 306. See Concilios Visigoticos e Hispano R omanos, ed. Jose Vives, Tomas Marin Martinez, and Gonzalo Martinez Diez Espana cristiana, Vol.1 (Barcelona and Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1963), 14. Samuel Laeuchli places it at 309. See Samuel Laeuchli, Power and Sexuality: The Emergence of Canon Law at the Synod of Elvira (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1972), 86 87. 25 Gillian Clark : Thinking Men: Masculinity and Its Self Representation in the Classical Tradition eds. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon asceticism.
44 broader Christian world through a popular biography by Athanasius of Alexandria, which was translated into Latin and helped spread monasticism both in the East and West. 26 In At overcome his sexual desires and his Life served as an inspiration for many ascetics, both in the East and West, who would similarly renounce their sexuality and embrace the li fe of a monk. 27 Although many in Roman society prized sexual activity as a significant marker of To the contrary, sexual renunciation became a sign of manly strength and only contributed to the esteem with which chaste men were held within the Christian community. 28 This was because sexual renunciation by Christians was understood as rooted in struggle with sin, always requiring a manly battle of the will. 29 Even more than Antho ny, Augustine of Hippo, who was perhaps the most influential Christian authority 26 On the spread and influence of the Life of Anthony see Marilyn Dunn, The Emergence of Monastici sm: From the Desert Fathers to the Early Middle Ages (Malden, MA.: Blackwell, 2000), 2 and Carolinne White, Early Christian Lives (London: Penguin, 1998), xxiii, 4. 27 Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers of th e Christian Church. Second Series, Vol. 6 Eds. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1971), 196 197. See also Brown, Body and Society 213 216 and White, Early Christian Lives xxiii. 28 Roman society would not have uniformly viewed a Indeed, Stoic philosophical ideals held much in common with Christian ideals of chastity. The Stoic view passions Stoic Eros: The Sexual Ethics of Zeno and Chrysippus and their in Aperion 33 (2000): 207 238. 29 in Gender & Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & F elice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 56. See also Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 174. had banished Adam and Eve from Para dise. The association of sexual renunciation with steadfastness
45 of Late Antiquity, became associated with the spiritual struggle against sexual desire. As one scholar has noted, his deeply personal Confessions metaphors of masculinity and focused upon powerful action, decisive strength, and 30 emphasizes his well known struggle against sexual desire through physical warfare between the spirit and the flesh. 31 action was deemed the essence of Christian masculinity. Conversely, moral weakness, as represented in characteristic of women. 32 The Male Body and Christian Masculinity Because victory in the struggle over lust was considered a marker of Christian masculinity, so also were the tools tha t contributed to that victory including the widespread act of fasting. Tertullian, for example, claimed that a lack of fasting led to 33 In this, Tertullian was expressing a widely held view, based on Greek medical theory, that one could overcome or avoid lustful thoughts by eating less or avoiding certain foods. 34 According 30 Journal of the History of Sexual ity 6.1 (1995): 3. 31 32 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 20 21. 33 Brown, Body and Society 78. Christian women who embraced chastity were understood to have reached gender parity by being transformed into men, for which they we re often admired. Dyan Gender and Christianity in the Medieval World: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 16. 34 Dunn The Emergence of Monasticism ,16.
46 to this theory, the body was thought to have four humors, blood, black bile, yellow bile and phlegm, which then prod uced humors such as semen. Ideally, under these circumstances, the body would be kept dry, which would prevent it from producing semen. To keep the body dry one had to avoid meat, for example, which was seen as a primary cause of moist humors and, as a res ult, was banned from the monastic diet altogether. 35 In addition to avoiding certain foods, a Christian man also made himself more susceptible to sin if overeating, and activity resulting in a surplus of energy that showed itself in the sexual urge. 36 Althou gh excessive fasting might weaken the body, early Christians understood it as strengthening the spirit through obedience to God. Indeed, New Testament texts provide many examples of Jesus and the apostles fasting to please God, to atone for sins or to insu re success in various spiritual ventures. Consider the well known example of Jesus who fasted for forty days in the desert (Matthew 4:2), or how the apostles are depicted as fasting before appointing elders and laying on hands (Acts 13:3, 14:23). Moreover, early Christians came to believe that the first sin of Adam and Eve in the Garden, as described in Genesis was not one of sexual misconduct, but rather their lust for physical food, which led to their disobedience from God. Irenaeus, for example, the sec 35 Dunn, The Emergence of Monasticism ,16 17. 36 Brown, Body and Society 223. For a lengthier examination of how ancient people understood the relationship between food and sexual desire, see Aline Rousselle, Porneia: On De sire and the Body in Antiquity Trans. Felicia Pheasant (Cambridge, Ma.: Blackwell, 1988), 170 178.
47 37 Tertullian likewise argued, 38 As a result, when Christians fasted, they understood themselves as undoing a little bit of the damage 39 Fasting also prevented obesity, an outward marker of fe mininity in both the Roman and Christian worlds of antiquity. The ideal man was hard bodied, rather than fat, unlike women who were considered to be soft, an exclusive attribute of femininity. 40 It would have been unseemly to be obese for Christian men who were warned to avoid any mark of effeminacy on their faces or bodies. 41 Obesity also hinted at the sins of gluttony and excess, which handicapped the spiritual strength of Christians and suggested weakness in their spiritual struggles to overcome immorality The Desert Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries representative of the monastic ideal are Life of Anthony for example, those who fat, like a 42 In 37 The Ante Nicene Fathers : translations of the writings of the Fathers down to A. D. 325, Vol. 1, Eds. Alexander Roberts a nd James Donaldson (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1961), 493, 551. 38 Tertullian, The Five Books Against Marcion 287. 39 Brown, Body and Society 220. 40 n Gender in the Early Medieval World: East and West, 300 900, eds. Leslie Brubaker and Julia M.H. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 45. 41 The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 2 Eds. Alexander Roberts 42 Athanasius, Select Works and Letters iacal See Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 73.
48 contrast to depictions of Anthony as neither too fat nor too lean, Basil of Caesarea presented a different bodily image of the ascetic as characterized by ema ciation and paleness. 43 According to Basil, such a state demonstrated that the Christian was an 44 Thus according to Basil, although physically weakened, the ema ciated Christian was spiritually fortified on account of his sufferings and deprivations. 45 Hair, Clothing, and Masculinity in Early Christianity Many early Christian commentators worried about the effeminization of Christian men on issues related to hair a nd clothing. Their concerns were primarily over the abilities of men, who had adopted hair and clothing styles that were perceived as feminine, to remain strong in an age of persecution. Tertullian, for example, worried that the Christian man who had lost the visible signs of manliness would fail when the virtue of his manhood was challenged by the threat of martyrdom. 46 Thus, for many early Christian writers, it was important to promote a standard of masculine dress and hair that would, in their view, contr ibute to the manly resolve with which Christian men faced the physical and spiritual dangers of the world. Concerns over Christians maintaining appropriate male hairstyles began as early as the era of the New Testament. Although some Old Testament texts ha d encouraged 43 Andrea Sterk, Renouncing the World Yet Leading the Church: The Monk Bishop in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 52. 44 Sterk, Renouncing the World 52 53. 45 Sterk, Renouncing the World 52. 46 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 219.
49 47 e Antiquity and the Middle Ages by Christian authors who sought to discourage men from growing their hair long because it was viewed as a sign of femininity. 48 Indeed, Paul explicitly associated long hair with femininity observing that, in sharp contrast t o men dishonoring 49 saw the maintenance of long or non traditional hair styles to be unbecoming of a man. 50 Clement of Alexandria, for example, the early third century head of the noted Catechetical School of Alexandria and the teacher of Origen, also emphasized the he sake of fine effect and to arrange his hair at the mirror, shave wished women to be smooth and to rejoice in their locks alone growing spontaneously, as a horse in his lions, with a beard, and endowed him as an attribute of manhood, with a hairy chest, a 47 See 1 Corinthians 11:14, Judges 13:5 and Numbers reflected Roman influence. Paul was a Roman citizen and Roman authors of the first century wrote of short hair as a distinctly masculine trait. See Bernadette J. Brooten, Love Between Women: Early Christian Responses to Female Homoeroticism (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996), 52. 48 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (1994), 51 52. 49 I Corinthians 11:14. 50 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 225.
50 51 Indeed, the early fourth century Christian apologist Arnobius lashed out against men who did not maintain such distinctions and instead feminized their appearance by curling their hair and shaving their bodies. He complained that curl their hair with crisping pins, to make the skin of the aside the strength of their manhood to grow 52 One Cyprian of Carthage. Prudentius writes of a physical transformation that happens to Cyprian as a result of his conversion, in which his long hair, elegant style, and softness of skin were replaced by short hair and an austere look when he became a Christian. 53 The concern of these writers was not only that this type of effeminate behavior gave 51 Clement of Alexandria, The Instructor 275. The emphasis on hairiness for men and smoothness for women was not solely a Christian concept. Since at least the first century, Roman philosophers had written of hairiness as a natural distinction between men and women. See Brooten, L ove Between Women 276 277. 52 The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 6: Gregory Thaumaturgus, Dionysius the Great, Julius Africanus, Anatolius and Minor Writers, Methodius, Arnobius Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe. (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1978), 450. In addition to prohibitions on curling or combing hair, Christian men were also to avoid dying their hair to look younger. See Clement of Alexandr ia, The Instructor 255. Cyprian also admonished those who dyed their hair. See Fathers of the Third Century: Hippolytus, Cyprian, Caius, Novatian, Appendix The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 5. E ds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1951), 434. Clement also advocated that men keep their Clement of Alexandria The Instructor 286. Epiphanius of Salamis, the fourth century metropolitan of Cyprus, argued that Jesus, who represented the Christian masculine ideal, had short hair while the Apostolic Constitutions compiled around the year 390, declared that men we re to cut their hair short in an effort to diminish their appearance and avoid enticing women. See Fathers of the Third and Fourth Centuries: Lactantius, Venantius, Asterius, Victorinus, Dionysius, Apostolic Teachin g and Constitutions, Homily, and Liturgies The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 7. Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1951), 392. 53 Prudentius Vol. II Trans. H.J. Th omson (Cambridge: Havard University Press, 1953), 330. See also Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 143.
51 men the appearance and mannerisms of women, but that such behavior could also soften their moral resolve in times of crisis. 54 The beard also served as a sign of manhood in th e early Christian community as the ability to grow facial hair separated men from boys. 55 Additionally, many influential early Church fathers promoted the beard as a sign of Christian manhood. Clement of Alexandria, for example, noted that the beard was a s 56 Indeed, eunuchs, who by means of their castration had lost the ability to grow facial hair, were no longer recognizable as men in the Christian community. 57 Early Christian masculine ideals also extended to clothing and appearance, which provided for sharp distinctions to differentiate early Christians from non Christians. 58 In the first and second centuries the toga clearly marked the Rom an male citizen from the non citizen. Early Christian men also used dress as a marker by favoring much simpler garments like the pallium a rectangular cloak associated with philosophers, and simply thrown over the body in contrast to the much more complic ated stylish folding of the toga. Indeed, Tertullian argued that the cumbersome toga was not suited to the simpler and humbler life of the Christian man and asserted it 54 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 218 eir moral complexions along with 55 56 in Fathers of the Third and Fourth Centuries: Lactantius, Venantius, Asterius, Victorinus, Dionysius, Apostolic Teaching and Constitutions, Homily, and Liturgies The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 7. Eds. Roberts, Alexander James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1951) 288. 57 Brown, Body and Society 169. 58
52 would be wrong for a Christian to wear a toga because of its association with the Roman civic and political world, which was the traditional domain of Roman men alone. 59 The Romans would have viewed the Christian unwillingness to embrace Roman fashions as a sign of their inferiority. Indeed, the Roman phrase a toga ad pallium referred to the gendered implications for how Romans viewed Christian men. 60 To Romans, the Roman way of doing things, including dress, defined masculinity, and anything that fell outside that definition was i nferior and feminized. Thus non Roman men, as well as Roman men who did not abide by Roman norms, were not seen as masculine and were often equated with women. 61 Regardless of Roman criticisms, early Christians defined their own standards of masculine dres s with seemingly little concern about Roman opinion on what Christians, either men or women, should wear. To begin with, Jesus saw it as unimportant for his followers to maintain the fashions of their day as he reportedly told his followers on multiple occ asions to have no concerns for their clothing. 62 Paul of Tarsus echoed the lack of concern Jesus had for fashion by calling for Christians to dress plainly and modestly. This was particularly the case for Christian women, whom he called on to ecency and propriety, not with braided hair or gold or pearls or expensive 59 Dressing to Pl Objects in Context, Objects in Use: Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity, ed. Luke Lavan, E. Switft, and T. Putzeys (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 540. 60 61 45. 62 Matthew also Matthew about clothes? See how the lilies of the field grow. They do
53 63 Thus both Jesus and Paul called on Christians, men and women, to have no regard for Roman ideals of clothing, regardless of whether such ideals promoted a particularly masculine or feminine appearance according to Roman standards. Indeed, Roman standards of dress were supposed to be irrelevant for Christians, who were to forge their own standards of app ropriate masculine and feminine dress. In defining new Christian standards of dress, early Christian writers would have Deuteronomy 64 Clement of Alexandria, for example, reminded his readers of the prohibition against a man wearing woman's clothing? Is it not that it would have us to be 65 Similarly, Tertullian 63 1 Timothy 2:9 First Epistle of Peter ome from outward adornment, such as braided hair and the wearing of gold jewelry and fine clothes. Instead, it should be that of your inner self, the unfading beauty of a gentle and quiet spirit, which is of great worth in God's 1 Peter 3: 3 4. The Christian aversion to immodest dress was further reinforced in the Book of Revelation scarlet, and was glittering with gold, precious stones and pearls. She held a golden cup in her hand, filled Revelation 17: 1 5. 64 Deuteronomy 22:5. 65 The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 2. Eds. Alexander Roberts and James Donal dson (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Erdmams, 1979), 365. The early Fathers also seem to have been especially concerned with dyed clothing, as their works contain several prohibitions against it. Clement, for example, noted that Christians should only wear white cl The Instructor 284. Tertullian also argued that Christians Fa thers of the Third Century: Tertullian, Part Fourth ; Minucius Felix ; Commodian ; Origen, Parts First and Second The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 4 Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1956), 17. Similarly, Cyprian of On the Dress of Virgins 434.
54 clothes were cursed. 66 Indeed, Christian men and women dressed in recognizably different ways as men were expected to wear rougher clothing than women and women were expected to cover more of their bodies to avoid engendering lust in men. 67 Thus Christian men were to avoid feminine clothing mostly for the same reasons they avoided e issue of men as a temptation to women was also a concern as were practical issues related to r the foot to be men, presumably much more rugged than women, should go barefoot with the exception of when they are on military service. 68 66 Lati n Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian : Three Parts, I. Apologetic; II. Anti Marcion; III. Ethical The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3. Eds. Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1957), 71. See also Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian : Three Parts, I. Apologetic; II. Anti Marcion; III. Ethical The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3. Eds. Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1957), 89. 67 For the risks associated with women engendering lust in men see Matthew efforts to address such concerns in 1 Timothy 2. Clement held men should wear rougher clothing than Cyprian of Carthage, On the Dress of Virgins 431. 68 Clement of Alexandria, The In structor 267. Another possibility is that Clement sought to be found in the Gospel of Matthew 10:10. John Cassian, however, has a much more ambiguous attitude towards shoes. He acknowledges the concerns of earlier Christian writers, such as Clement of Alexandria, but also makes allowances for the wearing of shoes under certain circumstances. For example, while Cassian cites the biblical prohibitions on the wearing of shoes on holy ground to argue Cassian, Institutes 204. On the biblical prohibitions on wearing shoes on holy ground see Exod. 3:5 and Josh. 5:16.
55 During the fourth century, a num ber of Christian writers also condemned the 69 Christian condemnations focused on the perceived femininity of Galli men, allowing for clear gendered distinctions between Galli norms and Christian masculine ideals. According to the mid fourth century Latin Christian writer Firmucus Maturnus, Galli men were impure, polluted, and unchaste, and transgressed the boundaries of gender through their hair, dress, and mannerisms. Maternus condemne 70 The fifth century theologian John Cassian wrote about the appropriate dress for monks. He devoted much of his Institutes of Coenobia t o the issue and attributed his views on the issue to the teachings of the early Fathers. 71 In outlining the proper dress of monks, Cassian noted that eal he pointed to for emulation was based on a biblical description of the prophet Elijah, who Cassian claimed could be e much preferred the modest and practical functions of the monkish robe, noting it should be used to cover the body, 69 History of Religions 35:3 (199 6):195 196. 70 71 e Twelve Books of John Cassian of the Institutes of the Coenobia and the Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers. Second Series, Vol. 11 Eds Philip Schaff and Henry Wace ( Grand Rapids, Mich.: WM. B. Eerdmans, 1978 ) 403 708 Cassian notes, And, therefore, whatever models we see were not taught either by the saints of old who laid the foundations of the monastic life, or by the fathers of our own time who in their turn keep up at the present day their customs, these we al
56 prevent nudity and protect from the elements. It should also be modest in appearance emain altogether common property 72 Monks also sometimes wore hair shirts for the pur pose of self humbling and as a form of mortification to impede the passions. 73 the mid fourth century, his biographer Athanasius claims that all he left behind to his fellow monks was a hair garment and two sheep s kins, literally the clothes on his back. 74 Humility and Early Christian Masculinity Unlike Roman emperors or military leaders, who boasted of their deeds, sometimes in massive celebratory triumphs and parades, Christians were to be humble about their victor ies, which were believed to have been granted to them by God. Thus Christians were not to be haughty about their own achievements, which were in fact expressions of pride a s a mark of effeminacy, with humility as the masculine alternative. 75 Consequently, humility was a requirement for leaders in the Church as a 72 Cassian, Institutes 201 203. 73 Sterk, Renouncing the World 52. 74 Athanasius, Select Works and Letters 220. 75 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 121. After citing a passage on spiritual combat from Peter Chrysologu lust, love of money, wrath and pride are the vices that were long held
57 which was often dependen t on their degree of humility. 76 Christian views on humility originated with the Apostles, as demonstrated in New Testament texts, for whom the humility of Jesus is presented as an ideal for all Epistle to the Philippians for e xample, advises Christians to 77 The virtue of humility also became an important means of establishing social harmony in the early Christian community. The Apostle Peter, for example, admonished grace to the humble, with pride understood by later patristic writer s as a decidedly feminine trait and humility as its masculine counterpart. 78 Moreover, the author of the Epistle to the Colossians the Church, became one of the means by which Christians in the patristic era evaluated the masculinity of Christian men. 79 76 For a more comprehensive discussion of humility and its relationship to Christian notions of mascu linity, see Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 147 160. 77 Philippians 2: 3 8. 78 1 Peter 5:5 6. See also Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 145. Kuefler points out how the mid third century Bishop Cyprian of Carthage, who emphasized humility as a prerequisite for proper su bmission to 79 Colossians 3:12. See also Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 142 45. In this section of his work linking humility with Christi
58 Clerical warnings about the importance of Christian humility in the era of the early Fathers extended to a host of issues. Ignatius of Antioch, for example, the early second century bishop of Antioch, warned men who had embraced sexual abstinence to avoid 80 Tertullian, emphasizing the need for Christian humility, claimed he was servant 81 Even the most popular and renowned holy men did not take credit for their achievements. Athanasius, for example, the author of the influential Life of Anthony was careful to give credit alone, who worked through Anthony, rather than to Anthony himself. 82 The accounts of the Desert Fathers are also rife with examples of them running away from unwanted followers in the hope of gaining a few more y ears of solitude before other imitators would come to join them. The motivation for such behavior was as much to safeguard their humility, which could be threatened by having a large crowd of admirers around, as it was to enjoy the spiritual benefits of so litude. 83 Many imitators, for example, followed the Egyptian monk Amoun, when he settled on Mount Nitria in 80 The Ante Nicene Fathe rs : translations of the writings of the Fathers down to A. D. 325, Vol. 1, Eds. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1961), 100. In a similar way, Tatian argued against boasting when he noted that if a Christian is free, he The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 2. Eds. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Erdmams, 1979), 69. Kuefler, The Man ly Eunuch 121. 81 Tertullian, On the Apparel of Women 18. Elsewhere Tertullian argued that, for a humble Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian : Three Parts, I. Apologetic; II. Anti Marcion; III. Ethical The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3. Eds. Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1957), 45. 82 Athanasius, Select Works and Letters 83 Buddhist Christian Studies 12 (1992): 128.
59 315. Unable to discourage them, Amoun later retreated to another isolated site to the south and the process repeated itself. 84 In a similar way, the d esert monks, on account of their perceived virtue, came to be highly desired candidates, although often unwilling ones, for leadership roles in the Church, which would have required a level of engagement in ecclesiastical and worldly affairs that was the a ntithesis of the solitude they had sought in the desert. 85 The apparent resistance to positions of leadership or authority within the Church was related to Christian views of masculinity. The Christian flight from the world, particularly in the case of avo iding secular office, would have been seen as an abdication of political authority that was central to Roman definitions of masculine identity. 86 Thus, on one hand, such flight represented an explicit rejection of Roman masculine ideals. On the other hand, the Christian unwillingness to seek ecclesiastical office upheld the highest Christian masculine ideals; as such humility was central to suitability for a leadership role wit hin the Church. 87 84 Du nn, The Emergence of Monasticism 13. 85 Sterk, Renouncing the World 5 6, 18, 63. 86 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 129. 87 On the connection between humility and suitability for office, see Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 151 153. On humility as a marker of a Chris The Manly Eunuch 147, 159 160. Consider also the mid fourth century Cappadocian father Basil of Caesarea, for example, who emphasized the importance of humility for Christian monks. He argued that superiors of mon astic communities should be characterized by selflessness and humility to be able to serve their communities ee Sterk, Renouncing the World 51, Dunn, The Emergence of Monasticism 39.
60 Martial Rhetoric and Early Christian Masculinity Perhaps most interestingly in the context of Christian masculinity, humility also offered a practical benefit to monks as a weapon with which they could engage in spiritual warfare against d example, the desert saint once reportedly taught his followers not to fear demons Thus in combat, the most masculine of activities, humility was also a weapon by which the Christian as a type of spiritual combatant could decisively triumph on the spiritual battlefield. 88 While prowess in physical warfare had served as an important, if not the ideal, means by which Roman men could express their masculinity in the first through fourth centuries, Christians during this era generally avoided military service and thus found themselve s cut off from this avenue of masculine expression. 89 This was due to the concerns many early Christian writers had about the compatibility of Christianity and 88 Athanasius, Life of Anthony Peristephanon which provides accounts of martyrs using humility as a weapon against t heir persecutors. 89 On the Roman military embodying the Roman masculine ideal, see Jennings Jr. and Liew, Mistaken Identities but Model Faith 475. Although Christians generally did not serve in the military during the first through fourth centuries, ther e appear to have been many notable exceptions. Tertullian, for example, in his Apology noted that Christians served in the Roman navy and army and fought under Marcus Aurelius (c.170 180). See Tertullian, Apology 49, 22. See C hapter 42 on Christians serv ing in the Roman military and Chapter 5 on Christians serving under Marcus Aurelius. On early Christian attitudes see a broad path in Christian a ttitudes -both before and after the year 312 in which participation in war The Manly Eunuch 108.
61 military life due to the sacrificial obligations of a soldier to the state and the sinful effects of warfare on the faithful. 90 Although early Christian men did not embrace the physical battlefield as a means by which they might assert their masculinity, they did, however, assert their manhood on of Tarsus, for example, described Christian life through the language and imagery of warfare, the most masculine of pursuits, as a means of compensating for perceived deficiencies in his masculine identity as attributed to him by non Christians. 91 In his s econd letter to the Corinthians, 92 In another uggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and 93 Thus while Paul and other Christians rejected the dominant Roman social markers of masculinity through their aversion to warfare, they nevertheless asse rted their masculinity as spiritual warriors 90 Church H istory Vol. 43:2 (Jun., 1974): 153 154. 91 6 and the Language of Weakness 2 Cor. 11:21b Biblical Interpretation 17 (2009): 79 masculinity by his Cor inthian opponents was the basis for his adoption of the use of martial rhetoric as a counter to his critics. On the continuance of such views among late antique Christians see Harlow, Clothes Maketh the Man particularly in military and 92 2 Corinthians 3 4. 93 Ephesians 6: 12 17.
62 who battled spiritual opponents that were far more dangerous than those found on any physical battlefield. In addition to Paul, many other ancient Christian writers embraced the use of martial rhetoric to descr 94 Ignatius of Antioch, in an early second century letter to Polycarp, the Bishop of Smyrna, adopted army, and warned his f lock to be obedient so that they would not be found to be 95 The early Christian apologist Marcus Minucius Felix equated the martyrs 96 In a similar way, Cyprian of Carthage compared the triumph of Christian martyrs over the Devil with the triumphs of worldly soldiers over their enemies and argued the accomplishments of martyrs as spiritual warrior were superior to those of the worldly wa rrior. 97 98 94 Rhetoric Society Quarterly 24. (1994): 105 130. 95 in The Ante Nicene Fathers : translations of the writings of the Fathers down to A. D. 325, Vol. 1, Eds. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1961), 95. 96 Fathers of the Third Century: Tert ullian, Part Fourth ; Minucius Felix ; Commodian ; Origen, Parts First and Second The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 4. Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1956), 196. 97 ers of this world it is glorious to return in triumph to their country when in Fathers of the Third Century: Hippolytus, Cyprian, Caius, Novatian, Appendix The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 5. Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1951), 506. On the broader emphasis among early Christian authors of the superiority of the spiritual warrior over the secular warrior see Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 122 123. 98 To the People of Thibaris, Exhorting to Martyrdom Fathers of the Third Century: H ippolytus, Cyprian, Caius, Novatian, Appendix The Ante Nicene Fathers,
63 Thus, with the writings of the early Fathers, the model of the Christian soldier became an ideal of Christian manlin ess, as the miles Christi could adopt for himself the military rhetoric so closely associated with traditional forms of masculine identity. 99 demonstrated courage in the martyr sources. 100 Indeed, the attributes that made the Christian soldier successful on the spiritual battlefield, to include courage and endurance, were masculine traits and this did not change simply because a woman sometimes possessed them. Rather, when Christian women demonstrated masculine traits, it was because they were becoming like men on account of their virtues, not because such traits were feminine. 101 In some cases women who exhibited extraordinary masculine virtues were referenced by Christian authors not as exemplars of femininity, but instead to shame men who were not masculine enough. 102 Vol. 5. Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1951), 348 350. 99 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 115. 100 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 101 Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Monk 183 184. Brakke notes that female monks could monk in a way that male monks could not: they started out as female and could be Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 115 and 226. On page 226 Kuefler argues that for early Christians the notion ce such notions only resulted in a call for Christian women to become men. See also the discussion of the Carthaginian martyr Perpetua included in this chapter. 102 Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Monk 194. For a lengthier discussion of the early Chri stian practice of shaming men to coerce them to abide by Christian masculine standards, see Gendering Early Christian Journal of the American Academy of Religion 59:2 (1991) Christian rhetoric of shame routinely and paradoxically
64 iritual battlefield also influenced greater and lesser perceptions of their masculinity. When Christian men battled spiritual forces, 103 Indeed, historian Peter Brown has referred to early Christian monks demons. 104 Such views were particularly relevant in the case of the Desert Fathers, who 105 Indeed, many of those who pu rsued a spiritual life in the desert during this time were reported to be former soldiers, and were perhaps better accustomed to the hardships of life found in the desert than others and likely could more easily embrace the concept of 106 Martin of Tours, for example, as a former Roman soldier who renounced the physical par excellence Indeed, according to Sulpicius, Martin himself used such language to describe his transition from an earthly soldier to a spiritual one, telling his former notions of femininit y, the avoidance of physical warfare or sexual activity for example, and turned them into Christian masculine virtues. See Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 5 a hypertranscendent masculinity incorporated characteristics or stances traditionally 103 Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Monk 7. 104 Peter Brown, The World of Late Antiquity: AD 150 750 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1989), 101. 105 monks in their works. For Jerome, see, for example, The Life of Paulus the First Hermit Chapter 3. For John Cassian, see Institutes of the Coenobia, where th e term is used throughout. See Book 1, Chapter 1, Book 5, Chapter 19, etc... 106 See, for example, Athanasius, Select Works and Letters
65 107 Thus, by refusing to serve as a soldier and wage war on the physical battlefield, Martin rejected a traditional marker of Roman or worldly masculinity and embraced an alternative Christian masculine ideal as a spiritual warrior on a spiritual battlefield. 108 Courage and Early Christian Masculinity As soldiers of Christ, it is not surprising that Christians, like secular soldiers on the physical battlefield, were expected to act bravely as they waged war again st sin on the spiritual battlefield. In the Roman army, acts of cowardice were seen as unmanly and worthy of expulsion and often resulted in a declaration of infamy for the offending soldier. 109 n the spiritual battlefield and when promoting their faith, whether by word, deed, or in defense of virtue, in times of either peace or persecution. Consequently, many early Christian authors celebrated Christian martyrs as having achieved the fullness of a new and militant Christian masculine ideal that was based on their steadfastness and courage. 110 Several New Testament texts demonstrate that Christianity was born as a confident faith that sought to promote religious truths as early Christians saw fit. 107 S Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church Second Series Vol. 11 Eds. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Peabody Mass.: Hendrickson, 1994), 6. 108 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 108. In r a Demons and the Making of the Monk 194. 109 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 30, 44. 110 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 111, 115 120, 124. On page 124, for example, Kuefler notes, vita militaris of steadfastness and courage and wage victorious wars of conquest those wars in Christian terms of sin, suffering, and
66 C hristians were never supposed to shy away from proclaiming the truths of their faith denial of Christ, in one instance even before a lowly servant girl, was later a sour ce of 111 Perhaps in response to the lessons he had learned, Peter later exhorted Christians not to be ashamed to suffer on account of their faith, but to glorify God for the opportunity. 112 Other New Testament texts confirm such a view, including the Second Epistle to Timothy which notes that 113 o 114 Because God was with them, Christians had no reason to fear proclaiming the Gospel, as God would give them strength and courage when they needed it. 115 Nowhere was the point that Christians were to be fearless in their promotion of the faith made more clearly than in the stories of the early Christian martyrs. 116 Christian martyrs had more than only the assurance that God was with them in their time of persecution; they also had the promise of an eternal heavenly reward f or their efforts. A 111 Matthew 26: 69 75. 112 1 Peter 4:16 18. 113 2 Timothy 1:7 9. 114 Matthew 10:28. 115 Philippians 1:14, 4:13. 116 Beginning with the Gospel accounts of Jesus himself, he willingly gave himself over for his crucifixion to the authorities without resistance and rebuked Peter for daring to defend him with a sword. See John 18:10 11. Additionally, the martyrdom of Stephen, as described in the Book of Acts presents ar speech to an unreceptive crowd that will ultimately stone him for his offense See Acts 7.
67 source of comfort in many of the accounts of early Christian martyrs. The sources demonstrate that the belief among many early Christian martyrs that their relatively brief torments in this world would be exchanged for an eternity of heavenly comforts contributed substantially to the resolve with which they met their fates. 117 virtue, and those martyrs who most boldly and bravely faced their persecutors were celebrated as representative of a new military ideal of Christian masculinity. 118 The author of The Martyrdom of St. Polycarp for example, describes Polycarp as an outstandi ng witness to the faith who, when faced with death, courageously proclaimed 119 Clement of Alexandria, in particular, highlighted on multiple oc 120 Origen emphasized how Christians reject 117 In the mid second century account of the martyrdom of St. Polycarp the author describes the e of Christ, they despised all the torments of this world, redeeming themselves from eternal punishment by [the suffering of] a single hour. For this reason the fire of their savage executioners appeared cool to them. For they kept before their view escape from that fire which is eternal and never shall be quenched, and looked forward with the eyes of The Encyclical Epistle of the Church at Smyrna Concerning the Martyrdom of the Ho in The Ante Nicene Fathers : translations of the writings of the Fathers down to A. D. 325, Vol. 1, Eds. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1961), 39. 118 L. Stephanie Cobb, Dying to be Men: Gender and Language in Early Christian Martyr Texts merely assert Christian masculinity they provide examples of it. In situation after situation the martyrs show self restra int, courage, and other masculine virtues while non Christians display a less potent form see Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 111. 119 The Martyrdom of the Hol y Polycarp The Journal of Religion 82:1 (2002): 39. Thompson contrasts condemned to die in the arena. 120 Clement of Alexandria, The Stromata 411, 541 542.
68 121 While courage was considered among the manliest of values, it was nevertheless expected and encouraged for both male and female Christian martyrs. This is perhaps best seen in the account of the martyrdom of a you ng Carthaginian Christian woman named Perpetua in 203. In a dream, Perpetua was told not to be fearful of her pending death and was shown a vision in which she was led into the arena not to fight beasts, but instead to fight the Devil in the form of an Egy ptian gladiator. Immediately before man, she was then able to defeat her demonic opponent in a physical contest. At that point, she awoke and realized her real battle in the a rena would not be between her and the beasts, but rather she would battle the Devil by maintaining her faith and trust in God, not fearing either the pain the beasts might inflict on her or her death, as God would provide her the strength she needed to giv e her the ultimate victory. 122 transformation into a man is significant in that it suggests it was, at least in part, because of her ability to overcome her fears, a decidedly masculine virtue, allowing for 121 Fathers of the Third Century: Tertullian, Part Fourth ; Minucius Felix ; Commodian ; Origen, Parts First and Second The Ante Nicene F athers, Vol. 4. Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1956), 470, Fathers of the Third Century: Hippolytus, Cyprian, Caius, Novatian, App endix The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 5. Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, A. Cleveland Coxe, (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1951), 287 The Manly Eunuch 239. 122 Tertu Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian : Three Parts, I. Apologetic; II. Anti Marcion; III. Ethical The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3. Eds. Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids, Mich: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1957), 702.
69 her transformation into a male, that she was able to endure her sufferings and successfully engage in combat with the Devil in the arena. 123 Origen, writing in the mid third century, made the notion that the ability to endure physical suffering was a manly virtue explicit. After highlighting the endurance of Christ approve of manly courage 124 Likewise, the Egyptian Bishop Phileas, writing in the and their manly endurance 125 Anthony also presents the holy man as an example of courage for others to emulate. 123 On the attribution of masculinity to Perpetua or other Christian virtuous women, see Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania aged in hand to hand combat with an The Manly Eunuch 30 31, 214, 226 228, 294. On page 214, for example, in an examination of a martyrdom account of the Chri stian female martyr Agnes, who had refused to marry and was condemned to death, women were understood by orthodox Christian fathers to become men only in a metaphorical (not physical or literal) sense. See again Kuefler, 232. On the more general issue of courage being a decidedly masculine trait, whether exhibited in men or women, see also Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 136 137, who examines Ambrose of bolstering episcopal authority. See also Cobb, Dying to be Men, 30. Cobb points out that courage is one manliness attributed to cou virtues of self control or courage, they must suppress their femininity and become Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 31. Burrus points out that by the time of La ctantius, the influential early decidedly categorized as a uniquely masculine trait that differentiated masculine men, or even masculine women for tha t matter, from feminine men. 124 Origen, Origen Against Celsus 447 8. 125 Fragments of the Epistle of Phileas to the People of Thmuis The Ante Nicene Fathers, Vol. 6: Gregory Thaumaturgus, Dionysius the Great, Julius Africanus, Anatolius and Mi nor Writers, Methodius, Arnobius Eds. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe. (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1978), 162.
70 This is particularly the case when a Christian finds himself battling demons as under such circumstances demons are weak and cannot do anything but threaten. 126 Moreover, Athanasius notes that even in the presence of the Devil, a Christian should 127 Indeed, courage, steadfastness, humility, and other Christian virtues were understood as decidedly masculine tr aits that could be used as spiritual weapons on the spiritual battlefield. 128 Perhaps the most prominent Christian in Late Antiquity to be associated with the virtue of courage was Martin of Tours. His biographer, Sulpicius Severus, emphasizes tional courage in a number of instances, but most spectacularly when his former commanders accused Martin of cowardice on account of his refusal to shed as he trusted in God and boldly announced he would take his stand enemy." 129 When the n 126 Athanasius, Select Works and Letters 203. 127 Athanasius, Select Works and Letters 208. 128 See Brakke, Demons an d the Making of the Monk The Manly Eunuch es not with examines the use of humility as a spiritual weapon. 129 Sulpicius Severus, Life of St. Martin 6.
71 130 Conclusion: Forging an Early Christian Masculine Ideal The traits of masculine identity considered in this chapter became the basis on which influential fourth century Christian authors constructed a particular image of Christian masculinity that represented a powerful, new ideal. 131 Indeed, by the fourth century, a number of influential Christian writers commonly drew from these traits to define Christian manliness. Lactantius, for example, an influen tial advisor to the first Roman Emperor Constantine I, compiled many of the same traits to define, explicitly, a Christian masculine ideal. Like the Christian fathers who came before him, Lactantius rejected as feminine those men who kept their bodies smoo th and hairless, with soft voices and feebleness of soul, arguing instead that men, if they are to be masculine, should have a hairy face and demonstrate both manly courage in their faith and superior 132 In the same way, Jerome, among the most influential Christian fathers of Late Antiquity, believed that the ascetic ideal was the highest possible goal to which Christian men could aspire and described the monastic model as the model of masculine perfect ion. 133 130 Sulpicius Severus, Life of St. Martin 6. See a lso Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 111 112. 131 Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 33 35. Burrus highlights Lactantius and Eusebius views of patristic corpus as bear 132 Burrus, Begotten, Not Made 28 33. 133 Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch 290.
72 In sum, if we are to consider the collective traits that comprised the monastic model of masculinity, as emphasized in the works of the early Christian authors considered here, then an idealized, although rarely obtainable, image of Christian masculi ne perfection begins to emerge. The man who met such standards would likely be barefoot and cover his chaste body, lean from fasting, with modest undyed clothes that covered the knees. Although his beard would be long and his chest hairy, the hair on his h ead would be its natural color, cut short, kept straight and left unattended with little concern for appearance. His humility would be apparent to all, except for those times that he proclaimed the glories of God, as then he would assert himself boldly and without fear, even in times of danger. Although not a warrior on the physical battlefield, he was a champion of Christ on the spiritual battlefield, where he wielded his humility and other virtues as weapons and asserted his manhood though his victories o ver sin and the Devil. Thus the ideal Christian man represented the ascetic ideal that found its roots in the texts of the New Testament and developed among the early Fathers to fully bloom in the era of the Desert Fathers.
73 CHAPTER 3 CLERICAL MASCULINIT IES AND CLERICAL REFORM EFFORTS IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE, C. 500 1100 This chapter considers the development of important attitudes toward Christian masculinity from the early Middle Ages until the era of the Gregorian Reform, with a primary (although not exclu sive) focus on developments in formerly Merovingian or Carolingian lands. Early medieval efforts by ecclesiastical leaders to promote greater holiness through the behavioral reform of Christian men, particularly the clergy, were primarily attempted through the elevation and promotion of ascetic practices. Yet such reform efforts seem to have had little effect on the early medieval secular clergy, as they required significant behavioral changes that were often at odds with how they defined themselves as men in the local communities in which they lived and worked. Married priests, for example, whose physical relationships with women, as well as the children they produced in such relationships, were asked to effectively redefine themselves as men when they wer e called on to embrace celibacy. In a similar way, fighting bishops, who had expressed their manhood in part through physical violence, were called on to avoid shedding blood. Unsurprisingly, perhaps, often such clerics were resistant to embracing such rad ical changes in how they defined themselves as men. As a result, the ascetic ideal, although promoted by some influential ecclesiastical leaders, and achieved to varying degrees by an elite and respected few, never became dominant among the early medieval clergy. Then this chapter will consider the reinvigorated efforts of supporters of clerical reform to combat what they perceived as the growing laicization of the clergy in the wake of Carolingian decline. Unsurprisingly, monks, particularly those associat ed with the Cluny monastery, spearheaded and inspired this effort. Indeed, the emergence of
74 Cluny in the tenth century represented the beginnings of what would become an influential and formidable champion of ascetic, or monastic, virtues as a response to the increased influence of lay behaviors and values among the clergy following the decline of the Carolingian Empire. 1 Finally, this chapter will consider how the Cluniac reformers of the tenth century laid a foundation for the era of the Gregorian Reform (c. 1050 1085), during which the papacy effectively became the champion of reform for the broader Chu rch until well into the twelfth century. 2 During the era of the Gregorian Reform, the papacy sought to bring about clerical reform primarily through an in tensive effort to align the behavior of the secular clergy with monastic values in what historians have described as an attempt to 3 Masculinity and Monasticism in the Early Medieval West As noted in Chapter 2 historians have demo nstrated that a monastic model of 1 On the influence of Cluniac reform efforts in the post Carolingian era, see H.E.J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII: 1073 1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 16 17; H.E.J Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 3 43; and Church History 41:2 (1972): 160. 2 g of the Gender System, 1050 Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages ed. Clare A. Lees (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3. See also the Battle Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages eds. P.H. Cullum and Katherine J. Lewis (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004), 25. 3 form efforts during the Gregorian Reform. See, for example, Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 6; Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 25; Ruth Mazo Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel and Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 54; Raymond J. Lawerence Jr., Sexual Liberation: The Scandal of Christendom (Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2007), 48 Gender and History 18:2 (August, 2006): 383. This heightened clash of competing monastic and secular ideals d uring the Gregorian Reform resulted in what
75 manliness. 4 Correspondingly, scholars like Conrad Leyser have pointed out how such notions of ascetic masculinity then emerged in the early Middle Ages in the post 5 Such a debate took place within the Church, among clergy and monks, and in broader Christian society as well, among monks, clerics, and laymen. Early medieval monks, for example, like their late antique predecessors, judged but they did so with a significant degree of regional adaptation and innovation. Bishop Caesarius of Arles (d. 542), for example, promoted a highly ascetic strain of monasticism in the houses he founded in Gaul when compared, especially in the case of female monastics, with the seemingly more modera te form advocated by Benedict of Nursia (d. 547), author of the influential Benedictine Rule 6 Yet while early medieval 4 See, for example, Kuefler, The Manly Eunuch ,115, 287, 289, 290, 292, and 296; David Brakke, Dem ons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christianity (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2006), 182, 183; and Virginia Burrus, Begotten, Not Made: Conceiving Manhood in Late Antiquity (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2 000), 5 6. For a more detailed survey of these Chapter 2 of this dissertation. 5 Early Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: London, 1999), 105. 6 Concerning female monastics, for example, Caesarius, was the first to impose a totally enclosed cloister for women, but not for men, setting a standard that would be followed well into the Middle Ages. eds. Dorothy O. Helly and Susan M. Reverby (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 28 and Albrecht Diem, Das monastische Experiment: Die Rolle der Keuschheit bei der Entstehung des westlichen Klosterwesens, Vita Regularis, Abhandlungen 24 ( Mnster : Lit, 2005), 154 202. monastic rules for both men and women, much of it had to do with his total rejection of profane or classical non Christian influences whereas the Benedictines, for example, had access to such sources. For a dated, but st Jones, The Golden Age of the Church (New York: E.S. Gorham, 1906), 68 m in early Gaul, see also William E. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles: The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul
76 monks developed and abided by multiple strands of monastic behavior and rules, the sources nevertheless show that they also seem to have universally endorsed or forbidden some behaviors that firmly distinguished them from other groups of Christians and defined them as monks. In contrast to the lay nobility, for example, early medieval monks, regardless of the regions from which they came, were formally forbidden to marry, have sex, and shed blood, all of which were essential behaviors or acts necessary for the construction of lay aristocratic masculine identities. 7 Moreover, according to the various prescriptive Rules that circulated in th is period, monks were supposed to embrace sobriety and humility, both in appearance and attitude, which was again in contrast to the boasting or ostentatious displays of pride that were common among male members of the nobility. 8 Consequently, regardless o f any innovations and variations in how they regulated their lives as monks, early medieval monastic authors and their admirers still depicted medieval monks, by virtue of their adherence to key ascetic disciplines, as possessing a monastiques I &II Eds. Adalbert de Vog and Jol Courreau (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1988). The Rgle des Vierges is available in volume I, pages 171 273 and the Rgle des Moines is available in volume II, pages 165 227. 7 On the importance of such behaviors for early medieval laymen, see Gu Violence and Society in the Early Medieval West Secular Men and Masculinity, c. 900, Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. Dawn M. Hadley (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 132 138. 8 On the importance of boasting or bragging for lay, aristocratic, elite masculinity in the early Middle Ages, see Peter Brown, The Rise of Western Chris tendom 2 nd Ed. (Malden, Ma.: Blackwell, 2004), 335; Bernard Bachrach, Early Carolingian Warfare: Prelude to Empire (Philadelpia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 126, 238; Guy Halsall, Warfare and Society in the Barbarian West, 450 900 (London: R outledge, 2003), 3, 34; Henry Mayr The English Historical Review 111:444 (1996): 1126.
77 superior type of holines s and thereby a superior type of Christian masculinity that placed them above other classes of Christian men. 9 Because early medieval monasteries were organized according to written Rules which regulated both the activities of the monastery and the lives of the monks who lived within them, they provide an excellent source for making us aware of the major behavioral ideals that were established for monks (regardless of their ability to always adhere to such ideals). 10 Perhaps the most important of the early medieval monastic rules, due to its later influence, was the Rule of St. Benedict which was attributed by medieval sources to the early sixth century Italian abbot Benedict of Nursia. 11 Some prominent earlier rules clearly influenced both the content and form of the Benedictine Rule particularly the anonymously authored Rule of the Master and the Rule 9 On the association of holiness with masculinity in Late Antiquity, see Christopher C. Craun, Ma Historia Religiosa Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages eds. P.H. Cullum & Katherine J. Lewis (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 43 For a consideration of such views in the Intersections of Gender, Religion and Ethnicity in the Middle Ages eds. Cordelia Beattie and Kristen A. Fenton (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), 20 21. For a primary source example, see Gregory of Tours, who equates spiritual power with holiness. Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem ed. W. Arndt, MGH Scrip. Ret. Merov ., I1, ed. 2a, (Hannov er: Hahn, 1951), 1:44. 10 For an overview of the origins and purpose of early medieval monastic rules, beginning with the Benedictine Rule, see Lynda L. Coon, Dark Age Bodies: Gender and Monastic Practice in the Early Medieval West (Philadelphia: Universit y of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 73 79. For a lengthier overview, see Marilyn Dunn, The Emergence of Monasticism: From the Desert Fathers to the Early Middle Ages (Malden, Ma.: Blackwell, 2000), 82 138. 11 The Rule of St. Benedict: Latin and English trans. Luke Dysinger O.S.B. (Trabuco Canyon, Ca.: Source, 1996). For the critical edition of the Rule which is reprinted in the Dysinger edition, see Jean Neufville, ed. Rgle de saint Benot in six volumes, notes and trans. Adalbert de Vog, Sources Chrtienn es 181 186 (Paris: Les ditions du Cerf, 1971 72). On the authorship of the Benedictine Rule see Coon, Dark Age Bodies 73. Coon acknowledges the traditional acceptance by medieval Carolingian and Anglo Saxon writers of the Benedictine rule as originati ng with Benedict in Italy, but expresses caution about our limited knowledge on the subject. Similarly, historian Marilyn Dunn has also expressed caution on the authorship of the Benedictine Rule Rules and T The English Historical Review 105:416 (1990): 590.
78 by earlier Rules ). 12 Moreover, the martial rhetoric used to describe monk s and monastic Rule is also very similar to the martial rhetoric found in prominent monastic texts of Late Antiquity. 13 Indeed, Benedict admittedly drew his ideas from the surviving works of patristic era and late antique Christian aut hors to define monasticism in his era. 14 Consequently, Benedictine monks are described, like their late antique predecessors, as warriors engaged in the most masculine of professions, wag ing spiritual warfare for Jesus using spiritual weapons. 15 After frami ng the monastery as a type of boot camp for those monk soldiers who Rule then outlines the key aspects of their training with a central focus on the application of no less than twelve grades of humility. 16 As had been the case in th e ate antique predecessors, the emphasis on humility represented quite a difference between secular and spiritual warriors and how they expressed their martial masculinity. In the laughter, humbly and with gravity, speaking few but reasonable words; and that his 12 Rule see Clifford H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ag es 3 rd Ed. (Harlow, London, New York: Pearson, 2001), 22 23, 34. 13 See Chapter 2, for example, which considers martial rhetoric in early Christian texts from the Pauline epistles of the New Testament era to later texts by Church Fathers including Jerome, John Cassian, and Selpicius Severus. 14 Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism that St. Benedict expressly commends to his monks are the books of the Catholic Fathers, the Lives of the Fathers, Cassian, 15 The Rule of St. Benedict 2 propriis voluntatibus, Domino Christo vero Regi militaturus, oboedientiae fortissima atque praeclara arma The Rule of St. Benedict 8 16 The Rule of St. Benedict 35 49. Chapter 7 of the Rule is entirely devoted to humility.
79 17 Such a view was in sharp contrast to the masculine standards of early medieval ar istocratic warriors, for whom boasting was a key means by which they expressed their masculinity. 18 Yet it is clear that it is primarily through humility, which is stressed repeatedly in the Rule that Benedictine monks were disciplined and trained for spir demonstrations of pride would alienate them from God and leave them helpless on the spiritual battlefield. 19 In addition to monastic Rules medieval clerical authorities also promoted the late antique monastic model through other genres. Especially influential were hagiographical accounts of the lives of holy men which employ martial rhetoric very similar to that found in The works of Pope Gregory the Great (r. 590 604), for example, whose papacy str addled the late sixth and early seventh centuries, promoted ascetic virtues and celebrated the same ascetic attributes as those that had been celebrated by St. Benedict. 20 Indeed, Gregory was only the second former monk, following Pope 17 The Rule of St. Benedict 46 ne risu, humiliter cum gravitate, vel pauca verba 18 See Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom 335. For the continuation of such views into the Carolingian era, see Bachrach, Early Carolingian Warfare, 1 26, 238. See also Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem 4:24. 19 The Benedictine Rule also provides considerable guidance on maintaining a humble appearance. In doing so, the Rule calls for standards very much in keeping with the late antique monastic model of masculinity as early medieval monks were also to dress simply and avoid ostentatious clothing or hair styles. The Rule of St. Benedict 46 ). Indeed, the Rule expressly commands its adherents to purchase only cheap clothing that is in accordance with local customs. Moreover, aside from the standard issue of a cowl, a gown, shoes, and boots, no other superfluous clothing was permitted ( The Rul e of St. Benedict 126 129). 20 Robert Markus, Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, chastity, poverty, obedience and persevera nce in one community which were laid down by Benedict for
80 Pelagius II (r. 579 5 90), to become a pope. This period appears to have brought more widespread acceptance of monasticism in the highest circles of ecclesiastical authority. 21 As a former monk and vociferous promoter of monasticism, it is not surprising that Gregory advocated a n ascetic model of masculinity, exemplified foremost by monks, in answering the question of what type of man should have authority in the Church. 22 For example, Gregory praised virgins and declared celibacy to be superior to marriage. 23 Yet in keeping with t he monastic ideal of humility Gregory also noted that those who had been given this gift should not vainly exalt themselves. 24 Martial themes concerning the role of monks, similar to those found in the Benedictine Rule may also be found in writings on sa ints and holy men elsewhere in the early medieval West. In the highly influential Vita Columbani for example, the seventh century monk Jonas of Bobbio provided an account of the life of the renowned Irish reformer that borrowed heavily from late antique r epresentations of holy men and uncompromisingly promoted ascetic values 25 Indeed, Jonas showed Columbanus as a soldier defending his chastity from the dangers of lust. For example, as a result of 21 22 Carole Straw, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 45 46. 23 Gregor y the Great, S. Gregorii Magni Regulae Pastoralis Liber ed. Henry Ramsden Bramley (Oxford and London: James Parker, 1874), 24 Gregory the Great, S. Gregorii Magni Regulae tamen se super conjuges non 25 Jonas of Bobbio, Ionae Vitae Sanctorum Columbani, Vedastis, Iohannis ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH Script. rerum Ger. (Hannover: Hahn, 1905). On Jonas borrowing his depiction of Columbanus from late antique representation s of holy men (written by Athanasius, Jerome, and Sulpicius) see Albrecht Diem, Speculum 82 (2007), 523 524. On the influence of the Vita Columbani on medieval monasticism, see Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom 248 266.
81 ted that demons used lascivious maidens as deadly weapons against Columbanus to stifle his rapid growth in grace. 26 shield to defend his chastity and defeat his spiritual enemies. 27 Inde ed, Jonas then instructed the reader on how mortification of the flesh and extreme fasting could combat 28 Thus Columbanus, like Benedict and other monks who observed ascetic practices, was portrayed as a holy man ( viro Dei or vir sanctus ) at war with the Devil, who demanded moral improvement from all who he encountered. 29 The Vita Columbani also serves as a source for understanding how Columbanian monasteries were governed and organized. Indeed, as A lbrecht Diem has noted, look for a written version of the the most likely such text is Jonas's Vita Columbani.. 30 Jonas himself stated that one of his goals in writing the Vita was to preserve the instituta of Columbanus as it was taught by Columbanus and his successors. 31 More significantly, Jonas portrayed the monasteries associated with institutionalization of [of sanctity] from the holy 26 Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 1:3. 27 Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 1:3. 28 Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 29 For multiple references to Columbanus as a vir Dei or vir sanctus see Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 1:7 On Columbanus demanding moral improvement from others, see Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 1:6. 30 31 Jonas of Bobbio, Vita Columbani 528, f.n. 44.
82 man to a monastic institution 32 As a result, in an effort to avoid offending God, kings and other powerful men were encouraged by such examples to be respectful in their dealings not only with holy men like Columbanus, who by virtue of his sanctity was also a powerful man, but also in their dealings with monasteries as institutions 33 Thus holy men, by virtue of their adherence to monastic values, were not lesser men, but were instead elevated and respected on account of their s piritual power. Masculinity and the Secular Clergy in the Early Middle Ages If medieval European monks, formally committed to a life of ascetic virtue, represented one end on a spectrum of Christian masculine identities, then the lay nobility were at the opposite end. According to clerical sources, Christian laymen, who lived and worked in the world, defined masculinity much differently than monks. Indeed, the behaviors, customs, and fads of the wealthier upper class nobility often represented the very wor ldly influences monks who had theoretically rejected worldly influences, were trying to avoid. While monks were not supposed to marry or shed blood, for example, marriage and violence were the means by which many aristocratic laymen established their manl y reputations and achieved higher status throughout the early Middle Ages. 34 Unsurprisingly, secular priests and bishops, who lived and worked among the laity, were often influenced by local lay customs on matters that related to how they 32 33 Diem also notes that this represents a significant moment in the early history of monasti argument about the necessity of lay rulers respecting monastic communities was unheard of until this time. See 34 See Halsall, Violence and Society 31. Bachrach, Early Carolingian Warfare 138 139.
83 defined themselve s as men in such communities. 35 The problem was that ecclesiastical leaders had long called on the clergy to embrace Christian ascetic ideals of holiness, particularly celibacy, that were often at odds with the se local lay customs. Individual members of the clergy responded differently to these influences, as clerics in various regions or locales embraced varying combinations of Christian and lay masculine ideals. The lack of centralized ecclesiastical authority is what made such a variety of clerical behavi ors possible. The early medieval papacy, for example, had not yet emerged with sufficient authority to dominate broader European clerical affairs as it would in later centuries. Thus, in the early Middle Ages, ecclesiastical authority was often localized a nd influenced by the local nobility. Clerical Masculinity in Merovingian Gaul Some early medieval bishops advocated ascetic ideals, but others seemed to have had little concern for such ideals as their behaviors suggest far greater influence of lay mascul ine norms. 36 This particularly seems to have been the case in sixth century Merovingian Gaul where t he saint and court poet Venantius Fortunatus for example, wrote a poem praising Placidina, the wife of the Bishop Leontius of Bordeaux, for her contribution to her husband's church building program. 37 Not only was Leontius married, but his wife was celebrated by one of the leading poets of the time as a helpful wife, 35 See Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 25 and Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church 56. 36 For an overview of the various types of bishops that existed in Merovingian Gaul (e.g. monk bishops, married bishops, and celibate bisho ps drawn from the secular clergy), see Brian Brennan, Church History 54:3 (1985): 311 323. 37 See Venantius Fortunatus, IV Vol. 1. ed. Marc Reydellet (Paris: Les belles lettres 1994 2004), 42.
84 38 Moreover, Venantius himself, who was heavily influenced by lay aristocratic culture, was ordained around the year 576 and later became the bishop of Poitiers H is works downplay the necessity of a monastic background or adherence to monastic values as a prerequisite to episcopal office. 39 In contrast to Venantius Fortunatus, however, many other Merovingian ecclesiastical sources portray clerical marriage in negative terms. 40 Gregory of Tours, for example, a contemporary of Venantius, presented adherence to ascetic values, particularly sexua l renunciation, as among the key attributes of a good bishop. 41 In his Histories for example, suggesting e piscopal sexual abstinence was the established custom in the West since at least the fourth century, Gregory cites the example of Urbicus, the early f ourth century bishop of Clermont Ferrand, to promote conjugal abstinence and the renunciation of cohabitation between clerics and their wives. 42 In 38 On the influence of lay aristocratic culture on Venantius Fortunatus, see Simon Coates, The English Historical Review 115: 464 (2000): 1110. Coates notes that Venantius stands as a otium learned leisure, and disclaiming [his] love of c Early Christian Latin Poets (London: Routledge, 2000); Judith W. George, Venantius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul (Oxford: Clar endon Press, 1992.); and B. Brennan, "The career of Venantius Fortunatus", Traditio 41 (1985), 49 78. 39 On Venantius as a bishop see, Brian Brennan, "The career of Venantius Fortunatus," Traditio 41 (1985): 49 78 and White, Early Christian Latin Poets 16 4. On Venantius downplaying the monastic background of bishops see, Coates, Venantius Fortunatus and the Image of Episcopal Authority 1125. their monastic 40 Dyan Elliot, Spiritual Marriage: Sexual Abstinence in Medieval Wedlock (Princeton: Princeton 41 Coates, Ventantius Fortunatus and the Image of Episcopal Autho rity 1125.
85 another instance, referring to his own era, Gregory refers to marriage as both a drawback and distraction fro m the duties of a bishop. 43 Gregory also contrasted the episcopates of two later sixth century bishops of Langres, one drawn from the secular clergy and the other a former monk. The first bishop, Pappolus, a former archdeacon at Autun, was known for his man y wicked Pappolus ignored the warning and died three days later. 44 In contrast, his replacement, the former abbot Mummolus, carried his monastic values into the episcopate and, as a result, Gregory notes that he was widely praised for his chastity, sobriety, and love of charity. 45 T hrough such examples Gregory drew a firm distinction between the types of men who should have authority in the Church, namely those adhering to monast ic values, and those who should not. Merovingian bishops also seem to have been of two minds on the issue of warfare and its appropriateness for the clergy. In the broader Merovingian society the warrior class represented the most dominant lay masculine i dentities of the nobility ; 42 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem examinations of this text in Roman Cholij, Clerical Celibacy in East and West (Leominster, Herefordshire: Fowler Wright Books, 1988), 73 74 and Elliot, Spiritual Marriage 88. For a scholarly overview of Sylvie Joye, "Grgoire de Tours et les femmes: jugements ports sur les couples laques et ecclsiastiques," in Agire da donna: Modelli e pratiche di rapprese ntazione (secoli VI X). Atti del convegno (Padova, 18 19 febbraio 2005) ed. Christine La Rocca (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 75 94. 43 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem 5: 46 44 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem 5: 5. Pappolus was given a vis ion of the recently deceased former bishop, St. Tetricus, who admonished Pappolus for despoiling his diocese and robbing from the Church, warning him to resign his bishopric and leave the town. An examination of this incident is found in Isabel Moreira, Dr eams, Visions, and Spiritual Authority in Merovingian Gaul (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), 91 92. Tetricus had been the bishop of Langres from 539 until sometime before 573, when we know Pappolus was in office. See John Robert Martindale, The Pr osopography of the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 179. 45 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem 5: 5.
86 thus the bearing of weapons was among the most significant masculine markers of the era. 46 While ecclesiastical authorities had long expressed concern over Christian participation in warfare, with the clergy (in particular) expli citly forbidden from shedding blood, such prohibitions seem to have been ignored by many prominent early medieval bishops drawn from the aristocratic class. 47 Gregory of Tours, for example, described as criminal how two contemporary bishops in his time, Sal unius and Sagittarius, whom he compared with laymen, armed themselves to wound and kill their enemies. 48 In other cases, the participation of early medieval bishops in military activities is not necessarily surprising, as often they effectively ruled early medieval towns or cities and so, in times of conflict, were obligated to participate in their defense. Even Hilary of Arles, for example, who otherwise held an esteemed reputation for adherence to monastic 46 On varying Merovingian lay masculine identities see Merovingian Masculinities in Guy Halsall, Cemeteries and Soci ety in Merovingian Gaul (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 357 382. On the bearing of arms, in particular, as a major marker of lay masculinity, see page 358. 47 On the longstanding prohibition against clerical participation in warfare, see, for example, canon 7 of the First Ecumenical Council of Nicaea, for example, Christians who had formerly served in the military and then later returned to military service were excommunicated for ten years. See Philip The Seven Ecumenical Councils: A Select Library of the Nicene and Post Nicene fathers of the Christian Church, Vol. 14 (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1956), 27 28. Canon seven of the Fourth Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon held in 451 exc ommunicated monks who took up military service. See Philip Schaff and Henry The Seven Ecumenical Councils: A Select Library of the Nicene and Post Nicene fathers of the Christian Chur ch, Vol. 14 (Grand Rapids, Mich: Eerdmans, 1956), 272. Numerous Merovingian era Councils also explicitly condemned the participation of the clergy in warfare, including, among others, the Councils of Agde (506), Epaon (517), Macon (585), and Bordeaux (663 75). For a fuller consideration of Merovingian prohibitions on clerical Saints, Scholars, and Heroes: Studies in Medieval Culture in Honour of Charle s W. Jones 2 Vols. 07. Similarly, late Merovingian and early Carolingian legislation, especially the capitularies of 742 and 769, repeated longstanding See Karoli Magni Capitularia ed. by A. Boretius, MGH Capit. 1 (Hanover: Hahn, 1883), 45. 48 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum Decem 5: 20.
87 principles, came into conflict with Pope Leo the G reat over his use and oversight of military force. 49 The Limited Growth of Monastic Influence Under Carolingian Rule Following the rise of the Carolingians in the eighth century, Carolingian lay leadership eventually emerged as a powerful advocate for eccle siastical reform. This intervention would have important consequences for understandings of Christian masculinity during the era. Yet, for a number of reasons, the primary focus of Carolingian reform efforts was centered on monastic reform rather than the secular clergy. 50 Because monasteries were seen as important centers of local authority, it was important for Carolingian authorities to maintain and assert control over them and the abbots who led them. 51 Moreover, Carolingian imperial reforms sought to exp loit the cultural and pedagogical potential of the monasteries for the benefit of the empire. 52 However, perhaps the most important reason the reform of monasteries received so much attention during the Carolingian era was due to the increased emphasis by monks on the need for purity, which was equated with greater spiritual authority and 49 For a con sideration of the military activities of Hilary of Arles, and the resulting conflict with Saints, Scholars, and Heroes: Studies in Medieva l Culture in Honour of Charles W. Jones 2 vols. (Collegeville, Minn: Hill Monastic Manuscript Library, Saint John's Abbey and University,1979), 2: 308. 50 cultur Coon, Dark Age Bodies 52. 51 Andrew Louth, Greek East and Latin West: The Church A.D. 681 1071 (Crestwood, N.Y.: St. 104. 52 Richard Carradin Computus and Liber Annalis in Early Ninth Century The Construction of Communities in the Early Middle Ages: Texts, Resources and Artefacts eds. R. Corradini, M. Diesenberger, and H. Reimitz (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 270.
88 effectiveness. 53 Thus Carolingian monasteries were seen as storehouses of spiritual purity that offered pure prayer to heaven and served on the front line of the spiritual 54 Carolingian leaders, like their Merovingian predecessors, primarily understood the source of monastic spiritual power to come from chastity and the refusal to bear arms, two key markers that separated holy men from worldly men. I n 811, for e xample, Charlemagne asked religious leaders what distinguished men who left the world from those who remained in it, asking, somewhat despairingly, if it was only celibacy and non violence. 55 Moreover, Carolingian monks understood their ability to avoid sin s related to sex and violence, among others, as a major marker of what 56 F or the Carolingians, monastic orthodoxy, and thereby monastic masculinity, came to be defined by adherence to the Benedi ctine Rule 57 Indeed, the standardization of monastic regulations under the Benedictine Rule had been a goal of monastic reformers working in Frankish lands dating back to the Anglo Saxon missionary Boniface in the mid eighth century. 58 This goal of having a ll monks live according to the Rule of St. Benedict was ultimately embraced by Carolingian authorities and realized in the Aachen synods of 816 and 817 with the influence of the reformer Benedict of 53 Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 19. 54 Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 19. 55 Capitula de Causis Cum Episcopis et Abbatibus Tractandus in MGH Cap. 1: 72, Legum ed. is of this text in Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 12 16. 56 Coon, Dark Age Bodies 11. Coon, Dark Age Bodies 78 79 57 Coon, Dark Ages Bodies 55. 58 Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Franish Society: Marriage and the Cloister, 500 900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 165.
89 Aniane. 59 himself believed he had obtained an original copy of the Benedictine Rule composed by Benedict, which he then treated as an object of near veneration at Aachen. 60 Indeed, onastic leaders was to impose a uniform understanding of the Benedictine Rule that would also regulate a wide range of monastic practices ranging from liturgy to hygiene. 61 As a result, when reform efforts were extended to the secular clergy, the monastic model seems to have provided a partial framework for placing significant emphasis on clerical celibacy and the establishment of greater distinctions between clerics and laymen. 62 For all their efforts, however, reformers ran into significant challenges in t rying to convince Carolingian priests to give up the benefits of marriage or concubinage. The aforementioned Benedictine monk and reformer Boniface, for example, complained in a letter to Pope Zacharias (d. 752) that some priests had as many as four or fiv e concubines at once. 63 Pope Zacharias condemned such behaviors as scandalous and replied that Boniface was not to believe any priests who claimed 59 Concilium Aquisgranense, (816) ed. A. Werminghoff, MGH, Leg. Concilia 2.1 (Hannover & Leipzig: Hahn 1906), 307 421. See also Legislatio Aquisgranensis, ed. Josef Semmler, CCM 1 (Siegburg: F. Schmitt, 1963), 435 see Coon, Dark Ages Bodies 54 56. 60 Coon, Dark Ages Bodies 73, 55. 61 Coon, D ark Age Bodies 52 53. 62 Histories Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World eds. Patrick Wormald & Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge: Cam Intellectual in Anglo Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World eds. Patrick Wormald & Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge: Cam bridge 63 St. Boniface, Epist 50, MGH, Epistolae 3: 300.
90 they had received papal permission for such behavior. 64 Nevertheless, Boniface seems to have had little success in his efforts to reform priests. Two years later, in another letter to Zacharias, he complained that he was being persecuted by fornicating clerics for trying to reform them. 65 Yet while early Carolingian reformers like Boniface undoubtedly experienced c onsiderable frustration in their efforts to reform the clergy, historians such as James Brundage, Rachel Stone and Mayke de Jong argue that the reform of the clergy became a major goal of lay and ecclesiastical leaders in the Carolingian era. 66 Brundage poi nts out, for example, that Charlemagne, following in the tradition of earlier Christian councils, incorporated provisions into Carolingian capitularies that sought to prevent women from living with bishops or priests. 67 Indeed, celibacy during the Carolingi 68 Concern over women as a source of pollution for the clergy was reflected in legislation designed to limi t clerical contact with women. The Council of Paris in 829, for example, declared that those women religious who had veiled themselves (e.g. made only private vows of 64 St. Boniface, Epist 51, MGH, Epistolae 3: 305. 65 Council of Rome (745), MGH, Concilia 2:39. 66 See James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 150; Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 15 ; and Frassetto ed. Medieval Purity and Piety: Essays on Medieval Clerical Celibacy and Religious Reform (New York: Garland, 1998), 49 80. 67 Brundage, Law, Se x, and Christian Society 150. Brundage cites Charlemagne, Capitulate primum (c. 769) c. 5 and Capitularium missorum generale (802) c. 24 in MGH Capitularia 1:45, 96. 68 Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 19.
91 chastity and did not belong to a formal community), were to be barred from churches as th ey were too great a temptation to priests and thereby the purity of the sacraments. 69 Some Carolingian clergy openly protested calls for clerical chastity and argued that the act of parenting children should not prevent them from remaining in clerical offi ce. I n a letter to a Roman synod in 745, for example, Boniface complained about a bishop named Clemens who protested that he had a right to remain in his office even though he had two children born of an adulterous relationship after he had become bishop. 70 Something that may have also hampered Carolingian reformers, as opposed to the later Gregorian era reformers, was that the Carolingians were hesitant to denigrate the lay masculinity of their lay patrons and protectors for the purpose of elevating monasti c ideals. 71 Vita Caroli Magni which he opened by celebrating Charlemagne as his dominus et nutritor 72 He then provides a monarch as well as a c uriously judgment sexual relations with various wives and concubines (which only praised how he treated his various children from these relationships). 73 Indeed, as Rachel Stone has pointed 69 Concilium Parisiense (829), ed. A. Wermin ghoff, MGH Conc. 2 (Hannover: Hahn, 1908), 637 638). See also Wemple, Women in Frankish Society 167. 70 Brundage, eds. Sexual Practices and the Medieval Church (Buf falo, N.Y.: Prometheus, 1982) 25 26. McNamara cites Mantionis, Episcopus Catalaunensis, Epistola ad Fulconem Remenses PL 131, 23. See canonical Synop The Jurist 32 (1972): 34 Ep. Sel 111. 318. 71 Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 22 23. 72 Einharti [sic], Vita Caroli Magni eds. Philipp Jaff, and Wilhelm Wattenbac (Berolini: Weidmann, 1876), 25. 73 Einharti, Vita Caroli Magni 29 40, 40 42.
92 out, while Carolingian secular and ecclesiastical authorities may have advocated the 74 Lynda Coon has also highlighted the ten sions that confronted advocates of monastic virtues in the writers promote the superiority of monastic masculinity, but, on the other, they frequently yield to the great 75 Such an environment, in which lay masculine ideals continued to be celebrated along side monastic ideals, made it easier for many Carolingian priests and bishops to act in (at least some) ways more aligned with lay norms than monastic norms. While Carolingian clergy were formally forbidden from warfare and hunting (which offered training in the use of arms for warfare), for example, these were markers of aristocratic manhood that held extraordinary appeal for many clerics, particularly bishops. 76 Indeed, many Carolingian bishops had once been aristocratic laymen and they often reasoned that clerical prohibitions on bloodshed were really meant only for the lower clergy. 77 The persistenc e of such attitudes during the Carolingia n era among the higher clergy likely contributed to the broader clerical acceptance of lay values and behaviors that emerged more fully during the period of Carolingian decline in the later ninth century and after. 74 Stone, Masculinity and the Difference 22 23. 75 Coon, Dark Age Bodies 11. 76 See, for example, canon 2 of the decisions of the Concilium Germanicum held in the year 742/743 and presided over by Boniface, which prohibits the bearing of arms and hunting with falcons and hounds. See MGH. Cap. I. p. 25, No. 10 c. 2. 77 On many Carolingian bishops having aristocratic backgrounds, see Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages 26. On the participation of Car olingian bishops in warfare, see Prinz, Klerus und Krieg, 166 168; Brundage, Crusades, Clerics, and Violence 149. On the participation of Carolingian bishops in hunting, see Moro, La caccia in et carolingia 55 61.
93 Carolingian Decline and its Effect on Cle rical Masculinity The decline of the Carolingian Empire in the late ninth century brought significant institutional changes to regional and local ecclesiastical affairs in former Carolingian lands. With the decline of centralized Carolingian authority, the appointment of bishops and clerics, as well as the oversight of monasteries, increasingly came under the authority of the lay nobility. Lay nobles often appointed clergy based primarily on their familial or socio political connections rather than their p erceived holiness or commitment to Christian ideals. 78 The office of bishop was deeply affected by the newly emerging power structures that took form in the tenth century after the dissolution of the Carolingian Empire. During this period laymen were appoi nted to bishoprics through the influence of lay authorities, who then openly carried lay notions of masculinity into the episcopate. 79 The practice grew to the point that even Otto the Great, the first Holy Roman Emperor, began to regulate all appointments to important ecclesiastical positions within his empire during the mid tenth century. 80 Otto believed it was important to control episcopal appointments because it allowed him to turn away from efforts to rule through dependence on (sometimes rebellious) du kes. Instead he sought to extend his authority 78 McLaughlin, Sex, Gender, and Episcopa l Authority, 11. 79 McLaughlin, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority, 11. 80 See Timothy Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages 800 1056 (London and New York: Longman, 1991), 156 158 and Benjamin Arnold, German Knighthood, 1050 1300 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1 985), 2 3, 7 8. See also Aldo Scaglione, Knights at Court: Courtliness, Chivalry, and Courtesy From Ottonian Germany to the Italian Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 21 23. 973) e fforts to fill important ecclesiastical seats with drawn out investiture
94 through the episcopate. 81 For Otto, bishops, especially if drawn from the royal family, represented a safer and less competitive alternative to dependence on dukes or other high ranking lay positions as Otto co uld simply appoint new bishops if he did not like the old ones. 82 men because they had been appointed or confirmed in office by him. 83 Similarly, local rity was contested or weak also began to exercise authority over many bishoprics and local ecclesiastical offices. 84 As a result, the type of man that would execute authority in the Church was often chosen according to his loyalty to the lay authorities tha t appointed him, and not necessarily for his adherence to ascetic ideals. 85 Monasteries in the ninth and tenth centuries were similarly affected by the disintegration of the Carolingian Empire. Abuses became particularly common in monasteries in former Car olingian lands that were placed under the control of lay abbots, which contributed to a general overall decline in both the number of monasteries and monks as well as the observation of Benedictine Rule. 86 81 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages 156 157. 82 of his brother as a bishop, for example, which set a precedent that would be followed by monarchs and princes until the era of the Protestant Reformation, see Scaglione, Knights at Court 23. 83 Arnold, German Knighthood 8. 84 Fanning, A Bishop and His Worl d 8 9. 85 Fanning, A Bishop and His World 9. 86 Uta Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988), 3 4, 6 7. See also Noreen Hunt, Cluny Un der Saint Hugh 1049 1109 (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1967), 19.
95 Monastic and Clerical Reform Efforts in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries As a result of such wid espread lay influence over the C hurch, including lay control over many bishoprics and monasteries, a married clergy again carried on as openly as it had prior to the Carolingian reforms. S urviving charters and other sources of the period show that many priests lived like the laity and raised families for which they provided from church revenues, with some attempting to pass on their ecclesiastical offices as hereditary positions to their children. 87 In a mid elev enth century charter attributed to the priest Martin and his wife Anziverga, for example, the couple openly expressed their love for their son Adam, a deacon, who is to receive their property. 88 Indeed, some eleventh century clerics defiantly resisted prohi bitions on priestly marriage by arguing marriage was an established custom and an honorable state and cited biblical and canon law in its defense. 89 Priestly marriage would flourish especially in places where bishops did not bother to enforce the celibacy requirements of their diocesan clergy. The eleventh century treasurers who were married with children and at least one priest with children who held lands from Hubert himself. 90 At 87 Fanning, A Bishop and His World 9. 88 Codex diplomatico padovano ed. A Gloria, 3 vols. (Venice: Deputazione di storia patria per le Venezie, 1877 1881), 1: 212 (n o. 181). See also Maureen C. Miller, The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950 1150 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1993), 46. Miller also considers a case in which the Holy Roman Emperor Berengar I, for example gave the chapel of Nogara as a gift in the early tenth 89 McLaughlin, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority 33 34. McLaughlin cites, for example, Landulf of Milan, Historia Mediolanensis 3, 7, MGH SS 8: 78 79. 90 Fanning, A Bishop and His World 2, 81, 87.
96 the Council of Pavia in 1022, which called for married priests to resign, the bishop of Verona complained that if he were to enforce clerical celibacy he would have no priests. 91 Although th e advocates of clerical reform found themselves on the defensive in the wake of Carolingian decline, an important event took place in 909 that would have significant later consequences for the spread and influence of reform ideals. Duke William III of Aqui taine founded a little known Benedictine monastery at Cluny, located in Burgundy, independent of secular and local ecclesiastical control, at a time when, 92 founding of Clun y, with its independence secured, turned out to be a foundational step for the emergence of a new reform movement that would combat lay influence in the broader Church over the next two centuries. 93 This was largely the result of the dedication to monastic ideals held by its extraordinarily influential abbots over the same period. 94 Consequently, its abbots became influential international statesmen and 91 Ratlier of Verona, Letters in PL, CXXXVI, 585 86 See f.n. 57 in Frazee. 92 Hunt, Cluny Under Saint Hugh 19 Cluny, see ed. Auguste Bernard and Alexandre Bruel, 6 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1876 1903), 1:124 28 (no. 112). 93 Frazee, 160 and Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer D. Thibodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 69 Cluny Under Saint Hugh The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform 214 Ges ta: Current Studies on Cluny 27: (1988): 93 101. 94 Hunt, Cluny Under Saint Hugh 21.
97 played an important role as mediators in disputes between emperors, kings, and popes. 95 The Cluniac promoti on of monastic values, including sexual abstinence, and by extension celibacy, or the rejection of marriage, was argued to be good for the whole Church, including clerics and laymen, not just monks. 96 Abbot Odo of Cluny (c. 926 944), for example, who was pe active in calling for sexual purity for both monks and priests. Yet while Cluniac reformers may have been a voice for broader social and ecclesiastical reform in the tenth and early eleventh centuries their effectiveness was primarily limited to monastic reform. In regions where Odo of Cluny had been invited to introduce his reforms, for example, worldly clerics often met him with bitter attacks. 97 Yet the Cluniac reformers were persistent, even if not always effective, as they embraced the masculine rhetoric of warriors and envisioned themselves as milites Christi soldiers of Christ, who, through their efforts to align both monastic and clerical behavior with monastic ideals, believed they were saving souls. 98 While the Cluniac monks may have been an inspiration for clerical reform in Europe during the tenth and eleventh centuries, the decision to reform was ultimately up 95 See Hunt, Cluny Under Saint Hugh 23 and Phyllis G. Jestice, Wayward Monks and the Religious Revolution of the Eleventh Century (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 211. 96 McNamara, the life of Gerald of Aurillac, a French nobleman that Odo portrays as chaste and fighting without bloodshed. For the critical edition, see Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Gerald i Auriliacensis ed. A.M. Bultot Verleysen (Bruxelles: Socit des Bollandistes, 2009). 97 Monks, Secular Men, and Masculinity 128 132. On the resistance of worldly monks and clerics, see Hunt, Cluny Under Saint Hugh 98 Marjorie Chibnall, The World of Orderi c Vitalis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 146.
98 to local ecclesiastical authorities and lay communities that had to create institu tions that fostered the existence of a chaste clergy. 99 The establishment of collegiate churches, for example, meant to support communities of clerics that fostered a life in common, was among the primary means by which this was done. Such endowments provid ed an alternative to clerical marriage and functioned as training centers for chaste priests whose lives more resembled those of monks than their married counterparts. 100 Some local or regional synods might issue condemnations of married priests and impose p enalties on them and their wives and children. 101 Popes and emperors also sometimes involved themselves in reform efforts, but they were inconsistent in their leadership and never provided central direction for these efforts. 102 In 1022, for example, Pope Bene dict VIII and Emperor Henry II jointly presided over the Council of Pavia, which called for the imposition of celibacy on the whole clergy. 103 Yet later eleventh century reformers saw little value in such prohibitions by notorious Tuscalani popes like Benedi ct VIII since the measures were not properly enforced. 104 99 Church History 72:1 (2003): 26 27, 51. 100 Miller, Masculinity, Reform, and Clerical C ulture 26 27, 51. 101 McLaughlin Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority 32 33 and Henry Charles Lea, An Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church (Boston: Houghton, 1884), 149. Consider, for example, the Synod of Engelheim in 948 unde r the presidency of Marino, the Bishop of Ostia, who condemned clerical marriages as incestuous and unlawful. Or the Council of Augsburg in 952, attended by German and Italian prelates, in which depositions was pronounced against any sub deacon, deacon, pr iest, or bishop who took a wife, as well as called for the separation of those who were already married. 102 McLaughlin Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority 33. 103 The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Le o IX and Pope Gregory VII, Selected Sources Translated and Annotated by I.S. Robinson (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2004), 4. 104 Robinson, Introduction 4.
99 The Gregorian Reform: From Leo IX until Gregory VII It was only in the mid eleventh century, at the beginning of the so called Gregorian Reform, with the pontificate of Pope Leo IX, that the leadersh ip of the reform movement effectively passed from Cluny to the papacy. Indeed, it was then that popes began to assert their authority actively and consistently as a means to attack priestly marriage and demand that local bishops support such efforts, wheth er they wanted to comply with such efforts or not. 105 While earlier popes had attacked clerical marriage and lay control of the Church, it was only with the invigorated and committed papacy of Leo IX that ecclesiastical reform became a major goal of the papa cy. 106 Indeed, under Leo, the papacy began to put pressure on individual clerics to comply with calls for greater chastity and obedience to the Church through organized lay boycotts of the rituals they performed and penalties directed against their wives and children. 107 108 Stephen IX 109 Nicholas II 110 and Alexander II 111 all carried on in the reform spirit and 105 McLaughlin Sex, Gender, and Episcopal 33. 106 See Fanning, A Bishop and His World 10; Hunt, Cluny Under Saint Hugh 26; Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy 70; and Frazee, 162. 107 McLaughlin, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority 33. At the Council of Reims, for example, Leo condemned clerical marriage. See Fanning, A Bishop and His World Cluny Under Saint Hugh 141. In the Easter Synods of Rome in 1051, cluding the surprising call for the enslavement of wives and mistresses of the clergy. See Frazee, 162. more zealous promoters of clerical reform. The reformer Peter Damian, for example, whom Leo had Peter Damia The Letters of Peter Damian 91 120: The Fathers of the Church: Medieval Continuation trans. Owen J Blum (Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1989), 5: 270 271, 285. as an advisor to Leo, see Fra zee, 162. 108 When Leo died in 1054, Pope Victor II (1055 1057), who had been recommended by Hildebrand, was elevated to the papal office. Among his first acts was the condemnation of clerical marriage at the Council of Fl orence in June of 1055. See Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum ed. E. Dmmler, MGH Libelli de lite, 1 ( Hannover : Hahn, 1891), p. 589.
100 W ith the d eath of Alexander II in April of 1073, the reform movement gained fresh momentum with his successor, the monk Hildebrand, who was immensely popular with reformers and wasted little time in setting an ambitious and aggressive reform agenda under the name of Pope Gregory VII. 112 what type of man would hold authority in the Church by appointing or deposing clerics based on their commitment to chastity. In demanding a celibate clergy, as Jo Ann McNamara and Jacqueline Murray have both pointed out, Gregory was also, by extension, calling on married or unchaste clerics to abandon one of the chief means by which they had traditionally defined themselves as men in the lay dominated local c ommunities in which they lived and worked: the sexual and marital subordination of women. 113 Indeed, the ideals of the Gregorian Reform represented a significant gendered threat to priests who defined themselves according to lay masculine ideals as 109 Pope Stephen IX counted reformers such as Hugh of Cluny and Peter Damien among his supporters and advisors during his b rief term in office (1057 58). See Hunt, Cluny Under Saint Hugh 142 and Frazee, 162. 110 At the Lateran Synod of 1059, for example, Pope Nicholas II, for whom the influential monk and reformer Hildebrand served as one of his closest advisors, forbade attendance at masses said by priests who were known to be married or have concubines. See Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum, 594. Frazee, 164. This was also the period that the Pataria which was primarily a lay movement seeking to enforce clerical celibacy through violence and intimidation, first emerged in Milan with the approval of the papacy. See Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy 95. For scholarly overviews of the Patarene movement, see motivi ideali della polemica antipatarina: matrimonio, ministero e comunione ecclesiale secondo la tradizione ambrosiana nella Historia Nobilt e chiese nel me dioevo e altri saggi: Scritti in onore di Gerd G. Tellenbach ed. Cinzio Violante (Rome: Jouvence, 1993), 199 222 and H.E.J. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series Vol. 18 ( 1968): 25 48. 111 Frazee, 164. 112 Frazee, 165. 113 See 4 and Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 26.
101 Gregorian reformers sought to fully exclude clerics from exercising their manhood according to traditional lay norms, including sexual intercourse and the bearing of children, as well as demonstrations of military prowess. 114 Gregory zealously pursued rumors and cha rges of married clerics. On October 16, 1074, for example, Gregory wrote a letter to Archbishop Udo of Trier asking him to investigate claims that the Archbishop of Toul was living in an unchaste relationship with a woman he was planning to marry. Gregory noted that if the charges proved to be true, then the Archbishop of Toul would be excommunicated. 115 In another letter of late 1075, Gregory advised the clergy and laity of Germany that they did not have to obey bishops who allowed for married clerics. 116 In a letter to Bishop Josfred of Paris, dated March Josfred to prohibit rebellious bishops who re fused to punish rebellious priests from 117 Moreover, in 1078, having created many enemies among the higher clergy as a result of his tactics, Gregory pushed even harder, declaring at his autumn Synod in Rome, that any b ishop who tolerated the fornication of priests should be suspended from office. 118 114 Murray, Masculinizing Religious Life 26. Murray no of their wives, what mechanisms were open to them to prove their manhood in a world that looked for clear and visible markers of gender? The normal avenues by which secular men proved their masculinity sexual inte rcourse and engendering children and the exercise of military prowess were now closed to the 115 Gregory VII, ep. II, 10, ed. by Erich Casp er (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 140. 116 The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII ed. and trans. H.E.J. Cowdrey (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), 26. 117 Gregory VII, ep. IV, 20, ed. by Erich Casp er (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 328. 118 McLaughlin, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority 33.
102 Gregory also dictated to secular rulers how they should deal with married clergy in their domains. Early in his papacy, before the two men became bitterly divided, in a lette r to Henry IV dated December 7, 1074, Gregory commended Henry for his efforts 119 In another letter dated July 20, 1075, Gregory again praised Henry for reports of his efforts to enf orce the chastity of the clergy. 120 In a letter to Countess Adela of Flanders, dated November 10, 1076, Gregory advised her that unchaste clerics were not allowed to celebrate the mass and should be removed from Church offices. 121 For all his efforts, Gregory never fully won the battle against married priests, much less unchaste priests, but he did have some important successes in the battle for ecclesiastical reform. To begin with, he mostly won popular opinion to his cause of clerical chastity. 122 Gregory also firmly asserted the authority of the papacy to appoint or depose churchmen and formally forbade the practice of lay investiture in 1075. Thus the papacy, at least according to supporters of ecclesiastical reform efforts, could largely determine what kind of man would hold authority in the Church, which in their view was a chaste and unmarried man 119 Gregory VII, ep. II, 30, ed. by Erich Casp er (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 163. 120 Gregory VII, ep. III, 3, ed. by Erich Casp er (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 246 247. 121 Gregory VII, ep. IV, 10, ed. by Erich Casper (Berlin: W eidmann, 1920), 309. 122 Frazee, 1 66.
103 CHAPTER 4 THE GREGORIAN REFORM, THE MASCULINE HIERARCHY, AND THE EFFORT TO REFORM CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS During the era of the Gregorian Reform, secular priests, hea vily influenced by lay norms of masculine behavior, were cut off from some of the key avenues by which masculinity was demonstrated in the societies in which they lived and worked. On threat of excommunication or loss of their offices, Christian authoritie s maintained secular priests could no longer be or remain married, engage in sexual intercourse, have children, or exercise military prowess. 1 Under such circumstances, if they did not do the things that they believed men were supposed to do, how could the y still count themselves as men? Reformers in the Gregorian era responded to these concerns by pointing out that not only were those who conformed to monastic notions of holiness still men, but they were superior men, whose masculinity was at the very top of the masculine hierarchy. 2 3 Monks or 1 Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages eds. P.H. Cullum and Katherine J. Lewis (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004), 26. 2 Historia Religiosa Holiness and Masculinity in the Middle Ages eds. P.H. Cullum & Katherine J. Lewis (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 43; JoAnn McNa Chaste Marriage and Clerical in Vern L. Bullough and James A. Brundage, eds. Sexual Practices and the Medieval Church from Gregorian Refor Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 162. 3 See Thibodeaux, Man of the Church Clerical Culture: Narratives of Episcopal Holiness Church History 72:1 (2003): 48 vita of St. Ubaldus, Bishop of Gubbio. See Gerhardvon Augsburg Vita Sancti Uodalrici. Die illteste Le bensbeschreibungdes heiligen Ulrich ed. Walter Berschin, Angelika Hiise (Heidelberg: Universitaitsverlag C. Winter, 1993) and the life of Ulrich written by Abbot Berno is in PL 142:1183 1204.
104 ame sexual prowess as other men and were also tempted by lust, but they were fully armed and engaged in a manly battle. 4 In this view, not only were monks and reform ed priests superior to worldly priests, but they also represented a distinct, separate, and superior order from the laity. The influential Gregorian reformer Humbert of Silva Candida for example, argued during the mid eleventh century that the clergy and laity should be separate both in 5 Scholars have also identified how the ecclesiastical literature of the Gregorian Reform era elevated ecclesiastical masculinity over lay masculinity. 6 This was particularly the case during the papacy of Gregory VII, as ecclesiastical writers like Bernold of St. Blaisien celebrated Gregory for desiring to see the clergy elevated by virtue of their holiness. 7 Much of the justification for r anking chaste clerics at the top of the masculine 8 4 See Masculinizing Religious Life 34; Swanso Angels Incarnate Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel and Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 54 59. 5 Hu mbert of Silva Candida Adversus Simoniacos Liber III, 9 ed. F. Thaner, MGH Libelli de lite, 1, (Hannover: Hahn, 1891), 208. 6 See, for example, Masculinity, Reform, and Clerical Culture 7 Bernold of St. Blasien (of Constance), Chronicon 1085 ed. I. S. Robinson, MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova series 14, ( Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2003 ), 449 50. See also I.S. The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII, Tra nslated and annotated by I.S. Robinson (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 3 and Frazee, The Origins of Clerical Celibacy 166. 8 Masculinizing Religious Life
105 military prowess to frame themselve s as warriors, among the most manly of occupations, who waged war against the demons of lust on behalf of virtue. 9 It was through this rhetoric of manly warfare, borrowed, as we have seen in Chapters 2 and 3 of this dissertation from monastic and ecclesia stical literature that dated back to the 10 The monk and influential reformer Peter Damian (d. 1072), for example, employed martial rhetoric in his works written f or fellow spiritual warriors. In one letter to example, Peter took the tone of a commander ordering one of his men into battle. Indeed, he called on the hermit to stop postp oning and, like a famous warrior ( insignis bellator viriliter 11 Such language was often used against the opponents of clerical chast ity. Pope Alexander II, for example, portrayed the reformers as spiritual soldiers waging war against the demonically inspired opponents of reform. This is perhaps made most clear 9 Masculinizing Religious Life 10 See, for example, Gre Gregory VII, ep. III, 4, ed. by Erich Casper (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 250. On the medieval borrowing of a ncient Christian marital rhetoric, Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer D. Thibodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 86 87 and Andrew Romig, Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer D. Thibodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 49. On the long held association of martial rhetoric with monastic literature, dating back to New Testament texts and the writings of the early Church Fathers, see C hapter 2. 11 Peter D amien, Epist. 10, ed. K. Reindel, Epistulae MGH Kaiserzeit IV 1, ( Munich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1983 1993), 135. See also Smith, Spiritual Warriors 93 94.
106 in his short letter written in 1067 to Christian reformers at Cremona, in wh ich he 12 Indeed, the reformers were at war headed snake, wickedly vomited over [th em] 13 Moreover, the faithful defenders of l and 14 Thus the clergy manfully engaged in spiritual combat every bit as dangerous, or even more so, as the physical warfare fought by laymen. In the same way that the ideal lay warrior was expected to demonstrate courage on the physical battlefield, the ideal spiritual warrior was also expected to demonstrate courage on the spiritual battlefield. 15 While the clergy may not have been allowed to engage in physical combat, they did manfully engage in spiritual combat w ith relationship to the world, reformers were not simply trying to co opt aristocratic masculinity as the milites Christi predated the existence of the knightly class. 16 To the contrary, clerical reformers claimed to transcend the secular models of masculinity by 12 Letter to the Church of Cremona is included in Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum ed. E. Dmmler, MGH Libelli de lite, 1 ( Hannover : Hahn, 1891), 597 598. 13 Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum 597. 14 Bonizo of Sutri, Liber ad amicum 597. 15 Spiritual Warriors 16 88.
107 virtue of their superior holiness and commitment to chastity. 17 In the words of P.H. envisioned as a specifically masculine their lives were soft in comparison to the spiritual battles to be fought by monks and clerics in ensuring the submission of the body to the will, in the practice of chastity and 18 Moreover, as reformers began to argue, if secular clerics could exchange traditional lay masculinity for the superior masculinity of monks, then perhaps members of the laity could follow them. Thus, emboldened in the Gr egorian era, ecclesiastical advocates of reform made a secondary effort to reform the warrior class with a particular emphasis on the lustful and violent knights of Europe, on whom the Church depended for protection and the administration of justice. Eccl esiastical Views of Warfare and Warriors until the Early Eleventh Century Medieval ecclesiastical, particularly monastic, views of knights, and the profession of arms in general, were dominated by suspicion and concern. 19 Prior to the Gregorian Reform, for example, clerical authors from Late Antiquity to the first half of the eleventh century had systematically expressed concern over the morality of 17 S Spiritual Warriors 87. 18 Masculinity in the Middle Ages, eds. P.H. Cullum and Katherine J. Lewis (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 4. See als o Smith, Spiritual Warriors 88, 103. 19 Peter R. Coss, The Knight in Medieval England 1000 1400 ( Phoenix Mill, Far Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire: Alan Sutton, 1993), 46.
108 shedding blood, regardless of the circumstances. 20 While some influential figures like St. Augustine had advoca ted a theory of just war as early as the fifth century, some historians have argued that ecclesiastical leaders found it difficult to embrace such a view due to political discord in the West in the early Middle Ages. 21 A significant change iew of Christian participation in warfare came during the era of Carolingian dominance, as western European Christians faced the common threat of Magyars, Norsemen, and Muslims. Indeed, during this period even popes actively participated in campaigns again st non Christians and promised eternal life to Christian warriors who died during the same campaigns. 22 Yet the weakness of the papacy in the tenth century severely curtailed its centralizing role in the spread of the ideology of holy war, allowing for a gr adual return during the tenth century to the traditionally hostile clerical and monastic view of the profession of arms. 23 The inherent tensions between a class of Christian warriors who committed themselves to warfare as a duty and mark of manhood and a c lergy that condemned such behavior are demonstrated in the unusual account of the life of the Carolingian 20 Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 122 and 87. 21 See, for example, The International History Review 10:2 (1988): 174 The Journal of Religious Ethics 12:1 (1984): 19 Contra Faustum Ma nichaeum tr. Richard Stathert. The Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, vol. IV. Philip Schaff ed. (Buffalo: Christian Literature, 1887), 151 365. 22 Gilchrist, 174 175. 23 See Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society tran s. Cynthia Postan (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1977), 129; Gilchrist, 174 175; and Scaglione, Knights at Court 35
109 Count Gerald of Aurillac (855 909). 24 Authored in the early tenth century by Odo of Cluny, the Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac was intended to show how it was possible for the laity, as well as lax monks, to live lives of holiness according to monastic virtues. 25 Yet it also paradoxically suggests how difficult it was for layman to live according to those same virtues as demonstrated in the constant challe nges facing Gerald. 26 For Gerald to embrace a type of monasticized holiness, he would have been required to avoid sex and bloodshed, both things necessary for a lay nobleman to perpetuate and defend both his bloodline and authority. Yet Odo nevertheless pre sented Gerald as an aristocratic lord who was able to live a life of holiness, but attend to his aristocratic duties; who engaged in warfare, but spilled no blood; who desired women, but with thy, but acted and dressed with humility and ate modestly. 27 As a consequence of such stories, George Duby and other historians have seen 28 24 See Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi Auriliacensis ed. A.M Bultot Verleysen (Bruxelles: Socit des Bollandistes, 2009). 25 The Common Bond of Aristocratic Masculinity 41. 26 On Odo writing his Life of Saint Gerald as an example for the laity, see the Praefatio of Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi 1 32. On the difficulties of laymen living lives of holiness, as made apparent Life of Saint Gerald Masculinizing Religious Life 25. 27 ing habits, see Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi 154 162 and the Prefatio 28 G eorges Duby, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined Trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 97 98. Like Duby, Katherine Allen Smith has argued that Life riors to lead a quasi monastic Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 98 99.
110 on the broader laity is uncertain, there is evidence that it had a considerable impact in some areas. Bernard of Angers, for example, writing in the early eleventh century, a full century after Odo penned his Life of St. Gerald complained that during his travels to Languedoc he witnessed lay veneration of St. Gerald that bordered on idolatry. Such was the intensity of devotion that Bernard feared that if he spoke out against it, he would have b een punished as if he had committed a crime. 29 Odo described how Gerald, once committed to the fight, for the right reasons, only with the backs of their swords in an effort to avoid bloodshed. 30 Odo noted that such measures, Gerald allegedly never lost a conflict and was never wounded in battle. Moreover, and perhaps more importantly for Odo, Gerald was claimed to have never wounded another man, despite his many victories. 31 Odo named several instances in which a true man; they thought they might take advantage of him, because of his unusual efforts to aspire to a holy code of behavior more aligned with monks than with 29 See Bernardus Andegavensis, and Auguste Bouillet (ed.), Liber miraculorum sanctae Fidis 1897), cap. I.13. In English translation, see Pamela Sheingorn, Robert L. A. Clark, and Bernardus. The Book of Sainte Foy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 75 87. 30 Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43.3 (1992): 372 95. 31 Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi 144 146.
111 warriors. 32 Consequently, Odo was preoccupied with def ending the manhood of Gerald against such charges. Although Gerald did not engage in sex and warfare, Otto framed him in the most masculine of terms by suggesting that he was part of a heavenly army vil. 33 masculinity represented a different type of manhood than his peers, more aligned with monastic masculinity than lay masculinity, and while he did not do the things that men of his class were expected to do, he retained his m anhood on account of his holy virtues. a monasticized ideal of knighthood promoted by clerical reformers in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, reaching its fullest expressi on in the crusading orders (considered in Chapter 6 of this dissertation). 34 The Peace and Truce of God Movements and their Effects on Knights Like Odo of Cluny, whose praise of Gerald emphasized his careful deliberation of where and when to fight, later t enth century ecclesiastical leaders were equally concerned with the violent and disruptive behavior of the military class in the wake of the collapse of Carolingian royal authority. Efforts to address those concerns manifested themselves in the late tenth century movement of Cluniac inspiration known as the Peace of God, which was followed in the early eleventh century by the Truce of God. 35 32 Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Ger aldi 142 144. 33 Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi 198. Chastity Belt 59. 34 See Katherine Allen Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 2011), 99 and Marjor ie Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 133. 35 See Hans Purposes and Character of the Peace of God, 989 The Peace of God: Social V iolence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, edited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes
112 Post Carolingian ecclesiastical leaders were concerned with the effects of such violence both on the clergy and Church property, as well as the peasants and merchants whose lives, as well as the tithes, rents, and services they provided to the Church, were equally disrupted by knightly violence. 36 As a result, ecclesiastical leaders invested themselves in the peacemaking p rocess in a unique way. Through the Peace of God movement, of which the earliest Peace canons that survive are from the Council of Charroux in 989, the Church sought to protect certain classes of non combatants from knightly violence at all times. 37 In doin g so, ecclesiastical leaders attempted to regulate and limit martial activity by appealing directly to the conscience and vanity of the individual warrior, rather than secular authorities. 38 The Church realized that the knightly class was comprised of proud men, fearful of public shame, but eager for public honor, so the (Ithaca, NY: 1992), 259 279. See especially pages 264 273. On the shared concerns (or connectedness) of the Peace/Truce of God movements with Cluniac re form efforts and the later Gregorian Reform, see The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1 000, edited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY: 1992), 280 307. On how historians have interpreted the Peace/Truce of God movements as a response to the collapse of Carolingian The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, edited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY: 1992). 31 and Cowdrey, The Peace and Truce of God 42. On the of Gerald of Aurillac with the early Peace of God movement, see Christian Lauranson The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, ed ited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY: 1992), 111. 36 See Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 134 135 and Gies, The Knight in History 18. 37 The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000 eds. Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1992), 4. Marjorie Chibnall places the origin of the Peace of God slightly later, at the 994 Council of Limoges. See Chibnall, The W orld of Orderic Vitalis 133. 38 Maurice Hugh Keen, Chivalry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 47.
113 clergy forced them into public settings in which knights would be shamed if they declined to abide by the Peace movement, but would be praised if they agreed. 39 Early in the eleventh century the second part of the movement emerged with the Truce of God, which sought to impose a type of ascetic discipline on fighting for knights and nobility. Just as penitents were required to fast on certain days, knights were required to abstain from warfar e and fighting on Sundays and holy days and refrain from violence in or around churches. Over time, as the Truce of God gained some acceptance, the list of truce days grew to include Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, all nd Lent, thus attempting to narrowly limit when warfare could be carried out. 40 Yet even when fighting took place within the boundaries set by the Truce of God, this did not leave obedient warriors in the clear. Bloodshed, until at least the later eleventh century, even in a just cause, remained a sin to be expiated. 41 The results of the Peace and Truce of God were mixed. Sometimes respect for the sanctuary offered to non combatants and fear of excommunication restrained otherwise violent knights, but the di scipline of large armies often broke down. 42 When this happened, clerics were often active in condemning violations of the Truce. Bishop Ivo of Chartres, for example, excommunicated so many knights who had broken the 39 The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response i n France around the Year 1000, edited by Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY: 1992), 245. 40 Gies, The Knight in History 19. 41 Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 139 and Keen, Chivalry 46. 42 Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 134 135.
114 Truce of God that, in a letter to Philip I, he explained that he could not bring an armed force to escort the king because almost all the available knights had been excommunicated for breaking the Truce. 43 limited ability of the clergy to enforce the provisi ons of the Peace and Truce of God. Indeed, knightly compliance with such provisions seems to have been dependent on degree of seriousness with which knights took the spiritual sanctions of the Church and many knights clearly seemed to have had little conce rn over such sanctions. Nevertheless, there are also many examples of prominent knights who submitted to penance imposed on them by the clergy when they violated clerical rules on the acceptable use of force. In doing so, such knights acknowledged the aut hority of ecclesiastical leaders to dictate when and against whom they could fight. 44 The influential crusades historian Jonathan Riley Smith, in particular, has highlighted through his various works how a significant number of lay noblemen were apparently genuinely drawn to the pilgrimage movement throughout the eleventh century, one of the most encouraged forms of penance during this period, to atone for their various sins. 45 43 Ivo of Chartres, Correspondance ed. and trans. J. Leclercq, (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1949), 118 119. The World of Orderic Vitalis 136. 44 Eleventh century clerics appear to have relished their ne w role as referees and authorities on Letter to Hermann of Metz in which Gregory describes i t as the duty of the clergy to exhort everyone according to his station. See Gregory VII, ep. VIII, 21, ed. by Erich Casp er (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 558. The clergy justified its moral, and by extension political, authority over the laity partly by refere nce to the purity of the clergy. Indeed, it was the corporeal purity of the bishops that served as the basis of their spiritual and moral authority, which they believed gave them the right to condemn the sinful behavior of knights, fine them, and force th em to seek in Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer D. Thi bodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 206. 45 Riley example, The First Crusaders (already cited in this chapter), as well as The First Crusade and the Idea of
115 Consider the example of Count Fulk III, who had violently ruled Anjou for more th an half a century, and took a pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulcher only six or seven years before its destruction by al the Archbishop of Tours, was his fear of Hell as a result of all the blood he had shed. 46 Fulk made three other pilgrimages during his lifetime and with his final arrival in Jerusalem, as an old man nearing his death, he called on Christ to forgive him while a servant scourged his back and he was led with a halter draped around his n eck to the site of the Holy Sepulcher. 47 In 1039, Guy I of Leval, for example, set out on a ights not justly claimed. 48 In another case, Count Thierry of Trier, who had killed an archbishop in 1059, also made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem as a means of atoning for his sin. 49 By the later eleventh century in particular, on the eve of the calling of th e First Crusade, an apparently significant number of knights had committed themselves to the Crusadin g History 65 (1980): 177 192. On the popularity of the pilgrimage movement during this period, see Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades, trans. John Gillingham (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 14. Cluny used its prestige and influence to organize distant networks of contacts to help facilitate pilgrimages and improve facilities for pilgrims. The increasing popularity of pilgrimages during the tenth and eleventh centuries destination as the place a pilgrim would remain until their death. In the case of Jerusalem as a type of shrine in which to die, see Benedicta Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind: Theory, Record, and Event, 1000 1215 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 124 5. 46 See the letter in Rad ulfus Glaber, Historiarum sui temporis libri V ed. M. Prou, (Paris, 1885), 2 Smith, The First Crusaders 27 28 and Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099 1187), (Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2005), 13. 47 Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 28. 48 ed. B. de Broussillon, 2 vols. (Archives historiques du Maine 1, 9, Le Mans, 1900 8), 1.2. 49 Annale s Hildesheimenses ed. G. Waitz, MGHS in usum scholarum (Hannover, 1878), 47.
116 hardships of pilgrimage as a penance for their sins. 50 Around 1080, a citizen of Cologne received the penance of a multiple pilgrimage to all the great shrines to a tone for the murder of his brother. 51 In 1087, for example, Herbert of Sennec reportedly bewailed hurch of Beaujeu before departing on a pilgrimage to the East. 52 Indeed, citing these and other exampl es, Riley Smith has described the attitude of later eleventh century Christians toward Jerusalem, on the eve 53 Despite the successes described above, clerical efforts to curb the excesses of knights were cl early limited. This is perhaps best demonstrated by the continued widespread clerical condemnations of knightly behavior that continued throughout the eleventh century and extended into the twelfth century and beyond. Throughout the eleventh century cleric s regularly sent unsolicited letters to kings and other members of the nobility condemning their various vices and urging their correction. 54 During the second half of the eleventh century, even popes increasingly condemned violent 50 Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading regularly departing for Jerusalem with the encouragment of monasteries and there was traffic right up to 51 William of Malmesbury, De gestis pontificum ed. N.E.S.A. Hamilton (Rolls Series 52, London, 1870), 425 6. 52 Dame de Beaujeu, M.C. Guigue (Lyons, 1 864),17. 53 Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 21. Several knights seem to have been planning pilgrimages to Jeruslaem in the months leading up to the calling of the First Crusade. Count Roger of Foix, for example, was known to have m ade preparations for such a pilgrimage around the same time as a knight named Odard, who appears to have traveled to the Holy Land as a traditional pilgrim and returned to Europe in 1098, at a time when the first crusaders were battling their way through A sia Minor. See pages 20 21. 54 Stephen Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 839 1210 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), 226. Jaeger cites examples as far back the sixth century treat ise by Gregory the Great, Regula pastoralis 2.4, PL 77: 30 32; and 2. 6, PL 77: 34 ff, to the twelfth century work of Peter of Blois, Dialogus inter regem Henricum II et Abbatem Bonaevallensem PL 207: 975 988.
117 members of the nobility w Christian warfare. This was particularly the case with those laymen who harassed the Church or ecclesiastical property. Pope Gregory VII, for example, condemned ther ranks of men made captive by their wretched without repenting and seeking penance after they had been admonished for their deeds. 55 Yet while clerical efforts over knightly behavior during this period were limited, they nevertheless clearly had an impact on some prominent knights 56 The heightened pilgrimage activity of knights during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries can serve as evidence for the heightened influence of the reformers on the knightly class during this period. 57 Indeed, some prominent knights, as demonstrated in the examples of Count Fulk III and Count Thierry of Trier provided above, appear to have taken the admonitions of clerical critics seriously and seem to have been well aware of their sinfulness as they sought ways to make amends through pilgrimage. 58 55 The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII ed, and trans. H.E.J. Cowdrey (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), 134 136: distraxerun continued disobedience of knights during this period, see also Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis: Volume II, Books III and IV ed. an d trans. Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), 120, and Suger, The Deeds of Louis the Fat trans. Richard C. Cusim and John Moorhead (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1992), 30. See also Scaglione, Knights at Court 32. 56 On reform efforts having a broader impact on knightly behavior, see John France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades, 1000 1300 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999), 57. 57 Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 28 34. 58 Marcus Bull, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, c. 970 c. 1130 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 165 The Crusades: The Essential Readings ed. Thomas M adden (Malden, Ma.: Blackwell, 2002), 189 190. See also Mayer, The Crusades 14.
118 The Basis for Knightly Masculinity For those knights resistant to clerical reform efforts, undoubtedly representing the majority, the problem was tha t the proposed reforms would have curbed behavior that was usually considered essential to how knights defined themselves as men. Their ability to inflict violence and demonstrate courage and military prowess through warfare, for example, was essential to their social and economic success and a key means by which they could distinguish themselves from other men. 59 As a result, knightly combat was seen as the most masculine of pursuits as nothing more clearly demonstrated men, thus making military prowess the virtue admired most by fellow knights. 60 known and could serve as the basis of either personal shame for cowardice or ineptness, or glory for demonstrations of courage and skill. 61 Moreover, defeating or dominating other knights in battle could elevate victorious knights in the social order. 62 Indeed, in the case of the medieval knight, it was other medieval warriors who observed him in battl e and judged his ability to inflict violence as the basis by which his 59 Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis: Volume II, Books III and IV ed. and rtellus Andegauensium 60 Policy (1095 Gendering the Crusades eds. Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 32; Ruth Mazzo Karas, From Boys to Men: Formulations of Masculinity in Late Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 21; Leo Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism: War and th e Changing Nature of Masculinity (New York: Knopf, 2003), 60; and Richard Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 47. 61 243. 62 See, for example, Abbot The Vita Willibrordi 36 MGH SS 23:28, which provides an account of how combative Flemish knights fought each other as a means of establishing themselves higher in the social order.
119 masculinity was validated among other warriors. 63 Consequently, such knights almost certainly would not have wanted or wished for peace, as a lack of warfare also meant a lack of opportu nity to amass the two things that mattered most to knights of all ages: a personal fortune and greater honor through the demonstration of courage and military prowess. 64 central to h is identity. 65 Knights could also build their reputations through a nearly institutionalized form of s the actual performance of such deeds. 66 The establishment of a reputation for martial prowess had significant benefits for a knight as such a reputation could win followers and supporters among those who sought to enrich themselves through plunder and ran soms. 67 63 Leo Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism 56 58. 64 Bra udy, From Chivalry to Terrorism 59. 65 See, for example, La Chanson de Roland: D'aprs le manuscrit d'Oxford ed. by Gustav Grber (Strasbourg: J. H. E. Heitz, 1921), 55, line 1093 : violence for the es tablishment of knightly reputations, see Keen, Chivalry 52; Scaglione, Knights at Court 65; Benjamin Arnold, German Knighthood, 1050 1300 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), 22; Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 138 linity in England and Northern France c. 1050 Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley, (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 85 86. 66 See, for example, Frank Barlow, William Rufus (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Pr ess, 1983), 436. See also Stephen Morillo, Warfare Under the Anglo Norman Kings, 1066 1135 (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1994), 45. On the prevalence of examples of knightly boasting in popular literature of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, as well as many references to such examples, see PMLA 21:2 (1906): blustering and boas 67 France, Western Warfare 61.
120 reputation. 68 real men were expected to demonstrate sexual prowess in the bedroom, which could be es tablished through the bearing of children. Taken together, martial and sexual prowess represented the key avenues by which the nobility demonstrated their manliness, and thus prideful bragging about both were to be expected by those seeking to establish a manly reputation. 69 If arrogant boasting about sinful deeds were not enough to disturb clerical reformers who preached a life of humility, the bold and audacious hair and clothing fashions that became popular among the aristocratic knightly class during th e eleventh century further ruffled the feathers of conservative clerical critics. 70 Clerical criticism of such styles seems to have been particularly prominent by the end of the century on the eve of the First Crusade. On Ash Wednesday in 1094, for example, Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury refused to give ashes or blessings to young men who, according to him, 71 In 1096, the Council of Rouen went as far as to forbid long hair as unbefit ting of a Christian male, 68 Medieval Masculinities : Regarding Men in the Middle Ages ed. Clare A. Lees (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1 994), 41. 69 Masculinizing Religious Life century, refers to which secular men proved their masculinit 70 For an early 11th century (c. 1025) description of the ornate clothing styles of the nobility, see the Life of Burchard of Worms C hapter 19, in the edition of G. Waitz in MGH SS 4, (Hannover, 1841), 830 46. For background on the text, see Stephanie Hagiographie im Kontext: Schreibanlass und Funktion von Bischofsviten aus dem 11. und vom Anfang des 12. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1997), 26 40. 71 Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, et opuscula duo: de vita sancti Anselmi et quibusd am miraculis ejus ed. Martin Rule (London: Longman, 1884), 48.
121 threatening exclusion from Christian burial for those who persisted in such fashions. 72 Hairstyles varied by region in the tenth and for much of the eleventh century. In the battle scenes of the Bayeux Tapestry, for example, the Sa xons have short, cropped hair and the Normans have mustaches. 73 Yet by the end of the eleventh century, to the chagrin of the clergy, long hair had become popular with aristocrats in western continental Europe. 74 Clothing, as well, in both England and on the Continent, became more colorful and flamboyant during the later eleventh century. 75 Regardless of clerical concerns, by the eleventh century, aristocratic warriors had, unlike their more practical tenth century predecessors, largely adopted such fashions. 76 Indeed, it was also during this period that knights increasingly became identified with the nobility, rather than simply in service to them, so it is not surprising that they became increasingly attracted to aristocratic fashions. 77 Indeed, during the ele reputation almost as effectively as actual campaigning. 78 In addition to violence, prideful boasting, and ostentatious hair and dress, knights also defined themselves as men in part according to their relationship to women. A 72 Orderic Vitalis, Historia ecclesiastic IX iii, ed. Marjorie Chibnall (6 vols., Oxford, I968 80), V, 22. 73 Leo Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism 67. 74 Jaeger, The Origins of Courtlines s 265 and Bennett, Military Masculinity 79 75 See Braudy, From Chivalry to Terrorism 67; Bennett, Military Masculinity 79; and Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness 265. 76 On the practicality of 10 th century knights, see Leo Braudy, From Chivalry to Terro rism 61. 77 See Coss, The Knight in Medieval England 6 7; Duby, The Chivalrous Society 158 170; Morillo, Warfare Under the Anglo Norman Kings Military Masculinity 78 Morillo, Warfare Under the Anglo Norman Kings 45. See also Benn Military Masculinity 86.
122 youth, regardless of his age, might be dubbed a knight, and even engage in successful warfare, but not yet be considered a man ( vir ) by his peers until he married and became a father. 79 Thus a knight could not be seen fully as a man until he had become the head of an independent house and founded his own family, which was often his chief goal early in his career. 80 Yet many you ng knights were in no position financially to become heads of a household, as they had not yet made their fortunes. Thus many of them belonged to a band of youthful knig htly friends who loved each other like brothers. 81 ceremony and centered on a more established leader who provided them with arms and direction. Unmarried knights might remain in such a household until they were prepared to marry, have children, and establish their own household. 82 While the main pursuit of these bands of youthful knights was the opportunity for fighting, clerics complained that they also often pursued pleasure, squandered money, and exhibited loose morals on a number of fronts. 83 79 Orderic Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica ed. France, 5 vols., 1840 55), 4, II p. 219. The Chivalrous Society 112 113, 121 80 See Aird, Frustrated Masculinity 46 and Megan McLaughlin, Sex, Gender, and Episcopal Authority in an Age of Reform, 1000 1122 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 166. 81 Duby, The Chivalrous Society 114. Duby cites the example of young Ar nould of Pamele in the Acta Sanctorum August III, 232 A. 82 Duby, The Chivalrous Society 114. 83 Guibert of Nogent, Histoire de sa vie 1053 1124 ed. Georges Bourgin (Paris: A. Picard, 1907), 57, 220. See also Duby, The Chivalrous Society 115.
123 The Clerical Effort to Reform Knights Clerical reformers faced a daunting task in trying to correct the behavior they found most objectionable in knights. This was because knights under stood the same behavior that the clergy was trying to correct as key to defining themselves as men in knightly society. To convince knights to stop doing things the clergy found objectionable, clerics needed to convince laymen that such behavior was irrede emably sinful and promote an alternative model of behavior based on models of Christian holiness that redefined knightly masculinity itself. But, to do that, the clergy had to provide an alternative masculine identity that provided significant benefits for embracing such a change. The clergy attempted to do this by arguing for the elimination of certain knightly behaviors or characteristics involving sex, pride, and appearance, while also arguing that increased holiness and humility would please God and enh ance the most prized of knightly virtues: martial prowess. Consider the moral example provided in a monastic text authored by Bernard of Angers around the year 1020. In it, Bernard described a prideful knight named Rainon who had been excommunicated by th e monks of St. Foy. One day Rainon encountered a group of these monks and, filled with pride, he decided to attack them. Yet because his horse to stumble as he charged the defenseless monks and in the resulting fall he broke his neck and fractured his skull. Bernard ended the story with the reminder that have avoided such troubles through the pr actice of humility. 84 84 Liber m iraculorutm sancte Fidis 1. 5, ed. Auguste Bouillet (Paris, 1897), 24 26. For a fuller
124 Though celibate clerics might not have done the things that knights did to establish their manhood, the reformed clergy nevertheless believed they represented a superior type of masculinity by virtue of their representing a superior t ype of warrior: the miles Christi Clerical reformers argued that spiritual combat was purifying whereas worldly warfare led to damnation. Whereas worldly knights easily succumbed to vices like greed, vanity, and wrath, the miles Christi employed humility, obedience and chastity as their chief weapons on the spiritual battlefield. 85 Indeed, because clerics claimed that spiritual warriors fought against far deadlier enemies than their secular counterparts, they commanded a greater store of masculine virtus th an their secular counterparts, and had far more powerful allies than even the strongest secular warrior could boast. 86 Thus the chaste cleric, who rejected women and arms, believed he represented a superior and elevated masculine identity that was spiritual ly purer than that of knights, over whom he argued he had authority. 87 In attempting to reform the old sinful knighthood as a new Christian knighthood, churchmen advocated changes of behavior in three areas. First, as considered earlier in this chapter, fr om at least the late tenth century onward, ecclesiastical authorities attempted to restrain and to limit how and when knights could conduct warfare. They insisted that knights, following in the traditions of the Peace and Truce of God T he American Historical Review 76:1 (1971): 35. 85 86 87 Negotiating Clerical I dentities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer Thibodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 59. See also Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 43.
125 movements, become far more restricted in their choice of when, where, and against whom they fought, as well as in the motivations that inspired them to fight, if their warfare was to offend God to the least degree possible. At a council in Narbonne in 1054, for example, the te rms of the Truce of God were expanded to forbid any Christian 88 Few knights, as evidenced by continued inter Christian conflict in the following d ecades, could accept this literally, but nevertheless the proclamation of the Truce of God promoted the idea that they could only be fully justified in exercising their profession of war when they did so against the enemies of Christ. 89 Although some earlie always sinful, requiring penance regardless of the circumstances, by the time of the Gregorian Reform the Church depended significantly on the force of arms for the defense of its persons and propert y. Thus we see more emphasis on redefining the warrior class as a new and essential order of Christian society, with a new set of warrior values, under the moral oversight of the reformed clergy. 90 Representative of their new authority over the knightly cla ss, the clergy gradually began to oversee many of the ceremonies of knighthood. 91 Ceremonies associated with knighthood, beginning with the blessing of arms, were conducted in such a way as to demonstrate the authority of 88 For the canons of the Council of Narbonne, see Giovanni Mansi, S acrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, 89 The Peace of God: Social Vio lence and Religious Response in France Around the Year 1000, eds. Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992), 8. 90 See Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 40 and Remensnyder, Pollution, Purity, and Pe ace 306. 91 Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 143 144.
126 the Church over the profession of a rms. Sometime before 1093 at Cambrai, for example, there is evidence that a fully developed ritual was devised that contained prayers for blessing the lance, the banner, the sword, shield, and the knight himself, word by the bishop himself. 92 The second change of behavior reformers advocated for knights had to do with humility. In short, knights were rarely humble, but the Church wanted them to be. Consequently, the clergy called on knights to adopt a humble manner long considered a virtue of monks, if they were to make themselves acceptable or even pleasing to God. own, rather than giving God the credit for their successes, was a sure way to alienate God and bring about his disfavor. Because God granted the victories, then good knights, clerics argued, would give the credit and glory for such victories to God alone. Moreover, the clergy argued there were practical benefits for warr iors who embraced a 93 Indeed, according to the clergy, virtues like humility had long been considered a spiritual weapon of monks and a mark of superiority of the monk over the kni ght. 94 In attempting letter rebuking Henry IV, for example, Gregory contrasted th e fortunes of the biblical 92 Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis 143 144. 93 Gregory VII, ep. III, 10, ed. by Erich Casper (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 267. 94 See 103 and Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness 39.
127 kings Saul and David by comparing the haughtiness of Saul with the humility of David as a warning to Henry. 95 Before knights could properly embrace humility before God, they had to demonstrate it in their daily lives. This include d how they dressed and appeared in public. The problem was that knights sent unmistakable signals through their ostentatious dress and well groomed appearance that were meant to bolster, or at least ensure, their place among other men of their class. 96 Yet the reformed clergy sought to align lay fashions with the common clerical norms, as they had always considered worldly fashions to be effeminate and inferior to the simplicity of humble and manly clerical dress. 97 In the court of William Rufus, for example, the second Norman king of England (1087 99), St. Anselm of Bec condemned otherwise popular long hair styles as a sign of effeminacy and homosexuality. 98 Moreover, during the Middle Ages hairiness was associated with virile heat, which for clerics could als o be a sign of potential sexual pollution. 99 Indeed, for reformed clerics of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, being clean dominant traits most commonly associated with aristocra tic masculinity during this 95 Gregory VII, ep. VIII, 21, ed. by Erich Casper (Berlin: Weidmann, 1920), 558. 96 Military Masculinity 97 Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialo gus miraculorum 7. 55, ed. Strange vol. 2, 74 75. See an 33 98 For an overview of hostile clerical commentary (e.g. by Eadmer, Orderic Vitalis, and William of Malmesbury) on the court of William Rufus, including accusations of effeminate hair, unmanliness, and sodomy, see Barlow, William Rufus 103 Military Masculinity 81. 99 Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & Felice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 44.
128 period. 100 Moreover, if knights embraced ostentatious clothing and hair styles to impress women, it is not certain that such styles always appealed to women, as at least one anonymous, twelfth century clerical source has argued, n oting that women instead 101 The third change of behavior reformist clerics advocated for knights had to do with sexual purity. Reform clerics emph asized the importance of spiritual purity for warriors whose lives were regularly at risk. This was to be achieved primarily through chastity and the avoidance of sexual pollution associated with women. The knight who managed to maintain a pure soul at the time of death, after all, had a greater chance of eternal salvation. Moreover, the spiritually pure knight might even have a greater chance of avoiding death than his non pure comrades, as the spiritually pure knight was more pleasing and less offensive t o God, who then aided him with greater courage and prowess on the battlefield. 102 The clerical effort to address the sexual immorality of the laity is, of course, nearly as old as Christianity itself, but during the tenth century, we see the beginnings of a targeted focus of such pronouncements on the warrior class. This was perhaps best 100 101 n Mittelhochdeutsche Ubungsstiicke edited by H. Meyer Benfey (Halle: Niemeyer, 1909), 30 32. See an examination of this text in Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness 223. 102 The anonymous knight who authored the Gesta Francorum (c. 1100), for example, explained the extraordinary bravery of the Norman knights Bohemond and Tancred on the battlefield by pointing out excelling courage Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimitanorum: The Deeds of the F ranks and the Other Pilgrims to Jerusalem ed. Rosalind Hill (London, Edinburgh, Paris, Melbourne, Toronto, sed Deus eorum ualde diligit eos prae omnibus aliis, Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence 48
129 illustrated by the Cluniac promotion of the cult of Gerald of Aurillac. As noted earlier in this chapter, the influential abbot, Odo of Cluny, had written a Life of St. Gera ld in which he attempted to monasticize the layman. He did so by portraying Gerald as a man who avoided bloodshed on the battlefield, but who strove to maintain his chastity. 103 Odo nuing to exercise worldly power. These struggles include avoiding a marriage proposed by his overlord, his effort to resist the temptation to fornicate, and the psychosomatic blindness that resulted from this incident. 104 Thus, Odo depicted sexual pollution as a threat to Gerald, even making him blind, a great handicap for a warrior. Evidence that reform minded clerics continued to try to tame the sexual passions of the warrior elite is abundant throughout the eleventh and twelfth centuries. While their focu s was primarily on members of their own group during much of the later half of the eleventh century, they also promoted the benefits of chastity, or even celibacy, for the laity and particularly condemned the lack of chastity among the nobility and knightl y class. That clerical views on chastity had at least some impact among the lay elites seems to be suggested by ideals reflected in the popular literature of the era. The Song of Roland for example, popularized a monasticized form of knighthood, while lat er 103 See Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi 146 Chastity Belt 104 Odon de Cluny, Vita sancti Geraldi 148. Masculinity in Medieval Europe (London and New York: Longman, 1 999), 123 59.
130 twelfth and thirteenth century Arthurian tales emphasized the heroic purity of knights like Percival and Galahad. 105 Knightly Resistance to Clerical Reform While ecclesiastical sources suggest that reformers may have had limited success in reforming some knights, the same sources suggest that many more knights seem to have continued to act as they always had, in ways that were deemed essential (as well as a reputation for violence) remained a political necessity for men of the aristocratic classes and clerical admonitions to the contrary may have effectively induced some guilt, but little else for many knights. 106 As already noted earlier in this essay, even though the Ch urch had offered the opportunity for knights to belong to a slowly emerging Christian knighthood in the tenth and eleventh centuries, many knights refused to serve in such a capacity, preferring instead to live by the secular standards of knights in their era. 107 Knightly masculinity, perhaps the most powerful ideal of medieval seemed to many knights like an effort to limit their manliness. 108 105 106 Arnold, German Knighthood 14. On the guilt of knights, see Bull, Knightly Piety 165 166 and Bull, The Roots of Lay Enthusiasm 189 190. 107 See Pope Gre The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII ed, and trans. H.E.J. Cowdrey (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), 133. Qui vel quot sunt qui pro timore uel amore omnipotentis Dei, in quo uiuimus, mouemur, et sumus, tentum desudent uel usque ad mortem laborent, quantum seculars milites pro dominis suis uel etiam pro amicis et subditis? Ecce multa milia hominum secularium pro dominis suis cotidie currunt in mortem; pro caelesti uero Deo et redemptore nostro non solum in mortem non currunt, uerum etiam quorumdam hominum inimicitias 108 Chivalry and Violence 52 53.
131 For similar reasons, clerical ef forts to restrict and limit traditional knightly sexuality, particularly their wooing of women and bearing of children, was not well received either. Medieval aristocratic men took pride in their progeny, both legitimate and illegitimate, and thus many did not view the clerical model of manhood, which emphasized chastity, as real manhood. 109 Moreover, clerical masculinity, which claimed to be superior to all other forms of masculinity by virtue of the clerical separation from women, represented an unappealing alternative to knightly masculinity. 110 Indeed, for many knights, as well as many monks and reformed clerics, clerical and knightly models of masculinity came to represent competing opposite ends on a spectrum of medieval masculine identities to which membe rs on each side could aspire. 111 For most knights the benefits offered by the clergy in exchange for reform of the knightly class were not enough. What would it mean to please God if by doing so one was viewed as weak or a lesser man in the competitive world of knightly aristocrats? Nevertheless, the reforming Church had directly confronted the Christian warrior class and presented an alternative model of behavior that had at least, as demonstrated in the examples considered in this chapter, registered on the consciousness of some knights. While the benefits of knightly obedience to the values advocated by the Church did not yet outweigh the negatives for most knights, a foundation was laid for the next step in the development of a more appealing and instituti onalized form of Christian 109 110 111 Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in t he European Middle Ages ed. S. Tomasch and S. Gilles
132 warrior identity with the rise of the crusading movement at the end of the eleventh century. 112 112 Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, 1095 the appeals of the reformers to the laity had been outstandingly successful. Only a few laymen, scattered throughout Europe, had become fideles sancti Petri or had answere physical aid in other ways. It was only with the response to the preaching of the crusade that this particular message of the reformers seems to have really got across.
133 CHAPTER 5 BETWEEN WARRIOR AND PRIEST: THE CREATION OF A NEW MASCULINE IDENTITY DURING THE CRUSADES As considered in Chapter 4 the n ew assertiveness and confidence of the reformed clergy in the later eleventh century emboldened them to seek important societal changes outside their ranks, with a particular focus on the knightly class. It was then that ecclesiastical leaders engaged in a campaign to appropriate warfare for purposes they deemed worthy, or even holy. In doing so, they called on Christian warriors to abandon the behavior that had long defined them as men in favor of a new Christian ideal. Yet by the later eleventh century th e reformers had experienced very limited success in this endeavor. While historians like Jonathan Riley Smith and Marcus Bull have argued that many knights demonstrated remorse over the sinful deeds their profession often required of them, and even became accustomed to having the clergy tell them when and where they could fight, they did not, in significant numbers, embrace the new, holier, warrior ideal advocated by reformers. 1 Indeed, such changes would have required them to redefine how they viewed thems elves as warriors, the most masculine of professions, by new and untested standards. 2 Consequently, this chapter will first consider how new clerical thinking about Christian participation in warfare in the later half of the eleventh century laid a foundat ion for the emergence of the crusading movement at the end of the century. 1 On the hesitanticy of knights to embrace the ideals of clerica l reformers prior to the First Crusade, see Jonathan Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London: Athlone, 1993), 8. 2 Among the best studies on reformed knights in this era are Marcus Bull, Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the Fi rst Crusade: The Limousin and Gascony, c. 970 c. 1130 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 165 The Crusades: The Essential Readings ed. Thomas Madden (Malden, Ma.: Blackwell, 2002) 189 190.
134 Indeed, this is a foundational issue that must be considered carefully, since before the clergy could define a new type of warrior, they had to define an alternative type of warfare as would be seen in the birth of the crusading movement. Once established, the crusading movement gave clerical reformers a more appealing vehicle by which ideal. Indeed, the clergy claimed that crusading presented knights with a means by which they could employ the tools of their deadly profession in a way that was pleasing to God. 3 Once the clergy had presented the First Crusade as a worthwhile type of holy war, they t hen promoted the necessity of an alternative type of warrior ideal. Clerics argued that those sinful knights seeking redemption through the crusade, if they were to be successful, would have to take and maintain vows like those required of the humble and p enitential pilgrim. 4 In becoming crusaders, clerics argued, the formerly worldly warrior entered into a new vocation in which he became a temporary ecclesiastic, who, as we have seen, embraced a different model of manhood. 5 From the time they had 3 This was because clerical leaders promoted the anticipated hardships of an extended military campaign in the form of the First Crusade as of the equivalent of an armed pilgrimage, involving redemptive suffering as expected of any other pilgrim by which Christian knights could bring about their establishing and maintaining their manly reputations. Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God Through the Franks: Gesta Dei Per Francos (trans) Robert Levine, (Suffolk: 1997), 43. See also Fulch erio Carnotensi, RHC Occ 3 321 23. For an excellent overview of the pilgrimage origins of the First Crusade, see James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), 3 29. 4 Ri ley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23. 5 Smith, What Were the Crusades? Third Edition (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2002), 66. For an extended discussion of the
135 taken the ir vow until its redemption, a process that could take several years, crusaders were required to avoid sin and receive the sacraments regularly. Indeed, according to the ideal presented by the clergy, knights who had taken up the cross were supposed to avo id offending God at all costs, as they were dependent on his goodwill for success on the crusade. Thus clerical understandings of the necessity of personal holiness to wage successful spiritual warfare carried over to their understandings of how to conduct successful holy warfare on the physical battlefield. Such thinking thus provided the clergy with the opportunity to offer those knights who embraced the crusader ideal something that they desired above all else victory on the battlefield. One of the co nsequences of constructing a monasticized holy warrior ideal, which made the once sinful knight suitable for the crusading battlefield, was that such an ideal, by extension, created an alternative warrior masculine identity that could compete with the trad itional model embraced by secular knights. Indeed, with the clerical creation of the crusader, the clergy rejected many traits commonly associated with less pious secular knights and replaced them with virtues traditionally associated with monks. 6 Unlike h is arrogant and haughty secular counterpart, who established his reputation through his sexual prowess as much as his military prowess, the ideal crusader was to be humble and chaste, giving glory to God for his victories and kept Chapter 3 James M. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade: 1213 1221 (Philadelphia: 1986), 54. 6 On the reasons for why the clergy condemned much of the behavior of secular knights, see Chapter 4 On the monas ticization of warfare, see Katherine Allen Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture crusaders are referred to as milites Christi and athletae Christi terms traditiona lly used for monks, and are credited with possessing the very qualities humility, righteousness, and even chastity from which the Smith, The Crusades, Christianity, and Islam (New York: Colum bia University Press, 2008), 32 phrases that until then had been customarily applied only to monks and the monastic armies
13 6 pure for the holy war bat tlefield by his avoidance of women. Thus, as this chapter will consider, if a knight were to embrace the masculine ideal embodied in the clerical vision of the crusader, they would have to redefine themselves according to monastic virtues as men and warrio rs, rather than by the traditional standards on which knightly masculinity was gauged. Finally, after considering clerical efforts to define a warrior masculine ideal during the era of the First Crusade, this chapter will also consider evidence that gives us insights into how effective such measures were in bringing about the conversion of knights to the masculine model represented in the clerically constructed crusader ideal. Nevert heless, while acknowledging they were only a minority, we should recognize that thousands of knights voluntarily participated in the First Crusade under the specific provisions laid out for them by clerical reformers who oversaw the birth of the crusade. 7 It is this group of knights, some of whom were among the most influential in Europe, that allowed for the first test of what had been up to this time only a largely theoretical model of the Christian warrior proposed by reformed clerics in the late elevent h century. This is not to suggest that even this minority of knights who voluntarily took the crusading vows prescribed by the clergy wholeheartedly submitted to the model of Christian warrior identity advocated by the clergy. They undoubtedly participated with a wide range of personal motives and, as clerical sources make clear, many of those who had taken crusading vows, regardless of their initial intentions, did not always live up to 7 John France, The Crusades and the Expansion of Catholic Christendom, 1000 1714 (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 56. According to France, about 6000 western knights, representing only participated in the First Crusade.
137 the pious ideals and requirements of those vows during the course of t he crusade. Yet, as this chapter will document, there were also many knights who reportedly took their commitment to the principles of crusading seriously. By doing so, they came to represent the alternative model of warrior masculinity promoted by the cle rgy, which finally achieved surprising success during the era of the First Crusade. Pope Gregory VII and the Foundations of the Crusading Movement Although historians have chronicled how the roots of crusading ideology emerged during the papacies of Leo IX 8 Nicholas II, 9 and Alexander II, 10 none of them 8 Faced with a number of lay threats to papal and ecclesiastical authority in the later half of the eleventh century, which seemed to require military force as a response, Gregorian era popes and their supporters increa singly began to argue that that the new order of Christian knighthood had a divinely inspired obligation to defend the Church by force if necessary. Among the chief advocates of such a view was Pope Leo IX (1049 1054), who historians have generally conside red the first pope of the era to embrace and implement such principles. When Leo, early in his papacy, felt threatened by the influence and growing power of the Normans in Italy, he sought to address the problem with a military solution. ategy ultimately failed, resulting in his humiliating capture and imprisonment by the Normans in Benevento for nearly a year, there are three remarkable features highlighting. First, Leo took personal command of the campaign in sout hern Italy and his army marched as a papal army, under a papal banner. Second, to the Germans who took part in the campaign, Leo offered absolution for their sins and remission from their penance. Finally, and perhaps most significantly, after his defeat a nd eventual return to Rome, Leo prominently promoted a cult of martyrdom for those in The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII, Selected Sources Translated and Annotated by I.S. Robinson (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2004), 151; in The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII, Selected Sources Translated and Annotated by I.S. Robinson (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2004), 181. See also Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 100 101; Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades trans. John Gillingham (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 19; and Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 5. 9 Pope Nicholas II (1058 1061) also embraced the use of force to further the go als of reform, but in doing so he turned to the same Normans that had so troubled Leo IX for military support. Through his alliance with the Normans, Pope Nicholas effectively came into the possession of a powerful military that could be used for the purpo ses of holy war while the Normans also saw great value in having the sanction of the Church for their conquest of northern Sicily from the Muslims. See Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 5 and Mayer, The Crusades 19. 10 Even more so than the Norman wars against Muslims in Sicily, the mid eleventh century fight This is particularly the case of the conquest of Barbastro in 1064, where French Christians seeking s piritual merit joined with Spanish Christians in a war against Muslims with the support of Pope Alexander II (1061 1073). Alexander even granted a kind of indulgence, the first in connection with wars in Spain, to all who participated and may have given Sp anish Christian armies the right to bear a papal banner. See R iley Smith, The First Crusade
138 had as much of an impact on the development of holy war doctrine as Pope Gregory VII (1073 1085). 11 According to Jonathan Riley 12 justification was simple; he argued that fighting in a just cause was penitential because the penitent was exposed to hardships a nd danger, possibly even death, and so participation in such a war represented an act of self punishment, which was the very basis of the concept of penance. 13 Moreover, with the accession of Gregory VII to the papacy, the miles Christi who previously was only represented by the monk or reformed cleric who waged spiritual combat on a spiritual battlefield, was expanded by ecclesiastical authors to include the layman who, on behalf of the faith, waged physical warfare on earthly battlefields. 14 Gregory argue d there were two types of warfare; one was fought for worldly glory and possessions, and was spiritually damaging, whereas the other was fought on behalf of the faith and represented a form of imitatio Christi which elevated laymen to the status of soldie rs of Christ. 15 The second type of warrior, the layman who also served as a and the Idea of Crusading 5; Mayer, The Crusades 19 20; and Maurice Keen, Chivalry (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984), 48. 11 Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade pages 210 211. 12 Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 56 57. 13 Riley Smith, Wh at Were The Crusades 56 57. 14 Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 101 102. 15 Pope Gregory VII, The Correspondence of Pope Gregory VII: Selected Letters from the Registrum trans. Ephraim Emerton (New York: Octagon, 1979), 194. See also Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 101 102.
139 soldier of Christ, did not supplant the traditional miles Christi but rather joined him on the spiritual battlefield. 16 This established an important precedent, considered later in this chapter, for the emergence of an identity as a holy warrior, ultimately embodied in the crusader, that would compete with ideal behaviors expected of secular warriors. the legitimacy of Christian warfare, which would influence the development of crusading ideology and, by extension, the clerical conception of the holy warrior ideal during the First Crusade, was the Turkish threat that confronted the Byzantine Empire in the later half of the eleventh century. In 1071, two years before Gregory had become pope, the Seljuk defeat of a major Byzantine army at Manzikert had left most of Christian Asia Minor open to invasion, an opportunity on which the Turks would soon capitalize to 17 Under these circumstances, were Christian knights to provide military aid to eastern Christians, Gregory argued that such 18 The development of such thinking in this era laid an important foundation f or the ideological underpinnings of the First Crusade and, by extension, the establishment of a clerical 16 Smith, War and the Making of Mediev al Monastic Culture 101 102. 17 The Correspondence of Pope Gregory VII: Selected Letters from the Registrum trans. Ephraim Emerton (New York: Octag The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII ed, and trans. H.E.J. Cowdrey (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), 11 13. 18 On defending eastern Christians, see Pope Gregory VII, Letter to Countess Matilda of Tuscany (December, 1074), 11 13 and Pope Gregory VII, Crusade 57.
140 constructed warrior ideal embodied in the crusader. The hardships of warfare, if suffered for pious reasons and conducted by righteous warriors who avo ided behaviors that offended God, were pleasing to God, who, according to Gregory, provided spiritual benefits and support for those who took part. Pope Urban II and the Calling of the First Crusade While the distraction of the Investiture Controversy del ayed any direct papal involvement in the affairs of the East, many westerners were nevertheless aware of events in the Holy Land during this period. 19 News from the region was often sought from those who had trave led to the Levant and pilgrims were a primar y source of information about conditions there and the hardships that afflicted both pilgrims and eastern Christians. Consequently, the recent Turkish conquests of much of Christian Anatolia and the invasion of Palestine were a cause for alarm. 20 Moreover, the Byzantine Emperor Alexius I Comnenus had begun to negotiate with members of the western Christian nobility for military assistance, which was a clear sign of trouble in the East. 21 19 History 55 (1970): 177 88. 20 Mayer, The Crusades 14. 21 See, for example, the oft cited letter of Alexius to Count Robert of Flanders. The letter is reprinted in the original in Epistulae et chartae ad historiam primi belli sacri spectantes quae supersunt aevo aequales ac genuinae : eine Quellensammlung zur Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges edited by Heinrich Hagenmayer (Innsbruck: Wagner, 1901), 129 136. For additional background information, see, Andrew Holt and James Muldoon, eds. Competing Voices from the Crusades ( Oxford: Green wood, 2008), 4 5, 9 12, and Einor Joranson "The Spurious Letter of Alexius." American Historical Review 55 (1949 1950), 811 832. There is considerable doubt about the authenticity of the letter as it has come down to us, but it was often referenced during the era of the First Crusade and some scholars think the surviving version is likely based on an original document. Guibert of Nogent, for example, references the letter authoritatively in his Gesta Dei per Francos In English translation, see Guibert of N ogent, The Deeds of God Through the Franks trans. Robert Levine (Middlesex: The Echo Library, 2008), 32. Alexius had already used western knights for his military campaigns in the Balkans against the Pechenegs. For example, 500 Flemish knights are mention s by Anna Comnena, Alexiad trans. E.R.A. Sewter
141 While Pope Urban II began his pontificate in exile as a result of the In vestiture Controversy, he eventually won sufficient support from powerful allies to return to Rome in 1094. Once there, he wasted little time in directing his attention to events in the East. Indeed, in the first week of March in 1095, the Council of Piace nza was held to settle a number of issues resulting from the Investiture Controversy. 22 Although a large number of bishops and representatives of secular western powers from France, Germany, and Italy attended the Council; perhaps the most significant repre envoy, who asked the pope to encourage westerners to help defend the Eastern Church against the Turks. 23 Indeed, by this point Muslim armies had conquered most of Asia Minor and threatened the Byzantine capital of Constantinople itsel f. 24 appropriate conditions under which holy war could be waged. Thus it is not surprising that Urban seized the Byzantine cause as his own. In such an effort, he envisioned Christ ian knights fighting on behalf of suffering fellow Christians and working to restore Christian lands and holy places to Christian control. Framed this way, such a conflict met the conditions of being defensive, morally just, and directed against non Christ ians. also Byzantion 31 (1961), 57 74. 22 For more on the Council of Piacenza, see Duncalf, Frederic. "The Councils of Piacenza and Clermont." A History of the Crusades (Editor in Chief, Kenneth Meyer Setton) Vol. I The First Hundred Years Ed. by Marshall W. Baldwin (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969 89) 220 254. 23 Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 12 13. 24 For an overview of Eastern Christian and Islamic conflict prior to the calling of the First Cr usade, see Michael Angold, The Byzantine Empire. A Political History, 1025 1204 ( London and New York: Longman, 1997), 44 48 (for Mantzikert) and 134 Eupsychia. Mlanges offerts Hlne Ahrweiler ed. by M. Balard et al., vol. 1 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne 1998), 131 147 (reprinted in J. C. Cheynet, The Byzantine Aristocracy and its Military Functio n (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), C hapter 14
142 Urban immediately responded, while still at the Council of Piacenza, with a sermon urging western knights to assist the emperor. 25 Urban then spent much of the next six months traveling throughout France accompanied by an entourage of senior ecclesias tical leaders and local bishops. He met with knights and nobles, during which he stirred support for an expedition to the East. 26 These efforts in France, as well as his earlier efforts at Piacenza, set the stage for the events of November 27, 1095, where j ust outside the French town of Clermont, Urban gave a speech calling for the First Crusade. The Concepts of the Crusade and the Crusader Because some level of merit historically had been attached to Christian warfare under limited and less defined circumst ances, it was not particularly hard for clerical promoters of the First Crusade to convince Christian knights that fighting in defense of Smith has demonstrated, the charters of knights participating in the First Crusade sometimes explicitly referenced the desire to aid eastern Christians suffering under Islamic rule as one of their motivations for participating. A charter of two brothers, for example, written shortly before they embarke d on the First Crusade, notes that they were going on the madness through which innumerable Christians have already been oppressed, made 27 In this case, Muslims were depicted as 25 Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 12 13. 26 Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 12 13. 27 Translation in Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23 24. Riley Smith cites St. Victor of Marsaille s: B.E.C. Gurard, Victor de Marsailles 2 vols. (1857), 1, p. 167.
143 barbarians without reason and self control, dominated by rage, which of course was in contrast to what clerics were now asking knights to do, namely refrain from indiscriminate violence as they put their military sk ills to use in defense of fellow Christians. rhetoric on behalf of what would become the First Crusade was not particularly new or revolutionary. What historians have argued was unique about the First Crusade, its most radical and defining feature, was that it was penitential. 28 Because the penitential nature of the First Crusade made it a unique form of holy war, clerical authorities reasoned, it also required a differe nt type of warrior. 29 The reformed clergy thus dictated the framework for this model of warrior by borrowing in significant part from, of all places, the pilgrimage tradition. Indeed, the combatants who took part in the First Crusade were technically consid vows, thus taking part in no less than an armed penitential pilgrimage. 30 According to Robert the Monk, for example, who attended the Council of Clermont in his capacity as the Abbot of the monastery o f Saint Remi, Pope Urban II at Clermont (1095) referred to 28 See Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 55. 29 Perhaps some of the best examples of a clergyman citing the necessity of a new type of warrior to take par example, Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God, 43. 30 For an excellent overview of the pilgrimage origins of the First Crusade, see James A. Brundage, Medieval Cano n Law and the Crusader (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), 3 29. Brundage also points out how the now popular term crucesignatus the normative term to describe those who participated in a crusade, as the term peregrinus was instead commonly used in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries. See Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader 31. For a primary source example, see the lay authored Gesta Francorum the earliest surviving account o f the First Crusade, in which the participants of the First Crusade are called chapter. Anonymous, Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimitanorum: The Dee ds of the Franks and the Other Pilgrims to Jerusalem ed. Rosalind Hill (London, Edinburgh, Paris, Melbourne, Toronto, and New York: Thomas Nelson, 1962), 8.
144 sanctae peregrinationis ) and demanded the same vow from the crusaders as was expected from pilgrims. 31 The idea of a crusade as a form of pilgrimage was well in k eeping with the notion, promoted by clerical leaders, that the anticipated hardships of the First Crusade represented a type of redemptive suffering for those who participated. ban made clear that the proposed crusade involved warfare with a holy purpose, pleasing to God, who would generously reward crusaders with the remission of their sins ( remissio peccatorum ) for their efforts and sacrifices. 32 Indeed, according to Urban and m any crusades preachers who came after him, participation in a crusade, and enduring all the hardships and dangers that came with it, represented no less than an act of love for both God and fellow Christians. 33 Moreover, as Jonathan Riley Smith has highlig hted in a number of works that consider the reactions of knights to the calling of the First Crusade, many of those who volunteered for the crusade also understood its penitential character as demonstrated in either their charters to religious houses compo sed before they embarked or letters they wrote during the course of the crusade. 34 In one instance, for example, two brothers 31 RHC: Occ 3 a t the Council of Clermont, see 7. 32 See Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 55 56. In the original, see Fulcherio Carnotensi, RHC Occ 3 321 324. 33 On the con cept of crusading as an act of love, see Riley Riley The Crusades: The Essential Readings, ed. Thomas Madden (Oxford, UK; Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2002), 31 50. 34 See, for exampl e, Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23 24 and Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 67 68. See also Riley 50.
145 35 cribed the crusade solely in pilgrimage steeped in many and great sins, and has given me time for penance, and fearing that the weight of my sins will deprive me of a share in the heavenly kingdom, I, Ingelbald, wish to seek that sepulcher from which our redemption, having overcome death, wished 36 Consider also the example of Raymond of Saint Gilles, who abandoned his position as one of the richest and most pow erful men in France to participate in the First Crusade. 37 Riley Smith has convincingly argued that his actions are hard to understand without considering his spiritual motivations. 38 Indeed, Raymond himself explained his o Jerusalem on the one hand for the grace of the pilgrimage and on the other, under the protection of God, to wipe out the defilement of 39 Furthermore, at Clermont, the pope also drew a clear distinction between the crusade and the wars in whic h knights had typically engaged during this period. Urban 35 St. Victor of Marsailles, 1, pg. 167. See Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23 24. 36 Riley de Saint Vincent du Mans 2 vols. (1886 1913), 1, col. 69. Translation in Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23. Riley 1096. See fn. 51. 37 Hill, John H., Laurita L. Hill, and Francisque Costa. Raymond IV de Saint Gilles, comte de Toulouse, 1041 (ou 1042) 1105 (To ulouse: Privat, 1959). 38 Jonathan Riley Smith, Z. Kedar, H. E. Mayer, R. C. Smail (eds.), Outremer: Studies in the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem presented to Joshua Prawer (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi Institute, 1 982), 41 63, see page 49. See also Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 36 37. 39 B. C. Gurard (ed.), Victor de Marseille. 1, 683 1050 (Paris 1857), no. 169 (1096), transl. J. S. C. Riley Smith.
146 reportedly admonished western knights for their violence against one another and called on them to abide by the rules of the Peace and Truce of God. 40 Urban then warned the knights in his audience th 41 After rebuking knights for their violence against one another, which was a key marker by which knights defined their masculin ity in the era, Urban then framed his proposed crusade as a holy alternative to the sinful inter Christian conflicts he had just condemned. In doing so, important Christ ian holy places in the East, thus providing knights with an alternate avenue, acceptable to God, by which they might employ the tools of their trade in a worthy cause. 42 that they had a powe rful effect on his listeners. 43 The major difference, or innovation, that distinguished the crusader from the traditional pilgrim was that the crusader carried weapons. Thus, the First Crusade, was 40 A and Muldoon, Competing Voices 3 22. 41 Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God 38. 42 Historia Iherosolymitana for example, which claims to provid e an eyewitness account of the Council of Clermont, Urban described the desecration of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and, in graphic detail, the rape and torture of Christians at the hands of their Muslim e at the Council of Clermont, as well as the dating of the Historia Iherosolimitania Trans. Carol Swe etenham (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 2 eastern Christians and holy places, see Robert the Monk, Historia Iherosolimitania Trans. Carol Sweetenham ( Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 79 81. 43 Monk, Historia Iherosoli mitania A Concise History of the Crusades (Lanham: Rowman, 1999), 9. See Riley Crusading as an Act of
147 considered a pilgrimage, but an armed pilgrimage, just as the first crusaders were considered pilgrims, but armed pilgrims. 44 at the time to describe the expedition, which was instead commonly referred to as a pilgrimage in letters written by crusaders, who described th emselves as pilgrims, while on the march. 45 The unknown knight who authored the Gesta Francorum for example, the earliest surviving account of the First Crusade, which was mostly composed during the course of the crusade and completed no later than the yea r 1101, complained that the crusaders had trouble buying provisions during their march because the people of Macedonia did not believe that the crusaders were pilgrims, but thought that they had come only as soldiers to lay waste to their land and kill the m. 46 Moreover, once Jerusalem had been successfully conquered in 1099 during the First Crusade, many surviving crusaders reportedly threw away their weapons and armor and returned to Europe carrying only palm fronds as a symbol that they had completed their pilgrimage. 47 44 Mayer, The Crusades 14 15 and Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader 31. 45 See Riley Crusade and its participants in, The First Crusaders 67 69. 46 The author of the Gesta See Anonymous, Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimitanorum: The Deeds of the Franks and the Other Pi lgrims to Jerusalem ed. Rosalind Hill (London, Edinburgh, Paris, Melbourne, Toronto, and New York: Thomas Nelson, 1962), 8. On the dating The Deeds of the Franks and the other Pilgrims to Jerus alem ed. Rosalind Hill (London, Edinburgh, Paris, Melbourne, Toronto, and New York: composed before the Author (whose name is unknown) left Antioch in Nov ember 1098, and the tenth, which is the longest, at Jerusalem, not later than the beginning of 1101, and probably soon after the battle 47 See Riley Smith, The Crusades, Christianity, and Islam 30.
148 The Crusader and the Creation of a New Warrior Identity Because the clergy equated the First Crusade with a pilgrimage, the first step in making formerly sinful knights into acceptable participants was the taking of vows equivalent to those o f pilgrims. 48 Indeed, Urban and his preachers called on knights to take the cross, which is to say that they were to take a public vow committing them both to participate in the First Crusade and renounce their sins. 49 Completing the journey to the Holy Land and participating in the liberation of the Eastern Church would act as a satisfactory penance for all confessed sins. 50 At the moment they did so, they were also required to attach a cloth cross to their clothing which they were to wear continuously until their vow had been fulfilled. 51 The pilgrimage/crusading vow demanded much from its adherents, requiring them to behave in specific ways that were often at odds with the prevailing norms of 48 For an overview of the evolution of the crusading vow, and its relationship to the pilgrimage vow, see Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader 30 65. 49 Acording to the eyewitness account of Robert of Rheims. Urban told those assembled at Clermont that the crusaders were required to take vows. In a letter sent to [August 15, 1096]. See Die Kreuzzugsbrief aus den Jahren 1088 1100 Ed. H. Hagenmeyer (Innsbruck: Verla Buchhandlung,1901); r.p. New York, 1973), 136; The Crusades: Idea and Reality, 1095 1274 trans. L. and J. Riley Smith (London: Arnold,1981), 38. Such fleeting references to the vow suggest that laymen were already aware of its form and requirements. 50 According to Baldric of Bourgeil, for example, all who wished to partake in grace of the 51 Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades 3. In a more general sense, the pilgrim headed to Jerusalem at the end of the eleventh century, to include the participants of the First Crusade, was required to offer prayer at the Church of the Holy Sepulchr e in Jerusalem, the holiest Church in the Christian world, without which no such pilgrimage could be deemed complete. See also Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader 18.
149 aristocratic knightly society. 52 To begin with, the vow taker was t o avoid all forms of sin. The pilgrim was, after all, seeking to fulfill a holy mission that would serve as a penance for his previous sins, so he could not then compound those sins during the course of such a mission. In voluntarily taking such a vow, whi ch was similar to those taken by ecclesiastics, the crusader theoretically became what historians have described as a 53 As Jonathan Riley it possible for the pope to control them to some extent, since pilgrims were [at the time of the First Crusade] treated in law 54 Thus, in taking crusading vows, the crusader was formally required by t he clergy to embrace a unique combination of ideal associated with both knights and clerics if they were to adhere properly to their vows. While the crusader was expected to be brave and demonstrate prowess on the 52 It should be noted that no written record of the specific phrasing of the c rusading vow survives before 1226. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law 116 vow a verbal act made in the presence of witnesses rendered written records unnecessary. In order to discern the substance of the cr usade vow one must examine a variety of sources related to the business of the crusade papal bulls, charters, chronicles and the like. Oftentimes the actions of crusaders provide the clearest evidence of what individuals believed their obligations to cons Cruce Signatus: the Form and Substance of the Crusading Vow, 1095 1216 Thesis (Ph. D.) -University of Washington, 2005. 53 Smith, What Were the Crusades? Third Edition (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2002), 66 and Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23. Chapter 6 of this dissertation more fully considers the issue of the nsiders how the Templars, as a more permanent manifestation of the crusader ideal, took more extensive triple vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience in the tradition of monastic vows. Thus, while crusaders took vows that aligned them with the reformed re aligned them with monks. 54 Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 23. See also Jonathan Riley Smith, What Were the Crusades? Third Edition (San Fran cisco: Ignatius Press, 2002), 66. One can only speculate about the psychological effects this may or may not have had on how a formerly sinful knight then acted in public, as he was then not only subject to the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts, but al so prominently marked with the sign of the cross, revealing his public commitment to the service of Christ. Under such circumstances, sinful public behavior likely would have been characterized as a breaking of his vows and a sign of personal hypocrisy and shame.
150 battlefield, like a knight, he was also ex pected to demonstrate humility and embrace a life of holiness and chastity like a monk or a priest. Thus the crusader ideal represented a hybrid identity that drew from the idealized traits of both the recently reformed cleric and the combative secular kni ght in an effort to create a breed of holy warrior. While other scholars have already considered the hybrid nature of the crusader (and particularly the members of the knightly orders who would follow) as a blending of the monk or monasticized cleric and knight, none have considered the gender implications of such development on warrior masculinity. 55 It is my argument that because the crusader ideal was based on standards of behavior that were far different from those by which secular knights typically def ined their masculinity, that the new crusader ideal, by extension, resulted in the creation of a hybrid masculine identity, which can be catalogued and ranked alongside the varying multiple masculinities of the High Middle Ages that have already been ident ified by scholars. 56 While unique and differing masculine identities have been attributed to celibate clerics, knights, merchants, and other men in the Middle Ages, they have not been attributed to crusaders, whereas the conditions for doing so, as consider ed in this chapter, warrant the inclusion of the crusader as embodying an alternative manifestation of masculine identity. 55 See, for example, Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 99 and Jennifer G. Wollock, Rethinking Chivalry and Courtly Love (Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger, 2011), 51. 56 See, for example, the consideration of multiple medieval masc uline identities in such influential works such as Conflicted Identities and Multiple Masculinities: Men in the Medieval West Medieval Masculinities : Regarding Men in the Middle Ages. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
151 The Traits of the Crusader and the Forging of an Alternative Masculine Identity As we have seen, the masculine ideal proposed by Urb an II for the late eleventh century crusader was built on the theological and strategic premise that a holy warrior, just like the repentant pilgrim, had to make himself pleasing to God to have any hope of success on the battlefield. 57 This was to be accomp lished, clerics argued, by the crusader humbling himself before God in manner, behavior, goals, and appearance. The crusader was not to celebrate his manly deeds through boasting of his achievements, but instead give the credit to God. The traditional arro gance of the aristocratic knight, with his ostentatious dress and display of bravado was unacceptable in wars waged for the cross; and no distractions, even the concerns of his wife, should impede his manly pursuit of serving God in a crusade. In some case s, clerics thus retained and promoted some of the traditional masculine features of secular warriors, military prowess, for example, which were among the most prized of m anly virtues, were supposed to be even greater than other warriors because he fought on behalf of God. Thus, the clerical ideal of the crusader involved a complex mix of traits associated with both the clergy and the knighthood resulting in a Christian mas culine ideal that encompassed a unique blend of these earlier concepts. Humility and Modesty Humility had never been associated with the persona of brash or arrogant knights, who affirmed their masculinity in part by reveling in their status as warriors a nd 57 Consider, for example, the events that took place at the Battle of Antioch during the First Crusade, as examined extensively later in this chapter.
152 boasting of their manly achievements. 58 Yet humility was, nevertheless, long considered a virtue of those in the service of God. 59 Because the clerical and warrior classes had different masculine ideals, the imposition of the monastic ideal of humility po sed a conceptual problem for knights whom typically boasted on their conquests, whether on the battlefield or in the bedroom, as a means of promoting their manliness. Indeed, crusaders were, because of their vows, in the service of God, so arrogant knightl y boasting was, according to the clerical authors of the crusading ideal, unacceptable under such circumstances. To resolve this dilemma, clerical authors argued that crusaders must embrace an alternative type of warrior identity: that of the humble warrio r, who through his fear of warrior class. The crusade was, after all, a penitential act, effectively an armed pilgrimage. Thus, like penitential pilgrims, the crusaders had bo th the obligation and the opportunity to demonstrate their repentance through visible acts of humility and make atonement for their sins through the hardships of the journey. 60 Crusaders, influenced by a competing ideal of masculinity, were also expected b 58 Indeed, persona l style and boasting of military achievements was an effective way for a knight campaigning. See Stephen Morillo, Warfare Under the Anglo Norman Ki ngs, 1066 1135 (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: 1994), 45. See also pages 21 and 96 for additional commentary on the motivations behind knightly boasting. 59 For an overview tracing the development and necessity of humility for the clergy from St. Augustine to the PMLA 69:5 (1954): 1279 1291. 60 According to Robert the Monk, Pope Urban II at Clermont (1095) referred to the crusade as a sanctae peregrinationi s ) and demanded the same vow as from pilgrims. See Roberti RHC: Occ 3 729
153 excessive boasts of their secular counterparts. 61 At Clermont in 1095, for example, Pope Urban II stressed modesty ( modestum ) as one of the supreme Christian virtues. 62 In deed, ecclesiastical writers had long promoted the virtue of humility in a number of contexts and this was especially the case in the reform era of the late eleventh century. 63 Lay accounts of the First Crusade as well as the surviving charters of crusader s the new crusader ideal. The anonymous knight and author of the Gesta Francorum, for example, notes that the Pope warned his listeners against arrogance, arguing that they 64 According to the Pope, western Christians had little to be haughty about anyway in light of the poor state of the Holy Land. Urban argued that hi s listeners ought to be ashamed even to speak of the defilement of Christian places at the hands of Muslim conquerors. 65 He then contrasted the crusader ideals of humility and modesty ile only killing other Christians in their pursuit of secular goals. 66 So while knights may have 61 Epistolae et privilegia 62 Fulcherio Carnotensi, Histori a Iherosolymitana, 322. 63 monks, for example, who otherwise set the standard for Christian holiness due their dedication to ascetic practices. See also Phyllis G. Jestice, Wayward Monks and the Religious Revolution of the Eleventh Century (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 93, 239 240. 64 Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimitanorum edited by Rosalind Hill (London, 1962), 1. is quis animam suam saluam facere uellet, non d 65 Baldrici, Episcopi Dolensis RHC: Occ 4 13. 66 Baldrici, Episcopi Dolensis fratres vestros laniatis, atque inter vos di
154 traditionally boasted of their achievements as a means of affirming their manliness, the crusaders were ideally supposed to avoid such boasts, giving the credit for any successes to God, and instead establishing their manliness through only their deeds rather than their words. 67 Correspondingly, the charters of crusaders who participated in the First Crusade 68 This was particularly the case with charters of endowment to churches or monastic houses or in charters of renunciation of claims on ecclesiastical properties. Consider the example of Eudes of Burgundy, who in 1101 entered the chapter of St. Bnigne de Dijon attended by his 69 Eudes then arranged another dramatic ceremony before the Cluniac monks at Gevrey Chambertin, in which he renounced claims he had unjustly imposed there. 70 67 If the sources are to be believed, Crusaders did often credit God for their victories, rather than boasting of their own abilities as the cause of their success. In the well known Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimita for example, which i s one of the most important sources of the First Crusade authored by a layman, the anonymous knight describes an incident in which he and other crusaders liam cito nobis misisset aciem, nullus nostrorum euasisset, quia ab hora tertia usque in horam nonam perdurauit haec pugna. Sed omnipotens Deus pius et misericors qui non permisit suos milites perire, nec in minibus inimicorum incidere, festine nobis adiut Rosalind M. T. Hill, The Deeds of the Franks and the Other Pilgrims to Jerusalem (London: 1962), 21. 68 Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 121. 69 Chartes et documents de Saint Bnigne de Dijon, ed. G. Chevrier and M. Chaume (Dijon: Berniga ud & Privat, 1943), 2.175. This text is considered in Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 121 22. 70 ed. A Bernard and A. Bruel, (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1894), 5. 156 9. See also Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 122.
155 In conjunction with the idea l of humility, and because they were technically considered pilgrims, crusaders were supposed to dress modestly and practically as their penitential journeys were not supposed to be trips of luxury. 71 Indeed, as crusaders prepared for the First Crusade they very clearly embraced ceremonies associated with 72 Indeed, pilgrims were expected to be unkempt, allow their beards to grow, and not have many changes of clothes, which insured that over the course of a long journey their limited supply of clothes became worn and tattered. 73 Around the end of the eleventh century, the standard pilgrim uniform came to be centered on the sclavein, a long course tunic that symbolized the austerity of the pilgrim and was in sharp contrast to the flamboyance associated with the dress of the nobility, from which the knightly class was drawn. 74 71 See Riley Smith, The Crusades, Christianity, and Islam 30 and Riley Smith, What Were The Crusades, Third Edition 7 8. 72 Chroniques (Paris: Mme Ve J Renouard,1869), 341. See also Jonathan Riley consideration of this text in The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading 127. 73 All Things Medieval: An Encyclopedia of the Medieval World (Santa Barb ara, Ca.: ABC Clio, 2011), 562. There are also many depictions in medieval art that depict pilgrims as described here. An early twelfth century pilgrim, for example, unshaven and plainly dressed, is depicted in a wall painting in the church of St. Nicolas, Tavant, France. The image is reproduced in Jonathan Riley The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades edited by Jonathan Riley Smith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 77. 74 On the sclavein, see Jonathan Sumption, The Age of Pilgrimage: The Medieval Journey to God (Mahwah, N.J.: Hidden Spring, 2003), 244 6. As for the dress of the nobility, popular aristocratic literature of the era reflected the popular fashions of the time. The Nibelungenlied for example, described a knight and gold trimmings. See, The Nibelungenlied edited and translated by Arthur Thomas Hatto, (Baltimore : Penguin, 1965), 20 1. Clerical concerns over knightly dress are more fully considered in Chapter 6 of this
156 The Rejection of Women and the Maintenance of Chastity Because crusaders were similar to clerics, as they also made vows committing themselves to the service of Christ, preachers of these armed pilgrimages eventually came to understand crusading in terms of a vocacio hominum ad crucem 75 In this sense, crusading was a temporary vocation, which began with a vow that involved a the married and unmarried. 76 Certainly some crusaders failed to live up to such vows, as demonstrated in clerical texts examined later in this chapter, particularly in the case of the events that took place at the siege of Antioch during the First Crusade, but they nevertheless initially agreed to such conditions in a public forum at the time that they took their vows Beginning with the Council of Clermont, it was assumed by Pope Urban II that married crusaders, who in taking crusading vows would effectively hold two vocations, would put their responsibilities to the crusade before their responsibilities to their wiv es. Urban specifically urged his listeners to avoid letting concerns about their families and possessions keep them from joining the crusade. He cited the Gospel of Matthew (19: 29) in arguing that those who abandoned their wives, other family members, and homes for the crusade would receive a hundred times more in return along with everlasting life. 77 75 By the end of the 12th and early 13th centuries, crusades preachers commonly recognized and portrayed the taking of the cross as a vocation. See Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade 54. 76 Complete sexual abstinence was expected of people doing penance, such as pilgrims. See James Crusade and Settlement. Ed. Peter W Edbury (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press,1985), 57. 77 Roberti Monachi, Historia Iherosolimitana 728.
157 speech at Clermont and wrote his account between 1106 and 1109, the Pope also made a n effort to alleviate more pragmatic concerns when he offered the family members of crusaders a degree of legal and financial protection through the wives, sons, and posse 78 to fear for the well being of their families who were supposed to be protected at home while they were aw ay on the crusade. Finally, crusaders, like all pilgrims, were to be chaste. As observed earlier in this essay, this expectation was remarkably different from traditional standards of acceptable behavior for the warrior class. Indeed, according to many cl erical sources identity and any question of sexual immorality during a crusade was likened to treason and resulted in swift and severe punishments. 79 Although chaste crusader s could not boast of their sexual exploits with women, as did their secular counterparts, their masculinity was never in question. The celibate clergy, after all, had already acted as trailblazers in this regard as during the Gregorian Reform they had forc efully argued, with considerable success among their own ranks, that an important class of men could be both celibate and masculine if done for spiritual reasons. It was also the case that events during the First Crusade seemed to confirm the necessity of sexual purity during a holy war for military victory. For example, one of the 78 Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God 45. 79 For the seminal work on this issue, see Brundage, Prostitution, Miscegenation and Sexual Purity See also the primary source examples of Raymond of Aguilers, Bartolf of Nangis, and Albert of Aix considered later in this chapter.
158 earliest and most significant associations of military defeat with sexual immorality took place during the lengthy and bloody siege of Antioch in 1098. At one point discouraged crusaders and clerics gathered together to discuss the reason it was taking them so long to conquer the city. According to clerical sources, they agreed that God must have been punishing them for their sins by prolonging their final victory. They came to t he conclusion that to purify their forces, they needed to expel the women, both married and 80 Obviously, such a finding was transparently supportive of clerical calls for chastity amon g the crusaders, as particularly reflected in their initial crusading vows, as in this case the clergy argued their success on the battlefield depended on it. After the crusaders sent away the women, their fortunes did indeed seem to improve as a short tim e later they captured nearly all of the city of Antioch with only the exception of a well defended citadel. Yet with the late arrival of a relief force of Turks the besiegers found themselves under siege as they struggled to defend their gains against a f resh and powerful Muslim army. In this predicament, the crusaders again women from their camps and were still having problems. Clerics again determined that immoral act s with sinful women were the cause of their misfortune, yet anothe r finding that was transparently supportive of clerical demands for chastity among the crusaders. In this case, however, they argued it was because crusaders had consorted with 80 Fulcherio Carnotensi, Historia Iherosolymitana, feminas de exercita tam maritatas quam immaritatas, ne forte luxuriae sordibus inquinati Domino
159 punishment. 81 The anonymous lay knight who wrote the Gesta Francorum confirm ed that the crusaders themselves were well aware of such concerns at Antioch. He describe d an incident, also at Antioch, in which a priest had a vision of Jesus. In the vision Jesus women were indeed the cause of their misfortunes. Jesus imposed five days of prayer on the cr usaders as a penance for their sins and, if this was done, he promised divine aid. Sometime later, in what must have seemed a confirmation of that promise, the repentant and obedient crusaders were victorious. 82 The surprising victory at Antioch seemed to vindicate those clerics who had the battle for Antioch, instructions were sent to the West that all non combatants, especially women, should remain at home. 83 A large numb er of clerical accounts appeared in the early twelfth century that emphasized that sins involving sexuality were the cause of setbacks in the otherwise successful First Crusade. The cleric Raymond of Aguilers, for example, told the story of how the apostle s Andrew and Peter appeared to Peter Bartholomew at Antioch to warn him that the Crusaders were having problems because of adultery. 84 Bartolf of Nangis cited an instance in which a man and woman 81 Fulcherio Carnotensi, Historia Iherosol ymitana, 82 Gesta Francorum 58. 83 Elizabeth Siberry, Criticism of Crusading: 1095 1274 (Oxford: 1985), 44. 84 Histori a Francorum Qui Ceperunt Iherusalem translated by John Hugh Hill & Laurita L. Hill, (Philadelphia: 1968), 76 7.
160 were caught in the act of adultery and were publicly whipped to make atonement to God. 85 86 The degree to which the rejection of sexual activity influenced the ide ology of crusading is also suggested by the efforts of clerical authors to deny instances of rape during the crusades. 87 While the rape of conquered women was a sadly common experience of battle in the Middle Ages, with even Muslim authors boasting of the r ape of Christian women during the crusading era, Christian clerical authors claimed that the crusaders avoided such behavior, taking what they argued was the more honorable course of killing female captives instead. 88 This was because a crusader who engaged in the rape of captive women was at least as sexually impure as those who had sex with prostitutes or camp followers. In either case, they would have defiled themselves he wo 85 Siberry, 91. Siberry cites, Bartolf of Nangis, Gesta Francorum Iherusalem expugnantium in RHC Occ 3, 498 99. 86 87 On the ideological rejection of rape during the crusades, as suggested in clerical texts, se e Gendering the Crusades eds. Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 127 128. 88 On sexual conquest as an otherwise normal part of medieval warf are, as well as the rejection of such thinking by clerical authors of crusades texts, see Friedman, Captivity and Ransom 127. On the boasting of rape in Islamic accounts of the crusades, see Imad ad Din on the Abuse of Christian Women After Competing Voices from the Crusades, eds. Andrew Holt and James Muldoon ( Oxford: Greenwood, 2008), 231 32. This text is also examined in Friedman, pages 126 27.
161 choices. 89 Moreover, the testimony of the victims, at least in one significant case, seems to confirm such claims. Concerning the fate of Jewish women in Jerusalem following its conquest in 1099, a letter from Jewish elders in Ascalon, lamenting the crus conquest of the city, demonstrates that they had received news that the crusaders had not sexually assaulted their Jewish female captives. They note, thank God, the Exalted that the cursed ones known as Ashkenaz violated or rap ed 90 Increased Courage and Military Prowess: The Manly Benefits of Crusading crusade realized that the new warrior identity they proposed demanded signif icant changes in how the knightly class defined themselves as men. Yet the clergy also knew boast of their achievements, real or imagined, and their sexual prowess, there were other elements of their masculine identity that they valued above all others: their courage and skill on the battlefield. 91 masculinity, upheld as a decidedly masc uline trait. Indeed, it had long been held in view. 92 89 Translation in Fulcher of Chartres, A History of t he Expedition to Jerusalem, 1095 1127 ed. Harold S. Fink, trans. Frances Rita Ryan (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1969), 106. 90 Friedman, Captivity and Ransom 127 128. 91 On the importance of courage and skill to knightly identity, see Chapter 4 of this dissertation. 92 17 (1990): 194.
162 including Charlemagne and Louis, to spur hi achievements. 93 First Crusade in which he told his listeners that crusaders, in contrast to those who waged unjust wars, should have no fear of death as th e crusade provided the 94 Late eleventh and early twelfth century clerics built on such notions to add additional benefits for the newly ordained warriors of Christ, arguing they would receive increased courage and prowess on the battlefield as a gift from God. 95 According to the cleric Ralph of Caen, for example, the reaction of the Norman knight Tancred to the preaching of the First Crusade was typical. He notes that prior to the calling of the First is vigor was aroused, his powers grew, 96 Thus the calling of the First Crusade is presented as offering knights a chance to realize their full potential as Christian warriors through their holy service. 93 Roberti Monachi, Historia Iherosolimitana virilitatem ges 94 Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God 43. 95 See Kushing, Papacy and Law, 130 and Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture cal narratives of the expedition to Jerusalem, which, unsurprisingly, often employed scriptural language or metaphors to describe the events of 1096 ancient Israelites, especially the Maccabees though it was generally agreed that the crusaders far 96 RHC O c c. 3, 605 606. English translation in Riley Smith, The First Crusade and the I dea of Crusading 36.
163 Thus, if a sec ular knight were to devote himself to the mission of the cross, according to clerics during the First Crusade, they could be assured of an increase in the things they valued the most, including greater courage and greater fighting ability, a combination of benefits that would have held extraordinary appeal for devout knights. make war successfully, and this required courage. And, the greater his courage, the greater his accomplishments on the battlefield. The clergy, well aware of the esteem with which the warrior class held the virtue of courage, took advantage of this point to adapt long held notions of spiritual courage among Christian holy men and martyrs to the posit ion of warriors on the spiritual battlefield. They argue that by abiding by the ideals of a holy warrior, a knight could expect to be far more courageous on the physical battlefield. Formerly sinful knights might need to give up some of the lesser markers of knightly masculinity, such as an elegant appearance or reputations for sexual prowess, but such objections were to be mitigated by the much more important increase in courage and military effectiveness on the battlefield. 97 The clergy based their claims concerning the superior courage of the crusader on three factors. First, they argued that God loved the crusaders for their service to Him and, as a result, granted them greater courage on account of that service. Robert the Monk, for example, reported tha t Pope Urban told the crowd at Clermont that God had 98 Such arguments seem to have influenced at least some pious knights from the very start of 97 On secular knights promoting their masculinity through an elegant appearance or reput ations for sexual prowess, see C hapter 4. 98 Roberti Monachi, Historia Iherosolimitana 728.
164 the crusading movement. Bohemond of Tarant o, for example, is reported to have roused his demoralized troops during the siege of Antioch by commanding them to Sepulchre, for you know in truth that this is no war of the flesh, but of the spirit. So be usade, and therefore God granted excelling 99 Second, clerics argued that God protected the crusaders from harm, so they could act far more boldly in dangerous situations than other warriors. 100 The Poitevin priest Peter Tudebode, fo r example, who participated in the First Crusade and later 101 The early twelfth century cleric Gilo of Paris claimed that the crusaders had no cause for fear of arma fidei 102 That some knights embraced such claims is demonstrated in the Gesta Francorum, itself authored by an apparently pious knight, in which the Muslim opponents of the crusaders were 99 Gesta Francorum ancred] ualde diligit eos prae 100 Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 106. 101 English translation from Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 106. Smith cites P eter Tudebode, Historia de Hierosolymitano Itinere 5. PL 155: 763 Revue Mabillon 16 (2005), 179 204. 102 Gilo of Paris, The Historia Vie Hierosolimitane of Gilo of Paris and a Second Anonymous Author eds. Grocock and Siberry (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997), 82. See also Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture 106.
165 said to complain bitterly that normally they would easily be able to defeat the crusaders, 103 Third, and perhaps in apparent contradiction to the second point, clerics argued that the crusaders could fight without fear of death on the battlefield, unlike those who were kil led during the course of a crusade. 104 courage in battle would be superior to that of secular knights, after all, seems to have t he course of a crusade were, in contrast to all other types of warfare, redemptive and pleasing to God. Thus it is not surprising that for those occasions when otherwise pious crusaders died in battle, the clergy emphasized their status as martyrs, who enj oyed eternal heavenly rewards for their sacrifice. The cleric Guibert of Nogent, for example, noted that Pope Urban II, during his preaching of the First Crusade at Clermont in 1095, es which offered 105 Thus, the clergy emphasized the divine protections and benefits afforded to the crusader, including increased courage and prowess, as well ble Christian warrior ideal, more aligned with the values of the clergy. They attempted to sell such 103 Gesta Francorum 53. 104 For an overview of the association of martyrdom with those who died in battle during a Crusade and Settlement ed. Peter Edbury (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Pres s, 1985), 46 56. 105 Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God Through the Franks, 43.
166 concepts to secular knights who prized courage and prowess in battle, and viewed these as the chief means by which they measured their manhood. This is no t to suggest that the crusader ideal promoted by the clergy ever replaced the traditional secular model of knighthood that existed in the high and later the First Crus ade, leaving the vast majority of knights to continue to define themselves according to the secular standards of the time. 106 Moreover, of the small number of knights who took crusading vows and participated in the First Crusade, we know from clerical source s considered in this chapter that many failed to abide by the new standards as set by the clergy and sometimes continued to act according to masculine standards associated with secular knights. 107 Nevertheless, as considered in this chapter, both clerical an d lay sources associated with the crusading movement show that some important and influential knights did indeed embrace the new crusader ideal as proposed by the clergy. The unanticipated success of the First Crusade gave such a model legitimacy as an eff ective alternative to traditional models of warrior masculinity, thus setting a standard that would be promoted and institutionalized by the Church in later crusades and adopted by and adhered to by influential kings like the Louis IX in the thirteenth cen tury. 106 According to crusades historian John France, only about 6000 western knights, representing a John France, The Crusades and the Expansion of Catholic Christendom, 1000 1714 (London and New York: Routledge, Less than 2 3%, probably closer to 1%, of the warriors of the Latin West left on the armed pi Crusading Peace in the Journal of Religious History 29:2 (2005):183 184 107 Raymond of Aguilers Albert of Aix, and Bartolf of Na ngis, or consider how both clerical and lay sources commented on the sexually immoral behavior of crusaders during the siege of Antioch and the military problems they believed it caused.
167 Conclusion This chapter has considered how the emergence of the crusading movement offered a n unprecedented way in which knights could employ their deadly skills as the means of their salvation. Yet to do so, such warriors were required, by means of their crusading vows, to embrace a n ideal of the holy warrior that was understood as essential for success on the crusading battlefield and constructed by the clergy in a way that combined the ascetic traits of the chaste clergy with the most important mar tial traits of knights. In doing so, not only did the crusader represent a n alternative type of Christian warrior, but also a variant masculine ideal for warriors, one that was strikingly at odds with the masculine ideals embraced by secular knights. Whil e beholden to their crusading vows, which were essentially pilgrimage vows modeled on those taken by the recently reformed secular clergy, knights were required to abandon many of the traditional markers of aristocratic warrior masculinity and instead embr ace the markers of reformed clerical masculinity that had emerged during the Gregorian Reform. By voluntar il y taking their vows, thousands of European knights initially agreed, in formal and public ceremonies, to abide by the new standards that required th eir chastity and humility. Those who did so, and maintained their vows, did so ultimately seeing greater value in the benefits of becoming warriors for Christ These perceived advantages rang ed from increased prowess and courage on the battlefield to the f orgiveness of their sins, and were thus more attractive than what they might receive for abiding by the traditional behavior associated with their class. Yet their formal commitment to the new warrior idea was a temporary one, lasting only as long as it to ok to complete their crusading vows. Thus, the alternative masculine ideal that accompanied the ir roles as holy warrior s was also temporary Indeed once knights had
168 completed their vows, they were under no continuing obligation to abide by monastic stand ards of behavior. Yet as we will see in Chapter 6 soon after the First Crusade, the clerical standard for Christian warriors popularized during the successful venture evolve d into a permanently monasticized warrior ideal with the emergence of the Knights Templar.
169 CHAPTER 6 WARRIOR MA SCULINITY AND THE KNIGHTS TEMPLAR A s suggested in Chapter 5 the clerical ideal of the crusader represented a hybrid warrior who was supposed to embrace some key traditional virtues of warrior masculinity, such as extreme b ravery and prowess on the battlefield, and combine them with Gregorian era, monastically inspired ideals of clerical masculinity, including humility crusading vows, the crusader model, heavily promoted by the ecclesiastical authorities of the era, won legitimacy as a valid expression of warrior identity in the wake of the successful First Crusade. 1 With the establishment of such a model, the ground was laid for the emergence of a more permanent form of the crusader ideal through the birth of the Knights Templar. While crusaders had been under temporary vows reflective of their technical the k nights of the crusading orders represented a permanent institutionalization of the hybrid ecclesiastical warrior ideal, progressing from the rank of temporary pilgrim crusaders to permanent warrior monks. 2 In this sense, just as monks had superseded cleric s by their greater commitment to personal holiness, the Templars had superseded the crusaders through their more formal commitment to the new warrior ideal. At the same time it is important to keep in mind that even among the small 1 Only about 6000 western knights, for example, representing a very small percentage of were among the most influential members of the nobility. See John France, The Crusades and the Expansion of Catholic Christendom, 1000 1714 (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 56. 2 Smith, What Were the Crusades? Third Edition (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2002), 66.
170 percentage of European knights who participated in the First Crusade, many of them had trouble abiding by the new standards of behavior imposed on them through their vows during the course of the crusade, much less demonstrate the ability to continue to abide by such standards o nce the crusade was over. As a result, clerical support and promotion of the Templars also may have represented an acknowledgement that the majority of knights would never embrace the clerical ideal of warrior masculinity. Thus enthusiastic clerical suppo rt for the new order was a concession that originally larger clerical ambitions to reform the knightly class, which began with the Peace Truce of God movements and carried over to the First Crusade, could not be achieved on both a broad and permanent scale Thus, through the formation of the Templars, at least one small group of dedicated knights could fulfill the clerical ideal even if ecclesiastical reformers could not win over the majority. According to this framework, just as only a small percentage of Christians would ever embrace the monastic ideal by becoming monks, who ecclesiastical authorities ranked at the top of the Christian masculine hierarchy, only a small percentage of Christian knights would embrace the Templar monastic ideal, elevating them above secular knights in the clerically conceived hierarchy of warrior masculinity. The Templar model also represented, as had the crusader model that predated it, a significant behavioral change from the norms associated with secular knights as the chast e and humble Templar represented the ultimate fulfillment of the recent clerically constructed masculine warrior ideal. Indeed, w hile the origins of the Templars have been considered extensively elsewhere, historians have not carefully measured the
171 impact of the founding of the order on conceptions of medieval warrior masculinity. 3 In embracing the Templar model of knighthood, ecclesiastical authorities were, by extension, following in the model of earlier clerical preachers of the crusades in promoting an alternative warrior masculinity considerably at odds with the traditional secular model of warrior masculinity. The Origins of the Templars As considered in Chapter 5 clerical advocacy of the necessity of personal holiness for success in Christian warfar e deeply influenced many formerly sinful knights as they sought to align their behavior with the new ideal. The problem, from the perspective of some clerics, was that such vows were only temporary. Indeed, once a formerly sinful knight had successfully c ompleted his crusading vows, he was then released from his vows and usually returned to Europe. Once back in the company of ightly class. Bernard of Clairvaux, for example, perhaps the most influential Christian voice of twelfth century Europe, 4 complained about two former crusaders, Henry, the son of the Count of Champagne, and Robert de Dreux, the brother of the French king, and their intention to hold a knightly tournament. Indeed, their actions caused Bernard to question the sincerity of 3 The New Knight hood as well as Helen Nicholson, The Knights Templar: A New History (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton Pub, 2001), and Jonathan Riley Smith, Templars and Hospitallers As Professed Religious in the Holy Land (Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010). 4 Richard W. Barber, The Reign of Chivalry (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), 106. Indeed, in addition to being described as one of the most influential Christian voices of the twelfth century, Bernard has also test twelfth century commentator on what makes a Christian Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 80.
172 their earlier commitment to the principles demanded of them during the crusade if they could so easily revert to such base activities when their crusade was over. 5 the clerical attempt to use crusading as a vehicle for the reform of knights. In this case, Henry and Robert may well have served as ideal crusaders, dedicated to their crusading vows during the course of the crusade, but one thing is certain; at the completion of the crusade they seem not to have been concerned about returning to behaviors at odds with crusading ideals. Yet the model of holy warrior pr omoted by ecclesiastical leaders during the era of the First Crusade nevertheless seems to have made an impression on the minds or hearts of at least some knights who saw it as representative of a new holy warrior ideal in the wake of the First Crusade. Th is is perhaps best reflected in the actions of those knights who took it upon themselves to found the Templar order in 1119 under the leadership of the French nobleman Hugues de Payens. 6 Indeed, while the formation of the Templars was partly driven by nece ssity, as there was a significant lack of resources in the East to maintain order and defend 7 The success and popularity of the First Crusade as a new model of warfare, and by extension, the crusader as a new warrior 5 The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux (London: Burns Oates, 1953), 476 77. This text is also considered in R.J. Zwi Werblowsky, Treatise III trans. M. Conrad Greenia (Kalamazoo, MI.: Cistercian, 1977), 119 20. 6 William of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, transl. by Emily Atwater Babcock and A.C. Krey, vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 525 this order that which was enjoined upon them by the patriarch and the other bishops for the remission of sins menace of robbers and highwaymen, with especial regard 7 Barber, The Reign of Chivalry 106.
173 model, thus made it possible for pious knights to embrace such a model on a permanent basis through the formation of the Templars without compromising their reput ations as fighting men. The Earliest Templars Unlike secular knights who usually acted only for their own benefit and defined themselves as men according to standards the Church often found objectionable, the earliest Templars bound themselves together thr ough mutual vows of poverty, chastity, Land. 8 The apparent sincerity and commitment of t hose early knights who became Templars is suggested by the wealth and status they gave up to join the poorly equipped and funded order, as well as in their prior dedication to Christian causes in the Holy Land. Consider the example of Hugues de Payens, wh o was a knight from a noble family in Champagne and the first Grand Master of the order. Rather than living a life of relative ease as a member of the French aristocracy, and according to the brash standards of knights in his day, Hugues instead committed himself to an alternative model of warrior identity; the dangerous and impoverished life of a Templar, owning early life is limited, we can glean some important insights int o his religious convictions and the experiences that may have ultimately inspired him to play a leading role in the founding of the Templars. We know, for example, that Hugues had already committed 8 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series William of Tyre, History 525
174 himself to many years of often arduous service in the East prior to the founding of the order in 1119. It is believed that Hugues de Payens would have traveled to the Holy Land on pilgrimage with his lord, Hugh of Troyes, the Count of Champagne from 1104 to 1108 and again in 1114. 9 lar were apparently lean ones, as the Templars, in accord with the monastic virtues they professed, became known for their extreme founder, Godfrey de Saint Omer. Like Hugues de Paye n, Godfrey was also a member of a powerful noble family in northern France who had abandoned his wealth and status to dedicate himself to the hardships and poverty of early Templar life. Indeed, according to Templar legend the early Templars were so poor t hat initially Godfrey and Hugues had only one horse to share between them, which gave rise to the famous image on the Templar seal of two men riding one horse. 10 time. To the contra ry, as a French knight, Hugues would almost certainly have been aware of (and apparently influenced by) a tradition dating back to the tenth century Peace of God movement in which clerics argued Christian knights had an obligation to protect pilgrims (amon g others). 11 Thus, it is not unusual that Hugues saw a 9 See Stephan Howarth, Knights Templar (New York: Dorset, 1991), 42 43 and Jonathan Riley Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095 1131 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 160. On Hugues ad, The Templars: The Dramatic History of the Knights Templar, the Most Powerful Military Order of the Crusades (New York: St. Martins, 1999), 91. 10 The Templars: Selected Sources eds. and trans. Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 3. 11 From the Synod of Charroux (c. 989) onwards, ecclesiastical authorities had sought to exempt certain groups, including pilgrims, from knightly violence. In 1059 a Ro man council of Pope Nicholas II
175 commitment to the defense of pilgrims as a worthy goal. What was more unusual, or formation of a permanent monastic or der; the Templars. 12 other knights, and even the Church, was a reflection of the new thinking of the age. The theological underpinnings that justified the First Crusade, which all owed for the blending of pilgrimage with warfare, giving war making knights the status of temporary ecclesiastics by virtue of their temporary vows, provided a foundation on which the conceptual framework of the Templars, as permanent monk warriors committ ed to monastic virtues, was laid. 13 Indeed, the connection between the virtues of monasticism and the ideals of crusading was so clear cut that Jonathan Riley Smith has argued that contemporaries regarded the armies of the First Crusade as a type of monaste ry on the march. 14 Thus, the founding of the Templars as warrior monks represented a natural 15 adopted the formal policy of protecting pilgrims and their possessions as an obligation of the papacy. J.M. Upton The Rule of the Templars: The French Text of the Rule of the O rder of the Knights Templar ed. J.M. Upton Ward (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1992), 1 2. See also Chapter 4 of this dissertation, which considers the Peace and Truce of God movements and the clerical effort to influence knights. 12 Riley Smith, The Firs t Crusaders 160. As considered earlier in this dissertation, Christian clergy had long been suspicious of the warrior classes because they shed blood (in addition to other behaviors the clergy generally deemed immoral), which was, of course, traditionally forbidden to the clergy and monks. Monks and clerics may have previously viewed themselves as warriors, but as spiritual warriors on a spiritual battlefield. Now Hugues was proposing that monks take up physical arms on the physical battlefield, as an expr ession of their love of God, which was unprecedented. 13 See Luis Garca The Military Orders vol. 4: On Land and By Sea ed. Judit h Upton The International History Review 17:4 (1995): 693 694. 14 Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 147 694. 15 Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 160.
176 A prominent example of a secular knight embracing the new warrior ideal repre sented by the Templars, and by extension the new masculine identity that came with such a change, is that of Hugh, the powerful and influential Count of Champagne. Before Hugh joined the Templars in 1124/25, he had already taken two pilgrimages to the Holy Land from 1104 to 1108 and again in 1114. 16 Bernard of Clairvaux had viewed Hugh as an exemplar of Christian knighthood, particularly praising his generous support of the Cistercians. 17 Indeed, Hugh had long donated to monastic causes, most prominently in a land grant in 1115 to the Cistercians that was instrumental in the establishment of the Clairvaux Abbey. 18 For such reasons, Hugh represented an ideal candidate to embrace the new Templar model of warrior identity. When Hugh joined the Templars and took h is vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, he correspondingly abandoned his wife, whom he believed had committed adultery, and transferred his titles to his nephew, Theobald IV. 19 Perhaps most interestingly, in joining the Templars, Hugh also humbly submi tted himself to the authority of a lesser man, Hugues de pilgrimages in the Holy Land decades earlier. 20 Through these actions, Hugh and other early Templars openly rejected the normal means by which secular knights had traditionally defined themselves as men. 16 Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 160. 17 Cistercian Studies Quarterly 44:3 (2009), 302. 18 See Barber Bernard of Clairvaux: The Times, The Man, and His Work (New York: Scribners, 1893), 222 23. 19 3, 307. See also Helen J. Nicholson, A Brief History of the Knights Templar (London: Robinson, 2010), 23 24. 20 The Templars 91.
177 The Council of Troyes and the Primitive Rule of the Templars The significance of the formation of the Templars was not lost on clerics of the era. Indeed, as knights living under permanent vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, the Templars were celebrated and promoted by many twelfth century ecclesiastical authorities. The cleric and historian William of Tyre, for example, noted how the founding Templars had rejected the world ly model of secular knighthood and devoted to the Lord, [who] professed the wish to live perpetually in poverty, chastity, 21 Yet while many contemporary clergy men praised the Templars, none of them did so with as much zeal, or impact, as Bernard of Clairvaux. In his De Laude Novae Militiae Bernard wrote a fierce defense of the order in which he only the highest Christian ideals, which, as this chapter will consider, were significantly at odds with the norms of secular knighthood. 22 While many influential clerics celebrated the Templars, the most significant moment of ecclesiasti c approval for the order came in 1129 at the Council of Troyes. 23 The official endorsement of the Templars at Troyes was set in motion in 1126, when 21 William of Tyre, History 525. 22 S. Bernardi Opera eds. by Jean Leclerq, C.H. Talbot, and H.M. Rochais, vol. 3 (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963), 207 239; PL 182: 921 ff. In English translation, see Bernard of In Praise of the New Knighthood Tr eatise III trans. M. Conrad Greenia (Kalamazoo, MI.: Cistercian, 1977), 129. According to Helen Nicholson, Love, War and the Grail: Templars, Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights in Medieval Epic and Romance, 1150 1500 (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 5, Bernard wrote 23 See Malcolm Barber, The New Knighthood: A History of the Order of the Temple (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 42 England Masculinity in Medieval Europe ed. D.M. Hadley (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 80.
178 Hugues de Payens traveled back to Europe in hopes of winning a formal constitution for the order approved by the Pope. In this, he enlisted the support of Bernard of Clairvaux, who then helped Hugues draft a formal rule for the Templars that was approved at the Council of Troyes, signifying the official acceptance of the order by the Church. 24 The Primitive Rule approved at Troyes had 72 clauses regulating the behavior of Cistercian Rule 25 Like any other monastic rule, the Rule of the Templars implied a radical behavioral change for former knights w ho had not previously served as crusaders. They were expected to embrace the monastic ideals of chastity and poverty, for example, which were not typically in accord with the lives of the aristocratic knightly class. 26 Yet, by the early twelfth century when the Templar Rule was drafted, the idea of knights committing themselves to su ch principles was not without precedent, as knights during the First Crusade had already committed themselves to such principles on a temporary basis. 27 The Primitive Rule of t he Templars begins by drawing a clear distinction between the Templars and secular knights. The prologue opens by admonishing secular knights 24 The Rule is found in La Rgle du Temple ed. H. de Curzon (Paris: Renouard, 1886) 11 74. In n J.M. Upton Ward, ed. The Rule of the Templars: The French Text of the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1992), 19 38. On The Reign of Chivalry 106 and J.M. Upton Ward, Ward, ed. The Rule of the Templars: The French Text of the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1992), 4. 25 Upton 4. 26 See C hapters 4 and 5 of this dissertation. 27 S ee C hapter 5 of this dissertation. Although crusaders did not formally commit themselves to poverty in their crusading vows, they were nonetheless expected to act as pilgrims during the crusade, which forbade them from traveling and living in luxury during the time they were under their vows.
179 Christ. 28 Moreover, the Rule ca the Church. Indeed, the Rule explains that the Templars have been called to defend the Church exactly because sec ular knights have failed in their responsibilities as Christian warriors. The Rule notes, for example, that rather than committing themselves to the Rule notes that whoever company with the m 29 Among the chief distinctions the Rule highlights between how Templars and secular knights defined themselves as men is the chastity of the Templars. In a section instructing how the brothers of the order sho uld dress, the Rule notes that the Templars Rule 30 Thus, the Templar model, just like the crusader model before it, offered obedient knights of all classes an opportunity to continue in their status a s warriors in a way that, unlike the secular model of knighthood, would not offend God and harm the potential for their salvation. 28 The Rule of the Templars: The French Text of the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar ed. J.M. Upton Ward (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1992), 19 29 30
180 On this issue one might contrast the contemporary examples of the previously mentioned Count Hugh of Champagne, who was one o f the founding members of the Templars, with the behavior of the powerful Duke William IX of Aquitaine (d. 1126). Hugh had actively participated in pilgrimage movements to the Holy Land as early as 1104 while William had even participated in the Crusade of 1101. Yet the impact of their experiences in the Holy Land seems to have affected these powerful and influential men quite differently. As considered in Chapters 4 and 5 secular knights, often sought to build their manly reputations through openly boast ing of their sexual interactions with women. Contemporary clerical authors often cite the actions of William IX as a prime example of such behavior. 31 1101 was due to his sexual misdeed s with women. 32 With a reputation for such behavior during the course of a crusade, when he was under a temporary vow of chastity no less, it is not surprising that William would continue to embrace such behavior once the crusade ended and he returned home to the aristocratic culture of his native Aquitaine. According to William of Malmesbury, for example, William IX is reported to have brazenly placed the image of his mistress on his shield, for all to see, and openly 31 Duke William IX of Aquitaine and t The Ideals and Practice of Medieval Knighthood II eds. C. Harper Bill & R. Harvey (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1988), 87 116. 32 Guibert of Nogent, for example, reports how after having taken the cross, William then made a hypocrisy of his crusa the cause of his military ineffectiveness. For consideration of these examples and others, see Martindale, with how clerical authors of the First Crusade had typically ascribed military defeat to sexual immorali ty, as considered more extensively in Chapter 5 of this dissertation.
181 33 Moreover, as a reflection of the acceptability of such behavior in the aristocratic culture of Aquitaine, served with him, as his audienc e is reported to have responded with great laughter. 34 In contrast to William, Hugh of Champagne, who as previously mentioned had long had a reputation for pious acts, took a vow of chastity in 1124 to join the Templars, publically renouncing his wife to do so. Thus, the two men, both high ranking and powerful based on his vow of chastity. A major precedent of knights taking vows of chastity is, of course, found in the that committed them to chastity. 35 Yet as previously noted in this dissertation, such vows were only temporary and, as seen in the example of William, some knights clearly found it difficult to abide by such a standard even for a short period. The Templars, however, offered knights a new means by which those willing to commit themselves permane ntly to chastity and other ideals of Christian holiness might find greater success in maintaining such vows participation in a monastic community geared toward reducing, or even eliminating, the temptations that otherwise might lead to failure. 33 William of Malmesbury, De Gesta Regum Anglorum ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Series 90, 2 vols (London, 1887 mour: the The Ideals and Practice of Medieval Knighthood IV edited by C. Harper Bill and R. Harvey (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1991), 17. 34 William of Malmesbury, Gesta 510. 35 France, The Crusades and the E xpansion of Catholic Christendom 56.
182 To this e women were established in the Rule in an effort to safeguard the chastity of their he company of women is a dangerous thing, for by it the old devil always maintain 36 to kiss a woman any woman, under any circumstances, to include even their mothers. 37 The Rule also emphasizes many other differences between the Templars and secular knights. For example, the Rule noting how as former member 38 Also unlike secular knights, for whom boasting was a key means by which they established their reputations, the Rule emph asized that the Templars were to live all aspects of their lives in humility, avoiding demonstrations of pride. 39 Indeed, even when eating, 36 37 38 39 25. On knightly bo asting, see C hapter 4 of this dissertation.
183 40 The Templ ar Rule was, after all, one for monks, and so it drew from a monastic Benedictine tradition, particularly as expressed in the recently emergent the necessity of personal humility for monks. Correspondingly, the Rule condemns those things in which secular knights were known to have taken the most pride a long tradition of condemning such boasts by secular knights as considered in Chapters 4 and 5 or even his mistress. The Rule hibit and firmly forbid any brother to recount to another brother nor to anyone else the brave deeds he has done in 41 This text demonstrates not only how the founding Templars were well aware of the common practice of secular knights boasting of their sexual and martial prowess as a means of promoting their manhood, but more importantly it highlights the radical behavior changes expected of knights who joined the order. Here, k nights, in an effort to Templars. Such a prohibition represented a direct challenge to one of the primary means by which secular knights established their many reputations among other knights 40 41
184 as, upon becoming Templars, they embraced a new expression of warrior masculinity that would not allow for the self promotion of their man hood by such means. De Laude Novae Militiae Although Bernard of Clairvaux played a central role in promoting the Templars at the Council of Troyes and in the composition of their Primitive Rule the primary vehicle by which Bernard promoted the Templars was through his previously mentioned De Laude Novae Militiae commonly translated as In Praise of the New Knighthood The De Laude was a request by Hugues de Payens, made sometime around the Council of Troyes in 1129. Hugues had asked Bernard to provide a letter justifying the existence of the new order, to which Bernard then responded with De Laude sometime between the Council of Troyes and no later than the year 1136. 42 While composing De Lau de Bernard appears to have drawn heavily from not the Cistercian Rule ), but also an earlier letter (c. 1128) by Hugues addressed to his fellow Templars that sought to justify the ir existence in response to their critics. 43 In fact, French scholar Jean Leclercq, who in 1957 was the first to edit the letter and attribute it Rule in front of him as he wrote De Laude Indeed, the letter was found in a manuscript at the municipal library at Nmes sandwiched between a copy of the Rule and De Laude 44 Moreover, Bernard dealt with many key themes considered in both the Rule 42 Upton Ward, The Templar Rule 4 5; Nicholson, Love, War and the Grail 5. 43 Jean Leclercq Un document sur les Revue de l'histoir e ecclesiastique 52 (1957): 91. See also Upton Ward, The Templar Rule 5. 44 89. An English translation of
185 of which the most important of those themes are focused on justifying the concept of the warrior monk and his superiority to sinful secular knights. 45 Finally, Bernard himself noted in De Laude that he was writing directly or such an endorsement. 46 The Templars hardly could have asked for a more effective advocate of their cause, as Bernard, the son of a knight who had grown up in an aristocratic family, was particularly well suited to appeal to members of the nobility. 47 Lik e many other monks from similar backgrounds, Bernard had even trained for the knighthood in his youth, so he understood the institution well and could communicate the legitimacy of the Templars as warriors to other knights in terms they understood and acce pted. 48 But the Templars were not only knights, but monks as well, so in undertaking to write De Laude, Bernard had the double task of justifying the legitimacy of the Templars as a hybrid of the knight and monk. was to provide an apology and rationale for the very existence of the order for those who were wary about the purpose and status of the new order. In the opening lines of De Laude Bernard makes this purpose clear in noting how Hugues had requested that h e direct his pen against critics of the Selected Sources, eds. and trans. Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 54 58. See also Upton Ward, The Templar Rule 5. Upton Rule and the De Laude 45 See als o Upton Ward, The Templar Rule 5. 46 47 See Constance Brittain Bouchard, Strong of Body, Brave and Noble: Chivalry and Society in Medieval France (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1998), 152 3. 48 Bourchard, Strong of Body 170.
186 order as a form or moral support for the fledgling order. 49 Defending the order from its ter to his fellow Templars, for example, from which Bernard drew inspiration in composing De Laude he mentions how some in his order had been troubled by accusations that their vocation was sinful, illicit, and an obstacle to spiritual advancement. 50 Whil e the particular early critics Hugues was responding to remain unknown, the fact that they would apparently pronounce so authoritatively on the legitimacy or illegitimacy of monastic orders suggests strongly that they were monks themselves. Indeed, what ea rly critics of the new order that we are aware of seem to have been primarily other monks rather than the laity who, as seen in their enthusiasm to support the new order, as well as in the masculine language they used to describe the Templars, generally se em to have approved of them as both members of a valid religious order and as representing a legitimate expression of warrior masculinity. Around 1134, for example, one Laureta from the village of Douzens in the south of France gave all she possessed to th manfully 51 Thus, Laureta seems to have ranked the Templars at least as high 49 in providing his response, he has given it his best effort (see pages 127 50 56. 51 Cartulaires des Templiers de Douzens ed. Pierre Grard and Elisabeth M A no. 40, p.51. Templars, Hospitallers, and other Military Orders in the Eyes of their Contemporaries, 1128 ORB: Online Reference Book for Medieval Studies, www.the orb.net/encyclop/religion/monastic/ knights.html (accessed December 24, 2012).
187 as, if not higher than, secular knights on the battlefield, both in terms of their willingness to fight on behalf of Christians and in the manly way in which they performed their martial duties. In a similar way, Roger, Vizcount of Bziers, donated a village to the Templars and in his charter h e celebrated the efforts of the Templars to guard and defend both Jerusalem and broader Christianity 52 Numerous other lay charters survive which show that lay donors believed the Templars were considered just as virtuous as any other monastic order. In fac be suggested that as knights the brothers seemed to the laity more trustworthy and 53 Moreover, while some early monks may have had their mi sgivings about the Templars, such critics appear to have been a minority even among their fellow monks. of the early Templars, is not really surprising. Unlike their secular counterparts, Templars, who took the triple vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity, sought to sanctify the institution of knighthood, which, as this dissertation has already considered, was a goal that many ecclesiastical advocates of knightly re form seem to have found admirable. 54 This seems to have particularly been the case after Bernard publicized his considerable support in De Laude and the Church gave its official sanction to the order at the Council of Troyes. De Laude for example, appears to have been widely circulated and influenced how many other ecclesiastical writers came to understand the Templars. The English monk Orderic Vitalis (d. 1141), for example, while living in 52 Cartulaires des Templiers de Douzens A no. 115 , p. 107. 53 54 As considered in C hapters four and f ive of this dissertation.
188 55 In other examples, the Bishop Otto of Freising, writing in the mid 1140s, as well as Bishop Anselm of Havelberg writing in 1150, and the Cluniac monk Richard of Poitou, writing in 1153, all referred positively to the Templars in language that seems to have been inspired by De Laude 56 As for the support of the broader Church at Troyes, it can be seen as the culmination of a progression of medieval institutional ecclesiastical responses to bring about the reform of the knightly class. Such efforts began with the Peace and Truce of God movements, which met with only very limited success, followed by the ecclesiastical effort to graft a pilgrimage framework onto warfare as seen during the First Crusade, which only prov ided a temporary model of reform, to the promotion of the Templars as the latest (and perhaps boldest) ecclesiastical effort to promote the reform of the knightly class through the establishment of a permanent alternative model of warrior masculinity, base d on earlier ideals established for crusaders, as a competitor to the secular model. To this end, as one historian has noted, the Templars and their ideology to lay aristocrati 57 The primary framework by which Bernard composed his defense of the order was by drawing a stark contrast between the Templars and secular knights through the well placed use of many biblical references that accentuated his broader arguments; a 55 Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History Vol. IV, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 308 311. See also Nicholson, The Knights Templar: A Brief History of the Warrior Order (London: Robinson 2010), 27. 56 See Nicholson, The Knights Templar: A Brief History 28. 57
189 literary model with which he had considerable experience. 58 In 1125 Bernard had written a well known apology that contrasted the Cluniac and Cistercian models of monasticism. 59 As would be the case with De Laude Apologia for the Cistercians was also written at the request of their leader, abbot William of St. Thierry. In doing so, Bernard promoted the virtues of the Cistercian model while criticizing the moral laxity of the Cluniacs. This had proven to be an effective literary model that Bernard would repeat in De Laude as he praised the virtues and conduct of the Templars while heaping scorn on the immorality and conduct of secular knights. Such an approach in De Laude seems to have worked well with the role that Bernard appears to have believed the Templars could play in ecclesiastical efforts to reform the knightly class. De Laude According to Bernard, God had allowed the Holy Land to be attacked so that it might result in the salvation of brave men who were willing to embrace personal holiness and use the tools of their deadly profession in a righteous cause as a means of their salvation rather than their damnation. 60 This type of thinking worked well with the reform spirit of t he age, channeling the ideological and theological underpinnings of the First Crusade to emphasize the clerical masculine warrior ideal as the only type of warrior that could take advantage of such an opportunity. Thus, in promoting the Templar 58 See, for example, approach in Natalie Van Kirk, Finding one's way through the maze of language: rhetorical usages that add meaning in Saint Bernard's style(s)," Cistercian Studies Quarterly 42:1 (2007), 11 35. 59 Cistercians and Cluniacs: St. Bernard's Apologia to Abbot W illiam trans. Michael Casey (Kalamazoo, Mich: Cistercian Publications, 1970).33 69. 60
190 model of kn ighthood over the profession of the secular knight, Bernard presented the latter group with an alternative behavioral model based on monastic masculine ideals to follow as a means of expressing contrition for their sins. 61 Bernard of Clairvaux of Secular Knights sinfulness of knightly combat. Indeed, Bernard condemned knights who fought only to 62 Bernard then condemned how such knights had 63 sential to a secular on their reputations for martial prowess to establish themselves men among other s no trivial thing from their perspective. conducted themselves in pursuit of military glory undoubtedly had much to do with his desire for an orderly Christian society. Indeed, i n numerous works, Bernard advocated an orderly world in which everyone accepted the position in life that God had granted for them. 64 61 62 In Praise, 133. 63 In Praise 64 develop the idea that establishing a worldly order, based on acceptance of on vocation whether it be monk, warrior, or anything else, which in turn deeply influenced his thinking about the proper role of the Christian warrior.
191 proper role of knights in Christian society, who m he expected to employ the deadly tools of their profession only under the moral guidance of the Church and only against the enemies of Christians. Knights who used their God given martial skills against each other to win worldly glory for themselves were using their skills for something that Bernard viewed as unimportant and unintended by God. 65 Especially since Bernard could now present such knights with an alternative model of masculine warrior identity, in the form of the Templars, by which knights coul d please God and win their salvation while still maintaining their status as manly warriors through demonstrations of martial prowess. Indeed, Bernard argued that the type of frivolous combat secular knights typically engaged in, whether victorious or othe rwise, endangered their souls. Win or lose on the physical battlefield, Bernard argued, knights who engaged in such combat always lost spiritually. On the one hand, if they killed their opponents, under such circumstances, then they became murderers. Then, on the other hand, if they themselves were killed, they died as murderers. 66 Either way, it was a losing proposition or rather knavery, as I should call it? What if n ot the mortal sin of the victor and the 67 In contrast, Bernard praised the Templars, who he argued did not have to fear death on account of their holiness. 68 65 301. 66 In Praise ou happen to be killed while you are seeking only to kill another, you die a murderer. Now it will not do to be a murderer, living or dead, victorious or vanquished. What an unhappy victory to have conquered a man while yielding to vice, and to indulge in 67 In Praise 68 Rule of the Templars also explicitly confirmed such a view, attributing their foun
192 Bernard was also well known for his more general condemnations of the excesses and arrogance of knightly society, which he saw, in the words of one historian, 69 In De Laude in a similar way to how Bernard had attacked clothing excesses among Cluniac monks in his earlier Apology to Abbo t William, Bernard attacked the worldly and ostentatious clothing and hair fashions of secular warriors, arguing not only were they a reflection of their sinful lives, a clerical concern, but also unpractical for combat, a concern for any knight. 70 As a mon k, tradition of clerical concerns over such things. As already considered in Chapter 2 of this dissertation, for example, Christian tradition dating back to the era of the N ew Testament had condemned long hair for men, equating it with femininity. 71 In a similar way, historic Christian authorities had often promoted an ascetic model as the Christian ideal of manhood, which was typically associated with monks. Monks, dating bac k to See also Riley Smith, The First Crusaders 161. 69 Such is the conclusion of schol even associating laetitia out abominable mimes, magic and fabulous tales, obscene songs, circles this distrust of courtly ways accompanied an underlying suspicion of chivalry t hat had a powerful political motivation: that is, the strong alliance that tied some leading monasteries and cathedrals to Aldo Scaglione, Knights at Court: Courtliness, Chivalry, & Courtesy From Ottonian Germa ny To The Italian Renaissance (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), 39. 70 Specifically, the arguments in De Laude that ostentatious outward clothing is both impractical and a sign of inward spiritual problems were both the Cluniacs in his Apologia See 62. 71 1 Corinthians 11:14. See also Chapter 2 of this dissertation.
193 late antiquity, had always condemned fine clothing, arguing that it reflected a lack of humility and a distraction from the service of God. 72 In De Laude be turned back by your gold the contrary, Bernard argued that such clothing was impractical for combat and impeded the effectiveness of knights. According to Bernard, the successful warrior needed to be able to do three thing s yourselves with effeminate locks and trip yourselves up with long and full tunics, burying 73 Indeed, for Bernard, the ght for Christ, could be discerned from their outward appearance. 74 armor with colorful clothes, painted their shields and saddles, and adorned their bits and spurs with gold, silver, and precious stone s, only to rush off to their ruin in battle so adorned. Bernard then asked, in a clear indictment of the manliness of such knights, 75 72 See Chapter 2 of this dissertation an d additional consideration of this issue in later eras in C hapters 3 5. 73 133. 74 34. 75 aside, it is also possible that, in an era witnessing the emerging use of heraldic devices, he may have simply misunderstood the reason for which knights painted their shields, helmets, and horse gear (e.g. to distinguish between foe and friend during a pitched bat tle). Yet this seems unlikely as Bernard had grown up in a noble house and trained for the knighthood as a youth (See Bouchard, Strong of Body 170.)
194 Bernard of Clairvaux the Templar Model of Knightly Masculinity In contrasting secular knights with the Templars, Bernard explicitly presented the typically embraced by secular knights. 76 Bernard con trasts the humility of the Templars with the extravagance of worldly knights and praises the Templars for their discipline and obedience to their superiors and the Church while also depicting worldly knights who rebel against spiritual authority as being i dolaters. Moreover, he praises the unrestrained laugh, not even the slightest whisper or murmur is left uncorrected once it 77 Yet it is particularly on t he issue of appearance that Bernard draws his sharpest distinction between worldly knights and Templars. 78 While we have already considered how Bernard rebuked the extravagant and effeminate appearance of worldly knights, Bernard noted that the Templars, in Instead, it seems more likely that Bernard associated the use of such devices with the worldly trappings of knighthood, as pitched battles were increasingly rare in the twelfth century and heraldic symbols were 22.Thus, Bernard likely c onnected such devices with the immoral practice and unseemly frivolity of tournament participation, which was broadly condemned by monks and clerics in this era. Canon 14 of the Second Lateran Council in 1139, for example, condemned knightly tournaments an d refused a Christian burial to those who died as a result of their participation in them. The decrees and canons of the council are available in H. J. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation and Commentary (St. Louis: B Herder, 1937), 195 76 the shame of those knights of ours who are fighting for the devil rather than God, we w ill briefly set for the life and virtues of these cavaliers of Christ. Let us see how they conduct themselves at home as well as in See also Barber, 77 9. 78 Bennett, Military Masculinity 80.
195 content to appear tousled 79 Indeed, the Templars would have little reason to embrace worldly fashions for the purpose of impressing w omen, as they had committed themselves to personal holiness through chastity. Bernard points out that the Templars, by living as brothers under evangelical perfection w 80 Thus, in contrast to secular knights, who in part based their masculine identity on their ability to woo women and produce heirs, both the Templar Rule and De Laude promoted the rejection of sex and marriage as a defining virtue of the Templars. Bernard argued that such markedly different behavioral ideals gave the Templars considerable advantages over secular knights. Not only were they more focused on military tasks than secular knights, by avoiding the distractions of fashion, women, and family life, but they could also be assured of two important things; greater courage and 79 40. 80 Bernard of Clair
196 Templars. Bernard emphasized, for example, how members of the crusading or ders should be exceptionally brave in light of the spiritual and physical protections accorded them. While all knights, secular or religious, were expected to be brave, the Templars were supposed to be extraordinary in this regard on account of their speci al relationship with little respect for their enemies in combat because they trust in the Lord to grant them the victory. 81 Their bravery was inspired, Bernard noted, directly by God, who claimed armies. 82 been an important selling point in promoting the new order to secular k nights. The Templar model already asked secular knights to abandon important means by which they had traditionally established themselves as men in their class, including their sexual prowess with women and the arrogant boasting that was a vehicle by which they promoted their manly reputations. Yet here, as had been the case with clerical promoters of the First Crusade as considered in Chapter 5 of this dissertation, Bernard was proposing that God granted Templars greater courage than secular knights, somet hing that could improve their martial prowess, the most desired of manly traits for secular knights. 81 82
197 this point. One of the better examples to illustrate this point comes from a Tem plar account of a clash between Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land just prior to the Third Crusade. 83 In May 1187 a couple of hundred Templar and Hospitaller knights boldly attacked a Muslim force of seven thousand. Although the Christian forces were e xpectedly defeated, one knight, Jakelin de Mailly, reportedly won tremendous respect from his Muslim opponents for his courage on the battlefield. 84 De Mailly was described rushed in on him. His Muslim opponents are described as having been so astonished with his exceptional courage in battle that they implored him to surrender because such tra dition of examples considered previously in this dissertation, including the early Christian martyrs in Chapter 2 or the example of the c rusader Bohemund in Chapter 5 the clerical author claimed De Mailly, as a faithful and holy Templar, was favored by Go forward to damnation. So while courage was expected of both Templars and secular 83 See the, Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi written by Richard de Templo, a canon of Holy Trinity, London, in the early 1220s. In English translation see Helen J. Nicholson, The Chronicle of the Third Crusade: The Itinerarium Peregrinoru m et Gesta Regis Ricardi (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997), 25 26. 84 Indeed, after de Mailly had been slain, one of his Muslim opponents cut off his genitals and Itinerarium Peregrinorum ed. Nicholson, 25 6. The story is also examined in Gendering the Crusades eds. Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 16 17.
198 secular knight because not only was it granted by God on account of his personal holiness, but he was also assured of a much greater reward (Paradise) for his sacrifice. The Broader Acceptance of the Templar Model in Medieval Christian Society While through the formal c reation of the Templars, ecclesiastical authorities succeeded in creating an alternative model of masculine warrior identity, it is important took vows to join the Tem plars. In that sense, one could argue the impact of the Templar model was very limited. Yet it is important to keep in mind that although small in numbers, the Templars nevertheless garnered considerable respect from both the Church and secular knightly so ciety and appear to have had a significant impact on at least some aspects of knightly culture. To begin with, while there is no evidence to suggest that most knights, unlike the clergy, viewed the Templars as representing the highest knightly ideal, there is considerable evidence to suggest that, nevertheless, many secular knights did respect the Templars and viewed them as a legitimate expression of Christian warrior masculine identity. 85 This is perhaps best demonstrated from the significant numbers of kn ights that formed or joined knightly orders organized along the same (or similar) principles as the Templars that emerged throughout Europe and in the Holy Land in the decades and centuries to follow. Indeed, although the Templars themselves may have been forcibly dissolved in the early 14 th century (nearly two centuries after their founding), the Templar model lived on in the various crusading 85 Nicholson, Love, War and Grail the Military Orders, endowed them with patronage and even entered the Orders themselves, but they do not appear to have viewed them as the apex
199 orders that they inspired who continued to play an active and leading roll in the military affairs of Europe well into the early modern era. Consider the example of the Knights Hospitallers, an established monastic order that predated the Templars and was dedicated solely to the care of pilgrims in the Holy Land. Yet by the 1130s, the Hospitallers began to embrace th e Templar model by became predominant by the 1160s. 86 As the Christian orders were expelled from the Holy Land during the 13 th century, the Hospitallers would go on to be ce lebrated and win considerable fame as able defenders of Christian interests in the eastern Mediterranean until the 18 th century. 87 The Templar model also inspired the various well known orders in Spain and Portugal that took part in the so called Reconquist a lasting well into the 15 th century, 88 as well as better known orders like the Teutonic Knights, who later played an active and influential roll in the Christianization of pagan 86 Alan Forey, "The Militarisation of the Hospital of St. John", Studia Monastica 26 (1984): 75 89. 87 The Hospitallers eventually established themselves in Rhodes in the early 14 th century where they withstood attacks from Ottoman Turks and Eg yptian Arabs during the mid/later 14 th and 15 th centuries before finally being forced to abandon Rhodes to the Ottoman Turks in 1522. Following the themse lves at Malta. Once in Malta, the Hospitallers once again resumed their roles as celebrated defenders against the encroaching Ottoman Empire during the 16 th and 17 th centuries where they would remain until only Napoleon finally defeated them in 1798. On th e Hospitallers in the Levant, see Jonathan Riley Smith, The Knights Hospitallers in the Levant, c. 1070 1309 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012). For an excellent brief history covering the later years of the Hospitallers to 1798, see Helen Nicholson, The Knight s Hospitallers (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2001). 88 For an overview of the current state of research on medieval Iberian military orders, see Luis Garcia in The Military Orders: History and Heritage Vol. 3 ed. Victor Mallia Milanes (Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2008), 23 43.
200 northern Europe into the 16 th century. 89 All of these military orders, and othe rs like them, embraced the precedent setting Templar model and ethos in their initial founding. Perhaps more significantly, the influence of the Templar model even on those who chose to remain secular knights during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries dem onstrates a significant degree of social and cultural acceptance of the order as a legitimate expression of masculine warrior identity. We know, for example, many later knights who, although they did not join religious orders, nevertheless came to believe and argue that they could also (like the Templars) serve God through their profession. Roman des Eles for example, written around 1215 as the earliest theoretical work on knighthood authored by a knight (rather than a cleric), showed how knighthood had evolved by then to the point that Raoul could argue (or perhaps felt the necessity to argue) that it was possible for knights to serve the Church without formally belonging to a military order. 90 Similar thinking was also reflected in the we ll known fictional examples of chaste and God fearing knights like Galahad or Gawain, who often featured prominently in the popular literature of the era. 91 If fictional Templar characters are not directly depicted in such literature, then fictional secular knights are often 89 For an overview of the Teutonic Knights and their impact on northern Europe, see William Urban, The Teutonic Knights: A Military His tory (London: Greenhill, 2003) and Eric Christiansen, The Northern Crusades (London: Penguin, 1997). 90 See Raoul de Hodenc, Le Roman des Eles in Ordene de Chevalerie ed. Keith Busby, Utrecht Publications in Gen eral and Comparative Literature, 17 49, lines 274 90. See also Nicholson, Love, War and Grail 6 7. 91 For a study of the chastity and personal holiness of Galahad, as well as the Te mplar inspiration of the character, see Pauline Matarasso, The Redemption of Chivalry (Geneva: Droz, 1979), 68, 99. On Ideal in Sir Gawain and the Green Kn English Studies 63 (1982), 109 121.
201 depicted in ways that would have made Bernard of Clairvaux proud by virtue of their chastity and devotion to God or various holy causes. 92 Conclusions By rejecting the traditional behavioral traits associated with knighthood in the late tenth and eleventh century, including arrogant boasting, extravagant appearances, sexual relations with women, and the establishment of family lines, all of which were offer ed an alternative model with limited but intense appeal for those who willingly exchanged the benefits and privileges of aristocratic knightly society to join them. Indeed, the Templar knight won the respect of other men, particularly warriors, and his man hood was never questioned. Thus the Templar model firmly established itself among the various masculine identities already established in Christendom in their time and was ranked at, or at least near, the top of the masculine hierarchy. The acceptance and the promotion of the Templars also represented an acknowledgement that most knights would never embrace the clerical ideal of masculinity they had presented during the First Crusade and thus it might also be seen as a concession that originally larger amb itions could not be achieved. In this sense, the Templars served a purpose similar to that of monks in general. Monks represented a high ideal of devotion that most laymen could never hope or desire to aspire to, but they 92 representation in medieval literature in Love, War and Grail See especially C hapters 1, 4, and 5. See also Gregory English Studies 1128 and fostered by the Cistercians, especially Bernard o f Clairvaux, was the historical foundation upon which the Grail knighthood of the Cistercian Queste was based. In addition, the Templar ideal figures Parzival whose Gralritterschaft is composed of T empleisen The regula
202 nevertheless existed as a represen tation of the ecclesiastical masculine ideal. In a similar and more narrow way, Templars and other members of military orders served as an example of what ecclesiastical authorities envisioned as the highest ideal of specifically warrior identity, but like common monks to the broader laity the Templars set a standard that most knights could never achieve.
203 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION: THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND WARRIOR MASCULINITY: WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? Medieval literature scholar Thelma Fenster tells a curious story about how, during the process of setting up a conference on masculinity, she often heard the rotested, was 1 men were essentially the focus of historical studies until the 1970s, yet the notion of what it meant to be a man in such studies was usually assumed, rat her than discussed critically. Consequently, it would be wrong to assume that conventional political and military history, which generally focused on only the political and military aspirations and achievements of a small percentage of male elites, can be equated with gender studies or provide a proper understanding of the broad spectrum of masculine identities that existed concurrently in the past. Although considerable research has since been done on medieval gender, much of the focus has sought to comp ensate, understandably, for the lack of focus by traditional historians on women. Consequently, gender studies have primarily considered issues of femininity rather than masculinity. Even less research on gender has been done in the context of the crusades and that which exists is mostly devoted to issues of femininity. 2 As a result this dissertation has addressed the existing gap 1 Thelma Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages Ed. Clare A Lees (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 19 94), ix. 2 On the broader topic of medieval masculinity (or masculinities) there exists only one single authored volume by a historian that exclusively focuses on the topic See Ruth Mazzo Karras in From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Late Medie val Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. On gender and the crusades there exists only one edited volume that focuses
204 between studies of medieval masculinity and femininity during the crusades, one of the most important and defining movements o f the Middle Ages. This is not to suggest that scholars of medieval gender have not done significant work on the topic of medieval masculinity (in general), but only to point out that the considerable work in a number of areas remains to be done. As has b een considered in the preceding chapters, medieval gender scholars have identified and catalogued a number of masculine identities that existed concurrently in the Middle Ages. Yet, up to this point, they have failed to recognize the crusader as representa tive of a hybrid masculine identity combining what many ecclesiastical authors viewed as the previously disparate traits of a knight and monk, an ideal that was then further developed in the formation of the Templar. The main argument in this dissertation has been that competing medieval constructions of masculinity were in the end adaptable and could even be combined to produce hybrid variations (e.g. the crusader or the Templar) on the established norms. 3 The Relationship of Clerical Reform and Medieval Warrior Masculinity The background against which such adaptation and hybridization was made possible is represented by the efforts of the ecclesiastical authorities of the Middle Ages to reform first the clergy and then the laity with an emphasis on mascul ine performance independent of sexuality. In other words, as some have already argued, male sexual narrowly on the topic see Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert, eds. Gendering the Crusades (New York: Columbia U niversity Press, 2001). There are, however, other important related works dealing with Geldsetzer, Frauen auf Kreuzzugen (Damrstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2003) and Natasha Hodgson, Women, Crusade and the Holy Land. (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2007). I am not currently aware, however, of any focused book length studies dealing with the more specific topic of masculinity and the crusades. 3 See, especially, Chapters 5 and 6
205 virility was not necessarily a default component of medieval manliness. 4 Indeed, a chief concern of Christian leaders since the New Testament era had been th e behavioral reform of lay societies toward a chaste ideal. 5 Nonetheless, the same lay male behaviors that ecclesiastical reformers sought to change, including the sexual domination of women, were often essential to how laymen defined themselves as men. Th us, it is not surprising that mo st lay members of the nobility, for whom manly reputations were often essential to maintaining their elevated status in medieval European society, resisted the proscribed behavior changes advocated by ecclesiastical reformer s. The Church, therefore, faced serious challenges in its efforts to align lay masculinity with long developed monastic ideals. While the First Crusade provided the opportunity for the reform of those knights who participated, as they were required to tak and, moreover, many of them did not always abide by their vows. 6 Similarly, while the 4 See, for example, work by scholars on medieval clerical masculinity including Jo Ann Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages ed. Clare A Lees, Medi eval Cultures, v. 7 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3; Ruth Mazo Karras, Gender and Christianity in Medieval Europe: New Perspectives eds. Lisa M. Bitel & Fe lice Lifshitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 60; Felice Lifshitz, Gender and Christianity 96; and Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages ed. Jennifer D. Thibodeaux (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2010), 3 4. 5 See Chapter 2 6 On clerical reports/complaints of crusaders having a hard time adh ering to their vows during the course of the crusade, see Chapter 5 (particularly consideration of the events at Antioch). On the number of knights who took part in the First Crusade, see John France, The Crusades and the Expansion of Catholic Christendom, 1000 1714 (London and New York: Routledge, 2005), 56. While France notes that perhaps only around 6000 knights participated in the First Crusade, representing only a small percentage ditional knights seem to have found some appeal in the model of the First Crusade as, soon after the First Crusade had ended, they took
206 formation of the Templars allowed for the establishment of a more long term manifestati on of the crusader vow, wherein knights took monastic vows for the order of the Temple of Jerusalem or the other military orders created during the twelfth century in the Ho ly Land, Spain, and the Baltic region. Because reform minded clerical and monastic authorities so enthusiastically embraced a monastic framework for the Templars, even with their very limited appeal in terms of total membership, it may be argued that in d oing so they recognized the clerically conceived ideal of the masculine warrior would never be embraced by all knights of Europe, at least not in the near future. Indeed, the Templars and other military orders were in part based on ready made monastic mode ls that had always implied a limited selection process and the careful monitoring of membership criteria. Nevertheless, the Templars, although small in total numbers, provided a new sense of how both warriors and men could be defined and became a standard against which the Church could measure the transformation of the institution of knighthood in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Crusading and Medieval Masculinity: Where do we go from here? This dissertation has also highlighted the utility of gender as an analytical tool for the study of the Crusades. Indeed, in a broader sense, the issue of why men fight, from or their willingness to participate in large scale war s in defense of their values and homelands, is connected to how they understand their duties and reputations as men.
207 Thus, medieval masculinity should be a topic of interest not only to gender historians, but also to traditional crusades or military histor ians whose research would only benefit from such an approach. Following this line of thinking, a fundamental conclusion of this dissertation is that when taking crusading vows, crusaders also adopted a model of behavior that may have been foreign to their upbringing as knights, but not to their understanding of values they typically associated with monks. The adoption of this new model of behavior, and only this, may help us understand why crusaders seem to have largely abandoned, for example, the troubling but otherwise traditional practice of raping captured enemy women during the First Crusade, a novelty for medieval warfare, which did not escape the attention of contemporary authors. 7 Indeed, since at least the time of the Roman Empire through the Middle Ages, rape had been a common (or even accepted) practice for victorious armies, 8 but according to the sources of the First Crusade, the crusaders, who now operated under a new set of masculine performance rules imposed on them 7 For a fuller consideration of this issue, see chapter five, which considers both Latin Christian and Hebrew sources that explicitly highlight instances where the crusaders avoided raping captured women to the surprise of the authors. As for Islamic sources, Ibn al Khayyat (who died around 1120), a poet in the service of the ruler s of Tripoli before the First Crusade, who then moved to Damascus, writes salib otential threat the Crusades in general represented to that most sacred pillar of Islamic society, the sanctity of their womenfolk. Although the Muslim stereotype about crusaders was that they were savages, rape is not explicitly mentioned in relation to t hem either in Ibn al century. See Carole Hillenbrand, The Crusades. Islamic Perspectives (New York: Routledge, 2000), 298. 8 On the prevalence of rape by Roman soldiers, see Sara Elise Phang, Roman Military Service: Ideologies of Discipline in the Late Republic and Early Principate ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 200 8), 244, 253 254, 267 268 For medieval armies, see Andrew McCall, The Medieval Underworld (London: H. Hamilton, 1979), 194. On the acceptability of rape by victorious medieval Journal of Medieval Military History 6 (2008): 13.
208 by the clergy, appear to hav e resisted the practice in an effort to preserve their personal holiness, which the clergy argued was essential to their success on the battlefield. 9 Moreover, the consideration of medieval masculinity contributes to a better understanding of the extraordi highlighted reports of the extraordinary abuse of Christians in the East that were meant 10 Thus, knights is essential to understanding their response. In this, and many other instances, historians are forced to con to his listeners at Clermont. Because this dissertation focuses primarily only on ecclesiastical effort s to use the First Crusade and the Templar order as vehicles for trying to effect desired changes in the behavior, and thereby masculine performance, of the lay warrior elite, there also remains considerable room for more detailed research on the response of knights to such efforts. While this dissertation has considered some lay sources written by knights during the First Crusade (e.g. the Gesta Francorum and various letters), first hand accounts of the crusade by the knights who participated are few and o verwhelmed by 9 The events at Antioch in 1098, as considered in chapt er five, provide a clear illustration of that drastic changes expected by the clergy in the accepted behavior of warriors. It was at Antioch that a precedent for associating military defeat with the personal sinfulness (particularly sexual sins in this ca se) of those who participated in the crusade was established and would dominate how clerical authors of the era explained military failures in ventures that they had previously argued were divinely inspired or desired. 10 See Thomas F. Madden, A Concise His tory of the Crusades (Lanham: Rowman, 1999), 9.
209 the sheer number of clerical sources. Partly for this reason, clerical theories of warrior masculinity (and the effort to implement such theories during the era of the First Crusade) have been the emphasis of this dissertation. Indeed, becaus e clerical sources on the topic are abundant and easily accessible whereas the number of sources by knights shy in comparison, this dissertation has, therefore, focused primarily on the clerical perspective of knightly masculinity during the era of the Fir st Crusade, and on its historical and theological foundations. The use of charters written on behalf of lay participants in the First Crusade have long been recognized as a rich source for understanding the reasons behind lay initiatives linked to the cru sade. I have followed that direction of study and emphasized, primarily in Chapters 4 and 5 how at least some knights appear to have embraced the calling of the First Crusade as a form of repentance for their sins. In doing so, my goal has been to demonst rate that some crusaders were ready to embrace the idea of a radical change of behavior, which stood as a challenge to lay notions of manhood. A different problem altogether is to examine lay aristocratic sources written from the mid twelfth century to the late thirteenth century, looking for the reasons so many knights did not embrace the clerical/monastic model of warrior masculinity that claimed to offer them an opportunity for salvation. Future studies might consider, for example, how knights responded to the new clerical ideal of warrior masculinity in the aftermath of the Second Crusade. At the assemblies in Laon and Chartres, on May 7, 1150, the French bishops were faced with disgruntled barons, who refused to sign up for another crusade. According t o historian Jean Richard, having been harshly criticized, the barons "declared that they would leave
210 the conduct of the campaign to the clergy." 11 Richard does not elaborate on the specific criticism directed at the barons, but he does allude to Bernard of Clairvaux's De consideratione in which Bernard tried to deflect the accusations directed at him after the failure of the Second Crusade in part to the sinful conduct of the crusaders. 12 Such reported sinful conduct, presumably, would not have been in accor d with the new warrior masculine ideal advocated by the clergy and analysis of these events may bring greater understanding of why the barons lost their enthusiasm for the crusading model as had been established by the clergy. Even without that analysis, i t is clear that justifying a rejection of that model implied recognition of its initial appeal among a considerable number of people who had earlier decided to embrace it. Such an analysis might better reveal both the initial appeal and reasons for the ult imate rejection of the new warrior model. Also in relation to the Second Crusade, future studies might consider how the promoters of the crusade modeled their efforts on the precedents set by the First Crusade, suggesting they understood the model as an ef fective one. Pope Eugenius II, for example, in the second version of his Quantum praedecessores bull issued in December of 1145, explicitly forbade those who would participate in the crusade from wearing luxurious clothing, suggesting how this ideal had be come part of the official framework by which crusading was to be carried out. This was, of course, after the 11 Jean Richard, The Crusades, c. 1071 c. 1291 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 16 7 8 12 Richard, The Crusades sinful behavior o Apologia Competing Voices from the Crusades, eds. Andrew Holt and James Muldoon (Oxford: Greenwood, 2008), 84 86.
211 influential De Laude which had promoted a similar standard. Indeed because Quantum praedecessores became the standard for all subsequent crusading bulls, it presents a rich opportunity for scholars to consider the evolution and institution of crusading ideal in the later twelfth and thirteenth centuries and the degree t o which the laity accepted it. A final avenue of exploration might be to consider the demise of the Templars in the early fourteenth century in the context of gender. Indeed, although not considered here, the dramatic rise and fall of the Templars as an i nstitutional and cultural force in medieval Europe and the Near East has long been a subject of fascination for scholars. Yet an analysis that contextually considers the Templars as representative of a unique type of masculine model for medieval knights mi ght provide insights into why primarily secular lords sought to bring about their destruction. 13 Such insights may well go greed of their detractors, who sought the wealth and landholdings of the then affluent order through its dissolution. It is possible that such a study might find that the growing wealth and influence of the Templars represented a type of cultural threat to the otherwise dominant secular model of knighthood that existed in the early fourteenth century. Additionally, a study of the demise of the Templars might also consider how well known accusations of fornication and sodomy against the Templars (whether they were 13 The most commonly ac cepted narrative is that French King Philip IV, deeply in debt to the Templars due to his wars with the English, had seized on what were widely considered spurious and fantastic charges (made by an ousted Templar) of immorality and idolatry in the order as a means of freeing himself from his obligation to repay his debts. Philip led a campaign to disenfranchise and discredit the order, calling for their arrest and the seizure of their assets, eventually convincing Pope Clement V to support his efforts. See Malcolm Barber, The Trial of the Templars (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 40.
212 true or not) were used to justify the destru ction of the order. 14 It was, after all, the chastity and poverty of the Templar order that was the means by which they defined a new model of warrior masculine identity that served as the cause of their in itial popularity in the twelfth century. Yet by the early fourteenth century the order was criticized for its wealth and attacked for the sexual impurity of its members. The charges of sodomy made against the Templars are of particular interest in a consideration of warrior masculinity; as to be sodomized (or passive) was to be non male, which had long been the view of ancient or medieval writers. 15 Thus such accusations may well have cast doubt on the means by which the order traditionally justified its existence as a new model of warrior masculinity and it s broad initial appeal to both the clergy and the lait y of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Indeed, the initial basis for Templar popularity was the new chaste and humble model of warrior manhood they represented. Accusations that the Templars no long er adhered to that model may have been an in the minds of their supporters, thus making the dissolution of the order more acceptable. Beyond these suggestions, there are, of cour se, several additional ways in which the study of masculinity as it related to the crusading movement might be carried forward in future studies. One could also study, for example, the various crusading orders that emerged after the Templars to see how the y compared and to what degree they defined themselves differently as men. Or one might make a long term study of sources written exclusively by members of the Templar order covering the nearly two 14 For a consideration of these charges, see Anne Gilmour Journal of the History of Sexuality 7:2 (1996): 151 183. 15 Gilm our
213 centuries of their existence to see to how they understood themselves as men in relation to secular knights and how such views may have evolved over the course of their existence. Finally, one might also consider the impact of the Protestant Reformation during the 16 th century, with its rejection of monastic virtu es like celibacy, on orders like the Teutonic Knights of which some of their leading members were apparently deeply influenced by the movement. Whatever the case, all of these proposed studies could certainly expand our historical knowledge of why deeply c ommitted Christian men, or at least those willing to commit themselves formally to poverty, chastity, and obedience to the Church, initially felt that such a model, which first emerged in the era of the First Crusade, was the most appealing means by which they could express not only their Christian faith, but also their manhood.
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238 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Although originally from Pittsburgh, Pa., Andrew Holt grew up in St. Augustine, Florida where he went to St. Augustine High School. Soon after graduating from high school, he joined the U.S. Marine Corps Rese rve, where he spent significant time on active duty and earned the rank of Sergeant. He then returned to school earning his Associate of Arts degree from Florida Community College at Jacksonville in 2000, his Bachelor of Arts and Master of Arts degrees fro m the University of North Florida in 2003 and 2005, and his Ph.D from the University of Florida in the spring of 2013. As a Teaching Assistant, Teaching Associate, or Adjunct Professor, Andrew has taught history at the numerous colleges or universities inc luding Florida Community College at Jacksonville, the University of North Florida, Santa Fe College, and the University of Florida. In 2010 Andrew was hired as Assistant Professor of History at Florida State College at Jacksonville and was recently promote d to Associate Professor in 2012. He is married to Michele Holt and has three wonderful children, Isabella, Claire, and Jack.