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Columella Res Rustica 10

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0045349/00001

Material Information

Title: Columella Res Rustica 10 A Study and Commentary
Physical Description: 1 online resource (364 p.)
Language: english
Creator: White, David J
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2013

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: columella -- gardens -- georgics -- vergil
Classics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Classical Studies thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Columella, an agricultural writer of Spanish birth, lived and wrote during the Neronian period in the mid-first century C.E.  Hissole surviving complete work is Res Rustica, a compendium of instructions on agricultural lore and practice in twelve books.  The work was written in prose with the exception of Book 10, which covers gardening.  Columella wrote Book 10 in hexameter verse partly in homage to Vergil’s Georgics and partly as a way of completing or finishing the Georgics by adding a book about gardening; this was a subject which Vergil had briefly touched on but chose not to cover more fully, saying that he would leave it to posterity (G. 4.147-148).  The work has not received a complete commentary in English since that of Harrison Boyd Ash (1930).  The present study rectifies this omission and further explores the relationship between Res Rustica 10 and the Georgics, the trope of the poet as gardener, and the identification of the plants mentioned, while also incorporating more recent scholarship in these areas.  It also includes historical, mythological, and grammatical aids to the reader, who is presumed to be familiar with the Georgics.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by David J White.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local: Adviser: Pagan-Wolpert, Victoria Emma.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID: UFE0045349:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0045349/00001

Material Information

Title: Columella Res Rustica 10 A Study and Commentary
Physical Description: 1 online resource (364 p.)
Language: english
Creator: White, David J
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2013

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: columella -- gardens -- georgics -- vergil
Classics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Classical Studies thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Columella, an agricultural writer of Spanish birth, lived and wrote during the Neronian period in the mid-first century C.E.  Hissole surviving complete work is Res Rustica, a compendium of instructions on agricultural lore and practice in twelve books.  The work was written in prose with the exception of Book 10, which covers gardening.  Columella wrote Book 10 in hexameter verse partly in homage to Vergil’s Georgics and partly as a way of completing or finishing the Georgics by adding a book about gardening; this was a subject which Vergil had briefly touched on but chose not to cover more fully, saying that he would leave it to posterity (G. 4.147-148).  The work has not received a complete commentary in English since that of Harrison Boyd Ash (1930).  The present study rectifies this omission and further explores the relationship between Res Rustica 10 and the Georgics, the trope of the poet as gardener, and the identification of the plants mentioned, while also incorporating more recent scholarship in these areas.  It also includes historical, mythological, and grammatical aids to the reader, who is presumed to be familiar with the Georgics.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by David J White.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local: Adviser: Pagan-Wolpert, Victoria Emma.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID: UFE0045349:00001


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1 COLUMELLA RES RUSTICA 10: A STUDY AND COMMENTARY By DAVID J. WHITE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORID A IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013

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2 2013 David J. White

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3 Uxori Carissimae Parentibusque Optimis Dicatum Sine Quibus Non

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4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my very supportive wife, Amanda Smith; my parents, James and Marie White; my sister, E llen White, and brother-in-law, Bob Recny; the rest of my extended family; the many good friends who have supported and encouraged me through the years; my profe ssors and fellow students at the University of Akron, the University of Pennsylvania, Kent State Univ ersity, and the University of Florida; my colleagues in the Classics Depar tment at Baylor University; my current and former students; and Dr. Kathryn Paterson of The Dissertation Coach I want to extend particular thanks to t he staff of the Interlibrary Services Department in the Baylor Univ ersity Libraries, for all t heir hard work in tracking down and filling the many requests I submitted to them, and without whose efforts I would not have been able to write this thesis. For simila r reasons, I want to give a special note of appreciation to the staff and contributors to G oogle Books, for their e fforts to make older out-of-print works accessible online. I would also like to thank the member s of my committee: Dr. Konstantinos Kapparis, Dr. Jennifer Rea, and Dr. Judith P age. Finally, I would like to express my deep appreciation and gratitude to my adviser, Dr Victoria E. Pagn, who directed this project, for her willingness to work with me and for her enthusiasm for the project itself, as well as for all her suggestions, recommendations, criticisms, patience, and encouragement.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………………… 4 LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………………..6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………………. 7 ABSTRACT ……………………………………………….……………………………...….…. 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………... 10 Columella and Res Rustica 10 ……………………………………………………… 10 Approaches to Res Rustica 10 and Roman Gardens ……….…………………….12 The Res Rustica and Vergil’s Georgics …...…………………..………………….. 30 Organization and Themes of Res Rustica 10 …………………………………….. 46 The Commentary and the Text …………………………………………………….. 62 2 TRANSLATION ………………………………………………………………………. 67 3 COMMENTARY ……………………………………………………………………… 90 APPENDIX: INDEX OF PLANT NAMES ………………………………….……………... 338 LIST OF REFERENCES …………………………………………………………………... 348 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ………………………………………………………………… 364

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6 LIST OF TABLES Table page 1-1 Readings in Rodgers’ text com pared with readings preferred in the present translation and commentary……………………………………………….. 66

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7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Aen Vergil, Aeneid AG Greenough, J. B. et al ed. 2001. Allen & Greenough’s New Latin Grammar. Updated by Anne Mahoney. Newburyport, MA: Focus Publishing Col. Columella cent. Century Ecl Vergil, Eclogues f. Feminine G Vergil, Georgics GL Gildersleeve, B. L. and Lodge, G. 2003. Gildersleeve’s Latin Grammar 3rd ed. Wauconda, IL: Bolchazy-Carducci LS A Latin Dictionary Founded on Andrews’ Edition of Freund’s Latin Dictionary 1879. Rev. & ed. C. T. Le wis and C. Short. Oxford: Clarendon Press LSJ Liddell, H. G. and Scott, Robert. 1968. A Greek-English Lexicon Rev. H. S. Jones, with supplem ent. Oxford: Clarendon Press m. Masculine ms. Manuscript mss. Manuscripts n. Neuter (when describing nouns); note (in citations) NP Cancik, Hubert, Schneider, Helmut h, and Landfester, Manfred, ed. 1996. Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopdie der Antike. 16 vols. + Suppl. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler OCD Hornblower, Simon and Spawforth, Anthony, ed. 2012. The Oxford Classical Dictionary 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press

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8 OLD Oxford Latin Dictionary 1982. Ed. P. G. W. Glare. Oxford: Clarendon Press Pr. Preface; by itself without a book number, it designates the prose preface of Res Rustica Book 10 RE Pauly, A. et al., ed. 1956-1972. Pauly’s Realencyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 24 vols. Stuttgart: A. Druckenmller Rust. Columella, Res Rustica v. Volume For Latin and Greek authors and their works, the abbreviations of the Oxford Classical Dictionary 4th ed. are used. For Latin authors and works for which the OCD does not provide abbreviations, those of the Oxford Latin Dictionary are used; for Latin authors not included in the OCD or OLD the abbreviations of Lewis and Short’s A Latin Dictionary are used. For Greek authors and works for which OCD abbreviations are lacking, those of Liddell & Scott’s A Greek-English Lexicon (rev. Jones) are used. Several of the scientific botanical nam es cited include the name, often abbreviated, of the bot anist who first published that plant name. The abbreviations used for these botanists’ names were st andardized in Brummitt (1992); an up-to-date list is available at The International Plant Names Index ( www.ipni.org ).

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9 Abstract of Dissertation Pr esented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulf illment of the Requirements for t he Degree of Doctor of Philosophy COLUMELLA RES RUSTICA 10: A STUDY AND COMMENTARY By David J. White May 2013 Chair: Victoria E. Pagn Major: Classical Studies Columella, an agricultural writer of Spanish birth, lived and wrote during the Neronian period in the mid-first century C.E. His sole surviving complete work is Res Rustica a compendium of instructions on agricultu ral lore and practice in twelve books. The work was written in prose with the exce ption of Book 10, which covers gardening. Columella wrote Book 10 in hexameter verse partly in homage to Vergil’s Georgics and partly as a way of completing or finishing the Georgics by adding a book about gardening; this was a subject which Vergil h ad briefly touched on but chose not to cover more fully, saying that he woul d leave it to posterity ( G 4. 147-148). The work has not received a complete commentary in English si nce that of Harrison Boyd Ash (1930). The present study rectifies this omission an d further explores the relationship between Res Rustica 10 and the Georgics the trope of the poet as gardener, and the identification of the plants m entioned, while also incorporat ing more recent scholarship in these areas. It also includes historical mythological, and grammatical aids to the reader, who is presumed to be familiar with the Georgics

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10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Columella and Res Rustica 10 What we know of Lucius Iunius Moder atus Columella is derived from his Res Rustica : born in Gades, in Spain (8. 16. 9; 10. 185),1 he was a contemporary and friend of the younger Seneca (cf. 3. 3. 3) and S eneca’s brother, Gallio (9. 16. 2)—both fellow Spaniards—and a younger contemporary of Pliny the Elder, who cites him (Plin. HN 8. 153, 15. 66, 18. 70, 18. 303). He speaks admiringly of an uncle, Marcus Columella, a successful farmer and landowner who had a farm in Baetica in Spain (2. 15. 4; 5. 5. 15; 7. 2. 4). Columella himself had farms in Ital y in Caere (3. 3. 3) and in Ardea, Carseoli, and Alba (3. 9. 2). His sole surviving complete work is an exhaustive compendium of agricultural information titled Res Rustica dedicated to a Publius Silvinus. He claims to have consulted a great many agricultural writer s, Greek and Roman, pr ose writers and poets, when preparing it (1. 1. 1-14) though he also draws on his own experience (3. 3. 3; 3. 9. 2). A reference to an ex-consul P. Volu sius, which seems to imply that he is no longer living (1. 7. 3), may refer to Lucius Volusius ( RE II 3) Saturninus,2 who died in 56 C.E. (Tac. Ann 13. 30; Plin. HN 7. 62, 156). Taken toget her with the reference to 1 All unattributed references are to Col.’s Res Rustica 2 Gesner (1735, 408) reads “L. Volusium,” whom he identifies with this Lucius Volusius Saturninus; cf. Columella 1745, 38. Lundstrm (1917), Ash (1941), and Rodgers (2010) read “P. Volusium.”

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11 Seneca, who died in 65 C.E. (Tac. Ann 15. 60-64), as being alive and well (3. 3. 3), this gives a probable window of 56-65 C.E. for the composition of the work.3 Res Rustica consists of twelve books, all in prose except for Book 10. Book 1 discusses the general layout and organization of the farm; Book 2 describes plowing; Books 3-5 concern vines and trees; Books 67 deal with livestock; Books 8-9 focus on the raising of poultry, fish game, and bees; Book 10 is a poetic book on gardening, and was perhaps originally planned as the last book; Book 11 covers gardening again and also lays out the duties of the vilicus or overseer; and Book 12 ou tlines the duties of the vilica the overseer’s wife. Many manuscripts also preserve, after Book 11, an index to the contents of Books 1-11, which is very detailed for Books 1-9.4 An additional book, De arboribus also preserved with the text of the Res Rustica falls between Books 2 and 3. De arboribus may be a surviving part of an earlie r work by Columella or it may be the work of another author;5 in either event, it does not form part of the extant Res Rustica .6 Columella refers to another work of his, Adversus astrologos (11. 1. 31), which has not survived. Res Rustica 10 consists of 436 hexameter lines preceded by a prose Preface. Columella claims to have written it in vers e at the specific ur ging of his addressee, Publius Silvinus, as a reply to an apparent chal lenge that Vergil left in the fourth book of 3 Cf. Columella (1745, ix-x): the anonymous translat or concisely lays out the internal evidence in the Res Rustica for the date of its composition. 4 Henderson (2004, 7) says that this index “adds up to an extremely coherent overall reference system. One which makes Columella … the most consul table classical text to have come down to us.” 5 Richter (1972) argues on the basis of style, content, and vocabulary that De arboribus is not the work of Col. 6 Cf. Columella (1745, 571): the anonymous tran slator notes that, unlike the books of the Res Rustica De arboribus contains no mention of Publius Silvinus.

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12 the Georgics : Vergil tentatively essayed the subject of gardens ( G 4. 116-146) but then broke off, saying that he would le ave that topic to posterity ( G 4. 147-148).7 Res Rustica 10 is thus both an homage to the Georgics and an attempt to supply a “missing” fifth book of the Georgics on gardening. Though it forms an important part of the overall Res Rustica it also stands on its own as a didactic poem designed to complement the Georgics and is best read and understood in light of Vergil’s poem. Approaches to Res Rustica 10 and Roman Gardens The text of the Res Rustica rests on two 9th cent. mss. and a number of 14thand 15th-cent. mss.8 According to Rodgers, the most important manuscript is the one generally labeled S, for Sangermanesis, because at one time it was in the library of the Saint Germain monastery in Pari s. It now resides in St. Petersburg and is thus often referred to as the Petropolitanus. Rodgers dates it to the third quarter of the 9th cent. The other manuscript of comparable age is labeled A, for Ambrosianus, because it resides in the Bibliotheca Ambrosianus in Fl orence. The importance of this ms. for the text of Columella was rediscovered by Hussner in the late 19th cent. Rodgers dates it to the second quarter of the 9th cent.; Hussner and Lundstrm date it to the 9th-10th cent. without being more specific. According to Rodgers, these two mss. seem to stem from a common ancestor. Many of the later mss. seem to be de scended from the text of the Ambrosianus; however, they differ often enough t hat the text of these later mss. seems to have been 7 See georgici carminis … relinquere (Pr. 3). 8 For a detailed discussion of t he manuscript tradition of the Res Rustica see Hussner 1889, 922; Lundstrm 1897b, vii-x; and Rodgers 2010, v-xv.

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13 influenced by another older textual tradition separate from that of S and A, though no other ms. of comparable age has survived. The later mss. occasionally preserve correct readings not found in S a nd A. Citations of Columella found in Pliny, Palladius, and other later authors are also occasionally valuable for establishi ng the text of the Res Rustica The most recent critical edition of the complete text of the Res Rustica is the Oxford Classical Text edition by Rodgers.9 This edition incorporates the most up-todate textual scholarship and has a full textual critical apparat us. The previous critical edition of Columella, by Lundstrm et al .,10 was the effort of seve ral editors working over a span of decades. For this reason its treatm ent of the text and of the scholarship on which it is based is uneven and dated. Some installments, including Lundstrm’s edition of Book 10, are now over a century ol d. In addition to bei ng far more recent, Rodgers’ edition has the evenne ss of treatment found in the work of a single scholar, published at once rather than over a period of years. The complete text was also published in a Loeb Classical Library editi on in three volumes with an English translation edited by Ash11 and by Forster and Heffner.12 Like the edition of Lundstrm et al ., the Loeb suffers from the lack of conti nuity and unevenness that come from being the collective work of several scholars wh ich was published over several decades. In 9 Rodgers 2010. 10 Lundstrm 1897b: De Arboribus ; Lundstrm 1902: Rust. 10; Lundstrm 1906: Rust. 11; Lundstrm 1917: Rust. 1-2; Lundstrm 1940: Rust. 6-7; Josephson 1955: Rust. 3-5; Hedberg 1968: Rust. 8-9. The text of any part of this edition of the Res Rustica is hereafter cited as “Lundstrm.” 11 Ash 1941: vol. 1 = Books 1-4. 12 Forster 1954: vol. 2 = Books 5-9; Forster 1968: vol. 3 = Books 10-12 and De arboribus

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14 addition, it shares with other volumes in t he Loeb Classical Library the defect of having only a very spare critical apparatus and a mini mal treatment of text ual issues. Richter13 edited a three-volume edition with a Ge rman translation and notes as part of the Sammlung Tusculum series published by Artemis-Verlag. While it has the same advantage as Rodgers’ edition in that it is the work of a single scholar, with the installments published a minimal intervals, th e critical apparatus and textual notes are not highly detailed. Its strength lies its appendi ces covering the star signs and dates. All these editions include De arboribus Richter’s and Rodgers’ are the only editions of the complete text of Columell a by a single editor since Gesner’s. Editions of individual books of Columella have also been published. The text of Book 10 was included with other Latin writings on agriculture in editions by Gesner and Schneider14 as well as in collections of the works of minor Latin poets edited by Wernsdorf,15 Lemaire,16 and Postgate.17 Hussner’s18 monograph on the textual transmission of Columella includes a text edi tion of Book 10. Wi th the exception of Hussner’s work—which was taken into a ccount by later editors—these editions or anthologies containing Book 10 have sparse textual and/or interpretative notes. In particular, by extracting Book 10 from the overall Res Rustica and grouping it together 13 Richter 1981-1983. 14 Schneider 1794. 15 Wernsdorf 1794. 16 Lemaire 1826. 17 Postgate 1905. 18 Hussner 1899.

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15 with other minor poems, the poetic anthologies encourage the reader to regard Book 10 as a stand-alone work and to disregard the val uable interpretative context which the larger treatise provides. Prior to editing the first volume of the Columella Loeb, Ash19 produced an edition of Book 10 which includes a commentary and textual notes with an English translation. Ash’s treatment is thorough though brief. His citations of parallel passages—both for poetic and for botanical purposes—are spare, and his identification s of many of the plants are simply asserted without ar gument or citation. Santoro’s20 edition includes translation and notes in Italian; his notes ar e even briefer than Ash’s and, like Ash, he tends to assert rather than argue. Marsili21 published a text edition with extensive textual notes but no interpretative notes or commentary, though he do es include a brief index of the plants m entioned. Saint-Denis22 published an edition with an introduction, translation, and notes in French, as part of the Editions Guillaume Bud series published by Les Belles Lettres. Saint-Deni s’ notes, concise but dense, are very informative and scholarly; they incorporate a gr eat deal of scholarship that was recent at the time. In addition to citing parallel passa ges and identifying plants, Saint-Denis goes into greater detail than Ash or Santoro in considering textual cruxes, the organization of the work, and Columella’s use of star signs for dating. Fernndez-Galiano’s23 edition 19 Ash 1930. 20 Santoro 1946. 21 Marsili 1962. 22 Saint-Denis 1969a. 23 Fernndez-Galiano 1975.

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16 includes an extensive introduction expl oring the nature of the poem along with translation and brief notes in Spanish. Like Santoro, Richter, and the Loeb edition, his treatment of textual issues is sligh t. By contrast, the edition of Boldrer,24 with translation and extensive notes in Italian, is a thorough commentary dealing with virtually all of the issues raised by the poem: poetic par allels, botanical questions, gardening and agricultural issues, and textual matters It is thoroughly sourced and based on extensive scholarship. Boldrer’s analysis is g enerally valuable, particularly in examining the issues raised by textual problems and s uggesting how to frame various questions of text or interpretation. Special mention should be made of tw o English translations of Book 10 published without an accompanying text edition. An anonymous translation published in 1745 contains many valuable inte rpretative and analytical notes.25 Henderson26 brings together his translations of the major su rviving Latin works on gardening: from Columella, not only Book 10, but also 11. 3 (Columella’s pr ose treatment of gardening); the excursus about the Corycian gardener in Georgics 4; Book 19 of Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis Historia where Pliny discusses gardening extensively; and the work on gardening of the 4th-century writer Palladius. Hender son’s whimsical translation of Rust 10 nevertheless follows the text closely. He includes deta iled notes that help eludicate both the text and its interpretation, and an i ndex of the plants mentioned. Henderson 24 Boldrer 1996. 25 Columella 1745. 26 Henderson 2004.

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17 makes a point of distinguishing betw een “Roman gardens” and “Roman gardening.”27 He later underlines this point: “There are plenty of fasci nating studies of Roman gardens, but this is the only book of Roman garden ing. ”28 Marshall devotes the first half of her book to the role of gardening in ancient Greek and Roman literature and society in general and to surviving Greek and Roman literary sources on the topic; in the second half she examines Book 10 both as a work on horticulture and as a work of poetry.29 She looks particularly at the similarities and differences in the way Columella treats gar dening in poetry (Book 10) and in prose (Book 11). Pagn examines garden-focused episodes found in larger works which as a whole are not about gar dening: Columella’s Res Rustica Horace’s Satires 1. 8, Tacitus’ Annales 11, and St. Augustine’s Confessions.30 She explores how gardens function in the context of the overall t heme of each work. Spencer examines how Roman writers used descriptions of landscape and cultivati on of nature as a vehicle for considering issues of identity and citizenship.31 She highlights how the use and organization of land encapsulates and inculcates cultural identify and ethical values, and how the growth of large villa estates in the 1st cent. B.C.E. shows a shift in the idea of the landscape from 27 Henderson 2002, 100. 28 Henderson 2004, 1; emphasis in original. 29 Marshall 1919. 30 Pagn 2006. 31 Spencer 2010.

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18 a place of labor to a place of otium .32 She includes Columella in her discussion, focusing in particular on how he uses various crops, including the garden plants of Book 10, to explore the connections among Ro me, Italy, and the empire, and on how Columella represents a return to the mo ralizing view of landscape found in earlier authors such as Varro.33 Gowers explores Columella ’s shortcomings as a poetic imitator and successor of Vergil, though she also emphasizes the sense of abundance that fills his garden poem.34 She also points out that a Roman Garden could be “a selfcontained whole or … a tangential part of something larger,”35 just as Columella’s garden poem is at once self-contained but also just one part of his treatise. Gowers also considers how both Vergil and Colume lla explore the notion of the garden boundary, and being inside or outside the gar den wall, both as a gardener and as a poet.36 No thoroughly examines Columella’s treatise through three lenses: social, economic, and cultural.37 No particularly examines Columella’s work in light of the contemporary economic situation in which Columella write and hi s use of technical sources, while also observing Columella’s use of literary source s and his own literary ambitions. No also points out Columella’s political agenda in urging a return to true 32 Spencer 2010, 16-46. 33 Spencer 2010, 86-104. 34 Gowers 2000. 35 Gowers 2000, 130. 36 Gowers 2000, 129-130, 132-135. 37 No 2002.

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19 country life and endorsing the economic pur suit of traditional agriculture,38 while also highlighting Columella’s frequent use of ratio in stressing the importance of rationality and science as a foundation for agriculture.39 Dallinges considers Columella both as a technical writer and as a liter ary author, not only in Book 10 but also throughout the Res Rustica .40 He also emphasizes the moral aspect of Columella’s work, indicated from the beginning in the Preface to Book 1.41 Milnor explores Columella’s views on domesticity as expressed in Book 12 of the Res Rustica (on the duties of the vilica the bailiff’s wife).42 She argues that Columella “has added to the generic tropes of Latin agricultural prose” by devoting time to outlini ng the specific responsibilities of a female member of the farming family, in contrast to Cato and Varro.43 While examining the role played by Book 12 in Colume lla’s overall work, she also considers the placement and function of Book 10. In particular, she suggests ways in which the poetic book seems overly exuberant and out of place in the work as a whole, despite having originally been planned as its finale.44 Studies of ancient gardens as physical objects tend to emphas ize decorative or landscape gardens of the sort more commo nly found by excavators and consequently pay little attention to Columella’s prescrip tions for the household kitchen garden, though 38 No 2002, 25-26, 62-69. 39 No 2002, 151-177. 40 Dallinges 1964. 41 Dallinges 1964, 138-141. 42 Milnor 2005. 43 Milnor 2005, 257-261. 44 Milnor 2005, 256-259.

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20 these studies occasionally cite him to illust rate one point or another Grimal examines the topic of Roman gardens from a variety of aspects including native Italian traditions, Greek literary influences, Greek gardening m odels, the development of both public and private gardens, the plants used in gardens, the us e of gardens as arch itectural features and showplaces for art, surviving archaeol ogical evidence, and gardens in literature.45 He provides a thorough account of the developm ent of gardens in t heory and practice in Roman society from the late Republic throug h the early empire, look ing in particular at gardens as an urban rather than a rural phenom enon. He examines the subject from many angles, including site plans, depictions in art, mentions in ancient sources, and literary treatments. Though hi s treatment of the subject is lengthy and detailed, he barely mentions Columella in his discussion of gardens in literature. Farrar takes an extensive look at various features of surviving Roman gardens, including layout, construction, and decoration.46 Although she includes some consideration of gardening procedures and tools, most of her obser vations emphasize the architectural and ornamental features of decor ative landscaped gardens, ampl y documented by surviving physical evidence. She is particularly in terested in considering the functional and esthetic role played by architectural elements and garden sculpture. She focuses on gardens which formed part of residences; her su rvey of non-residential gardens is brief and cursory.47 In addition to an examinat ion of garden plants and tools,48 she includes 45 Grimal 1943. 46 Farrar 1968. 47 Farrar 1968, 175-186. 48 Farrar 1968, 130-174.

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21 a summary of where archaeological evid ence for Roman gardens can be found today49 and an index of garden plants mentioned by Pliny.50 McKay relies ext ensively on such evidence in his treatment of Roman villas which includes a brief discussion of gardens.51 Like Farrar, he is mainly conc erned with ornamental gardens, not working gardens of the sort Columella depicts. Some of the most detailed documentati on of the archaeological evidence for Roman gardens has been compiled by Jashemski.52 She explores many facets of the surviving evidence, from garden plans and c onstruction to ornamental features to depictions of gardens and garden plants in su rviving wall paintings. Of particular interest is her analysis of the evidenc e for the commercial trade in flowers.53 Lawson also explores the practical rather t han the decorative value of garden flowers.54 He argues that a primary function of gardens was to grow flower s to be made into garlands, which at first had religious meaning and us e and only later became items of purely esthetic personal adornment.55 MacDougall edited a collection of essays that grew out of a Dumbarton Oaks colloquium on t he history of landscape architecture.56 Collectively the essays consider both literary and arc haeological evidence for Roman ornamental 49 Farrar 1968, 200-205. 50 Farrar 1968, 206-208. 51 McKay 1975. 52 Jashemski 1979-1993. 53 Jashemski 19791993 v. 1, 267-269. 54 Lawson 1950. 55 Lawson 1950, 98-100. 56 MacDougall 1987.

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22 pleasure gardens. Littlewood in particular admits that the literar y evidence for Roman villa gardens is “fragmentary” but credits the “Roman fasci nation with quotidian matters abhorrent to a writer of classical Greece” fo r providing us with such literary evidence as exists to complement the archaeological.57 The botanical side of ancient gardens is the focus of Ciarallo’s study that links plant s depicted in Pompeian wall paintings with modern examples.58 She stresses the wide variety f ound in Pompeian gardens, both in their physical layout and in the plants grown in them, as well as the contribution made by archaeology in confirming and illuminatin g the evidence of Pliny and other written sources. Jennings’ book is intended for the general reader, but she incorporates archaeological, historical, literary, and artist ic evidence to trace the development of Roman ornamental gardens and the plants grown in them, particularly in Roman Britain.59 She includes a brief and concise but us eful index of plants that could be found in Britain in the Roman peri od, in which she gives for each plant its common English name, its scientific name, and an indication of how readily available it might have been.60 These examinations of Roman ornam ental gardens as physical objects are helpful in putting Columella’s garden into its cu ltural and horticultural context. However, in general, perhaps because Columella’s garden is purely literary, studies focused on analyzing the physical remains of actual ancient gardens or their depictions in the visual arts tend to give Columella li ttle, if any, consideration. 57 Littlewood 1987, 9-10. 58 Ciarallo 2000. 59 Jennings 2006. 60 Jennings 2006, 72-76.

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23 Stackelburg looks at Roman gardens from both a literar y and archaeological perspective combined with modern space theory to explore the way the garden functioned as both a physical and conceptual space in the Roman world.61 She argues that the garden border—such as that de scribed by Columella (27-28)—plays an important social role in symbolically delim iting and defining areas subject to power, control, and subjection and serves as an analogue to Roman class boundaries.62 Another scholar attempting to combine lit erary and archaeological evidence is Bowe, who looks closely at the influence of Ro man gardens upon medieval, Renaissance, and modern examples.63 Like Jashemski’s book, Bowe’s is abundantly illustrated to the point where the illustrations overwhelm the tex t, which often serves mainly to elucidate the illustrations. It is a coffee-table book fo r interested lay readers rather than a study written for scholars. T he illustrations and citations provided, however, offer opportunities to pursue a more serious, sc holarly examination of the subject. There are several studies of plants in Latin literature, many of which were written mainly to assist readers of Vergil’s Eclogues and Georgics Sargeaunt lists the plants mentioned by Vergil alphabetically by t he Latin name Vergil uses for them.64 Each entry contains a description of t he plant and its context, both in the ancient world and in modern Italy, along with some mention of it s appearance in other anc ient sources (not only other poets but also more technical sources such as Columella and Pliny), an 61 Stackelburg 2009. 62 Stackelburg 2009, 66-80. 63 Bowe 2004. 64 Sargeaunt 1920.

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24 indication of when it blooms, and its m odern Italian name. Sargeaunt’s book is accessible and valuable for locating other Vergili an citations of a particular plant as well as for providing contextual information about the Italian landscape where the plant can be found; but the work’s usefulness is limit ed by its conciseness, its narrow focus, and its lack of citations to secondary literature. Abbe’s work featur es detailed entries on each plant mentioned in the Georgics with each entry giving the plant’s scientific botanical name, modern colloqu ial names in English, Frenc h, German, and Italian, citations of its appearance in the Georgics and citations of its mention by other ancient writers, mainly technical writers such as Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny, and Columella.65 A woodcut depicting the plant illustrates each ent ry. Like Sargeaunt’s book, Abbe’s is mainly of value for providi ng Vergilian citations of plant names and for giving modern and scientific equivalents, though the illustrations help create a vivid image of how Vergil’s imagi ned landscape might have appeared. Maggiulli’s more recent, detailed consideration of the plants in Vergil is divid ed into two sections: a study and a glossary.66 The first part examines Vergil’s plant-related vocabulary in its context and the role played by references to the natur al world in Vergil’s works, as well as Vergil’s indebtedness to predecessors such as Lucretius and Theophrastus in his treatment of the natural world. The se cond half of Maggiulli’s work offers an alphabetically-arranged glossary of the names of plants used by Vergil. Each entry includes all Vergilian citations of the nam e, its modern botani cal equivalent(s), adjectives Vergil typically uses in associ ation with the name, and a consideration of 65 Abbe 1965. 66 Maggiulli 1995.

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25 other evidence, literary and otherwise, for the pl ant in question. In general the works of Sargeaunt, Abbe, and, in particu lar, Maggiulli are extremely helpful in identifing the plants mentioned by Vergil and for putting them in both their cultural and literary context. These Vergilian studies are also valuable in underscoring, by the absence of citations, the many instances where Columella mentions plants not found in Vergil. Maggiulli also examines words not f ound in Vergil but used by Columella, including not only plant names but vocabulary in all areas.67 Two more scholars who explore the relationship between Columella and Vergil are Saint-Denis, who looks critically, but sympathetically, at Colu mella’s literary use and adaptation of the Eclogues and Georgics ,68 and Cossarini, who examines Columella’s employment of Vergilian technical and poetic vocabulary as we ll as his use of Vergilian themes.69 These studies focus mainly on literary and philological questi ons rather than on technical or botanical questions and treat Columella’s use of Vergil as a literary source. Baldwin and Doody examine Columella as a technical author. Baldwin looks at Columella’s critical use of technical and theoretical sources in his overall work.70 He argues that despite the number and variety of the sources he used, Columella was not “a scissors and paste compiler, wit h more diligence than acumen.”71 On the contrary, Columella carefully considered and critiqued his sources; a ccording to Baldwin, “close 67 Maggiulli 1980. 68 Saint-Denis 1969b. 69 Cossarini 1977. 70 Baldwin 1963. 71 Baldwin 1963, 785.

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26 examination shows that he is very discriminating in his use of authorities and is not willing to accept a statement on trust mere ly because it is made by a famous name.”72 Doody considers how Columella and Pliny tr eat Vergil as a source for technical information about agriculture.73 He points out that fo r Roman readers the boundary between literature and technical writing was not a clear one, thus allowing later writers to regard Vergil’s Georgics as an important source for farming lore.74 He shows that Columella more willingly relies on Vergil for te chnical information, whereas Pliny is more critical of Vergil as a technical source.75 Andr’s exhaustive glossaries of Latin plant names use the Latin literary names of plants as lemmata, arranged alphabetically.76 In addition to includ ing citations to both poetic and prose sources, including many fr om late antiquity, each entry gives the modern botanical equivalent(s) for each plant, if such can be identified, and possible ancient testimonia for each one; suggests po ssible Greek origins of the Latin name; includes alternative forms of the name, if any, found in the literature; and offers examples of the plant name used with different modifyi ng adjectives, which often indicate that the ancient author is actually referring to a different plant. Andr’s works are indispensable for any study of plants in anc ient literature, whether in poetry or in technical treatises. While exhaustive in his citation of Latin source s, Andr is often too 72 Baldwin 1963, 787. 73 Doody 2007. 74 Doody 2007, 180-182. 75 Doody 2007, 184-197. 76 Andr 1956; Andr 1985.

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27 sparing in his citations of both ancient Gr eek sources and modern bot anical sources. In Andrai’s glossary of Latin terms relating to all aspects of agriculture—from plants and animals to tools and procedure—entries are organized thematically, and then alphabetically within each category.77 The entry for each term gives its probable etymology, author or authors where it is fi rst attested (though no specific citations are given), and both its literal meanings and its fi gurative uses. While the work as a whole is exhaustive in scope, the individual entries are brief and spare and provide only minimal information. While useful as a quick reference, it suffers from lack of detail and specificity in its citations of ancient s ources, etymological information, and guidance to proper contextual usage. Taking a completely different approach, Be rnhardt looks not at the ancient Greek and Latin names of plants but at the modern scient ific, botanical names, many of them derived from references to Greek and Roman myth by botanists with a sense of history and whimsy and a familiarity with ancient literature.78 His work is organized thematically according to stories from my th, and he links specific plant names to the characters and incidents in the myths. Bernhardt’s book is useful more as an account of the names created by modern botanists based on classical references rather than as a source for ancient botany or agriculture. He does, howev er, show the extent of classical learning once prevalent among botani sts, and ends with a defens e of traditional Linnaean 77 Andrai 1981. 78 Bernhardt 2008.

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28 binomial nomenclature and the “lyrical charm and scholarly pride” of turning to Greek and Roman myths for plant names.79 Jashemski’s work on the gardens of Pompeii led her to study the native plants of the area and their use in anc ient as well as modern times for medicinal purposes.80 She provides a detailed descripti on of the plants she studies, their scientific names and modern English and Italian names, testim ony from ancient literature and modern practice, and illustrations similar to those in Abbe’s book. Like Ciarallo, Jashemski links the evidence for gardens and daily life in ancient Pompeii to the landscape and practices of modern Italy. The collecti on of essays edited by Jashemski and Meyer builds on Jashemski’s earlier work in attemp ting to reconstruct the ancient natural landscape of Campania based on evidence preser ved by the eruption of Vesuvius. The essays in the volume cover all aspects of the natural history of the region and the effects caused by the eruption of 79 C.E. They include analysis of the soil, attempts to identify the plants depicted in wa ll paintings and the woods used in ancient furniture, and studies of the ancient flora and fauna of the regi on as documented by art, archaeology, and ancient literature.81 Riddle focuses on the use of plants for medicinal and magical purposes.82 He considers literary and artistic evidence for pre-modern understandi ng of the specific properties of certain plants and how plant -lore represented a kind of specialized 79 Bernhardt 2008, 194-196. 80 Jashemski 1999. 81 Jashemski 2002. 82 Riddle 1985; Riddle 1997; Riddle 2010.

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29 knowledge passed down from ge neration to generation, particularly among women. He points out that knowledge of t he abilities of certain plants properly used, to prevent, abort, or affect the course of pregnancy was widespread and detailed in the ancient world.83 He details Greek and Roman know ledge and use of medicinal plants, particularly those from the Artemisia fam ily, and their association with woman and with female deities.84 His work on Dioscorides of Anarbazus offers an in-depth study of one of the principal surviving ancient source s on plants and their medicinal properties, written by a Greek physician, a contemporary of Columella.85 Riddle argues that Dioscorides organized and system atized a great body of plant lore—some inherited from previous generations and some collected as the result of his own travels—into a work which profoundly influenced the subs equent understanding and us e of medicinal plants.86 According to Riddle, in addition to recording the medicinal and non-medicinal applications of plants Dioscorides also developed a classification system based on similarity of effects, or “drug affinities.”87 Though only tangential in many respects to the study of Columella, Riddle’s work shows the importance of the way in which plants were cultivated and valued for practical reasons other than food or decoration, and how the knowledge of their properties played a vital role in pre-modern societies. 83 Riddle 1997, 35-63. 84 Riddle 2010, 79-86. 85 Riddle 1985. 86 Riddle 1985, 1-93 87 Riddle 1985, 94-133.

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30 The Res Rustica and Vergil’s Georgics “In 65 C.E., a Spanish writ er appointed himself Virgil’s heir and stepped into a breach that did not really exist.” Gowers thus dismisses Columella’s self-described attempt (Pr. 3) to “complete” ( explerem ) the “omitted portions” ( omissas partes ) of the Georgics as an unnecessary vanity project, “a showpiece in which Columella … takes an unpromising subject and overcompensates by making something new and monstrous out of it.”88 But Columella’s relationship with the Georgics goes beyond his effort to complete or supplement the Georgics with material that Vergil allegedly skipped over, or a simple desire to show off whatev er poetic ability he himself possessed. Book 10, and indeed the entire Res Rustica show a thorough knowledge and deep appreciation of Vergil’s work. They are at once a recapitulation and a reimagining of the entirety of the Georgics In the brief, prose preface to Book 10, Columella explains his decision to write about gardening in verse, rather than contin uing in the prose of the preceding nine books. He does so, he says, to fulfill a promise made to his otherwise unknown addressee, Publius Silvinus, to meet a challe nge of sorts left by Vergil in Book 4 of the Georgics After beginning to describe gardening, Ve rgil broke off, claiming insufficient space to deal properly with the subject, and sa id that he would leave a poetic treatment of gardening to poste rity to complete: ut poeticis numeris explerem georgici carminis omissas partes, quas tamen et ipse Vergil ius significaverat posteris se memorandas relinquere (Pr. 3), in which Columella echoes the words of Vergil in Georgics 4: verum haec ipse equidem spatiis exclusus iniquis 88 Gowers 2000, 127.

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31 praetereo atque aliis post me memoranda relinquo. ( G 4. 147-148)89 In the proem of his poem Columella again re calls Vergil’s words and asserts his claim to complete Vergil’s unfinished task: hortorum quoque te cultus, Silvine, docebo, cum caneret laetas segetes et munera Bacchi et te, magna Pales, necnon caelestia mella atque ea, quae quondam spatiis exclusus iniquis, Vergilius nobis post se memoranda reliquit. (1-5) In lines 2-3 Columella briefly recounts the su bjects of each of the four books of the Georgics : crops, Book 1; vines, Book 2; flocks and herds, Book 3; and bees, Book 4. The implication is that Columella himself intends to “complete” Vergil’s purportedly unfinished Georgics : that his poem on gardening will ess entially serve as the fifth and final book of the Georgics As the poem unfolds, however, Columella actually goes further. Over the course of his poem he offe rs a kind of recapitulation of the entire Georgics a sort of Georgics in miniature. Book 10 of the Res Rustica is thus in many ways both a summation of the Georgics and a continuation of them. Henderson comments, “This will be a Fifth G eorgic from start to finish;”90 but, as Spencer rightly points out, it will be much more than that.91 Columella does not merely summarize or extend the Georgics ; he also includes touches of the Eclogues and Aeneid and thus recalls the spirit of Verg il’s entire poetic work. Columella had prepared his r eaders for recalling Vergil by his treatment of agricultural themes in the preceding books of the Res Rustica In Books 1-9 he covers 89 All quotations from Vergil are taken from My nors’ (1969) Oxford Classical Text edition. 90 Henderson 2004, 13. 91 Spencer 2010, 95.

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32 the same general topics treated by Vergil in the Georgics and in the same order: crops (Books 1-2), vines (Books 3-5), cattle (Boo ks 6-8), and bees (Book 9), making Books 19 a sort of Georgics in prose. Spencer observes, “C olumella has left his readers agog for Virgilian flights of fan cy by ending Book 9 with bees.”92 Boldrer and Saint-Denis point out that Columella could more logica lly have dealt with gardens in or immediately following Books 1-5 of his work: because these books deal with crops and the cultivation of the soil, they offer a ready thematic c onnection with gardening.93 But his placement of gardens after apiculture is anot her nod to Vergil. Vergil himself embarks on his brief excursus about gardens and the old man of Tarentum in Georgics 4 in the context of his consideration of bees: a garden offers a way to provide flowers to supply the bees with nectar and thus keep them safe and discourage them from wandering off ( G 109-115). Vergil himself has thus es tablished the connection between bees and gardens, a connection which Columella choose s to exploit to underline further the Vergilian themes of his project. Columella additionally prepares the reader for his poetic gardening book by briefly discussing in Book 9 the sorts of flowers favored by bees (9. 4. 4), which again reinforces the link st ressed by Vergil between bees and garden flowers. He also does so by relating a myth concerning the origin of bees (9. 2. 2-3), which recalls Vergil’s bougonia myth in Georgics 4 ( G 4. 281-314, 548-558) ; otherwise, references to myth occur ra rely his prose treatise, and when they do occur they are 92 Spencer 2010, 94. 93 Boldrer 1996, 13; Saint-Denis 1969a, 8.

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33 related briefly and in passing. Columell a also makes a point of illustrating his discussion of apiculture by quoting lines from Georgics 4 in appropriate places.94 Another link between the Res Rustica and the Georgics is seen in the way Columella uses the prefaces wit h which he begins certain, but not all, books of his work. Janson observes, “Columella has introduction s of varying length to every book except Book 7, which contains only the address to Publ ius Silvinus that is to be found in all of them.”95 An introduction, however, is not the sa me as a formal preface, and Book 7 is not the only book which lacks one. In the pref ace to Book 1, and thus to the overall work, Columella indicates that he will deal wit h each subject pertaining to agriculture in its proper place, and that he will make genera l remarks relating each section to his overall topic in prefaces: quas ordine suo demum persequar cum praefatus fuero quae reor ad universam disciplinam maxime pertinere ( Rust 1. Pr. 33). In addition to Book 1, however, only Books 6, 9, 10, and 12 begin with a formal preface. These books have a special programmatic significance in the wo rk. Books 1 and 9 “bookend” the portion of the Res Rustica where, as remarked previously, Co lumella covers the same general topics treated by Vergil in the Georgics and in the same general order. Book 6 comes halfway through Columella’s Vergilian pr ogram, representing, thematically, the beginning of his Georgics 3-4 section; the placement of a preface at the beginning of Book 6 also suggests that Columella’s origin al plan for his work called for ten books in all, not twelve, and thus Book 6 was to begin his second half. Book 10 covers gardening, a topic treated only superficially by Vergil—and thus technically outside 94 For example, 9. 8. 13; 9. 9. 4; 9. 9. 6; 9. 10. 2. 95 Janson 1964, 92.

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34 Columella’s recapitulation of the Georgics —and does so in verse, though Columella returns to the subject in prose in B ook 11. Book 12, on the duties of the vilica (the wife of the vilicus or overseer), is like Book 11, an “ add-on”: it supplements the discussion of the vilicus in Book 11, just as Columella’s prose discussion of gardening in Book 11 supplements his poetic treatment of it in Book 10 Columella uses his formal prefaces to st ress the importance of his overall theme and of the specific topic of each book: in t he preface introducing Book 1 and thus his overall work, Columella discusses the importanc e of agriculture in general and of proper training in the subject;96 in the preface to Book 6, he describes the importance of livestock and husbandry to t he practice of agriculture and to society in general;97 in the Book 9 preface, he describes what the book will cover (wild game and bees) and briefly argues why these subjects are import ant enough to merit special attention;98 in the preface preceding Book 12, Columella justif ies devoting a separate, seemingly extra book to the duties of the vilica by reference to Xenophon’s discussion of these in the Oeconomicus and Cicero’s Latin translation of it, and by acknowledging how the changed circumstances of the ow nership and management of estates in his own time have put greater responsibilities on the vilicus and vilica than in former ages.99 96 1. Pr. 1-28. 97 6. Pr. 1-7. 98 9. Pr. 1-2. 99 12. Pr. 1-9.

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35 In the preface to Book 10, as in the ot her prefaces, Columella justifies giving particular attention to the subject of the book—for Book 10, horticulture.100 As mentioned above, he also justifies his decis ion to depart from his practice of the previous nine books and to wr ite about gardening in verse. Thus, through the overall arrangement of his work as a kind of reflection of the Georgics emphasized through the selective programmatic placement of prefaces as well as by evoking the connection between bees and gardens already suggested by Vergil in Georgics 4, and by his brief restatement of his purpose and of the themes of the Georgics in his proem, Columella has prepared his reader for his “completion” of the Georgics by his poetic gardening book. Res Rustica 10 also recalls the Georgics in the way both poems straddle the line between didactic and epic poetry. While it is “legitimate … to treat didactic as a subgenre of epic,”101 a few distinctions may be drawn between epic and didactic in their subject matter and in the mode of addr ess by the poet to the audience. Like the Georgics Rust 10 is formally a didact ic poem—i.e., “poetry that teaches,” from —a genre “defined primarily from its subject matter … usually technical or philosophical in nature.”102 Katerina Volk offers an expanded definition: didactic poems share several features, incl uding a first-person narrator (usually the poet), self-referential “metapoetic reflec tion,” and instruction in a particular res or 100 Pr. 1-3. 101 Gale 2005, 102. 102 Gale 2005, 101.

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36 subject.103 Although written in dactylic hexamete r like epic poetry, unlike epics didactic poems are non-mimetic.104 In addition, didactic poem s often emphasize attaining happiness or success through the diligent app lication of specialized knowledge.105 Hardie suggests that epic, on the other hand, is a “a to talizing form” in which its actors or agents strive “for a lonely preeminence and ultimate omniscience;” he sees Vergilian and post-Vergilian epic as an attempt “to construct a comprehensive and orderly model of the world.”106 Moreover, epic is na rrative, both mimetic and descriptive,107 in contrast to the discursive nature of didactic.108 Vergil’s Georgics and Columella’s Rust 10 transgress the didactic/epic boundary in several ways. As didactic poems, the Georgics and Rust 10 both seek to instruct the reader in a res : agriculture in general in the Georgics more specifically horticulture in Rust 10. Since both poets give instructions to the farmer /gardener, both speak in the first person and address their audience in the se cond person. In addition, as is normal for didactic, both poems are formally addressed to a specific person: the Georgics to Maecenas, Rust 10 to Silvinus. Both poems, howev er, also take a more epic turn: Georgics 4 concludes with the mini-epic of Aristaeus; in Rust 10, Columella flirts with pursuing greater poetic height s before settling down to his more humble topic of 103 Volk 2002, 2-3. 104 Volk 2002, 30-31. 105 Nelis 2004, 79-80. 106 Hardie 1993, 3. 107 Genette 1982, 133. 108 Gale 2004b, 49.

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37 gardening. More than that, howev er, he turns his entire poem into a kind of “mini-epic” of the garden. Like Vergil in the Georgics Columella guides the reader—and the gardener—through the annual round of tasks essential to ensure a prosperous harvest. But within his garden, he contains the whol e Roman world. It is the “garden of empire,”109 including produce not only from various par ts of Italy but al so from one end of the empire to another. Thus Columella encapsulates in his gar den the entire Roman imperium : in his discussion of varieties of lettu ce to be planted in the garden he even recapitulates, in brief, the history of Roman expansion in t he Mediterranean, moving from Italian varieties to Spanish ones to le ttuces from the East ( 179-188). Like Vergil’s Aristaeus, the gardener is striving, through labor to finish a successful journey to the completion of his task, the end of the gar dening year. Moreover, by linking the gardener’s tasks to the universal sidereal cycle and encompassing within his garden devotion to both the universa l Olympian gods (e.g., Bacchus, 429) and native Italian fertility gods (e.g., Vertumnus, 308) Columella joins imperium to cosmos110 and connects the successful maintenance of hi s garden with the prosper ity of the Roman world. Columella’s small gardening poem is indeed a mini -epic of Roman expansion and prosperity, under the ble ssings of the gods and the labor of its people. Columella makes the link between his poem and the Georgics explicit in the proem of Book 10. In addition to briefly recapping the subjec ts of the four books of the Georgics in lines 3-4, Columella also echoes Ve rgil’s own statement of the scope of his theme at the beginning of Georgics 1: 109 Pagn 2006, 19. 110 Cf. Hardie 1986, 1-2.

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38 quid faciat laetas segetes, quo sidere terram vertere, Maecenas, ulmi sque adiungere vitis conveniat, quae cura boum, qui cultus habendo sit pecori, apibus quanta experientia parcis, hinc canere incipiam ( G 1. 1-5). Vergil here clearly states his ov erall thematic program for the Georgics : he will discuss crops, vines, husbandry, and beekeeping, in that order. He also mentions practical astronomy, a topic to which he does not devote a separate book but which figures prominently in Book 1 of the Georgics as it does throughout Colu mella’s entire work as well. Columella’s opening line also echoes the opening of Georgics 2: hactenus arvorum cultus et sidera caeli: nunc te, Bacche, canam ( G 2. 1-2) and, even more closely, the beginning of the section in Georgics 3 dealing with cattle diseases: morborum quoque te causas et signa docebo ( G 3. 440). Columella has thus additionally telegraphed his Vergilian program by closely echoing Vergil’s proem from the Georgics in the proem of his own gardening poem, and also by the order in which he treats agricultural t opics in the prose work leading up to it. After the proem, Columella begins the body of his poem with line 6: principio sedem numero so praebeat horto pinguis ager (10. 6-7). Columella’s placement of principio at the beginning of the li ne recalls the beginning of Georgics 2. 9: principio arboribus varia est natura creandis ( G 2. 9) which begins the body of Georgics 2 after an eight-line proem. Columella then organizes his numerosus hortus (10. 6), his “meas ured garden”—or “Garden

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39 Symphony,” as Henderson renders it111—into several large sections. Unlike Vergil’s organization of the Georgics into four thematic books, Columella’s poem organizes the tasks seasonally, following the agricultural ye ar and the four seasons, from autumn to summer, beginning in September and ending in August. In doing so Columella continues to recall t he four books of the Georgics and to touch on some of Vergil’s broad agricultural themes. After his proem, Columella first describes the selection of the plot for the garden and the preparation of the soil, tasks that must be done during t he fall and winter (6-76). He here recalls the section in Georgics 1 where Vergil specifies the nature of arable soil, the proper amount of moisture for certain crops, and the correct preparation and treatment of soil to yield desirable results ( G 1. 43-117, 1.176-203)—a topic to which he returns in Georgics 2, when he considers the best soil for cultivating vines ( G 2. 177287). As his final admonition to the gardener preparing the plot, Columella recommends a crude statue of Pr iapus as an appropriate garden fixture, a reminder of Vergil’s mention of a sickl e-wielding Priapus guarding the garden of bees’ flowers at G 4. 110-111—just before Vergil’s garden ex curses which Columella used as a justification for his foray in to verse—as well as Thyrsus’ address to a garden statue of Priapus at Ecl 7. 33-36. Columella, though, goes fu rther and explicitly counsels the gardener to avoid fine sculpture of the sort cr eated by great artists such as Polyclitus (10. 29-34). In doing so, Columella shows that the garden he has in mind is not a landscaped decorative showpiece garden, so common in the fashionable villas of his 111 Henderson 2002, 126.

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40 Neronian contemporaries, but a practica l garden for growing useful produce—exactly the sort of garden sug gested by Vergil in Georgics 4. An invocation to the Muses (35-40) fo llows the section on basic preparation of the soil, after which Columella ends his descr iption of the fall and winter tasks. Because there are so few tasks t hat must be done during fall an d winter, however—mainly hoeing and preparing the soil—the fall (4149) and winter (50-76) tasks, together with the initial comments on the prepar ation of the plot, constitute the first broad section of the work (6-76). Columella here includes the myth of the creation of humans from stones by Deucalion after the Flood, which recalls the brief account of the Golden Age followed by the introduction of toil into the world at Georgics 1. 118-146. In contrast to the relatively short autumn-winter section, the next section on spring is exceptionally long (77-310) and falls neatly into two parts at almost exactly the halfway mark for the poem. So, the four major them atic sections for Columella are: fall-winter (6-76), early spring (77-214), late spring (230-310), and summer (311-422). In the early spring section, Columella describes the planting of a variety of flowers, herbs, and vegetables. While m entioning the varieties of plants he recommends to the gardener, he not es that while some of thes e originate in Italy, others come from different places throughout the Mediterranean (169-188); thus his garden represents the entire Roman world in miniature—what Pagn calls the “garden of empire.”112 This section both recalls and contrasts with Vergil’s praise of the fertility and resources of Italy in Georgics 2 ( G 2. 136-176): Vergil’s poem is in many ways an exaltation of Italy, not only of its agricultural recources and traditions, but also of a 112 Pagn 2006, 19.

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41 Rome that has gained the confidence to em erge from the cultural shadow of Greece and proudly proclaim its own cult ural traditions in its own language, written by a proud Italian who had mastered his Greek models and strove to exceed them. Columella’s poem, by contrast, is the work of a proud provincial, a Spani ard, who, while claiming the Italian center of the Roman wo rld as his own, also recounts symbolically how the empire has brought the entire orbis terrarum and its produce back to Italy to enrich the cultural and agricultural life of Rome. At approximately the midpoi nt of the poem, after ending his description of the gardener’s tasks in early spring with a celebr ation of springtime’s rampant and glorious fertility in plants, animals, and even gods and humans (197-214), Columella pauses to contemplate the nature of t he poetic task on which he has embarked (215-229). While doing so Columella praises a vates who, inspired by the Delphica laurus sings a song about lofty themes, including places sacr ed to Apollo, Bacchus, and other gods, the heights of heaven, the causes of things and the rites of nature—themes which Columella will recuse himsel f from pursuing (225-229): sed quid ego inferno vo litare per aethera cursu passus equos audax sublimi tramite raptor? ista canit, maiore d eo quem Delphica laurus impulit ad rerum causas et sacra moventem orgia naturae, secr etaque foedera caeli, extimulat vatem per Dindyma casta Cybeles (215-220). Columella’s reference to this poet as vates suggests that he has Vergil in mind, because he uses that word only two other times in Book 10, both instances clearly referring to Vergil (Pr. 3; 434) Most commentators who vent ure an identification of this

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42 vates agree with Ash113 that Columella is here clearly praising Vergil. As Newman has shown, Vergil rescued the word vates from its unfavorable associations when used by Lucretius and other earlier Latin poets and elevated the vates to the status of a poet who also speaks to and for the community, a usage then assumed by Horace and other Augustan poets; the word thus became clearly linked with Vergil.114 Other aspects of Columella’s language here show that he has Vergil in mind. For example, sed quid ego (215) recalls a line from Sinon’s speech in Aen eid 2: sed quid ego haec autem nequiquam ingrata resolvo? ( Aen 2. 101) even down to the elision of the second syllable of ego ; maiore deo (217), referring to Apollo’s inspiration of this vates echoes Vergil’s maior agit deus ( Aen 12. 429), where Iapyx, not realizing that Aeneas’ wound had been healed through the intervention of Venus, attributes the cure to Apollo. Moreov er, Columella’s placing of this passage at about the midpoint of the poem is another nod to the Georgics because it recalls Vergil’s praise of the poet of nat ure, approximately halfway through the Georgics : felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas atque metas omnis et inexorabile fatum subiecit pedibus str epitumque Acherontis avari. (G. 2. 490-492) As Thomas acknowledges,115 most readers regard this passage as an encomium of Lucretius (though Thomas himself disagrees and argues that Vergil is actually talking about his own poetic career).116 Columella’s repetition of Vergil’s rerum causas further 113 Ash 1930, 83. 114 Newman 1954, 15-24. 115 Thomas 1988 v. 1, 250. 116 Thomas 1988 v. 1, 253.

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43 recalls not just this passage from the Georgics but Lucretius himself, the pre-eminent poet of rerum causas Santoro points out that the passage immediately preceding this one, the praise of springtime fertility, is very Lucretian in tone; in particular, the emphasis on Venus as the animating fertility principle of spring recalls the hymn to Venus as the creative force underlying the world at the beginning of the De Rerum Natura (Lucr. 1. 1-49).117 All this suggests that Columella read the Vergilian passage as an encomium of Lucretius and that he wished, at this point in hi s own poem, to remind his readers of the Georgics passage and to underline the link between his own work and that of both Lucretius and Vergil. Columella concludes that, despite his adm iration for the poet who sings about the mysteries of the universe, he is content to continue as the poet of gardens (225-229). He then returns to enumerating the gardener’s tasks and begins his third section, late spring, which involves additional planting and the first blooming and harvest of flowers (230-310). This segment ends w hen the gardener is able to take his first crop of flowers to market to sell (303-310). While describin g the blooming of the spring flowers and the idyllic life of perfect spring days, Colume lla takes advantage of t he bucolic atmosphere of the season and makes an additional nod to Verg il, this time to Corydon, Alexis, and the fair Naiad of Eclogue 2, the last of whom he urges, as does Vergil, to gather flowers: et tu, ne Corydonis opes despernat Alexis, formoso Nais puero formosior ipsa, fer calathis violam et nigro permixta ligustro (298-300). In addition to including the names of Co rydon and Alexis and the Naiad, Columella mentions gathering violets and other flowers in wicker baskets as in Ecl 2: 117 Santoro 1946, 40-43.

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44 formosum pastor Corydon ardebat Alexin … ecce ferunt nymphae cala this, tibi candida Nais, pallentis violas et summa papavera carpens ( Ecl. 2. 1, 46-47). Columella’s repetition of Vergil’s formosus also links the two poets, because it is the first word of Ecl 2 and because it features so prominently in Ecl 5. 44, a line that Columella quotes almost verbatim: formosi pecoris custos, formosior ipse ( Ecl 5. 44). In addition, -osus adjectives are typical of the dicti on of both writers. As Knox has shown, adjectives ending in -osus originally restricted mainly to comedy and colloquial speech, first enter the poetic vocabulary in a notable way with Vergil and are thereafter common in technical writers such as Pliny and Columella.118 Columella is thus subtly underlining yet another bond with Vergil. He even raises the bar one step by transforming Vergil’s formosus into the comparative formosior suggesting that he intends not merely to equal Ve rgil but to surpass him. The last major section, summer ( 311-422), describes the final planting and harvesting tasks for the gardener, including the gathering of the produc e from fruit trees and ways to deal with garden pests. Just as Ve rgil had used the fourth and last book of the Georgics to discuss bees, so too Columella has saved insects for his fourth and last section—though the creatures Columella des cribes are various garden pests, and his description of the damage they cause and how to deal with them is, in some respects, reminiscent of Vergil’s treatment of cattle diseases in Georgics 3. In addition, just as Vergil saves the sweetness of the bees’ honey for the last section of the Georgics so 118 Knox 1986, 909-101. Gowers (2000, 135) notes that all the -osus adjectives in Col. signify abundance.

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45 too Columella’s gardener must wait until the summer, the last season of the gardening year, to harvest figs, plums, and other sweet fruits from the orchard. When the grapes are harvested and new wine is made, the calendar has rolled around to autumn again, and the gardener’s year has come to an end. The gardener celebrates by enjoying the wine and giving thanks to Bacchus, who has blessed the fertility of the garden and the vines. Columella ends his work with a short ep ilogue that clearly recalls the epilogue with which Vergil ends the Georgics : hactenus agrorum cultus Silvine, docebam siderei vatis refer ens praecepta Maronis, qui primus veteres ausus recludere fontis Ascraeum cecinit Ro mana per oppida carmen. (433-436) Like Vergil’s epilogue, Columella’s acts as a kind of signature on the piece. In the first line of his epilogue, Columella virtually qu otes his own opening line and echoes the first line of Vergil’s Georgics epilogue: hactenus arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam ( G 4. 559). He ends his epilogue by quoting the passage at the end of the praise of Italy in Georgics 2 in which Vergil lays claim to the mantle of Hesiod: … tibi res antiquae laudis et artis ingredior, sanctos ausus recludere fontis, Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen ( G 2. 174-176). Columella has thus done far more than “c omplete” Vergil’s allegedly unfinished Georgics or write a “Fifth Geor gic” about an agricultural t opic that Vergil purportedly chose to skip. By alluding in many different ways throughout his poem, and indeed through his entire work, to both the subject matter and structure of the Georgics

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46 Columella has made hi s overall treatise a Georgics writ large, and his gardening poem a Georgics in miniature. As for Book 10, the purported “Fifth Georgic,” Columella has called to mind Vergil’s four books by his own arrangement of gardening tasks into four sections by seasons, by beginning with choi ce of the correct plot and the proper treatment of the soil, and by his focus on the use of the stars as a farmer’s calendar. By pausing halfway through to consider his poeti c enterprise and praise the poet who can explore all the mysteries of nat ure, Columella calls to mind Vergil’s own praise of such a poet—whether Lucretius or Vergil himself—midway through the Georgics By ending his gardening year on a note of sweetness, bot h from the harvested fruit and from the new wine with which farmers celebrate Bacchus in the autumn, Columella recalls the sweetness of the bees’ honey which concludes the Georgics And by closing his poem with a restatement of his debt to Vergil, t he Romanizer of Hesiod, Columella lays claim to, and places himself firmly in the tradition of didactic poe try extending from its birth with Hesiod down to his own Neronian age. Organization and Themes of Res Rustica 10 Columella has organized his poem to follo w the course of t he gardener’s year, beginning and ending in the fall. Henderson comments, “the poem is structured as a year-round sequence, starting in autumn just af ter the vintage when a farmer can find a spot of time for his garden; starting in autumn so the poem can climax in rampant Bacchic revel, a festal text triumphant.”119 Along the way, Colu mella breaks up his text with invocations, brief mythological digressi ons, and, at about the midpoint, a longer digression on the task of t he didactic poet. He often us es temporal adverbs and other 119 Henderson 2004, 12.

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47 temporal constructions to indicate the beginning of a new section and to guide the reader through the course of the annual cycle. The work can be divided into the following sections: a) Preface (Pr. 1-5, prose); b) Proem (1-5); c) Preparation of the Plot (6-34); d) Invocation (35-40); e) Autumn Tasks (41-54); f) Winter Tasks (55-76); g) Spring Tasks (77-310, which is subdivided into Beginning of Spri ng, 77-214; Digression on the Poet’s Task, 215-229; Spring Activi es, Resumed, 230-254; and First Harvest, 255-310); h) Summer Tasks (311-422, which is s ubdivided into Early Summer, 311-368; Summer Harvest, 369-399; and Late Summer, 400422); i) Autumn Again: End of the Gardening Year (423-432); and j) Epilogue (433-436). Saint-Denis calls lines 1-40 the Introducti on and further subdivides it as follows: Dedication to Silvinus (1-5); Garden Plot and the Problem of Water (6-26); Enclosure and Protection (27-34); and Invocation to t he Muses and Plan of the Work (35-40).120 However, I follow Marshall’s tr eatment of the first 40 lines.121 The proem, as a dedication and indication of the poem’s purpos e, stands in a sense outside the poem; the actual introduction begins at line 6 with the instructions on preparing the soil. In addition, Saint-Denis incorrect ly divides a single section (6-34) in which Columella discusses various tasks necessary to prepare the garden plot for planting. Pr. 1-5 (prose): preface In the prose preface, Colu mella justifies the attention he will pay to his topic and his decision to treat it in verse. He notes that gardening in the past was a matter of little attention ( segnis … neglectus ) but has now become a much more common pursuit 120 Saint-Denis 1969a, 11-12. 121 Marshall 1919, 92-94.

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48 ( nunc vel celeberrimus Pr. 1). Henderson considers at length how Columella draws attention to the special nature of his work on gardens in several ways. Principally, Columella stresses gardening by giving it two separate tr eatments in the Res Rustica once in verse (Book 10) and again, separately, in prose (11. 3). He writes, “Columella’s text unmistakably puts incommensurate energy into dramatizing a sp ecial role for the garden as he conceptualizes it within, and over against, his whole farming enterprise.”122 These two books are also the only portions of his work whose contents are not listed in detail in the index which Columella add ed at the end of Book 11, assuming that the index surviving in the manu scripts is his own. As Henderson notes, “the index passes up on gardeni ng, and on gardening alone.”123 Columella has segregated gar dening from the rest of his task in much the same way that he directs the gardener to mark out the garden plot with a wall or hedge ( talis humus vel parietibus vel s aepibus hirtis / claudatur 10. 27-28). Henderson suggests that this occurs because Columella’s sect ions on gardening are clearly an addition to what would already have been considered a co mplete treatment of agriculture—and the reason for adding it is indicated by the nunc vel celeberrimus of the Preface. “The manual was by this point substantially complete according to traditional definitions of Columella’s task. But the garden had become a ‘modern’ preoccupation, and demands/deserves proper handling.”124 Just as Vergil had ended the Georgics with bees, so too Columella had ended his work up through the end of Book 9 with an 122 Henderson 2002, 113. 123 Henderson 2002, 113. 124 Henderson 2002, 115; emphasis in original.

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49 account of beekeeping (9. 2-16). This similarity suggests that Columella considered his treatment of agriculture essentially finis hed with Book 9, except that gardening is something that now needs consi deration. Columella asserts (Pr. 1-2) t hat the reason for gardening’s new prominence is tied to t he increasing use of banquets as a form of conspicuous consumption for t he wealthy. In former time s the rich and poor both ate fairly well and ate much alike; but becaus e the wealthy have begun to use banquets to put on a show, this practice has driven up the price of foodstuffs, and so poorer people need to learn how to tend their own gardens to be able to eat well. There is an antiquarian aspect to this as well; Colu mella describes the sort of garden more commonly found earlier in Roman history than in the large estates of his own time. As Lawson comments, “the popular garden of the Roman Republic was a simple kitchen garden, while under the empire pretentious landscape gardens were the vogue. The vitalizing energy of the R epublic found an outlet in the pr oductive vegetable plot: the elaborate but sterile gardens of the empi re were symbolic of incipient decay.”125 By embracing and stressing the older Roman ideal of the “productive vegetable plot,” Columella is focusing his attention on older Ro man virtues of hardy self-sufficiency over the extravagant conspicuous consumpt ion common in his own time. As for his decision to treat the subject of gardens in verse, Columella says that he is honoring a promise he made to his addressee Silvinus and paying homage to Vergil. Columella, quoting Vergil, says t hat he wishes to pick up Vergil’s challenge to write a garden poem (Pr. 3; 2, 5). He adds that he does so reluctantly, solely because he feels an obligation to obey Vergil’s wish and feels inspired by him (Pr. 3-4). He also 125 Lawson 1950, 97.

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50 apologizes for what he regar ds as the meager nature of the material, which he describes as tenuem … viduatam corpora materiam … exilis … exigua (Pr. 4). With his choice of tenuis to describe his task, Columella clea rly puts himself in the Callimachean tradition of Hellenistic poets, striving for verse that is tenuis / .126 He closes the Preface with a wish that, at very least, his efforts will not be a disgrace ( dedecori ) to the rest of his work (Pr. 5). Lines 1-5: proem The poem opens with a short proem (1-5), in which Columella recapitulates some of what he had stated in the pr eface. He addresses Silvi nus, again states the task he will undertake, and again asserts hi s intention of following in Vergil’s footsteps. Once again he quotes the passage in the Georgics where Vergil begs off the tasks of writing about gardens. He also firmly places his poem in the tradition of the Georgics by briefly recapping the subjects of the books of the Georgics with further short quotations of Vergil. Lines 6-34: preparat ion of the plot The next section concerns t he garden plot itself (6-34). That it begins the a new section—in fact, the poem proper, after the proem—is indicated by the temporal expression, principio with which it opens. Columella describes the nature of the soil best suited to a garden, the way it should be watered, the way it should be enclosed, and the statuary that should be included. Here he recommends enclosing the garden with a wall or hedge, to keep out cattle and thieves: talis humus vel parietibus vel saepibus hirtis / sit pecori neu pervia furi (27-28). Columella’s prose treatment of 126 Clausen 1987, 3.

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51 gardens in Book 11, however, goes into mu ch greater detail about the enclosure and recommends a hedge of thorn bushes, which he calls a vivam sepem —a “living hedge” in Henderson’s rendering127—over a brick wall, both because it is cheaper and because it lasts longer ( 11. 3. 2). Columella then offers six lines indicating the type of statue that one should place in the garden, and in doing so also indicate s what sort of garden it will be. No fine statue by a renowned sculptor s hould grace the garden; rather a rude, wooden statue of Priapus, whose image will serve to chase away thieves and small boys (29-34). Columella here again places himself firmly in the tradition of Vergil, who tells his beekeeper to maintain a garden of flowers for the bees, guarded by a statue of Priapus ( G 4. 110-111). He also shows that his will be a utilitarian garden, ra ther than the sort increasingly favored by the wealthy, a pleasure garden that of ten contained fine sculpture as a decoration.128 Lines 35-40: invocation The next short section is the Invocation (35-40). Like the preceding section, the beginning of this one is marked by a tempor al expression, here the temporal adverb nunc (35). The adverb ergo (35) also marks t he beginning of a new section. In the Invocation Columella collectively in vokes the Muses, whom he calls Pierides … Musae (40) and asks them to spin out ( deducite ) his work, again calling it a “slender song” ( tenui … carmine ), as he had in the Preface. He asks them specifically to help him discuss these specific tasks: cultivation and pl anting-times for seeds; care for seedlings; 127 Henderson 2002, 110. 128 Jashemski 1979-1983 v. 1, 34-35.

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52 the time of year when flowers bloom, grapes ripen, and grafts come to fruition on fruittrees (35-39). Lines 41-54: autumn tasks After these preliminaries Columella begi ns to enumerate and describe the tasks appropriate to each season of the year, beginni ng with autumn (41-54). Two temporal adverbial clauses beginning with cum (41, 43) mark the beginn ing of this section, followed by the temporal adverb tum (45). At various points in the poem Columella mentions astronomical phenomena which corres pond to specific point s of the calendar year and then links these with particular ta sks for the gardener. These astronomical phenomena and their relationship with the cal endar and the farmer’s tasks are specified in much greater detail in 11. 2, though there Columella follo ws the civic calendar year beginning in January. A comparison between the gardener’s calendar in Book 10 and the more elaborate farmer’s calendar in Book 11 yields a more detailed picture of year and the annual tasks which the gardener mu st perform on specific dates. For Columella, autumn begins on 24 Septem ber, the date of the setting of Sirius, regarded as the autumnal equinox (41-42; cf. 11. 2. 66). At this time, the autumn grapes are harvested and pressed ( 43-44), a point to which Colu mella will return at the end of the poem (423-432). Thus the y ear’s tasks are framed by the autumnal harvesting of grapes and making of wine. In Book 11, Columella describes two planting seasons for the gardener, spring and fall (11. 3. 9-13). In Book 10, however, he omits mention of fall planting. Instead, he presents autumn as a very light season for the gardener; the required tasks involve merely the turning of the earth and preparation for proper irrigation.

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53 Lines 55-76: winter tasks Another temporal conjunction, ubi “when” (55), indicates the beginning of this section. According to Columella, winter for the gardener begins when the constellation of Ariadne’s Crown (the Corona Borealis ) is high in the sky, and the Pleiades129 are setting in the morning; Columella places this on 8 November (52-54; 11. 2. 84).130 Winter’s principal task is to plow or turn the earth, which is to be done beginning on 18 November. On this date, the sun moves from Scorpio into S agittarius (55-57; 11. 2. 88). After relating the myth of the re-creation of humanity from rocks by Deucalion after the flood (59-67), Columella stresses the need for digging up and plowing the earth to turn over the soil and expose it to the elements (58, 69-76). Nothing more, however, may be done during winter. Lines 77-310: spring tasks; begi nning of spring (lines 77-214) The spring section begins wit h the temporal expression post ubi (77). This longest and most varied section (77-310) is divided into thr ee broad parts: two describing the gardener’s duties in springtime are separated by a digression. Each of these can be divided into smaller subsec tions, paragraphs, and phrases, marked by temporal conjunctions or adverbs and adverbi al constructions, and occasionally by an imperative. Spring begins with the arrival of Zephyrus, the West Wind, and the setting of the constellation Lyra (77-79). According to Columella, Lyra begins to set on 1 February 129 In his poem Col. calls them Atlantides In Book 11, however, he calls them Vergiliae ; for other examples of this name for the Pleiades, see Cic. Nat. D 2, 112, quoting from his Aratea ; Plin. NH 2. 110. 130 Saint-Denis (1969a, 12) puts this on 9 November.

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54 and is completely set by 3 February (11. 2. 14).131 In the farmer’s calendar this period covers about three and a half months, until 19 May, the date when the sun begins to enter the constellation Gemini and the days appear to lengthen (312; 11. 2. 43). The tasks for the spring begin with manuring the garden, hoeing, and creating pathways in the garden (81-93; 11. 3. 11-13). Then comes the intial planting of flowers, medicinal plants, aromat ics, and legumes (94-139).132 After describing the wide variety of plants that should be planted at this time Columella returns to the subject of soil maintenance, in particular proper watering and hoeing to nurture the seedlings (140154).133 As is his custom, Columella notes each subsection and change of topic with a temporal construction: ubi (94), iam (110), tempore non alio (117), tum (127), ubi (140), primum (143), and cum (145, 146). The next seasonal marker given by Colume lla is the rising of the constellation Aries (155-156), which he puts on 23 March (11. 3. 31). The beginning of this section is strongly marked by mox ubi (155). The ver nal equinox immediately follows on 24-25 March (11. 3. 31). At this time the gardener should begin to transplant to the garden those plants which he began growing from seed el sewhere, for the so il is now suitable to receive them (157-158). In a brief ex hortation to the gardener Columella likens the earth ready to receive the seedlings to a Mother embracing her young and compares 131 Saint-Denis (1969a, 12) puts the beginni ng of Col.’s spring section on 5 February. 132 Saint-Denis 1919a, 12. Marshall (1919, 96), under the general heading “Spring,” treats the planting of flowers (96-102), medi cinal plants (103-109), and aromati cs and food plants (110-139) as separate subsections. 133 In Book 11 Col. discusses the watering and hoei ng needed to nurture each garden plant at the point in the calendar where he prescribes the sowing of that particular plant (11. 3. 16-64), rather than discussing watering and hoeing separately from gardening as he does in Book 10.

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55 the young plants being placed in the earth to tresses of hair adorni ng her (159-165). He then ( nunc 166) describes the planting or transpl anting of a number of different herbs, flowers, and vegetables.134 He draws particular attention to plants of foreign origin: the crocus, from Hybla in Sicily (169-170);135 marjoram, from Egyp t (171); and myrrh from Achaea (172-173). This is Columella’s firs t mention of plants fr om outside Italy and foreshadows his praise of the garden as c ontaining representative specimens of the entire empire (179-188). He also uses mythol ogical references—to the story of Myrrha and the death of Ajax—to draw fu rther attention to myrrh and, immediately following, to the hyacinth (172-175). Columella then ( nunc 178) begins a survey of various types of lettuce grown in the garden and stresses the empire-wide ge ographical origins of these varieties.136 First are two types named for Caecilius Metellu s, thus representing Italy (182); then, one from Cappadocia, in Asia Minor (184); nex t, one from Gades, in Spain, Columella’s own birthplace (185); and, fi nally, one from Paphos on Cypr us (187-188). The bounty of the entire Mediterranean world c an be found in Columella’s garden. Columella also, in a general way, recapitulates the history of Roman expansion in the Mediterranean world: after considering a number of plants nati ve to Italy, he makes a brief reference to Sicily (169-170), the first Roman possessi on outside Italy. Caecilius Metellus was a 134 Col. specifically ment ions transplanting at 177: diponat plantis holitor, quos semine sevit “let the gardener place among the plants [the flowers] which he sowed from seed;” that is, the gardener started growing the flowers are seedlings somewhere else, and should now place them in the garden with the other plants growing there. 135 Hybla is also proverbial for bees, so this reference also recalls both Georgics 4 and Col.’s own discussion of bees in book 9. 136 According to Marshall (1919, 96), Col. here “fai t allusion Auguste et aux limites de l’empire.”

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56 Roman general in the First Punic War, S pain was acquired in the Second Punic War, and Cyprus was acquired by the Romans la ter, along with the rest of the Eastern Mediterranean. Only the references to Egypt and Achaea are out of sequence. In the next subsection (marked by primo 190) Columella briefly mentions the proper planting times for each type of lettu ce. Here he departs from his strictly chronological scheme, for each kind of lettuce must be planted at a different time of year: the Caecilian varieties at the end of January, the Cappadocia n in February, the Spanish on 1 March and finally the Paphian on 1 April (190-193). All of these plantings, however, occur before the onset of summer; so, despite hav ing omitted mention of the January and February plantings in their proper place, Colu mella has not interrupted his “gardener’s calendar” sequence too much. In the next section (194-214) Columella ex alts the fertility of the springtime; Saint-Denis calls this secti on the “springtim e explosion.”137 He celebrates the fertility of the entire world, land and sea, plants and animals, and even the gods: Oceanus and Neptune join with their mates, Tethys and Amphi trite respectively, to populate the seas (200-203). The rain falling to t he fertile earth is likened to t he shower of gold with which Jupiter once impregnated Danae (204-206). Th is rampant mating and fertility helps renew the life of the world and keep it from growing old (2 13-214). This section begins with dum (194) followed by several iterations of nunc (196, 197, 200, 203) and iam (202, 204), and another dum (212). Lines 77-310: spring tasks; digression on the poet’ s task (lines 215-229) 137 Saint-Denis (1969a, 13): “explosion printanire, ” though he puts this section at lines 196-214.

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57 With this acknowledgement of rebirt h and renewal, Columella has now reached the midpoint of his poem, and he pauses to renew his poetic efforts. With the strong adversative conjunction sed he once again intrudes himself into the poem in first person—a rare occurrence—and seems to offer a kind of recusatio for not pursuing the more elevated theme of universal fertility on which he had embarked in the previous section. He expresses the fear that he has let the topic run away from him, almost as Phaethon let the sun’s horses run away from hi s control (215-216). This is, he asserts, a more appropriate theme for another, superio r poet, inspired by Apollo and by the Muses (217-224), more capable of such noble f lights. The poet to whom he refers is probably Vergil, though it could possibly be Luc retius. Both of them are Columella’s predecessors and models in blazing the trail of didactic poetry about the natural world. Interestingly, in this passage Columella incl udes references both to places associated with Apollo and to those associated with Ba cchus—one a patron of poetry, the other a patron of those engaged in hus bandry and agricultural pursuits. Columella himself backs away from this grander t heme and says that Calliope now ( iam 25) calls him back from his reverie and is inspiring him to write poetry about the more humble task of cultivating the garden (225-229). This declaration sets the t one for the next half of the poem, and for the resumption of the di scussion of the gardener’s tasks. Lines 77-310: spring tasks; spring act ivities, resumed (lines 230-254) With the strong imperative quare age (230) Columella returns to his theme and addresses the next round of planting, which o ccupies lines 230-254. He describes a number of different types of plants that should be planted at this time, including his first

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58 mention of a plant with a s pecifically medicinal use.138 The separate elements in this section are marked temporally by modo (237), nunc (239 (twice), 240), nonnumquam (241), mox ubi (242), and tunc (244). Lines 77-310: spring tasks; fi rst harvest (lines 255-310) Next comes the first harves t, the gathering of flowers (255-310); Saint-Denis calls this section “triumph of spring.”139 This section begins with another strong adversative conjunction, quin et (255), followed by repetitions of iam (255, 256 (twice), 258), nunc (263, 282 (twice), dum (283), and iam again (286, 287). A strong imperative quare age (294) is followed by iam (294), dum (295), iam (304, 306). Flowers of different varieties bloom and are gathered ( 255-262); the poet exhorts the nym phs to enjoy life and gather flowers (263-282): this is the temperate spring, when the summer heat has not yet arrived (282-293). There is further gathering of flowers, with two clear references to Eclogue 2 (294-302);140 and rustics gather flowers to take to market (303-310).141 This ends the long section about the gar dener’s duties in springtime. Lines 311-422: summer tasks; early summer (lines 311-368) The arrival of summer is marked by the yellowing of the grain, and the lengthening of the days as the sun passes in to Gemini on 19 May and then Cancer on 138 Cress ( nasturcium ), good for stomach ailments (231-232). 139 Saint-Denis (1969a, 13) subdivides this secti on thus: blooming flowers (255-274); gathering of flowers, invocation to Nymphs, and invocation to flower-gatherers ( fleuristes ), 275-310 140 To Corydon and Alexis of Ecl 2. 1 and the candida Nais of Ecl 2. 46. 141 Marshall (1919, 97-98) sees lines 255-263 as the continuation of the previous section, ending in merely “une charmante description des fleurs.” In her analysis, lines 264-293 form a digression extolling the happiness of this time of the year: “le bo nheur, c’est la vie;” then at 294 Col. returns to the topic at hand, the praise of spring, beginning with an invocation to Vergil’s candida Nais and ending with the image of the rustics, and the c ontrast between the tender flowers (“t endres fleurs”) and the rustics’ rough fingers (“doigts rudes”).

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59 19 June (311-313).142 Columella begins this section with another adversative combined with a temporal conjunction, sed cum (311), followed by tunc (314), dumque (315), tum (319), sed cum iam (325), cumque (326), and et iam (328). There are more planting and harvesting tasks for the gardener, and more produce to be taken to market (314319). Columella reviews the mishaps t hat can ruin a gardener’s crop, including scorching heat, insects, hail, and worms (320-336) He prescribes a variety of remedies to ward off these pests, mainly those of a magical or ritual nature (337-368). This quality is emphasized by the image ending this se ction: the spells he recommends will make caterpillars fall from the leaves just as the dragon guar ding the Golden Fleece dropped from it into sleep induced by Medea’s enchantments. Lines 311-422: summer tasks; su mmer harvest (lines 369-399) The summer harvest continues (369-399),143 a section which Columella marks with the adversative and temporal construction sed iam (369) followed by iamque (372), iam (373, twice), nunc (374), and tum (378, 388). Now is the time for the gardener to pick some of the lettuce varieties mentioned ear lier, as well as a va riety of vegetables, including several types of cucumbers and gourds. This list includes the second mention of a specifically medicinal plant, the whit e cucumber, which is suitable for treating unspecified ailments.144 Lines 311-422: summer tasks; high summer (lines 400-422) 142 Col. gives these specific dates at 11.2. 43 and 11. 2. 49. 143 Saint-Denis (1969a, 13) describes this subsection as “rcolte des plantes utiles.” 144 Col. calls it candidus [sc. cucumis ] (396). He distinguishes it from the lividus cucumis (389), which is harmful.

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60 Now comes high summer, a section that begins with the tem poral conjunction cum (400), followed by tunc (403) and at nunc (407). According to Columella this season is marked by the burni ng of the star Sirius ( canis Erigones ) in the sun’s heat ( Hyperionis aestu ) (400-401). Marshall and Saint-De nis put this time at 20 August, citing an assertion by Columella that the s un passes into Virgo on that date (11. 2. 58).145 This short section is distinguished fr om the preceding ones by the emphasis on the harvesting of ripened fruits. Various st one-fruits are mentioned, such as apricots, plums, and peaches (405-412), but the principal emphasis rests on different types of figs (403, 413-418). Most of these are to be harvested “under oppressive Arcturus” ( gravis Arcturi sub sidere 413). Columella states elsewhere that Arcturus begins to set on 26 August (11. 2. 58), so presumably t he fig harvest should be completed by that date. The final summer task—and the final ac t of planting for the gardener—the sowing of turnips and navews (421-422), takes place in August (11. 3. 18, 59), just after the Vulcanalia (419) on 23 August. Lines 423-432: autumn again: e nd of the gardening year Now autumn has returned ( sed iam 423), and with it the har vest and pressing of grapes to make wine (423-426). According to Columella, this is the end of the gardening year (424-425). After the gr apes have been harvested and pressed, and the new wine put into fermenting vats it is time to praise Bacc hus and enjoy the fruits of the year’s labors, particularly the new wine (4 25-432). This completes the annual cycle of 145 Marshall 1919, 99; Saint-Denis 1969a, 72. Acco rding to Hyginus, the constellation Virgo is supposed to be Erigone, and Sirius represents her dog Maera ( Poet. astr 2. 4). Aratus has a different story about the origin of Virgo ( Phaen 96-136).

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61 the gardener’s year, which, after a one-m onth respite, will start over again on 24 September, the autumnal equinox (41-42).146 Lines 432-436: epilogue Columella ends his poem with a short, four-line epilogue that recalls the coda at the end of the Georgics .147 But where Vergil had used his epilogue to identify himself both by name and as the author of the Eclogues (G. 4. 563-566), Columella here echoes the first line of his poem by restat ing his theme and re-addressing Silvinus.148 He also explicitly places himself in the di dactic poetic tradition of Vergil—whom he again calls vates (434), as he had at Pr. 3—and, ultimate ly Hesiod. Vergil himself had, in the Georgics “Romanized” Hesiod (436-436)—a s Vergil himself states at G 2. 175-176, which Columella almost quot es verbatim at 435-436. The poem as a whole follows the gardener ’s annual calendar fr om September to August, with the four seasons treated individ ually in disproportionate sections that correspond to the duties which the res ponsible gardener must perform during each season. The poem falls roughly in half in the mi ddle of the “spring” section, with the two halves divided—or, perhaps, united—by Columella’s recusatio from the temptation to engage in more ambitious poetry and his rest atement of his gardeni ng theme. The poem is framed by the five-line proem and fou r-line epilogue, in both of which Columella 146 Boldrer (1996, 336) argues that the reference to Sirius at line 400 ( canis Erigones ) recalls Col.’s previous reference to the same star at line 41 ( canis )—at the beginning of the gardener’s year— and the similar phrasing in the two passages, emphases the ring composition of the poem. 147 Thomas 1988 v. 2, 239. 148 Boldrer (1996, 353) points to this as another example of the ring composition of the poem.

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62 states his gardening theme, addr esses Silvinus, and explicitly puts himself forward as a poetic successor to the Vergil of the Georgics The Commentary and the Text In addition to serving as t he first detailed commentary on Rus Rustica 10 in English since Ash,149 the present commentary has t he following objectives: 1) to elucidate the botanical and horti cultural details, including the identity of the plants mentioned and astronomically-determined dates in a more comprehensive way than has been done previously, making extensive use not only of recent scholarship but also a more detailed application of Rust 11-12 and the relevant books of Pliny to elucidate Rust 10; 2) to show the close relationshi p, both thematic and textual, between Rust 10 and the Georgics in more detail than in previous st udies; 3) to illustrate Columella’s theme of the gardener as a me taphor for the poet (and of gardening as a metapoetic activity); and 4) to provide notes that expl ain unusual textual and grammatical issues, as well as geographical and mythological references. Res Rustica 10 seems to attract two types of readers: those curious about a di dactic poem that deliberately courts comparison with the Georgics and those whose interest in ancient agriculture and agricultural treatises has led them to the Res Rustica as a whole. This commentary is thus ideally intended for a reader familiar with Vergil and with didactic poetry in general and the Georgics in particular, as well as for a r eader interested in ancient agriculture and botany. The lemmata I have chosen thus incl ude names of plants; mythological, historical, and geographical references; farming implements and gardening practices; 149 Ash 1930.

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63 verbal echoes of the Georgics ; unusual words and phrases; striking images; and passages that underscore both the relationship between Rust 10 and the Georgics and the theme of the gard ener as poet. In first half of t he poem Columella mentions many plants as well as mythological, historical, and geographical terms to which he returns in the second half of the poem. These terms are discussed fully only at their first occurrence in the poem; thus the commentary on the first half of the poem is somewhat longer and more detailed than on the second half. Because Columella wrote about gardening twice—in verse in Book 10 and again in prose in Book 11—this commentary examines Book 10 closely in light of the fuller, more detailed account of much of the same ma terial in Book 11 and his instructions for the preparation and preservati on of garden produce in Book 12. In addition, because Columella’s contemporary P liny the Elder wrote so ex tensively about gardening and other agricultural matters, parti cularly in Books 19 and 20 of his Historia Naturalis his text is often cited in this commentary to provide further background information on plants and other details mentioned by Columella Thus Columella himself and Pliny are the most frequently cited anci ent sources to elucidate Rust. 10 as a work on gardening, though Palladius, a 4th cent. C.E. writer on gardening, is also cited occasionally. The Georgics is the most frequently cited text to illustrate Rust. 10 as a poem, though there are also many citations from the Eclogues the Aeneid and other poets. Generally any echo of a phrase in the Georgics even as short as two words, will be noted; in some instances, the echo of a single unusual word will also be noted. Other predecessors and contemporaries of Columella are cited to illustrated the use of particular words and phrases. Though the emphasis has been on citing predecessors and contemporaries,

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64 poets of a generation later—particularly Ma rtial, Statius, and Silius Italicus—are occasionally cited to illustrate words that ar e rare or unusual in the surviving literary sources. For identifying the plants mentioned by Columella, the principal source used is Andr.150 Wright,151 Van Wyk,152 and Henderson153 have also been consulted. Maggiulli has been of great help in identifying which plants mentioned by Columella also appear in Vergil.154 White has proven invaluable for his discussion of the tools used by farmers and gardeners.155 With regard to Roman ca lendar dates, Richter is the principal source used for interpreting and giving standard modern equivalents for the calendar dates given by Columella for pl anting and harvesting times and the various astronomical and meteorologic al phenomena important for t he gardener, particularly in Books 10-11,156 though Saint-Denis and Marshall have also been consulted to a lesser extent.157 All lemmata in the commentary and quotat ions from Columella are taken from Rodgers’ edition.158 The conventional distinction in spelling between vocalic u and consonantal v has been uniformly observed in this commentary for the sake of 150 Andr 1956; Andr 1985. 151 Wright 1984. 152 Van Wyck 1984. 153 Henderson 2004. 154 Maggiulli 1995. 155 White 1967. 156 Richter 1981-1983. 157 Saint-Denis 1969a; Marshall 1919. 158 Rodgers 2010.

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65 consistency; thus, quotations from Rodgers’ text, and any other modern critical text which does not make this dist inction, have been altered to re flect this. Instances where Rodgers’ readings are rejected or challeng ed will be noted in the commentary rather than in the lemmata. The translation reflects the preferred readings as noted in the commentary (see Table 1-1). Line readings from other editions are cit ed by the editor’s name alone, since the line numbering of the text is c onsistent across all editions. Citations to notes made by individual editors are cited the same wa y as other secondary scholarly sources. Quotations and citations of the text of Greek and Ro man authors are to standard text editions, generally the Oxford, Teubner Bud, or Loeb editions. Quotations and citations of Pliny the Elder are to the Loeb text edited by Jones and Rackham.159 References to the text of Res Rustica 10 are by line number alone. Other references to Columella’s text are by book, section, and line number (e .g., 11. 2. 3). Vergil’s works are cited by abbrevia ted title, book, and line number (e.g., G 2. 3). I have everywhere preferred the spelling Vergil to Virgil except in direct quotations where I have kept the spelling found in my source. 159 Pliny the Elder, 1949-1969.

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66 Table 1-1. Readings in Rodgers’ text com pared with readings prefe rred in the present translation and commentary Rodgers’ Text My Preferred Reading Line ferina ferinae Pr. 1 †frequentia† ferventia 73 fesso fisso 84 falcifero frugifero 108 verno veri 129 pinguis pingui 187 docti docto 252 caltae loti 258 mulcet miscet 262 teneris tener ac 283 niveo nigro 300 caunias Caunis 414 mixto multo 431

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67 CHAPTER 2 TRANSLATION In this translation I have tried to st rike a balance between being as literal as possible, and trying to make t he translation correspond, line for line, with the poem. To this end I translated the names of plants, to t he extent that they could be identified and contemporary English names exist, while keeping circumlocutions used by Columella for some plants in lieu of specific names. I also tried to preserve Columella’s long periodic sentences to the ext ent that English syntax made this possible. I worked from Rodgers’ text1 and occasionally consulted Ash,2 Forster,3 Henderson,4 Saint-Denis,5 Richter,6 Santoro,7 and Fernndez-Galiano8 for difficult passages and identifications. However, I tried to make my own rendering as original as possible; when my rendering ended up echoing a previous translation, I tried to rephrase, in part to ensure the originality of my translation, and in part because rethinking and rephrasing required me to think more deeply about the meaning of a particular passage and how it might be expressed in English, while still adhering to the constraint I had set for myself in following as closely as possible the line numbering of the Latin text. 1 Rodgers 2010. The text in this edition is cited hereafter as “Rodgers.” 2 Ash 1930. The text and translation in this edition are cited hereafter as “Ash.” 3 Forster 1968. The text and translation in th is edition are cited hereafter as “Forster.” 4 Henderson 2004. The translation in this edition is cited hereafter as “Henderson.” 5 Saint-Denis 1969a. The text and translation in th is edition are cited hereafter as “Saint-Denis.” 6 Richter 1981-1983. The text and translation in this edition are cited hereafter as “Richter.” 7 Santoro 1946. The text and translation in th is edition are cited hereafter as “Santoro.” 8 Fernndez-Galiano 1975. The text and translation in this edition are cited hereafter as “Fernndez-Galiano.”

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68 I began working on the translation in tandem with the commentar y to the Preface and first few sections of the poem. I t hen decided to work on the entire translation before continuing with t he commentary; doing so allowed me to get a feel for the overall structure and scope of the poem suggested lemmata that I might want to include, and alerted me to particular words and passages t hat might require spec ial attention. I returned to the translation from time to ti me while working on t he commentary in order to address issues that arose which would affe ct the translation, especially in the lines where I preferred a reading that differed from Rodgers’ text. Passages where Columella is quoting Verg il are in italics; an ellipsis indicates that he has omitted something from Vergil’s original line. Close echoes or verbal parallels, however, are noted only in the co mmentary. Greek words and plant names used by Columella which I have chosen to trans late into English rather than leaving in Greek I have enclosed in quotati on marks; otherwise, Greek word s are left in the form in which Columella uses them. Geographi cal and ethnic names have been Anglicized. Book Ten The Gardening Book, about the Cultivation of Gardens Preface (Prose 1-5) [1] Receive, Silvinus, the remaining sm all payment of your interest, which I had pledged to you at your insistence, for I had repaid the debt in the preceding nine books, except for this part, which I now pay. Therefore, there remains the cultivation of gardens, which was forme rly idle and neglected among farmers of old, but now is extremely popular. Indeed, although thrift was stingier among earlier generations, nevertheless, among th e poor, their enjoyment of feasts was

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69 more extensive, with the highestand the lowest-ranking people maintaining a diet that included an abundance of milk and the meat of both wild and domestic animals, as though on water and grain. [2] Soon when the following age, and especially our own, estab lished arbitrarily high cost s for banquets, and meals are judged not by natural desires but by t heir expenses, the common people, in their poverty, having been shut out from costlie r meals, are driven to common fare. [3] For this reason, since the produce of gardens is more in use, I must prescribe their cultivation more accurately than our ancestors passed it down to us; and, as I had decided, it would have bee n joined to the preceding instructions in prose, if my purpose had not been def eated by your constant demand, which succeeded in getting me to complete, in poet ic measures, the missing sections of the Georgics which nevertheless Vergil hims elf had indicated that he was leaving behind to be recounted by posterity. For I would not have dared such a thing except by the will of the most honorable poet. [4] With his divine spirit, as it were, goading me on, I have approac hed—though doubtless sluggishly due to the difficulty of the task, yet not wit hout hope of favorable success—a subject that was rather narrow and almost beref t of substance, and one which is so meager that, on the one hand, in the comple tion of the entire work it can be reckoned as a small part of my task, but on the other hand, in itself and bound by its own limits it can in no way be viewed as something beautiful. For even if it has many limbs, so to speak, about whic h I can say something, nevertheless they are so slender that, as the Greeks say, one cannot make a rope out of an incomprehensibly tiny bit of sand. [5] Fo r this reason, whatever this is which I

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70 have composed by burning the midnight oil, it is so far from cl aiming the praise appropriate to it that I woul d take it as a good sign if it does not reflect badly on my earlier written works. But let me now put an end to the preface. Proem (Lines 1-5) I shall also tell you, Silvinus, about the cultivation of gardens, and those things which, once, prevented by want of space when he sang about the flourishing crops and the gifts of Bacchus, and you … great Pales and also heavenly honey, Vergil did leave behind after him to be recounted by us. 5 Preparation of the Plot (Lines 6-34) In the beginning, let the pl ot for your measured garden be the rich field which bears t he stinking clod and a crumbling surface, and, when dug, seems like thin sand; and the nature of the soil is workab le, one which teems with flourishing greenery and, when moist, puts forth the ru ddy berries of the elder; 10 don’t choose dry soil, nor that wh ich, inundated with marshland, suffers the everlasting croak ing of the quarrelsome frog; then choose the land which puts forth leafy elms of its own accord and prospers with wild palms and, bristling with t he groves of wild pear, or teeming with the stony fruit of the wild plum, flourishes, and 15 is overwhelmed by an abundance of the apple, unasked for. But it won’t grow hellebore, or wh ite hellebore with its harmful juice, nor allow yew trees, nor sweat out vigorous poisons;

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71 though, laden with its maddening greenery, it might nourish the flowers of the humanlike mandrake, and t he woeful hemlock, 20 and the fennel, ungentle to hands, and the brambles of the blackberry, unkind to legs, and also bear paliurus with its sharp spines. Let there be streams nearby, which the hardy farmer might draw in to aid the ever-thirsty gardens, or let the spring of a well weep into its basin— not too deep, lest the wate r, 25 heavy for those about to draw it, pull the groins of those striving to do so. A plot like this should be enclose d by walls or by bristling hedges, lest it be open to cattle, or to a thief. Don’t seek the gifts of Daedalus’ skill, nor let it be fashioned with the art of Polyc litus, or Phradmon, 30 or Ageladas; but t he stump of an old tr ee, hewn by chance, you should worship as the divine spirit of Priapus, with his terrifying appendage, who alwa ys, in the midst of a garden, threatens the boy with his manhood and the thie f with his sickle. Invocation (Lines 35-40) Then come now: what are the care and times for planting seed? 35 What is the care for them once planted? Under what star do the flowers and roses of Paestum bud, under what star is the race of Bacchus or the soft tree, laden with a grafted stock, bent down with it s adopted fruit? Pierian Muses: spin these wit h your slender song. 40

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72 Winter Tasks (Lines 41-76) When the thirsty Dog-Star has drunk the streams of Ocean and the Sun has balanced its circuit with equal hours, when rich Autumn, shaking his locks with apples and stained with new wine, presses foaming grapes, then let me turn the sweet earth with the power of the iron-bladed spade. 45 But if it remains unready hardened by a calm sky, then let the streams come, bidden by a sloping channel, let the land drink the waters and fill its gaping jaws. But if the water of neither heav en nor the field suffices, 50 and the nature of the place, or Jupiter, denies it rain, wait for winter storms, when Ariadne, the Cret an love of Bacchus, is veiled by the sky-blue expa nse at the height of heaven, and Atlas’ daughters fear the oppos ing risings of the sun. And when Phoebus, no longer trusting in the sa fety of Olympus 55 but fearfully flees the Cla ws and dreadful stings of Scorpio and hastens on the horsey back of Sagittarius, then, race unaware of y our parentage, do not spare your false mother, the earth; she was the mot her of Prometheus’ clay; another mother bore us, at the time when savage 60 Neptune swamped the Earth wit h the sea, and, shaking the depths of Hades, terrified the Lethaean shades. Then at once Tartarus saw t he Stygian king tremble,

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73 tremble, when the shades shrieked under the weight of the sea. A fertile hand, in a world bereft of mortals, 65 created us; the rocks of Deucalion, torn from the lofty mountains, gave birth to us. But behold, A harder and everlasting labor calls us: Come then, drive away dull slumber, and wit h the curved tooth of the plow now cut back the green foliage, now cut away the leafy cloak. 70 Pierce the resisting surface with the heavy rakes, don’t hesitate to scrape away the deepest soil with the broad-bladed hoes, and to place it on top, steaming, mixed with the top-most clod, and let it lie ther e to be burned by the white frost, and to be subject to the chilly bl ows and wrath of Caurus, 75 so that savage Boreas may bind and Eurus loosen them. Spring Tasks (Lines 77-310) Beginning of spri ng (lines 77-214) Afterwards, when the bright Z ephyr with its sunny breeze has unchilled the sluggish co ld of the Ripaean wind and Lyra, sunk in the ocean, withd raws from the starry heaven, and the swallow will sing the arrival of spring to its nestlings, 80 then let the gardener himself, bearing wicker baskets torn asunder by the weight, sate the land’ s hunger with thick rubble, or the hardened manure of an as s, or the dung of the herd, nor let him be reluctant to offer as fodder to the split-open field

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74 whatever the latrine coughs up fr om its filthy sewers. 85 And now let him retrace the topmos t surface of t he sweet earth, both packed by rain and hardened by frost, with the blade of the two-pronged hoe. Soon let him beat well the living growth of turf together with clods of earth, with the tooth of the mattock or the broken hoe, so that the reeking richness of the ripe fiel d may be let loose. 90 Then also let him take up the shining garden hoes, worn by the soil, and, drawing the narrow rows from the opposing boundary, let him mark them out again at angles with a narrow path. But when the earth, combed with clear intervals, shining now that disorder has been bani shed, demands its seeds, 95 then plant flowers of different so rts, the stars of the earth: glistening white violets and the yellow buds of the marigold, and petals of narcissus and the sa vage mouths of the gaping wild lion and lilies, bloomi ng with white calices, and also hyacinths, whether snowy-white or dark. 100 Let the violet be planted, which li es so pale on the ground, and which, blooming, mixes purple with gold; and the rose, too full of modesty. Now sow panaces with its medicinal nectar, and celandine with its healing juice, and the poppy, which will bind fleeting slumber; and now let there co me from Megara t he generative seeds 105 of the bulb, which spur men on and arm them for girls, and those which Sicca gathers bur ied in Gaetulian clods;

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75 and colewort, which is planted close to fruitful Priapus, so that it might rouse slow husbands for Love. Now come low chervil and endive, pleasing to a 110 sluggish palate, and lettuce, l eafy with slender fibers, and garlic, with broken tops, and leeks which can be smelled from afar, and which someone handy mixes with beans, to make a dish for workmen. Now the parsnip, and the radish, which comes from a Syrian seed, and, when cut and joined to the soaked bean, is offered 115 to incite calls for cups of Egyptian ale. At no other time the caper bitter elecampane, and menacing fennel—which also make cheap pickles— are planted; and also the cr eeping plants of mint are sown, and the fragrant flowers of anise 120 and rue, which will aid the tast e of the berry of Pallas, and mustard, which will bri ng tears to the one harming it, and the root of alexanders is planted, and the tear-bringing onion, and the plant which s easons the taste of milk, and which will erase the marks planted on the for ehead of fugitives, 12 5 and which, for that reason, confe sses its power by a Greek name. Then also is planted the herb whic h, verdant in many places on the entire globe of the earth, for common folk and haughty king alike, sends forth stalks in the winter and cabbage-sprouts in the spring: those which ancient Cumae produc es on its boggy shore, 130

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76 and also those produced by the Marrucini ans, and Signia on the Lepine mount, and likewise fertile Capua, and t he gardens in the Caudine Jaws, and Stabiae full of springs, and the fields of Vesuvius and learned Parthenope, dewy with the waters of Sebethis, and those from the sweet Pompeian marsh near the Herculanean 135 salt-pits, and the Siler which flows down in a glassy stream, and those which the harsh Sabellians pr oduce, with a stalk full of shoots, and those from the lake of Turnus and the fields of fruitful Tibur, and those from the land of Bruttium and Aricia, mother of the scallion. When we have entrusted these seeds to the loosened earth, 140 we warm it, laden with seeds, with c onstant cultivation and care, so that the harvest may return to us with compound interest. And first I advise you to bring in bountiful springs, lest, once the seed has sprouted, th irst burn away the new birth. But when the uncovered sprout has opened up its bonds, 145 when the flowering shoot springs from its mother, the field, then let the careful gardener, watering, furnish healing streams to the budding pl ants, and let him hoe with a an iron mattock, and uproot the st rangling weed from the furrows. But if the garden has been located on thorn-covered hills, 150 and no streams run down from the peak of the grove, let a space be made, standing out, with a pile placed in front, with the clods heaped up, so that the crop might gr ow accustomed to the dry soil,

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77 nor, after it has been moved, grow thirsty and shudder at the heat. Soon when the Ram, first among constellations and cattle, 155 bearer of cloud-born Phrixus but not of Helle, raises its head above the waves, and the nourishing earth now opens it s bosom and, demanding mature seeds, will desire to wed itself to the shoots that have been planted, be watchful, men: for with silent tread the seasons rush away, and the year turn s soundlessly. 160 Behold, the most tender mother drives her own offspring, and the births over which she labo red she now seeks to have nourished and asks for stepchildren. Now give to the mother her children, the time is here; wreathe the parent with her green offspring, bind her hair, a rrange her locks. 165 Now let the flowering eart h bristle with green parsley, now let her rejoice, with the long hair of the leek, unbound; and let the parsnip overshadow her soft bosom. Now too let the saffron plant s, fragrant with the gift of foreign lands, descend from the Si cilian mountains of Hybla, 170 and let marjoram come, which or iginates in merry Canopus, and let Achaean myrrh be planted, wh ich imitates your tears, daughter of Cinyras, but is more abundant in myrrh-oil, and the flowers of Ajax, unjustly c ondemned, which arise from his sorrowful blood, and the undying amaranths, 175 and let the gardener arrange in plants the thousand colors

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78 which rich nature produces, wh ich he has sown from seed. Now let corambe come, though unpleasing to the eye, and now let lettuce hasten along, with healthful flavor, which lessens the dismal lack of appetite during a long illness. 180 One variety is green with curling le aves, another glistens with dusky ones, each one called by the name of Caecilius Metellus; a third, pale in color, with a compact but intact head, keeps as its name that of the Cappadocian nation; and the one which my Gades begets, on the shore of Tartesus, 185 is light-colored in its curled foli age, light-colored in its stalk; likewise the one which Cyprus nour ishes in rich Paphian soil, is wooly with purplish leaves, but milky juice. Each variety has its own time for planting each one: Aquarius, at the beginning of the year, plants the Caecilian variety, 190 and Lupercus, in its wild month, plants the Cappacodian; and you Mars, plant the Tartessian ty pe on the first of your month, and you, Lady of Paphos, plant the Cy therian on the first of yours. While it desires and seeks to join itself to its des irous mother and the mother earth lies most gent le under the yielding field, 195 plant it. Now are the bege tting seasons of the world, now Love hastens toward unions, and the spirit of the globe runs rampant towards Venus and, driven by the goads of desire, is himself enamored of his own part s and fills them with offspring.

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79 Now the father of the sea entices his Tethys, 200 now too the ruler of waters entices his Amphitrite, and each one, laboring, now bri ngs forth children by her sea-blue husband and fills the sea with swimmers. The greatest of the gods himself, now dec eitfully laying aside his thunderbolt, imitates the old love affair with Acrisius’ daughter 205 and rains into the bosom of moth er earth with a violent shower. Nor does the mother now spur n the love of her son, but, inflamed with desire, she allows his embraces. From here the seas, from her e the mountains, from here finally the whole world leads forth spring; from here come the lust of men, beasts, and birds, 210 and love bursts into flame in the heart and rages in the marrow, until Venus, sated, fills out the fertile limbs and begets varied offspring and always populates the world with new progeny, lest, with a childless age, it grow dull. Digression on the poet’s task (lines 215-229) But why, having let my horses fly through the air with 215 unbridled speed, am I boldly ca rried away on a heavenly path? He sang these things, whom the De lphic laurel, with a greater god, urged on to the causes of things and, while he was evoking the sacred rites of nature, and the secret pacts of the heavens, drives the bard through Cybele’s chaste Dindyma, 220 and through Cithaeron and through the Nysaean ridges of Bacchus,

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80 through his own Parnassus, through t he silence of the Pierian grove, dear to the Muses, as, with the Bacchic cry, he shouts the Paean to you, O Delian god, and, Evius, Evius, the Paean to you. My Calliope now calls me back from lighter care 225 as I wander, and bids me to cond uct my running within narrow boundaries and, with her, to weave poems with a thin thread, such as the pruner may sing at his task at the Muse’s inspiration while hanging in the trees, and the gar dener in his blooming gardens. Spring activities, resumed (lines 230-254) Therefore, come, this follows: in the narrow line of the furrow 230 let cress be scattered, deadl y to unseen serpents, which an unwell belly brings forth from undigested food, and dittany, recalling the flavor of thyme and marjoram and the cucumber with a slender stalk, and the gourd with a delicate one. Let the bristly cardoon be planted, which will come sweet to Bacchus 235 when drinking, but not pleasing to Phoebus when singing; now it rises gathered up into a purple cluster, now it grows green, its foliage the colo r of myrtle, and with downward-bending neck it now remains open, now it pricks pine cones with its point, now it bristles like a wicker basket and with menacing thorns; 240 sometimes pale, it imitates the twisted bear’s-breech. Soon when the Punic tree—which grow s soft with the ruddy covering of its seed—has clothed itself in blood-red flowers,

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81 it is time for the sowing of colo casia, and renowned coriander is then born, and fennel-flower, pleasing to slender cu min. 245 And the spine-like asparagus plant puts forth berries, and the mallow, which with its bent head follows the sun. And, Bacchus, the plant which bo ldly imitates your vines and does not fear the brambles: for ri sing from the thorn-bushes, wicked bryony binds the wild pears and the untamed alders. 250 Then the plant with a Greek name, just as the letter nex t to the first is fixed in wax by the l earned blade of the teacher, thus too in rich soil by the blow of an iron blade is planted the be(e)ta, green of leaf and white of stalk. First harvest (lines 255-310) But now too with fragrant blossoms the harvest presses on, 255 now purple spring, now the nourishing mother rejoices to gird her temples with the year’s many-colored fruits. Now the Phrygian lotuses put forth their gem-like brightness and the beds of violets open their winking eyes, and the lion’s mouth gapes, and, suffus ed with its native blush, 260 the rose, opening its maiden cheeks, shows its glory to the Heavenly ones, and, in their temple s, mingles with the Sabaean fragrance. Now I beseech you, Nymphs of Achel ois, companions of the Muses, and the Maenalian bands of Dry ads and the Napaean Nymphs, you who inhabit the grove of Amphyrs us, and Thessalian Tempe, 265

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82 and the ridges of Cyllene and the fields of dark Lycaeus and the caves always dripping with t he drops of the Ca stalian spring, and you who gathered the flower s of Sicilian Halaesus, when the daughter of Ceres, eager for your dances, plucked the green blooming lilies of the lake at Henna 270 and, snatched away, soon became t he wife of the ru ler of Lethe and preferred the sad shades to the stars and Tartarus to the sky and Pluto to Jupiter and death to life, and now she, Proserpina, rei gns over the lower world, you too, I beseech,once your mourning and sad fear have been set aside; 275 turn your slender feet hither with a quick step and pack the earth’s locks, flowers, into your holy baskets. Here there are no plots agai nst the nymphs, no rapine; chaste Faith is worshipped am ong us, and the holy Penates. All things are full of merriment, full of unt roubled laughter, and 280 full of wine, and banquets flour ish in the happy meadows. Now spring emerges from the chill, now the year is most mild, while tender Phoebus urges reclining on the grass, also tender, and of the flowing streams with their clear babbling, it is pleasing to drink neither icy-cold ones, nor those warmed by the sun. 285 And now the garden is crowned with the flowers of Dione, now the rose grows soft, brighter than Tyrian purple. Nor does Latona’s daughter Phoebe glow with such a purple visage

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83 from cloud-chasing Boreas, nor does the heat of Sirius twinkle so, or reddish Pyrois, or with its shimmeri ng face, 290 Hesperus. When the Morning Star returns at the rise of Eos, Thaumas’ daughter Iris does not fl ash so with her heavenly bow, as the merry gardens shine with their glittering offspring. Therefore, come, when radiance has now risen at the end of night or while Phoebus plunges his horse s in the Spanish waves, 295 wherever marjoram has sp read its fragrant shadows, pluck the blossoms of the daffod il and the barren wild pomegranate, and you, lest Alexis despis e the wealth of Corydon, yourself a Naiad more comely than a comely boy, bring the violet in a basket and weave with wild cinnamon 300 balsam mixed with dark privet; and sprinkle golden bouquets with the neat wine of Bacchus, for Bacchus enhances fragrances. And you, rustics, who with a har dened thumb pluck the yielding flowers, now heap up with iron-red irises a rush-basket, woven with osiers. 305 Now let the rose stretch t he fibers of twisted rush, and the little basket burst with the flame-colored marigold, so that rich Vertumnus ma y abound in the spring harvest, and, soaked with much wine, with faltering step, the bearer, laden, may bring ba ck from the city his pockets full of bronze. 310 Summer Tasks (Lines 311-422)

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84 Early summer (lines 311-368) But when the harvest gr ows yellow with ripe ears and the Sun, in the Twin star, has stretched out the day and has swallowed the arms of t he Lernaean Crab with its flames, then join garlic with onions, and Ceres’ poppy with dill, and while they grow green, bring out the joined bundles 315 and sing the frequent praise s of Fors Fortuna when the merchandise has been sold, and rush back to the merry gardens. Then too press the basil into t he freshly-plowed and well-watered furrow and pack it together with heavy rollers, lest, once sown, the heat of the l oosened dust should burn it out, 320 or the tiny flea, creeping in, should damage it wit h its teeth, or the greedy ant be abl e to pillage the seeds. Nor only do the snail, enveloped in its shell, and the hairy caterpillar dare to gnaw away the tender leaves, but when the cabbage grows fat with a strong 325 stem, and when the pale power of the beet swells, and the gardener rejoices, secure in his mature harvest, and seeks to lay the sickle to the ripe crops, often wild Jupiter hurls down hard showers demolishing the labors of men and beasts with hail; 330 often too, bringing plague, he even ra ins down dew with teeming drops, from which are born the bird s, harmful to the grape and

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85 the gray willow, and the canker-worm creeps through the gardens; entering them it burns up wit h its bite the seedlings, which, bereft of their foliage and despoi led with a bare top, 335 lie dead, stripped, consumed by the sorrowful poison. Lest the country-dwellers suffer these misfortunes, varied experience of things has, itse lf, along with hard work, shown new arts of security to wretched farmers; and practice, the teacher, has passed onto them how to calm the r aging winds 340 and to avert the storm by Etruscan rites. For this reason, in order that wicked Rust may not scorch the green shoots, it is appeased by the blood and en trails of a nursing puppy. For this reason Etruscan Tages is said to have set the head of an Arcadian ass, bare of ski n, at the edge of t he field, 345 and Tarchon, that he might keep away the thunderbolts of great Jupiter, often surrounded his abode with white bryony. For this reason the son of Amythaon, w hom Chiron taught very many things, hung night birds from crosses and forbade them to weep their wild songs on the lofty rooftops. 350 But lest the dreadful beasts pluck the new crops, it has sometimes been profitable fo r one treating the seeds first to sprinkle them with the lees of oliv e oil, without the flower of salt, or to steep them in the bl ack ash found on the hearth; it has also been profitable to pour bi tter juice of horehound over 355

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86 the plants and to touch them with a great deal of houseleek sap. But if no treatment wor ks to repel the pest, let Dardanian arts come in, and a woman with bared feet, who, having then for the first time engaged in the laws proper to a young girl, in shame drip s with foul blood, 360 but sorrowful, with gown and hair flowing loose, is led three times around t he beds and hedge of the garden. When she has traversed it while walking—wonderful to tell!— not unlike a storm, whether of smooth apples or acorns covered in bark, from a shaken tree 365 the caterpillar, with twisted form, rolls onto the ground; thus Iolcos once saw the serpent, lulled to sleep by magic incantations, slipped down from the fleece of Phrixus. Summer harvest (lines 369-399) But now it is time to sever the “first-cut” stalks and to cut back both the Tartesi an and Paphian stems 370 and to tie bundles with garlic and the cut leek. Now the lascivious colewart springs forth from the fertile garden, now the slippery sorrel, and now bushes blossom of their own accord and the sea-leek, now a hedge brist ling with butcher’s broom bursts forth, and wild asparagus, very similar to the shape of the garden variety, 375 and moist purslane covers the thirsty rows and the bean, injurious to t he orach, grows tall.

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87 Then, now hanging from bowers, now like a water snake, under the summer sun, through the chill shades of the grass the twisted cucumber and sw ollen gourd creep. 380 Nor do they have the same appearanc e; for if dear to your heart is the longer one, which hangs from the slender peak of its top, gather the seeds from the tender neck; or if you prefer the one of round body, which swells very broad in its womb, you will gather them from mid-belly; it will give a shoot suitable 385 for holding Narycian pitch or honey from Attic Hymettus or a small bucket handy for wa ter, or a jug for wine. Then the same gourd will teach bo ys to swim in the waves. But the dark-colored cucumber, whic h is born heavy in the paunch, shaggy and covered in knotted grass, like a snake 390 lies on its belly always gat hered into bending coils; harmful, it heightens the ill nesses of wicked summer. It is foul in its juice, al so stuffed with fat seeds. But the one which, under the bowers, creeps towards the flowing stream and, following the gliding stream is made too thin by its longing, 395 the white one, quivering more than the udder of a newly-de livered sow, softer than milk newly congea led and poured into vats, will be sweet; it ripens yellow on the irrigated field, and it will bring aid to those once ill. Late summer (lines 400-422)

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88 When the Dog-star of Erigone, burni ng in the heat of the Sun 400 opens the fruit on the trees, and the small baskets heaped with mulberries drip with bloody juice, then the early-ripening fig drops from the twice-bearing tree and the baskets are packed wit h apricots, and plums and damsons, and the persea, sent from barbarous 405 Persia, as the story goes, laden with ancestral poisons; but now, with little risk of death from those served, they offer their ambrosial juic e, forgetful of doing harm. But also peaches, called by t he name of the same nation, Persia, having a small fruit, hasten to grow ripe. 410 Those which great Gaul supplies ripen early, the ones from Asia come with a late fruit, in the chill. But under the star of stern Arcturus the Livian tree, rival to Chalcidian figs, bears fruit, and the Caunian, rivaling the Chian ones, and the purple Chelidonian and fat Mariscan 415 and the Callistruthian, which is merry with rosy seeds, and the white one, which preserve s the name of yellow wax, and the split Libyan fig, and also the Lydian, with a variegated peel. But also, once the rites of the Sl ow-Footed God have been rightly performed when there are new clouds, and rains hang in the sky, turnips 420 are planted, which Nursia sends from its famous fields, and the bunion, which is br ought from the fields of Amiternum.

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89 Autumn Again: End of the Ga rdening Year (Lines 423-432) But now that the grapes ar e ripe, impatient Bacchus demands and bids us to clos e up our cultivated gardens. We rustics close it up and obey your command, 425 and we merrily harvest your gift, sweet Iacchus, among the lusty Satyrs and double-formed Pans, tossing arms drooping from old wine. And you, Maenalius, you Bacchus, you Lyaeus, and Father Lenaeus, we sing, summoning you under our roofs. 430 That the wine-vat may ferment and, filled with much Falernian, the foaming jars may overfl ow with rich new wine. Epilogue (Lines 433-436) Thus far, Silvinus, I was teac hing the cultivation of gardens, recalling the instruction of Vergil, the heavenly bard, who first, daring to reveal ancient springs 435 sang Hesiodic song through Roman towns

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90 CHAPTER 3 COMMENTARY Heading Rodgers prints the heading as Liber Decimus Cepuricus De Cultu Hortorum Rodgers (2010, vi, 401) also indi cates that the two oldest (9th cent.) mss. lack the heading, which was evidently added at some later date. Col. himself gives the title Res Rustica for his entire work (11. 1. 2). Cepuricus: “Pertaining to gardening,” from Greek According to Rodgers (2010, 400), this is also lacking in the 9th-cent. mss. Pliny uses the word in Greek: Sabinius Tiro, in libro quem Maecenati dicavit (Plin. HN 19. 177). The form cepuricus is presumably intended to agree with Liber in the heading. Book 3 of Apicius, concerning the c ooking of vegetables, is described in the heading as cepuros from Greek “gardener” (LS). De cultu hortorum: According to Rodgers (2010, 400) this title, also lacking in the 9th-cent. mss., appears to have been taken from 9. 16. 2, where Col. looks ahead to his plan for the following book. It also appe ars in a summary of the contents of the books following Book 11 in many manuscripts, in which Book 10 is identified as Carmen de cultu hortorum (Rodgers 2010, 480). Col. identif ies the topic of Book 10 as cultus hortorum (Pr. 1, 3). In the introduction to hi s prose treatment of gardens, Col. again identifies his subject as cultus hortorum (11. 3. 1). It is clear from the type of garden descri bed in Book 10, as well as from a short description in Book 1 of the horti that will form part of the estate (1. 6. 24), that Col. is using hortus to describe a kitchen garden or market garden, the produce of which is

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91 raised for consumption and sale. This sort of garden was “from the earliest of times … considered an important part of a Roman family home … this plot would play an important role in the effort toward self-suffi ciency” (Farrar 1998, 12). This is in contrast to the pleasure garden or landscape garden of the sort found in luxurious homes such as those excavated at Pompeii (McKay 1975, 46-47; Jashemski 1979-1983 v.1, 25-54). Cicero refers to landscape gardening as topiaria (Cic. Q Fr 3. 1. 5); Pliny calls it topiarium (Plin. HN 18. 265). Both are Greek loan words, and the basics of landscape gardening were most likely imported from the Greek East (McKay 1975, 46-47; Farrar 1998, 22; cf. Varro’s complaint about the in creasing adoption of Greek architectural features, together with t heir Greek names; Varro, Rust 2. Intr. 2), though the addition of a garden to the peristyle courtyard in pr ivate houses seems to have been an Italian innovation (Jashemski 1979-1983 v. 1, 16-19). In general, while the Romans borrowed landscape gardening terminology and forms from the Greeks, “the re sulting new garden form was their own invention” (Farrar 1998, 22). But as Jo nes point out, “In the Roman period, the forms of garden, parks, and estates ar e prolific in variety. Lying behind this variety, the small hortus as vegetable or kitchen garden … continued as a reality as well as figuring in literature.”1Prose Preface (Pr. 1-5) Book 10 is introduced by a short prose pr eface, in which Col. reassures his addressee, Publius Silvinus, that he has not forgotten about his promise to discuss gardens, and to do so in verse to fill the gap left by Vergil in the Georgics 1 Jones 2011, 137.

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92 The section numbers 1-5 fo r the Preface have becom e standard and are printed in many editions of the Res Rustica That Col. regarded this prose section as a formal preface may be inferred from his use of the verb praefari (Pr. 5); cf. cum praefatus fuero (1. Pr. 33). As Janson (1964, 92) has observed, ev ery book begins with an address to Silvinus, and every book except Book 7 begins with an introducti on of some sort. A short introduction, however, is not the same as a formal prefac e; only Books 1, 6, 9, 10, and 12 begin with such a preface, which suggests that these books have a special programmatic significance in the work. Pr. 1. Faenoris: Faenus means “interest received on capital lent out;” cf. pecuniam … a publicanis faenore acceptam (Cic. Verr 2. 3. 169). Boldrer (1996, 94) argues that the commercial conn otations of this word suppor t the impression that Col.’s relationship with Silvinus is essentially a co mmercial or business a ssociation rather than a personal friendship. Howeve r, Col. mentions Silvinus’s request three times: at the end of Book 9 (9. 16. 2) and twic e in the preface to Book 10 (Pr. 1, 3). This suggests that Silvinus may have been insistent in hi s demands. White (1993, 70-71) remarks: “A request that must be met because it is cons tantly reiterated implies some intimacy between the two parties: it can be posed again and again only because they are regularly in contact.…That Roman writers were importuned by friends was a natural result of the time they spent in one another’s company.” Silvinus, after all, is not only the person who made this particular request; he is the addressee of the entire treatise. Silvine: Publius Silvinus is the addressee of the Res Rustica Col. mentions that he is writing about gardening in verse to sa tisfy Silvinus’ request to take up the

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93 “challenge” left by Vergil ( G 4. 147-148). Cf. georgici carminis … relinquere (Pr. 3). Col. mentions this again when he indicates t hat in Book 11 he will accede to the request of a certain Claudius Augustalis to discuss gar dens a second time, but in prose (11. 1. 2). Col. refers to Silvinus several time s in the work and addresses him at the beginning of every book. Ash (1930, 27) remarks that Silvi nus is “otherwise unknown” but adds, “it appears from a few passages … that he was a country man and neighbor of Columella.” Col. mentions at one point that he has a farm near Caere, in Etruria ( in nostris Caeretanis 3. 3. 3); he later mentions a farm that Silvinus also has in that area ( in Caeretano tuo, 3. 9. 6). This suggests that, at the very least, Col. and Silvinus were at one point neighbors in the same country district.2 The fact that Col. dedicates his work to someone so unknown in striking; Boldrer (1996, 95) remarks, “L’oscurit del pers onaggio sorprende considerando l’importanza dell’opera a lui dedicata.” Previous didactic writers, for the most part, dedicated their works to prominent contemporaries (e.g., Lucretius, to Memmius; the Georgics to Maecenas; Vitruvius, to Augustus). Col. is perhaps following the example of Varro, who dedicated his Res Rustica to his wife Fundania (Book 1; her name is also significant and might be translated “farm-wife”), and fri ends, Turranius Niger (Book 2) and Pinnius (Book 3).3 2 Col. also mentions having owned farms in Ar dea, Carseoli, and Alba, all of which are in Latium (3. 9. 2). 3 White (1993, 69) draws attention to the public nat ure of a statement that an author is writing in response to a request: “…although such statements are ostensibly directed to the author of the request, they are not private utterances. T hey usually occur in prefatory passa ges incorporated into the finished work and circulated with it to the reading public. What is said must therefore be interpreted as the result of a three-cornered calculation which aims to infl uence the general reader as well as the particular

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94 Given the apparent meaning of Silvinus’ name—“Forester” or “Woody” (Henderson 2004, 33, 51)—it is possible that he is a fictitious addressee, or a pseudonym, though these are unanswerable questi ons. Henderson (2004, 125 n. 2) remarks, “C[olumella]’s unknown addressee, P. Silvinus, bears a ‘significant name’— culture clears woodland ( silva ) into farm, works raw nature into cultivated art.” Silvinus’ name also recalls that of Silvanus, a woodland deity; cf. Cato, Agr. 83; Ecl. 10. 24; G. 1. 20; Aen. 8. 600. Pliny ( HN 3. 105) identifies the Silvini as a people living in Apulia, which suggests that, if Silvinus was a real person, his family may have originated from there. Stipulanti spoponderam: Boldrer (1996, 95) draws att ention to the alliteration, as well as that of pensiunculam percipe later in the sentence. In addition, these two words are used in a technical-legal sense; cf.: stipulatus es—ubi, quo die, quo tempore, quo praesente? quis spopondisse me dicis? (Cic. Q Rosc 13); also, emptor stipulatur … haec sic recte fieri spondesne? (Varro, Rust 2. 2. 5-6). Reliquam pensiunculam … cultus hortorum: This passage—together with 9. 16. 12: quae reliqua nobis rusticarum rerum par s superest, de cultu hortorum, P. Silvine, deinceps ita ut et tibi et Gallioni nostro complacuerat, in carmen conferemus — appears to indicate the Book 10 was original ly planned to be the end of the work. Col. indicates this again at 11. 1, 2: where he states that he will exceed the length he originally planned for the wo rk and add an eleventh book: numerum quem iam quasi interlocutor to whom the writer addresses himself, and which seeks to display the writer in a favorable light in the eyes of both.”

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95 consummaveram volumi num excessi et hoc undecimum praeceptum rusticationis memoriae tradidi (11. 1. 2). The Gallio mentioned at the end of Book 9 is identified by Forster (1954, 502 n.), Saint-Denis (1969a, 7 n. 2) and Henderson (2002, 115) with L. Iunius Gallio Annaeanus = Annaeus ( RE 12) Novatus, the brother of Seneca the Younger, to whom Seneca dedicated De ira (Sen. Dial 4. 1. 1) and De vita beata (Sen. Dial 7. 1. 1), and who is mentioned in Acts 18:12. This brief mention at the end of Book 9—the only place in the Res Rustica where Col. mentions him—indicates that he, as well as Silvinus, had been urging Col. to write his book on gardening in verse. Gallio died in 65 C.E. The only evident connection between Gallio and Col. is that they were both Spaniards. Pensiuncula diminutive of pensio is not attested before Col. Boldrer (1996, 95) believes it is an original coinage of his. Boldrer also suggests that this diminutive, together with particula in Pr. 4, is meant to reinforce Co l.’s claims that the subject matter of Book 10 is slight ( tenuem … exilis Pr. 4). Ash (1930, 20) points out Col.’s fondness for diminutive noun and adjective forms; cf. lactucula (111), murteolo (238); flammeola (307). Reliquam pensiunculam percipe in Col.’s address to Silvinus, with its imperative percipe recalls the the address to Maecenas at the opening of Georgics 4: hanc etiam, Maecenas, adspice partem ( G 4. 2). Segnis ac neglectus … nunc vel celeberrimus: Col. picks up on this theme— that gardening had been neglected by previous generations but is now the object of greater interest—again in Pr. 3: quare cultus hortorum, quoniam eorum fructus magis in usu est

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96 Col.’s reference to the former neglect of gar dening as a practice also reflects the treatment of gardening in earlie r literature: neither Cato nor Varro dealt with gardens in their works on agriculture (White 1970, 246); and Vergil approaches the subject ( forsan et pinguis hortos quae cura colendi / ornaret canerem G 4. 118-119) only to back away and excuse himself from pursuing it further ( G 4. 147-148). Lactis copia ferinaque ac domesticarum pecudum carne: The reading ferina found in later mss., is printed by Rodger s, Forster, Richter, and Boldrer. Ferina can be construed as an adjective, from ferinus “belonging to wild animals” (LS). As an adjective, ferina is ablative and agrees with carne ; the contrast is between the meat of wild animals ( ferina … carne ) and that of domesticated cattle ( domesticarum pecudum carne ). In this reading, -que is linking lactis copia with the phrase ferina ac domesticarum pecudum carne and ac is linking ferina and domesticarum pecudum the two modifiers of carne The adjective ferina is thus in parallel with a noun in the genitive ( domesticarum pecudum ) as modifiers of the same noun, carne (GL 360 1); the genitive case is an inher ently adjectival ca se (AG 341). For ferina with caro cf. Africam initio habuere G aetuli et Libyes … quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum uti pecoribus (Sall. Iug 18. 1). Boldrer takes ferina as a substantive and reads lactis copia ferinaque ac domesticarum pecudum carne as a tricolon, with copia ferina and carne as the three substantives. This requires taking lactis copia ferinaque ac … carne as equivalent to lactis copia et ferina et … carne where the conjunctives lin k the three substantives together equally. This blurs the di stinction between these conjunctions; -que links

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97 words and phrases together closely, and ac ( atque ) adds additional emphasis (AG 324 a, b). The oldest mss. read ferinae which is the genitive of a substantive ferina “wild game;” cf. implentur veteris Bacchi pinguisque ferinae Aen 1. 215; sapore quodam ferinae in apris evidentissimo (Plin. HN 13. 43). This is printed by Ash, Santoro, Marsili, Saint-Denis, and Fernndez-Galiano. As h, Saint-Denis, and Fernndez-Galiano construe the genitive ferinae along with the genitive lactis as dependent on copia (e.g., “with an abundance of milk and gam e;” Ash 1930, 27). Santor o (1946, 71), however, takes ferinae as dependent on carne together with domesticarum pecudum : “e di carne di selvaggina e di animali domestici.” The examples of ferinae in Vergil and Pliny suggests that, while the word is unusual, there is no persuasive reason to reject the testimony of th e oldest mss. Given the context, it is less awkward to construe the genitive ferinae with copia than with carne : -que links ferinae with lactis and ac joins the two phrases lactis copia ferinaeque and domesticarum pecudum carne Frumento: Frumentum “is the general name for corn especially spelt and wheat, and when used without qualificat ion usually means wheat” (Sergeaunt 1920, 49). Col. refers to the early Roman diet. The basic staple for early Romans was not bread but rather puls a kind of porridge made from grain (White 1970, 246); cf. pulte autem, non pane, vixisse longo tempor e Romanos manifestum (Plin. HN 18. 63). Pr. 2. Plebeia paupertas summota pretiosioribus cibis: The bracketed a is a conjecture printed in the 1514 edition of Col. by Ioannes Iucundus (Rodgers 2010,

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98 401). It is accepted by Rodgers and Forster but not by Ash, Sant oro, Marsili, SaintDenis, Fernndez-Galiano, Richter, or Boldrer. Summovere is attested in prose with both with a / ab + ablative and with the bare ablative of separation (AG 401) and both constructions are used in both a literal and a figurative sense: cf. reliquos a porta paulum summovit (Caes. B Gall 7. 50); quem ad summovendos a bello Antiochum et Ptolemaeum reges misistis (Livy 45. 23); donec ambo administratione patriae … submoverentur (Suet. Jul 16); Pyladen urbe atque Italia summoverit (Suet. Aug 45).4 Col. elsewere in prose uses summovere with a/ab : cf. sin summotus longius a collibus erit amnis (1. 5. 4); is [sc. palus ] enim a vite summovetur (4. 22. 2); and the usage without a/ab is rarely attested before his ti me. This suggests that Iucundus’ conjecture is mostly likely correct, and that Rodgers is right to print it.5 Pr. 3. Prorsa: Lundstrm’s conjecture, printed by Rodgers, Ash, Santoro, SaintDenis, Fernndez-Galiano, and Boldrer, for the prorsus or prosa of the mss. Forster prints prosa ; Marsili prints prorsus prosus is a collateral form of prorsus (LS). Prorsa oratio or prosa oratio “straightforward diction,” is pros e, in contrast to verse; cf. et prorsa et vorsa facundia veneratus sum “I worshipped [Aesculapius] with eloquence in both prose and verse” (Apul. Flor 18); [Plato] multum enim supra prorsam orationem et quam pedestrem Graeci vocant surgit (Quint. Inst 10. 1. 81). 4 Examples from poetry suggest that poetic usage preferred summovere with the ablative of separation alone: di te summoveant … / orbe suo (Ov. Met 8. 97-98); summovisse hiemem tecto (Luc. 2. 385). 5 The fact that a in the text immediately follows summota a word ending in the same letter, could explain why a scribe accidentally omitted it. Reynolds (1991, 226) notes that this sort of scribal omission “is particularly common with small words.”

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99 Georgici carminis … relinquere: Col. explicitly picks up the “challenge” left by Vergil at G. 4. 147-148. Col.’s memorandas reliquit clearly echoes Vergil’s phrase memoranda relinquo ( G. 4. 148). The use of geogicus as an adjective in Latin, borrowed from Greek is first attested in extant Latin literature in Co l. (Boldrer 1996, 16). Co l. refers to Vergil’s Georgics as georgicum carmen (7. 5. 10); he uses the word again when citing the agricultural work of a certain Democritus: Democritus in eo libro quem Georgicon appellavit (11. 3. 2; though the earliest mss. of Col. omit the passage containing this line). Vatis maxime venerandi: Col. is referring to Vergil. A vates is a bard or poet, esp. one regarded as divinely inspired ( OLD ); cf. Col.’s ascription of numen to Vergil in the next sentence. Col. uses this word twic e more in Book 10: he refers to Vergil as vates in the epilogue of the poem: siderei vatis referens praecepta Maronis (434). He also uses vates to describe the unnamed poet of nature whom he praises in his Digression on the Poet’s Task (215-229): [ Delphica laurus ] extimulat vatem per Dindyma casta Cybeles (220), which strongly suggests that the unnamed poet he has in mind is Vergil. In Latin poets before Vergil vates had the meaning of “priest” or “soothsayer” (Newman 1967, 14) and had nega tive connotations; cf. tutemet a nobis iam quovis tempore vatum / terriloquis victus dictis desciscere quaeres. / quippe etenim quam multa tibi iam fingere possunt / somn ia quae vitae rationes vertere possint (Lucr. 1. 102105). For Lucretius, the term vates “conjured up visions of ignorance and fear” (Newman 1967, 15).

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100 Vergil was the first Roman poet to claim vates as an identity and rehabilitate the word into something positive: a poet with re ligious overtones who also spoke to and for the community. Newman (1967, 16) comments, “ Vates were new and yet traditional, Roman, and yet backed by Greek learning, leaders of society, and yet religious and mystical leaders with no dangerous political implications.” He adds, “Unlike poeta vates was a word of solemn religious signifi cance…. It was therefore no light-weight poet who … received the title of vates ” (Newman 1964, 23). Vergil uses vates twice in the Eclogues (7. 28, 9. 33-34); four times in the Georgics (3. 491, 4. 387, 4. 392, 4. 450 —the last three in the Aristaeus episode, refe rring to Proteus); and thirty-six times in the Aeneid where it always has religious overtones often associated with Apollo, especially in the early books (Newman 1967, 30). By contrast, Vergil uses poeta twice in the Eclogues (5. 45, 10.17), both times in the vocative and qualified by divine ; once in the Georgics (3. 90), qualified by Grai and in a Homeric context; and not at all in the Aeneid By referring to Vergil as vates Col. is identifying Vergil by a typically Vergilian word to underline his own claim as Verg il’s poetic—and vatic—successor, and also drawing upon the term’s religious significanc e. In doing so he stresses the importance of Vergil’s poetic—and georgic—example, not just as a poet but as a national spokesman. In doing so he suggests the re ligious and national significance of his own work, both as Vergil’s heir and as someone emphasizing old Roman values of selfsufficiency (Pr. 1). Neque … fuerat audendum: This clause is effectively the apodosis of a past contrary-to-fact condition, despi te the pluperfect indicative fuerat in place of the more common pluperfect subjunctive. “In the apodosis of a condition contrary to fact, the past

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101 tenses of the indicative may be used to express what was intended or likely or already begun In this use, the Imperfect Indicati ve corresponds in time to the Imperfect Subjunctive, and the Perfect or Pluperfect Indicative to t he Pluperfect Subjunctive” (AG 517b). Although this is a past contrary-to-fa ct condition, and the conventional literal English rendering of this passage—“ would not have been something to be dared”— would normally correspond to the Latin pl uperfect subjunctive, nevertheless it was something dared, i.e. Col. has dared to do it, and in fact has already begun to do it. The use of the indicative rather than the subjunctive here indicates this. Pr. 4. Tenuem: “Slender;” in poetics tenuis is a significant programmatic word, equivalent to Callimachus’ (Clausen 1987, 3, 125 n. 6), indicating the sort of concise, well-wrought verse favored by He llenistic poets and thei r imitators. Cf. silvestrem tenui Musam meditaris avena ( Ecl 1. 2) and agrestem tenui meditabor harundine Musam ( Ecl 6. 8), where Vergil indicates t he sort of poetry he intends to write and firmly places himself in the tradition of Callimachus. Col. indicates that he too places himself in this tradition. Later (Pr. 4), Col. describes the individual topics ( membra “limbs”) of his subject matter as exigua “slender.” For the collocation of tenuis and exiguus in Vergil, cf.: sub ipsum / Arcturum tenui sat erit suspendere [sc. tellurem ] sulco: / illic, officiant laetis ne frugibus herbae, / hic, sterile m exiguus ne deserat humor harenam ( G 1. 67-70), though Vergil is using both terms in a physical sense, to describe t he slightness of the furrow and the meagerness of the wa ter. Nevertheless, Col.’s use of these two terms to apologize for the limits of his material reca ll Vergil’s passage; Co l. is likening the scantiness of his subject materi al to an unproductive farm.

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102 Particula: Cf. pensiunculam (Pr. 1). Unlike pensiuncula particula is attested before Col.: particulae caeli (Cic. de Orat 1. 179); divinae particulam aurae (Hor. Sat 2. 2. 79). Col. uses it elsewhere: agri sui particulas omnis … circumire (1. 2. 1), with reference to land; hoc biduo Sol unam dicitur tenere particulam (11. 2. 39), referring to a degree in astronomical measurement. Laboris nostri: This is the first of four uses of labor in Book 10. The other three occurrences are in the poem (67-68, 329-330, 339-340). Col. also uses the verb laborare once (31). Of these, only the passage at 67-68 recalls Vergil’s labor omnia vicit / improbus ( G 1. 145-146) and est etiam ille labor cur andis vitibus alter / cui numquam exhausti satis est ( G 2. 397-398), wh ich depict labor as something difficult, unpleasant, and unending. In the other passages, labor has a more positive or neutral meaning, though still referring to hard work. By referring to his composition as labor Col. links his work as a poet of gardens with the actual work involved in creating the garden. The garden poet is also in a sense, the gardener. Vergil also links the farmer and poet in the Georgics In particular, Kronenberg (2009, 157) argues that the fa rmer and the poet are similar in their striving for order: “Virgil’s farmer reacts to physical and emot ional chaos by trying to recreate order on both levels … Virgil’s poet figur es initially strive for a simi lar, ordered understanding of the world.” Kronenberg reads di sappointment and pessimism into the efforts of Vergil’s poet and farmer to establish their respective ki nds of order in the midst of chaos. By contrast, Col.’s gardener establishes an or dered, well-regulated garden, which has its echo in Col.’s well-ordered poem. Just as the garden is bounded and defined by a hedge wall, the garden poem is enclosed in the prose treatise in which it is embedded.

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103 Jenkyns (1993, 243-248) takes issue with the negative interpretation of improbus and thus of this Georgics passage, expressed by Thomas (1988 v. 1, 92-93). Jenkyns reads Vergil’s statement in the context of the preceding section ( G 1. 134-145) describing the hominum … labores ( G 1. 118) which improved human life. In this interpretation, labor although improbus nevertheless vicit i.e., led to genuine accomplishment and success. This view of labor improbus seems to accord more with Col.’s use of the term labor : although tending a garden is hard work, nevertheless the result justifies the effort. See incola durus (23). Quod aiunt Graeci … non possit: Barth (1624, L.x.2365) cites this passage in his discussion of the proverb ex arena funem nectere as an example of an impossible task and suggests that Col. is referring to an expression similar to one cited in the Suda (epsilon, 1535, 1): .6 On the stylistic and rhetorical use of adynata see Rowe 1965, 387-396. Pr. 5. Boni consulat: Boni is a genitive of indefinit e value (AG 417), a type of genitive of quality (AG 345). Fo r the specific example of boni consulo cf. GL 380 n. 2. Dedecori: This is a dative of purpo se or end (AG 382); together with monumentis dative of the thing affect ed (AG 382), or dative of reference (AG 376), it is an example of the “double dative” construction (AG 382; GL 356). Col. is following the tradition in prefaces seen also in the prefaces to Livy and to Cicero’s Orator of apologizing for his meager ability in tackling the work at hand (Jansen 1964, 70). Unlike Livy and Cicero, though, Col. not only apologizes for his 6 Otto (1890, 160) cites Macarius 3, 97 as the so urce for a nearly identical version of this Greek proverb.

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104 ability, but also for the slightness of his subj ect matter and indicates that any flaws in the result will be due not only to his own shortcomi ngs, but also to those of his topic (Pr. 45). Iam praefari desinamus: Col.’s use of praefari identifies the preceding prose section as a praefatio to the poetic section (cf. Henderson 2002, 115, n. 20). Proem (Lines 1-5) 1-5. Hortorum … reliquit: Following the prose preface, the first five lines serve as a proem for the poem, in which Col. stat es his theme and indicates once again, both explicitly and through imitation, that he is following Vergil’s Georgics 1. Hortorum: Col. begins in the epic manner, giving his subject, “gardens,” as the first word; cf. Aen 1. 1, Hom. Il 1. 1, Hom. Od 1. 1. This is not, however, the tradition of didactic poems, which begin with an invocation: Hesiod begins both the Words and Days and Theogony with the address “Pierian Muses” (Hes. Op 1); Aratus begins by invoking Zeus, (Aratus Phaen 1); Lucretius begins by invoking Venus as Aeneidum genetrix (Lucr. 1. 1). Vergil begins Georgics 1 by stating the themes of the four books. He does not, however, begin any of the four books by stating the subject of the book in the first word in the epic style, with the possible exception of Book 3 ( te, quoque, magna Pales et te memoranda canemus G 3. 1), since the first word, te refers to Pales, the god of flocks and herds and is thus arguably a personification of the subject of Book 3. In addition, he does include a statement of theme in the first line in Books 1 ( quid faciat laetas segetes, quo sidere terram / vertere G 1. 1-2) and 4 ( protinus aerii me llis caelestia

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105 dona / exsequar G 4. 1-2), though not as the first word. In Georgics 2, Vergil postpones the statement of theme until lines 23, while using line 1 to recap the them from the just-completed Book 1: hactenus arvorum cultus et sidera caeli: / nunc te, Bacche, canam, nec non silvestria tecum / vi rgulta et prolem tarde crescentis olivae ( G 2. 1-3). Vergil does, however, the begin the section on cattle diseases in Georgics 3 by stating the theme in the first word: morborum quoque te causas et signa docebo ( G 3. 440), a line on which Col. has clearly modeled his own opening line. By beginning his garden poem in a manner more typical of an epic poem than a didactic one, Col. calls to his reader’s mind the great epic poem s of the tradition in which he is working, particularly the Aeneid and invites comparison. Gale (2004, xiii): “The boundary between epic and didactic is one not oriously subject to border-disputes … It has been both asserted and denied that (na rrative/heroic) epic and didactic (epic) are branches or subcategories of the same literary kind … t he affinity between the two is exceptionally close and productive.” His poem will not only be a miniGeorgics but it might also, in a sense, aspire to be a “mini-epic” of the garden,7 which contains within its borders the entir e Roman world. Cultus: A word often found in the agricultural sense in poetry and in Cicero; Cato and Varro prefer cultura ( OLD ), which Vergil uses in the Georgics only once ( G 3. 420). hortorum cultus echoes the beginning of Georgics 2: arvorum cultus ( G 2. 1). Quoque: Quoque emphases the continuity of Book 10 with the preceding books of Rust. despite the shift from prose to ve rse (Boldrer 1996, 110). With this quoque 7 Vita Sackville-West in her 1926 poem The Land describes her subject as “The mild continuous epic of the soil” (Sackville-West 2004, 3). West’s poe m, in four books named fo r each of the seasons, was inspired in part by the Georgics (Blythe 2008, 3-4).

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106 the te immediately following, and the vocative Silvine Col.’s first line recalls the beginning of Georgics 3: Te quoque magna Pales ( G 3. 1). Morever, quoque te and docebo closely echo G 3. 440: morborum quoque te causas et signa docebo 2, 5. Atque ea … memoranda reliquit: In lines 2 and 5, Col. recalls and closely imitates G 4. 147-148. See georgici … carminis relinquere (Pr. 3). Syntactically, lines 2 and 5 can be read in sequence as a single sentence without lines 3-4. 2. Spatiis … iniquis: A metaphor from horseracing: excusat se, quod non longius producat historiam horto rum, sumpta metaphora ab Circo (La Cerda 1608, 452). Mynors (1990, 278) disagrees: “there the spatia are a fixed length, and could hardly be described as iniqua He means only that space is insu fficient.” For the conjunction of spatium and iniquum giving the sense of “insufficient space,” cf. namque furens animi dum proram ad saxa suburget / interior spat ioque subit Sergestus iniquo, / infelix saxis in procurrentibus haesit ( Aen 5. 202-204, from the boat race) 3-4. Cum caneret … caelestia mella: In these two lines (which form a single subordinate clause), Col. briefly summarizes the topics of all f our books of Vergil’s Georgics in order: Book 1, cereal crops ( laetas segetes ); Book 2, vines ( munera Bacchi ); Book 3, flocks ( Pales a god of shepherds); and Book 4, bees ( mella ). Col. is explicitly staking his claim to be the poetic heir of the Vergil of the Georgics 3. Laetas segetes: Col. echoes the opening of Georgics 1: quid faciat laetas segetes ( G 1. 1). laetus has the general meaning “happy,” “joyous,” but also the more specialized agricultural meaning “teeming,” “flourishing,” or ev en “fertile,” “productive” (Ross 1987, 32; Mynors 1990, 3). Cf., pabula laeta (Lucr. 1. 14); also vinetaque laeta (2. 1157), of the vinyards created by the earth sua sponte Boldrer (1996, 112) asserts

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107 that Col. is deliberately pl aying on both the agricultural an d metaphorical uses of the word, but that the agricultural meaning is mo re common in Vergil (Boldrer 1996, 112); cf. laetis … frugibus ( G 1. 69). The use of laetus with seges is first attested in Cicero: laetas segetes etiam rustici dicunt (Cic. de Orat 3. 155). Col. uses the phrase elsewhere, (e.g., when de scribing proper manuring, ea res laetas segetes reddit 2. 15. 2; cf. also 2. 15. 4, 2. 17. 3). Cf. also gramine laeto in line 9 and laetatur in line 14, both of which stress the idea of “f lourishing” and “prospering.” Munera Bacchi: The “gifts of Bacchus” are the vines and their grapes, the cultivation of which is treated by Vergil in Georgics Book 2 and by Col. in Books 3-5. Col. touches on the theme of Bacchus and wi ne in his poem at the beginning (43-44) and end (423-432) of the gardening year, and in the middle of the poem when discussing the exalted calling of the poet of nature (221-224) as well as when discussing the gathering of flowers for per fumes (302). He refers to wine as Bacchus once (387). See also et “te Euhie Euhie Paean” (224). The Romans identified the Greek Dionysus with the Italian god Liber. The name Bacchus comes from a cult title of Dionysus ( OCD ); cf. (Soph. OT 211). 4. Et te, magna Pales: Cf. te quoque magna Pales ( G 3. 1). Pales was an agricultural deity whose gender is attested as both male and female ( OLD ). The major festival of Pales was the Parili a, celebrated on 21 April (cf. Ov. Fast. 4. 721-724). By the late Republic it came to be celebrat ed as the birthday of the city (Ov. Fast 4. 806-808). This line, following munera Bacchi (3), also recalls et te, Bacche, vocant per camina laeta ( G 2. 388).

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108 Preparation of the Plot (Lines 6-34) 6. Principio sedem: Cf. principio sedes apibus statioque petenda ( G 4. 8, the first line after the proe m of Book 4). Cf. G 2. 9: the first line after the proem Georgics 2 also begins with principio By beginning with sedem Col. stresses the importanc e of selecting the proper site for a garden. Lines 6-26 discuss the qua lities necessary for a suitable garden plot, stressing two things in particular: the natur e of the soil and its pr oximity to a water source. The soil must be of the correct c onsistency, crumbly and sandy (6-8), neither too dry nor too swampy (11-12). Col. further specifies the kinds of plants which will and will not grow easily in the type of soil he co nsiders most suitable for his garden: it will easily support grass, elderberries, elm tr ees, wild vines, wild pear s, plums, and apples (9-10, 14-16). It will be inhospitable to helle bore and yew trees (17-19). In addition, the plot must be appropriately watered, near eit her a stream or a well fed by a spring, so that there is a ready source of water for irrigation (23-27). In Book 11, Col. repeats this point: locum autem eligi convenient … praecipue pinguem, quique adveniente rivo, vel si non sit fluens aqua, fonte puteali possit rigari (11. 3. 8) and goes on to discuss the way to make sure that the well will always yield enough water. He adds an additional qualification omitted in Book 10: that the site should not be located below a threshing fl oor, because this will be bad for growing vegetables: providendum est autem, ne hortus areae subiaceat, neve per trituram venti possint paleas aut pulverem in eum perferr e: nam utraque sunt holeribus inimica (11. 3. 9).

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109 Numeroso … horto: Ash (1930, 33) remarks that this is “variously interpreted by commentators,” all of whom pick up the (according to OLD and LS) primary meaning of numerosus as ”consisting of a great number, num erous, manifold” (LS). In addition, however, numerosus has a secondary meaning of “meas ured, rhythmical, harmonious, melodious” (LS) Moreover, numerus is used to denote musical or metrical verse. In the prose Preface to Book 10, Col. mentions that he is writing this book in verse in response to the persistent request by Silvinus that he treat the omissas partes of the Georgics “in poetic verse” ( poeticis numeris Pr. 3). By numerosus hortus Col. means not only “a varied garden” but also hints at “the metrical garden” or “the garden in verse”—a reference to this work, his effo rt to write about gardens in verse. Henderson (2002, 126) translates the phr ase as “garden symphony.” Gowers (2000, 127) observes that Col.’s numerosus hortus was to be “a garden in verse which was also to be a display of abundance and fertility.” Boldrer (1996, 114) points out that numerosus is the first non-Vergilian word in the poem, and adds, “dopo i primi 5 versi di a llusioni al poeta, al partire da questo emerge il gusto di Columella per lo sperimentalismo linguistico e la ricerca di originalit.” Boldrer (1996, 121) also notes that Col. is fond of adjectives in -osus ; in addition to numeroso (6), as well as numerosissimis (3. 10. 17) and numerosius (4. 21. 2), cf. also frondosas (13), lapidosis (15), lacertosis (6. 37. 6); fructuosis (4. 22. 8); harenosus (4. 22. 8); clivosi (2. 15. 1). According to Knox (1986, 90-101), -osus adjectives were originally restricted for t he most part to comedy and colloquial speech; then they became more common in Latin poetry beginn ing with Vergil and are found often in

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110 technical writers such as Col. and Pliny, as well as poets of the Flavian period. Maggiulli (1980, 143) point s out that of the -osus adjectives used by Col., “nel contesto di tutta l’opera, infatti, non pochi sono quel li che si trovano per la prima volta in letteratura.” 7. Pinguis ager putres glebas: Cf. pingue solum ( G 1. 64, quoted by Col. at 2. 2. 4); putris se gleba resolvit ( G 1. 44); and presso pinguis sub vomere terra / et cui putre solum … / optima frumentis ( G 2. 203-205). Col. elsewhere describes the ideal garden plot as pinguis (11. 3. 8); cf. pinguis hortos quae cura colendi / ornaret ( G 4. 118-119). Cf. also humo pingui (253). Col. twice contrasts soli pinguis and [ soli ] macri (2. 2. 2; 2. 2. 3). He elsewhere links ager with pinguis (and putris ): Ideoque maximos quaestus ager praebeat idem pinguis ac putris (2. 2. 5) and again at 2. 2. 17. Ea rlier examples of the collocation of pinguis and ager are found in prose in Varro, when he is c ontrasting the properties of various types of soil and speaks approvingly of the agricultural qualities of ager pinguis : Contra in agro pingui, ut in Etruria, licet videre et segetes fructuosas ac restibilis, et arbores prolixas et omnia sine musco (Varro, Rust 1. 9. 6); and in verse in Lucretius: sive quod inducti terrae bonitate volebant / pander e agros pinguis et Pascua reddere rura (Lucr. 5. 1247-1248). Putres glebas: Cf. Zephyro putris se glaeba resolvit ( G 1. 44). putres glebas the reading of the later mss., is accepted and printed by Rodger s, Forster, and Boldrer. It is direct object (along with resolutaque terga ) of gerit in line 8. Ash and Santoro print putris glaebae the reading of the 9th-century mss., taking it as a genitive of description (AG 345) with pinguis ager

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111 Resolutaque terga: Tergum is used in the sense of “exterior surface.” Col. uses that word in this sense in three other places in the poem: nec cruribus aequa / terga rubi (22-23, describing the edges or branches of the bramble); rastris … perfode terga (71, for the surface of the ground); and picto … Lydia tergo (418, for the skin of figs). Col. occasionally uses tergum elsewhere to describe the surface of the ground: cf. alte perfossa novalium terga (2. 2. 23); soli terga (4. 14, 3). This use of tergum is found elsewhere in Latin poetry (e.g., sub terga terrai Lucr. 6. 540); proscisso quae suscitat aequore terga ( G 1.97, describing plowing); glaebas cunctantis crassaque terga / expecta et validis terram proscinde iuvencis ( G 2. 236-237). Boldrer (1996, 116) points out that resolvo is a technical term in agriculture where it can mean “become loose or soft” (LS). It occurs again in this sense at line 76, describing the effect of the winter winds in loosening exposed soil (cf. Ash 1930, 50, 67); and at line 140, resolutae … terrae referring to the type of loose earth suitable for planting seeds (but cf. Ash 1930, 67). Cf. Zephryo putris se glaeba resolvit ( G 1. 44). Boldrer (1996, 116) adds that resoluta applied to earth refers to “il ‘terreno sciolto,’ ovvero poco coerente, permeable e sabbioso, par ticolarmente adatto alla coltivazione.” 9. Habilis natura soli: Natura is nominative and is another subject of gerit (in addition to ager in line 7). Ash, Santoro, and Forster agree that habilis should be construed as nominative with natura rather than as genitive with soli : “the workable nature of the soil.” Col. elsewhere uses habilis to describe “workable” or “suitable” soil: terram … frumentis habilem (2. 2. 20); nec sunt habilia sementi [ arva ] (3. 11. 16). For a poetic use

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112 of habilis in Vergil, cf. pinguibus hae [sc. vites ] terris habiles, levioribus illae ( G 2. 92), though there it describes the crops rather than the soil. Gramine laeto: For Vergil’s use of this phrase, cf. in gramine laeto ( G 2. 525). For the various senses of laetus see laetas segetes (3). 10. Rutilas ebuli baccas: Ebulum is the Danewort or dwarf elder, Sambucus ebulus L. (Maggiuli 1995, 288; A ndr 1985, 92; Ash 1930, 34-35) For the redness of its berries, cf. Ecl 10. 27, sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem It appears elsewhere in Col. at 2. 2. 20 with the spelling hebulum (Rodgers, with no textual note in the apparatus; Ash prints ebulum likewise with no textual note). It is attested both in a neuter form ebulum, -i ( hic ebulum stridet peregrinaque galbana sudant Luc. 9. 916) and a feminine ebulus, -i (Plin. HN 25. 119). Cato recommends that ebulum be pulled up and used as bedding-material for sheep and cattle (Cato Agr. 37. 2). Ebulum appears to be the same plant also called sambucus or sabucus (LS); cf. atque et sabuci probabiles usu statuminis (4. 26. 1, for propping up vines); sabucus contra firmissima ad palum (Plin. HN 17. 151). Vergil does not mention this plant in the Georgics 11. Sicca: This modifies either natura soli from line 9, which continues to be the subject; or else an appropriate im plied feminine subject, such as terra (cf. line 49) or tellus (cf. line 94). The feminine subject is the antecedent of quae in this line and in line 13. Vergil similarly implies the subject terra or tellus when discussing soil (e.g., rara sit an supra morem si densa requires / (alter a frumentis quoniam favet, altera Baccho, / densa magis Cereri, rarissima quaeque Lyaeo G 2. 227-229), where the feminine adjectives all agree with an implied subject such as terra which Vergil elsewhere states

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113 explicitly (e.g., nigra fere et presso pinguis sub vomere terra / … / optima frumentis G 2. 203, 205). Stagnata palude: For the collocation of these two words, cf. quaeque sitim tulerant, stagnata paludibus hument (Ov. Met 15. 269). In both phrases, stagnata agrees with the preceding quae though in Col. it is singular; and palude/paludibus is abl. of specification (AG 418). Cf. also Iuppiter ut liquidis st agnare paludibus orbem [ vidit ] (Ov. Met 1. 324). 12. Perpetitur querulae … convicia ranae: For the collocation of querula and rana cf. et veterem in limo ranae cecinere querelam ( G 1.378). “The raucous croaking of the frog is often mentioned by Latin writers” (Ash 1930, 34); cf. ranisque loquacibus ( G 3. 431). Ovid tells a story about the origin of frogs: rude country folk insulted Latona and prevented her from getting a drink fr om a pond after she had borne Apollo and Diana and were in consequence turned into frogs (Ov. Met 6. 343-381); for the frogs’ croaking, cf. vox quoque iam rauca est, inflataque colla tumescent, / patulos convicia rictus (Ov. Met 6. 377-378). For the croaking of t he male frog during mating season, cf. Plin. HN 11. 173. Boldrer (1996, 119) sees deliberate anima l anthropomorphism in the use of both querulae and convicia to describe the sound of the frogs, perhaps indicating that Col. is deliberately recalling Ovid’s story. Boldre r also sees a comic phonetic effect in the specific consonants and vowels of the phrase, helping to pai nt a comic picture of the frogs; in the alliteration of perpetitur with palude at the end of the previous line; and in the use of perpetior itself, “attestato in poesia arca ica e sopratutto comica.” Although perpetior is found in some late Republican and early imperial authors, it is mainly

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114 attested in comedy. Examples include: verum istam amo. aliam tecum esse equidem facile possum perpeti (Plaut. Asin 845), non ego istaec flagitia possum perpeti (Plaut. Men 719); si istuc crederem sincere dici, quidvis possem perpeti (Ter. Eun 177). 13-16. Tum quae sponte sua … consternitur ubere mali: Col. now lists the sorts of plants that will easily grow of their own accord in the type of soil he considers ideal for the kind of garden he has in mind. 13. Sponte sua: Boldrer (1996, 121) draws attenti on to the alliteration, which, she asserts, “sottolinea la naturale produttivit di questa terra, qualit spesso esaltata in contesto agricolo.” This phrase is used to indicate inherent, unbidden fertility without the need for human labor: cf. praeterea nitidas fruges vinetaque laeta / sponte sua primum mortalibus ipsa [sc. tellus ] creavit (Lucr. 2. 1157-1158); namque aliae [sc. arbores ] nullis hominum cogentibus ipsae / sponte sua veniunt ( G 2. 10-11); fructus, quos ipsa volentia rura / sponte tulere sua ( G 2. 500-501). Col. uses the phrase elsewhere: tum etiam sua sponte pabula feri s benignissime subminitrat (9. 1. 15); capparis plurimis provinciis sua sponte novalibus nascitur (11. 3. 58). The emphasis on things growing of their own accord is particularly striking in a work dedicated to showcasing the fruits of human labor and on instructing the farmer (or gardener, in Book 10) what he needs to do at at specific times in order to achieve a desirable result: durior aeternusque vocat labor (68). Vergil famously says, labor omnia vicit ( G 1. 145), but in the next lin e he immediately qualifies labor as improbus —“base” —and continues et duris urgens in rebus egestas ( G 1. 146). In this view, labor far from being inherently innobl ing, is merely a necessary means to an end, in this instance

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115 sustenance; cf. pater ipse colendi / haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque per artem / movit agros, curis acuens mortalia corda, / nec torpere gravi passus sua regna veterno ( G 1. 121-124). Vergil contrasts this with the world before Jupiter, when ipsa … tellus / omnia liberius, nullo poscente, ferebat ( G 1. 127-128), that is, when the produce needed for sustenance grew sua sponte without any need for labor, i.e., cultivation and hard work. See also fecundo … horto (372); sponte virescunt (373). Col. suggests that the best soil for the garden is one in which certain desirable plants grow of their own acco rd, as if in the Golden Age ante Iovem ( G 1. 125). Frondosas … ulmos: Ulmus is the elm, possibly Ulmus minor Miller or Ulmus glabra Huds. (Maggiulli 1995, 466). Andr (1985, 274-275) suggests that the ulmus used by Col. (e.g., 5. 6. 2) and Pliny (e.g., HN 16. 27) might refer to any of several elm species, e.g. Ulmus Atinia Ulmus Gallica Ulmus nostras or Ulmus silvestris The use of elm trees as a support fo r vines is mentioned by Vergil: ulmisque adiungere vitis ( G 1. 2); Col. also discusses this prac tice at length (5. 6. 1, 5). For the collocation of these two words cf. semiputata tibi frondosa vitis in ulmo est ( Ecl 2. 70), though there Vergil describes the vine rather than the elm as frondosa See also numeroso … horto (6). 14. Palmitibusque feris: Col. is referring to the vine, as in Books 4 and 5. Festus offers an etymological note: palmites vitium sarmenta appellantur, quod in modum palmarum humanarum vi rgulas quasi digitos edunt ( Gloss. Lat. 246 Lindsay).8 In this passage Col. is probably referring to the wild vine, Vitis silvestris Gmel., as opposed to the cultivated vine, Vitis vinifera L. (Andr 1985, 273). Andr (1985, 273) 8 Citations of Festus are to page numbers in W. M. Lindsay’s 1913 Teubner edition.

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116 and Saint-Denis (1969a, 51) assert that the wild vine is the same vine referred to in Latin literature as vitis silvestris vitis agrestis vitis erratica vitis fera vitis silvatica or vitis labrusca Maggiulli (1995, 483) indicates that vitis and uva do not necessarily refer to any single species of vine that can be ident ified but rather may indicate any one of a variety of types. Andr (1985, 273-274) lists a number of other plants of botanical genera other than genus Vitis which are referred to in Latin as vitis Aspera silvis: Cf. subit aspera silva ( G 1. 152); primum aspera silva / … absint ( G 3. 384-385). However, in these passages aspera modifies silva whereas Col. uses aspera to modify the subj ect of this clause ( quae line 13, referring either to natura soli from line 9, or an appropriate imp lied feminine antecedent such as terra ). Silvis is an ablative of specification (AG 418) with aspera Despite this syntactical difference, both refer to the growth of plant s of their own accord, without human intervention. Col. is thus continuing the idea presented by sua sponte in the previous line. 15. Achrados: Achras is the wild pear tree, possibly Pirus amgydaliformis Vill. (Andr 1985, 3), Pyrus piraster Burgsd. (Maggiulli 1995, 406), Pirus silvestris (Ash 1930, 35), or Pirus crataegifolia (Boldrer 1996, 122). Ash belie ves that this is the tree called pirus silvestris by Pliny ( HN 16. 205). Andr agrees and fu rther suggests that this is the tree called pirus silvatica by Varro ( Rust 1. 40. 5). The word achras is a borrowing from the Greek Achrados is the Greek genitive singular (AG 81-82); R odgers prints this and indicates that it is found in one or more late manuscripts and is possibly a conj ecture. Ash, Santoro, Saint-Denis, and Boldrer print achradis the Latinized genitive singular fo rm, found one or more later mss and as a correction in one of t he oldest ms. (Rodgers 2010, 403).

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117 Col. uses the word at 250 and 7. 9. 6. Achras is first attested in Latin in Col.; LS and OLD give no other citations, and Andr (1985, 3) adds only a few late, postclassical citations. The more common Latin word for pear is pirus which Col. also uses. Cf. neque enim est ullum tam viduum solum virgultis ut non aliquos surculos progeneret, tamquam piros silvestres et prunos vel robos certe; nam haec quamvis genera spinarum sint, solent tamen fortia et laeta et gravida fructu consurgere (3. 11. 5), where Col. names a number of the same plants he mentions in th is passage. Saint-Denis (1969a, 51) points out another link between the passage in 3. 11 and this passge in Book 10: the presence of these plants indicate s “un sol cultivable.” Pruni lapidosis obruta pomis: Prunus is most likely the plum, Prunus domestica L. (Andr 1985, 208-209). The tree is prunus, -i f.; the fruit is prunum, -i n. Cf. prunus silvestris (2. 2. 20), though Andr (1985, 209) suggests that Col. may be referring to Prunus spinosa L. According to Maggiulli (1995, 415), this is the tree to which Vergil refers at G 2. 34: prunis lapidosa rubescere corna ; elsewhere Vergil is referring to Prunus domestica L. ( Ecl 2. 53, G 4. 145). Col. mentions prunus in one other passage in the poem: armeniisque et cereolis prunisque Damasci (404) among the fruits harvested at the ve ry end of the gardening year. For lapidosus applied to plums, cf. again prunis lapidosa rubescere corna ( G 2. 34; lapidosa is possibly a transferred epithet: Vergil is describing grafting of one plant onto another; cf. below on aliena stirpe line 38). Santoro (1946, 16) suggests that lapidosis … pomis refers to “frutta dure come pietre o dai noccioli duri.” Boldrer (1996,

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118 122) points out that lapidosus in reference to fruit can ha ve several possible meanings; in addition to the two suggested by Sant oro, she adds “crescuito tra sassi.” Like Col., at G 2. 34 and G 4. 145 Vergil mentions pears together with plums. Pomum refers to a fruit in general, though, according to Andr (1956, 257), it is always “fruit d’un arbre … jamais d’un arbuste ni d’une herbe.” Cf. poma gravantis ramos (Ov. Met 13. 812); eo pomo (Plin. HN 15. 74, referring to a fig). Martial apparently uses the word to refer to truffles: tubera, boletis poma secunda (Mart. 13. 50. 2; Andr (1956, 257) suggests that Martial might be thinking of truffles as “‘fruits’ de la terre”). Pomum can also refer to a fruit-bear ing tree (Andr 1956, 258); cf. G 2. 426; Plin. HN 18, 240. For pomus, -i f. meaning a fruit tree, cf. Ti b. 2, 1. 43. Col. uses pruni … pomis to mean “the fruit of the plum tree.”16. Iniussi consternitur ubere mali: According to Ash (1930, 35), iniussum in this context means “self-sown, as opposed to iussum done by hand;” cf. iniussa virescunt gramina ( G 1. 55). Contrast tum iussi veniant declivi tramite rivi (48). This continues the list of plants that grow sua sponte (13) and thus indicates that the soil is suitable. For the use of consternitur in this context, cf. consternunt terram concusso stipite frondas ( Aen 4. 444). Ubere in this line is equivalent to copia : “Columella has in mind the unusual fertility of the soil, because it bears fruits in such abundance t hat the earth is strewn with them” (Ash 1930, 35). Cf. divitis uber agri … opulentia ( Aen 7. 262). This continues the sua sponte theme begun in line 13.

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119 Malum is the apple, Greek or Hence m lum is distinguished from the adjective m lus, -a, -um by the vowel quantity of the -a. Malum, -i n. can refer to either the tree or the fruit (Andr 1956, 196), though malus, -i f. is sometimes found for the tree, on analogy with pirum, -i n. vs. pirus, -i f. ( OLD ). Malum can indicate any soft-ski nned fruit, “any fruit fleshy on the outside and having a kernel within (opp. nux ), hence applied also to quinces, pomegranates, peaches, oranges, lemons, etc.” (LS) Andr (1956, 196) defines malum as “fruit pepin ou noyau ( l’exception des baies en gnral, des prunes … des poires et des raisins): abricot, cdrat, coing, gr enade, jujube, pche, pomme.” Pliny ( HN 15. 37-52) discusses at length a number of different fruits which he describes as varieties of mala ; cf. malorum plura sunt genera (Plin. HN 15. 47). When referring to fruits other than the apple, the word is often qualified with an adjective: malum austerum or malum silvestre crab-apple; malum citreum citron; malum coloneum or malum Cydoneum quince; malum granatum or malum Punicum pomegranate; malum Persicum peach ( OLD ). Andr (1956, 196-199) lists dozens of examples of malum qualified with various adjectives as names of different fruits. When Pliny uses malum or malus without qualification, he seems to be referring to the apple or apple tree (e.g., Plin. HN 16. 74; Plin. HN 16. 84). In this passage it is hard to tell whether Col. is referring to the common apple, Pirus malus L. (Andr 1985, 152; Maggiulli 1995, 352) or to another fruit, though Ash, Santoro, Forster, Saint-Denis, Bold rer, Richter, and Henderson all translate malum as “apple” or “apple tree.” In Col.’s later use of the term in Book 10, t he qualifying adjective teres “smooth,” “rounded” suggests that he is referring to the common apple, and all of

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120 the aforementioned translators render malum as “apple”: non aliter quam decussa pluit arbore nimbus / vel teretis mali vel tectae cortice glandis (364-365, comparing the caterpillars falling from the leaves, afte r the recommended ritual remedy has been performed, to a shower of apples or acorns from a shaken tree); cf. mala sorba pruna post mediam hiemem usque in Idus Februarias serito (5. 10. 19, concerning the planting of apples and other fruit trees). By contrast, Col. uses malum elsewhere in Book 10 when specifically refering to peaches: quin etiam eiusdem gener is de nomine dicta / exiguo properant mitescere Persica malo (409-410).9 Vergil refers to the citron as felicis mali ( G 2. 127; Thomas 1988 v. 1, 178). Pliny ( HN 25. 95-96) says that aristolochia or birthwort ( OLD LS) is commonly referred to by Latin writers as malum terrae because of its tuberous root, which has medicinal value. 17-22. Sed negat helleboros … ferat paliuron acutis: Col. now turns from listing the sorts of plants that will easily grow in his ideal garden soil, to the kinds that will not. Richter (1981-1983 v. 2, 486) remarks, “Die hier genannten Pflanzen haben smtlich medizinisch-toxische Bedeutung.” 17. Negat elleboros: Cf. poma negat regio (Ov. Tr 3. 10. 73); cum terra flores negat (Plin. HN 21. 5); perhaps also terra domibus negata (Hor. Carm 1. 22. 22). Elleborus is hellebore, Greek found in Latin both as elleborus and as helleborus (Andr 1956, 125; OLD ). In addition, both a masculine elleborus and a neuter elleborum are found; the neuter is more co mmon (Mynors 1990, 247). The Latin 9 It should be noted, though, that at 410 Persica is used as a substantive, and malo has a general meaning of “fruit.”

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121 equivalent is veratrum ( OLD ). There are two kinds of hellebore: white hellebore, Veratrum album L.; and black hellebore, Helleborus niger L. (Maggiulli 1995, 289; Andr 1985, 94). Pliny ( HN 22. 64) mentions both types (e.g., ellebori albi ; veratri candidi HN 28. 43; veratrum nigrum HN 25. 88). Both kinds were used in antiquity to treat epilepsy and other mental diseases (Ash 1930, 35); it was also used as a laxative but was dangerous in large doses (Boldr er 1996, 123). In the prose portion of his work, Col. uses the Greek-derived name (e.g., album helleborum 7. 5. 7) but mo re often the Latin equivalent veratrum (e.g., 6. 32. 2; 6. 38. 3; 7. 13. 2). Santoro (1946, 17) argues that by using the plural, Col. is referring to bot h types. Boldrer (1996, 123), however, argues that by using the plural, Col. is merely echoing Vergil’s elleborosque gravis nigrumque bitumen at G 3. 451; Mynors’ (1990, 247) note on elleborosque gravis at G. 3. 451 (“one of the most often referr ed-to ancient drugs of vegetable origin”) suggests that he read Vergil’s plural as referri ng to a single substance (Mynors) Col. also follows Vergil in linking hellebore ( veratrum ) with bitumen (6. 32. 2). See noxia carbasa suco (17). Noxia carbasa suco: Carbasa the reading of the earlie r mss., is printed by Lundstrm, Rodgers, Santoro, Ma rsili, Saint-Denis, Richter, and Boldrer. Many earlier editors print galbana the reading of the later mss. (cf. Boldrer 1996, 123). Schneider (1794 pt. 2, 510-511) argues that this is unlikely, because galbanum (a type of ferula or fennel: Ferula galbaniflua Boiss. et Bhs.; Andr 1956, 145) is a non-Italian plant and because it is not poisonous.10 Schneider conjectured carpasa combining the carbasa of the earlier mss. and the Greek a poisonous plant (cf. Boldrer 1996, 12310 Pliny ( HN 12. 126) says that galbanum comes from Syria and adds that it is only good as a medicine ( medicinae hoc tantum ), which indicates that he did not consider it poisonous.

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122 124), and some later editors, including Postgate. Ash, Forster, and Fernndez-Galiano follow Scheider in printing this; Ash accepts this “in view of Columella’s frequent and faithful transliteration of Greek plant names” (Ash 1930, 35). Andr also accepts carpasa as the correct reading here, again as a faithful rendering of the Greek (Andr 1956, 74). Pliny describes sucum carpathii as a poison against which he recommends a remedy (Plin. HN 32. 58; cited as sucum carpathi in Ash, Andr, Saint-Denis, and Boldrer). Pliny’s carpathium or carpathum here seems also to be derived from ( OLD LS) and might possibly refer to white hellebore, Veratrum album (Andr 1985, 51; OLD LSJ). Andr (1956, 74) identifies Pliny’s carpathum as “plante toxique non-identifie” and says that Col. here refers to the same plant; Saint-Denis (1969a, 51), citing Andr, asserts that Col.’s carbasa here is “sans doute le mme que carpathum de Plin. XXXII. 58.” The modern botanical id entity of this plant is uncertain. 18. Taxos: This is the yew tree, Taxus baccata L. (Maggiulli 19 95, 451; Andr 1985, 256). The yew was consid ered poisonous and ill-omened; cf. taxi … nocentes ( G 2. 257); taxi arboris fumus necat mures (Plin. HN 24. 116); taxus minime virens gracilisque et tristis ac dira, nullo suco, ex omnibus sola bacifera. mas noxio fructu; letale quippe bacis in hispania praecipue ve nenum inest, vasa etiam viatoria ex ea vinis in gallia facta mortifera fuisse compertum est (Plin. HN 16. 50). The yew is ill-omened for swans: sic tua Cyrneas fugiant examina taxos ( Ecl 9. 30); and bees: nec propius tectis taxum sine ( G 4. 47). For yew trees asso ciated with passageways to the underworld, cf. est via declivis funesta nubila taxo (Ov. Met 4. 432); iam fama ferebat / saepe cavas motu terrae mugire cavernas / et procumbentes iterum consurgere taxos

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123 (Luc. 3. 417-419); et nullo vertice caelum / suspiciens Phoebo non pervia taxus opacat (Luc. 6. 645). Strenua toxica sudat: Toxicum is poison, from Greek so called because it was originally used with arro ws. As Boldrer (1996, 124) suggests, with toxica following taxos so closely in the same line, Col. is perhaps making a pun between toxica and taxica i.e., derived from taxus the poisonous yew tree. Pliny ( HN 16. 51) suggests a connection between taxicum and toxicum : sunt qui et taxica hinc appellata dicant venena — quae nunc toxica dicimus — quibus sagittae tinguantur Cf. Andr (1985, 256) on taxus : “Le rapprochement avec ‘arc’ repose sur la croyance la toxicit de la plante, dont le suc aur ait servi empoissonner les flches.” Boldrer (1996, 124) also suggests that the phrase strenua toxica “indica qui probabilmente gli umori trasdut i dalla terra, forti e nocivi.” She adds that the combination of these two words is original wi th Col.; neither word is found in Vergil. 19-20. Semihominis vesano gramin e feta / mandragorae: The mandragora is the mandrake, of genus Mandragora (Andr 1985, 154). This is the first attestation of mandragora in Latin; it comes from Greek (Andr 1956, 199). There are two species: the male mandrake, Mandragoras vernalis Bert.; and the female mandrake, Mandragoras autumnalis Spr. (Andr 1985, 154); cf. duo eius genera; candidus qui est mas, niger qui femina exitimatur (Plin. HN 25. 147). The mandrake is poisonous and was used as a narcotic and purgat ive, as well as in magic (Saint-Denis 1969a, 51; Boldrer 1996, 125). It s root was throught to resemble the bottom half of a human body (hence semihominis a possible calque on its alternate Greek name,

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124 ; Andr 1985, 153-154); this caused many people to attribute human characteristics to it, even that it scream ed when pulled from the ground (Ash 1930, 36). It was also considered poisonous and likely to cause madness, hence vesano : “Originale uso di vesanus con valore causativo … che allude al potere della mandragora di ottenebrare la me nte” (Boldrer 1996, 125). Pliny ( HN 25, 147-150) discusses the mandrake and its uses at some length, including comparing it with hellebore in regards to its properties as an emetic and purgative. Semihominis: Semihomo also appears in Vergil ( semihominis Caci facies Aen 8. 194) and Ovid ( haec inter Lapithas semihominesque Centauros / proelia Ov. Met 12. 536-537). Ovid is using it in the same sense as Col., “half-human in appearance;” cf. semibovemque virum semivirumque bovem (Ov. Ars Am 2. 21, of the Minotaur). Vergil may be using it in the same literal sense ( OLD ), or possibly in the metaphorical sense of “half-wild” or “half-civilized” (L S); cf. his later description of Cacus as semiferus ( Aen 8. 267), which could arguably be interp reted either way in context, though Lucretius uses semiferus in the literal sense of “half-human/half-animal”: nam volgo fieri portenta videres / semiferas hominum species existere (Lucr. 2. 701-702). Silius Italicus ( Pun 11. 180) uses semihomo in the metaphorical sense of “half-civilized”: semihomines inter Nasamonas Semihominis and semihomines in the examples cit ed must be scanned as four syllabus (cf. Gransden 1976, 109): – –; the -iin semiis elided before the ho(synezesis; AG 642, 603c n.). In this line the last syllable of semihominis is long by position (AG 603f) before maestam

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125 20. Maestamque cicutam: Cicuta is hemlock Conium maculatum L. (Andr 1985, 66). This is not the tree commonl y called hemlock today, which is genus Tsuga various species (Wright 1984, 28-30). Ash (1930, 37) suggests that maestus underlines the poisonous property of the hemlock; Boldrer (1996, 125) suggests that maestus is “causativo e personificante,” like vesanus in the preceding line. For the poisonous nature of the hemlock, cf. cicuta / … homini quae est acre venenum (Lucr. 5. 899-900); sed mala tollet anum vitiato melle cicuta (Hor. Sat 2. 1. 56). Pliny ( HN 25. 151-154) discusses the hemlock and its poisonous properties at length. Cicuta appears twice in Virgil ( Ecl 2. 36, Ecl 5. 85), both times referring to a flute or pipe made of hemlock-stalks, with no reference to the poisonous properties of the plant. In addition to the reference to t he hemlock’s poison cited above (Lucr. 5. 899900), Lucretius uses the word in one other passage: et zephyri cava per calamorum sibila primum / agrestis docuere cavas inflare cicutas (Lucr. 5. 1382-1383), referring to the stalk serving as a pipe. Clausen ( 1994, 76) asserts that this usage of cicuta was “a metrical equivalent for calami invented by Lucretius” which served as Vergil’s model for his use of it in the Eclogues 21-22. Nec manibus mitis … nec cruribus aequa: Nec in both instances is negating the following adjective ( nec mitis nec aequa ), not the the entire clause: the verb ferat (22), with cicutam (20) ferulas (21) terga rubi (22), and paliuron (22) as direct objects, and an implied terra or tellus as subject (see note on sicca line 11). 21. Nec manibus mitis ferulas: Ferula generally refers to the giant fennel, Ferula communis L ., or a smaller version, Ferula ferulago L. = Ferulago galbanifera Koch (Andr 1985, 103; Wright 1984, 346). Andr (1956, 135, 313), however, asserts

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126 that in this line (and line 118) Col. is actually referring to thapsia, Thapsia gargantica Pliny ( HN 13. 124) comments: semen ferulae thapsian qui dam vocavere,decepti ei, quoniam ferula sine dubio est thapsia, sed sui generis Col. gives a recipe for preserving fennel after it has been picked (12. 7. 4). Vergil mentions fennel only once: venit et agresti capitis Silvanus honore, / florentis ferulas et grandia lilia quassans ( Ecl 10. 24-25). Nec manibus mitis: nec is negating mitis in what Boldrer (1996, 125) considers ‘euphemistic litotes’: e ssentially equivalent to ferulae minaces in line 118 (cf. AG 326c, 641). According to Ash (1930, 36) and Boldre r (1996, 125), Col. is referring to the practice of using stalks of giant fennel to make switches with which teachers would beat their students; cf. ferulaeque tristes, sceptra pedagogorum (Mart. 10. 62. 10); [sc. ferulae ] invisae nimium pueris grataque magistris, / clara Prometheo munere ligna sumus (Mart. 14. 80. 1-2); et nos ergo manus ferulae subduximus (Juv. 1. 15). 21-22. Nec cruribus aequa / terga rubi: Rubus is a bramble, genus Rubus various species, “generally vigorous shr ubs with prickly stems, lobed or compound leaves, flowers in early summer, & [sic] edi ble blackberry/raspberry-like fruits” (Wright 1984, 168). Maggiulli (1995, 432) says that rubus is “voce botanica generica, non individuabile in una determinata pianta o fami glia.” According to Andr (1985, 220), rubus most commonly refers to the common bramble, Rubus fruticosus L. The term can also refer to a number of different plants, including those also known as rhamnus the buckthorn, Rhamnus carthatica L. or other species of genus Rhamnus ; or Christ’s thorn, Paliurus australis Gaertn. or Paliurus spina-christi (Andr 1956 112, 275; 1985, 185; Wright 1984, 154; see spinisque ferat paliuron acutis 22); and cynosbatos the wild

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127 rose bush (probably Rosa sempervirens L.; Andr 1956, 112). Pliny ( HN 24. 117-124) discusses the nature and properties of different types of brambles. Andr (1985, 220) suggests that the name is derived from ruber either because of the color of the plant’s berries or the color of its leaves in autumn. As in the previous phrase ( nec … mitis 21), nec is negating the adjective aequa in litotes. For this sense of aequus as “favorable,” cf. aer avibus non aequus ( G 3. 546). For the use of tergum in the sense of “exterior surf ace,” see note on line 7. Col. appears to be saying that the thorns of the br amble scratch the legs of those who walk through it; cf. furtim latebras intrare ferarum / candidaque hamatis crura notare rubis (Tib. 3. 9. 9-10). Tergum in this line means the “outer edges” of the bramble bush. Ash translates terga as “branches;” Boldrer as “dorsi” (“bac ks,” or perhaps “tops” or “edges”); SaintDenis as “lanires” (“lashes”); Santoro as “f rutici” (“shrubs”). Richter tentatively ventures “Hecken?” (“hedges”). Forster renders the phrase terga rubi as “bramblebushes.” See also sentis ... vepribus (249). 22. Spinisque ferat paliuron acutis: Paliurus is a borrowing from Greek which Andr derives from + “one guarding again” or “second guard,” “allusion deux stipules pineuses a la base des feuilles.” He identifies this as Christ’s thorn,11 Paliurus australis Gaertn. = Paliurus spina Christi Miller (Andr 1985, 185; see also nec cruribus aequa / terga rubi 21-22). Maggiulli (1995, 387) says that paliurus in Latin is a Vergilian neologism; cf. spinis surgit paliurus acutis ( Ecl 5. 39), 11 Henderson (2004, 53) translates paliuron as “Christ’s thorn,” which introduces an anachronism into Col.’s text. Because Col. is using not only a Greek word but also a Vergilian one, I will keep Col.’s word in the translation—only altering the case form to nominative—as paliurus

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128 which Col. clearly echoes in this line.12 Col. refers to this plant elsewhere: ea sint vastissimarum spinarum, maximeque rubi et paliuri et eius quam Graeci vocant nos sentem canis appellamus (11. 3. 4, on using thorn bushes as a garden hedge). For a description of paliurus and its medicinal uses, cf. Plin. HN 24. 115. See also nec cruribus aequa / terga rubi (21-22); sentis ... vepribus (249). Paliuron is the Greek accusative singular fo rm (AG 52). Ash (1930, 37) suggests that Col. is using it so as not to lose a syllable by elison before acutis as would happen if he used the Latinized form paliurum (cf. AG 612e). 23. Incola durus: Col. has Vergilian precedent for describing the farmer ( incola ) as durus : dicendum et quae sint duris agrestibus arma ( G 1. 160), where durus has a positive sense (“hardy”), which seems to fi t Col.’s use here. On the other hand, durus arator ( G 4. 512) has a more negative sense (“ unfeeling”): Orpheus mourning the loss of Eurydice is compared to a nightingal e mourning the loss of her chicks whom a durus arator has expelled from their nest. Col. uses durus three other times in Book 10: quae duri praebent cymosa stripe Sabelli (137); et vos, agrestes, duro qui pol lice mollis / demetitis flores (303-304); saepe ferus duros iaculatur Iuppiter imbres (329). He also uses t he comparative form once: durior aeternusque vocat labor (68) Of these, the mo st relevant for the present passage are 68 and 137: at 68, the work of farming is durior ; at 137, the Sabines as a people, who produce a particular vari ety of cabbage, are described as duri At 303-304 12 Henderson (2004, 127, n. 7) remarks, “Columella pegs his Garden close to those songs from herdsmen resting in the shade—closer, ultimately, than to Virgil’s Georgics ?”

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129 the farmer’s thumb is durus because of all the work in which his hands have been engaged—they are tough enough to break the stems of flowers easily. Both Lucretius and Vergil use durus to describe primitive humanity: cf. et genus humanum multo fuit illud in arvis / duriu s, ut decuit, tellus quod dura creasset (Lucr. 5. 925-926); Deucalion vacuum lapides iactavit in orbem / unde homines nati, durum genus ( G 1. 62-63). Ovid echoes Vergil: inde genus durum sumus experiensque laborum / et documenta damu s qua simus origine nati (Ov. Met 1. 414-415). Durus in Vergil can describe both groups of people and individuals; cf. gens dura atque asper cultu debellanda tibi in Latio est ( Aen 5. 730-731, on the people awaiting the Trojans in Italy); durum a stirpe genus natos ad flumina primum / deferimus saevoque gelu duramus et undis ( Aen 9. 603-604), when Ascani us tries to rally the Trojans; Dardanidae duri ( Aen 3. 94), the prophecy to the Trojans at Delos; Scipiadas duros bello (G. 2. 170, where Vergil praises pr oduce and people of Italy). But cf. Cissea durum /… / deiecit Leto ( Aen 10. 318, 320); fortunam atque viam per duri pectus Halaesi ( Aen 10. 422). In both of these passages durus describes a hero who is being (or is about to be) killed. In the often-cited Georgics passage labor omnia vicit / impr obus et duris urgens in rebus egestas ( G 1. 145-146), Vergil links labor and durus : though the two words are in different clauses, they contribute to a single idea of accomplishment through hard work motivated by necessity. Lucretius also modifies labor with durus : atque in eo semper durum sufferre laborem (Lucr. 3. 999, when he compares the pursuit of public life to the task of Sisyphus); nec poterant pariter dur um sufferre laborem (Lucr. 5. 1272, of trying to make tools of gold and silver as well as bronze); atque ipsi pariter durum

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130 sufferre laborem / atque opere in duro durarent membra manusque (Lucr. 5. 1359-1360, on men leaving the task of weaving to wom en and devoting themselves instead to hard work, which Lucretius emphasizes by the repetition of durus and durare ). In Lucretius, labor durus is something negative to be suffered and borne, whereas Vergil, in the Georgics has added a positive note—although labor is harsh, it can lead to positive accomplishments (Catto 1986, 313-314). Vergil elsewhere introduces this note of labor as something harsh ( durus ) that nevertheless yields a positive result: durus uterque labor ( G 2. 412), of “the twice-yearly tasks of pampinatio (“vine-trimming”) and runcatio (“weeding”) … [which] are implied by what necessitates them—the growth of fo liage and weeds” (Thomas 1988 v. 1, 232). Though the tasks are difficult, by doing them t he farmer will help the vineyard produce its yield: “the words and theme recall … [ G ]. 1. 145-[14]6” (Thomas 1988 v. 1, 233). Cf. also ipse labore manum duro terat ( G 4. 114), where Vergil recommends planting a flower garden to attract and keep bees: t he hard work will pay off in the end. Vergil also links durus and labor twice in the Aeneid : in describing the Labors of Hercules, as recounted by the Salii ( duros mille labores / rege sub Eurystheo fatis Iunonis iniquae / pertulerit Aen 8. 291-293), where the sense of labor seems Lucretian and negative; and, in the m outh of Venus, to describe Aeneas’ sufferings ( et durum Aeneae flevissem saepe laborem Aen 8. 380). In the latte r passage, Vergil may again be implying a positive outcome to labor since Aeneas’ trials, though onerous, will eventually result in the founding of Rome. See also laboris nostri (Pr. 4). 24. Semper sitientibus hortis: For the trope of the fields and plants as “thirsty,” cf. medios cum sol accenderit aestus, / cum sitiunt herbae ( G 4. 401-402, of the heat at

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131 midday). Vergil also compares a mare that has been prepared to be receptive to mating, by being put on a spare diet and being ex ercised hard, to a thirsty field eager for rain: hoc faciunt, nimio ne luxu obtunsior usus / sit genitali arvo … / sed rapiat sitiens Venerem interiusque recondat ( G 3. 135-137). 25. Fons … putei non sede profunda: Col. elsewhere recommends digging a well if needed for irrigation, and one that is not too deep: si deerit fluens unda, putealis quaeratur in vicino, quae non sit haustus profundi (1. 5. 1). Cf. also: quique adveniente rivo, vel si non sit fluens aqua, fonte puteali possit rigari (11. 3. 8); Col. adds that to ensure a steady water supply, the well should be dug when the sun is in the last part of the constellation Virgo, in S eptember before the autumnal equinox (11. 3. 8). Col. does not specify the time for well-digging in hi s poem, but the point where he places this admonition is consistent with his advice in 11. 3, since the gardener’s year begins in September with the autum nal equinox (41-42). 26. Ne gravis hausuris tendentibus ilia vellat: This phrase poses two difficulties in particular: there are textual issues with the reading hausuris and the use of the two participles toget her has prompted various s uggested interpretations. Gravis agrees with fons (25): if the well is too deep, the water may be too heavy, or injurious to those who draw it. Ilia should be construed as the direct object of vellat not of tendentibus despite Col.’s possible Vergilian model for this line: ilia singultu tendunt ( G 3. 507, of cattle dying of the plague). Hausuris is printed by Rodgers, without a textual note, follo wing the oldest mss. Ash, Santoro, Marsili, Saint-Denis, Fernndez-Galiano, and Boldrer also print hausuris ;

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132 Boldrer includes a detailed text ual note. Forster prints hausturis, following later mss. Richter, perhaps bothered by t he use of the two participl es together, conjectures haustus opus tendentibus on analogy (for the use of opus with tendere ) with ultra / legem tendere opus (Hor. Sat 2. 1. 1-2). Santoro (1946, 19, 74) sugges ts that in this passage tendentibus has “valore riflessivo,” despite the lack of an explicit se and that this should be read together with hausuris which should be construed as having the sense of purpose or goal (as the future participle may sometimes hav e; AG 499.2); he also construes tendentibus as a dative with the adjective gravis (AG 383): “penosa a chi si t ende per attingere,” “painful to the one exerting himself in or der to draw [the water].” Ash (1930, 39) takes the two participles t ogether, much as S antoro does, but he reads haurire in this line as “drink” rather than “draw;” in addition, he construes gravis as adverbial, and tendentibus as a dative of reference (AG 376) with ilia : “lest it severely bruise the groins of those w ho shall stretch to drink it.” Boldrer (1996, 127) considers hausuris the difficilior lectio and therefore preferable to hausturis The participial form hausurus also appears in Vergil: supplicia hausurum scopulis et nomi ne Dido / saepe vocaturum ( Aen 4. 383). Boldrer (1996, 127-128) also argues that two participles should not be taken together, but rather belong to two different phrases: she reads ne… tendentibus ilia vellat as one phrase, and gravis hausuris as a separate phrase (construing hausuris as a dative with the adjective gravis ; AG 383). She points out that t he strong caesura in the line comes between hausuris and tendentibus which, she suggests, supports her interpretation that they should not be taken together To that end, she punct uates the line as follows: ne,

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133 gravis hausuris, tendentibus ilia vellet —“lest [the water], [too] heavy for those who will draw it, should pull the groins of those trying [to do so].” Boldrer’s proposed solution to the problem of the two adjacent participles is persuasive and is faithful to the ms. tex t. I have adopted her interpretation in my translation. 27-28. Talis humus … pervia furi: Col. recommends enclosing the garden plot to keep out livestock and thieves. Enclosure is an important step in dividing what is in the garden from what is outside it. Frayn (19 74, 16) remarks: “Having obtained his plot, the rusticus must fence it in, to prevent incursi ons by animals or neighbours.” Gowers (1950, 129-130, 132-135) points out the metapoetic meaning of the garden enclosure for both Vergil and Col.: Vergil is shut out from the garden ( exclusus G. 4. 147), while Col.’s garden is enclosed by the surrounded prose books of his treatise. The garden poet, like the gardener, must work within t he boundaries he has delineated for himself. 27. Parietibus: Must be scanned as four syllables: – –; the first -iis consonantal, making the first syllable long by position (synaeresis; AG 642, 603c n., 603f n.4). The la st syllalbus of parietibus here is long by position before vel For other examples of parietibus scanned this way, cf. G 4. 297; Aen 2. 442. Col. recommends enclosing the plot as the first step towards establishing the garden. 29-31. Nec tibi Daedaliae … aut Ageladae / arte laboretur: Col. mentions the names of four prominent Gr eek craftsmen, one mythical and three historical. The historical sculptors were all (possibly) from Argos and were contemporaries.

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134 29. Daedaliae … dextrae: Daedalus is the epitome of the craftsman in Greek myth. He built the device which allowed Minos’ wife Pasipha to mate with the bull (Hyg. Fab 40); he built the Labyrinth to hous e the resulting Minotaur (Ov. Met 8. 159167); and he constructed the wings allowing him to escape from Crete with his son Icarus (Ov. Met ., 8. 183-235; Aen 6. 14-15, 30-33). Pliny ( HN 7. 198) regards Daedalus as the inventor of carpentr y and of several car pentry tools. 30. Polyclitea: Referring to Polyclitus, c. 460-410 B.C.E. According to Pliny ( HN 34. 55) he was from Sicyon and was a pupil of Ageladas, though Plato ( Prt 311c) says that Polyclitus was from Argos. Pliny also discusses specific works attributed to Polyclitus and credits him with perfecting the approach to sculpture that had been started by Pheidias: hic consummasse hanc scientiam i udicatur et toreuticen sic erudisse, ut Pheidias aperire (Plin. HN 34. 55-56). Cf. RE XXI 2, 1707-1718. Polyclitea is an adjective agreeing with arte (31). Must be scanned as five syllables: – – –. Phradmonis: Phradmon was an Argive sculptor known for working in bronze. Cf. RE XX 1, 739-740. According to Pliny ( HN 34. 49), Phradmon was a contemporary of Polyclitus and Myron, and flourished in the 90th Olympiad, ca. 430 B.C.E. (Plin. HN 34. 49). Pausanias (6. 8. 1) mentions seei ng, in Olympia, several victory statues by Phradmon. Ageladae: Ageladas, or Hageladas, was an Ar give sculptor of the late 6th5th cent. B.C.E. and was the teacher of Po lyclitus, Myron, and Phidias. Cf. RE VII 2, 21892199. Pliny ( HN 34. 49) Latinizes his names as Hagelades and says that he flourished in the 87th Olympiad, ca. 432 B.C.E., though this is almost certainly too late.

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135 31-34. Sed truncum … Priapi … falce minetur: Priapus is the Greek god of fertility and guardian of gardens. He is the son of Aphrodite; his father is variously identified as Dionysus, Hermes, Zeus, or P an. He is generally portrayed as having a prominent erection ( terribilis membri 33; inguinibus 34), and often as carrying a sickle ( falce 34). His statue, m ade of rough-hewn wood ( truncum forte dolatum 31), was often placed in gardens as a kind of scarecrow ( medio qui semper in horto / … minetur 33-34); cf. pomosisque ruber custos ponatur in hor tis / terreat ut saeva falce Priapus aves (Tib. 1. 1. 17-18); tum Bacchi respondit rustica proles / armatus curva sic mihi falce deus (Tib. 1. 4. 7-8); furem Priapo non timente securus (Mart. 3. 58. 47); custodem medio statuit quam vilicus horto (Mart. 3. 68. 9); quique deus fures vel falce vel inguine terret (Ov. Met 14. 640). Horace puts Sat. 1. 8 in the mouth of a Priapus statue serving as a garden guardian: olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lignum, cum faber, incertus scamnum faceretne Priapum, maluit esse deum. deus inde ego, furum aviumque maxima formido; nam fures dextra coercet obscenoque ruber porrectus ab inguine palus; ast importunas volucres in vertice harundo terret fixa vetatque novis considere in hortis. (Hor. Sat 1. 8. 1-7) Horace is referring to two aspects of the Pr iapus statue taken up by Col.: the prominent phallus, and the sickle (held in the right hand) both of which are intended to contribute to its deterrent effect. Vergil also mentions having a Pr iapus statue as a garden scarecrow: et custos furum atque avium cum falce saligna / Hellespontiaci servet tutela Priapi ( G 4. 110111); this is another link between Col. ’s garden and his inspiration in Georgics 4. Vergil, like Horace, mentions thieves and birds as th e main targets of t he Priapic scarecrow.

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136 Col., however, says that the objects of its terror will be thieves ( praedoni ) and boys ( puero ). As Hallett (1981, 341-347) has shown, the assertion that his erection will be a threat to boys ( inguinibus puero … minetur 34) refers to anal penetration. She further demonstrates that Horace’s description of t he statue as being made of fig wood (Hor. Sat 1. 8. 1) alludes to the use of ficus to describe an anus damaged by repeated penetration, and she argues that t he Priapic flatulence that ends Sat 1.8 is an additional allusion to anal penetration, though in Horace the Priapic anus becomes the active rather than receptive organ. Col. is content with the mere suggestion that Priapus’ phallus will be a menace to young boys. For the connection between Priapus and pederasty, cf. Tib. 1. 4. 9 (part of a dialogue between the narrator and a statue of Priapus, who cautions the narrato r to beware of pursuing boys): o fuge te tenerae puerorum credere turbae See falcifero … Priapo (108). Boldrer (1996, 132) regards praedo as an alternative for fur Col. uses it elsewhere to describe a thief who might break into an apiary, which he recommends enclosing as one would a garden: ne sint stabula [sc. apium ] vel igni vel furibus obnoxia, potest vitari opere lateritio circumstru ctis alvis, ut impediatur rapina praedonis (9. 6. 4); cf. nimbi repentini ac torrentes fluvii periculosi … et repentinae praedonum manus quod improvisos facilius opprimere possunt (Varro, Rust 1. 12. 4). Invocation (Lines 35-40) 36-37. Quae cura satis, quo sidere primum / nascantur flores: Col. begins his recounting of gardening tasks with a series of indirect questions, echoing again the opening of the Georgics : quid faciat laetas segetes, quo sidere terram vertere … / …

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137 quae cura boum, qui cultus habendo / sit pecori, apibus quanta experientia parcis ( G 1. 1-4). Vergil does this again at the beginnin g of his short excurses on gardens and the Old Man of Tarentum: pingis hortos quae cura colendi / ornaret … / quoque modo potis gauderet intiba rivis ( G 4. 118-120). Nascantur flores: Cf. nascantur flores ( Ecl 3. 107). 37. Paestique Rosaria: According to Ash (1930, 40) and Boldrer (1996, 132), Paestum, on the coast of Lucania, was know n for roses famous for their color and fragrance; due to the mild clim ate, roses there bloomed twice a year (Maggiulli 1995, 431). Cf. biferi rosaria Paesti ( G 4. 119); tepidique rosaria Paesti (Ov. Met 15. 708); odorati … rosaria Paesti (Prop 4. 5. 61); Paestanis rubeant aemula labra rosis (Mart. 4. 42. 10). According to Maggiulli (1995, 431), Vergil uses rosarium for a garden of cultivated roses ( G 4. 199) but rosetum to indicate a bed of wild roses: puniceis humilis quantum saliunca rosetis ( Ecl 5. 17). Cf. sub urbe colere hortos late expedit, sic violaria ac rosaria (Varro, Rust 1. 16. 3). Andr (1985, 219) identif ies the rose most comm only mentioned in ancient literature as Rosa gallica L., which grows wild in the northern Mediterranean and from which many varieties were developed. Maggi ulli (1995, 430) states that the roses in ancient literature could be any of several species of genus Rosa The rose is generally an ornamental fl ower, but Vergil recommends a medicinal use for treating sickness in bees ( G 4. 268). Pliny ( HN 21. 14) says that violets and roses are practically the only garden plants used by Romans to make garlands; but

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138 adds of the rose, usus eius in coronis paene minimus est ( HN 21. 15) and discusses the nature, perfume, and medicinal uses of a variety of roses ( HN 21. 14-21). Gemment: Ash sees gemment as a pun on two meanings of gemma “bud” and “gem”: roses bud, but they also sp arkle like gems (Ash 1930, 41). Gemmare meaning “to bud,” however, is in fact a metaphor drawn from gemma “gem,” a fact noted by Cicero ( de Orat 3. 155): nam ut vestis frigoris depellendi causa reperta primo, post adhiberi coepta est ad ornatum etiam corporis et dignitatem, sic verbi translatio instituta est inopiae causa, frequentata delectationis. nam gemmare vitis, luxuriem esse in herbis, laetas segetes etiam rustici dicunt Boldrer (1996, 133) remarks that this verb is not found in Vergil and that it is a term dr awn from technical/agricultural language, not poetic language; Varro ( Rust 1. 40. 1) uses it in this sense: id tum fit, antequam gemmare aut florere quid incipit Col. uses this verb once more in the poem: iam Phrygiae loti gemmantia lumina promunt (258); he also uses the verb gemmare and the noun gemma in the sense of “bud” several times in prose, particularly Books 3, 4, and 5. Cf. florida cum tellus, ge mmantis picta per herbas / vere notat dulci distincta coloribus arva ( Culex 70-71); gemmantem floribus hortum (Man. 5. 256). 38. Bacchi genus: The “race of Bacchus” is the vine ; for referring to the vine or wine as Bacchus, cf. hic tibi praevalidas olim multoqu e fluentis / sufficiet Baccho vitis ( G 2. 190-191); nec Baccho genus aut pomis sua nomina servat ( G 2. 240). See munera Bacchi (3); palmitibusque feris (14); tuas … Nysie, vitis (248). 38-39. Aliena stirpe gravata / miti s adoptis curvetur frugibus arbor: Col. elsewhere discusses in detail the gra fting of vines (4. 29); Cato (Cato Agr 41) and

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139 Varro ( Rust 1. 40. 5-6; 1. 41. 1-3) both also discuss the subject at length, as does Vergil ( G 2. 30-34, G 2. 47-82). Thomas (1988 v. 2, 161) argues that both Varro and Vergil understood that, with regard to grafting, “for a successful union the scion and the stock must be within the same family;” cf. non enim pirum recepit quercus, neque enim si malus pirum (Varro, Rust 1. 40). Ross (1987, 103) is more spec ific: “modern theory and practice can be stated thus: grafting between families is impossible, between genera (intergeneric) possible though difficult, and between species (i ntrageneric) generally successful.” Col. understands the general principle: sed omnis surculus omni arbori inseri potest, si non est ei, cui inseritur, cortice dissimilis. si vero etiam similem fructum eodem tempore adfert, sine scrupulo egregie inseritur (5. 11. 1). Thus when Vergil, suggesting types of grafts, remarks: et saepe alterius ramos impune videmus / vertere in alterius, mutatamque insita mala ferre pirum et prunis lapidosa rubescere corna ( G 2. 32-34), according to Varro the first is possible, the second is not. Vergil may well be aware of the impossibilit y of some of the grafts he proposes (Thomas 1988 v. 2, 161); according to Ross (1987, 107), “to recognize these grafts as impossible is, in fact, to see Virgil’s pur pose”: in beginning to describe these grafts, Vergil exclaims that they are mirabile dictu ( G 2. 30), and at Ecl 8. 52-53 he includes among the adunata precisely the type of graft which Varro claims is impossible: aurea durae / mala ferant quercus Thomas (1988 v. 2, 161) rema rks, “at the same time, by positing these grafts, V[ergil] stresses the transformation of the nat ural tree at the hands of man and under t he application of labor .” See laboris nostri (Pr. 4).

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140 Gravata … curvetur: for the image of the tree as heavy with offspring, cf. ramique virescunt / arboribus, crescunt ipsae fetuque gravantur (Lucr. 1. 252-253); nec minus interea fetu nemus omne gravescit ( G 2. 429). 40. Pierides … Musae: The association of the Muses with Pieria in Macedonia goes back to Hesiod: (Hes. Op. 1). Hesiod says Pieria was their birthplace (Hes. Th 52-54); Cicero, though, says that the Muses are called Pieridae or Pieriae because their father was Pierus ( Nat. D 3. 54). Vergil refers to the Muses as Musae or Pierides but never combines the two terms, as Col. does. Varro, by contrast, regards an invocation to the Muses as i nappropriate for an agricultural treatise and instead invokes Roman and agricultural gods: primo invocabo eos, nec, ut Homerus et Ennius, Musas ( Rust 1. 1. 5). By invoking the Muses as his inspiration, Col. puts himself in the line of Hesiod ( Op 1, Theog 1) and of Vergil in the Georgics ( me vero primum dulces ante omnia Musae … / accipiant G 2. 475-477)13 as a didactic poet. Manilius (1. 4-5) alludes to the Muses but does not actually invoke them: aggredior primusque novis Helicona movere / cantibus Muses are also invoked as the inspiration for epic poetry (Hom. Od 1; Aen 1. 8; 10. 163). See Calliope (225). Tenui deducite carmine: This recalls the invocati on at the beginning of the Metamorphoses : ad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen (Ov. Met 1. 4); cf. deductum dicere carmen ( Ecl 6. 5). As Clausen (1994, 180) notes, the image is drawn 13 When Boldrer (1996, 252) asserts: “Virgilio … non nomina Calliope n invoca le Muse nelle Georgiche ” she has either overlooked this passage, or doe s not regard it as an invocation. Vergil is asking the Muses to inspire the sort of didac tic poet that he ostensibly aspires to be.

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141 from spinning: cf. dextera tum leviter deducens fila supinis / formabat digitis (Cat. 64. 312-313); tenui deducta poemata filo (Hor. Epist 2. 1. 2). Henderson (2002, 52, 127128 n. 10) translates deducite as “channel” and comments: “A metaphor of producing text as ‘spinning thread’ adapts for the garden here as ‘channeling water.’ Col. wants cl assical poetry to irrigate his gardening, fetching inspiration all the way from the primal Greek source of Hesiod’s farming poem, Works and Days ( Pierides v. 1), through the refining ch annels of later Greek poetry … Now the tradition feeds Columella, he derives direct inspiration here, not from Virgil’s Georgics but from his first poems, the Eclogues (reworking 6.5).” If Henderson is correct, then this is another instance of Col. likening poet and gardener, and the act of writing poetry to that of tending a garden. Ash (1930, 42) connects tenuis with the style of diction ( genus dicendi ) which Aulus Gellius ( NA 6. 14. 1-3) calls gracilis (as opposed to the other two styles he lists, uber and mediocris ; but this overlooks the poetic, Callimachean associations of tenuis / See tenuem (Pr. 4). Winter Tasks (Lines 41-76) 41. Sitiens … Canis: Sirius, the Dog Star, generally Canis or Canicula in Latin (Plin. HN 28. 287; Cic. Div 2. 93;); both terms can also refer to Procyon, the Lesser Dog (Plin. HN 18. 268; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 4). Col. clearly distinguishes between Procyon and Canicula (11. 2. 52); Cicero and Hyginus ident ify Canicula with Procyon, distinguishing it from Canis (Cic. Arat 450(222), 594-595(377-378); Nat. D 2. 111; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 4. 4). Sirius, identif ied by modern astronomers as Canis Majoris (Ridpath 2004, 105), is the pr incipal star in the constellation Canis Major and the

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142 brightest star in the night sky (Ridpath 2004, 111). Col. ment ions Sirius twice more in the poem (289, 400). Canis Major was thought to represent M aera, the dog of Erigone, daughter of Icarius (cf. canis Erigones 400). When Icarius was k illed, Maera showed Erigone where her father’s body was; Erigone then killed herself. Erigone became the constellation Virgo (Hyg. Poet astr 2. 25. 2)14 and her dog became the star Sirius (Hyg. Fab 130; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 4, though Hyginus identifies Procyon as Maera). Hyginus also records alternative stories about the cons tellation: it is the dog of Procris, wife of Cepheus; or the dog of Orion—Homer calls the star ’ Orion’s dog (Hom. Il 22. 29)—or of Icarius (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 35). Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 36) also mentions another tradition in which Procyo n represents the dog of Orion. Ash asserts that Col. “r efers to the supposed setting of the Dog Star in the Ocean” (Ash 1930, 43), but ancient sources do not mention a setting of Sirius at the time of the fall equinox. Acco rding to Col., Sirius sets at sunrise on 25 November (11. 2. 89) and in the evening on 30 April (11. 2. 37).15 Boldrer (1996, 136) regards this mention of Sirius, followed by the later mention of it in line 400, as an illustrati on of ring composition in the poem. The Dog Star was often associated with dryness and heat: cf. (Hes. Op 587); fervidus ille Canis (Cic. Arat 349 (108)); iam rapidus torrens sitientis Sirius Indos / ardebat caelo ( G 4. 425-426); tum sterilis exurere 14 Vergil calls the constellation Virgo Erigone : cf. qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentes / panditur ( G 1. 33-34). Aratus calls it ( Phaen 97, 491, 546). 15 Col. (11. 2. 94) and Pliny ( HN 18. 34) also state that Sirius sets at sunrise on 30 December, but this is wrong (LeBoeuffle 1964, 331).

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143 Sirius agros ( Aen 3. 141); te flagrantis atrax hora Caniculae / nescit tangere (Hor. Carm 3. 13. 9-10); sitiensque Canicula (Ov. Ars am 2. 231); incipit et sicco fervere terra Cane (Prop. 2. 28. 4); aestivi tempora sicca Canis (Tib. 1. 4. 6); Canis arenti torreat arva siti (Tib. 1. 4. 42); aestui Caniculae (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 4. 6). See Sirius ardor (289). The Greek name found in Hesiod and Aratus ( Phaen 331-332), may come from “destructive” (LSJ); cf. existimatur et Sirion appellasse propter flammae candorem (Hyg. Poet. astr. 2. 35).16 According to Col., Sirius rose on 26 July (11. 2. 52); Pliny ( HN 18. 270) puts its rising on the 23rd day after the solstice. Varro ( Rust 1. 28. 2). puts th e rising of Sirius at 27 days after the summer solstice and 67 da ys before the fall equino x. All of these point to a rising in late July, which marked th e arrival of the hot da ys of late summer. 42. Titan: Refers to the Sun: ubi primos crastinus ortus / extulerit Titan radiisque retexerit orbem ( Aen 4. 119); nullus adhuc mundo praebebat lumina Titan (Ov. Met 1. 10); iungere equos Titan velocibus imperat Horis (Ov. Met 2. 118); iam tempora Titan / quinque per autumnos r epetiti duxerat anni (Ov. Met 6. 438). In Homer ( Od 1. 8), Hesiod ( Theog 371-374), and the Homeric Hymns ( Hom. Hymn Hel 4-7, Hom. Hymn Ath .13-14), the sun god, Helios, is the son of Hyperion,17 one of the Titans (Hes. Theog 132-134); cf. Hyperione nate (Ov. Met. 4. 192). As the son of a Titan, the sun can thus also be referred to as Titan ( OLD ). See canis Erigones flagrans Hyperionis aestu (400). 16 Kidd (1997, 308), however, states t hat its “derivation … is uncertain.” 17 “the one going overhead.”

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144 Paribus … orbem libraverit horis: This refers to the autumnal equinox, which Col. variously puts at 23 Septem ber (2. 8. 2) or between 2426 September (11. 2. 66). At this time the sun is in the constellation Libra: XIII Kal. Oct. Sol in Libram transitum facit (11. 22. 65); Libra die somnique pares ubi fecerit horas / et medium luci atque umbris iam dividit orbem ( G 1. 208-209). Libra is a late addition to the Zodiac; it is the only Zodiac cons tellation that isn’t a Aratus calls this constellation the Claws ( ) of Scorpio ( Phaen 546), a name which, Latinized as chelae Cicero ( Arat 569 (323)) and Germanicus ( Arat 607) retain in their translations of Aratus. Hyginus remarks: nulla sunt duodecim signa, sed undecim ideo quod Scorpio magni tudine sui corporis duorum locum occupat signorum, e quibus prior pars Chelae, reliqua autem Scorpio vocatur (Hyg. Poet. astr 4. 5); cf. scorpios hinc duplum quam cetera possidet orbi s / sidera, per chelas geminato lumine fulgens (Germ. Arat 548-549). In the Georgics Vergil suggests that Scorpio wil l withdraw his Claws to create room for a new conste llation between Virgo ( Erigone : cf. Man. 2. 32; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 25. 2; Hyg. Fab 224) and Scorpio; this will be Libr a, representing Augustus, whose birthday, according to Suetonius ( Aug 5) was 23 September:18 anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, qua locus Erigonen in ter Chelasque sequentis panditur (ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens Scorpios et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit) ( G 1. 32-35) Manilius calls this constellation both Libra (Man. 1. 267) and Chelae (Man. 2. 524). Petronius ( Sat 35.3) and Pliny ( HN 18. 221) call it Libra as does Col. elsewhere (11. 2. 18 Cf. Suet. Aug. 100; also Scheid (2009, 293): “23 September [was] the first day of the festival marking Augustus’ birthday.”

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145 65), without any reference to Scorpi o’s Claws. As the Balance ( Libra ) it is appropriate to the equinox, where it balances ( libraverit ) day and night. See also chelas (56). 43-44. Satur Autumnus quassans sua tempora pomis / sordidus et musto: Ash (1930, 43) construes pomis with quassans sua tempora and reads this as an allusion to the wreaths of fruits offered to Vertumnus, “hence Autumnus may be said to be crowned with fruits;” cf. insitor hic soluit pomosa vota corona (Prop. 4. 2. 17); cum decorum mitibus pomis caput / Autumnus agris extulit (Hor. Ep 2. 17-18). Richter’s (1981-1983 v. 2, 425) interpretation is sim ilar: “sein Haupt mit Frchten schttelnd.” Boldrer takes pomis as an an ablative of specification (AG 418) with satur describing Autumnus (Boldrer 1996, 137); cf. pomifer Autumnus (Hor. Carm 4. 7. 11); poma dat autumnus (Ov. Rem am. 187); and elsewhere in Col., versicoloribus pomis gravidus conlucet Autumnus (3. 21.3); for satur with a qualifying ablative, cf. satur pane (Petron. Sat 58. 3). Boldrer (1996, 137) furt her views the word order of et sordidus as an anastrophe (AG 640), similar to that found in lines 54, 80, and 133. Santoro, Forster, and Saint-Denis construe pomis and musto as ablatives of specification with sordidus in the next line, an interpretation which seems more supported by the synta x and the position of et than the others; though if Boldrer is correct that et sordidus is an anastrophe, Ash’s interpretation of pomis also makes sense. Both Ash and Richter construe musto as an ablative of specification with sordidus For this image of Autumnus stained with wine/juice, cf. venerat Autumnus calcatis sordidus uvis (Ov. Fast 4. 897); stabat et Autumnus calcatis sordidus uvis (Ov. Met 2. 29); huc, pater o Lenaee, veni nudataque must o / tinge novo mecum dereptis

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146 crura cothurnis ( G 2. 7-8) For the possible meanings of pomum cf. note above on pomis (line 15). 45. Ferrato … robore palae: The pala is a “long-handled spade19 … normally used for turning over light or well-worked so ils, especially in gardens and orchards…. In light or well-worked soils a mere stirring of th e top spit of earth is all that is necessary; the triangular or shield-shaped pala … is very well suited to the work” (White 1967, 1819). Cato ( Agr 137. 1) includes it in a list of necessary farming implements: cuculliones, ferramenta, falces, palas, ligon es, secures, ornamenta, murices, catellas .20 More specifically, Cato lists IIII palas ( Agr 10. 3) in his equipment inventory for an olive grove, and VI palas ( Agr 10. 4) in his inventory for a vineyard.21 Pliny also mentions the pala : sulco latitudo palae satis est ( HN 17. 167); cuspis effigiem palae habet ( HN 18. 172, describing the shape of par ticular type of plow blade). Cf. seu fossam fodiens palae innixus, seu cum araret, operi cert e, id quod constat, agresti intentus (Livy 3. 26. 9, on Cincinnatus at his farm). 46. Dulcis humus, si iam pluviis defessa madebit: Col. elsewhere refers to terra as dulcis : multa sunt, quae et dulcem terram et frumentis habilem significant (2. 2. 20). This is in the context of describing a method for determining the sweetness of the 19 White (1967, 14) distinguishes between spades and mattocks: “There are two important differences between the actions of spades and forks on the one hand, and picks and mattocks on the other; first, the spade and the fork press into and lift up the earth, while the pick and the mattock dislodge it by striking; secondly, the digger with spade or fork works backwards from the starting-point, while the striker with pick or mattock works forwards.” For the mattock, see latis eradere viscera marris (72); fracti dente ligonis (89). 20 Cato’s palas ligneas ( Agr 11. 5) are wooden shovels or scoops (White 1967, 31). 21 White (1967, 18) comments: “That [the pala ’s] use was limited is evident from Cato’s inventories; he requires only four palae for working his olive grove, as against six ploughs [cf. aratra cum vomeribus VI Cato Agr 10. 2]. The two additional palae required for the vineyar d are easily accounted for: the closer spacing of vines would require far more plants to the acre.”

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147 soil by soaking it in water and tasting the water, a method also described by Vergil, though he focuses on determining whether a particular soil is amara ( G 2. 238-247). Pliny ( HN 17. 39) expands on the desirability of sweet-tasting and sweet-smelling soil, particularly after rain: ita est profecto, illa [terra] erit optima quae unguenta sapiet. … et cum a siccitate continua immaduit imbre. tunc emittit illum su um halitum divinum ex sole conceptum, cui comparari nulla suavitas pos sit. … ac de terra odor optime iudicabit 48-49. Tum iussi … compleat ora: Col. is describing the construction of irrigation channels. He elsewhere refers to irrigation either from a nearby stream or from a well, but does not mention channels: quique [sc ager ] adveniente rivo, vel si non sit fluens aqua, fonte puteali possit rigari (11. 3. 8). Vergil also comments on the use of irrigation channels: deinde satis fluvium inducit rivosque sequentis et, cum exustus ager morientibus aestuat herbis, ecce supercilio clivosi tramitis undam elicit? illa cadens raucum per levia murmur saxa ciet scatebrisque ar entia temperat arva ( G 1. 106-109). Vergil imitates Homer’s comparison of Achill es fighting the Scaman der to a man digging an irrigation channel: Hom. Il 21. 257-262; cf. Thomas 1988 v. 1, 84; Ross 1987, 49-50. Vergil further asserts that digging irrigation trenches is permissible on holy days: quippe etiam festis quaedam exercere diebus / fas et iura sinunt: rivos deducere nulla / religio vetuit ( G 1. 268-270). 51. Iuppiter abnegat imbrem: The sky or weather is often personified as Jupiter: cf. quod latus mundi nebulae malusque / Iuppiter urget (Hor. Carm 1. 22. 1920); et iam maturis metuendus Iuppiter uvis ( G 2. 419); quamvis caeruleo siccus Iove

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148 fulgeat aether ( Aetna 333); cum pluvias madidumque Iovem perferre negaret (Mart. 7. 36. 1); fremeret saeva cum grandine vernus / Iuppiter (Juv. 5. 78-79). 52. Expectetur hiemps: Late fall is the time of wintry storms and rain; cf. hiemales pluviae (11. 3. 10). According to Pliny, this period lasts from the end of October to 11 November, when winter begins: post id aequinoctium di ebus fere quattuor et quadraginta Vergiliarum occasus hiemem inchoat, quod tempus in III idus Novembres [= 11 November] incidere consuevit (Plin. HN 2. 125). Col. puts the setting of the Pleiades ( Vergiliae ) and the onset of the stormy pe riod variously at 24 October, 28 October, and 8 November: propter quod intellegi debet tritici satio dierum sex et quadraginta ab occasu Vergiliarum, qui fi t ante diem nonum Kalendas Novembris [= 24 October] ad brumae tempora (2. 8. 2); V Kal. Nov. [= 28 October] Vergiliae occidunt; hiemat cum frigore et gelicidiis (11. 2. 78); VI Id. Nov. [= 8 November] Vergiliae mane occidunt, significant tempestatem, hiemat (11. 2. 84). Col. puts the beginning of winter at 10 November, one day before Pliny: IIII Id. Nov. Hiemis initium (11. 2. 84). For the Pleiades ( Vergiliae ), see Atlantides (54). Bacchi Cnosius ardor: Rodgers and Forster print Cnosius ; Ash, Santoro, SaintDenis, Fernndez-Galiano, Richter, and Boldrer print Gnosius found in later mss.; the oldest mss. read noxius which Marsili alone of modern edi tors prints. In support of Gnosius, cf. Gnosiaque ardentis decedat stella Corona ( G 1. 222). Cnosius = Cretan; Col. is referring to the constellation called Corona Borealis, which is supposed to be the crown of the Cretan princess Ariadn e, daughter of Minos, who was married by Bacchus after Theseus abandoned her (Ridpath 1988, 55-56; cf. Aratus Phaen 71-72). For Bacchus ma rrying Ariadne, cf. Hes. Theog 947-948; Hyg.

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149 Fab 43; Catull. 64. 251-253; for her crown becoming a constellation, cf. Bacchus amat flores: Baccho placuisse coronam / ex Ariadneo sidere nosse potes (Ov. Fast 5. 345346); Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 5, which also records alternat e versions in which the crown had been given to Bacchus by Venus, or was a crown given to Theseus by Thetis. Ovid also calls the constellation Cressa Corona (Ov. Ars am 1. 558); Manilius (5. 21) calls it Ariadnaea Corona ; Aratus ( Phaen 71) calls it simply Col. states that Corona Borealis begins to rise on 5 October and rises entirely on the mornings of 13-14 October, and that thes e risings portend stormy weather (11. 2. 73-74). 54. Solis et adversos: This is an example of anastrophe (AG 640), similar to that found in lines 44 (possibly), 80, and 133. Atlantides: A cluster of stars in the conste llation Taurus, said to be the daughters of Atlas: (Hes. Op 383; cf. Hyg. Poet. astr 21. 2). A smaller group of them were called the Hyades; Ovid (Ov. Fast 5. 166) connects this name with the Greek “to rain,” but some authors connected it with “pig,” which led to their being called Su culae (“little pigs”) in Latin (11. 2. 35; Plin. HN 18. 247). In addition to these explanations, Hyginus and Gellius also include the story that these stars represent the sisters of Hyas (Hyg. Fab 192; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 21; Gell. NA 13. 9. 4-5). Pliny says that the Hyades ar e associated with stormy weather (Plin. HN 18. 247). The remaining stars in the cluster were called the Pleiades, after their mother, Pleone (Ov. Fast 5. 83-84); or because they represented a majority ( ) of the

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150 sisters, since the Pleiades outnumbered the Hyades (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 21. 2); or perhaps because of the association of the Pleiades with sailing ( ), since their setting marked the onset of storms and thus end of the sailing season (Hes. Op 618622; Kidd 1997, 275). Kidd also records an ancient association of their name with “dove” (cf. Hom. Il 11. 634), because they fled and were turned into doves ( ) at the approach of Orion (Kidd 1997, 275; cf. Hes. Op 619-620); the name of the star grouping is also found as (e.g., Pi. N 2. 11). The Pleiades were also called Vergiliae in Latin because they rose at the end of spring ( ver ) (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 21. 4); stellae sunt septum quas Vergilias nostri, Graeci autem Pliadas appellaverunt (Hyg. Poet. astr 3. 20). Col. elsewhere mentions the Pleiades only in Books 2, 9, and 11 and always calls them Vergiliae Their setting was supposed to be accompanied by stormy weather (11. 2. 34; Ov. Fast 5. 83-84; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 21. 4). At this time of the year they are setting in the morning, as the sun is rising (11. 2. 84); hence they “fear” the s un rising opposite them ( adversos … ortus ) (Ash 1930, 45; Forster 1968, 10). According to Hesiod, the setting of the Pleiades and Hyades marked the time for fall plowing (Hes. Op 383-384, 614617; cf. Plin. HN 18. 225). Pliny ( HN 28. 280) remarks that the rising and setting of the Pleiades frame ripening and harvesti ng in the agricultural year: vergiliae privatim attinent ad fructus, ut quarum exortu aestas incipiat, occasu hiems, semenstri spatio intra se messes vindemiasque et omnium maturitatem complexis Col. elsewhere gives two different dat es for the setting of the Pleiades: 24 October (2. 8. 2) or 28 Oc tober (11. 2. 78); Pliny puts it on 11 November (Plin. HN 18.

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151 225), and states that this marks the beginning of winter (Plin. HN 2. 125). Pliny also notes that Hesiod (in a work now lost) put the morning setting of t he Pleiades at the end of the autumnal equinox, but that other authorities differed (Plin. HN 18. 213). See also expectetur hiemps (52). 55-57. Atque … equino: This passage refers to the passing of the sun from Scorpio to Sagittarius. According to Col., this occurred on 18 November: XIIII Kal. Dec. sol in Sagittarium transitum facit (11. 2. 88). 55. Olympo: Olympo is poetic for caelo : caelum dicunt Graeci Olympum (Varro, Ling 7. 20); cf. invito processit Vesper Olympo ( Ecl 6. 86); ante diem clause componet Vesper Olympo ( Aen 1. 374). 56. Chelas et spicula: Col. designates the constellati on Scorpio just by its Claws ( chelae ) and stings ( spicula ); but Aratus ( Phaen 546) and Vergil ( G 1.33) use / chelae (Claws of Scorpio) to designate the c onstellation later known as Libra; see paribus … orbem libraverit horis (42). For the Scorpion’s spicula cf. Ov. Fast 5. 542; Germ. Arat 657. This is not to be confused with the st ar Spica (Greek ; cf. Aratus Phaen 97), called Virginis by modern astronomers, the brig htest star in the constell ation Virgo (Ridpath 2004, 111), representing t he ear of grain ( spica ) which the figure holds in her hand: [stella] quae est in dextra manu, ea cum spicis esse dicitur (Hyg. Poet. astr 3. 24; Ridpath 1988, 132); cf. XIIII Kal. Oct. Spica Virginis exoritur (11. 2. 65). Phoebus: Phoebus (Greek ) is another name/title for Apollo (cf. Hom. Il 1. 43; Hes. Theog 14). Col. never uses the name Apollo in the poem. He uses

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152 Phoebus also in lines 246, 283, and 295. Cf. also Latonia Phoebe (288) for Diana (as the moon). He refers to the sun as Titan at 42 and 312; see Titan (42). 57. Nepae: Nepa is a scorpion:cornibus uti videmus boves, nepas aculeis (Cic. Fin 5. 42). Nepa is thus also another designation fo r the constellation Scorpio; cf. Cic. Arat 570(324). Germanicus ( Arat 548), calls it Scorpios following Aratus’ ( Phaen 546); Hyginus calls it Scorpius (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 26, 3. 25); Petronius calls it Scorpio ( Sat 35. 4). Manilius calls it both Scorpios (Man. 1. 268) and Nepa (Man. 2. 32). Col. says elsewhere that it begins to rise on 26 October: VII Kal. Nov. Nepae frons exoritur (11. 2. 78). Tergoque Croti … equino: Crotus is the constellation Sagittarius, an archer portrayed as a centaur: Sagittarius autem … Centauri cor pora figuratur, velut mittere incipiens sagittam (Hyg. Astr 3. 26); mixtus equo volucrem missurus iamque sagittam (Man. 1. 270). Aratus ( Phaen 546) calls it which Cicero ( Arat 311(73)) renders as Sagittipotens and Germanicus ( Arat 551) as Sagittifer Manilius variously calls it Sagittarius (Man. 2. 280), Sagittifer (Man. 2. 267), Arcitenens (Man. 2. 246), and Centaurus (Man. 241). Sagittarius is not to be confused with a different constellation called Centaurus, the centaur (Aratus Phaen 431; Man. 1. 418; Hyg. Poet. astr 3. 37; see Chiron 348). According to Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 27; Fab 224. 3), the constellation Sagittarius represents Crot us, son of Pan and Eupheme, nurse of the Muses.22 22 Col. (11. 2. 20) says that Sagittarius sets on the Kalends of February, but this is an error, probably due to confusion with another constellation, Sagitta the Arrow (LeBoeuffle 1964, 328).

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153 58. Ne parcite: For a prohibition (negative command) consisting of the present imperative with ne cf. ne dubita (73); cf. also ne prohibete ( G 1. 501); equo ne credite, Teucri ( Aen 2. 48). This construction is found in early Latin and in poetry (AG 450a). 59. Ista Prometheae genetrix fuit altera create: According to one version of the creation story, the original race of hum ans was created by Prom etheus out of earth: fertur Prometheus addere principi / limo particulam undique / desectam (Hor. Carm 1. 16. 13-15); recens tellus … / quam satus Iapeto mi xtam pluvialibus undis, / finxit in effigiem moderantum cuncta deorum (Ov. Met 1. 80, 83); quibus arte benigna / et meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan (Juv. 14. 34-35); (Paus. 10. 4. 4); cf. also Apollod. Bibl 1. 7. 1. This story is not found in Hesiod. 60. Altera nos enixa parens: The race created from earth by Prometheus was destroyed in the Flood because of its wick edness, and a new race was created out of stones by the survivors, Deucalion and Pyrrha; cf. Ov. Met 1. 381-415; G 1. 62-63; Apollod. Bibl 1. 7. 2. Thus the ear th is not the mother of the present race of humans, which instead is descended from the rocks thrown by Deucalion and Pyrrha. 60-62. Quo tempore … terruit umbras: A reference to the story of the Flood; cf. Ov. Met 1. 253-312; Apollod. Bibl 1. 7. 2. Quo tempore saevos: Cf. quo tempore primum ( G 1.61), in Vergil’s reference to the story of Deucali on. Col. puts the phrase quo tempore in the same position in the line as Vergil, and at almost the same point in the poem (line 60 of Col. 10 vs. line 61 of G 1).

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154 62. Barathrum: A loan word from Greek referring to a pit or abyss; cf. atque immo barathri ter gurgite vastos / sorbet in abruptum fluctus ( Aen 3. 421, referring to the bottom of the sea). Also used to indicate the underworld: nec quisquam in barathrum nec Tartara deditur atra (Lucr. 3. 966); superque immane barathrum / cernatur, trepidant immisso lumine Manes ( Aen 8. 245-246); inferni qualis sub nocte barathri (V. Fl. 2. 192) Lethaeas … undas: Refers to the waters of Lethe a river in the underworld, and thus to the underworld in general: namque mei nuper Lethaeo gurgite frat ris / pallidulum manas alluit unda pedem (Catull. 65. 5-6); Lethaei ad fluminis undam ( Aen 6. 714); nec Lethaea valet Theseus abrumpere caro / vincula Perithoo (Hor. Carm 4. 7. 27-28); cf. also raptaque, Lethaei coni unx mox facta tyranni (271, of Persephone). For the phrase Lethaeas … undas cf. at mea Manes / viscera Lethaeas cogunt transnare per undas ( Culex 214-215). 63. Stygium regem trementem: A reference to Hades/Pluto; cf. Stygio regi ( Aen 6. 252). Stygius refers to the River Styx, and thus to the underworld in general: saevit et in lucem Stygiis em issa tenebris / pallida Tisiphone ( G 3. 551-552); Stygiis … manibus (Ov. Met 4. 115-116). Cf. also rex tremendus ( G 4. 469); te Stygii tremuere lacus ( Aen 8. 296). 65-67. Nos fecunda manus … Deucalioneae cautes peperere: Col. refers more explicitly to the story of the creation of humans from rocks thrown by Deucalion; cf. Deucalion vacuum lapides iactavit in orbem / unde homines nati, durum genus ( G 1. 62-63); inde genus durum sumus experiensque laborum / et documenta damus, qua simus origine nati (Ov. Met 1. 414-415).

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155 65. Fecunda manus: The hands of Deucalion and Pyrrha (Ash 1930, 47) are called fecundae because, by throwing rocks, they been the source of new life; cf. Ov. Met 1. 399-413. Vergil uses fecundus to describe the fertility of the soil (cf. tellus fecunda, G 1. 67) and the rain that stirs up life in the earth: tum pater omnipotens fecundis imbribus Aether / coniugis in grem ium laetae descendit et omnis / magnus alit magno commixtus corpora fetus ( G 2. 325-327). 68. Durior aeternusque vocat labor: Cf. difficilis nostra poscitur arte labor (Ov. Ars am. 2. 538), where Ovid recalls himself to his theme after a digression. Labor can denote the work of the both t he poet and the gardener. See laboris nostri (Pr. 4); incola durus (22). 68-69. Heia age segnis / pellite nunc somnos: This phrasing recalls en age segnis / rumpe moras ( G 3. 42-43): age segnis at the end of the line, followed by an imperative and the accusative noun modified by segnis (though Col. adds nunc between the imperative and the noun). Cf. also the imperative ergo age (G. 1. 63), immediately following Vergil’s recounting of the Deucalion creation myth. Col. follows his Vergilian model ( G 1. 60-63) in shifting from the Deucalio n creation myth to an exhortation to the farmer to begin his plowing. For the idea of awakening th e gardeners from their slumber and calling them to work, cf. invigilate viri (159). Similarly, the poet recalls himself from his reverie and prepares to resume his assigned task (215-229).

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156 69-73. Et curvi vomere … ne dubita: The vomer is the plow,23 dens refers to the sole or share-beam;24 cf. vomeris obtunsi dentem (G. 1. 262). For curvi … dentis cf. curvi formam aratri ( G 1. 170); curvo sine vomere (Ov. Am 3. 8. 39). For the image of plowing as “wounding” the earth, cf. colla iube domitos oneri supponere tauros / sauciet ut duram vomer aduncus humum (Ov. Rem. am 171-172); solutis / ver nivibus viride m monti reparavit amictum (Claud. B. Get 167-168). For the image of tree foliage as hair, cf. nemorum coma (Hor. Carm 1. 21. 5); redeunt iam gramina camp is arboribusque comae (Hor. Carm 4. 7. 1-2); comata silva (Catull. 34. 9). Col. extends this image to garden plants: comae (70, 98, 165, 188, 277, 297, 335); crines (165, 181, 238). Col. again likens t he earth to a woman with plants for hair at 164-168. 71. Gravibus rastris: Cf. aut gravibus rastris galeas pulsabit inanis ( G 1. 496); et gravibus rastris sub Iove versat humum (Ov. Ars am. 1. 726). The rastrum is a drag-hoe,25 “a multi-purpose implement … for digging and clearing the surface of the soil … for breaki ng ground as a substitute for the plough … and particularly for reducing the large clods left after ploughing” (White 1967, 55); cf. 23 Cf. eius [sc. aratri ] ferrum vomer, quod vomit eo plus terram (Varro, Ling 5. 135). Strictly speaking vomer refers to the plowshare; but White (1967, 13 2) remarks: “The term ‘vomer’ is often used, especially in poetry, to denote the whole plough.” Strictly speaking, the plow as a whole is aratrum (White 1967, 123-129); cf. aratrum, quod arat terram (Varro, Ling 5. 134). 24 Cf. dens, quod eo mordetur terra (Varro, Ling 5. 135). Also dentale (White 1967, 130); cf. duplici dentalia dorso ( G 1. 172); [ Celsus ] censet et exiguis vomeribus et dentalibus terram subigere (2. 2. 24); tertium [sc. genus vomeris ] in solo facili non toto porrectum dentali sed exigua cuspide in rostro (Plin. HN 18. 171). White (1967, 130) describes the relationship between the dens / dentale and the vomer : “The sole or share-beam ( dentale ) is the essential part of the plough, and indeed can be regarded as the plough itself. Since it was commonly protected against friction by an iron sheath (the vomer) the term vomer was often, especially in poetry, used for the whole plough.” 25 The plural is generally masculine, rastri (White 1967, 52; OLD ); cf. rastri, quibus dentatis penitus eradunt terram atque eruunt, a quo rutu rastri dicti (Varro, Ling 5. 136).

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157 multum adeo, rastris glaebas qui frangit i nertis / vimineasque trahit crates, iuvat arva ( G 1. 94-95); rapi subactum solum pluribus iterat ionibus aratri vel rastri postulant (2. 10. 23); quod superest inferioris soli rastris licet effodere (3. 11. 3); aratione per transversum iterate occatio sequitur ubi res posecit, crate vel rastro (Plin. HN 18. 180). Cunctantia perfode terga: For the image of plowing as “piercing” the earth’s “back” which “resists,” cf. glaebas cunctantis crassaque terga / exspecta et validis terram proscinde iuvencis ( G 2. 236-237). Cf. also Col.’s earlier reference to resolutaque terga (7). Col. uses forms of perfodere in this sense elsewhere: alte perfossum novalia terga (2. 2. 23); solum … mox bidentibus aequaliter perfossum (11. 3. 56); solum terrenum, priusquam consternatur, perfossum (1. 6. 12). 72. Latis eradere viscera marris: All recent editors accept marris a reading found in later mss., instead of matris the reading of the majority of mss., including the earliest ones. For the phrase eradere viscere cf. avolsaque viscera montis ( Aen 3. 575); Vergil’s genitive montis immediately following viscera may have influenced the corruption of marris to matris in this line.26 The marra is a kind of mattock or hoe.27 White (1967, 40-41) remarks: “neither the shape nor the functions of this implem ent can be precisely determined from the 26 It is possible that a scribe interpreted matris as marris ; this sort of letter confusion is not uncommon, and the fact that mater is a more frequently used word that marra might also have influenced a scribe’s interpretation of the text. Cf. Reynolds 1991, 221-223. 27 White (1967, 36) groups mattocks, hoes, and axes together because of their similar shape and function, but he notes the differences: “Mattocks diff er from axes in the relation of the blade of the implement to the haft. In mattock-type implements the haft is set at right-angles to the width of the blade, while in axes the edge of the blade lies parallel to the haft…. Both types employ a striking or dragging action, and are thus clearly distinguished from spad es and shovels.” For the distinction between spades and mattocks, see ferrato … robore palae (45).

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158 evidence.” Pliny mentions the marra : solum apricum … bidente pastinari debet ternos pedes, bipalio aut marra reic i quaternum pedum fermento ( HN 17. 159); verno sariri debet liberarique ceteris herbis, ad trimatum marris ad solum radi ( HN 18. 147). Cf. maximus in vinclis ferri modus, ut timeas ne / vomer deficiat, ne marra et sarcula desint (Juv. 3. 310-311); cum rastra et sarcula tantum / ads ueti coquere, et marris ac vomere lassi / nescierunt primi gladios extendere fabri (Juv. 15. 166-168). White (1967, 41) observes, “[The marra ] must have been a common enough implement, or it would surely not have appeared in Juvenal’s lis t along with ploughshares and hoes.” See marrae … dente (89). 73. Ne dubita: For the imperative with ne see ne parcite (58). Et † summo frequentia caespite mixta † : The principal textual problem in this line is frequentia which is the reading of a number of mss., including older mss., and which is printed (though obelized) by Rodgers; other older mss. read frequenti or frementia Neither frequentia or frementia will fit metrically after et summo because of the short initial syllable. Gesner (1735, 699) conjectured summoque in place of et summo to obviate this difficulty, but no recent editor accepts it. Various readings have been conjectured. All modern editors except Rodgers, Boldrer, and Richter retain et summo and then print Gesner’s conjecture ferventia (construed with viscera in the preceding line), based on a reading ferventi found in a later ms. For terra with fervere cf. incipit et sicco fervere terra Cane (Prop. 2. 28. 4); nec fit / corpus humo gelidum, sed humus de corpore fervet (Ov. Met 7. 559-560); also, ferventia caedibus arva (Sil. Pun 9. 483). For fervere with viscera, cf. qua viscera fervent (Luc. 3. 644). Richter ( 1981-1983 v. 2, 426) conjectures fermentis on the basis

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159 of another passage in Col.: purum quod superest inferioris soli rastris licet effodere et in fermentum congerere atque componere (3. 11. 3). Boldrer (1996, 155-156) rejects these and offers two alternatives: a reading found in a late ms., frondenti (to be construed with caespite ), which she prints; and a conjecture frigentia (to be construed with viscera ). In support of the former, describing the earth as frondens cf. ungula frondentem concussit cornea campum (Luc. 6. 83); tum vivo frondens e caespite tellus / aggeritur (V. Fl. 5. 61-62). Col. elsewhere uses frondens to describe violets (100) and lettuce (109); cf. also cum glebis vivacem caespitis herbam / contundat (88), where vivacem suggests an image similar to frondens Boldrer, however, dislikes the accumu lation of ablatives in the line caused by this reading as well as by Richter’s conjecture fermentis and thus offers frigentia [ viscera ]. Caespite is printed by Rodgers, Forster, and Richter without comment; other editors print cespite apparently the reading of t he majority of the mss. caespes is the more common form in classical Latin, though cespes is found in later authors: cf. vacuae pro cespite terrae (Stat. Silv 1. 1. 50). Bolderer (1996, 156) construes the ablative caespite with both mixta (“mixed with turf”) and with ponere (“to place on the turf;” cf. non duro liceat morientia c aespite membra / ponere Luc. 5. 278279). Mixta (construed with viscera ) is the reading of all mss. and is printed by all editors. Rodgers (2010, 405), however, objects to it because he considers the image it presents to be inappropri ate for the context: “ mixta suspectum (nam oportet caespitem deorsum verti, ut glaebae inferi oris soli superiaceant).”

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160 Of the suggested possibilities, Gesner’s ferventia is the most convincing. Boldrer (1996, 156) offers no reason for rejecting this conjecture but simply remarks that her preferred reading is “tuttavia sembra preferibile.” The transposition of er to re is a straighforward scribal error (Reynolds 1991, 229) and could lead to the development of the existing ms. readings. Other examples of fervere both with viscera and with words referring to the earth illustrate the existenc e of the image of ent rails and the earth boiling. Finally, this reading offers a vivid picture of steaming earth, which will be “burned” again, yet actually frozen, by exposur e to frost (74). The contrast between the steaming earth and the frozen (yet burning) frost suggests Vergil’s picture of “the farmer’s function to effect balance betw een opposing opposites” (Ross 1987, 51). I have thus adopted ferventia as the reading used for my translation. 74. Canis … urenda pruinis: Canus here refers to the hoar iness of the frost and has no connection with canis dog. However, the collation of canis pruinis and urenda recalls the common image of the burning Dog Star; cf. Canis (41). In this instance, though, the burning is the result of extrem e cold rather than extreme heat. For the phrase canis pruinis cf. frigora nec tantum cana concreta pruina ( G 2. 376); nec prata canis albicant pruinis (Hor. Carm 1. 4. 4); prima quidem glacies et cana vincta pruina (Petron. Sat 123). Col. describes the same practice elsewhere: igitur solum quod conserere vere destinaverimus, post aut umnum patiemur effossum iacere brumae frigoribus et pruinis iniurendum (11. 3. 13). 75. Verberibus gelidis … Cauri: Caurus is the northwest wind; Col. elsewhere calls it Corus (11. 2. 21, 11. 2. 45, 11. 2. 63). Pliny, using an eightpoint wind compass, identifies Caurus as the NW wind, called Argestes by the Greeks ( hunc Graeci …

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161 Argesten vocant ) and says that it blows ab occasu solstitiali “from sunset at the solstice” (as distinguished from Fav onius, the west wind, which blows ab occasu aequinoctiali ) (Plin. HN 2. 119). Gellius, also using a compass of eight winds, also identifies Caurus quem solent Graeci appellare argesten as the NW wind (Gell. NA 2. 22. 12). Strabo, however, identifies as the SW wind (Strab. 1. 2. 21). Aristotle, using a twelve-point wind com pass, says that the WNW wind is variously called or (Arist. Mete 2. 6. 363b). Vitruvius names 24 winds, identifying those at blowing from the principal directions of the eight-point compass as venti with two intermediate winds between each of the 8 venti identified as flatus rather than venti ; he distinguishes Caurus the NW wind ( ventus ), from Corus the WNW wind ( flatus ), and identifies Argestes as the WWSW wind ( flatus ) (Vitr. De arch 1. 6. 9-10). Vitriuvius ( De arch 1. 6. 5) also mentions that some people regard Corus as another name for Caurus Isidore of Seville uses a twelve-point wind compass with Corus/Caurus as the WNW wind, but without a NW wind (Isid. Orig 13. 11. 3). Isidore further comments: Corus est, qui ab occidente aestivo fl at, et vocatus Corus, quod ipse ventorum circulum claudat, et quasi chor um faciat. Hic antea Caurus dictus, quem plerique Argesten dicunt, non ut imprudens vulgus Agrestem (Isid. Orig 13. 11. 10). This wind brings freezing cold: cf. VIIII Kal. Mart. … frigidus dies Aquilone vel Coro, interdum pluvia (11. 2. 63); semper spirantes frigora Cauri ( G 3. 356). 76. Alliget … Boreas Eurusque resolvat: On the image of the north wind binding and the east wind l oosening, Ash (1930, 50) comments, “The earth is figuratively chained during the winter and released from her bonds in spring;” cf. nec tibi tam prudens quisquam persuadeat auctor / te llurem Borea rigidam spirante moverit. /

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162 rura gelu tunc claudit hiems ( G 2. 315-317); solvitur acris hiems grata vice veris et Favoni (Hor. Carm 1. 4. 1); et madidis Euri resolutae flatibus Alpes (Luc. 1. 219); ver magnus agebat / orbis et hiber nis parcebant flatibus Euri ( G 2. 338-339). Boreas: Boreas here is the north wind or nort heast wind. Homer identifies four winds, at the four principal compass points, of which is the north wind (Hom. Od 5. 295-296; cf. Plin. HN 2. 119). Aristotle says that the north wind is called both and (Arist. Mete 2. 6. 363 b). Pliny, however, identifies the wind called Aquilo in Latin, Boreas in Greek as the NE wi nd; he calls the north wind Septentrio ( Aparctias in Greek): a septentrionibus Septentrio, inter que eum et exortum solstitialem Aquilo (Aparctias et Boreas dicti) (Plin. HN 2. 119). Like Pliny, Vitruvius ( De arch 1. 6. 5) calls the north wind Septentrio and the NE wind Aquilo of the eight pr incipal winds he identifies. Gellius ( NA 2. 22. 9) also identifies Aquilo / Boreas as the NE wind, and adds, eumque propterea quidam dicu nt ab Homero aithregenet en appellatum; boream autem putant dictum apo tes boes, quoniam sit violenti flatus et sonori Like Pliny, Isidore identifies the north wind as Septentrio : Septentrio dictus eo quod circulo septem stellarum consurgit, quae vertente se mu ndo resupinato capite ferri videntur (Isid. Orig 13. 11. 11); he identif ies the NNE wind as Aquilo ( porro Septentrio [ habet ] … a sinistris Aquilonem Isid. Orig 13. 11. 3), also called Boreas: Aquilo dictus eo quod aquas stringat et nubes dissipet; [ 13 ] est enim gelidus ventus et siccus. Idem et Boreas, quia ab Hyperboreis montibus flat; inde enim orig o eiusdem venti est; unde et frigidus est. Natura enim omnium septentrionalium ventorum frigida et sicca est, australium humida et calida (Isid. Orig 13. 11. 12). For the ch ill of the North Wind, cf. Boreae penetrabile frigus ( G 1. 93).

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163 Col. uses the eight-point wind compass found in Pliny and Gellius; in his prose section on weather-signs (11. 2) he refers to seven winds by name, not naming a southeast wind. He uses the Greek name Boreas only in his poem, here and line 288 ( nubifugo Borea ). Elsewhere he names Septentrio (alternatively venti septentrionales which he says are also called 11. 2. 21; see veris … hirundo 80) and Aquilo as separate winds (e.g.,11. 2. 21). Eurusque: Eurus is the east wind or southeast wind. Homer mentions as the east wind (Hom. Od 5. 295; cf. Plin. HN 2. 119). For Aristotle, however, is the ESE wind: ’ (Arist. Mete 2. 6. 363b). Strabo disagrees; he puts its origin as the direction of the summer s unrise, making it more NE: (Strab. 1. 2. 21). Gell ius, like Homer, regards Eurus as the east wind: qui ventus igitur ab oriente verno, id est aequinoctiali, venit, nominatur "eurus" ficto vocabulo, ut isti etymologikai aiunt, ho apo tes eous rheon. is alio quoque a Graecis nomine apheliotes, Romani s nauticis subsolanus cognominatur (Gell. NA 2. 22. 7-8). Vitruvius ( De arch 1. 6. 5) identifies Eurus as the SE wind, ab oriente hiberno of his eight principal winds; he further identifies Ornithiae as the EESE wind, which blows certo tempore and Vulturnus as the SSE wind (De arch 1. 6. 10). Pliny ( HN 2. 119) calls the east wind Solanus (Greek: Apeliotes ; Apheliotes at HN 18. 337) and the SE wind Vulturnus (Greek: Eurus). Isidore calls the east wind Subsolanus with Eurus as the ESE wind and Vulturnus as the ENE wind: ventorum quattuor pr incipales spiritus sunt. Quorum primus ab oriente Subsolanu s … Subsolanus a latere dextro Vulturnum habet, a laevo Eurum (Isid. Orig 13. 11. 3-4). He adds an etymological note:

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164 Subsolanus vocatus eo quod sub ortu solis nascatur; Eurus eo quod ab EO fluat, id est ab oriente; est enim coniunctus S ubsolano; Vulturnus, quod alte tonat (Isid. Orig 13. 11. 4), and quotes Lucretius to illustrate his last etymology: altitonans Vulturnus (Lucr. 5. 745). In Col.’s eight-point wi nd compass, the east wind is Eurus quem quidam Vulturnum appellant (11. 2. 65; cf. 5. 5. 15); he doesn’t mention a SE wind by name. The first mention of Eurus during the year in Col.’s weat her calendar is on 1 February (11. 2. 14). For the vigorous blowing of Eurus cf. quas animosi Euri adsidue franguntque feruntque ( G 2. 441); aut ubi navigiis violentior incidit Eurus ( G 2. 106); qualia succinctis, ubi trux insibila t Eurus / murmura pinetis fiunt (Ov. Met 15. 603-604). Spring Tasks (Lines 77-310) Beginning of spri ng (lines 77-214) 77. Rhiphaeae … brumae: Ripaeus is also seens as Rhipaeus Riphaeus or Rhiphaeus ( OLD ). The Ripaean mountains were a range variously located in the far north or in Scythia, the “f avoloso limite settentrionale delle terre conosciute” (Bolder 1996, 158). Cf.: Lacus ipse Maeotis Tanain amnem ex Ripaeis montibus defluentem accipies, novissimum in ter Europam Asiamque finem (Plin. HN 4. 78); subicitur Ponti region Colica, in qua iuga Caucasi ad Ripaeos montes torquentur (Plin. HN 6. 15); mundus ut ad Scythiam Rhiphaeas que arduus arces / consurgit ( G 1. 240-241); sed quos pulsabat Rhipaeum ad Strymona (Sil. Pun 11. 459). They also offer a general image of a far-off, exotic place: cum quo Rhipaeos possi m conscendere montes (Prop. 1. 6. 3).

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165 The Ripaean mountains are also symbolic of cold weather from the north: talis Hyperboreo septem subiecta trioni / gens effrena virum Rhipaeo tunditur Euro / et pecudum fulvis velatur corpora saetis ( G 3. 381-383); solus Hyperboreas glacies Tanaimque nivalem / arvaque Rhipaeis nu mquam viduata pruinis / lustrabat ( G 4. 517519); Riphaeas … nives (Luc. 4. 118); ceu condita bruma, / dum Riphaea rigent Aquilonis flamina (Sil. Pun 12. 6-7); atque ubi Riphaea stupuerunt flumina bruma (V. Fl. 5. 603). With regards to the present passage, Ash (1930, 50) suggests, “The montes Riphaei in Scythia, stood proverbially for the extreme north;” Col. is using them to represent wintry weather. 78. Zephyrus: Zephyrus is the west wind, one of the four principal winds named by Homer, who calls it … (Hom. Od 5. 295). It is called Favonius in Latin (Plin. HN 2. 119; HN 18. 337). Aristotle ( Mete 2. 6. 363 b) also considers the west wind; he specifies that it blows from the equinoctial sunset, Strabo (1. 2. 21) identifies it as the wind coming from the direction of the summer sunset, which would put it towards the NW: Gellius ( NA 2. 22. 12) also identifies the Greek Zephyrus with the Latin Favonius and specifies that it blows from the opposite direction from Eurus which he regards as the east wind. Isidore ( Etym 13. 11. 8) suggests an etymology for Favonius : Favonius nuncupatus eo quod foveat fruges ac flores. hic Graece Zephyrus, quia plerumque vere flat … Zephyrus Graeco nomine appellatus eo quod flores et germina eius flatu vivificentur. hic Latine Favonius dicitur propter quod foveat quae nascuntur Isidore quotes Vergil to illustrate the effect of the west wind in spring: et Zephyro putris se gleba resolvit ( G 1.

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166 44). Cf. also: zephyrique tepentibus austris / laxant arva sinus ( G 2. 330-331); solvitur acris hiems grata vice veris et Favoni (Hor. Carm 1. 4.1); also Catull. 46. 1-3. Pliny ( HN 18. 337) says that Favonius is gentler ( lenior ) and drier ( siccior ) than the east wind, Subsolanus which is associated with gentle rains ( leniter pluvius ). Col. called the west wind Zephyrus only in Book 10; everywhere else he calls it Favonius He states that Favonius starts to blow around t he middle of February (8. 11. 7; 11. 2. 5); he specifies 7 February as the day when Favoni us begins to blow (11. 2. 15). Pliny marks the beginning of spring on the 45th day after the winter solstice (which he puts at 26 December: HN 18. 221)—i.e., about 7 Febr uary—when Favonius is blowing (Plin. HN 18. 222; Pliny marks the beginni ng and end of the four seasons not on the solstices and equinoxes, but rather at points about midway between them: HN 18. 220-223). Regelaverit: For the image of the west wind in spring “de-icing” the winter chill, cf iam ver egelidos refert tepores / iam fu ror aequinoctialis / iucundis Zephyri silescit aureis (Catull. 46. 1-3). 79. Sidereoque polo: Polus originally referred to “the extreme point at either end of the axis on which the heavenly spher es were believed to revolve” ( OLD ). It then came to represent the sky in general (hence, sidereus ): vertitur interea caelum et ruit Oceano nox, / involvens umbra magna terramque polumque ( Aen 2. 250-251); et polo / deripere lunam vocibus possim meis (Hor. Epod 17. 77-78); stellasque vagas miratus et astra / fixa polis (Luc. 9. 12-13). Lyra mersa profundo: The setting of the constellation Lyra, the lyre. Varro remarks, “quod Graeci vocant fidem nostri” ( Rust 2. 5. 12). Like Varro, Cicero

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167 renders Aratus’ ( Phaen 268) as fides (Cic. Arat 276(42)); Germanicus, however, always uses Lyra (Germ. Arat 270). Aratus ( Phaen 268-271) describes it as the lyre made by Hermes as an infant from a tortoise shell; Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 7, 3. 6) and Manilius (1. 324-330), who alwa ys call the constellation Lyra say that it represents the lyre made by Mercury and then given to Orpheus, which was placed in the sky to honor Orpheus. Col. calls this constellation Lyra only here; elsewhere, in prose, he calls it Fidicula a term found in Cicero ( Nat. D 21. 8. 22). Col. says that it begins to set on the first of February and is completely set by 3 F ebruary (11. 2. 4-5); Pliny, who also calls the constellation Fidicula says that it rises on 5 January and sets in the evening on 4 February ( HN 18. 234-235). Ovid, however, says that it appears to set on 18 January ( Fast 1. 652-653) and is completely set by 2 February ( Fast 2. 75-76). 80. Veris et adventum nidis cantabit hirundo: hirundo refers to the swallow “and various kinds of martin” ( OLD ); cf. aut arguta lacus circumvolitavit hirundo ( G 1. 377). Pliny discusses how swallows build their nests: hirundines luto construunt, stramento roborant ( HN 10. 92; he goes on to discuss how swallows treat chicks in the nest, HN 10. 92-93). Also cf. haec illast simia, quae has hirundi nes ex nido volt eripere ingratiis (Pl. Rud 771-772). The coming and nesting of swallows was regarded as a sign of spring: hoc geritur Zephyris primum impellentibus undas / ante novis rubeant quam prata coloribus, ante / garrula quam tignis nidum suspendat hirundo ( G 4. 305-307); te, dulcis amice, reviset / cum Zephyris, si concedes, et hirundine prima (Hor. Epod 1. 7. 12-13); an veris praenuntia venit hirundo (Ov. Fast 2. 853). Col. remar ks elsewhere that the

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168 swallows arrive on 20 February: X Kal. Mart. … hirundo advenit (11. 2. 21). Pliny puts the arrival of the swallows at 18 Februar y and adds that this is why the westwind blowing at that time was called by some Chelidonias (from Greek swallow), and by others Ornithias ( HN 2. 122; cf. 11. 2. 21). Veris et adventum: Boldrer (1996, 159) remar ks that the position of et here is an anastrophe (AG 640), designed to place the important word, veris first in the line. Cf. sordidus et musto (line 44, and note); also lines 54 and 133. Col. elsewhere uses adventus to describe the arrival of swallows and the coming of spring: dum … hirundinis adventus commodiores polliceantur futuras tempestates (9. 14. 17); mox ubi bruma confecta est, intermissis quadraginta diebus circa hirundinis adventum, cum iam Favonius exoritur (11. 3. 5). Nidis: Generally taken by commentators and tr anslators as ablative of place, (AG 429.4), “in their nests;” Saint-Denis (19 69a, 55), however, suggests taking it as a dative of purpose (AG 382.2), “pour sa nic he.” He adds, “en Ita lie l’apparition du printemps prcde la naissance des hirondeau x qui se produit en mai pour l’hirondelle de fentre et un plus tard pour l’hirondelle de chemine.” No other recent commentator, however, has found this suggested interpretation persuasive. Cantabit: The older mss. read cantavit Postgate (1904, 207) prints cantabit which he claims as his own suggested em endation (cf. Ash 1930, 50); Rodgers (2010, [xxviii], 405), however, indicates that the reading cantabit is found in one or more later mss, but thinks that it probably originated as a conjecture. All recent editors print cantabit except Marsili and Fernndez-Galiano, who print cantavit ; and Santoro, who prints cantarit a conjecture of Iucundus (cf. Rodgers 2010, xviii, 405).

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169 The perfect cantavit is certainly wrong; given the future perfect regelaverit (78) and the future cedet (79), a future or future perfect would be expected here as well. The corruption of cantabit to cantavit is a simple scribal erro r that can be explained by the proximity of the sounds of b and v in late Latin (Reynolds 1991, 225). As for cantarit the syncopated future perfect indicative (AG 181) is not unknown in Col.—cf. redundarit (12. 19. 4)—but it is not common, and is found nowhere else in Book 10. 81-85. Rudere tum pingui … vomit latrina cloacis: Col. elsewhere discusses the practice of manuring the garden, including the suitabili ty of human excrement for this purpose, and advises doing so after midwinter (11. 3. 11-13); cf. also 3. 15. 5; 11. 2. 42. Pliny also discusses manuring the gar den to encourage the growth of certain plans (Plin. HN 19. 148-149, 153, 177). Cato discusses the procedure for proper manuring of different sorts of crops (Cato Agr 1. 29). Cf. ne saturare fimo pingui pudeat sola ( G 1. 80). 81. Aselli: Col. recommends asses’ dung as t he best for manuring the garden, followed by that of cattl e or sheep (11. 3. 12). 83. Holitor: Also found as olitor literally a “vegetable-grower” (from ( h ) olus ), this is the term used by Col. for the gardener. Also found elsewher e in Book 10 at lines 148, 177, 229, and 327, as well as several times in Book 11. Cf. nam mulier holitori numquam supplicat, si quast mala: / domi habet hortum (Pl. Mil 193-194); Paredrum excita, ut hortum ipse conduca t: sic olitorem ipsum commovebis (Cic. Fam 16. 18. 2). Pliny ( HN 19. 64) uses the term for gardeners w ho grew cucumbers for Tiberius. As Col. indicates, the gardener who grows t he crops and the vendor who sells them at market are often the same person (306-310, 316-317, 327).

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170 84. Pigeat: Pigeat is the reading found in later mss. The oldest mss. read pudeat which is printed by all modern edito rs except Rodgers. Ash (1930, 53) suggests that pudeat makes more sense here in light of Vergil’s ne saturare fimo pingui pudeat sola ( G 1. 80), clearly one of Col.’s m odels for this passage. However, pudet is a more common word than piget which makes pigeat the difficilior lectio and thus more likely to be altered to pudeat than vice versa. It is tr ue, as Reynolds (1991, 221-222) points out, that the principle difficilior lectio potior can be “overworked” to justify an incorrect reading. However, not only does pigeat makes sense in this passage, but since it is a word found in Vergil (cf. G 1. 177, Aen 4. 335, 5. 678), Col. is not departing entirely from Vergil’s example by using it in place of pudeat Finally, Col. shows throughout the poem that he is capable of transforming and adapting his Vergilian models, not merely copying them exactly (c f. 1-5; 424-425; 435-436). Hence I accept the late ms. reading pigeat printed by Rodgers. Fesso … novali: Fesso is the reading found in some later mss., and is printed by Rodgers and Boldrer; the oldest mss., and some later mss., read fisso which is printed by Ash, Forster, Santoro, Sain t-Denis, Fernndez-Ga liano, and Richter. In support of fisso cf. gaudentem patrios findere sarculo / agros (Hor. Carm 1. 1. 11-12); inimicam findite rostris / hanc terram, sulcumque si bi premat ipsa carina ( Aen 10. 295-296); hoc ubi hiulca siti findi t canis aestifer arva ( G 2. 353; cited by Col. at 3. 15. 4). Ash (1930, 53) argues that fessus seems inappropriate as a description of a novale which usually refers to a new-plowed fi eld or one allowed to lie fallow between plantings ( OLD ), or one that has been plowed once: dicitur … novalis, ubi satum fuerit, antequam secunda aratione novatur rursus (Varro, Rust 1. 29. 1).

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171 In support of fesso cf. dulcis humus, si iam pluviis defessa madebit (46); for similar espressions, cf. effetos cinerem immundum iactare per agros ( G 1. 81); fatigatam et effetam humum (2. 1. 1); lectis exhausto floribus horto (Ov. Pont 3. 4. 63). Moreover, as Boldrer (1996, 163) points out, novale comes to mean any enclosed or cultivated field ( OLD ): impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit ( Ecl 1. 70); quid nunc ruris opes pontoque novalia dicam / iniecta (Stat. Silv 2. 2. 98-99);and, specifically referring to a garden: satis erit … ferramento novale converti (11. 3. 11). Moreover, against reading fisso is the fact that Col. most often uses forms of findere to describe the splitting of wood, not of the soil, either by human action (e.g., 11. 2. 12) or by the heat of the sun (e.g., 11. 2. 42). However, Col. again descri bes the garden plot as a novale and one that has been split or plowed: tum quoque proscisso riguoque inspersa novali / ocima comprimite (318-319). In addition, by this point Col. has already instructed the gardener to dig up or turn the soil of the plot (69-73). Mo reover, since at this point in the poem the gardener has not yet planted his first crop, fessus does not seem to be an appropriate description of the soil. Finally, in the apparent parallel passage humus … pluviis defessa (46), defessa is qualified by the ablative pluviis ; fesso in the present passage has no such qualification. Thus, ta ken together, the overall context of this passage and the author ity of the older mss. favor reading fisso here, and that is the reading I have accepted. 86. Durataque … pruinis: See canis … pruinis (line 74). For durus see incola durus (23).

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172 87. Aequora: Aequor refers to a flat surface of land; cf. at prius ignotum ferro quam scindimus aequor ( G 1. 50); proscisso quae suscitat aequore terga ( G 1. 97); filius ardentis haud setius aequore campi / exercebat ( Aen 7. 781-782). Mucrone bidentis: Bidens s a two-bladed hoe; cf. solum … mox bidentibus aequaliter perfossum (11. 3. 56); solum apricum … bidente pastinari debet ternos pedes, bipalio aut marra reic i quaternum pedum fermento (Plin. HN 17. 159); seminibus positis superest diducere terram / saepi us ad capita et duros iactare bidentis ( G 2. 354355); glaebaeque versis / aeternum frangenda bidentibus ( G 2. 399-400). Mucro refers to the point of a sharp or bladed tool: eiusque [sc. falcis ] velut apex pronus inminens mucro vocatur (4. 25. 1); cum pectere barbam / coeperit et longae mucronem admittere cultri (Juv. 14. 216-217). See docti mucrone magistri (252, of a schoolmaster’s stylus). 89. Marrae … dente: In this line, the marra “is clearly described as a toothed implement, and must be a kind of mattock. It would be very difficult to use a Roman spade for the operation of breaking up the clods with the living turf a ttached to them … it must have been an implement with str ong tines” (White 1967, 41). See latis eradere viscera marris (72). Fracti dente ligonis: The ligo is a mattock:28 cf. sed rusticorum mascula militum / proles, Sabellis docta ligonibus / versare glebas (Hor. Carm 3. 6. 37-39); nec dubitem longis purgare ligonibus herbas / et dare iam sitiens quas bibat hortus aquas (Ov. Pont 1. 8. 59-60). Cato includes it in a list of necessary farming implements: cuculliones, 28 White (1967, 38) remarks: “The common type [of ligo ] consisted of a broad, inward-curving blade of iron attached to a handle….The curved blade made it useful for trenching in garden and orchard, and for uprooting and destroying weeds and scrub.”

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173 ferramenta, falces, palas, ligones, secures, ornamenta, murices, catellas (Cato A gr 137.1). Dente here is an ablative of means (AG 409), with marrae and ligonis as possessive genitives (AG 343) depending on it. For dens referring to the blade of a tool, cf. dens, quod eo mordetur terra (Varro, Ling 5. 135); tum dente tenaci / ancora fundabat navis ( Aen 6. 3-4); eiusmodi terram … levissimo dente moveri satis est (2. 2. 25). For bidens as a two-bladed tool, see mucrone bidentis (87). The reading fracti here, though found in the mss. and printed by all modern editors, has troubled commentators because fractus does not seem to fit the context. If the reading is accepted, then by fracti … ligonis Col. seems to be suggesting that the tool has a curved blade (Boldrer 1996, 165); cf iam falces avidis et aratra caminis / rastraque et incurvi saevum rubuere ligones (Stat. Theb 3. 588-589); agricolam, flexi dum forte ligonis / exercet dentes (Sid. Apoll. Carm 7. 379-380). Saint-Denis (1969a, 55) comments: “ Fracti signifie que le fer du hoyau est coud en dedans, tandis que celui de la houe est peine courb.” However, there are no obvious parallels where fractus is used in this sense. Santoro, by contrast, understands fracti … ligonis to mean a double-bladed spade: “zappa biforc uta” (Santoro 1946, 76). There is no clear example of fractus meaning “bent” or “curved;” but frangere is used to describe the curli ng or braiding of hair: comam in gradus frangere (Quint. Inst 1. 6. 44); or, metaphorically, “shortening” a day: morantem saepe diem mero / fregi (Hor. Carm 2. 7. 5-6). Morever, infringere / infractus can mean “bend” / “bent”: ducitque manum digitosque sonant i / infringit citharae (Stat. Achil 1. 574-575); folia latiora et …

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174 pinguia et ad terram infracta (Plin. HN 27. 133); mares … longis auribus infractisque (Plin. HN 8. 202, describing goats). Richter (1981-1983 v. 2, 428) conjectures docti suggesting parallel passages in Horace (Hor. Carm 3. 6. 37-39, quot ed above) and Propertius: illic assidue tauros spectabis arantis, / et vi tem docta ponere falce comas (Prop. 2. 19. 11-12). Horace and Propertius, however, use doctus to describe the person using t he tool, not the tool itself. Boldrer (1996, 166) conjectures fricti suggesting that fricti … ligonis offers a paralle with trita … sarcula in line 91; for the image cf. vomeris obtunsi dentem ( G 1. 262); for the use of fricare with dens cf. dentes lavandos fricandosque (Plin. Ep 1. 18. 9). Flexi is another possible emendation, as Boldrer (1996, 166) acknowledges, and it makes clear that the tool has a curved blade; cf Sid. Apoll. Carm 7. 379-380. Other proposed emendations are tracti facti forte frangat (cf. glaebaeque versis / aeternum frangenda bidentibus G 2. 399-400), and fractam (Boldrer 1996, 165-166; Ash 1930, 53). Since no modern editors have found any of these proposed emendations persuasive enough to print, it is probably best to accept the ms. reading fracti while acknowledging that it seems to have an usual sense here.29 I have thus retained the reading fracti for my translation. 29 K. D. White (1967, 38-39) accepts the reading fracti as evidence that there was a fractus ligo a specific type of tool which he describes as “a ligo with a notched blade,” known only from this passage of Col. However, he acknowledges t hat the precise interpretation of fracti is uncertain, and adds: “Literary references to technical matters, especially in poetry, are often ambiguous, and should be treated with caution.”

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175 90. Maturi … ubera campi: Col. continues the anthrop omorphized image of the earth as a woman, previously seen in lines 70-72, where he ascribes other human attributes to the earth: comas (70), amictus (70), terga (71), viscera (72); see notes above on lines 70-72. Col. elsewhere uses ubera in connection with the earth: alma Tellus annua vice velut aeterno quodam puerperio laeta morta libus distenta musto demittit ubera (3. 21. 3); cf. fertilis ubere campus ( G 2. 185). Ash (1930, 54) suggests that Col. is referring to the topsoil; however, as Thomas (1988 v. 2, 200) indicates for G. 2. 185, Col. may simply be referring to the “richness of the soil.” 91. Tunc quoque trita solo splendentia sarcula: Sarculum is a kind of hoe (White 1967, 36, 43); cf. cum pluvere incipiet, familiam cum ferreis sarculisque exire oportet (Cato Agr 155); patrios findere sarculo / agros (Hor. Carm 1. 1. 11-12); quod frumenti radices sarculo detegantur (2. 11. 1); nonnulli, priusquam serant, minimis aratris proscindunt atque ita iaci unt semina et sarculis adruunt (2. 10. 33, on planting faenum Graecum ). For the image of the blade polis hed by the soil scraping against it, cf. depresso incipiat iam tum mihi taurus aratro / ingemere et sulco attritus splendescere vomer ( G 1. 45-46); and, possibly: sarcula nunc durusque bidens et vomer aduncus / ruris opes, niteant (Ov. Fast 4. 926-927). Boldrer (1996, 166) points out th e double alliteration in t and s ( tunc … trita ; solo splendentia sarcula ), which reflects the a lliteration in G. 1. 45-46 ( tum … taurus ; sulco … splendescere ). Cf. alligat alnus (251), proxima primae (252), mucrone magistri (253).

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176 92-93. Angustosque foros … tramite parvo: Here Col. describes the procedure for dividing the gar den plot into beds; cf. Cato Agr 161; Plin. HN 19. 60. Col. gives similar instructions at greater length in his prose treatment of gardening (11. 3) and makes it clear that the reason for doing th is is to enable the gardener better to tend to the individual sections of the ga rden without distur bing the seedlings: circa Idus Ianuarias humus refossa in areas dividitur; quae tamen sic informandae sunt, ut facile runcantium manus ad dimidiam partem latitu dinis earum perveniant, ne qui persecuntur herbas, semina proculare cogantur, sed potius per semitas ingrediantur et alterna vice dimidias areas eruncent (11. 3. 13). His instructions in Book 11, however, call for doing this in the middle of January, which is seve ral weeks earlier in the gardening year than he instructs doing so in Book 10; see Lyra mersa profundo (79). 92. Limite: limes here indicates a pathway cut acro ss the plot to divide it into smaller sections: ne signare quidem aut partire limite campum / fas erat ( G 1. 126-127); arboribus positis secto via limite quadret ( G 1. 278); humum longo signavit limite mensor (Ov. Met 1. 136); vineas limitari decumano xviii pedum latitudinis … aliisque transversis limitibus denum pedum distingui (Plin. HN 17. 169). 94. Discrimine pectita tellus: Col. continues the anthr opomorphizing image of the earth, here describing the lines dividing the plot into beds as if they were a parting in a head of hair; cf. lines 70-73, 90. For discrimen as a hair parting, cf. hinc fines capilli discripti, quod finis videtur, discrimen (Varro, Ling 6. 81); conpositum discrimen erit, discrimina lauda (Ov. Ars am. 2. 303); longa probat facies capitis discrimina puri (Ov. Ars am. 2. 137). Col. later uses discrimen to describe the division of lettuce into leaves (186).

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177 For pectere30 as combing of hair, cf. nequiquam Veneris praesidio ferox / pectes caesariem (Hor. Carm 1. 15. 13-14); tunc putas illam pro te disponere crines / aut tenues denso pectere dente comas? (Tib. 1. 9. 67-68); hanc matutinos pectens ancilla capillos / incitet (Ov. Ars am. 3. 367-368). The participial form pectitus is found only in Col., here and in one other passage, where he applies it to the carding of wool: pluviis vero diebus … mulier sub dio rusticum opus obire non potueri t, ut ad lanificium reducatur praeparataeque sint et pectitae lanae (12. 3. 6). The more common participial form is pexus : pexo capillo (Cic. Cat 2. 22); pexaque barba (Mart. 7. 58. 2); also used by Col.: at Cappadocia [sc. lactuca ], quae pallida et pexo densoque folio viret (11. 3. 26; cf. discrimen 186). 96. Terrestria sidera, flores: Cf. 288-291, where Col.says t hat the beauty of the flowers in the garden outshines that of heav enly bodies. Boldrer (1996, 170) remarks that Col.’s description of flow ers as “earthly stars” here is an “originale metafora,” and that terrestria sidera is a striking oxymoron. Apuleius also uses this image: magnae religionis terrena sidera (Apul. Met 11. 10, describing the shining, shaved heads of the male initiates). For the st ars as a standard of beauty, cf. quamquam sidere pulchrior / ille est (Hor. Carm 3. 9. 21-22). 97-100. Candida leucoia … caeruleos hyacinthos: The list of flowers in this passage recalls a similar list in Book 9: at in hortensi lira consit a intent candida lilia nec 30 A related term is pecten a reaping comb (White 1967, 113); cf multi mergis, alii pectinibus spicam ipsam legunt (2. 20. 3); panicum et milium singillatim pectine manuali legunt Galliae (Plin. HN 18. 297). Ovid compares reaping crops with cutting the earth’s hair: temporibus certis de sectas alligit herbas / et tonsam raro pectine verrit humum (Ov. Rem. am 191-192).

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178 his sordidiora leucoia, tum Puniceae ros ae luteolaeque et Sarr anae violae, nec minus caelestis luminis hyacinthus (9. 4. 4). 97. Candida leucoia: Leucoium from Greek lit. “white violet” ( ; Chantraine 1999, 632), a flower with, as t he name indicates, white petals. Ash and Forster render it here as “snowdrop,” though the modern snowdrop belongs to the genus Galanthus whereas genus Leucojum refers to a similar flower called the snowflake (Wright 1984, 366). According to Andr (1956, 185, 330-331; 1985, 143), leucoium despite the etymology of its name, can refe r to the violet or stock with white, violet, or red petals ( Matthiola incana L.), equivalent to viola alba or viola purpurea ( Viola odorata L.); or the gillyflower with yellow petals ( Cheiranthus cheiri L.), equivalent to viola lutea Cf. violis honos proximus, earumque plura genera, purpureae, luteae, albae (Plin. HN 21. 27; Pliny further discusses violets and their properties at HN 21. 130-131). Col.’s description of the flowers here as candida indicates that he has in mind the white variety; cf. nitent candida lilia nec his sordidiora leucoia (9. 4. 4). The word leucoium occurs in Latin literature only in these two passages of Col. According to Theophrastus, the is the first flower to appear at or even before the beginning of spring: ’ ( Hist. pl 6. 8. 1; he goes on to identify the with the the violet), and adds that it is especially good for making garlands. Theocritus ( Id 7. 63-64) also

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179 mentions this flower in connection with garlands: ’ / Cf. Plin. HN 21. 14. Boldrer (1996, 170) calls the phrase candida leucoia “un originale gioco etimologico bilingue;” for other examples in the poem, see immortalesque amaranti (175); oculis inimica corambe (178); distorto corpore campe (366); lubrica … lapathos (373); possibly longa phaselos (377). Given the accentuation of the Greek leucoia here is scanned as a dactyl, – with the o and i scanned as separate short vowels and with the final a elided before the following et Flaventia lumina caltae: Calta or caltha is a yellow flower, possibly the pot marigold, Calendula officinalis L. or Calendula arvensis L. (Andr 1985, 46; Maggiulli 1995, 252; Wright 1984, 490). This is not the same flower as some modern marigolds, which belong to genus Tagetes (Wright 1984, 496), nor is it the same as genus Caltha which is in the buttercup family (Wright 1984, 532). According to Consoli (1901, 18), calta is first attested in Latin literature in Vergil— mollia luteola pingit vaccinia caltha ( Ecl 2. 50)—athough it probably existed earlier in common speech and perhaps also in earlier literature that has not surv ived; Plautus uses the diminutive caltula to refer to a kind of women’s garment: caltulam aut crocotolam (Pl. Epid 231). For other mentions of this flower in verse, cf. illa legit calthas, huic sunt violaria curae (Ov. Fast 4. 437); caltaque Paestanas vincet odore rosas (Ov. Pont 2. 4. 8 ); aut crocus alterna coniungens lilia caltha ( Ciris 97). Like Col., Pliny ( HN 21. 28) mentions the calta immediately after discussing the violet: proxima ei [i.e., violae ] caltha est colore et amplitudine ; Col. mentions calta once more in the poem: flammeola … calta (307).

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180 Col. seems to be the first to use lumen to describe the brilli ant color of a flower (Boldrer 1996, 170); cf. caelestis luminis hyacinthus (9. 4. 4); iam Phrygiae loti gemmantia lumina promunt (258). Ovid draws a connection between lumina and flowers, though he does not use the word explic itly to describe a flower’s vivid colors: vel quia purpureis collucent fl oribus agri, / lumina sunt nos tros visa decere dies; / vel quia nec flos est hebeti nec flamma colore, / atque oculos in se splendor uterque trahit (Ov. Fast 5. 363-366). Lumen is also used to describe the brilliant shine of metals and gems: quasve dedit flavo lumine chrysolithos (Prop. 2. 16. 44 ); argenti bifores radiabant lumina valvae (Ov. Met 2. 4); ferri lumine diro / turbatus sonipes (Stat. Theb 9. 802803). 98. Narcissique comas: Narcissus is the Greek the modern narcissus or daffodil, Narcissus poeticus L., Narcissus serotinus L., or Narcissus tazetta L. (Andr 1956, 216; 1985, 169; Maggiulli 1995, 368; Wr ight 1984, 364, 368-370). According to Consoli (1901, 12) Vergil is the first to use narcissus in Latin: tibi candida Nais, / pallentis violas et summa papavera ca rpens, / narcissum et florem iungit bene olentis anethi ( Ecl 2. 48; cf. ’ … / Anth. Pal 5. 147. 1-2, ascribed to Meleager); pro molli viola, pro purpureo narcisso ( Ecl 5. 38); narcisso floreat alnus ( Ecl 8. 53); narcissi lacrimam ( G 4. 160). Col.’s likely model for this passage is sera comantem / narcissum ( G 4. 123). Pliny ( HN 21. 128) remarks on the etymology of the term, arising fr om the plant’s effect on the body: narcissi duo genera in usum medicum recipient, purpureo flore et alterum herbaceum, hunc stomacho inutilem et ideo vomitorium alvosque solventem, nervi s inimicum, caput gravantem et a narce narcissum dictum, non a fabuloso puero (Plin. HN 21. 128). Chantraine (1999, 736),

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181 however, believes that the derivation from (“torpor”) is a folk-etymology, and that is more likely a borrowing into Gr eek from a non-I ndo-European language. Notwithstanding Pliny’s etymol ogical caution, the flower was popularly linked to the myth of Narcissus : tu quoque nomen habes cult os, Narcisse, per hortos (Ov. Fast 5. 225; cf. also Ov. Met 3. 509-510). Pliny regards the purple flower called narcissus as actually a type of purple lily: sunt et purpurea lilia … narcissum vocant … differentia a liliis est et haec, quod narcissis in radice folia sunt ( HN 21. 24; cf. Andr 1956, 187; 1985, 145). Theophrastus mentions two different flowers which he calls one a spring flower, mentioned together with (and distinguished fr om) another spring flower called ( Hist. pl 6. 8. 1); the other an autumn flower, also called ( Hist. pl 6. 6. 9, 6. 8. 3). Pliny echoes Theophrastus: he distinguishes the narcissus from the lilium trans maria both of which are spring flowers ( HN 21. 64); the lilium trans maria is probably Narcissus tazetta (Andr 1985, 145). Pliny also mentions two varities of lily that bloom in the summer, which may be identified with Narcissus serotinus L. ( HN 21. 67; Andr 1985, 145). For coma referring to the head or bloom of a flower, cf. ille comam mollis iam tondebat hyacinthi ( G 4. 137); illa papavereas subsecat ungue comas (Ov. Fast. 4. 438). For the likening of foliage to hair, see et curvi vomere … ne dubita (69-73). Col. uses the phrase narcissique comas again at line 297, though at a different position in the line.

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182 98-99. Hiantis saeva leonis / ora feri: Possibly the snapdragon or “dragon’s mouth,” Antirrhinum majus (Andr 1956, 183; 1985, 141; Wri ght 1984, 516); Ash (1930, 57) renders it as “lion’s mouth.” Col. m entions this flower later in the poem: oscitat et leo (260). These two occurrences in Col. are the only attestations in extant classical Latin literature of leo used to refer to this flower. Ash (1930, 56) notes that hiare can apply to “any flower with a spreading calyx” (Ash); cf. nec flos ullus hiat pratis (Prop. 4. 2. 45); oscitat et leo (260) is essentially the same description of the flower. 99. Calathisque virentia lilia canis: lilium here is the lily; the cultivated lily is Lilium candidum L. (Andr 1985, 145; Maggiulli 19 95, 341-342), also mentioned by Vergil as being in the garden of the old man of Tarentum: albaque circum / lilia ( G 4. 130-131); the wild lily, also mentioned by Vergil ( tibi lilia plenis / ecce ferunt Nymphae calathis ; Ecl 2. 45-46) is most likely Lilium Martagon L. (Maggiulli 1995, 341). Pliny comments on the whiteness of the lily: lilium rosae nobilitate pr oximum est … candor eius eximius (Plin. HN 21. 22-23); cf. candida circum / lilia ( Aen 6. 709); nitent candida lilia (9. 4. 4). The modern lily family inclu des a number of other genera in addition to genus Lilium (Wright 1984, 408-420). Pliny ( HN 21. 24) also mentions a red lily: est et lilium rubens, quod Graeci crinon vocant, alii forem eius cynorrhodon ; Theophrastus ( Hist. pl 6. 8. 3) lists among the summer flowers. This is probably the modern Lilium Chalcedonicum L. (Andr 1956, 187; 1985, 145). Pliny briefly m entions two more varieties of lily among summer flowers ( HN 21. 67; cf. Theophr. Hist. pl 6. 8. 1), though these may actually be

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183 varieties of narcissus; for these and also for Pliny’s purple lily ( HN 21. 25), see narcissique comas (98). Lilium like the Greek is perhaps a borrowing from a non-Indo-European Mediterranean language; the two L’s so close t ogether run contrary to the dissimilation of L’s in native Latin words (Ernout 1951, 648). Calathus is a basket and is so used elsewhere by Col.: fer calathis violam (300); mollior infuse calathis modo lacte gelato (397); prunisque Damasci / stipantur calathis (404-405); cf. tibi lilia plenis / ecce ferunt Nymphae calathis ( Ecl 2. 45-46). Here Col. uses it to indicate the shape of the lily’s calyx, a comparison he makes more explicit elsewhere: nunc similis calatho (240, on the shape of the cardoon). Virens is here used not in its literal sense of “being green” (as calathis … canis shows), but in the more abstract sense of “thriving, flourishing, blooming”: cf. ille virentis et / doctae psallere Chiae / pulchris excubat in genis (Hor. Carm 4. 13. 6-8); arcem / ingeniis opibusque et festa pace virentem (Ov. Met 2. 794-795); and later in Col., toto quae plurima terrae / orbe virens (127-128, describing cabbage); and, more metaphorically, plena mero, laetisque vigent convivia pratis (281). 100. Vel niveos vel caeruleos hyacinthos: hyacinthus is from Greek which itself was probably borrowed into Gr eek from an unrelated language. The Latin vaccinium is probably a parallel form borrowed from the same source; in Greek was originally (Chantraine 1999, 1150; Ernout 1951, 1255), though in general vaccinium seems to refer to a different plant (Andr 1985, 126-127, 268). The term hyacinthus refers to a number of different fl owers that cannot now be identified

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184 with certainty, though almost cert ainly not the modern hyacinth ( Hyacinthus orientalis L.), which was a more recent arrival to the West from the Ea st (Andr 1985, 126). Palladius remarks that the hyacinthus was sometimes confused with the similar-looking iris and gladiolus : hyacinthum, qui iris vel gladiolus dicitur similitudine foliorum (Pall. 1. 37. 2). The classical hyacinth is often described as a reddish flower; suave rubens hyacinthus ( Ecl 3. 63); ferrugineos hyacinthos ( G 4. 183); cf. ferrugineis … hyacinthis (305). In addition, Ovid descr ibes a hyacinth that is similar in appearance to a lily but purple rather than white ( Met 10. 212-213). This might be identified wit h the modern squill, such as Scilla bifolia L. and Scilla hyacinthodes L. (Andr 1985, 126). This is probably the flower to which Col. refers in line 305; but his description of the hyacinthus here as either snow-white or blue suggests t hat he has a different flower in mind here. Col. elsewhere refers to a sky-blue hyacinthus: caelestis luminis hyacinthus (9. 4. 4); but he does not elsewhere mention a white one. Moreover, the classical hyacinth is al so described as having distinctive markings : inscripti nomina regum / … flores ( Ecl 106-107; cf. Theoc. Id 10. 28). These markings were variously explained: hyacinthum comitatur fabula duplex, luctum praeferens eius quem Apollo dile xerat, aut ex Aiacis cruore editi, ita discurrentibus venis ut Graecarum litte rarum figura AI legatur inscriptum (Plin. HN 21. 66). Ovid recounts both versions: that t he flower shows the Gr eek exclamation of mourning AIAI to signify Apollo’s grie f over the death of Hyacinthus (Ov. Met 10. 214216), and that the flower sprang up from the blood of Ajax (Ov. Met 13. 394-398); Col.

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185 refers to the Ajax version later in the poem (174). The flower thus described might be identified with Delphinium Ajacis L. or Gladiolus segetum Gawl. (Andr 1985, 127). 101-102. Quae pallet … viola: Viola the Latin parallel to the Greek (originally probably ; Chantraine 1999, 466; Andr 1985, 272), can refer to a number of different flower s. Col. mentions the viola once more in the poem (300), and violaria once (259). Pliny mentions a number of different colors and varieties: violis honos proximus [i.e., after the lily], earumque plura genera, pur pureae, luteae, albae … ex his vero … purpureae … solaeque Graeco nomine a ceteris discernuntur, appellatae ia (Plin. HN 21. 27). He also remarks: florum prima ver nuntiatum viola alba … post ea quae ion appellatur et purpurea, proxime flammeum, quod phlox vocatur, silvestre dumtaxat (Plin. HN 21. 64). Pliny further observes: violae silvestres et sativae and remarks on the respective properties of the purple ( purpureum ), white ( alba ) and yellow ( lutea ) varieties (Plin. HN 21. 130). Col. himsel f elsewhere refers to a Sarrana viola (9. 4. 4.; see note below on Sarrano … ostro 287), which Andr (1985, 272) equates with the stock, Matthiola incana L. For the present passage, cf. Vergil’s pallentis violas ( Ecl 2. 47), though Col. here seems to be referring to a flower that could be white ( pallet 101) or purple ( purpurat 101) or yellow ( auro 102); Andr (1985, 272) asserts that in this passage Col. is referring to the gillyflower, Cheiranthus cheiri L., though the purple variety may be Viola odorata L. (Andr 1956, 330331). The modern genus Viola includes violas, violets, violettas, and pansies (Wright 1984, 348-526). See also candida leucoia (97). 102. Nimium rosa plena pudoris: For the rose, see Paestique rosa (37). Col. elsewhere associates the rose’s hue with modesty: ingenuo confusa rubore / virgineas

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186 adaperta genas rosa (260-261). Cf. et rosa purpureum … pudibunda ruborem ( Culex 399); conscia purpureus venit in ora pudor / … quale rosae fulgent inter sua lilia mixtae (Ov. Am 2. 5. 34, 37). 103. Medica panacem lacrima: Panaces also panax (11. 3. 29) is a borrowing into Latin of the Greek or also seen as from + “allheal” (LSJ), so called from its me dicinal properties. This te rm is used to refer to a number of medicinal plants t hat cannot now be identified with certainty (Andr 1985, 186-187). Pliny remarks on the significance of the name: panaces ipso nomine omnium morborum remedia promittit, numerosum et dis inventoribus adscriptum (Plin. HN 25. 30). Pliny goes on to dist inguish four varieties: unum quippe asclepion cognominatur, a quo is filiam Panaciam appellavit (Plin. HN 25. 30); alterum genus heracleon vocant et ab Hercule inventum tradunt, alii origanum heracleoticum aut Silvestre, quoniam est oregano simile, radice inutili … tertium panace s chironium cognominatur ab inventore. folium eius simile lapatho, maius tamen et hirsutius (Plin. HN 25. 32); quartum genus panaces ab eodem Chirone repertum centaurion cognominatur, sed et pharmaceon in controversia inventionis a Pharnace rege deductum (Plin. HN 25. 33; cf. Nic. Ther 500). Col. says that panaces should be transplanted around the end of March (11. 3. 17; cf. 11. 3. 29). Pliny comments on the way the resin drips or oozes from the plant: sponte erumpentem sucum ( HN 25. 31); excipitur sucus inciso caul e messibus, radice autumno ( HN 12. 127). He also likens the juice of another tree, the st yrax, to tears: lacrimae ex austero iucundi odoris, intus … suco praegnans ( HN 12. 124). Andr (1956, 236; 1985, 186) suggests that panaces most often refers to m edicinal plants of the genus

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187 Opopanax L. This may be myrrh: gum opopana x is an aromatic resin with antiinflammatory properties produced by Commiphora kataf and other species of the genus Commiphora which consists of a number of vari eties of myrrh, all of which produce resin having various medicinal applications (Van Wyk 2004, 1 11). Ovid remarks on the drops of resin seeping from t he bark of the myrrh tree, and ex plains them as the tears of Myrrha: flet tamen, et tepidae manant ex arbor e guttae, / est honor lacrimis, stillataque cortice murra / nomen erile tenet ( Met 10. 500-502). Vergil explicitly refers to panaces (as panacea ) once: oderiferam panaceam is one of the healing herbs which Venus infuse s into the water with which Iapyx bathes Aeneas’ wound ( Aen 12. 419). Maggiulii (1995, 388-389) suggests that here Vergil is referring to the variety which Pliny calls heracleon and which Andr (1985, 186) believes refers to Opoponax hispidus Gris. Vergil also menti ons the variety which Pliny calls centaurion : grave olentia centaurea ( G 4. 270); Thomas (1988 v. 2, 195) points out that just as Chiron fa ils to cure the plague ( G 549-550), his namesake herb fails to cure the sick beehive. Lucan (9. 918) distinguishes between panacea and centaureum : et panacea potens et Thessala centaurea which suggests that he understood Vergil’s panacea and centaureum to be two different plants. Since the identity of this plant is unc ertain, and both Pliny and Vergil, in addition to Col., refer to it by the same (o r similar) Greek name, I have retained panaces in my translation. Pliny uses the term heraclion to refer to a di fferent medicinal plant, a type of wild poppy, also called aphron ( HN 20. 207). For the wild poppy, see note below on succoque salubri glaucea (103-104). Pliny also remarks that ligusticum (lovage) and

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188 cunila are also sometimes called panaces ( HN 19. 165; 20. 168; 20. 169). See satureia (233). 103-104. Succoque salubri / glaucea: Glaucium or glauceum is a borrowing of Greek so called from its greenish-gray or bluish-gray ( ) leaves. The term seems to refe r to several different plants; Andr (1985, 57, 111) believes that Col. is referring to the horned poppy or blue-gray celandine (genus Glaucium perhaps Glaucium flavum ; Wright, 1984, 512; there is also a Celandine poppy or wood poppy, Stylophorum diphyllum Wright 1984, 314), also called ceratitis (Greek from “little horn;” cf. Theophr. Hist. pl 9. 12. 3). Pliny names and describes it: silvestrium [sc. papaverum ] unum genus ceratitim vocant, nigr um … calyculo inflexo ut corniculo … quidam hoc genus glaucion vocant, alii paralium (Plin. HN 20. 205-206, following Theophr. Hist. pl 9. 12. 3). Pliny also comme nts at length on the medicinal properties of its seeds, leaves, and roots (Plin. HN 205-206). Pliny later describes a plant also called glaucion which grows in Syria and Parthia, which he says resembles the poppy but is not identical to it ( humilis herba densis foliis fere papaveris, minoribus tamen sordidioribusque ), and he describes its preparat ion and medicinal uses (Plin. HN 27. 83) This description does not correspond to his previous discussion of ceratitis / glaucion (Plin. HN 20. 205-206), which suggests that Pliny using the term glaucion to refer to two different plants. Vergil does not mention either glauceum or ceratitis 104. Profugos vinctura papavera somnos: Papaver is the poppy, which exists in a number of varieties. Pliny m entions three types of cultivated poppy: papaveris sativi tria genera: candidum … nigrum … tertium genus rhoean vocant Graeci, nostri erraticum (HN 19. 168). He further rema rks on its soporific properties: e sativis albi

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189 calix ipse teritur et vino bibitur somni causa ( HN 20. 198); sucus … papaveris … opium vocant ( HN 20. 199); semine quoque eius … utuntur ad somnum ( HN 20. 201); decoquitur et bibitur contra vigilias ( HN 20. 202). Andr (1985, 188) identifies the cultivated poppy as Papaver somniferum L. Theophrastus lists three varieties of wild poppy: ’ … … … ( Hist. pl 9. 12. 3-5). For the variety called see note above on succoque salubri glaucea (103-104). Col. includes the poppy among a group of plants that can be sown both in the aut umn, around 1 September, and in the spring, in February before 1 Marc h (11. 3. 14). Vergil mentions poppies several times: Lethaeo perfusa papavera somno ( G 1. 78); Lethaea papavera ( G. 4. 545); soporiferumque papaver ( Aen 4. 486). Also cereale papaver ( G 1. 213, repeated by Col. at line 314) Maggiulli (1995, 390-394) believes that all of these passages refer to Papaver somniferum L., whereas other Vergilian mentions of the poppy refer to Papaver rhoeas L.: summa papavera ( Ecl 2. 47); lassove papavera collo / demisere caput ( Aen 9. 436-437). Maggiul li further suggests that vescumque papaver ( G 4. 131, in the garden of th e old man of Tarentum) might belong to either species. 105. Viros … armantque puellis: For love/sex described in military terms, cf. militat omnis amans, et habet sua castra cupido (Ov. Am 1. 9. 1; the metaphor is explored through the rest of the poem). Tibullus (1. 1. 5358) constrasts his situation as a lover with that of Messala, abroad on militar y campaigns. Vergil suggests a military metaphor for agriculture: dicendum est quae sint duris agrestibus arma ( G 1. 160,

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190 using arma for the tools and implem ents of the farmer); cf. G 2. 277-287, where he compares the spacing of the planted vines to the position of soldiers arrayed in formation. 106. Megaris … bulbi: Bulbus is a borrowing of the Greek (Ernout 1951, 139). Andr (1956, 60-61; 1985, 40-41) indicates the the term bulbus can refer to any number of plants that gr ow from bulbs, but asserts that here Col. is probably referring to the grape hyacinth, genus Muscari or perhaps more specifically the tassel hyacinth, Muscari comosum Mill. (cf. Wright 1984, 400). Megara lies between At hens and Corinth ( OCD ). Cato includes bulbs from Megara among flowers he recommends planting for garlands: coronamenta omne genus, bulbos Megaricos ( Agr 8. 2). Pliny cites this passage of Cato in his own discussion of bulbs ( HN 19. 93-97). Col. seems to be drawing on Ovid here: cf. Megaris … veniant : Daunius, an Libycis bulbus tibi missus ab oris / an veniat Megaris (Ov. Rem. am. 797-798, on the foods that should be avoided w hen trying to fall out of love; for both Ovid and Col. Megarian bulbs hav e erotic connotations). Cf. candidus, Alcathoi qui mittitur urbe Pelasga / bulbus (Ov. Ars am. 2. 421-422, on foods that should be eaten to arouse passion; Alcathous was a mythic hero associated with Megara: Pind. Isthm 8; Paus. 1. 41. 3-6). Pliny ( HN 20. 105) also remarks on the aphrodisiac properties of Megarian bulbs: venerem maxime Megarici [sc. bulbi ] stimulant Martial includes bulbique salaces among foods that should revive flagging sexual desire (Ma rt. 3. 75. 3). Genitalia semina: For this collocation, cf. vere tument terrae et genitalia semina poscunt ( G 2. 234, with the phrase at the same me trical position in the line as here in Col.); cf. also: pabula primum ut sint, genitalia dein de per artus / semina qua possint

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191 membris manare remissis (Lucr. 5. 851-852); and: genitalia corpora … semina rerum (Lucr. 1. 58-59, with genitalia corpora at the same metrical line position as Col.’s genitalia semina ). Col. uses g enitalis once more in the poem: nunc sunt genitalia tempora mundi (196), and eleven times in the prose books. It is common in Pliny. Vergil uses it in one other passage: genitali arvo ( G 3. 126). Ovid describes the elements as genitalia corpora : quattuor aeternus genitalia corpora mundus / continet (Ov. Met 15. 239-240). See nunc sunt genitalia tempore mundi (196). 107. Et quae Sicca legit Gaetulis obruta glebis: Sicca was a city in northern Africa ( OCD ); cf. Sall. J 56. 3. The Gaetuli li ved in northern Africa: Hannibal … Gaetulos cum praefecto nomine Isalca praemittit (Livy 23. 18. 1); the term was used to refer in general to northern Africa: Syrtisque Gaetulas (Hor. Carm 2. 20. 15); quid dubitas vinctam Gaetulo tradere Iarbae? (Ov. Her 7. 125). Pliny mentions bulbs from north Africa: post hos [i.e. bulbs from the Chersonese] in Africa nati maxime laudantur (Plin. HN 19. 95). Ovid includes bulbs from north Africa among foods that should be avoided when one is trying to stay out of love: Daunius an Libycis bulbus tibi missus ab oris (Ov. Rem. am 797). 108. Falcifero … Priapo: Falcifero is Hensius’ conjecture here, printed by Rodgers (2010, 406); all t he principal mss. read frugifero which is printed by all other recent editors. Boldrer (1996, 177) regards the conjecture falcifero as “ingenioso ma non necessario.” Frugifer is lacking in Vergil. Col. uses it several times: cf. arbores frugiferae (11. 2. 46); palmitem quamvis frugi fera parte enatum (3. 10. 14). It is used to describe gods associated with fertility: cf. nos quoque frugiferum sentimus inutilis herba / numen (Ov.

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192 Pont 2. 1. 15-16); frugifera … Ceres (Sen. Phoen 219); Osirim / frugiferum (Stat. Theb 1. 718-719). Boldrer (1996, 177) suggests that Col. has in mind pomifer Autumnus fruges effuderit (Hor. Carm 4. 7. 11). Falcifer is used to describe Saturn: ante pererrato falcifer orbe deus (Ov. Fast 1. 234); nam si falciferi defender e templa Tonantis (Mart. 5. 16. 5).31 It is probably best to a ccept the ms. reading frugifero here, while acknowledging that it is unusual in this context; Priapus is commonly associated with the falx or sickle (cf. 32-34), and there are no other examples of Priapus described as frugifer However, given the fact that frugifer is used to describe other fertility gods, it is not inappropriate for Priapus. See sed truncum … Priapi … falce minetur (31-34). Moreover, frugifero is applicable in this passage, which discusses pl ants known for aphrodisiac properties (cf. genitalia semina 106). Thus, frugifer is the reading that I have adopted in my translation. Col. refers once to t he gardener’s use of the falx (328). 109. Eruca: Eruca is rocket or arugula, Eruca sativa Lam. (Andr 1985, 97). Pliny discusses the gro wing and preparation of eruca and states that it is concitatrix veneris (Plin. HN 19. 154). Pliny lists it among a gr oup of herbs that exist in only one variety ( HN 19. 122) and says that it breaks gr ound on the third day after being sown from seed ( HN 19. 117). For more on t he aphrodisiac properties of eruca cf. nec minus erucas aptum vitare salaces / et quidquid Veneri corpora nostra parat (Ov. Rem. am 799-800); venerem revocans eruca morantem ( Mor 86); sed nihil erucae faciunt bulbique salaces (Mart. 3. 75. 3; cf. note above on Megaris … bulbi 106). Cf. also eruca 31 For non-divine contexts for falcifer cf. Ov. Met 13. 929-930; Lucr. 3. 642.

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193 salax (372). Col. includes eruca among a group of plants that can be sown both in the autumn, around 1 September, and in the spring, in February befor e 1 March (11. 3. 14). He also lists it among a gr oup of plants that need very li ttle cultivation other than manuring and weeding (11. 3. 29). He includes eruca in several salad recipes (12. 59. 1-2). Nasidienus, host of the dinner which Fundanius describes to Horace, recommends including eruca in the recipe for sauce served with lamprey ( Sat 2. 8. 5152). Vergil does not mention eruca See also eruca salax (372). Eruca meaning rocket should not be confused with eruca meaning caterpillar; cf. serpitque eruca per hortos (333). 110. Breve chaerepolum: Also found as chaerephyllum chaerophylum and caerefolium (the form preferred by the OLD ), this is chervil, both cultivated ( Anthriscus cerefolium L.) and wild ( Anthriscus silvestris L.); Andr (1985, 44, 58) presumes that the name comes from a Greek form but this is unattested. Forster prints chaerophylum ; all other modern editors print chaerepolum If chaerepolum is correct, Col. uses it only here, perhaps metri causa ; elsewhere he refers to this plant as caerefolium (11. 3. 14, Rodgers) or chaerephyllum (11. 3. 42, Rodger s) and states that it should be sown around 1 October (11. 3. 42 ); elsewhere he includes it among a group of plants that can be sown both in the aut umn, around 1 September, and in the spring, in February before 1 March (11. 3. 14). Pliny includes it among a group of plants that should be sown at the autumn equinox: caerefolium, quod paederota Graeci vocant ( HN 19. 170). This plant is not mentioned by Vergil.

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194 Breve here might mean that the plant grows low to the ground: cf. lapathi brevis herba (Hor. Sat 2. 4. 29); or that it lives for a short time: cf. breve lilium (Hor. Carm. 1. 36. 16). 110-111. Torpenti grata pilato / intuba: Intuba also intubus or intubum (as well as alternate forms intib) is probably either chicory ( Cicorium intybus L.) or endive ( Cicorium endivia L.) (Andr 1956, 170; 1985, 131-132; Wright 1984, 280; Van Wyk 2004, 100). Different editors print differ ent forms of the name here and in other passages where Col. refers to this plant. Andr (1956, 170; 1985, 131) interprets intuba here as nominative singular; the OLD cites it as neuter plural. Chaerepolum (111) and lactuca (111) are nom. sing., but alia (112) and ulpica (113) are neut. pl., so the c ontext of the passage does not help decide. Pliny refers to it both as intubi (masculine plural) and intubum (neuter singular) in the same passage ( HN 19. 129; HN 20. 73). Andr (1956, 170; 1985, 131) suggests that at 111 Col. probably means wild chicory. Col. refers to this plant el sewhere: in 2. 17. 1, he includes intuba (Rodgers) among weeds to be pulled up from a meadow. At 11. 3. 27 he describes methods for encouraging the growth of this plant ( intubi Rodgers); he does the same at 8. 14. 2 and adds, sed praecipue genus intibi, quod Graeci appellant (8. 14. 2, Rodgers). According to Andr (1956, 170; 1985, 131), in t hese last two passages Col. is probably referring to endive. Pliny distinguishes between intibus (endive) and chicorium (chicory) and discusses the medicinal properties of each ( HN 20. 73-74). He also states: erraticum apud nos quidam ambubaam appellavere. In Aegypto chicorium vocat quod silvestre sit

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195 ( HN 20. 3). He repeats the latter statement elswhere: est et erraticum intubum quod in Aegypto chicorium vocant ( HN 19. 129). Dioscorides (2. 132) distinguishes between and Vergil includes amaris intiba fibris among things that can fr ustrate the hard work of the farmer ( G 1. 120, which probably refers to wild chicory); on the other hand, quoque modo potis gauderent intiba rivis ( G 4. 120) probably refe rs to endive, since Vergil here is talking about garden plants (Maggiulli 1995, 323). Given that Col. at 111 is describin g a garden plant, in this passage he likely means the endive. torpenti grata pilato presumably refers to the bitterness of the plant (Van Wyk 2004, 100), remarked by Vergil and Pliny ( G 1. 120, Plin. HN 19. 129). 111. Teneris frondens lactucula fibris: Lactuca is lettuce, Lactuca sativa L. (Andr 1985, 136). The name is derived from lac : lactuca is most likely an adjective in origin ( lactuca herba ), “milky” (Ernout 1951, 597). Pliny remarks: est etiamnum alia distinctio albae [sc. lactucae ] quae vocatur a copia lactis soporiferi, quamquam omnes somnum parare creduntur; apud antiquos Italiae hoc solum genus earum fuit, et ideo lactucis nomine a lacte ( HN 19. 126). Pliny elsewhere re fers to lettuce juice as lac ( HN 20. 67); cf. sucus omnibus [sc. lactucis] c andidus, viribus quoque papaveri similis (Plin. HN 20. 61); also Varro, Ling 5. 104. Col. (179-193; 11. 3. 25-26) and Pliny ( HN 19. 125-128) describe different varieties of le ttuce. Col. includes lettuce among a group of plants that can be sown both in the aut umn, around the beginning of September, and in the spring, in late February before the begi nning of March (11. 3. 14). Pliny also mentions wild lettuce: draco vernam nausiam silvestris lactucae suco restinguit (HN 8. 99). He discusses at length the medicinal pr operties of lettuce, including wild lettuce

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196 ( HN 19. 127-128; 20. 58-68). Col. includes lettuce in several salad recipes (12. 59. 1-2) and discusses ways to preserve it (12. 9. 1-2). Vergil does not mention lettuce. Lactucula here is diminutive, possibly metri causa though it also occurs in at Suet. Aug 77, on the eating habits of A ugustus. The oldest mss. read et lactula here. Of the tenderness of the leaves Col. elsewhere remarks: sed huius quoque radix fimo liniri debet, maioremque copiam des iderat aquae, sicque fit tenerioris folii (11. 3. 25). 112. Aliaque infractis spicis: Alium also allium ( OLD ), is garlic, Allium sativum L. (Andr 1956, 23-24; 1985, 10; Van Wyk 2004, 39). Col. describes the appearance and planting of both ulpicum and garlic (11. 3. 20-23); in particular, he describes the way in which clove of both ulpicum and garlic is divided into several segments, or spicae : idque [i.e., ulpicum ] circa Kalendas Octobres antequam deponatur, ex uno capite in plura dividetur. habet, ve lut alium, plures cohaerentes spicas (11. 3. 20). Pliny also describes the appearance, cultiv ation, and uses of garlic (Plin. HN 19. 111-116) and also remarks on its segmentation: pluribus coagmentatur nuc leis, et his separatism vestitis ( HN 19. 111). He also discusses at l ength the medicinal uses of garlic ( HN 20. 50-57) and mentions different varieties: est et [sc. alium ] silvestre, quod ursinum vocant, odore simili, capite pr aetenui, foliis grandibus (Plin. HN 19. 116; cf. Van Wyk 2004, 39); alium silvestre (Plin. HN 28. 265). Vergil mentions garlic once: alia serpullumque herbas contundit olentis ( Ecl 2. 11), part of the lunch Thestylis prepares for the reapers. Maggiulli (1995, 223) suggests that Vergil here might be referring to Allium sativum L., or to a closely-related species, Allium siculum Ucria.

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197 112-113. Olentia late / ulpica: Ulpicum is a variety of garlic, Allium sativum L., having a larger head (Andr 1956, 334; 1985, 10, 275). Col. remarks: ulpicum, quod quidam alium Punicum vocant, Graeci autem appellant, longe maioris est incrementi quam alium (11. 3. 20). Pliny comments: ulpicum quoque in hoc genere Graeci appellavere alium Cyprium, alii … grandius alio ( HN 19. 112). Both Col. and Pliny comm ent on the pungency of garlic: sed quandoque vel conseremus vel iam matura in tabul atum reponemus, servabimus ut s [sic] horis quibus aut obruentur aut eruentur, luna infra terram sit. nam sic sa ta et rursus sic recondita existimantur neque acerrimi saporis e xsistere neque mandentium halitus inodorare (11. 3. 22); quo pluris nuclei fuere hoc est asperius. taedium hui c quoque halitu, ut cepis, nullum tamen cocti (Plin. HN 19. 111); cetero, ut odore careant, omnia haec iubentur seri cum luna sub terra sit, colligi cum in coitu (Plin. HN 19. 113). Cf. Hor. Ep. 3. 113. Quaeque fabis habilis † fabrilia miscet † : This is a crux with no satisfactory solution; it is not clear to what Col. is re ferring. Ash, Forster, Santoro, Marsili, SaintDenis, and Fernndez-Galiano print the text here as is without obeli. Boldrer prints the text as is and obelizes only † fabrilia †. Richter prints fabrialia —a word not recognized by the OLD —without obeli and without making a note. The principal issues raised by this passage are: to what does quae refer; what is the meaning of fabrilia if that is the correct reading; and how should habilis be understood. The first question is whether quae here refers back to ulpica (in which case -que is joining the following phrase to the preceding late olentia (112) as an additional description of ulpica), or to a different plant, for which Col. does not give a name.

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198 Rodgers (2010, 406) remarks: “intelligo cum Wernsdorfo plantam quandam cum fabis sata bene provenit.” Ash understands quae as referring to ulpica ; Forster, Santoro, Fernndez-Galiano, Richter, and Henderson (2004, 56) undertstands quae as referring to unspecified plants or herbs used to season beans ( faba ). Fabrilis means referring to a workingman or craftsman ( faber ), or craftsmanlike, skilled ( OLD ). Recent translators and editors, ex cept Saint-Denis, Fernndez-Galiano, and Boldrer, understand fabrilia here (assuming the reading is correct) as describing a dish prepared for workers (e.g., “working ma n’s … lunch,” Henderson 2004, 56). Martial notes the association of beans and root vegetables as food for workmen: faba fabrorum (Mart. 10. 48. 16); fabrorum prandia, betae (Mart. 13. 13. 1). Saint-Denis (1969a, 33), followed by Fernndez-Galiano, understands quae to refer to a different plant, pr eserved by drying, which he argues is the meaning behind fabrilia : “et les plantes qu’un habile cuisinier m le aux fves aprs qu’elles ont sch a la fume.” He adds this note on fabrilia : “tous les traducteurs entendent nourritures pour les tcherons; mais la langue de la gastronom ie emploie le mot pour les bulbes ou les raisins conservs a la fume des forges” (1969, 57); cf.: aliis [sc. uvis ] gratiam, qui et vinis, fumus adfert, fabrilisque in ea re gl oriam praecipuam fornacibus Africae Tiberii Caesaris auctoritas fecit (Plin. HN 14. 16); fabriles bulbi (Apic. 8. 7. 14, an ingredient in a recipe for stuffed roast pig). This is possible, though in the Pliny passage cited by Saint-Denis, fabrilis is describing the smoke produced by the forge, not the grapes dried by the smoke; the OLD cites this Pliny passage as an illustration of the primary meaning of fabrilis referring to a worker or craftsman.

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199 Boldrer (1996, 181) mentions a suggest ed emendation that has not found favor with recent editors: fabrilibus escis in place of fabrilia miscet This makes the reference of fabrilis here clear but leaves the phrase without an obvious verb. For † fabrilia miscet † Rodgers (2010, 406) remarks: “ fastidia vincet temptaverim; cf. cupiens varia fastidia cena / vincere (Hor. Sat 2. 6. 86-87); sed mixta famem fastidia vincunt (Stat. Theb 1. 715). Ash, Forster, Santoro, Saint-Deni s, Fernndez-Galiano, and Richter all understand habilis as a substantive referring to a clever cook. Rodgers (2010, 406) notes: “alii habilis substantive interpretantur pro coquo ingenioso qui ulpica vel holera similia fabis misceat fabrorum in escas.” Fabbri (1978, 245-249) suggests avidus as an emendation, in the sense of edax or gulosus but this still leaves unanswered the question of what person is being so de scribed. Bolderer (1996, 6, 180-181) understands habilis here as an adjective ( maneggevole ) describing an original noun that was corrupted into fabrilia which she obelizes but does not try to emend or translate. The most straightforward solution is to a ccept the text as is and the interpretation suggested by many recent translators— habilis referring to a capable cook, fabrilia referring to the workers’ lunch prepar ed with the garden plant s—while noting the problems with the text as it stands and ack nowledging the provisional nature of the interpretation. This is the text and inte rpretation I have adopted in my translation. Whether quae refers back to urtica or to a different, unnamed plant or plants is a more difficult question; there does not appear to be a problem with the text of quaeque so this question is purely a matter of interpretati on. In the context of this passage, it is perhaps better to understand quae as referring to a differ ent plant or group of herbs,

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200 because otherwise urtica would here have two modifiers ( olentia late and the quae clause, whereas most of t he other plants mentioned in this passage have a single modifying word or phrase. The exceptions are siser (114), which has no modifier, and the unnamed Assyrian root, which is described both by its origin and its method of preparation (114-115). Fabis: Faba is the bean. The term refers bo th to the plant and to the seed (bean) itself and seems to describe any number of different beans, of genus Vicia though perhaps most often Vicia faba L. (Andr 1956, 132; 1985, 101). Col. includes faba among legumina (2. 7. 1). He discusses its cult ivation (2. 10. 6-14; 2. 11. 7-10) and asserts that sowing beans is equivalent to manuring the soil (2. 2. 13; 11. 10. 7; 11. 2. 81; cf. Varro, Rust 1. 23. 3). Pliny di scusses the cultivation and uses of the bean ( HN 18. 117-122) and its medici nal applications (Plin. HN 22. 140). He recommends sowing the bean in the fall before t he setting of the Pleiades (Plin. HN 18. 120; see note above on Atlantides 54). Vergil, however, recommends sowing beans in the spring ( G 1. 215, Vergil’s only mention of faba ), which Col. claims is the worst time to do so (2. 10. 9). Although beans are incl uded in the modern genus Vicia Col. (11. 2. 81) distinguishes between faba and vicia which is vetch or tare, Vicia sativa L. (Andr 1956, 329; 1985, 271). Col. does not mention vicia in the poem, but elsewhere he recommends sowing it in the fall for fodder (e.g ., 2. 10. 33; 2. 17. 5; 11. 2. 72). Vergil mentions vicia at G 1. 75 and G 1. 227. See also longa phaselos (377). 114. Siser: Siser (cf. Greek ) is a root vegetable; according to Andr this is the parsnip, Pastinaca sativa L. (Andr 1956, 240, 295; 1985, 241; Van Wyk 2004,

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201 420); the OLD suggests that it might be the rampion, Campanula rapunculus Pliny ( HN 19. 90-92) describes the nature and preparation of siser and distinguishes between siser and pastinaca He discusses pastinaca which might a kind of parsnip, separately at some length; he stresses its strong taste and mentions several varieties, include a wild one ( agreste ) and one called daucos by the Greeks ( HN 19. 88-89). Pastinaca can also refer to the carrot ( Daucus carota L.), both wild and cultivated (Andr 1956, 240; 1985, 190). Col. also distinguishes between pastinaca and siser though they are cultivated in much the same way and shoul d be planted in late August or early September (11. 3. 35); else where he includes both among a group of plants that should be planted either around 1 S eptember or in late February befor e 1 March (11. 3. 14). In another passage he includes siser among a group of plants that can best be sown around the time of the Vu lcanalia (23 August):32 ceterum Augusto circa Vulcanalia tertia satio est, eaque optima radicis et rapae item que navi et siseris nec minus holeris atri (11. 3. 18). Neither siser nor pastinaca is mentioned by Vergil; pastinaca will not fit into hexameter verse. See staphylinus (168). Assyrioque venit quae semine radix: Cf. radix Syriaca (316). Radix Syriaca = raphanus Syriacus the horseradish ( Armoracia rusticana P. Gaetn, Mey. & Scherb. = Cochlearia armoracia L.; Van Wyk 2004, 52); or the radish, Raphanus sativus L. (Andr 1956, 269-270; 1985, 214-215; Van Wyk 2004, 52). Col. seems to distinguish between raphanus (radish) and radix Syriaca (11. 3. 59). He also recommends planting the radix Syriaca in February, together with the turnip and navew: nec minus si vernum et aestivum fructum voles habere, Syriac a radicis et rapae napique semina obrues (11. 3. 32 Scullard 1981, 178-180; see quin et Tardipedi sacris iam rite solutis (419).

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202 16). Pliny discusses various root vegetables particularly the turnip, navew, and radish, at great length ( HN 18. 125-132; HN 19. 75-87); like Col., he distinguishes between the radish ( raphanus ) and the radix Syriaca ( HN 19. 81). Pliny describes the long root of the raphanus in a way that makes it sound more like the horseradish than the modern radish: in longitudinem procurrente radice raphani similitudine ( HN 18. 130). He says that the wild radish is also called armoracia : raphanum et silvestrem esse diximus … in Italia et armoraciam vocant ( HN 20. 22). Col. recommends the juice of armoracia to treat eye pain (6. 17. 8). The precise identification of radix Syriaca apparently a different plant from raphanus is uncertain. Vergil does not mention radix Syriaca raphanus or armoracia For the conflation of Syria and Assyria, cf. Sardanapalli, opulentissimi Syriae regis (Cic. Tusc 4. 101); si non Assyrio fuerint bis lauta colore / … vellera ( Culex 62-63); alba neque Assyrio fucatur lana veneno ( G 2. 465). For another example of a plant which Col. describes but does not name in the poem, cf. et lactis … nomine Graio (124-126). Venit: Col. uses venire to mean “grow, spring fo rth”: 171, 178, 236, 372, and 412; cf. hic segetes, illic veniunt felicius uvae ( G 1. 54); sponte sua veniunt [sc. arbores ] ( G 2. 11). 116. Pelusiaci … zythi: According to Pliny, zythum is a kind of Egyptian beer : ex iisdem [sc. frugibus ] fiunt et potus, zythum in Aegypto, caelia et cerea in Hispania, cervesia et plura genera in Gallia ( HN 22. 164; cf. HN 14. 149). Pelusium was a city in Egypt: cf. iam Pelusiaco veniens a gurgite Nili (Luc. 10. 53); tu Pelusiaci scelus Canopi / deflebis pius et Pharo cruenta / Pompeio dabis altius sepulcrum (Stat. Silv 2. 7. 70-73);

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203 cf. also: nec Pelusiacae curam aspernabere lentis ( G 1. 228); praeterea malorum genera exquirenda maxime … Pelusiana (5. 10. 19, on desirable vari eties of apples). 117. Tempore non alio: Cf. G 3. 245. Salgama: Pickles; the term might come from sal because pickles are made using salt or brine; cf. “brine” from “salt” (Ernout 1951, 1041; LSJ). The earliest attestation of this word is in Col. In Book 12, Col. discusses making vinegar (12. 5) and brine (12. 6) and using them to make picke s and preserves, along with general techniques for pickling and preserving (12. 4, 12. 7). 118. Capparis: Also found in an indeclinable neuter form cappari ; from Greek ( OLD ). This is the caper, Capparis spinosa L. (Andr 1956, 70; Andr 1985, 48). Pliny ( HN 19. 127) discusses the nature and properties of several varieties of caper; he adds: quidam id cynosbaton vocant, alii ophiostaphylen He also discusses its medical uses at length ( HN 20. 165-167). Col. includes the caper among a group of plants that should be sown around April 1 (11. 3. 17); he also discusses its cultivation at length (11. 3. 54-55) and says that it should be sown around the time of the equinoxes ( seritur utroque aequinoctio 11. 3. 55). In addition, he gives a recipe for preserving capers (12. 7. 4-5). Verg il does not mention the caper. Tristes inulae: Inula is elecampane, Inula helenium L. (Andr 1985, 132). The name is possibly related to Greek (Andr 1956, 170); it also appears in the forms innula Pliny discusses the nature and preparation of elecampane ( HN 19. 9192), as part of his larger discussion of root s and bulbs. He notes its medicinal uses ( HN 20. 38) and includes it among plants that shed their leaves from the top down ( folia

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204 cadunt a cacuminibus HN 19. 100), though Andr (1956, 170; 1985, 132) suggests that in this passage Pliny has misread Theophrastus’ ( Hist pl 1. 9. 4) as Col. elsewhere includes elecampane among plants best sown around April 1 (11. 3. 17); he briefly discusses its proper cult ivation and recommends that it, as well as pastinaca and siser be planted at the end of August or beginning of September (11. 3. 35). He discusses various methods of pr eserving elecampane after it has been picked (12. 48). Nasidienus, host of the dinner which Fundanius describes to Horace, recommends including elecampane in the recipe for sauce served with lamprey ( Sat 2. 8. 51-52). Vergil does not mention elecampane. Pliny mentions the bitterness ( amarior ) of elecampane and suggests ways to flavor it to make it more palatable ( HN 19. 91-92); cf. atque acidas mavolt inulas (Hor. Sat 2. 2. 44); inulasque amaras (Hor. Sat 2. 8. 51); sed magis angellis paulum prostantibus, utqui / titillare magis sens us quam laedere possint, / fecula iam quo de genere est inulaeque sapores (Lucr. 2. 428-430). Ferulaque minaces: See nec manibus mitis ferulas (21). 119. Serpentia gramina mentae: Menta is mint, Mentha viridis L. and other species of genus Mentha ; like the Greek the term menta is borrowed from a nonIndo-European language (Andr 1956, 206-207; 1985, 159). Col. says that mint should be planted in March (11. 3. 37). He recognizes a wild mint ( silvestre mentastrum ) distinct from cultivated mint (11. 3. 37). He includes mi nt in recipes for making vinegar (12. 5. 1) and sour milk (12. 8. 1). Pliny discusses the cultivation ( HN 19. 159-160) and the medicinal uses ( HN 20. 144-152) of mint, including wild mint ( mentastrum ). He remarks: mentae nomen suavitas odoris aput Gr aecos mutavit, cum alioqui mintha

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205 vocaretur, unde veteres nostri nomen declinaverunt, nunc autem coepit dici ( HN 19. 159). Vergil does not mention mint. Ash (1930, 61) points out that the construction serpentia gramina mentae recalls cerinthae ignobile gramen ( G 4. 63), and suggests that the genitive mentae here is epexigetical (appositional cf. AG 343d). For serpere describing low-growing plants, cf. cucurbita serpit (380); for a similar but figurative image, cf. hanc sine tempora circum / inter victrices hederam tibi serpere laurus ( Ecl 8. 12-13). 120. Bene odorati flores … anethi: Anethum (also anetum ) is dill, Anethum graveolens L., from Greek (Andr 1956, 32; 1985, 17; Van Wyk 2004, 47). Vergil mentions dill once: et florem iungit bene olentis anethi ( Ecl 2. 48), clearly a model for Col. in this line. A ccording to Consoli (1901, 15-18) anethum is a Vergilian neologism, perhaps drawn from Theocritus (e.g., Id 15. 119; cf. Maggiolli 1995, 237). Col. includes dill among a group of pl ants that should be sown either around 1 September or in late February before 1 Marc h (11. 3. 14); he discusses the planting of dill at 11. 3. 42. Pliny ( HN 19. 117) says that dill brea ks ground on the fourth day after being sown from seed. He lists dill among a group of plants which, he says, have only a single variety and are the same everywhere ( HN 19. 123); he also includes it among a group of herbs sown at the autumn equinox ( HN 19. 170). He m entions dill among a group of herbs grown for both kitchen and medicinal uses ( culinis et medicis nascuntur HN 19. 167) and briefly discusses its medicinal applications ( HN 20. 196). Col. includes dill in his recipes for preserving alexander s (12. 8. 3) and lettu ce (12. 9. 1). 121. Rutaque: Rue, Ruta graveolens L. (Andr 1985, 221; Van Wyk 2004, 280). Col. says that rue should be plant ed, either as a seed or as a plant, in February (11. 3.

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206 16) and transplated around 1 April (11. 3. 17); he discusses its cultivation further at 11. 3. 38. Col. gives a recipe for preserving rue (12. 7. 4-5) and also includes rue in his recipe for preserving lettuce ( 12. 9. 1). Pliny remarks: rutam furtivam tantum provenire fertilius putant sicut apes furtivas pessume ( HN 19. 123). Pliny di scusses the medicinal uses of rue at great length ( HN 20. 131-143); he remarks: in praecipuis autem medicaminibus ruta est and distinguishes a cultivated variety ( sativa ) from a wild ( silvestris ) one ( HN 20. 131). He also m entions a curious bit of folklore about rue: rutam furtivam tantum provenire fertilius putant sicut apes furtivas pessime ( HN 19. 123). Vergil does not mention rue. Pliny mentions a number of infusions of rue in wine and vinegar and even rose oil ( rosaceum ) among its medicinal uses (Plin. HN 20. 131-143), but he does not mentioned rue combined with olives or olive o il. Palladius, however, includes rue in a recipe for pickling olives (Pallad. 12. 22. 5). See also note below on Palladiae bacae (121). Col.’s phrasing bacae iutura saporem in this line recalls Vergil’s mella … / et liquida et durum Bacchi domitura saporem ( G 4. 101-102). Palladiae bacae iutura saporem: The “berry of Pallas” is the olive; cf. caerula quot bacas Palladis arbor habet (Ov. Ars am. 2. 518); ponitur hic bicolor sincerae baca Minervae (Ov. Met 8. 664); oleaeque Minerva / inventrix ( G 1. 18-19); Palladia gaudent silva vivacis olivae ( G 2. 181). For the olive tree as Athena’s gift to Athens, cf. Paus. 1. 27. 2; Ov. Met 6. 80-81. Cf. also Palladia … amurca (353). Palladius refers to Pallas a title of Athena/Minerva: cf. (Hom. Il 1. 400); ’ ( Il 4. 510); Palladis Minervae (Vitr. De arch 4. 8. 4). It can also be used by itself as an alte rnate name for the goddess: cf.

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207 ’ (Hdt. 5. 77. 4); summasque ad Palladis arces ( Aen 11. 477); Palladis exemplo de me sine matre creata / carmina sunt (Ov. Tr 3. 14. 13-14). The olive, olea or oliva from Greek originally (Chaintraine 1999, Vergil mentions olives and olive trees in a num ber of places in his works; but in the Georgics he devotes only six lines to the olive ( G 2. 410-425), asserting that it needs no deliberate cultivation ( non ulla est oleis cultura G 2. 420). Col. remarks: omnis tamen arboris cultus simplicior quam vinearum est longeque ex omnibus stirpibus minimam inpensam desiderat olea quae prima omnium arborum est (5. 8. 1). He goes on to discuss the cultivation of the olive at some length (5. 8-9, and throughout 11. 2), though, like Vergil, Col. devotes far more space in his work to the vine (Books 3-4) than to the olive. Col. also discusses various ways of preserving olives (12. 49-51) and making olive oil (12. 52-54); cf. Plin. HN 15. 1-34. 122. Seque lacessenti … factura sinapis: Sinapis (also neuter forms sinapi and sinape ), from Greek and is mustard, both white mustard ( Sinapis alba L.) and black mustard ( Brassica nigra Koch) (Andr 1956, 294-295; Andr 1985, 240; Van Wyk 2004, 70). Col. br iefly discusses the cultivation of mustard (11. 3. 29). He also describes the preparat ion of mustard as a condiment (12. 57) and mentions it as an ingredient in the pickling of turnips (12. 56. 3). Pliny briefly discusses mustard and its medicinal uses ( HN 19. 170-171; HN 20. 236-240). Vergil does not mention mustard. Col. most likely refers to the pungency of mustard; cf. sinapi … Pythagoras principatum habere ex his quorum sublime vis feratur iudicavit, quoniam non aliud

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208 magis in nares et cerebrum penetret (Plin. HN 20. 236); Pliny also mentions the medicinal efficacy of its aroma ( HN 20. 238). 123. Holeris pulli radix: Holus pullum more commonly called (h)olus atrum (or, in one word, (h)olusatrum ) is alexanders, Smyrnium olusatrum L. (Andr 1956, 164; 1985, 125). Col. elsewhere discusses its cu ltivation (11. 3. 36) and its harvesting and preparation (12. 7. 4; 12. 58. 1); he in cludes it among a group of plants best sown around the time of the Vulcan alia, 23 August (11. 3. 18) and he also gives a recipe for preserving it (12. 7. 4). P liny discusses its cultivation ( HN 19. 162) and medicinal uses (Plin. HN 20. 117); he comments: olusatrum mirae naturae est ( HN 19. 162). Vergil does not mention alexanders. Pliny remarks of olusatrum : hipposelinum Graeci vocant, alii zmyrnium ( HN 19. 162; cf. HN 20. 117) Similarly, Col. notes: atrum olus, quod Graecorum quidam vocant … alii (11. 3. 36); the older mss. include hipposelinon (variously spelled) between vocant and Lundstrm deletes hipposelinon in that passage, taking it to be a gloss; Rodgers prints it in braces { }, indicating that in his opinion it should be deleted. Theophrastus ( Hist pl 1. 9. 4) includes among small shrubs. Lacrimosaque caepa: Caepa (also cepa ; OLD ) is the onion, Allium cepa L. (Andr 1956, 80; 1985, 56; Van Wyk 2004, 38). Andr (1985, 56) notes that in antiquity a great many varieties were cultivated; Pliny remarks: cepae silvestres non sunt ( HN 20. 39). Col. elsewhere notes: [ caepam ] vocant unionem rustici (12. 10. 1). He mentions onions once elsewhere in the poem (314).

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209 Col. says that onions can be planted from seed in February (11. 3. 16); he discusses at length both their cultivation (11. 3. 56-58) and their preservation after harvesting (12. 10. 1). He al so includes the onion in several salad recipes (12. 59. 1-2) and in a recipe for making sour milk (12. 8. 1). Pliny discusses at length the nature, varieties, cultivation, a nd preservation of the onion ( HN 19. 99-107) and its medicinal application ( HN 20. 39-43). See also caenoso litore (130). Vergil does not mention the onion. Lacrimosa: With regard to the tear-inducing pr operty of onions, Pliny remarks: omnibus [sc. cepis ] odor lacrimosus ( HN 19. 101); also: sativae [sc. cepae ] olfactu ipso et delacrimatione caligini medentur ( HN 19. 39). Interestingl y, he recommends that onion juice be rubbed on the eyes to treat various eye ailments ( HN 20. 39-40). For lacrimosus in a causative sense, cf. bellum lacrimosum (Hor. Carm 1. 21. 13); lacrimoso non sine fumo (Hor. Sat 1. 5. 80). 124-126. Et lactis … nomine Graio: Pepperwort: Lepidium latifolium L., called lepidium in Latin, from Greek (Andr 1956, 184; 1985, 142; cf. Van Wyk 2004, 415). Col. uses the word lepidium in prose, but not in t he poem; Ash (1930, 63) and Boldrer (1996, 188) suggest that Co l. deliberately avoids using lepidium in the poem because it would not fit into the mete r. Col. mentions both cultivated ( sativum ) and wild ( silvestre ) varieties (12. 8. 3). He says that it should be planted immediately after 1 January (12. 3. 16); he further discusses both its cultivation (11. 3. 41) and its preservation after harvesting ( 12. 8. 3). Pliny also de scribes the cultivation of pepperwort and mentions that it wa s originally a foreign plant: peregrinum fuit et

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210 lepidium (Plin. HN 19. 166). Vergil does not mention lepidium See caecis nasturcia dira colubris (231). 124. Lactis gustus quae condiat herba: Both Col. (12. 8. 3) and Pliny ( HN 19. 166) mention mixing lepidium with milk. Pliny states: usus eius non sine lacte ( HN 19. 166). 125. Deletura quidem … signa fugarum: This is probably a reference to the plant’s caustic properties, useful for erasi ng the tell-tale brand on a runaway slave; see next note on vimque suam … nomine Graio (126). For the branding of slaves, cf. proscriptum famulus se rvavit fronte notatus (Mart. 3. 21. 1);frons haec stigmate non meo notanda est (Mart. 12. 61. 11); vera enim stigmata credebat captivorum frontibus impressa (Petron. Sat 105. 11). For attempts to erase the brand, cf. tristia saxorum stigmata delet Eros (Mart. 10. 56. 6); stigmata nec vafra delebit Cinnamus arte (Mart. 6. 64. 26). 126. Vimque suam … nomine Graio: It is called in Greek because it removes skin lesions ( ) or from “to peel,” because of its caustic nature (Boldrer 1996, 189; Forster 1968, 16; Ash 1930, 63). Pliny remarks: lepidium inter urentia intellegitur and notes that its application ca n clear the skin and remove skin lesions in addition to other medicinal uses ( HN 20. 181). 127-139. Tum quoque conseritur … mater Aricia porri: In this passage Col. discusses several varieties of cabbage, Brassica oleracea L. (Andr 1956, 56-57; 1985, 37-38). The proper Latin term is brassica which Col. uses only once in his poem (326), though he uses it often in prose. Ash (1930, 63) suggests that the variety of plants called brassica by the Romans is imperfectly de scribed by the Engl ish “cabbage” or

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211 “colewort.” Col. includes cabbage among a group of plants whose seeds can be sown twice a year, around 1 September and in late February before March 1 (11. 3. 14). He further describes the cultivat ion (11. 3. 23-24) and preserva tion (12. 7) of cabbage. Pliny discusses the cultivation and varietie s of cabbage, including some of the ones referred to by Col. ( HN 19. 126-143); he also describes its various and extensive medicinal applications at great length ( HN 20. 78-96), as does Cato ( Agr 156-157). Pliny further comments: brassicae laudes longum est exsequi ( HN 20. 96). The varieties of cabbage that Col. menti ons in this passage are all associated with peoples and places in Italy; in effect, Co l. here gives the reader a tour of central and southern Italy. This recalls Vergil’s “praises of Italy” in the Georgics ( G 2. 136-176) and sets the stage for Col.’s later list of di fferent varities of lettuce, which expands beyond Italy and includes places from throughout the Roman world (179-188). Whereas Vergil’s “praises of Italy” is pr eceded by a catalogue of trees and shrubs of various nations throughout the world ( G 2. 109-135), Col. revers es Vergil’s order and moves from Italy proper (cabbage) to the wider world (lettuce ). In essence, in his survey of cabbages and lettuce, Col. briefly recaps the history of the growth of the Roman Imperium: first domi nating Italy, then expanding beyond Italy to the entire coastline of the Mediterranean. 129. Frigoribus caules et verno cymata mittet: Caulis (cf. ) and cyma (treated in some passages as femi nine and in others as neuter; from ; OLD ) refer respectively to the stalk and sprouts, particu larly of cabbage. Col. uses these terms when describing the pickling of cabbage (12. 7). In the poem caulis appears twice more (325, 369); this is the only occurrence in the poem of cyma Cf. [sc. brassica ] cymam a

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212 prima satione praestat proxima vere; hic est quidam ipsorum caulium delicatior teneriorque cauliculus (Plin. HN 19. 137); altera satio ab aequinoctio verno est, cuius planta extremo vere plantatur, ne prius cyma quam caule pariat (Plin. HN 19. 138); for the use of these terms to describe plants other than cabbage, cf. sed curandum est ut haec utraque, antequam caulem agant et cymam faciant, dum sunt tenera, componantur (12. 56. 4, on the preser vation of navews and turnips). Verno is Rodgers’ (2010, 407) emendat ion, which would agree with an understood tempore on analogy with neque utique verno [sc. tempore ] recidenda (4. 10. 1). This looks back a few lines to: putandi autem duo sunt te mpora: melius, aut ait Mago, vernum (4. 10. 1). The older mss. all read veri which is printed by other editors. The OLD cites this line as evidence for an ablative form veri of ver Boldrer (1996, 191) notes that veri in this passage is a hapax in Col.; in prose he uses vere which would not fit the meter. For the structure and phrasing of the present passage, cf. valentissimam quamquam partem vineti frigori bus, macerrimam vere vel autumno (4. 23. 2). If the reading veri is accepted here, it could be cons trued as a locative (AG 427a), on analogy with, for example, vesperi or ruri (Ash 1930, 64); cf. quae heri Athenis Ephesum adveni vesperi (Pl. Mil 439); ruri si recte habitaveris (Cato Agr 4). The fact that the form veri is unusual and unattested elsewher e does not seem sufficient reason to disregard the unanimous testimony of the oldest mss. While it is true that the principle difficilior lectio potior can be overused to defend anomalous readings that are simply wrong, it is still a valuable guiding princi ple (Reynolds 1991, 161, 221) In this instance, veri if correct, would represent a unique, and therefore perhaps suspect, surviving example of this

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213 form; but it is plausible in this context and is analogous with similar forms. Hence I prefer veri 130. Veteres … Cumae: A town in Campania, north of the Bay of Naples, site of the first Greek settlement in Ita ly, settled by Greeks from Euboea ( OCD ); site of the Sibyl consulted by Aeneas: cf. sic fatur lacrimans, classique immittit habenas / et tandem Euboicis Cumarum adlabitur oris ( Aen 6. 1-2); ultima Cumaei iam venit carminis aetas ( Ecl 4. 4); excisum Euboicae latus ingens rupis in antrum, / quo lati ducunt aditus centum ostia centum, / unde runt totidem voces, responsa Sibyllae ( Aen 6. 42-44); nam Sibyllam quidem Cumis ego ipse oc ulis meis vidi in ampulla pendere (Petron. Sat 48. 8); Cumaeae templa Sibyllae (Ov. Met 15. 712). Caenoso litore: C(a)enoso is the reading of later mss. printed by Rodgers; it is accepted by Boldrer, who translates it “limosa,” and also by Henderson (2004), who renders it “slimy.” Caenosus is from caenum “mud.” The oldest mss. read ceposo (printed by Marsili), which Lundstrm and some older editors print as caeposo ; c(a)eposo would mean “full of onions” ( c(a)epa ). Boldrer (1996, 192-193) argues that caenoso fits what the sources say about t he marshy area around Cumae, whereas there is no indication that the region was particularly known for onions. Cf loca feta palustribus undis / litora Cumarum (Ov. Met 14. 103-104); Acherusia palus, Cumis vicina (Plin. HN 3. 61). Cf. also: nec ulla re magis gaudet quam rivis atque caenoso lacu volutari (7. 10. 6). Ash, Santoro, Forster, and Saint-Denis print caesposo following cesposo of later mss. as well as the Aldine ed. (1514) and early editors; Fernndez-Galiano prints cesposo Ash translates it as “grassy,” Santor o as “erboso,” Forster as “turf-clad,”

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214 Saint-Denis as “herbu,” Fe rnndez-Galiano as “frondosa.” Ash (1930, 64) notes: “The adjective [ caesposo ] is metri gratia for caespitosus the natural adjective for caespes but not occurring. The plains surrounding Cumae, on the coast of Campania, were of unusual fertility;” Pliny ( HN 19. 140) describes the cabbages of Cumae as low to the ground and spread out, like ground cover: Cumanum [sc. genus ] sessile folio, capite patulum Richter also prints caesposo but oddly translates it as “zwiebelreich,” as if reading c(a)eposo Either caenoso or caesposo makes sense here, and either cenoso or cesposo could have given rise to the ceposo of the oldest mss. Boldrer’s case for caenoso is persuasive, given the primar y-source evidence for the marshiness of the area around Cumae and the lack of other te stimony for any particular a ssociation of the area with onions. Thus I accept caenoso For -osus adjectives in Col. see numeroso … horto (6). 131. Marrucini: A people of east-central Italy, on t he Adriatic coast. Their chief town was Teate, modern Chieti ( OCD ). Cf. milites Domitianos sacramentum apud se dicere iubet atque eo die castra movet iust umque iter conficit VII omnino dies ad Corfinium commoratus, et per fines Marrucino rum, Frentranorum, La rinatium in Apuliam pervenit (Caes. B Civ 1. 23. 5); ex Campania in Samniu m, inde in Paelignos pervenisse, praeterque oppidum Sulm onem in Marrucinos transisse (Livy 26. 11. 11); procul ista tuo sint fata Teate, / nec Marrucinos agat haec insania montes (Stat. Silv 4. 4. 85-86); Marrucinorum Teatini (Plin. HN 3. 106). Signia: A town in Latium ( OCD ), modern Segni (A sh 1930, 65); cf. et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines vo lebat, Signiam Circeiosque colonos misit, praesidia urbi futura terra marique (Livy 1. 56. 3); eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex

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215 Tarquinius deduxerat, suppleto numer o colonorum iterum deducta est (Livy 2. 21. 7). According to Pliny ( HN 14. 65), a dry, astringent wine was made at Signia: nam quod Signiae nascitur austeritate nimia continend ae utile alvo inter medicamina numeratur Col. mentions pears from Signia in lis t of different varieties of pears: [ pira ] Signina (5. 10. 18). Monte Lepino: Lepino is the reading of later m ss., printed by Rodgers; the oldest mss. read Lepuno Ash (1930, 64-65) and Boldrer (1996, 193) note that this is the only occurrence of either form in Latin lit erature. Boldrer furt her observes that the modern name for these mountains—which are “ nel Lazio meridionale tra i colli Albani ed i monti Ausoni”—is “i monti Lepini,” which suggests that Lepino is the correct reading here. 132. Pinguis item Capua: Capua, in Campania ( OCD ), was known abundant agriculture and other riches, which is mostly likely what pinguis here refers to; cf. qui locus [i.e., Capua] propter ubertatem agrorum abundantiamque rerum omnium superbiam et crudelitatem genuisse dicitur (Cic. Leg. agr 1. 18); dives Capua ( G 2. 224); florentis Capuae gaza (Sil. Pun 17. 280). For pinguis used to describe the richness of fields, see pinguis ager (7). Caudinis faucibus horti: The Caudine Forks (Col. “Jaws”), in Samnium in southern Italy, were the site of a Roman surrender in the Second Samnite War in 321 B.C.E. ( OCD ). For the fertility of the l and in the Caudine Forks, cf. altera per Furculas Caudinas, brevior; sed ita natus locus es t: saltus duo alti angusti silvosique sunt montibus circa perpetuis inter se iuncti. ia cet inter eos satis patens clausus in medio

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216 campus herbidus aquosusque (Livy 9. 2. 6). For the form Caudines fauces cf. Boviania quique / exagitant lustra aut Caudinis faucibus haerent (Sil. Pun 8. 564-565). 133. Fontibus et Stabiae celebres: Stabiae is modern Castellamare di Stabia, on the Bay of Naples ( OCD; NP ). According to Pliny the Younger (Plin. Ep 6. 16. 12), this is where his uncle, Pliny the Elder, died when Vesuvius erupted in 79 C.E. Pliny the Elder also mentions Stabiae ( HN 3. 70), as does Ovid: et Surrentino generosos palmite colles / Herculeamque urbem Stabiasque et in otia natam / Parthenopen et ab hac Cumaeae templa Sibyllae (Ov. Met 710-712). Pliny ( HN 31. 9) mentions the waters at Stabiae in his catalogue of m edicinal springs and waters. Fontibus et Stabiae is an anastrophe (AG 640); cf. lines 44 (possibly), 54, and 80. Vesvia rura: Vesvia is the reading of one older ms., printed by Lundstrm and Rodgers, as well as by Ash, Forster, Sa int-Denis, Fernndez-Ga liano, and Richter; the other older mss. read Vesbia or Vespia Santoro, Marsili, and Boldrer print Vesbia All editors and translators take th is to be a reference to the sl opes of Mt. Vesuvius. Col. uses Vesuvius in prose, but here it w ould not fit the meter. Vesbius referring to Vesuvius is attested elsewhere:hic est pampineis viridis modo Vesbius umbris (Mart. 4. 4. 1); ut magis Inarime, magis ut mugitor anhelat / Vesbius, attonitas acer cum suscitat urbes (V. Fl. 3. 208-209). For another possible example of Vesvius (though Vesbius is also attested), cf. fractas ubi Vesvius erigit iras / aemula Trinacriis volvens incendia flammis (Stat. Silv 4. 4. 79-80). Either Vesvius or Vesbius would fit here, though it is more likely that an original Vesbius as a less familiar form, was altered to Vesvius than the other way around; in addition, the confusion of the sounds of b and v in late Latin probably influenced the transmission of the text here (Reynolds 1991, 221, 225).

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217 For the fertility of the area around Vesuvius, cf. talem dives arat Capua et vicina Vesaevo / ora iugo ( G 2. 224-225); quarum [sc. vitium ] minor vulgo notissimum, quippe Campaniae celiberrimos Vesuv ii colles Surrentinosque vestit (3. 2. 10); ex his [sc. vitibus ] minor austro laeditur, ceteris ventis a litur, ut in Vesuvio monte Surrentinisque collibus (Plin. HN 14. 22). 134. Doctaque Parthenope: Parthenope is another name for Naples; Pliny ( HN 3. 62) remarks: litore autem Neapolis … Parthenope a tumulo Sirenis appellata Ovid also calls it Parthenope and includes it among places in Campania: inde legit Capreas promunturiumque Minervae / et Surrentino generosos palmite colles / Herculeamque urbem Stabiasque et in otia natam / Parthenopen et ab hac Cumaeae templa Sibyllae ( Met 15. 709-712). It was a cent er of Greek culture and learni ng; Martial also calls it docta Neapolis (5. 78. 14). Vergil says that he s pent time there in his younger days: illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat / Parthenope ( G 4. 563-564). Sebethide roscida lympha: Sebethis is an adjective for Sebethos, a stream near Naples ( OCD ); nec tu carminibus nostris indictus abibis, / Oebale, quem generasse Telon Sebethide nympha / fertur Teleboum Capreas cum regna teneret ( Aen 7. 733-735); The stream of Sebethis flows into the Bay of Naples near the city; cf. at te nascentem gremio mea prima rec epit / Parthenope … / … nitidum consurgat ad aethera tellus / Eubois et pulch ra tumeat Sebethos alumna (Stat. Silv 1. 2. 260-263). 135. Dulcis Pompeia palus: Pliny ( HN 3. 62) mentions a stream near Pompeii:Pompei haud procul spectato mont e Vesuvio, adluente vero Sarno amne Vergil mentions the Sarnis in his catalogue of places in Campania ( Aen 7. 738); cf. nec Pompeiani placeant magis otia Sarni (Stat. Silv 1. 2. 265).

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218 Dulcis is perhaps meant to contrast this Pompeian fresh water with the Herculanean salt marshes whic h Col. mentions next. For dulcis used of fresh water, as opposed to salt water, cf. aquam ex alto marinam sumito … quo aqua dulcis non perveniet (Cato Agr 112); quis habebat piscinam nisi dulcem (Varro, Rust. 3. 3. 9); intus aquae dulces ( Aen 1. 167). 135-136. Vicina salinis / Herculeis: Pliny mentions Herculaneum just before Pompeii in his catalogue of places in Campania ( HN 3. 62). According to Ash (1930, 66), there is no other evidenc e of salt beds near Herculan eum. Santoro asserts that Col. is here referring to the fishponds at the “Rock of Hercules” at Stabiae: cf. in Stabiano Campaniae ad Hercu lis petram melanuri in ma ri panem abiectum rapiunt (Plin. HN 32. 17). Boldrer (1996, 196) agr ees and suggests further that by Herculeus Col. is here referring to the the god Hercules, who is associated with salt. Solinus (1. 7-8) says that the altar of Hercules in Rome was near a place called Salinae: quippe aram Hercules, quam voverat si amissas boves repperisset, punito Caco patri Inventori dicavit. qui Cacus habitavit locum, cui Sa linae nomen est; ubi Trigemina nunc porta 136. Siler: The Siler or Silarus is a river in Leucania, the modern Sele. Lucan also calls it Siler (Luc. 2. 426), Vergil calls it Silarus ( G 3. 146), and Pliny ( HN 2. 226, HN 3. 70) uses both forms. Pliny says of it: in flumine Silero ultra Surrentum non virgulta modo immerse verum et folia la pidescunt, alias salubri potu eius aquae ( HN 2. 226). 137. Duri … Sabelli: The Sabelli were Samnit es of Sabine origin ( OCD ). Cf. alteri consuli Aemilio ingr esso Sabellum agrum non cast ra Samnitium, non legiones usquam oppositae (Livy 8. 1. 7); Samnitium, quos Sabellos et Graeci Saunitas dixere

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219 (Plin. HN 3. 107). Santoro (1946, 33), however, regards Sabelli here as merely equivalent to Sabini The Sabelli were regarded as hardy: cf. haec genus acre virum, Marsos pubemque Sabellam ( G 2. 167); sed rusticorum mascula mi litum / proles, Sabellis docta ligonibus / versare glaebas et severae / matris ad arbitrium recisos / portare fustis (Hor. Carm 3. 6. 37-41). Cf. incola durus (23). Cymosa stirpe: Pliny describes Sabellian cabbage and its leafiness: Sabellico usque in admirationem crispa sunt folia quor um crassitudo caulem ipsum extenuet, sed dulcissimi perhibenter ex omnibus (Plin. HN 19. 141). According to Boldrer (1996, 197) cymosus here is a hapax of Col.; the OLD cites only this passage to illustrate the word. Cf. also frigoribus caules et verno cymata mittet (129) and note on cyma For -osus adjectives in Col., see numeroso … horto (6). 138. Turni lacus: According to Ash (1930, 66) no ancient geographical writer mentions a lacus Turni However, Pliny appears to refer to a similar place name when describing a type of cabbage from Aricia: nuper subiere Lacuturnenses [sc. caules ] ex convalle Aricina, capite praegrandes, folio in numeri, alii in orbem conlecti, alii in latitudinem torosi (Plin. HN 19. 141); Boldrer (1996, 198) notes, however, that the transmitted text of Pliny reads Lacuturrenses and that it was emended to Lacuturnenses on the basis of this line of Col. The OLD cites only this passage of Pliny for Lacuturnensis Possible candidates for this Turni lacus are: 1) “eine Quelle in Latium, auch lacus Iuturnae genannt” (Richter 1981-1983, v. 2, 490; cf. Forster 1968, 18)—cf. extemplo Turni sic est adfata sororem [i.e., Iuturnam] / diva deam, stagnis quae fluminibusque

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220 sonoris / praesidet ( Aen 12. 138-140)—and 2) “lacus Triviae, presso Aricia, oggi lago di Nemi” (Santoro 1946, 33); cf. audiit et Triviae longe lacus ( Aen 7. 516). Boldrer (1996, 198) acknowledges that the i dentification is uncertain, but suggests that the mention of Tibur immediately following suggests that Col.’s lacus Turni here is most likely in Latium. Pomosi Tiburis arva: Tibur, modern Tivoli, is a town in Latium, near the river Anio, modern Aniene ( OLD OCD ). Cf. Romae Tibur amem, ventosus Tibure Romam (Hor. Ep 1. 8. 12); vos nunc omnia parva qui putatis, / centeno gelidum ligone Tibur / vel Praeneste domate pendulamque / uni dedite Setiam colono (Mart. 4. 64. 31-34); cf. also Plin. Ep 8. 17. For the fertility of the area around Tibur, cf. Tiburis Argei pomifera arva (Ov. Am 3. 6. 46); et praeceps Anio ac Tiburni lucu s et uda / mobilibus pomaria rivis (Hor. Carm 1. 7. 13-14); seu tu Paestanis genita es seu Tiburis arvis (Mart. 9. 60. 1); pomifera arva creant Anienicolae Catilli (Sil. Pun 4. 225). Boldrer (1996, 198) notes that this is the third -osus adjective used by Col. in a short span of lines ( caenoso 130; cymosa 137). See numeroso … horto (6). 139. Bruttia … tellus: The territory of the Brutti in the toe of Italy, modern Calabria ( OLD OCD ). Mediterranei Bruttior um Aprustani tantum (Plin. HN 3. 98); adversus Hannibalem Bruttii et Lucani (Livy 27. 35.12); item in agro Piceno, Bruttio, Apulia motus erat (Sall. Cat 42. 1). For the collocation Bruttia … tellus cf. Bruttia maerentem casus patriaeque suosque / Hannibalem accepit tellus (Sil. Pun 16. 1-2). Pliny describes cabbage from Bruttium ( HN 19. 140).

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221 Mater Aricia porri: Aricia, modern Ariccia, is SE of Rome in the Alban hills ( OCD ); cf. Turnus Herdonius ab Aricia ferociter in absentem Tarquinium erat invectus (Livy 1. 50. 3); egressum magna me a ccepit Aricia Roma (Hor. Sat 1. 5. 1). For the collocation mater Aricia cf. Virbius, insignem quem mater Aricia misit ( Aen 7. 762). Pliny ( HN 19. 140-141) describes cabbage from the area of Aricia. See Turni lacus (138). Of leeks from Aricia, Pliny observes: laudatissumum [sc. porrum] Aegypto, mox Ostiae atque Ariciae ( HN 19. 110); cf. mittit praecipuos nemoralis Aricia porros (Mart. 13. 19. 1). Porri: Porrum also porrus is the leek, Allium porrum L.; cf. Greek (Andr 1956, 259; 1985, 206). Col. ( 11. 3. 30-32) and Pliny ( HN 19. 108-111; HN 20. 44) discuss the cultivation of leeks. Col. sa ys that leeks should be planted from seed in February, then can be transplanted as early as the Kalends of March and as late the Ides of May (11. 3. 16-18) In particular both Col. and Pliny distinguish between porrum capitatum a leek which grows a head, i.e. whose l eaves are allowed to grow uncut (cf. capitis porri longo … capillo 167; cf. Mart. 3. 19. 1-2); and porrum sectivum or sectum (cf. porro … secto 371), a leek whose tops were cut and eaten, leaving the bulb to grow new leaves (cf. OLD ; Andr 1985, 206). Pliny discuss es the medicinal uses of both porrum sectivum ( HN 20. 44-47) and porrum capitatum ( HN 20. 48-49). Col. includes porrum sectivum in his recipes for sour milk (12. 8. 2), for preserving le ttuce (12. 9. 1) and white olives (12. 49. 5), and for a type of salad (12. 59. 1). He also recommends the juice of the horehound and the leek to c ounteract garden pests (6. 25). Vergil does not mention the leek.

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222 140-154. Haec ubi … exhorreat aestus: Col. returns to discussing the mechanics of tending and watering the garden, from which he had digressed after line 95 to discuss specific crops that should be pl anted at this time (96-139). He discusses many of these late-winter tasks in greater detail (11. 2. 25-30; 11. 3. 8-13). 140. Credidimus resolutae semina terrae: For the expression credere terrae cf. in debita quam sulcis committas semina qu amque / invitae properes anni spem credere terrae ( G 1. 223); cf. also: in aream perducantur ea, quae terrae credimus (2. 12. 1); spes sulcis credit aratis / semina (Tib. 2. 6. 21). Ash (1930, 67) interprets resolutae … terrae here as the earth “released from the bonds of Boreas.” See resolutaque terga (7). 143. Moneo largos inducere fonts: Col. discusses the mechanisms for watering the garden in greater deta il (11. 3. 9-11). Pliny ment ions proper irrigation in his brief discussion of general princi ples of garden cultivation ( HN 19. 60), as does Vergil: deinde satis fluvium inducit rivosque sequent is / et, cum exustus ager morientibus aestuat herbis, / ecce supercili o clivosi tramitis undam / elicit ( G 1. 106-109). 145-149. At cum feta … exterminet herbam: Col. reminds the careful gardener ( sedulus olitor 148) of his important tasks: irrigation ( praebeat imbres … irrorans 147148), tilling the ground wit h appropriate tools ( ferroque bicorni pectat 148-149), and removing superfluous vegetation ( angentem sulcis exterminet herbam 149). For ways in which Col. likens the work of the poet to that of the gardener, see tenuem and laboris nostri (Pr. 4); numeroso … horto (6). 148. Ferro … bicorni: Col. elsewhere calls the doubl e-bladed tool used for this purpose bipalium “a foot-rest spade … essentiall y a trenching implement: it was

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223 employed for deep digging over of heavy gro und without much inversion of the sod” (White 1967, 20, 22). Cf. at ubi copa est rigandi, satis erit non alto bipalio, id est, minus quam duos pedes ferramento novale converti (11. 3. 11); siccus ager … bipalio prius subigi debet, quae est altitudo pastinationis cu m in duos pedes et semissem convertitur humus (3. 5. 3); vel ad bipalium, quae es t altitudo duorum pedum (11. 2. 17); cf. bipalio vertenda terra (Varro, Rust 1. 37. 5); locus bipalio subactus sit et bene glutus (Plin. HN 17. 125). Forms of bipalium however, would not fit t he meter of the poem. For bicornis cf. furcasque bicornis ( G 1. 264); Horace describes the (crescent, horned) moon as siderum regina bicornis (Hor. Carm. saec 35). For the pala see ferrato … robore palae (45). 154. Mutata loco: Col. refers to transplanting ( transferre ), which he discusses at length in his prose treatise (e.g., 11. 2 18). Cf. mutatam ignorent subito ne semina matrem ( G 2. 268). Col. refers several times to seminaria or nurseries, where shoots are grown for later translanting or grafting (e .g., for olives, 11. 2. 42); he also discusses the growing of certain plants (e.g., cabbage, 11. 3. 23; lettuce, 11. 3. 25) from transplanted shoots. In additi on, he describes how to set up a nursery for vine shoots which will then be transplanted or grafted (3. 5. 1-4). Cf. depositis plantis (158); et quos enixa … proles (162-163). Col. himself is engaged in poetic transpl antation: he has transplanted many Greek words and plant names and plants into Latin, both by direct borrowing and by puns; he has gathered plants from throughout the Mediterranean world and replanted them in his Italian landscape; and he has transplanted a poetic book about gardening— nurtured in the nursery of the Georgics —into his prose agricultural treatise.

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224 155-56. Mox ubi nubigenae … caput efferet undis: This describes the rising of the constellation Aries the Ram, which, accord ing to Col. (11. 2. 31), occurred on X Kal. Mart. (= 23 March; Saint-Denis 1969a, 60), six days after the sun had entered Aries and two days before the spring equinox. Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 20) relates the story that Aries represents the flying ra m with the golden fleece (cf. Ov. Fast 3. 875-876), which carried Phrixus and his sister Helle away from Cretheus, who was trying to kill Phrixus (cf. Ov. Her 18. 143-144). It took t hem to Colchis, though befor e their arrival Helle fell off ( nec portitor Helles 155), and the sea where she fell was named the Hellespont after her (Ov. Fast 3. 869-870; Her 18. 139-141). Upon his arri val in Colchis, Phrixus sacrificed the ram in thanks for his safe arrival and dedicated the fleece in the temple (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 20). It became the Golden Fleec e sought by Jason and the crew of the Argo (Ov. Met 7. 7; Apollod. Bibl 1. 9. 1). See sic quondam … vidit Iolcos (367368). 155. Nubigenae: According to Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 20) it was Nubes who rescued Phrixus and Helle and gave them the ram, and who later placed the ram among the constellations. Another, perhaps more likely explanation for nubigenae is that the mother of Phrixus and Helle was named Nephele (Ov. Met 11. 195). Though nubigenae technically agrees with Phrixi it implicitly modifies Helles as well (AG 286a, 287). With nubigenae Col. might also be hinting at the rain and storms which accompany Aries’ rising and t he spring equinox (11. 2. 31). 156. Signorum … princeps: The Romans customarily listed Aries first among the constellations of the Zodiac: aurato princeps Aries in vellere fulgens (Man. 1. 263; cf. Hyg. Poet. astr 1. 8, 2. 20-30, 4. 5); nobile Lanigeri sidus, quod cuncta sequuntur

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225 (Man. 1. 278). By contrast, Aratus begins the list with Cancer, i.e., at the summer solstice ( Phaen 544-549; cf. Hyg. Poet. astr 4. 5). Boldrer (1996, 207) suggests that the Roman order of the constellations, beginni ng with Aries, reflects a time when the Roman calendar began in March, when the spring equinox occurs; cf. neu dubites, primae fuerint quin ant e Kalendae / Martis (Ov. Fast 3. 135-136). This order was preserved as customary even after beginning of the calendar was shifted to January. Pecorum princeps: For this description of the ram, cf. rex in Regia arietem immolat … a principe civitatis et princeps gregis immolatur (Varro, Ling 6. 12); dux pecoris hircus (Tib. 2. 1 58); de duce lanigeri pecoris, qui prodidit Hellen, sol abit (Ov. Fast 4. 715-716, for April 20). Caput efferet undis: For this phrasing, cf. [ Arethusa ] summa flavum caput extulit unda ( G 4. 352); [ Neptunus ] caput extulit unda ( Aen 1. 127); tum caput Eleis Alpheias extulit undis (Ov. Met 5. 487). efferre is used specifically of the rising of heavenly bodies: cum magnis sese Nepa lucibus effert (Cic. Arat 656(434)); quattuor in partis cum Corniger extulit ora (Man. 5. 39). 158. Depositis … plantis: Another reference to transplanting; cf. hic plantas tenero abscindens de corpora matris / deposuit sulcis ( G 2. 23-24). See mutato loco (154). 162-163. Et quos enixa est partus … privignasque … proles: “Both the plants which have grown where they were sown and those transplated from elsewhere” (Forster 1968, 20). Another re ference to the fact that some plants are grown from seed in the garden, while others are started from seed in another location and then transplanted to the garden; see mutato loco (154).

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226 Col.’s references to transplanting are another link between the gardener and the poet. Col. has transplanted his garden from Vergil’s Georgics to his own work, grafting a poetic book into a prose treatise. He has also transferred many Greek plants (as seen from their names) into his Italian lands cape. He has also “transplanted” Greek words into Latin via bilingual puns; see immortalesque amaranti (175). 164-168. Viridi redimite parent em … staphylinus inumbret: Col. returns to the image of the earth as a wo man, with the plants and their foliage as her hair ( comam … crines 165; longo … capillo 167). See et curvi vomere … ne dubita (69-73); cf. discrimine pectita tellus (94). 166. Apio viridi: Apium or apius is most likely celery, Apium graveolens L., or possibly parsley, Petroselinum crispum Mill. (Andr 1985, 20-21; 1956, 35; Van Wyk 2004, 47). Derived from apis ( apium = “l’herbe aux abeilles ;” Andr 1985, 20; Ernout 1951, 70); cf. apiastro, quod alii melliphyllon, a lii melissophyllon, quidam melittaenam appellant (Varro, Rust 3. 16. 10). According to Maggiulli (1995, 238), apium occurs first in Vergil, though similar forms in earlier authors include Varro’s apiastrum and Cato’s apiacon which he regards as a variety of cabbage: altera [sc. brassica ] est cripsa, apiacon appellatur (Cato Agr 157. 2). Col. also mentions apiastrum or balm ( Melissa officinalis L.; Andr 1985, 20; Van Wyk 2004, 204) as an herb that attracts bees (9. 8. 13, quoting G 4. 63; 9. 9. 8). Col. discusses the cultivation of apium and says that it can be grown equally well from seed or from plants (11. 3. 33). He adds that it gr ows well in the summer and thus advises that it is the only seed that should be sown after the Ides of May and before the Vulcanalia in August (11. 3. 18). Col. gives a recipe for pickling apium (12. 7. 1) and

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227 includes it in recipes for pi ckling pepperwort (12. 8. 3; see et lactis … nomine Graio 124-126) and olives (12. 49. 5, 12. 50. 5). He also lists it as an ingredient in a salad (12. 59. 1) and in a recipe for oxyporum a digestive aid (12. 59. 4). Pliny discusses the varieties ( HN 19. 124) and medicinal uses ( HN 20. 113) of apium Vergil mentions apium twice: apio … amaro ( Ecl 6. 68); virides apio rivae ( G 4. 121, which Col. ’s apio viridi recalls). 167. Capitis porri longo … capillo: The headed leek, porrum capitatum ; see mater Aricia porri (139). 168. Staphylinus: Possibly the carrot, Daucus carota L. (Andr 1985, 248; Andr 1956, 302; Van Wyk 2004, 124) or the parsnip, Pastinaca sativa (Ash 1930 73; Andr 1985, 241; Van Wyk 2004, 420). staphylinus from (Andr 1985, 248): cf. agrestis pastinaca et eiusdem nominis edomita, quam Graeci vocant (9. 4. 5); cf. also alterum genus est staphylinus, quod pastinacam erraticam vocant (Plin. HN 20. 30). Pastinaca will not fit into the meter. Pliny ( HN 28. 232) includes the seed of staphylinus in a remedy for dropsy. This is the only appearance of staphylinus in Col. The word does not occur in Vergil. For more on pastinaca see siser (114). 169-170. Odoratae peregrino munere plantae … croceae: Croceus is the adjective of crocus from ; this is saffron, Crocus sativus L. (Andr 1985, 79). It has a characteristic ar oma (Van Wyk 2004, 116); cf. nonne vides, croceos ut Tmolus odores / … mittit ( G. 1. 56-57); invitent croceis halantes floribus horti ( G 4. 109). Col. mentions it once more in the poem (301). Vergil uses the noun crocus once each in the Georgics and Aeneid : G 4. 182; Aen 9. 614. He uses the adjective croceus a handful of times, mostly in the Aeneid : cf. Ecl 4. 44; G 1. 56; Aen 1. 649, 4. 585, 6. 207.

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228 According to Pliny ( HN 21. 31), saffron does not grow well in Italy, but is mostly cultivated in Cyrene, Cilicia, Lycia, and Sicily; cf. Tmolon et Corydon [sc. aiunt abundare ] flore croceo (3. 8. 4). 170. Sicaniis montibus … Hyblae: Mt. Hybla on Sicily ( NP OLD ) was wellknown for flowers, bees, and honey: cf. Hyblaeis apibus florem depasta salicti ( Ecl 1. 54); thymo mihi dulcior Hyblae ( Ecl 7. 37); quot apes pascuntur in Hybla (Ov. Ars am. 2. 517); et careat dulci Trinacris Hybla thymo (Ov. Trist 5. 13. 22). Pliny ( HN 11. 32) rates honey from Hybla among t he three best varieties. 171. Sampsuca: Sam(p)suc(h)um or sam(p)suc(h)us ( OLD ), from is probably marjoram, Majorana hortensis Moench (Andr 1985, 225; Andr 1956, 280) or Origanum majorana (Van Wyk 2004, 221, 419). Rodgers alone of modern editors prints sampsuca following the editio princeps ; the others print samsuca following the oldest mss. Also called amaracus from (Andr 1985, 12-13): amaracum Diocles medicus et Sicula gens appellavere quod Aegyptus et Syria sampsucum (Plin. HN 21. 61); though Andr (1956, 26) remarks that amaracus may refer to “diffrentes plantes odorantes non distingues par les anci ens.” For its sweet smell, cf. suave olentis amaraci (Catull. 61. 7). Pliny gives several m edicinal applications of this plant (Plin. HN 21. 163) and includes it in a perfume recipe (Plin. HN 13. 10). This is the only mention of sampsucum in Col.; amaracus also occurs once (296). sampsucum does not appear in Vergil; amaracus appears once ( Aen 1. 693). Hilaro … Canopo: Canopus was a city in Egypt lo cated at the we stern mouth of the Nile ( NP ); cf. Isi, Paraetonium genialiaque arva Canopi / quae colis et Memphin palmiferamque Pharon (Ov. Am 2. 13. 7-8). It was s upposedly named after Canopus, a

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229 helmsman of Menelaus (Plin. HN 5. 128). Propertius (3. 11. 39) calls Canopus incestus ; Silius Italicus ( Pun 11. 431), lascivus ; Juvenal (15. 46), famosus 172-173. Et lacrimas .. Achaia murra: For myrrh, see medica panacem lacrima (103). For the story of Myrrha, cf. Ov. Met 10. 310-502. In this line Achaia is scanned as four syllables. 173. Stactis: Stacta or stacte is myrrh oil; cf. [sc. arbores murrae ] sudant autem sponte prius quam incidant ur stacten dictam, cui nulla praefertur (Plin. HN 12. 68); murra et per se unguentum facit sine oleo stacte dumtaxat, alioqui nimiam amaritudinem adfert (Plin. HN 13. 17). 174-175. Et male damnati ... Aiacii flores: This is the hyacinth; here Col. alludes to one of the stories about the origin of the hyacinth, that it became stained by the blood of Ajax, who killed himself after losi ng the contest for the arms of Achilles to Odysseus. For the hyacinth, see vel niveos vel caeruleos hyacinthos (100). 175. Immortalesque amaranti: Amarantus or amarantum from “unfading,” is possibly the amaranth, Amarantus caudatus L. (Andr 1985, 13; 1956, 20) or the related cockscomb, Celosia cristata (Richter 1981-1983, v. 2. 491; cf. Wright 1984, 486) The oldest mss. read amaranthi which perhaps arose from confusion with “flower” (Boldrer 1996, 220-221). Pliny describes its appearance as spica purpurea verius quam flos aliquis and says that it blooms in August ( HN 21. 47), after the rose and the cyanus ( HN 21. 68). Col. does not menti on it elsewhere. Vergil does not mention amarantus Col.’s description of amaranti as immortales is most likely a play on the meaning of in Greek, “un brilliante gioco etimol ogico bilingue” (Boldrer 1996, 220); cf.

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230 summae naturae eius [i.e., amaranti ] in nomine est, appellato, quoniam non marcescat (Plin. HN 21. 47). See also candida leucoia (97); oculis inimica corambe (178); distorto corpore campe (366); lubrica … lapathos (373). 176. Et quos mille parit dives natura colores: The gardener’s inclusion of decorative plants in the midst of plants having nutritional or medicinal uses recalls Horace’s admonition to the poet to mix the useful and the pleasant: aut prodesse volunt aut delectare poetae / aut simul et iucunda et idonea dicere vitae … omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci, / lect orem delectando pariterque monendo (Hor. Ars P 333-334, 343-344). 178. Oculis inimica corambe: This plant is difficult to identify, in part because the reading is uncertain, though the consensus of recent commentators is that it is probably some type of cabbage. Ash (1930, 75) renders it as “sea-cabbage.” Modern sea kale is Crambe maritima (Gough 1996, 2). The oldest mss. read coramve ; corambe a late ms. reading, is printed by Lundstrm33 and all recent editors (and the OLD ) except Santoro and Boldrer, who print the late ms. reading coramble (Boldrer 1996, 223), which, if correct, would occur onl y here (Ash 1930, 75). Andr (1985, 74) also reads coramble and derives it from a type of cabbage, Brassica oleracea L. He derives the Greek name from “pupil” and “to dim,” a meaning reflected in Col.’s oculis inimica If corambe is the correct reading, it may be derived from “cabbage,” Brassica cretica Lamb. (Andr 1985, 77); cf. tertia [sc. 33 Lundstrm (1900-1902, 183) acknowledges the appeal of coramve but prefers corambe : “videtur enim corambe ( ) etiam usitatiorem formam verbi esse.” For the interchange of v/b in later Latin, cf. Reynolds 1991, 221, 225.

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231 brassica ] est proprie appellata cramb e (Plin. HN 20. 79). Cf. ( Suda kappa 2318). Neither corambe nor coramble is attested elsewhere in Latin literature. Because the plant cannot easily be identified, I have retained corambe in my translation. 179-180. Salutari … morbi: According to Pliny ( HN 19. 128), Augustus was cured of an illness by lettuce given by his physician, Musa; for this reason, a method was found to preserve lettuce by pickling, so it would always be available. Augustus had a statue erected to Musa in t hanksgiving for his recovery (Suet. Aug 59). See teneris frondens lactucula fibris (111). 181-189. Altera crebra … lactea crure est: Col. describes five varieties of lettuce, originating from diffe rent geographical areas. The first two are Italian, one is from Asia Minor, one from S pain, and one from Cyprus; t hus the produce of Col.’s garden symbolically includes the entire empire. Cf. Col.’s survey of cabbage varieties from Italy (127-139). Col. m entions these five varieties again when he describes the best time to plant them (190-195; 11. 3. 26-27). 181-182. Altera crebra … de nomine dicta Metelli: The first two types of lettuce mentioned by Col. are named Caeciliana for a Caecilius Metellus, one with green leaves ( altera crebra viret ) and one with darker or purple leaves ( fusco nitet altera crine ). Suggested identifications for this Caecilius are L. Caecilius Metellus ( RE 72), consul in 251 BCE during the First Punic Wa r (Wernsdorf 1794 v. 6, 78; Ash 1930 76); or Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus ( RE 94), consul in 143 B.C.E. (Santoro 1946, 39). As Boldrer (1996, 225) points out, “non era ra ro che piante e prodotti prendessero nome da personaggi storici e politici famosi cos come da populi e stati;” cf. eiudem gentis de

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232 nomine dicta [sc. Persica ] (409); arbos Livia (413). Col. refers to these two caeciliana varieties at 11. 3. 26: ea [sc. lactuca ] autem quae fusci aut purpurei aut etiam viridis coloris et crispi folii, uti Caeciliana, mense Ianuario recte seritur Pliny refers to Col.’s darker caeciliana : purpuream [sc. lactucam ] maximae radicis Caecilianam vocant (Plin. HN 19. 127). Caeciliana would not fit into the meter of the poem. See Caeciliam … anno (190). 183-184. Tertia, quae spisso … cognomine gentis: Col.’s third lettuce variety is Cappadoca named for Cappadocia in Asia Minor ( OCD ); cf. Cappadocia [sc. lactuca ] quae pallido et pexo densoque folio viret (11. 3. 26). Pliny ( HN 19. 126, 128) also mentions this variety, which he calls Cappadocica but does not describe it in detail. See Cappadociamque … Lupercus (191). 185-186. Et mea … Gadis … thyrso est: Col. was a native of Gades, modern Cdiz, in the province of Baetica in Spain ( OCD ); M. quidem Columella patruus meus … diligentissimus Baeticae provinciae (5. 5. 15); cf. 7, 2, 4; in nostro Gadium municipio (8. 16. 9). Cf. Plin. HN 4. 119. Col. describes this lettuce variety at 11. 3. 26: quae deinde candida est est crispissimi folii, ut in prov incia Baetica et finibus Gaditani municipii (11. 3. 26). See tuque … calendis (192). 185. Tartesi: Tartes(s)us is another name for southern Spain ( OCD ); Tartesii pelagi, quod est ultimum (8 16. 10); sparserat occiduus Tartessia litora Phoebus (Ov. Met 14. 416); iam Tartessiaco quos solverat aequore Titan / in noctem diffusus (Sil. Pun. 6. 1-1, referring to the Atlantic); donec anhelantis stagna in Tartessia Phoebus / mersit equos (Sil. Pun 10. 537-538). According to Pliny ( HN 4. 120), Tartesos is the

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233 Roman name ( nostri Tarteson appellant ) of the island where Gades was located. Cf. Tartesida (192); Tartessiacos … thyrsos (370). 186. Vibrato discrimine: Boldrer (1996, 277) suggests that discrimen “qui applicato per prima volta ad una pianta, designa probabilment e la suddivisione della lattuga in foglie;” cf. Ash 1930, 77. For discrimen used for a furrow resembling a parting in hair, see discrimine pectita tellus (94); cf. compositum discrimen erit, discrimina lauda (Ov. Ars am. 2. 303). For vibratus used to describe curly hair, cf. crinis / vibratos calido ferro ( Aen 12. 99-100); Aethiopas … gigni barba et capillo vibrato (Plin. HN 2. 189). Cf. crispissimi folii (11. 3. 26). Thyrso: Col. is referring to the stem or stalk of the plant; see also Paphosque … thyrsos (370); cf. lactuculae thyrsum (Suet. Aug 77); languidior caliculi repente thryso (Petron Sat 132. 8. 2); huius [sc. neuropasti ] thyrsus ad remedia splenis et inflations conditus ex aceto manditur ( Plin. HN 24. 121). Pliny ( HN 21. 87) distinguishes between thyrsus and caulis : hanc [sc. colocausiam ] e Nilo metunt, caule, cum coctus est, araneoso in mandendo, thyrso autem qui inter folia emicat spectabili For caulis see 129, 325, 369. 187. Cypros item Paphio … pinguis in arvo: Paphos was a city in Cyprus ( OCD ; Plin. HN 5. 129-130), home of a shrine to Venus (Plin. HN 2. 210). Col. mentions this lettuce at 11. 3. 27: est et Cypri generis, ex albo rubicunda levi et tenerrimo folio Pliny does not mention this variety, unless this is the same as one he calls Graeca: Graecas [sc. lactucas ], levioris has folii caulisque lati, praeterea longi et angusti, intibis similis (Plin. HN 19. 126). Cf. Paphosque … thyrsos (370).

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234 Pinguis: Wernsdorf’s conjecture, prin ted by Rodgers; the mss. read pingui which is accepted by all other modern edi tors. Wernsdorf appears to have liked the symmetry of having one adjective apiece modify each of the nouns Cypros and arvo : “Ego Paphio adiungam arvo et pinguis ponam pro pingui hoc modo: Cypros item Paphio quam pinguis nutrit in arvo ” (Wernsdorf 1794, v. 6, 79). This aesthetic preference does not seem suffici ent justification for rejecti ng the testimony of the mss., particularly since Col. el sewhere describes soil as pinguis : pinguis ager (7); humo pingui (253); cf. pingues agros (11. 2. 8); pingui solo (Plin. HN 18. 198); cf. also pinguissima … arva (Val. Max. 7. 1. 2). I hav e thus accepted the ms. reading pingui in my translation. 190. Primo … Aquarius anno: Caeciliana should be planted in January: quae … uti Caeciliana, mense Ianuar io recte differtur (11. 3. 26); esse enim nigras [sc. lactucas ] quarum semen mense Ianuario seratur (Plin. HN 19. 125). The sun entered Aquarius during the month of January (11. 2. 4),34 which Col. reckons as the first month of the Roman year (11. 2. 3); cf. simul inversum contristat Aquarius annum (Hor. Sat 1. 1. 36).35 Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 29) relates that Aquar ius is various regarded as representing Ganymede (cf. Man. 5. 486-490), Deucalion, or Cecrops. primo … anno recalls primis … a mensibus annis ( G 1. 64). See altera crebra … de nomine dicta Metelli (181-182). 34 XVII Kal. Febr. Sol in Aquarium transitur (11. 2. 4); Forster (1968, 71) puts this on 16 January. Aquarius begins to rise two days later (11. 2. 4). Cf. haec ubi transierint, Capricorno, Phoebi, relicto / per iuvenis curres signa gerentis aquam (Ov. Fast 1. 651-652). 35 Vergil, by contrast, follows the older Roman ca lendar, in which the year begins in March and ends in February, when Aquarius is setting: cf. iam cadit extremoque inrorat Aquarius anno ( G 3. 304; cf. Forster 1968, 177. n.); iam levis obliqua subsedit Aquarius urna (Ov. Fast 2. 457). See pecorum princeps (156).

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235 191. Cappidocamque … ferali mense Lupercus: Cappadocia lettuce is planted in February; cf. at Cappidocia [sc. lactuca ] … mense Februario [sc. disseritur ] (11. 3. 26). February is the month in which bot h the Lupercalia (15 February) and the Feralia (21 February) occur (S cullard 1981, 49-74-78); tertia post Idus nudos aurora Lupercos / aspicit (Ov. Fast 2. 267-268, for 15 February); est honor et tumulis, animas placate paternas (Ov. Fast 2. 533, for 21 February). For feralis cf. ingentem struxere pyram … / ...et feralis ante cupressos / constituunt ( Aen 6. 215-217); picea … feralis arbor et funebri indicio ad fores posita ac rogis virens (Plin. HN 16. 40). 192. Tuque tuis … pange Kalendis: The Spanish variety should be planted in March: quae deinde candida est … ut in provincia Ba etica et finibus Gaditani municipii, mense Martio recte pangitur (11. 3. 26); cf. albas [sc. lactucas ] quarum [sc. semen ] Martio [sc. seratur ] (Plin. HN 19. 125). Mavors: A variant form of the name of the god Mars; cf. quoniam belli fera moenia Mavors / armipotens regit (Lucr. 1. 32-33); saepe in letifero belli certamine Mavors (Cat. 64. 394); saevit medio in certamine Mavors ( Aen 8. 700). Mars was the patron deity of March: forsan ipse roges, quid sit cum Marte poetae: / a te, qui canitur, nomina mensis habet (Ov. Fast 3. 3-4); peregrinos inspice fastos: / mensis in his etiam nomine Martis erit (Ov. Fast 3. 87-88). Tartesida: See Tartesi (185). The form Tartesida is a Greek 3rd-declension accusative singular (AG 81-82), here agreeing with an implied lactucam Boldrer (1996, 23) notes that Tartesida is a hapax in Col. 193. Tuque tuis, Paphie, Cytheream pange Kalendis: This line has problems of both text and interpretation. The oldest mss. read tuque suis Paphien iterum iam

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236 pange Kalendis Gesner (1735, 716) prints this but notes: “elumbis versus & [sic] indignus elegantia Columellae, qui forte scripsit: tuque tuis Paphien, Paphie, depange Kalendis .” Wernsdorf (1794, 80) also prints the ms. text but in a note agrees with Gesner and adds an additional objection: “q uia [sc. hic versus] praecedenti non respondet, ut debebat. In quo cum Mavortem alloquatur auctor, ut suis Calendis lactucam Tartesida pangat, ita hoc versu, qui idem incipit Tuque Paphie debebat appellari, quae Cypriam lactucam suo, h[oc] e[st] Aprili mense pangeret.” Lundstrm, followed by all recent editors except Ash, Saint-Denis, and Rodgers, prints tuque tuis, Paphie, Paphien iam pange Kalendis adopting most of Gesner’s emendation. SaintDenis prints tuque tuis, Paphien, Cy thereia, pange Kalendis adopting Schrader’s suggestion Cythereia Saint-Denis also notes (1969, 61-62): “le vers, tel qu’il est donn dans les manuscripts, est inacceptable; il ne doit pas cependent tre limin; car le pote reprend ici les cinq espces de laitus qu’il a numeres plus haut; la correction Cythereia est satisfaisante; ce vocatif fait pendent Mavors du vers prcdent.” Rodgers prints his own conjecture, substituting Paphie Cytheream for Schrader’s Paphien Cythereia Ash (1930, 78-79) alone of recent editors prefers to print the ms. text, noting: “I cannot find sufficient justification for disagreement wit h the unanimous testimony of the manuscripts. Iterum may refer to a second sowi ng or to transplanting.” Cf. hoc mense [i.e. Februario ] lactuca seritur, ut possi t Aprili mense transferri (Pall. 3. 24. 2). The consensus of recent editors is that Col. is instructi ng the gardener to plant the Paphian variety of lettuce in April. In su pport of this interpretati on, many editors cite 11. 3. 27, which, however, c ontains its own textual prob lem: Lundstrm, Richter, and

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237 Rodgers read: est et Cypri generis ex albo rubicunda levi et tenerrima folio, quae usque in Idus Octobres commode disponitur the reading of the 9th cent. mss.; in place of in Idus Octobres Ash, Forster, and Saint-Denis read in Idus Apriles the reading of later mss., which is also accepted by Henderson (2004, 40). The context of this passage suggests that Col. is recommending that this variety be planted in April, since the preceding lines mention planting the other varieties in January, February, and March.36 Paphos was sacred to Venus (see Cypros item Paphio … in arvo 187), who was also the patron deity of April: venimus ad quartum, quo tu celi berrima mense: / et vatem et mensem scis, Venus, esse tuos (Ov. Fast 4. 13-14). Cytherea is another epithet of Venus, after the island of Cythera: hunc ego sopitum somno super alta Cythera / aut super Idalium sacrata sede recondam ( Aen 1. 680-681); mota Cytheriaca leviter mea tempora myrto / contigit (Ov. Fast 4. 15-16); sic Erato (mensis Cythereius illi / cessit, quod teneri nomen amoris habet) (Ov. Fast 4. 195-196). Paphie is a Greek firstdeclension feminine nominative/ vocative singular form, Paphien the corresponding accusative singular (AG 81-82). Given the fact that the transmitted text is not obviously wrong or without sense, even though it is not entirely satisfac tory, and given that none of the proposed 36 The context of 11. 3. 26-27 might support reading in Idus Apriles at 11. 3. 27, rather than in Idus Octobres since Col. has just recommended planting other lettuce varities in January, February, and March. However, Col. continues: fere tamen aprico caeli statu, quibus locis aquarum copia est, paene toto anno lactuca seri potest (11. 3. 27). This indicates that lettu ce can be planted throughout much of the growing year, in which case it is difficult to object to in Idus Octobres In addition, it is possible that the pattern January-February-March in the pr eceding section led to the corruption of Octobres into Apriles by a scribe who assu med that because Octobres did not follow the pattern it must therefore be an error (cf. Reynolds 1991, 221, 231-232). The presence of aprico in the following sentence may also have suggested Apriles as a possible correction to a perceived error.

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238 emendations has won a consensus of support, As h’s decision to accept the ms. reading —with suis emended to tuis —appears to be justified, t hough the objections of SaintDenis and other editors are duly noted. I have thus adopted Ash’s reading in my translation. 196. Nunc sunt genitalia tempora mundi: Cf terrae et genitalia semina poscunt ( G 2. 324) in Vergil’s praise of spring, recalled by Col. in the next passage. Genitalia tempora is at the same position in the line as Vergil’s genitalia semina See genitalia semina (106). 197-214. Nunc Amor … ne torpeat aevo: In the conclusion to the first part of the Spring section, Col. rhapsodizes about t he rampant fertility of nature in a passage that recalls Lucretius’ hymn to Venus and ce lebration of fertility at the beginning of De Rerum Natura (Lucr. 1. 1-20). This sets up the following section, Digression on the Poet’s Task (215-229). For the fertility of spring, cf. G 1. 43-49; G 2. 324-342; Ov. Fast 1. 149-160; also Ovid’s praise of Venus as the source of both fertility and creativity at Fast 4. 91114. 197-198. Nunc Amor … cupidinis actus: Amor and Cupido are both names for the god of love, son of Venus: at Cytherea novas arti s, nova pectore versat / consilia, ut faciem mutatus et ora Cupido / pro dulci As canio veniat … ergo his aligerum dictis adfatur Amorem: / nate, meae vire s, mea magna poetentia solus, / nate ( Aen 1. 657659, 663-665). 200-201. Pater … Amphitriten: Pater aequoreus is Oceanus, who was the husband of Tethys: ’ (Hes. Theog 377);

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239 duxerat Oceanus quondam Titanida Tethyn (Ov. Fast 5. 81). Neptune was the husband of Amphitrite, daughter of Nereus (Hes. Theog 240-243): ipse pater timidam saeva complexus harena / coniugium castae violaverat Amphitrites ( Ciris 72-73); cf. … [sc. ] (Apollod. Bibl 3. 15. 4). For Oceanus as pater cf. Oceanumque patrem rerum ( G 4. 382). For aequoreus used to describe sea divinities, cf. aequoreae … Nereides (Cat. 64. 15); genitor aequoreus (Sen. Phaed 942, of Neptune). Tethyn and Amphitriten are Greek accusative case forms (AG 81-82). 204-206. Maximus … imbre: Maximus ipse deum is Jupiter; cf. Iuppiter optimus maximus (Livy 3. 17. 3); ipse deum … genitor ( Aen 7. 306); pater ipse deum ( Ciris 269). Col. likens the rain upon the earth to Jupi ter visiting Danae in a shower of gold and impregnating her with Perseus, after her father, Acrisius, had imprisoned her to prevent her having a son; cf. neque enim [sc. Acrisius ] Iovis esse putabat / Persea, quem pluvio Danae conceperat auro (Ov. Met 4. 610-611; Hor. Carm 3. 16. 1-8). 206. Inque … imbre: For the image of rain as the act of the sky god impregnating the earth, cf. postremo pereunt imbres, ubi eos pater aether / in gremium matris terrai praecipitavit (Lucr. 1. 250-251); tum pater omnipotens fecundis imbribus Aether / coniugis in gremium laetae descend it et omnis / magnus alit magno commixtus corpora fetus ( G 2. 325-327). 207. Genetrix nati … amorem: According to Hesiod, Gaia (the earth) bore Uranus (the starry heavens) ( Theog 126-127) and then by him had Cronus ( Theog 137-138), who was the father of Zeus ( Theog 453-458); Hyginus ( Fab Pr. 3, 13) states

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240 that Saturn was the son of terra and Jupiter was the son of Saturn. Thus Jupiter is a descendant of the earth (though technically her grandson, not her son). Boldrer (1996, 239) suggests that Col. is recalling Hes. Theog 126, and that Jupiter represents the starry sky by metonymy. For genetrix referring to the earth, see 59, 161. 209. Ver agit: Cf. vere adeo frondi nemorem, ver utile silvis; / vere tument terrae ( G 2. 323-324). Digression on the poet’s task (lines 215-229) In this section, after praise of spring and fertility (197-214), Col. looks at the task of the poet of nature and rerum causas (218); he declines to become such a poet, and instead accepts his more circumscribed ro le as a poet of gardens. This is approximately the halfway poi nt of the poem, and recalls G 2. 475-489—nearly halfway through the Georgics —in which Vergil asks the Muses to inspire him to be a great poet of nature, but then says that if he should prove unequal to t he task, he would like to be the poet of the countryside. Li ke Vergil, Col. is ostensibly acknowledging the limits of his poetic range, while at the same time striving for excellence and distinction within those limits. Just as t he gardener must identify the bou ndaries of the plot (27-28) before planting, the poet must define the boundaries of his poetic task. 215-216. Sed quid ego … raptor: Cf. sed quid ego haec autem nequiquam grata resolvo? ( Aen 2.101), including the elision of the second syllable of ego For the image, cf. Ovid’s account of Phaethon ( Met 2. 1-328), especially when Phaethon loses control of the horses of the Sun. Cf. also avia cum Phaethontis rapax vis solis equorum / aethere raptavit toto terrasque per omnis (Lucr. 5. 397-398), the wording of which is echoed by Col.: rapax / audax; equorum / equos; aethere / aethera; raptavit / raptor

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241 217-224. Ista canit … Euhie Paean: Col. refers to a poet who, inspired by Apollo and Bacchus, sings about the wonder s of the natural world—the topics ( ista ) which Col. touched upon in the preceding se ction (197-215). Propertius (3. 2. 9-10) also joins Apollo and Bacchus as sources of poetic inspiration: miremur, nobis et Baccho et Apolline dextro, / turb a puellarum si mea verba colit? See quae dulcis … grata canenti (235-236). 217. Quem: Ash (1930, 83) sees this quem as a reference to Vergil. Vergil acknowledges the inspiration of Apollo: in tenui labor; at tenuis non Gloria, si quem / numina laeva sinunt auditque vocatus Apollo ( G 4. 6-7). “The causes of things, the mysteries of nature, and the la ws of the heavens are discussed in the first book of the Georgics passim ” (Ash 1930, 83; cf. G 2. 475-482). Moreover, Col. refers to this inspired poet as vates (220), a term he elsewhere uses for Vergil (Pr. 3; 484). See vatis maxime venerandi (Pr. 3). Col. may also have Lucretius in mi nd here. As Santoro (1946, 42-43) recognizes, this passage clearly recalls not only Lucretius—the poet of rerum causas (218)—but also Vergil’s praise of Lucretius, felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas ( G 2. 490),37 which occurs at about the midpoint of the Georgics just as Col. places this encomium at the midpoint of his poem. In addition, the allusion to Phaethon (215-216) recalls Lucr. 5. 397-398. See Calliope (225). 37 Thomas (1988 v. 1, 249-250) disagrees with the traditional view that Vergil is referring to Lucretius: “The passage as a whole is best understood as applying to Vergil and his career.” He argues that the topics about which Vergil asks the Muses to inspire him ( G 2. 477-482, 490-92) actually relate to the Georgics themselves,whereas the alternatives ( G 2. 483-489, 493-494) seem to fit the Eclogues He adds, “V. at 491-3 is dealing with his own poetic ambitions, and with his place in the tradition of poets such as Aratus and Lucretius, a point obscured by st rict and exclusive identificat ion with Lucretius.” However, Col.’s allusion to Lucretius’ lines about Phaethon suggests that he read this Vergilian passage at least in part as a reference to Lucretius.

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242 217. Maiore deo: This is Apollo, as indicated by Delphica laurus (217) and Col.’s address to Apollo, Delie te Paian (224); cf. maior agit deus atque opera ad maiora remittit ( Aen 12. 429), where Iapyx attributes to Apollo (cf. Aen 12. 392-394) the cure of Aeneas’ wound which Venus had effected ( Aen 12. 411-419). Apollo, a god, is maior in comparison with Col.’s own source of inspiration, the Muse Calliope (225). In addition, Col. also notes that, in contrast to what he has just recalled about the inspired vates of rerum causas (whether Vergil or Lucretius), his own pursuit is levior (225). See Calliope (225). Col. never calls Apollo by his proper name. See Phoebus (56). Delphica laurus: Cf. Phoebi Delphica laurus (Lucr. 6. 154, at the same position in the line); Parnasia laurus ( G 2. 18). 220. Vatem: See vatis maxime venerandi (Pr. 3). Dindyma castra Cybebes: There are two textual issues here: castra and Cybebes Rodgers and Richter alone among modern editors print castra a late ms. reading; all others follow t he oldest mss. and print casta Boldrer (1996, 248) points out that casta is appropriate to the cult of Cybele (cf. Attis / turrigeram casto vinxit amore deam Ov. Fast 222-223), and that reading castra would require construing Dindyma as an otherwise unattested adjectival form. For Dindyma as a plural noun, cf. ite per alta / Dindyma ( Aen 9. 617-618). Silius also describes Dindyma as casta : semivirique chori, gemino qui Dindyma monte / casta colunt (Sil. Pun 17. 20-21). There appears to be no solid justification for rejecting the reading casta of the oldest mss.; thus I accept casta as the basis for my translation.

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243 Of modern editors, only Rodgers and Ash print Postgate’s emendation Cybebes ,38 in place of the reading Cybeles found in all mss. In poem 63, Catullus consistently scans Cybele as – (cf. agite ite ad alta, Gallae, Cybeles nemora simul 63. 12) and Cybebe as – – (cf. tympanum tuum, Cybebe, tua, Mater, initia (63. 9); cf. (LSJ). Other Latin poets make the same distinction; cf. turrigera frontem Cybele redimita corona (Ov. Fast 6. 321); vertice turrigero iuxta dea magna Cybebe (Prop. 3. 17. 35). If the ms. reading Cybeles is accepted here, it must be scanned – –, which would be unique in extant Latin literature. For this reason, Postgate’s Cybebes is perhaps preferable, though not without misgivings, despite the unanimous testimony of the mss. The forms Cybebes and Cybeles are first-declension Greek genitive singular forms (AG 81-82). The association of Dindymon with Cybele is first attested in Latin literature in Catullus (63. 191): Cybebe, dea domina Dindymi Ovid (Fast. 4. 249-250) treats both Dindymon and Cybele as mount ains in Phrygia, sacred to the mother goddess: Dindymon et Cybelen et amoena m fontibus Iden / semper et Iliacas Mater amavit opes Col. has introduced a goddess who is neither Italian nor Greek but Asiatic: i.e., truly foreign. Cybele, as mother goddess, recalls the rampant fertility of springtime which Col. praised at the end of the previo us section (197-214). It was this musing on unrestrained mating and fertility which prompted his reverie on the lofty poetic heights to which he might wish to aspire. 38 Postgate (1904 v. 2, 208) proposes Cybebes without offering explanation or justification. I suggest that his emendation was prompt ed by the metrical distinction between Cybele and Cybebe found in Catull. 63.

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244 221. Perque Cithaeronem: Cithaeron is a mountain between Attica and Boeotia ( NP ), sacred to Bacchus and to the Muses; cf. ubi audito stimulant trieterica Baccho / orgia nocturnusque vocat clamore Cithaeon ( Aen 4. 302-303); cf. Corinna ( PMG 654 i. 12-34), where Cithaeron competes in a singing context supervised by the Muses (cf. Larmour 2005, 26-31). Cf. vocat ingenti clamore Cithaeron ( G 3. 43). Nyseia per iuga Bacchi: Following Lundstrm, Niseia is the reading of all modern editors except Forster, Ma rsili, and Fernndez-Galiano, who print Nysaeaque The oldest mss. read Nisaiea later mss. read Niseiaque or Nisaeaque For the form Nyseia cf. et iuga tota vacant Bromio Nyseia (Luc. 8. 801). Nyseia has to be scanned as four syllables: – – Col. calls Bacchus Nysie (248). Nysa was regarded as the birthplace of Bacchus ( NP ); cf. Liber, agens celso Nysae de vertice tigris ( Aen 6. 805); tura dant Bacchumque vocant Bromiumque Lyaeumque … additur his Nyseus (Ov. Met 4. 11, 13); Nysam urbem plerique Indiae adscribunt … Libero Patri sacrum (Plin. HN 6. 79); cf. also Hom. Il 6. 132; Hymn. Hom. Bacch 6-9. See munera Bacchi (3). 222. Per sua Parnassi: Parnassus is a mountain in Phocis, location of Delphi and sacred to Apollo ( NP ); cf. sed me Parnasi deserta per ardua dulcis / raptat amor ( G 3. 291-292); nec tantum gaudet P hoebo Parnasia rupes ( Ecl 6. 29); cf. Ash 1930, 83. 222-223. Per amica … Pierii nemoris: See Pierides … Musae (40). 224. “Delie te Paean”: The third reference to Apollo ’s inspiration of the poet of rerum causas : see maiore deo … Delphica laurus (217); per sua Parnassi (222). Paean is “a hymn usu. [sic] of victory, addressed to Apollo or another god” ( OLD ); ante condemnentur ei, quorum causas receperim us, … Paeanem aut hymnum recitarimus

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245 (Cic. De or 1. 251); conspicit et alios … laetumque choro paeana canentis ( Aen 6. 656, 657); victorque canebat / paeana Amphion rupe (Prop. 3. 15. 41-42). Et “te Euhie Euhie Paean”: Te is found only in later mss.; otherwise the reading printed by Rodgers and other modern editors (except Marsili and Boldrer) reflects the reading of the oldest mss. There is a me trical hiatus (AG 612g) between the first Euhie and the second. Marsili (1962, 21) omits et ; this omission, as he acknowledges, requires that there also be a metrical hiatus between te Euhie Boldrer (1996, 72, 251) conjectures et te Euhie Euhoe Paean She dislikes the repetition of Euhie : “tale iterazione … sembra banale ri spetto al primo emistichio su Apollo … dove al vocativo segue l’esclamaz ione appropriate al dio,” and she observes that by emending the second Euhie into Euhoe “il parallelismo si ristabilisce.” Euhoe is, she observes, “grido tipico delle bacchanti,” from Greek (LSJ): cf. Satyris clamantibus “Euhoe” (Ov. Ars am 3. 157); “euhoe Bacche” sonat (Ov. Met 4. 523); and esp. euhoe Bacche fremens ( Aen 7. 389)—see Bacchea voce frementem (223). While Boldrer’s conjecture is clever, it is not c onvincing in light of t he ms. testimony. In addition, the judgment of the majo rity of editors, and that fact that Col. is shifting from addressing Apollo to addressing Bacchus, justifies retaining the late ms. reading et Euhius (from Greek ; LSJ) is a cult title of Bacchus; cf. Mithridatem dominum, illum patrem, illum conservatorem Asiae, illum Euhium, Nysium, Bacchum, Liberum nominabant (Cic. Flac 60). This is the third refe rence to Bacchus’ inspiration of the poet of rerum causas : see Nyseia per iuga Bacchi (221); Bacchea voce (223). 225. Calliope: Chief of the Muses (Hes. Theog. 79), traditionally the Muse of epic poetry; cf. Aen 9. 525. Ash (1930, 85) suggests th at, as chief of the Muses, she

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246 can represent other sorts of verse; Santor o (1946, 44) and Forster (1968, 26) note that Col. uses her to represent the Muses in general. See Pierides … Musae (40); maiore deo (217). Boldrer (1996, 252) suggests that Col. is drawing on Calliope’s connection with epic poetry to indicate that he has larger poetic ambitions; cf. descende caelo et dic age tibia / regina longum Calliope melos (Hor. Carm 3. 4. 1-2), where longum melos might refer to Horace’s epic theme (though not epic fo rm). However, Lucre tius also invokes Calliope: tu mihi supremae praescripta ad candida calcis / current spatium praemonstra, callida Musa / Calliope, requies hominum divo mque voluptas, / te duce ut insigni capiam cum laude coronam (Lucr. 6. 92-95). By mentioning Call iope as his inspiration, Col. is again emphasizing his connection with Lucretius Morever, Col.’s descriptions of his poem— tenui … carmen (40), gracili … carmina filo (227)—imply that he does not aspire to compose a longum melos in the epic sense. And yet his reference to being inspired by Calliope, in addition to his epic-style opening (see hortorum 1), suggests that Col. is flirting with higher poet ic ambitions. At Ov. Met 332-345, Calliope repr esents the Muses in the contest with the Pierides and sings of the abduction of Persephone (Met. 346-486); according to Hinds (1967, 5-7), in this passage Ovid is imitat ing and inviting comparison with Aratus. By making Calliope his Muse, Col. is inviting further comparison with Ovid (as well as Aratus) and placing himself firmly in t he poetic tradition of his predecessors. 227. Gracili connectere carmina filo: See tenui deducite carmen (40). 228-229. Quae canat … viridantibus hortis: Col. is again likening the poet to the gardener ( olitor ) as well as to the pruner ( putator ). The putator trims back the

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247 excess growth of the trees and vines: cf. summumque putator / haud dubitat terrae referens mandare cacumen ( G 2. 228-29); falce data frondator erat vitisque putator (Ov. Met 14. 649); cf. also 11. 2. 26, 32. Similarly, the poet must carefully prune and cultivate his writing: saepe stilum vertas, iterum quae digna legi sint / scripturus (Hor. Sat 1. 10. 72-73). 228. Musa modulante: For the inspiration of t he poet by the Muses, see Pierides … Musae (40); Calliope (225). Forster (1968, 26-27) treat Musa as impersonal, writing it lower-case and rendering musa modulante as “tunefully;” cf. silvestrem tenui musam meditaris avena ( Ecl 1. 2.); dum canit et maestum musa solatur amorem ( Aen 10. 191). Spring activities, resumed (lines 230-254) 230. Parvo discrimine sulci: See discrimine pectita tellus (94); contrast vibrato discrimine (186). Cf. also parvo discrimine leti (407). 231. Caecis nasturcia dira colubris: Nasturcium (also nasturtium, OLD ) is probably garden cress, Lepidium sativum L. (Andr 1956, 217; Andr 1985, 170), not the modern nasturtium (genus Tropaeolum ), which is ornamental (Wright 1984, 250, 526). Pliny ( HN 19. 155) offers an etymology for the name: nasturtium nomen accept a narium tormento Col. includes nasturtium among a group of plants that should be sown around the beginning of Se ptember or else in late February before the first of March (11. 2. 14). Pliny sa ys that it breaks from the gr ound on the seventh day after being sown from seed ( HN 19. 117). He lists nasturtium among a group of herbs that exist in only one variety ( HN 19. 123) and includes it am ong herbs whose taste he describes as acres ( HN 19. 186). He also discu sses its medicinal uses and

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248 distinguishes two kinds, album and nigrius ( HN 20. 127-130). In particular, he recommends nasturtium for treating intestinal parasites : semen [sc. nasturcii ] ex vino omnia intestinorum animalia pellit ( HN 20. 128; cf. Dsc. 2. 184); cf. indomito male sana cibo quas educat alvus (232). Ash (1930, 85) sugges ts that Col. is using colubris in place of lumbricis which will not fit into the meter; cf. lumbrici, qui fere nascuntur cruditibus (6. 25); de taeniis lumbricisque (Plin. HN 27. 145). See et lactis … nomine Graio (124-126). Richter (1981-1983 v. 2, 443) suggests that caecis describes the blindness of the parasites (“augenlosen”). Others interpret it to mean “hidden;” cf. caeci morbi, quorum causas ne medici quidem perspicere queunt (1. 5. 6); also cf. latens … coluber (Ov. Met 11. 775; cf. Boldrer 1996, 256). 233. Satureia: This is probably savory, Satureia hortensis L. (Andr 1956, 282; 1985, 227), also called summer savory (Van W yk 2004, 291). This is apparently the same plant which Col. elsewhere calls cunila : vel nostratis cunilae, quam satureiam rustici vocant ; (9. 4. 2); nostra cunila, quam dixi satureiam (9. 4. 4); haec [sc. cunila ] aput nos habet vocabulum et aliud satureia dicta (Plin. HN 19. 16). Pliny ( HN 20. 169173) distinguishes several types of cunila an d discusses their medicinal uses at length; he mentions that one particular variety is called panacea (Plin. HN 20. 169; see medica panacem lacrima 103). Col. recommends mixi ng savory seed with onion seed and sowing these around the beginni ng of February (11. 3. 57) He gives a recipe for preserving cunila (12. 7. 5) and includes cunila (12. 8. 2) and satureia (12. 8. 3) in different recipes for sour milk. He also includes satureia in a salad recipe (12. 59. 3-4).

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249 He distinguishes satureia from cunila when discussing pickling: haec conditura possit commode satureia viridis, et aeque viridis cunila servari (12. 7. 5). Thymi referens et thymbraeque saporem: Cf. saporis praecipui mella reddit thymum, eximio deinde proximum thymbra serpullu mque et origanum (9. 4. 6). Col. elsewhere links thymus and thymbrae as food for honeybees: floribus thymi et cunilae thymbraeque apes mella conficiunt (9. 14. 10); quae serotinis floribus thymi et origami thybraeque benignius apes alere possint (9. 14. 19). Thymus (also thymum from Greek ) is probably thyme, Thymus vulgaris L. or a type of savory, Satureia thymbra L. (Andr 1956, 315-316; 1985, 260; cf. Van Wyk 2004, 323). Like Col. (cf. also 9. 4. 6), Vergil remarks on the flavor that thymus gives to honey: cf. thymo mihi dulcior Hyblae ( Ecl 7. 57); redolentque thymo fragrantia mella ( G 4. 169). Pliny too discusses the im portance of thyme in making honey ( HN 21. 56-57); he also recommends thyme as a flavoring fo r elecampane in making a digestive tonic ( HN 19. 92). Col. includes thyme in a recipe fo r sour milk (12. 8. 2) and for preserving onions (12. 10. 2) and in a ty pe of salad (12. 59. 3-4). Thymbra (from Greek ) is probably a type of savory, Satureia thymbra L. or Satureia capitata L. = Thymus capitatus Hoff.-Link (Andr 1956, 315; 1985, 260). Vergil mentions it once: haec circum casiae virides et olentia late / serpulla et graviter spirantis copia thymbrae / floreat ( G 4. 30-32), where, accord ing to Consoli (1901, 129130) thymbra is a Vergilian neologism. Pliny ( HN 19. 165) remarks: ceteri [sc. appellant ] … thymbram vero quae sit cunila 234. Et tenero cucumis fragili cucurbita collo: Cucumis is the cucumber and cucurbita is the gourd. Both are members of the gourd family, Cucurbitaceae (Gough

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250 1996, 2). According to Col. cucumbers and gour ds are cultivated in similar ways (11. 3. 48-50): cucumis et cucurbita, cum copia est aquae, minorem curam desiderant (11. 3. 48). He admonishes the gardener not to allow a woman, particularly when menstruating, into a plot where cucumber s and gourds are growing (11. 3. 50). See also intortus cucumis praegnansque cucurbita serpit (380). Pliny remarks of cucumbers, cartilaginum generis extraque terram est cucumis ( HN 19. 64); then says of gourds, similis et cucurbitis natura, dumtaxat in nascendo ( HN 19. 69). Col. does not include cucumbers or gourds among the vegetables that can be pickled (12. 7, 12. 9); Pliny ( HN 19. 74) mentions that they can be preserved in brine. The cucumber is Cucumis sativa L. (Andr 1956, 106-107; 1985, 80). Col. discusses the cultivation of the cucu mber (11. 3. 51-53) and remarks: cucumis tener et iucundissimus fit, si ante quam se ras, semen eius lacte maceres (11. 3. 51). Pliny also discusses varities and cult ivation of cucumbers ( HN 19. 69-74, 20. 7-9) and their medicinal uses ( HN 20. 10). He says that it brea ks ground on the sixth day after being sown from seed ( HN 19. 117). He also mentions a wild cucumber, cucumis silvestris ( HN 20. 3). He cites Col. (11. 3. 52-53) for a method of growing cucumbers year round ( HN 19. 68). Vergil mentions cucumis once: tortusque per herbam / cresceret in ventrem ( G 4. 122), as one of the plants that woul d grow in the putative garden which he declines to write about ( G 4. 147-148). Richter (1957, 345) suggests that Vergil’s description is more appropriate fo r the gourd, and that Vergil used cucumis for metrical reasons (cf. Maggiulli 1995, 278); cf. Pliny’s description of the gourd at HN 19. 70. See also lividus et cucumis … collectus in orbem (389-391).

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251 Cucurbita is probably Lagenaria vulgaris Serv. (Andr 1956, 107-108; 1985, 80). Pliny discusses the varieties and cultivation ( HN 19. 69-74) and medicinal uses ( HN 20. 11-17) of the gourd. Fragili … collo : cf. vires sine adminiculo standi non sunt (Plin. HN 19. 69). He says that it comes up from t he ground on the seventh day after being sown from seed ( HN 19. 117). Vergil does not mention cucurbita 235. Hispida ponatur cinara: Cinara from Greek is the cardoon, Cinara cardunculus L. (Andr 1985, 66). Andr c hanged his opinion from his earlier Lexique (1956, 90), wher e he identified cinara as the artichoke, Cinara scolymus ). Marshall (1919, 124) also identifies cinara as the artichoke; but Sain t-Denis (1969a, 63) remarks: “L’artichaut, qui … est une forme amliore par la culture, a t obtenu au XVe sicle par les horticulteurs italiens.” According to Ash (1930, 86), the cardoon is a kind of thistle, related to the modern artichoke, Cynara scolymus ( Taylor’s Guide 1987, 292). Col. includes the cardoon wit h a group of plants whose seeds are best sown around the beginning of September or in February before the beginning of March (11. 3. 14) and gives further recommendations for its cultivat ion (11. 3. 28). Pliny does not use the word cinara but he describes the cultivation and preservation of the carduus ( HN 19. 152). He also discusses their medicina l properties and identifies two types of carduus one of which the Greeks call ( HN 20. 262-263). Vergil does not mention this plant. 235-236. Quae dulcis … grata canenti: Pliny ( HN 20. 262) remarks that the cardoon can allegedly stimulate thirst: radix cuiuscumque ex aqua decocta potoribus sitim facere narratur This would make singing difficul t, “because of its bitterness and its drying effect on the throat” (A sh 1930, 87). On the image of Apollo as a singer, cf.

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252 quondam cithara tacentem / suscitat Musam neque semper arcum / tendit Apollo (Hor. Carm 2. 10. 18-19); cantor Apollo (Hor. Ars P. 407). Col. has previously linked Apollo and Bacchus as sources of poetic inspiration: see ista canit … Euhie Paean (217-224). 235. Iaccho: Iacchus from Greek is the name of a god worshipped at Eleusis, perhaps perhaps originating in a cry of the initiates: ’ (Ar. Ran 316); cf. (Ar. Ran 398). Dionysus was also worshipped at Eleusis, and Iacchus became another name for Dionysus/Bacchus ( OCD ); cf florens volitabat Iacchus / cum thiaso Satyrorum et Nysigenis Silenis / te quaerens Ariadna (Catull. 64. 251-253); populus Alcidae gratissima, vitis Iaccho ( Ecl 7. 61). Like Bacchus it came to be used as metonymy (AG 641) for wine, as Col. is doing in this line; cf. multo madefactus Iaccho (309); cf. also inflatum hesterno venas Iaccho ( Ecl 6. 15). See munera Bacchi (3); sparge mero Bacchi, nam Bacchus condit odores (302). Iacchus is scanned as three syllabus, which reflects the scansion of in Greek; cf. multo madefactus Iaccho (309); dulcis Iacche (426); mystica vannus Iacchi ( G 1. 166); cf. also Ecl 6. 16, 7. 61; Catull. 64. 251. 237-241. Haec modo … tortos imitatur acanthos: Description of the cinara Saint-Denis (1969a, 63-64) argues that Col. is describing six successive stages in the development of the plant, rather than six different varieties. 237. Purpureo … corymbo: Cf. Pliny’s ( HN 20. 262) description of one variety of carduus : alter florem purpureum mi ttit inter medios aculeos celeriter canescentem et abeuntem cum aura Corymbus from Greek ( OLD ), appears in Vergil: vitis /

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253 diffusos hedera vestit pallente corymbos ( Ecl 3. 38-39); cf. racemis in orbem circumactis qui vocantur corymbi (Plin. HN 16. 146, describing ivy). 238. Murteolo … crine: Murteolus is a hapax in Col. for the more common murteus or myrteus (Boldrer 1996, 261; OLD ). For diminutives in Col., see reliquam pensiunculam … cultus hortorum (Pr. 1). For image of foliage as hair, see et curvi vomere … ne dubita (69-73). Tortos … acanthos: Acanthus from Greek is the acanthus, Acanthus mollis L. (Andr 1956, 14-15; Andr 1985, 2; Maggiulli 1995, 213-215). Cf. et molli circum est ansas amplexus acantho ( Ecl. 3. 45); tellus / mixtaque ridenti colocasia fundet acantho ( Ecl 4. 19-20); flexi … vimen acanthi ( G 4. 123).39 Andr and Maggiulli regard this as the second of the two vari eties of acanthus dist inguished by Pliny: alterum leve, quod aliqui paeder ota vocant, alii melamphyllum ( HN 22. 76). According to Pliny, the acanthus had ornamental, nutriti onal, and medicinal uses. Col. does not mention the acanthus elsewhere. 242-243. Sanguineis … flor ibus … arbos / Punica: The pomegranate tree, Punica granatum L.; the fruit is malum Punicum (Andr 1985, 153, 211). Col. says that beet seed should be planted when the pomegranate is flowering (11. 3. 17, 42). He includes pomegranates ( mala … granata, quae Punica vocantur ) in a recipe for a fruitbased medicinal syrup (12. 42. 1) and gives a long recipe for preserving pomegranates after harvesting (12. 46). Cf. circa Carthaginem Punicum malum cognomine sibi 39 According to Maggiulli (1995, 214-215) and Andr (1956, 14-15), Vergil’s bacas semper frondentis acanthi ( G 2. 119) refers to a different plant. There is another species of acanthus, Acanthus spinosus L., which is a tree rather than an herb; cf. the first type of acanthus mentioned by Pliny ( HN 22. 76). Maggiulli argues that Vergil at G 2. 119 is actually referring to Acacia arabica Willd, which he has confused with Acanthus spinosus L.

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254 vindicat; aliqui granatum appellant (Plin. HN 13. 112). Pliny distinguishes several varieties ( HN 13. 112-113) and discusses their medici nal effects and applications at length ( HN 23. 106-114). Pomegranate juice mixed with coriander seed is a treatment for internal parasites (Plin. HN 20. 218). Vergil does not m ention the pomegranate. 242. Sanguineis floribus: Red is the distinguishing co lor of the pomegranate; cf. quae rutilo mitescit tegmine grani (243). Pliny remarks on its use as a source for reddish dye: idoneus et tinguendis vestibus, quarum color inde nomen accept (HN 13. 113). Ash (1930, 87) remarks that the pomegranate was “so called, some think, from the red ( puniceus ) color of its flowers and fruit,” whic h inverts Pliny’s explanation of the name. 244. † Tempus haris satio † : Rodgers (2010, 411) remarks that tempus haris is “locus nondum sanatus;” Postgate and Boldrer also obelize this passage. No proposed emendation has found general acc eptance. The other modern editors print the text without obeli. Santoro, Fo rster, and Richter print aris a late ms. reading, in place of haris Ash (1930, 88) remarks, “I find no reason to doubt the te stimony of the mss.;” he takes tempus in apposition with the nominative satio40 and haris as a dative of reference (AG 376); cf. vere fabis satio ( G 1. 215).41 I have adopted Ash’s grammatical interpretation in my translation because the text is probably corrupt, and Ash’s solution is serviceable and defensible. 40 This is more common with an infinitive: cf. tempus decidere caules (368); papaver / tempus humo tegere ( G 1. 213-214); iam tempus equum fumantia solvere colla ( G 2. 542). See AG 504 n. 2; OLD s.v. tempus 8c. 41 Col. expresses the same idea with the gerundive and gerund: tempora … serendis / seminibus (35-36), sunt tempora quamque serendi (189).

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255 Haris: Aron or aros ( arum OLD ), from Greek is the colocasia or Elephant’s ear, Colocasia antiquorum Schott = Arum colocasia L. (Andr 1956, 41-42; 1985, 26; cf. Colocasia esculenta antiquorum Wright 2004, 376).42 Pliny describes it in his section on bulbs: est inter genera [sc. bulborum ] et quod in Aegypto aron vocant … radice mollioris naturae, quae estur et cruda ( HN 19. 96). Vergil does not mention this plant. Although the quantity of the -icannot be determined due to the position of haris in the line, given the nominative forms attested haris must be dative plural rather than genitive singular. Famosaque tunc coriandra: Coriandrum from Greek is coriander, Coriandrum sativum L. (Andr 1956, 100; Andr 1985, 75). According to Andr, comes from “dogwood” because its odor recalls that of dogwood. Saint-Denis (1969a, 64) suggests that this reputation explains Col.’s epithet famosa Col. includes coriander among a group of plants whose seeds can be sown twice a year, around 1 September or in February before 1 March (11. 3. 14) and lists it among a group of plants that need very little cultivatio n other than manuring and weeding (11. 3. 29). He includes coriander in a recipe for pickling lepidium (12. 8. 3). Pliny includes coriander among a group of herbs that exist in only one variety ( HN 19. 123). He mentions that coriander does not grow wild and that it has a variety of medicinal applications, both topi cal and internal ( HN 20. 216-218). Vergil does not mention coriander. 42 According to Andr (1985, 26), aron can also refer to the dragon plant, Arum dracunculus L. ( Dracunculus vulgaris Wright 2004, 376). Pliny describes a silvestris arus also called dracontium or dracunculus ( HN 24. 142).

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256 245. Gracili … cumino: Cuminum or cyminum ( OLD ), from Greek is cumin, Cuminum cyminum L. (Andr 1956, 108-109; 1985, 81; Van Wyk 2004, 407). Pliny ( HN 19. 160) says that cumin is condimentorum … amicissumum .43 He describes its growing conditions and medicinal applications ( HN 19. 161), and he cites a claim by Varro that cumin and coriander mi xed with vinegar will act as a preservative for meat during the summer ( HN 20. 218). Col. includes cumin in a recipe for preserving black olives (12. 51. 1-2). Ve rgil does not mention cumin. Gracilis is not elsewhere applied to cumin, but cf. gracili … hibisco ( Ecl 10. 71); gracilis … harundo (Ov. Am 1. 7. 55). Melanthia: Melant ( h ) ium or melant ( h ) ion ( OLD ), from Greek (from ), is black cumin, Nigella sativa L. (Andr 1985, 157; Taylor’s Guide 1987, 424)44 Andr (1956, 149, 204; 1985, 110-111) identifies this with git : cf. git ex Graecis alii melanthion, alii melaspermon vocant (Plin. HN 20. 182).45 Pliny says that git is used in baking ( HN 19. 167-168; cf. Van Wyk 2004, 216) and has a variety of medicinal applications ( HN 20. 182-184). Vergil does not mention melanthion or git Grata cumino: “Columelle veut dire que le s deux plantes font bon mnage, parce qu’elles fournissent des graines ayant une odeur aromatique tr s forte” (SaintDenis 1969a, 64). Neither Co l. nor Pliny specifically mentions a combination of 43 Pliny identifies a second variety, wild cumin: alterum eius genus silvestre, quod rusticum vocant, alii Thebaicum ( HN 19. 161); according to Andr, wild cumin is Lagoecia cuminoides L. 44 Ash (1930, 89) and Forster (1968, 27) render melanthia as “fennel-flowers” (also LS). 45 LS identifies git as “Roman coriander.”

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257 melanthium / git and cumin as a seasoning. For gratus in this sense, cf. lotus habet … interius candidum corpus, gratum cibis crudum sed gratius decoctum (Plin. HN 13. 110). 246. Et baca asparagi spinosa prosilit herba: Asparagus from Greek is cultivated asparagus, or sativus asparagus (cf. 11. 3. 43), Asparagus officinalis L. (Andr 1956, 44; Andr 1985, 28). This is distinguished from wild asparagus, corruda (Andr 1956, 102; 1985, 76): cf. asparagi corruda simillima filo (375); sativi asparagi et quam corrudam rustici vocant (11. 3. 43); corrudam — hunc enim intellego silvestrem asparagum, quem Graeci aut vocant aliisque nominibus (Plin. HN 19. 151). Wild asparagus wa s considered the source of cultivated asparagus: cf. ibi corrudam serito, unde asparagi fiant (Cato Agr 6. 4); omnium in hortis rerum laut issima cura asparagus. de origine eorum e silvestribus corrudis abunde dictum (Plin. HN 19. 145); silvestres fecerat natura corrudas … ecce altiles spectantur asparagi ( HN 19. 54). Col. (11. 3. 43-46) and Pliny ( HN 19. 151) describe elaborate procedures for sowing, tr ansplanting, and cultivating asparagus. Col. gives a recipe for pickling asparagus (12. 7. 1-3). Pliny remarks: inter utilissimos stomacho cibos asparagi traduntur. cumino quide m addito inflationes stomachi colique discutiunt ( HN 20. 108) and remarks on various intern al and topical applications for both cultivated and wild asparagus ( HN 20. 108-111). Vergil does not mention asparagus. Baca: Boldrer (1996, 265) remarks that this is a unique use of baca in association with asparagus. See Palladiae baca (121). Spinosa … herba: This describes the shape of asparagus; cf spinosarum [sc. herbarum ] multae species. in totum spina est asparagus, scorpio, nullum enim folium habent (Plin. HN 21. 91).

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258 247. Moloche, prono sequitur quae vertice solem: Moloche also malache and malva from Greek or is the mallow, Malva silvestris L. (Andr 1956, 194-196, 210; Andr 1985, 151-152, 163). Pliny distinguis hes between the cultivated and the wild mallow: in magnis laudibus malva est utra que et sativa et silvestris … maiorem Graeci malopen vocant in sativis, alteram ab emoliendo ventre dictam putant malachen ( HN 20. 222) and discusses its many and varied medicinal uses ( HN 20. 222230). Pliny includes the mallow in a list of plants that should be sown at the autumn equinox ( HN 19. 170) and comments on its growth habits ( HN 19. 62-63). On the mallow as a food, cf. me pascunt olivae / me chicorea levesque malvae (Hor. Carm 1. 31. 14-15). Vergil does not mention the mallow.46 Prono … vertice: Theophrastus ( Hist. pl 7. 8. 1) groups the mallow ( ) among plants that are having stems low to the ground. For pronus describing a low-bending plant, cf. tenerum prono deflectens pondere corpus (Catull. 62. 51). Sequitur … quae solem: Ash (1930, 89), Saint-Deni s (1969a, 264), and Boldrer (1996, 266) cite Theophrastus ( Hist. pl 7. 8. 1) as evidence fo r the heliotropism of the mallow. However, this appears to be a mi sreading of Theophrastus. He describes several plants, including the mallow, as and adds: Thus is a noun referring to an additional plant with a low stem, not an adjective describin g an additional property of the mallow. Boldrer further suggests that the image is dr awn from the story of the nymph Clytie, 46 Col. mentions the mallow only one other time, in passing, when discussing the proper time of year ( quo tempore malvae florent ) to employ certain methods for ridding beehives of moths (9. 14. 9).

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259 turned into a heliotropic plant thro ugh unrequited love of Apollo: cf. tantum spectabat euntis / ora dei vultusque suos flectebat ad illum (Ov. Me t. 4. 264-265). For the phrase sequitur … solem cf. solem certissima signa sequentur ( G 1. 439). 248-250. Quaeque tuas … bryonias alligat alnos: Describes bryony, whose name, bryonias is postponed until the third line (250). Just as bryony grows amid the thorns, Col. has buried its name in a nest of descriptive phrases. For a similar postponement of the plant name, see nomine tum Graio … pede candida beta (252254). 248. Tuas … Nysie, vitis: For this direct address to Bacchus in the context of plants, cf. te, Bacche, canam, necnon silvestria tecum / virgulta ( G 2. 2-3) Nysie: See ista canit … Euhie Paean (217-224), esp. Nyseia per iuga Bacchi (221). Vitis: The cultivated vine, Vitis vinifera L. (Andr 1956, 333; 1985, 273). See palmitibusque feris (14); Bacchi genus (38). 249. Nec metuit sentis: Cf. nec metuit surgentis pampinus austros ( G 2. 333); for the context, cf. Plin. HN 23. 27-28; see bryonias (250). Sentis ... vepribus: Sentis and vepris both used more often in the plural (Andr 1956, 290, 326) are general terms for a thorn bush; cf. Col.’s advice for creating a hedge wall around the garden: oportebit autem virgeam s aepem interponere quam super se pandant sentes utriusque sulci … hunc veprem manifestum est interimi non posse, nisi radicitus effodere velis (11. 3. 7); cf. also: incultisque rubens pendebit sentibus uva ( Ecl 4. 29); liberantur arva sentibus, qui aestivo tempore … recisi plerumque radicitus intereunt (6. 3. 1); harundines binas applicabimus singulis viticulis,

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260 aut … de vepribus hastilia (4. 12. 1); sunt [sc. ranae ] quae in vepribus tantum vivunt (Plin. HN 32. 50). For the bramble bush, see nec cruribus aequa / terga rubi (21-22). Improba: Cf. labor omnia vincit / improbus ( G 1. 145-146); also certam quatit improbus hastam ( Aen 11. 767). Boldrer (1996, 267) point s out that this is the first attested use of improbus to describe a plant. For the sense of improbus here, cf. OLD s.v. improbus 4 “shameless,” 5 “immoderate.” improba agrees with bryonias (250). 250. Achradas: See achrados (15). Achradas is a Greek accusative plural form (AG 81-82). Indomitasque … alnos: Alnus is the alder, which is found in Italy in three species: Alnus cornifolia Ten., Alnus glutinosa Gaertn., and Alnus incana Moench (Andr 1956, 24; 1985, 10-11); Pl iny includes the alder among trees that do not bear fruit ( HN 16. 108) and remarks: folia alni ex fervent aqua remedia sunt tumoris ( HN 24. 74). Vergil mentions the al der several times in the Eclogues and Georgics :47 cf. atque solo proceras erigit alnos ( Ecl 6. 63);48 tunc alnos primum fluvii sensere cavatas ( G 1. 136); crassique paludibus alni / nascuntur ( G 2. 110-111). This is Col.’s only mention of the alder. Indomitas: Cf. adacta in terram in palustr ibus alnus aeterna onerisque quantilibet patiens (Plin. HN 16. 219); cf. also HN 16. 173. 47 Maggiulli (1995, 224-225) asserts that Vergil is referring to Alnus glutinosa Gaertn. 48 Clausen (1994, 199) suggests that in having t he sisters of Phaethon turn to alders—a detail unique to his version—Vergil was recalling the alders around the Po where he grew up in northern Italy; cf. nec non et torrentem undam levis innata alnus / missa Pado ( G 2. 451-452).

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261 Alligat alnos: Boldrer (1996, 268) points out this alliteration, followed in the next two lines by proxima primae (252) and mucrone magistri (253). See tunc quoque … sarcula sumat (91). Bryonias: Bryonias or bryonia from Greek ,49 can refer to two different plants: red bryony, also called white bryony,50 Bryonia dioca Jacq.; or black briony, Tamus communis L. (Andr 1956, 59; 1985, 39; cf Van Wyk 2004, 72). Pliny ( HN 23. 24) distinguishes between bryonia alba (also called vitis alba HN 23. 21) and bryonia nigra (also called nigra vitis HN 23. 26-27), both of which have medical uses ( HN 23. 21-28). White bryony is also called vitis alba ; black bryony is also called t ( h ) amnus or vitis nigra (Andr 1956, 310-311, 333; 1985, 255, 273). Boldrer (1996, 267-268) suggests that Col. is referring in this passage to black bryony; cf. est ergo et nigra, quam proprie bryoniam vocant … in fr utectis et harundinetis maxime nascitur (Plin. HN 23. 27-28). Pliny lists tamnus among wild plants used for food ( HN 21. 86) and eaten by deer ( HN 8. 112). Col. includes vitis alba and tamnum in a list of plants that can be pickled following the recipe he gives (12. 7. 1-3). The nominative form bryonias is not found elsewhere ( OLD ; Boldrer 1996, 268).51 Vergil does not mention either type of bryony. See vitibus albis (347); thamni (373). 49 Andr (1985, 39) links with “to teem, abound, bloom.” 50 The true white bryony, Bryonia alba is, however, a different plant (Van Wyk 2004, 72). 51 Richer (1981-1983 v. 2, 444) proposes the reading bryonia colligat in place of bryonias alligat to avoid the unique bryonias of the mss. Boldrer (1996, 268) responds: “il testo tradito preferibile anche considerando altre forme originali di nomi di piante usate nel carme (v. 313 caunis ; 422 bunias ).” Bryonias is plausible as a Greek first-declension nominative singular form, though in Latin such forms are generally only seen in masculine personal names, such as Aeneas (AG 44).

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262 252-254. Nomine tum Graio … pede candida beta: As he did with bryony (248250), Col. postpones the name of the plant until the third line, after several descriptive phrases. 252-253. Nomine … Graio / … littera proxima primae: The Latin name of the beet, beta is the same as that of the se cond letter of the Greek alphabet; cf. ‘muraena et littera’: murem cum rana al ligata fascemque betae (Petron. Sat 56. 9; Trimalchio give his guests parting gifts bas ed on puns). The verbal connection between a vegetable planted in the garden and a letter scratched on a waxed tablet is another link between the gardener’s work and the poet’s. Col.’s pun is difficult to render in English; “be(e)ta” is my attempt in the translation. 252. In cera docti mucrone magistri: “ Cera designa per metonomia la tavoletta cerata” (Boldrer 1996, 269); cf. cera notata manu (Ov. Am 1. 11. 14); cera referta notis (Ov. Am 1. 12. 8); defixit nomina cera (Ov. Am 3. 7. 29). The reading docti probably based on a conjecture, is found in one or more late mss. (Rodgers 2010, xxviii, 411) and is printed by all modern editors except Postgate, Marsili, and Boldrer. These three print docto the reading found in most mss., including the oldest ones. Bold rer (1996, 296) defends docto not only on paleographical grounds, but comments, “in nesso con mucrone anche pi espressivo, essendo pertinente al magister ma riferito per ipallage al suo st rumento personificato.” For similar personification and hypallage (AG 640), cf. medius docta cuspide Bacchus erit (Prop. 2. 30. 38); doctae … tabellae (Prop. 3. 23. 1); te similem doctae referet mihi linea cerae (Stat. Silv 3. 3. 201). The strengt h of the ms. tradition and the evidence of similar constructions are persuasive argu ments in favor of the reading docto In addition, the

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263 construction of docto mucrone is thus parallel with that of ferratae cuspidis in the next line (253): the adjective modifies the nam e of the tool immediately following it. Mucrone: While Col. elsewhere uses mucro to refer to a gardening tool (87), here he uses it for a writing stylus; cf. saepe stilum vertas, iterum quae digna legi sint / scripturus (Hor. Sat 1. 10. 72-73). This reinfo rces the connection between the gardener and the poet: just as the letter beta pangitur … docto mucrone magistri (252), the garden beet ferratae cuspidis ictu / deprimitur (253-254). 253. Humo pingui: For Col.’s description of the earth as pinguis see pinguis ager putres glebas (7); Cypros item Paphio … pinguis in arvo (187). Ferratae cuspidis ictu: Col. is using cuspis to refer to a gardeni ng tool of some sort. Saint-Denis (1969a, 64) states that this is the paxillus : isque palus … vel deponendus est, vel, prius paxillo perforato solo, altius adfigendus (4. 16. 3). However, the paxillus seems to be a kind of peg or ot her small piercing implement; cf. paxillis adactis tabulae superponantur (8. 8. 3); et in fico quidem dodrentales paxillis solo patefacto seruntur (Plin. HN 17. 154).52 Boldrer (1996, 270) suggests that Col. may be referring to the pastinum which Col. elsewhere explicitly de scribes as a planting tool: pastinum vocant agricolae ferramentum bifurcum quo semina panguntur (3. 18. 1). White (1967, 109) renders pastinum as “dibble” and includes it am ong the forks, or pronged implements;53 he also suggests (1967, 17) that the name is related to pastinare to trench. 52 White (1967) does not mention the paxillus 53 Varro does not mention the pastinum Isidore mentiones a pastinatum and describes it very much like the way Col. describes the pastinum : pastinatum vocant agricolae ferramentum bifurcum quo

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264 Ferratae: Cf. ferrato … robore palae (45). Cuspidis ictu: Cf. sed non Dardaniae medicari cu spidis ictum / evaluit ( Aen 7. 756-757); Achilles / totaque Peliacae sternebat cuspidis ictu / agmina (Ov. Met 12. 7375); nam sterilis [sc. terra ] … facile deprehenditur vel uno ictu cuspidis (Plin. HN 17. 33). 254. Folio viridis, pede candida beta: Beta is the beet. Pliny distinguishes two varieties: eius [sc. betae ] quoque a colore duo genera Graeci faciunt, nigrum et candidius, quod praeferunt … appellantque Sicilium (Plin. HN 19. 132). Col. is apparently describing beta candida or beta alba which is Beta cicla L.;54 cf. pallentia robora betae (326). The other variety, beta nigra or beta rubra is Beta vulgaris L. (Andr 1956, 53; Andr 1985, 35; cf. Taylor’s Guide 1987, 95, 97, 306). Col. indicates the best time to plant beets: nam semen betae, cum Puni cum malum florebit, tum demum optime seritur (11. 3. 17; cf. also 11. 3. 42). Pliny remarks: beta hortensiorum levissima est ( HN 19. 132). He also discusses its nature, cultivation—repeating the same advice found in Col. about the best so wing time—and the ways it is customarily eaten ( HN 19. 132-135) as well as its medicinal uses ( HN 20. 69-71). Pliny ( HN 20. 72) also mentions a wild beet: est et beta silvestris, quam lim onium vocant, alii neuroidem ; this is Beta maritima L. (Andr 1985, 35). Pl iny indicates that it is used primarily to treat semina panguntur (Isid. Etym 20. 14. 8). White (1967, 109) argues that Isidore is simply repeating Col. but has gotten the name of the tool wrong. 54 Or Beta vulgaris cicla Swiss chard or leaf beet ( Taylor’s Guide 1987, 242-243, 396). “The beet … is a relatively modern vegetable, fo r it was not until the sixteenth cent ury that it became popular for its root. Prior to this time the Gree ks, Romans, and Europeans of the Middl e Ages grew leaf beet, or what is now known as Swiss chard” (Faust 1975, 86).

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265 burns and dysentery, and as a stain remover ( HN 20. 72). Vergil does not mention the beet. Folio viridis: For viridis with the ablative, cf. viridissima gramine ripa ( G 3. 144); area gramineo … viridissima prato (Ov. Am 3. 5. 5). Pede: For pes used to denote the stalk of a pl ant, cf. 12. 7. 1; 12. 36; cf. tralaticio, ut a pede nostro pes lecti ac betae (Varro, Ling 6. 55). First harvest (lines 255-310) 255. Odoratis messis iam floribus instat: Col. begins his harvest with a variety of fragrant flowers (256-261). He later por trays the gardener as taking his harvested flowers to market to be sold (303-310); cf. “Flowers had l ong been a profitable side crop for farmers living near cities ” (Jashemski, 1979-1983 v.1, 279). These flowers were most likely grown to be made in to garlands or chaplets for religious purposes (cf. 261-262), or valued fo r their fragrance as a source of perfume (cf. 302); according to Jashemski (1979-1983 v. 1, 287), “flowers grown at Pompeii in antiquity were used for two purposes, fo r making perfume and fo r garlands.” Pliny remarks: in hortis seri et coronamenta iussit Cato ( HN 22. 1); he also discusses at great length a wide variety of flowers and leaves t hat are cultivated primarily to made into garlands, chosen for their color or fragrance ( HN 22. 2-69). Jashemski (1979, 267-269) remarks: “There was a thriving business in garlands and wreaths at Pompeii” and notes the many depictions of garlands on Pompeiian wall paintings. On the importance of garlands, Lawson (1950, 98) remarks: “The value of flowers in beds and borders as a decorative feat ure of the small garden was little recognized by the Romans. A flower was not truly appreciated until it was cut: then it

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266 received a religious significance.” Cf. also: “Flowers played an important part in the life of the ancient Romans. They were much in demand for festivals, banquets, birthdays, weddings, games, and funerals. A garland was the proper gift to honor not only the gods but also the living and the dead” (Jashemski 1979-1983 v. 1, 267). Crowns and garlands are al so the emblem of the poet: mollia, Pegasides, date vestro serta poetae: / non faciet capiti dura corona meo (Prop. 3. 1. 19-20). 256-257. Iam ver purpureum, iam … gaudet: Cf. Ecl 9. 40-41 hic ver purpureum, varios hic flumina circum / fundit humus flores The beginning of the line also recalls iam ver egelidos refert tepores (Catull. 46. 1). 258. Phrygiae caltae: The reading caltae is Pontedera’s conjecture, accepted by Rodgers (2010, xxiv, 411). The mss. read lotae ; this was emended by Iucundus in the 1514 Aldine edition to loti (Rodgers 2010, 411; cf. SaintDenis 1969a, 40; Ash 1930, 91), which is printed by all recent edi tors except Marsili, who prints lotae Marsili (1962, 25), however, suspects that loti may be correct, and suggests a process in the textual transmission that might have resulted in the ms. reading: loti > lote > lotae It is also possi ble that the preceding Phrygiae could have influenced the scribes to alter loti to lotae (cf. Boldrer 1996, 272) if Phyriae was interpreted as an adjective and a scribe did not realize that lotus is feminine; cf. Reynolds 1991, 230. Lotus from Greek is used to refer to a num ber of different plants, particularly the European hackberry, Celtis australis L.; the wild jujube, Zizyphus lotus Willd.; and Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn., which is the modern lotus (Andr 1956, 189-190; Andr 1985, 147-148; Wright 1984, 154, 214; Van Wyk 2004, 213).

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267 One perceived difficulty wit h accepting the reading loti is that there is no apparent connection between the lotus and Phrygia; it is generally associated with Africa: cf. Africa … insignem arborem lot on gignit, quam vocat celthim (Plin. HN 13. 104); (Theophr. Hist. pl. 4. 3. 1). Another difficulty is that lotus generally refers to a kind of tree, as in the preceding examples, whereas in this section Col. is describing flowering plants; yet Pliny ( HN 13. 107) remarks: haec est natura arboris [i.e., loti ]. est autem eodem nomine et herba, et in Aegypto caulis in palustrium genere Boldrer (1996, 272; cf. Andr 1985, 148) suggests that Col. may be referring to a trefoil, perhaps Trifolium fragiferum L. (cf. Wright 1984, 480; Andr 1985, 148), or the melilotus Melilotus messaniensis L. or perhaps Melilotus officinalis L., known as sweet clover (Van Wyk 2004, 203; cf. Andr 1985, 158; Wernsdorf 1794, 93-94). Melilotus or melilotum is from Greek (Andr 1985, 158); cf. Theophr. HP 7. 15. 3). Pliny remarks: melilotos ubique nascitur, laudatissa tame n in Attica, ubicumque vero recens nec candicans et croco quam simillim a, quamquam in Italia odoratior candida ( HN 21. 64). He also includes it among flowers used to make garlands, and observes: melilotum quod sertulam Campanam vocamus ( HN 21. 53). Cf pars thyma, pars rhoean, pars meliloton amat (Ov. Fast 4. 440). Cf. at cui lactis amor, cytisum lotosque frequentis / ipse manu salsasque ferat praesepibus herbas ( G 3. 394-395). Col. (7. 9. 6) specifically includes lotus in a list of trees—as distinguished from bushes or lo w-growing plants—that can provide wild fodder for pigs. Boldrer (1996, 272) and Ash (1930, 91) suggest that Col. might have been influenced by the existence of a Phrygian fl ute, which was made of lotus-wood; cf. ad

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268 tibiarum cantus [sc. lotus ] expetitur (Plin. HN 13. 106); ludicrae [sc. tibiae ] vero e loto (Plin. HN 16. 172); ut strepit assidue Phrygiam ad Nilotica loton (Sil. Pun 11. 430). Schneider accepts Pontedera’s conjecture caltae on analogy with flaventia lumina caltae (97) and flammeola … calta (307), both of which occur in context with the same flowers mentioned in this passage: “pr aeterea tribus in locis noster eosdem flores una nominat” (Schneider 1794, vol. 2 pt. 2, 533.) This is a cl ever argument, particularly in light of the other two pass ages where Col. mentions the calta However, no one arguing for this reading suggests any particular connection between the calta and Phrygia, or offers a po ssible explanation for how caltae could have been corrupted in transmission to lotae No previous commentator has remarked on the similarity between caltae and celtis which, according to Pliny ( HN 13. 104), is another name for the African lotus While the similarity in context between this line and calta in lines 97 and 307 is striking, it does not seem to be a sufficient reason to reject the testimony of the mss. out of hand. In addition, Marsili and Boldrer offe r plausible explanations for the corruption of loti to the ms. reading lotae While acknowledging the persuasiveness of the context of lines 97 and 307, on balance it is best to follow the majority of modern editors and read loti which I have done in my translation. gemmantia: See gemment (37). 259. Violaria: Beds of violets; cf. sub urbe colere hortos late expedit, sic violaria ac rosaria (Varro, Rust 1. 16. 3); inriguumque bibant violaria fontem ( G 4. 32). For viola the violet, see quae pallet … viola (101-102). 260. Leo: See hiantis saeva leonis / ora feri (98-99).

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269 260-261. Et ingenuo … rosa praebet honores: For the comparison of a maiden’s blushes to roses, cf. flagrantis perfusa genas, cui plurimus ignem / subiecit rubor … / … aut mixta rubent ubi lilia multa / alba rosa ( Aen 12. 65-66, 68-69); at illi / conscia purpureus venit in ore pudor / … quale rosae fulgent inter sua lilia mixtae (Ov. Am 2. 5. 33-34, 37). Col. reverses the simile and compares the ruddiness of the rose to a maiden’s blushes.55 See nimium rosa plena pudoris (102). For the rose, see Paestique rosaria (37). 261-262. Rosa praebet honores / caelitibus: More garlands (cf. 255): “The statues and shrines of the gods were wreathed in flowers, especially the rose” (Ash 1930, 91); cf. saepe deum nexis ornatae torquibus arae ( G 4. 276); nos delubra deum miseri … festa velamus fronde per urbem ( Aen 2. 248-249); nunc alii flores, nunc nova danda rosa est (Ov. Fast 138). 262. Sabaeum mulcet odorem: Saba was in SW Arabia, the area known as Arabia Felix ( NP ), and was proverbial for its incense; cf. India mittit ebur, molles sua tura Sabaei ( G 1. 57); centumque Sabaeo / ture calent arae sertisque recentibus halant ( Aen 1. 416-417). Mulcet is Housman’s conjecture, printed by Rodgers (2010, xx, xxiii, 412). According to Boldrer (1996, 275), Housman based this on Arabum Suriis mulcebit odores (Man. 5. 264). The mss. read miscet which is printed by a ll other recent editors; cf. mixtos … odores (Lucr. 2. 852); sic positae [sc. arbores ] quoniam suavis miscetis odores ( Ecl 2. 55). There is no need to reject t he ms. reading; as Boldrer (1996, 275) 55 Ash (1930, 91) asserts that genas in this line should be understoon as oculos (cf. et conniventes oculos violaria solvent, 259), which seems to make more sense with adaperta Yet this completely overlooks Col.’s deliberate use of the blushing maiden / red rose trope.

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270 remarks of Housman’s proposed emendation: “congettura brillante ma, credo, non necessaria.” 263-281. Nunc vos Pegasidum … convivia pratis: In the midst of his section on the flower harvest, Col. invokes a variety of minor female deities who are all associated with specific wild places that have mythological connections. For Col.’s invocations of the Muses, see 40, 225. 263. Pegasidum comites Acheloidas: The Achelous, Greece’s longest river, is in Aetolia, in central Greece ( NP ); in myth, the daughters of Achelous, the Acheloides are the Sirens; cf. vobis, Acheloides, unde / pluma ped esque avium, cum virginis ora geratis? (Ov. Met 5. 552-553). Also in the form Acheloiades : cf. Acheloiadumque relinquit / Sirenum scopulos (Ov. Met 14. 87-88). Acheloidas is a Greek thirddeclension accusative plural form (A G 82) and scans as five syllabus. The Pegasidae are the Muses; cf. at mihi Pegasides blandissima carmina dictant (Ov. Her 15. 17); mollia, Pegasides, date vestro serta poetae: / non faciet capiti dura corona meo (Prop. 3. 1. 19-20). In origin the term refers to the winged horse Pegasus because of his connection with Hippocrene, a spring on Helicon associated with the Muses: visus eram molli recumbans Heliconis in umbra, / Bellerophontei qua fluit umor equi (Prop. 3. 3. 1-2); dicite quae fontes Aganippidos Hippocrenes / grata Medusaei signa tenetis equi (Ov. Fast 5. 7-8); … … (Hes. Theog 5-7). Pegasus was thought to have created Hippocrene by striki ng the ground with his hoof; cf. virgineumque Helicona petit. quo monte potita / constiti t et doctas sic est adfata soro res: / fama novi fontis nostras pervenit ad aures, / dura M edusaei quem praepet is ungula rupit (Ov. Met 5.

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271 254-257); (Paus. 3. 31. 3); cf. Ov. Fast. 3. 449-458. The name Pegasus is possibly connected to stream or spring (LSJ; cf. Hi nds 1987, 5). Hinds (1987, 6-9) shows how Ovid’s account of the origin of Hippocrene ( Met 5. 250-257) is in many ways a reworking of Aratus’ ( Phaen 216-224). By alluding to the story here, Col. invites further comparison with both Ovid and Aratus two poetic predecessors whom he often quotes and alludes to. 264. Maenaliosque choros Dryadum: Maenalus refers to a mountain range in Arcadia ( NP ; cf. Plin. HN 4. 21). It was associated with Pan; cf. Maenalus argutumque nemus pinosque loquentis / semper habet, semper pastorum ille audit amores / Panaque, qui primus cala mos non passus inertis ( Ecl 8. 22-24); Pan, ovium custos, tua si tibi Maenala curae ( G 1. 17); Maenalio sacra relicta deo (Ov. Fast 4. 650). But see et te Maenalium, te Bacchum, teque Lyaeum (249). Boldrer (1996, 276) comments: “solo qui … Maenalus attribuito alle Driadi.” See quae iuga Cyllenes et opaci rura Lycaei (266); Ovid also mentions Maenalus, Cyllene, and Lycaeum together ( Met 1. 216-217). Pliny lists Cyllene, Lycaeum, and Maenalus among the mountains of Arcadia ( HN 4. 21). Choros Dryadum: Dryades are tree nymphs; cf. at chorus aequalis Dryadum clamore supremos / implerunt montis ( G 4. 460-461); Satyri Dryadesque chorus egere puellae / Naiadum in coetu ( Culex 116-117). Nymphasque Napaeas: Nymphs are female natur e spirits in human form ( NP ). Napaeae are nymphs of wooded vales (Greek ); cf. et facilis venerare Napaeas ( G

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272 4. 535). The similarity in sound between nymphas and Napaeas is an example of paronomasia (AG 641). 265. Nemus Amphrysi: The Amphrysus is “a river in Thessaly, near which Apollo fed the flocks of Admetus” ( OLD ); cf. Ovid, Met 1. 580, 7. 229. It is thus particularly associated with Apollo; cf. et te memoranda cane mus / pastor ab Amphryso ( G 3. 2-3, addressi ng Apollo); cf. quae contra breviter fata est Amphrysia vates ( Aen 6. 398, of the Cumaean Sibyl). Thessala Tempe: Tempe was the valley of the river Peneus, in Thessaly, between Mt. Ossa and Mt. Olympus ( NP ); cf. pastor Aristaeus fugiens Peneia Tempe ( G 4. 317); sublimis rapitur subiectaque Thessala Tempe (Ov. Met 7. 222); cf. also Ov. Met 1. 568-569. It was associated with Apollo ; according to Pausanias (10. 5. 9), Tempe is where Daphne, fleeing Apollo, was changed to a laurel tree (cf. Ov. Met 1. 525-567). 266. Iuga Cyllenes: Cyllene is a mountain range in Arcadia ( NP ); it was sacred to Hermes, who was thought to have been born in a cave there (cf. Mercurius … quem candida Maia / Cyllenae gelido conceptum vertice fudit ( Aen 8. 139); Cyllenia proles ( Aen 4. 258, referring to Mercury); cf. also Ov. Fasti. 5. 87-88. Cyllenes is the Greek genitive singular (AG 82). See also Maenaliosque choros Dryadum (264). Opaci rura Lycaei: Lycaeum was a mountain in Ar cadia at the border with Elis and Messenia, home of shrines to Zeus and to Pan ( NP ); cf. viridis … summa Lycaei ( G 4. 539). See also Maenaliosque choros Dryadum (264). 267. Antraque Castaliis semper rorantia guttis: Castalia was a spring at Delphi, sacred to Apollo and the Muses ( NP ). Cf. sed me Parnasi deserta per ardua

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273 dulcis / raptat amor; iuvat ire iugis, ubi nulla priorum / Castaliam molli devertitur orbita clivo ( G 4. 291-293). For antra … rorantia cf. rorantia … astra ( Aen 3. 567). 268-274. Et quae Sicanii … Proserpina regno: Col. here alludes to the story of the abduction of Persephone by Hades. Cf. Ov. Met 5. 385-408; Fast. 4. 425-454; Hom. Hymn Dem 1-32. This story and its aftermath illustrate the cycle of fertility, which Col. is elucidating in his poem. The abduc tion of Persephone led to the establishment of the annual cycle of growth, death, and rebi rth, which Col.’s gardener follows from year to year. Hinds (1987, 5-7) poi nts out that Ovid ( Met 385-408) tells the story of Persephone in the context of a poetic c ontext between the Muses and the Pierides ( Met 5. 294-678). He argues that Ovid thus shows that he understands that poetic imitation is a kind of rivalry: in this instance, he is imit ating and transforming Aratus, and thus engaging in rivalry with him, in his account of the origin of Hippocrene. By referring to this story, Col. is placing himself in t he poetic tradition, as an imitator and rival—and a successor—to Ovid and other Greek and Roman poetic predecessors. 268. Sicanii … Halaesi: The Halaesus was a river (Ash 1930, 93) or a mountain (Santoro 1946, 48) in Sicily; cf. Boldrer 1996, 278. There was a town in Sicily called Halaesa ( NP ). 269. Cereris proles: Proserpina (Persephone), daughter of Ceres (Demeter); cf. Hes. Theog 912-914; Ov. Met 5. 514-533; Ov. Fast 449-456. 270. Aequoris Hennaei: Henna was a fortified city in Sicily ( NP ), site of a shrine to Demeter (Cic. Verr 2. 4. 107); cf. Trinacris … grata domus Cereri. multas ea possidet urbes, / in quibus est culto fertilis Henna solo (Ov. Fast 4. 420-422). For Henna as the

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274 location of the abduction of Persephone, cf. prope est spelunca quaedam … qua Ditem patrem ferunt repente cum curru exstitisse abreptamque ex eo loco virginem secum asportasse(Cic. Verr 2. 4. 107); attonita est plangore Ceres (modo venerat Hennam) (Ov. Fast 4. 455). For aequor meaning a plain or level surface of land, see aequora (87); for the plains of Henna, cf. Ov. Fast 4. 462. 271. Lethaei … tyranni: Lethaeus tyrannus is Hades (Pluto). Lethe is one of the rivers of the Underworld; cf. namque mei nuper Lethaeo in gurgite fratris / pallidulum manans alluit unda pedem (Catull. 65. 5-6); tum pater Anchises: animae, quibus altera fato / corpora debentur, Lethaei ad fluminis undam / securos latices et longa oblivia potant ( Aen 6. 713-715). It can be used to repr esent the Underworld in general; cf. nec Lethaea valet Theseus abrumpere caro / vincula Perithoo (Hor. Carm 4. 7. 27-28); Lethaeos … deos (Luc. 6. 685-686). 272. Tartara: Tartarus or Tartara originally referred to a pit in the Underworld, used as a prison for the Titans and other evildoers; cf. Aen. 6. 576-627. It can be used to refer to the Underworld in general; Tartarus horriferos eruc tans faucibus aestus (Lucr. 3. 1012); hinc via, Tartarei quae fert Acherontis ad undas ( Aen. 6. 295). 273. Ditem: Dis is a name for the god of the underworld, also known as Pluto and Orcus; cf. Pluto Latine est Dis pater, alii Orcum vocant (Enn. var 78 Vahlen); etenim prope est spelunca quaedam conversa ad aquilonem infinita altitudine, qua Ditem patrem ferunt repente cum curru exst itisse abreptamque ex eo loco virginem secum asportasse et subito non longe a Syra cusis penetrasse sub terras, lacumque in eo loco repente exstitisse (Cic. Verr 2. 4. 107, on the abduc tion of Proserpina); Taenarias etiam fauces, alta ostia Ditis ( G 4. 467); hi dominam Ditis thalamo deducere

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275 adorti ( Aen 6. 697, on Theseus and Pirithous); paene simul visa est dilectaque raptaque Diti (Ov. Met 395, on Proserpina). 277. Tellurisque comas: For the image of the plants as the “hair” of Mother Earth, see et curvi vomere … ne dubita (69-73) and cf. lines 70, 98, 165, 181, 188, 238, 297, and 335. 278. Hic nullae … non ulla rapina: Another reference to the abduction of Persephone; see et quae Sicanii … Proserpina regno (268-274). 279. Casta Fides nobis colitur: Cf. incorrupta Fides (Hor. Carm 1. 24. 7); cana Fides ( Aen 1. 292); [sc. licuit ] sceptra casta vidua titari fide (Sen. Ag 111). For the veneration of Fides and other abstract qualities as personified gods, cf. tum autem res ipsa, in qua vis inest maior aliqua, sic appella tur ut ea ipsa vis nominetur deus, ut Fides ut Mens, quas in Capitolio dedicatas vi demus proxume a M. Aemilio Scauro, ante autem ab A. Atilio Calatino erat Fides consecrata (Cic. Nat. D 2. 61); sequitur, ut eadem sit in is quae humano in genere ratio, eadem veritas utrobique sit eademque lex, quae est recti praeceptio pravique depulsio, ex quo intellegitur prudentiam quoque et mentem a deis ad homines pervenisse (ob ea mque causam maiorum institutis Mens Fides Virtus Concordia consecratae et publice dedicatae sunt (Cic. Nat. D 2. 79). Sanctique Penates: Gods of the larder and household; cf. di Penates, sive a penu ducto nomine (est enim omne quo vescunt ur homines penus) sive ab eo quod penitus insident; ex quo etiam penetrales a poetis vocantur (Cic. Nat. D 2. 68); adhibete penatis / et patrios epu lis et quos colit hospes Achates (Aen. 5. 62-63); Ilium in Italiam portans victosque Penates ( Aen 1. 68). The Penates are sometimes associated with one or more Lares guardian deities: di Penates meum parentum, familiai Lar pater,

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276 vobis mando meum parentum rem (Plaut. Merc 834); ista tua pulchra Libertas deos Penatis et familiaris meos Lares expulit (Cic. Dom 108); raptim quibus quisque poterat elatis, cum larem ac penates tectaque in quibus natus quisque educatusque esset relinquentes exirent (Livy 1. 29. 4). 282. Nunc ver egelidum: Cf. iam ver egelidos refert tepores (Catull. 46. 1). 283. Phoebus: See Phoebus (56). Teneris: This is Goodyear’s emendation, prin ted by Rodgers (2010, xxiii, 412). Some late mss. read tener ac which is printed by ever y other modern editor except Marsili (1962, 28), who prints his own conjecture, tener est The oldest ms. read tenerans which no modern editor adopts. The principal objection to tener is its use as a de scription of the sun;56 teneris would describe those encouraged to lie on the grass, dative with suadet (284). Either way, this is the only place in the poem where Col. uses tener to describe something other than vegetation (cf. 111, 234, 323). As Goodyear (1971, 60) notes, Phoebus in this line can stand without a modifier, as it does once elsewhere (295); however, Phoebus tener would suggest a contrast between the re lative mildness of the sun in the springtime and the baking heat of the sun during the summer: cum Canis Erigones flagrans Hyperionis aestu (400). Boldrer (1996, 284) suggests that tener in this sense is equivalent to tepidus : cf. aurea pellebant tepidos umbracula soles (Ov. Fast 2. 311); 56 Goodyear (1971, 60) remarks: “ tener ac is an early conjecture which should have been called into question long ago. There are three objections to it: (i) Columella uses ac only once in Book x (at 426); (ii) he has no closely comparable example of a cl ear break in sense at the second diaeresis (260 seems the nearest analogy); (iii) the word-play (s omething Columella likes—cf. 193 and 199) is rendered halting and imperfect.… If, as seems probable, Phoebus in 283 can stand alone, then 276 teneras advertite plantas may suggest that Columella here wrote either teneras (cf. Virg. Aen xii 813-814) or, since the construction with the accusative and infinitive is rather ponderous, teneris .”

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277 and that its use to describe the sun recalls similar uses of tener to describe the air: cf. variae volucres … aera per tener um liquidis loca vocibus opplent (Lucr. 2. 145-146); aera carpebat tenerum stridentibus alis (Ov. Met 4. 616). The possibility Goodyear regards as “ponderous,” teneras is attractive in part because of its echo of Vergil57 and of Col. himself.58 In addition, teneras could plausibly be corrupted into the tenerans of the oldest mss. (cf. Re ynolds 1991, 221-223). Only Goodyear’s dislike of the construction of suadet with the accusative teneras + infinitive prompts his suggestion of the dative teneris teneras would most likely refer to the nymphs mentioned in line 278. Given the novelty of both Rodgers’ reading teneris and Goodyear’s other suggestion teneras the consensus opinion of the majo rity of modern editors, and the fact that tener ac could also plausibly be corrupted into the tenerans of the mss., the conservative course is to keep tener ac while acknowledging the unusual—though not unparalleled—use of ac in the poem, the slight awkwar dness of the phrasing of the line with ac and the unusual use of tener to describe the sun. In my translation I accept the reading tener ac so as to highlight the striking contrast between the gentlene ss of the sun during springt ime, when the heat has not yet become fierce, and the harshness of the st ormy weather that arises without warning at this time of the year. See duros … imbres (329). 57 Cf. teneras arcebat vincula palmas ( Aen 2. 406); teneras turbavit ianua frondes ( Aen 3. 449). Vergil also uses accusative-infinitive with suadere : Iuturnam misero (fateor) succurrere fratri / suasi ( Aen 12. 813-814). 58 Cf. teneras advertite plantas (276); teneras erodere frondes (323).

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278 286. Dionaeis … floribus: Dione is the mother of Venus/Aphrodite (cf. Hom. Il 5. 370-371; Cic. Nat. D. 3.59). The name can also be used to refer to Venus herself, as Col. is doing: Ovid refers to Venus as Dione ( Fast. 2. 461, 5. 309); Vergil calls Venus Dionaeae matri ( Aen 3.19). Ash (1930, 96) remarks: “gardens were under the care of Venus, daughter of Dione;” cf. tibi suavis daedala tellus / summittit flores (Lucr. 1. 7-9, addressed to Venus); adveneror Minervam et Venerem, quarum unius procuratio oliveti, alterius hortorum (Varro, Rust 1. 6. 6). Venus is also particularly associated with the spring: cf. nec Veneri tempus quam ver erat aptius ullum (Ov. Fast 4. 125). 287-293. Iam rosa … fetibus horti: The brilliance of the garden roses is compared favorably with the brightness of Ty rian purple dye, the st ar Sirius, the moon, the morning and evening star, and the rainbow. 287. Rosa … Sarrano clarior ostro: Sarra is another name for the Phoenician city of Tyre ( OLD ; cf. Gell. NA 14. 6. 4), the cent er of the purple dy e industry and thus proverbially associated with purple ( OCD ). Cf. Sarranae violae (9. 4. 4); ut gemma bibat et Sarrano dormiat ostro ( G 2. 506). For the description of roses as purple, cf. Punicae rosae (9. 9. 4); flos purpureus rosae (Hor. Carm 3. 15. 15.); qui color est puniceae flore prior rosae (Hor. Carm 4. 10. 4). For the rose, see Paestique Rosaria (37). 288. Nubifugo Borea: Boreas is the North Wind; see alliget … Boreas Eurusque resolvat (76). Nubifugus occurs only here ( OLD ; Ash 1930, 96; Boldrer 1996, 286). nubifugo is the reading of the ol dest mss. and is printed by all modern editors; some later mss. read nubifico (Rodgers 2010, 413). For the idea of the North Wind dispelling clouds and creating a clear sky, cf. protinus Aeoliis Aquilonem claudit in antris / et

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279 quaecumque fugant inductas flamina nubes (Ov. Met 1. 262-263); claro … Aquilone (G. 1. 460); ut nubes, gravidas quos modo vidimus, / arctoi Boreae dissicit impetus (Sen. Tro 394-395). 288-289. Latonia Phoebe / purpureo radiat vultu: Phoebe is a poetic name for Artemis/Diana, found often in Roman poets;59 it corresponds to the name Phoebus used to refer to her brother Apollo (see Phoebus 56). She comes to be regarded as the moon goddess; cf. solem deum esse lunamque, quorum alterum Apollinem Graeci, alteram Dianam putant (Cic. Nat. D 3. 51); cf. Catull. 34. 1518. Her name comes to be used by metonymy (AG 641) for the moon, as Col. is doing here; cf. vento semper rubet aurea Phoebe ( G 1. 431); nec nova crescendo reparabat cornua Phoebe (Ov. Met 1. 11). She is the daughter of Leto/Latona (cf. Hom. Hymn Del. Ap. 14-15; Aen 12. 198; Hor. Carm 1. 21. 1-4; Ov. Met 13. 634-635) and is thus called Latonia (cf. Catull. 34. 5; Aen 9. 405; Ov. Met 1. 696). For the description of the moon’s color as purple, cf. candor erat qualem praefert Latonia Luna, / et color in niveo corpore purpureus (Tib. 3. 4. 29-30). For the use of vultus to describe the face of the moon, cf. purpureus Lunae sang uine vultus erat (Ov. Am 1. 8. 12); exerit vultus rubicunda Phoebe (Sen. Phaed 747). Vergil uses vultus to describe the face of the sun: nam saepe videmus / ipsius in vultu varios errare colores ( G 1. 451-452). 289. Sirius ardor: The phrase Sirius ardor also occurs at Aen 10. 273. For Sirius and its association with heat and dryness, see sitiens … Sirius (41). 59 Not to be confused with the Titan Phoebe ( ), daughter of Uranus and Gaea, and husband of Coeus (Hes. Theog 132-136, 404).

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280 290. Rutilus Pyrois: The planet Mars, which is red in color; from Greek “fiery.” Cf. quae stella Martis appellatur (Cic. Nat. D 2. 53); tertia est stella Martis … Veneris sequens stellam hac … de causa. quod Vulcanus cum uxorem Venerem duxisset, et propter eius observati onem Marti copia non fieret, ut nihil aliud adsequi videretur, nisi sua stella Veneris sidus persequi a Venere impetravit. itaque cum vehementer amore eum in cenderent, significans e facto stella Pyroenta appellavit (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 42). The red color of the planet is appropriate for the roses to which it is being compared. 291. Hesperus … remeat cum Lucifer: Hesperus is the Greek name for the evening star; cf. ite domum, saturae, venit Hesperus, ite capellae ; ( Ecl 10. 77); cf. also Ov. Met. 5. 440-441. It is often called Vesper in Latin; cf. illic sera rubens accendit lumina Vesper ( G 1. 251); vespero surgente (Hor. Carm 2. 9. 10). Lucifer is the morning star; cf. dum rota Luciferi provocet orta diem (Tib. 1. 9. 62); praevius Aurorae Lucifer (Ov. Pont 17. 112). The identity of both the morning and evening star with the planet Venus was understood in antiquity: stella Veneris, quae Graece, Lucifer Latine dicitur cum antegred itur solem, cum subsequitur autem (Cic. Nat. D 2. 53); Hespere, mutato comprendis nomine Eous (Catull. 62. 35); quarta stella est Veneris, Lucifer nomine … hanc eandem Hesperum appellari, multis traditum est historiis. … dicitur … et exor iente sole et occidente videri (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 42). Eoo … ortu: Eos ( ) is the Greek name for dawn and the dawn goddess; cf. tres ubi Luciferos veniens praemiserit Eos, / tempora noct urnis aequa diurna feres (Ov. Fast 3. 877-878); at cum sole novo terras inrorat Eous ( G. 1. 288); ante tibi Eoae

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281 Atlantides abcondantur ( G 1. 221; see Atlantides 54). The usual Latin name for the dawn is Aurora ; cf. ubi nona suos Aurora induxerat ortus ( G 4. 552); ecce vigil nitido patefecit ab ortu / purpureas Aurora fores (Ov. Met. 2. 112-113). 292. Sidereo fulget Thaumantias arcu: Thaumantias is Iris, goddess of the rainbow, the daughter of Thaumas (Hes. Theog 265-266). Cf. Thaumantias Iris (Ov. Met 4. 480); sic roseo Thaumantias ore locuta est ( Aen 9. 5); cf. also imbrifera … Thaumantide (Stat. Silv 3. 3. 81). The rainbow, the last image of brightness to which Col. compares the roses, also suggests the variety of colors created by the different flowers in the garden. 295. Dum Phoebus equos in gurgite mersat Hibero: The setting of the sun. Hiberus means Spanish or Iberian, and thus refe rs to the Western Ocean (the Atlantic); cf. ni roseus fessos iam gurgite Phoebus Hi bero / tingat equos noctemque die labente reducat ( Aen 11. 913-914); ter iuga Phoebus equis in Hibero flumine mersis / dempserat (Ov. Met 7. 324-325). See Phoebus (42). 296. Amaracus: Amaracus is probably marjoram; see sampsuca (171). 297. Narcissique comas: See narcissique comas (98). Sterilisque balausti: Balaustium is the flower of the pomegranate, Punica granatum L. (Andr 1956, 50; 1985, 113). Of the pomegranate, Pliny remarks: flos balaustium vocatur, et medicis idoneus et tinguendis vestibus, quarum color inde nomen accepit ( HN 13. 113). Pliny discusses a number of medicinal uses for the pomegranate flower, both topical and internal (HN 23. 112-113). For the pomegranate, see sanguineis … floribus … arbos / Punica (242-243).

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282 298-299. Et tu … formosior ipsa: These two lines clearly recall passages from the Eclogues Line 298 calls to mind formosum pastor Corydon ardebat Alexin ( Ecl 2. 1), while line 299 closely follows formosi pecoris custos, formosior ipse ( Ecl 5. 44). Col.’s Nais suggests the fair Nais of Ecl 2 who will also gather flowers: ecce ferunt nymphae calathis, tibi candida Nais / pa llentis violas et summa papavera carpens ( Ecl. 2. 46-47) 300. Viola: See quae pallet … viola (101-102). Vergil’s Naiad will also gather violets ( Ecl 2. 47). Niveo … ligustro: Rodgers’ reading niveo is Parrhasius’ emendation for the nigro of the mss. (Rodgers 2010, 413). It is praised by La Cerda (1608, 26) in his note to Ecl 2. 18 ( alba ligustra cadunt ). It is also endorsed by Gesner (1735, 726), though he prints nigro as do all modern editors. The em endation is clearly suggested by the poets’ mention of the whiteness of the flower: in addition to Ecl 2. 18, cf. candidior folio nivei, Galatea, ligustri (Ov. Met 13. 789); loto candidior puella cycno / argento, nive, lilio, ligustro (Mart. 1. 115. 2-3). For th is reason, the proposed emendation niveo is attractive. However, the ms tradition unanimously reads nigro ; and as Santoro (1946, 52) observes: “noi non ci sentiamo autori zzati a mutare il testo.” Ash (1930, 99) suggests, in defense of nigro : “The adjective, then, refers to the evergreen foliage rather than to the color of the flower;” this is echoed by Saint Denis (1969, 66). For these reasons, I prefer the ms. reading nigro in my translation. Vergil mentions the ligustrum only once, in the Ecl 2 passage mentioned above: o formose puer, nimium ne crede colori: / alba ligustra cadunt, vaccinia nigra leguntur ( Ecl. 2. 17-18). Maggioli (1995, 339) and Consoli (1901, 3, 5-6) regard ligustrum as a

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283 Vergilian coinage, based on ligus or the root of ligare on the model of words such as arbustum or apiastrum The identification of this plant is unc ertain. Andr (1985, 144) suggests that Vergil, Ovid, and Col. are referring to the privet, Ligustrum vulgare L., and that Pliny may also be referring to this plant: ligustra tesseris utilissima ( HN 16. 77). However, elsewhere Pliny may be using the term to re fer to a different plant, perhaps henna, Lawsonia inermis L.: cypros in Aegypto est arbor ziziph i foliis, semine coriandri candido, odorato. … hanc esse dicunt arbore m quae in Italia ligustrum dicuntur ( HN 12. 109); ligustrum si eadem arbor est quae in orient e cypros, suos in Europa usus habet ( HN 24. 17). Pliny goes on to list a number of medicinal applications for treating various sores. 301. Balsama: Balsamum from Greek “d’origine sans doute smitique” (Andr 1985, 33), is perhaps balsam, Commiphora opsobalsamum Engl., both the tree and its juice (Andr 1985, 33). Vergil mentions this once: quid tibi odorato referam sudantia ligno / balsamaque et bacas semper frondentis acanthi? ( G 2. 118119). Andr (1956, 51), however, also notes that balsama in Col. is “plante des jardins qui ne peut tre le Baumier que les Romains n’ont vu qu’au triomphe de Vespasien et Titus en 71;” cf. sed omnibus odoribus praefert ur balsamum, uni terrarum Iudaeae concessum … ostendere arborum hanc urbi imperatores Vespasiani (Plin. HN 12. 111). Andr (1983, 33; 1956, 51, 103) suggests that the balsamum of Vergil and Col. might be costmary, Chrysanthemum balsamita L. (cf. Van Wyk 2004, 404), also known as costum “cultive comme plante d’ornement.” Pliny ( HN 12. 112-123) describes the nature and varieties of the balsa m, the method of tapping its sap, and the various uses for the tree and its products.

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284 Casia: Also cassia from Greek might be cinnamon, Cinnamomum aromaticum L., or a type of daphne, Daphne gnidium L. or Daphne mezereum L. (Andr 1985, 52; 1956, 75).60 Andr says further that types of daphne were “cultivs dans les jardins romains et italiens comme plantes mellifres” (1985, 52). Vergil mentions casia once in the Eclogues and several times in the Georgics : cf. tum, casia atque aliis intexens suavibus herbis ( Ecl 2. 49); haec circum casiae virides et olentia late / serpulla et graviter spirantes copia thymbrae ( G 2. 30-31); Maggiulli (1995, 255) says that a number of identifications have been proposed for the plant meant by Vergil, including various species of genus Lavandula lavender (Van Wyk 2004, 189; Wright 1984, 114). Col. includes casia among scent-bearing plants found in Italy (3. 8. 4), and lists it with the plants that should be plant ed around beehives (9. 5. 6); cf. Plin. HN 21. 70; vix humilis apibus casias roremque ministrat ( G 2. 213); cf. also G 4, 182; 4. 404 (the bougonia ). Croceosque corymbos: “Saffron-colored clusters.” Ash (1930, 99) suggests that this might refer to bunches of violets of that color; cf. croceae … Hyblae (170, the only other appearance of croceus in the poem); croceis halantes floribus horti ( G 4. 109); pinguntque aureolos viridi pallore corymbos ( Culex 144). Alternatively, Ash (1930, 99) remarks: “some … take the phrase to mean bunches of crocus flowers, or clusters of yellow ivy berries;” cf. vitis / diffusos hedera vestit pallente corymbos ( Ecl 3. 38-39). 60 Forster translates casia in this line as marjoram; Andr (1985, 52) acknowledges that casia can sometimes refer to marjoram, but does not think Col. is referring to marjoram in this line, because he just mentioned marjoram in line 296 ( amaracus ).

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285 302. Sparge mero Bacchi, nam Bacchus condit odores: Boldrer (1996, 293) suggests that Bacchi … Bacchus in this line is a polyptoton “con uso ambivalente del nome, che pu indicare sia il dio sia (nel secondo caso) il vino per metonimia.” For Bacchus see munera Bacchi (3). According to Boldrer ( 1996, 293), Col. is hinting at the flower trade to which he will refer more explicitly at 304-310 (cf. and suggesting that a sprinkling of wine will help preserve the scent of the flowers. Condit: Conditura is the word Col. uses for pres erves of various sorts (cf., e.g., 12. 4. 4; 12. 48. 2; 12. 49. 1). He does not give a reci pe for preserving the scent of flowers with wine (though Pliny at HN 13. 9-10 mentions the use of wine as an ingredient in perfume), but when discussing various methods for preserving wine (12. 19-41) Col. does recommend adding fragrant herbs: ad praedictum autem modum musti adici debent hi odores: nardi folium, iris Illyrica, nardum Gallic um … item murrae pondo quincunx … casiae selibram, amomi pondo quadrans, croci quincunx (12. 20. 5); nam nulla res alienum odorem ad se ducit quam vinum (12. 28. 4). 303-304. Et vos, agrestes, duro qui pollice mollis / demetitis flores: Cf. qualem virgineo demessum pollice florem / s eu mollis violae seu languentis hyacinthi ( Aen 11. 68-69). Col. goes further in contrasting mollis (the flowers) with durus (the farmer’s thumb), which Col. has alr eady used to describe the gardener; see incola durus (23). This image also recalls a passage in Catullus’ second epithalamium : idem [sc. flos ] cum tenui carptus defloruit ungui (Catull. 62. 43). 304-310. Cano iam vimine … urbe reportet: The farmer takes the assorted harvested flowers to town to sell for cash (cf. 255). Jashemski (1979-1983 v. 1, 267288) discusses the evidence for the flower trade at Pompeii, which suggests that the

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286 commercial trade focused on two principal us es for flowers: garlands and perfume. Pliny discusses perfumes and thei r manufacture at length ( HN 13. 1-25); cf. ratio faciendi [sc. unguenti ] duplex, sucus et corpus; ille olei generibus fere constant, hoc odorum; haec stymmata vocant, illa hedysmata ( HN 13. 7). This is the first passage in the poem in which Col. suggests a commercia l purpose for the garden, in addition to providing produce for home c onsumption. Later the gardener will take assorted vegetables to market (314-317); cf. mercibus … adultis (327). By contrast, Vergil’s Old Man of Tarentum grows his garden purely for his own benefit and sustenance; cf. nocte domum dapibus mens as onerabat inemptis ( G 4. 133). Vergil doe s not mention any commercial possibilities for the Old Man’s garden. See odoratis messis iam floribus instat (255). 305. Ferrugineis … hyacinthis: Cf. ferrugineos hyacinthos (G. 4. 183). For the hyacinth, see vel niveos vel caeruleos hyacinthos (100); et male damnati ... Aiacii flores (174-175). 307. Flammeola caltha: See flaventia lumina caltae (97). Flammeolus is a rare word; Boldrer (1996, 295) asserts that flammeolus occurs only here in classical Latin literature, but she is mistaken: Juvenal (10. 334) refers to a bridal veil as a flammeolum 308. Dives Vertumnus: Vertumnus or Vortumnus was regarded by the Romans as originally an Etruscan god; cf. ab eis dictus vicus Tuscus, et ideo ibi Vortumnum stare, quod is deus Etruria princeps (Varro, Ling 5. 46). Radke (1965, 318) notes that the identification of Vertumnus as being of Etruscan origin rests entirely on Varro and Propertius. Marquis (1974, 491) remarks: “almost all we know of Vertumnus is contained in Propertius 4. 2,” which is s poken by a statue of Vertumnus. Marquis

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287 (1974, 494-495) interprets Varro’s and Properti us’ accounts as supporting his argument that cult of Vertumnus came to Rome very ea rly, near the beginning of the regal period. Because of the apparent connection of his name with vertere he was regarded as a god of change, including the change of seasons and the exchange of trade ( OLD ); cf. Vertumnus verso dicor ab amne deus. / seu, quia vertentis fructum praecerpimus anni, / Vertumni rursus creditur esse sacrum (Prop. 4. 2. 10-12); at mihi quod formas unus vertebar in omnis / ... / numen ab eventu patria lingua dedit (Prop. 4. 2. 47-48; but Heyworth, in his 2007 edition of Propertius, reconstructs a lacuna between lines 47-48 and interpolates lines 51-54). LS, evidently looking for a Latin origin for the name, suggests that Vertumnus comes from an old middl e/passive participle, vertumenos from vertere ; Sihler (1995, 618), however, while allowing that certain “f ossil forms” of this construction may be found in Latin (e.g., femina ), remarks: “most other word s of similar shape in the language, such as autumnus “autumn” and Vertumnus (a deity), are obscure.” Marquis (1974, 496-497) argues that, alt hough the name at first glance “s urely is good Latin,” it is more likely a Latinized form of the name of the Etruscan god Veltune. Boldrer (1996, 296) suggests that the ident ification of Vertumnus as a god of nature and springtime was due to a perceived connection with ver Ovid presents Vertumnus as a god of nature and farming who woes Pomona, goddess of fruits, and who exhibits his changeableness by transforming from one shape into another ( Met 14. 641-771). According to Propertius, he was also associated with gardens: nam quid ego adiciam, de quo mihi maxima fama est, / horto rum in manibus dona probata meis? (4. 2. 41-42).

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288 Myers (1994, 225) points out importance of Ovid’s placement of the story of Vertumnus and Pomona in Met 14 as a structural organizing device: she argues that it “has been seen to function programmatically in the Metamorphoses in effecting a transition from the opening co smogenic sequence of the poem to the amatory themes which occupy the bulk of the narrative.” Sim ilarly, Col. places his mention of Vertumnus at a hinge point between two sections; like Ovid he has placed it squarely in the second half of his poem. In Book 10, however, Vert umnus has a function opposite to that which he has for Ovid; instead of marking the begi nning of an amatory section, Col.’s Vertumnus marks the end of it. The references to the fe rtility of springtime—suggested by the mention of Persephone (268-274)—are past, and as we move beyond Midsummer the focus shifts from planting to the harvest. In addition, Col.’s use of the Vertumnus story is another way in which he deliberately places himself in the Roman poetric tradition. In Ovid, the story of Pomona and Vertum nus “follows a section of the poem heavily indebted to the model of Vergil’s Aeneid ” (Myers 1994, 227).” In turn, Col.’s placement of Vertumnus in the poem deliberately recalls Ovid; this ultimately creates another link in the chai n binding Col.and Vergil. The fact the story of Pomona and Vertumnus is set in a garden further under scores the poetic nature of Col.’s garden; Pomona’s garden is set within Ovid’s Metamo rphoses just as the garden poem is set within Col.’s agricultural treatise. Johnson (1997) focuses on Vertumnus’ efforts to get into Pomona’s garden disguised as an old women. In addition to being Col.’s second reference to forceful (attempted) seduction in the second half of the poem (the previous being that of Persephone), Johnson reveals another way in which Col. is using Vertumnus

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289 programmatically. He points out (1997, 368) that Vertumnus is the last of a series of suitors for Pomona, and the only one who succ eeds in getting into the garden. Col. might be suggesting that he has finally succ eeded in creating a garden of verse, where others have failed or given up the attempt (as Ve rgil did). If Vertumnus is a stand-in for Col., it highlights his transformation from the wr iter of a technical, practical treatise on agriculture to a poet of gardens. Like Vert umnus, Col. could enter the garden only by (metaphorically) changing his shape. Vertumnus is the reading of some later ms s. and is accepted by all modern editors. The oldest mss. read Portunus 309. Multo madefactus Iaccho: For Iacchus as another name for Bacchus, and by metonymy, referring to wine, see Iaccho (235). Summer Tasks (Lines 311-422) Early summer (lines 311-368) 312. Atque diem gemino Titan extenderit astro: Gemino … astro refers to the constellation Gemini, the Twins. In ancient astronomy, the sun was in Gemini in May and June: XIIII Kal. Iun. sol in Geminos introitum facit (11. 2. 43). During this time the days are lengthening as the summer solstice draws nearer, since Gemini immediately precedes Cancer in the Zodiac (Man. 1. 26 5-266). Gemini thus marks the arrival of summer (Man. 2. 265-266); cf. et Gemini clarum iactantes lucibus ignem, / haec [sc. signa ] sol aeterno convestit lumine lustrans, / annua conficiens vertentia tempore cursu (Cic. Arat 587(331)-589(333)). Pliny ( HN 18. 281) states that the Milky Way ( lacteus circulus ) passes through Gemini. According to Hyginus ( Poet. astr. 2. 22), the Gemini are most commonly regarded as Castor and Pollux, though he offers other possible

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290 identifications. According to Homer ( Il 3. 237-238), Castor and Pollux (Greek: ) were the brothers of Helen. Apollonius Rhodius ( Argon 1. 146-150) includes them among the crew of the Argo For Titan referring to the sun, see Titan (42). 313. Hauserit et flammis Lernaei bracchia Cancri: Col. places the entrance of the sun into Cancer in mid-June: XIII Kal. Iul. Sol introi tum Cancrum facit (11. 2. 49); and the summer solstice several days later: VIII VII et VI Ka l. Iul. Solstitium (11. 2. 49). Ovid gives the same date for the entrance of the sun into Cancer : iam sex et totidem luces de mense supersunt, / huic unu m numero tu tamen adde diem: / sol abit a Geminis, et Cancri signa rubescunt (Ov. Fast 6. 725-727). Pliny ( HN 18. 256) agrees on the date of the solstice, though he puts it on a single day: VIII Kal. vero Iul. longissimus dies totius anni et nox brevissima solstitium facit For the connection between Cancer and the summer solstice, cf. et claro conlucens lumine Cancer, / in quo consistens convertit curriculum sol / aes tivus medio distinguens corpore cursus. (Cic. Arat 509(263)-511(265)). After the summer solstice the days begin to grow shorter: Cancer ad aestivae fulget fastigia zonae / extenditque diem summum parvoque recessu / destruit et, quanto fraudavit tempor e luces, / in tantum noctes auget (Man. 3. 625-628). Hauserit et flammis: The sun is “consuming the a rms of Cancer with flames” because Cancer marks the onset of hot weather: cf. aestifer est pandens ferventia sidera Cance r (Cic. Arat. 566(320)); ardentis … sidera Cancri (Man. 3. 264). Cancer was though to be facing—and thus hol ding its claws—towards Leo (Hyg. Poet. astr 3. 22), and thus towards the hotter days of summer.

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291 Lernaei: According to Hyginus ( Poet. astr 2. 23), when Hercules was fighting the Lernaean Hydra, Juno sent a crab to attack him; Hercules killed the crab, which Juno then placed among the Zodiac constellations. 314-315. Alia tunc caepis … hilares in hortos: This is the second time Col. instructs the gardener to take his produce to market; first it was to sell flowers, now assorted edible plants. See cano iam vimine … urbe reportet (304-310). 314. Alia: Garlic; see aliaque infractis spicis (112). Caepis: Onion; see lacrimosaque caepa (123). 314-315. Cereale papaver anetho / iungite: In these few words, Col. echoes a passage of Vergil, to which he has already alluded (298-299): tibi candida Nais, / pallentis violas et summa papavera carpens, / narcissum et florem iungit bene olentis anethi ( Ecl 46-48). 314. Cereale papaver: “Ceres’ poppy,” either because of its association with Ceres or because it is edible. Cf. Cereale papaver ( G 1. 212); Servius comments: vel quod est esui, sicut frumentum; vel quod Ceres eo usa est ad oblivium doloris … vel quia pani aspergatur (Serv. G 1. 212). Cf. also vescum papaver ( G 4. 131), in the garden of the Old Man of Tarentum; vescus perhaps also has a double meaning here: normally “thin,” but etymologtically related to vesci, “to eat.” (Ernout 1951, 1286-1287). According to Pliny ( HN 19. 168) the seeds of t he white poppy were eaten: candidum [sc. papaver ], cuius semen tostum in se cunda mensa cum melle apud antiquos dabatur; hoc et panis rustici cr ustae inspergitur, adfuso ovo inhaerens For the poppy, see profugos victura papavera somnos (104). Anetho: Dill; see bene odorati flores … anethi (120).

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292 316. Fortis Fortunae: The festival of Fors Fortuna occurred on 24 June (Degrassi 1963, 472-473), just after the summer solstice; cf. quam cito venerunt Fortunae Fortis honores! / post septem luces Iunius actus erit (Ov. Fast. 6. 773). There was a temple to Fors Fortuna on the ban ks of the Tiber out side the city; cf. dies Fortis Fortunae appellatus ab Servio Tullio rege, quod is fanum Fortis Fortunae secundum Tiberim extra urbem dedicavit Iunio mense (Varro, Ling 6. 17); cf. reliquo aere aedem Fortis Fortunae de manubiis faciendam locavit prope aede m eius deae ab rege Ser. Tullio dedicatam (Livy 10. 46. 14). 319. Ocima: Ocimum from Greek is basil, Ocimum basilicum L. (Andr 1985, 175; 1956, 224). Varro ( Ling 5. 103) identifies ocimum as a word of Greek origin: quae in hortis nascuntur, alia peregrinis vocabulis, ut Graecis ocimum Pliny discusses the nature and medicinal uses of basil at length ( HN 10. 119-123), and reports on dangers described by ot her authors: cf. ocimum quoque Chrysippus graviter increpuit inutile stomach, urinae, oculorum quoque cl aritati, praeterea insaniam facere et lethargos et iocineris vitia He also mentions a wild variety even more useful than the cultivated one: silvestri ocimo vis efficacior ad eadem omnia ( HN 20. 124). On the best time for sowing basil, Col. remarks: satio eius [i.e., apii ] est optima post Idus Maias usque in solstitium, nam teporem desidera t. fere etiam his diebus ocima seruntur (11. 3. 34). He includes basil among a group of plan ts that need little cultivation after being planted: neque est eorum cultus alius, quam ut stercorata runcentur (11. 3. 29). Vergil does not mention basil. Gravibus densate cylindris: A cylindrus (Greek ; OLD ) is a roller, used for leveling ground; cf. aream, ubi frumentum teratur, sic facito…. comminuito

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293 terram et cylindro aut pavicula coaequato (Cato Agr 129); area cum primis ingenti aequanda cylindro ( G 1. 178); incrementum eius [sc. apii ] supervoluto cylindro coerceas. … quorum [sc. ocimorum ] cum semen obrutum est, diligenter inculcator pavicula vel cylindro. nam si terram su spensam reliquas, plerumque corrumpitur (11. 3. 34). White (1969) does not mention the cylindrus 320. Exurat sata ne resoluti pulveris aestus: Cf. et cum exustus ager morientibus aestuat herbis ( G 1. 107). aestus also appears at 154—where Col. also mentions the danger posed to young pl ants by dry heat—and at 400. 321-336. Parvulus aut pulex … tristi consumpta veneno: In this section Col. warns against a variety of garden pests. Plin y, in his treatment of gardening, briefly reviews the diseases and pests that plague garden plants and includes some mentioned by Col. ( HN 19. 176-180); elsewhere he also discusses diseases and pests that attack trees and vines ( HN 17. 216-231). Palladius (1. 35. 13) offers a general method to rid a garden of pests: prasocoridas Graeci vocant animalia, quae solent hortis nocere. ergo ventriculum vervecis statim occisi plenum sordibus suis, spatio, quo abundant, leviter debebis operire. Post biduum r eperies ibi animalia ipsa congesta. Hoc cum bis vel tertio feceris, genus omne, quod nocebat, extingues. 321. Parvulus aut pulex inrepens dente lecessat: Pulex generally refers to the flea ( OLD ; cf. Varro, Rust 3. 9. 8), though here it may refer to a different type of insect that eats plants; cf. qui aestate ista seret, caveat ne propter siccitates pulex adhuc tenera folia prorepentia consumat (11. 3. 60). Pliny ( HN 19. 177) says that certain pests are associated with particular plants, and that the pulex is found in turnips: bestiolarum quoque genera innascuntur, napis pulices

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294 Boldrer (1996, 303) points out the alliteration in parvulus … pulex and suggests that by describing the pulex as parvulus Col. is alluding to Horace’s parvula formica : parvula — nam exemplo est — magni formica laboris / ore trahit (Hor. Sat 1. 1. 33-34). Inrepens: Cf. inrepentibus aquis praedi ctisque animalibus (3. 18. 5); ne possint noxia inrepere animalia (8. 3. 4). 322. Neu formica rapax populari semina possit: For ants as an agricultural pest, cf. [ aream ] amurca conspargito … si ita fe ceris, neque formicae nocebunt neque herbae nascentur (Cato Agr 91); Tremellius quidem adsevera t, priusquam impluverit, ab avibus aut formicis sata non infestari (2. 8. 5). Palladius offers several remedies for an ant infestation: contra formicas, si in hor to habent foramen, cor noctuae admoveamus: si foris veniun t, omne horti spatium cinere aut cretae candore signabimus (1. 35. 2); formicas abiges origano et sulfure tritis foramen as pergens…. item coclearum vacuas testas si usseris et eo cinere foramen inculces (1. 35. 8). For the conjuction of formica and populari cf. populatque ingentem farris acervum / curculio atque i nopi metuens formica senectae ( G 1. 185-186); ac veluti ingentem formicae farris acervum / cum populant hiemis memores tectoque reponunt ( Aen 4. 402-403). Boldrer (1996, 303) suggests that rapax “normalmente associato con preditori come il lupo … una scherzosa iperbole per la formica.” Col. had already suggested the ant to the reader’s mi nd by recalling Horace’s parvula formica 323. Teneras erodere frondes: For frons with erodere cf. urucae, dirum animal, eroduntque frondem (Plin. HN 17. 229). Boldrer (1996, 303) notes that erodere in this

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295 sense appears first in Col.; cf. ut tineae everrantur, papilionesque enecentur … nam et ceras erodunt (9. 14. 8). For tenera with frons cf. dum frons tenera imprudensque laborum ( G 2. 372); impulit et teneras turbavit ianua frondes ( Aen 3. 449). In this second passage, Vergil is describing the Cumean Sybil wr iting down prophecies on leaves ( folia ) which are then scattered by the wind. By alluding to this use of plant leaves as writing material, Col. is again underscoring the link bet ween his garden and his garden poem. 324. Implicitus conchae limax: Limax (cf. Greek ; OLD ) is a slug or snail; cf. limax ab limo, quod ibi vivit (Varro, Ling 7. 64); limaces cocleae a limo appellatae (Festus, Gloss. Lat 103 Lindsay); as an agricultural pest, cf. satae [sc. viciae ] fere limacem nocere comperimus (2. 20. 30); bestiolarum quoque gen era innascuntur … raphano urucae et vermiculi, item lactucis et oleri, utrique hoc amplius limaces et cochleae (Plin. HN 19. 177); limaces nascuntur in vicia, e aliquando e terra cochleae minutae mirum in modum erodentes eam (Plin. HN 18. 156). Palladius (1. 35. 2) suggests a remedy: contra culices et limaces vel amurcam recentem vel ex cameris fulginem spargimus .Though cocha (cf. Greek ; OLD ) generally refers to a shellfish or mollusk shell (cf. Plin. HN 9. 115), it can also refer to shells in general: cf. aut lapidem bibulum aut squalentis infode conchas (G. 2. 348); or to someth ing of similar shape: cf. conchae ferreae, quibus depletur oleum (12. 52. 8). Boldrer (1996, 303) points out the r epetition of the -x sound in 321-324: pulex … rapax … limax In the poem no other wo rd with the pattern of pulex occurs, and Col. uses words ending in -ax only four other times: fallax (204), audax (216, 248), and salax (372).

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296 Hirsutaque campe: Greek (connected with “to bend”: LSJ; Chantraine 1999, 490-491), is the caterpillar, Latin eruca or uruca ( OLD ); the name is Col. refers to it again as campe at 366, and as eruca at 333 (q.v.); cf. apricis regionibus post pluvias noxia incesserunt animalia qua e a nobis appellantur urucae, Graece autem nominantur (11. 3. 63). Col.’s use of campe in this poem is the only appearance of the word in extant cla ssical Latin literature. For hirsutus used to describe an invertebrate, cf. namque et Iuba tradidit et Arabici s concham esse similem pectini insecto, hirsutam echinorum modo (Plin. HN 9. 115), though Pliny seems to be describing the shell rather than the creature inhabiting it. Palladius suggests various remedies: campas fertur evincere, qui fusticul os allii sine capitibus per horti omne spatium comburens nidorem locis pluribus excitarit. … nasci quoque prohibentur, si circa arborum vel vitium crura bitumen et su lfur incendus vel si ablatas de horto vicino campas aqua excoquas et per ho rti tui spatia universa diffundas (1. 35. 6 ); campas nonnulli ficulneo cinere persequuntur: si pe rmanserint, urina bubula et amurca aequaliter mixta conferveant et, ubi refr ixerint, olera omnia hoc imbre consperge (1. 35. 13). 325-326. Valido … lurida caule / brassica: Cabbage; see tum quoque conseritur … mater Aricia porri (127-139). Col. uses the word brassica only here in the poem, though he uses it often in prose. For caulis see frigoribus caules et verno cymata mittet (129). 326. Pallentia robora betae: See folio viridis, pede candida beta (254).

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297 327. Mercibus atque holitor gaudet securus adultis: This is the third time in the poem that Col. refers to the commercial possibilities of the garden, that some of the produce is being grown for sale; see cano iam vimine … urbe reportet (304-310). 328. Falcem: White (1967, 72) defines falx as a “sickle, hook, scythe”61 and remarks: “This common term covers a wide va riety of iron implements, consisting of a curved blade, equipped with a singl e cutting edge. Numerous variations in the size and curvature of the blade, and in the length and set of the handle in relation to the blade, have been developed … to meet the different conditions encountered in the various tasks of reaping and pruning.” Cato ( Agr 10. 3) lists three different types of falces required for an olive grove: falces faenarias … stramentarias … arborarias ; he later ( Agr 11. 4) lists five different types needed for a vineyard: falces sirpiculas … silvaticas … arborarias … vineaticas … rustarias Varro ( Rust 1. 22.5) remarks: quorum [sc. ferramentorum ] non nulla genera species habent plures, ut falces Col. (2. 20. 3) mentions several types of falx as harvesting implements: sunt autem metendi genera complura. multi falcibus veruculatis atque iis vel rostratis vel denticulatis medium culmen secant White (1967, 73-85) discu sses at length the difficulties in interpreting the evidence to understand the configuration and function of each different type of falx mentioned. This is Col.’s only reference in the poem to the falx as a gardening tool, though his statue of Priapus wields a falx : see sed truncum … Priapi … falce minetur (31-34). 61 Isidore ( Etym 20. 14) suggests an etymology for falx / falcis : falcis est, qua arbores putantur et vites; dicta autem falcis quod his primum milites herbam filicem solebant abscindere He then quotes Martial (14. 34): pax me certa ducis placidos curvavit in usus; / agricolae nunc sum, militis ante fui

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298 329-330. Saepe ferunt … labores: For the damage to crops caused by bad weather, cf. Lucr. 5. 213-217; G 1. 316-334. Col. links durus and labor elsewhere: durior aeternusque vocat labor (68). Although in the present passage duros is not directly liked to labores the proximity of the two words in these two lines suggests the other passages in which Col. has used t hese terms, and their Lucretian and Vergilian echoes. 329. Duros … imbres: For durus see incola durus (23); duri … Sabelli (137) For the contrast between the gentleness of t he sun and the harshne ss of the rain, see teneris (283). 330. Hominumque boumque labores: Cf. hominumque boumque labores ( G 1. 118). For labor see laboris nostri (Pr. 4). 333. Serpitque eruca per hortos: Eruca or uruca is the caterpillar; see hirsutaque campe (324) ; distorto corpore campe (366). For the caterpillar as a garden pest, cf. bestiolarum quoque genera i nnascuntur … raphano urucae et vermiculi, item lactucis et oleri (Plin. HN 19. 177); urucam male pascit hortus unam(Mart. 11. 18. 12). Palladius (1. 35. 3) offers this remedy: contra erucas semina, quae spargenda sunt, sempervivi suco madefiant vel erucarum sanguine. cicer inter olera propter multa portenta serendum est. aliqui cinerem de fico super erucas spargunt. item squillam vel in horto serunt vel certe suspendunt. ali qui mulierem menstruantem nusquam cinctam solutis capillis nudis pedibus contra erucas et cetera hortum faciunt circumire. aliqui fluviales cancros pluribus locis intra hortum crucifigunt Pliny ( HN 23. 62) gives the following remedy against caterpillar bites: vino cognata res sapa est musto decocto donec tertia pars superest … usus contra … pinorum erucas, quas pityocampas vocant

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299 … contra mordentia venenata See also intortus cucumis praegnasque cucurbita serpit (380). Eruca meaning caterpillar s hould not be confused with eruca meaning rocket; cf. eruca (109); eruca salax (372). 339. Labor ostendit miseris: For labor see laboris nostri (Pr. 4). 341. Et tempestatem Tuscis avertere ritis: The Romans derived many of their divination practices from the Etrucans; cf. si te ratio quaedam Etruscae disciplinae, quam a patre, nobilissimo atque optimo viro, acceperas, non fefellit, ne nos quidem nostra divinatio fallet (Cic. Fam 6. 6. 2); Tuscos, quibus summa est fulgurum persequendorum scientia (Sen. Q Nat 2. 32. 2); haec propter placuit Tuscos de more vetusto / acciri vates (Luc. 1. 584-585); prodigiosa fides et Tuscis digna libellis (Juv. 13. 62). Palladius (1. 35. 1-2, 14) discusse s a number of magical remedies against bad weather. 342. Mala Rubigo: Rubigo or robigo is rust, or mildew, very damaging to crops; for mala rubigo cf. ut mala culmos / esset robi go segnisque horreret in arvis ( G 1. 150151). Vergil also describes the old wea pons unearthed by the farmer at Philippi as being damaged by rubigo : agricola incurvo terram molitus ar atro / esesa inveniet scabra robigine pila ( G 1. 495); cf. squalida desertis robigo infertur aratris (Catull. 64. 42). Pliny ( HN 28. 275-277) asserts that rubigo is caused by the phases of the moon over the course of the year and the attendant difference betw een heat and cold reaching the earth. Palladius (1. 35. 1) suggests a remedy against rubigo : contra nebulas et rubiginem paleas et purgamenta pluribus lo cis per hortum disposita simul omnia, cum nebulas videris instare, conbure

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300 Boldrer (1996, 311) and Ash (1930, 107) understand Rubigo here as the name of a deity, “l’equivalente femminile del … dio R obigus,” found in classical literature only here and in Ovid: flamen in antiquae lucu m Robiginis ibat ( Fast 4. 907). The Robigalia, a festival to avert rubigo from the crops, was celebrated on 25 April (Degrassi 1963, 9, 448-449).62 It was named for Robigus the god who kept rust away from the crops; cf. Robigum et Floram [sc. invocabo ], quibus propitiis neque robigo frumenta atque arbores corr umpit, neque non tempestive florent (Varro, Ling 1. 1. 6); Robigalia dicta ab Robigo; secundum segetes huic deo sacrificatur, ne robigo occupet segetes (Varro, Ling 6. 16). Ovid ( Fast. 4. 901-942) gives a legendary explanation for the origin of t he Robigalia and its date. Pliny ( HN 28. 285) looks both to early Roman history and as tronomy for an explanation: Robigalia Numa constituit anno regni sui XI, quae nunc aguntur a. d. VIII ka l. Mai., quoniam tunc fere segetes robigo occupat…. vera causa est quod post dies undetriginta ab aequinoctio verno per id quatriduum … in IV Kal. Mai. canis occidit, sidus et per vehemens et cui praeoccidere caniculam necesse sit. For a metaphorical use of rubigo cf. ne vestrum scabra tangat rubigine nomen / haec atque illa dies atqua alia atque alia (Catull. 68. 151-152). 343. Sanguine lactentis catuli: Ovid ( Fast. 4. 939-942) offers a fanciful explanation for the sacrif ice of a dog on the Robigalia, because of a connection between the date of the festival and the constellation Canis Major: est canis, Icarium dicunt, quo sidere moto / tosta sit tellus, praecipiturque seges. / pro cane sidereo canis hic imponitur area, / et, quare fiat, nil nisi nomen habet. Pliny ( HN 29. 58) remarks on 62 Cf. Robigalia dies festus septimo Kalendas Ma ias, quo Robigo deo suo, quem putabant robiginem avertere, sacrificabant (Festus, Gloss. Lat 325 Lindsay).

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301 the choice of a suckling puppy as a sacrificial victim: c atulos lactentes adeo puros existimabant ad cibum, ut et iam placandis numinibus hos tiarum vice uterentur iis Cf. Ov. Fast 4. 904. See mala Robigo (342), esp. Pliny’s comment on the festival’s connection with the constellation Canis. For the association of the constellation Canis Major with heat, see sitiens Canis (41); cum canis Erigones fl agrans Hyperionis aestu (400). 344. Hinc caput Arcadici nudum cute fertur aselli: Cf. omnia semina horti vel agri feruntur ab omnibus malis ac monstris tuta servari, si … equae calvaria sed non virginis intra hortum ponenda est, vel etiam asellae (Pallad. 1. 35. 16). Arcadia is in the central Peloponnese ( OCD ); for the association of asses and mules with Arcadia, cf. patria etiam spectatur in his [sc. mulis ] Arcadicis in Achaia, in Italia Reatinis (Plin. HN 8. 167); asinos Arcadicos (Plaut. Asin 333). 345. Tyrrhenus Tages: Tages is an Etruscan deity said to have sprung from the earth and taught divination to the Etruscans; cf. Cic. Div 2. 50; Ov., Met 15.552-559; Luc. 1. 636-638. The menti on of Tages in connection with the garden recalls the circumstances of his appearance as recorded by Cicero: Tages was turned up in a field by a farmer’s plow. 346. Tarchon: The Etruscan general who helped Aeneas against Turnus. Tarchon is the reading found in late mss.; the older mss. read Tarcho or Tarcha Tarchon is preferable both because it corresponds to Vergil’s spelling in the Aeneid (cf. Aen 8. 506, 10. 153, 11. 184), and, as Lundstrm (1897, 113; 1900-1902, 185) notes, reading Tarchon preserves what may be a deliberat e pair of end-rhymes between lines 346 and 348 (… Tarchon / / … Chiron ) and lines 347 and 349 (… altis / / … albis ).

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302 Col.’s naming of Tarchon, following that of Tages (345), further underlines the association of the Et ruscans with magic. 347. Praecinxit vitibus albis: See bryonias (250). For the us e of bryony as a garland to protect against bad weather, cf. contra grandinem … omne horti spatium alba vite praecingitur (Pallad. 1. 35. 1). Pliny ( HN 23. 28) recommends girding the farmhouse with black bryony to repel birds that prey on domestic fowl: aiunt, si quis villam ea cinxerit, fugere acci pitres tutasque fieri altiles 348. Amythaeonius: Melampus, son of Amythaeon (P aus. 1. 44. 5), a mythic soothsayer born in Pylos but associated with Argos ( OCD ). Homer calls him ( Od 11. 289; cf. Od 15. 225-242; Paus. 4. 36. 3) He could understand the speech of animals after snakes licked his ears clean ( Schol Hom. Od 11. 290). Pausanias (2. 18. 4) records that Melampus cured Argive women of madness. He also mentions (9. 31. 5) that Hesiod is said to have written a poem, now lost, about Melampus the seer ( ). Melampus also cured the daughters of Proetus of madness (Paus. 8. 18. 8); he is said to have discarded the means he used to cure them in the river Anigrus, on account of which the river’s waters have a foul odor (Paus. 5. 5. 10).63 Cicero mentions Melampus as an example of a diviner whose deeds are considered credible simply because of their antiquity: neque enim … Melampodis … tantum nomen fuisset … nisi vetustas ea certa esse docuit ( Leg 2. 33). See also Chiron (348). 63 Cf. Ov. Met 15. 322-328; in Ovid’s version, the waters of the river cause those who drink them to avoid wine and drink only water.

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303 Chiron: A centaur, son of Sa turn and Philyra (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 38; cf. G 3. 550, Ov. Met 6. 126). According to Hyginus ( Fab 274. 9): Chiron … artem medicinam chirurgicam ex herbi s primus instituit According to Homer, Chiron had instructed Machaon’s father in the use of the drugs wh ich Machaon uses to treat Menelaus’ wound ( Il 4. 218-219). Chiron, who was very l earned, was the tutor of Achilles and Asclepius/Aesculapius (Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 38; cf. Ov. Met 2. 628-634) as well as Melampus and other from Greek myth. He di ed as a result of an accidental wound from Heracles’ arrow poisoned with the Hydra’s blood and was placed in the heavens as the constellation Centaurus (Ov. Met 2. 649-652; Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 38). Melampus and Chiron are linked by both P ausanias and Vergil. One explanation related by Pausanias for the bad smell of the river Anigrus is that Chiron, when wounded, washed his wound in the river, which thus became c ontaminated with the Hydra’s blood (5. 5. 10). Vergil menti ons Chiron and Melampus as examples of magicians whose arts fail to stop the plague and actually make it worse ( G 3. 549-550). 353. Palladia sine fruge salis conspergere amurca: Amurca is the dregs or lees from the pressing of olives. Col. describes a method for extracting amurca from olives (12. 50. 2, 4). For the use of amurca to repel pests, cf. alii … amurca insulsa, cum coepit infestari seges, perfudunt sulcos et ita noxia animalia summovent (2. 9. 10); frumento ne noceat curculio neu mures tangant. Lutum de amurca facito, palearum paulum addito, sinito macerescant bene et subigito bene; eo granarium totum oblinito crasso luto…. cuculio non nocebit (Cato Agr 92; cf. also Agr 95); vulgo vero si uredo noceat et vermes radicibus inhaereant, remedium est amurca pura ac sine sale spargere, dein

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304 sarire (Plin. HN 18. 159); contra culices et limaces ve l amurcam recentem vel ex cameris fulginem spargimus (Pallad. 1. 35. 2). There are other agricultural uses for amurca Col. recommends using it to prepare a storage place for grain: sedem frumentis optimam … horreum camara contectum, cuius solum terrenum, prius quam consternatur, perfossum et amurca recenti non salsa madefactum (1. 6. 12). Vergil mentions the use of amurca to increase yield: semina vidi equidem multos medicare serent is / et nitro prius et nigra perfundere amurca, / grandior ut fetus siliquis fallacibus esset ( G 1. 193-196; cited by Pliny, HN 18. 157); and as a treatment for the skins of sheep after shearing ( G 3. 448); Cato ( Agr 91) says that a new threshing floor should be soaked with amurca Pliny ( HN 15. 33-34) discusses a number of uses for amurca For Palladius see Palladiae bacae iutura saporem (121). 354. Innatave laris nigra satiare favilla: For the use of ashes to repel pests, cf. qui aestate ista seret, caveat ne … pulex adhuc tenera folia prorepentia consumat, idque ut vitetur, pulvis qui supra cameram invenitur, vel etiam fuligo quae supra focus tectis in haeret, colligi debet; deinde pridie quam satio fiat, commisceri cum seminibus et aqua conspargi (11. 3. 60). A lar is a guardian deity of the home; cf. pater familias ubi ad villam venit, ubi larem familiarem salutavit (Cato Agr 2. 1); repetebant praeterea deos patrios, aras, focos, larem familiarem, in quae tu invaseras (Cic. Phil 2. 75). The term can be used figuratively to refer to the home; cf. omnia secum / armentariu s Afer agit, tectumque laremque ( G 3. 343-344); avitus apto / cum lare fundo (Hor. Carm 1. 12. 43-44);

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305 sedibus his profugos constituisse larem (Ov. Tr 1. 10. 40). Col. is using it to refer to the hearth or fireplace. See also sanctique Penates (279). 356. Marrubii: Marrubium also marruvium ( OLD ), is horehound, Marrubium vulgare L. and Marrubium creticum L. (Andr 1985, 155). Pliny ( HN 20. 241) remarks on horehound’s well-k nown properties: marrubium plerique inter primas herbas commendavere, quod Graeci prasion vocant, alii linostrophon, nonnulli philopaeda aut philochares, notius quam ut iudicandum sit Pliny distinguishes two types: marrubii duo genera … nigrum et quod magis probat candidum ( HN 20. 244; cf. HN 26. 93). According to Andr (1985, 155), Col. is refe rring to white horehound (cf. Van Wyk 2004, 198). Pliny recommends it for both topical and internal medicinal uses, for a variety of afflications including snakebite, skin probl ems, aches, coughs, digestive problems and eye trouble ( HN 20. 241-244). Col. recommends t he juice of horehound and leek to counteract garden pests: marrubii quoque sucus et porri valet eiusmodi necare animalia (6. 25). Vergil does not mention horehound. Sedi: Sedum is the common houseleek or roof houseleek, Sempervivum tectorum L (Andr 1985, 233; Wright 1984, 440; Van Wyk 2004, 427).64 Pliny ( HN 18. 159) remarks: Democritus suco herbae quae appellatur aizoum, in tegulis nascens, et ab aliis hypogaesum, Latine vero sedum aut digitillum, medicata seri iubet omnia semina 64 Andr (1956, 288) says that sedum is “nom de diverse Crassulaces non distingues par les anciens” and thus can refer to a group of related plants. Crassulaceae is the botanical family to which these plants belong. Also in this family is the modern genus Sedum which includes the stonecrop and other “mat-forming, sprawling plants” (Wright 1984,438-440).

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306 Sedi is Iucundus’ conjecture (Rodgers 2010, 415), accepted by all later editors; the mss. read seri “whey.” According to Ash (1930, 111) are no ancient testimonia for the use of whey against pests However, the juice of sedum is specifically recommended for this purpose by Col. (2. 9. 10; 11. 3. 61, 64) and Palladius (10. 3. 2). Vergil does not mention sedum 358. Dardanicae … artes: The “arts of Dardanus” are magic. Dardanus was regarded as a magician and inventor of magic arts; cf. Apul. Apol. 90. 6; Plin. HN 30, 9. The attribution of magic to Dardanus, like the attribution of divination to the Etruscans (see Tyrrhenus Tages 345) is part of a Greek and Roman pattern of ascribing the origin of magical arts to other cultures.65 Ogden (2002, 44) remarks: “For all that magic spread over the entire world, it is presented as fundamentally external and antithetical to Roman culture.” Neverthele ss, Roman agricultural writers, including Col., include magical procedures among the remedies they offer for pests and other difficulties. 358-362. Nudataque plantas … ducitur horti: Col. restates this idea in Book 11: sed Democritus in eo libro qui Graece inscribitur affirmat has ipsas bestiolas enecari, si mulier, quae in m entruis est, solutis crinibus et nudo pede unamquamque aream ter circumeat; post hoc enim decidere omnes vermiculos et ita emori (11. 3. 64); cf. privatim autem contra urucas am biri arbores singulas a muliere initiante menses, nudis pedibus, recincta (Plin. HN 17. 266); quocumque autem alio menstruo si nudatae segetem ambiant, urucas et vermiculos scarabaeasque ac noxia alia decidere (Plin. HN 28. 78); aliqui mulierem menstruant em nusquam cinctam solutis 65 But cf. Henderson (2004, 131, n. 48): “Columella makes [Dardanus] sound [sic] like a founder of ‘Dardanian’ Troy, mythic origin of Rome.” Cf. Troiae Dardanus auctor ( Aen 6. 650).

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307 capillis nudis pedibus contra erucas et cetera hortum faciunt circumire (Pallad. 1. 35. 1). Pliny ( HN 28. 77-86) discusses in great detail the various properties and powers attributed to menstrual fluid. Of the ritual described, Ash (1930, 113) notes: “The bare feet, ungirt robes, flowing hair, and threefold circumambulations are regular features of the religious symbolism;” cf. maestum Iliades crinem de more solutae ( Aen 11. 35); unum exuta pedem vinclis, in veste recincta ( Aen 4. 518, of Dido); cinctas … resolvite vestes (Ov. Met 1. 382, of Deucalion and Pyrrha); egreditur tectis vestes induta recinctas, / nuda pedem, nudos umeris infusa capillos (Ov. Met 7. 182-183, of Medea). For the ritual use of three repetitions, cf. idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda ( Aen 6. 229); et magna Manis ter voce vocavi ( Aen 6. 506); ter se convertit, ter su mptis flumine crinem / inroravit aquis ternisque ululatibus ora / solvit (Ov. Met 7. 189-191); terque senem flamma, ter aqua, ter sulphure lustrat (Ov. Met 261).66 Of the tone of the passage as a whole, Boldrer (1996, 320) remarks: “Il rito descritto con particolari, con anaphora67 di resolutus che conferiscono gravit al verso.” 364-366. Non aliter quam … distorto corpore campe: After describing a ritual repeated threefold, Col. uses what amounts to a threefold simile to describe the dispossessed pests falling from the plants. He explicitly comparing them to apples or 66 For other examples of the significance of the number three in Ovid’s account of Medea’s ritual, cf. tres aberunt noctes, ut cornua to ta coirent / efficerentque orbem ( Met 7. 179-180, the night Medea chooses to perform the ritual); triceps Hecate ( Met 7. 194, the goddess to whom she prays); et iam nona dies curru pennisque draconum / nonaque nox omnes lustrantem viderat agros ( Met 7. 234-235, the amount of time she travels to gather the necessary herbs: nine = three x three). Cf. Lease (1919, 61): “The number 3 plays a part in ritualistic observ ances.” See also Tavenner (1916) for a detailed discussion of the symbolic importance of the number three in Latin literature. 67 Cf. AG 598f, 641.

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308 acorns shaken loose from a tree by the rain—but the rain itself is falling as well. He oddly likens the caterpillars, which are t he enemy of the crops wh ich the gardener is trying to grow, to the desired crops them selves, as if the pests have become the produce of the tree. 365. Mali: For malum see iniussi consternitur ubere mali (16). Glandis: Glans is the acorn. The term is used to refer to the fruit of certain trees, such as the oak (Andr 1985, 111); cf. quernas glandes ( G 1. 305); glans optima in quercu atque grandissima (Plin. HN 16. 20). Pliny ( HN 16. 15-27) discusses the nature and uses of various types of acorns. For the image of the acor n falling from a tree, cf. bacae glandesque caducae (Lucr. 5. 1363); for acorns as the typical food of pr imitive people, cf. quae est autem in hominibus tanta perversitas, ut inventis frugibus glande vescantur? (Cic. Orat. 30). According to Pliny ( HN 16. 15), flour can be m ade from acorns if grain is scarce. The acorn is a standard example of a foodstuff that is found wil d and gathered, rather than deliberately cultivated and is thus stands in contrast to everythi ng cultivated in the garden. Col. does recommend the planting of oak trees as well as chestnut trees, but only as supports for vines: potest enim quercus simili ratione seri … [ si ] dumosi glareosique montes, atque ea genera te rrae … glandem magi s quam castaneam postulabunt (4. 33. 5). 366. Distorto corpore campe: Campe is the caterpillar; see hirsutaque campe (324); serpitque eruca per hortos (333). Gesner ( 1735, 733) notes that distorto corpore plays on the Greek meaning of “curved;” Boldrer (1996, 322) calls this an example of Col.’s fondness for “gioco etimologico bilingue;” see also candida leucoia

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309 (97); immortalesque amaranti (175); oculis inimica corambe (178); lubrica … lapathos (373). 367-368. Sic quondam .. vidit Iolcos: A reference to the st ory of Jason, who set out from Iolcos in Thessaly in the Argo to find the golden fleece, which had originally belonged to the flying ram that carried Phr yxus from Greece to Colchis; cf. Ov. Met 7. 1-158; cf. Hyg. Poet. astr 2. 20; Apollod. Bibl 1. 9. 1. For the lulling of the guardian serpent to sleep, cf. Ov. Met 149-158; Her 12. 101-108. See mox ubi nubigenae … caput efferet undis (155-156) and nubigenae (155). Col. follows his comparison of the falling caterpillars to other falling objects—rain, apples, acorns (364-366)—with a mythological simile. Though the caterpillars are far smaller than the serpent, they are just as pestilential to the gardener and the damage they can cause is just as detrimental to hi s livelihood. This refe rence to the story of Jason follows soon after Col.’s description of the ritual with the menstruating girl (358372), which in its details recalls Ovid’s accoun t of Medea’s ritual invocation of Hecate to create the spell that will rejuv enate Jason’s father Aeson ( Met 7. 179-219). Summer harvest (lines 369-399) 369. Prototomos … caules: Prototomus is Greek “first-cut” ( OLD ). Pliny ( HN 19. 137) describes the first yield of cabbage: brassica … cymam a prima satione praestat proxima vere; hic est quidam ipsorum caulium deli catior teneriorque cauliculus Cf. also: cum mihi boleti dederint tam nobile nomen, / prototomis — pudet heu! — servio coliculis (Mart. 14. 101. 1-2); et faba fabrorum pr ototomique rudes (Mart. 10. 48. 16). For caules see frigoribus caules et verno cymata mittet (129).

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310 Tempus decidere caules: Ash (1930, 113) remarks, “the infinitive is loosely joined to the substantive to indicate purpose.” But see † tempus haris satio † (244), esp. note on satio 370. Tartesiacos Paphiosque … thyrsos: The Tartessian and Paphian varieties of cabbage, previously mentioned at 185-187. 371. Apio: Celery or parsley; see apio viridi (166). Secto … porro: This is the cut leek, porrum sectivum ; see mater Aricia porri (139). 372. Eruca salax: Rocket or arugula; see eruca (109). Fecundo … horto: Cf. est mihi fecundus dotalibus hortus in agris (Ov. Fast 5. 209, spoken by Flora); cf. also fecundus rumex ( Mor 73) and the mention of sorrel in the next line (373). This is Col.’s third use of fecundus in the poem: cf. nos fecunda manus viduo mortalibus orbe / progenerat (65-66); dum satiata Venus fecundos compleat artus (212). Both previous examples involv e situations of divine agency; thus the bounteous fertility of the garden at this time of year is thus almost spontaneous, a gift of the gods; cf. sua sponte (13); sponte virescunt (373). 373. Lubrica … lapathos: Lapathus/os (f.) or lapathum is sorrel, usually rumex in Latin (cf. Plin. HN 20. 231), comprising a number of species of genus Rumex L. (Andr 1985, 137-138, 220-221; 1956, 179-179, 276), including Rumex crispus L. (yellow dock), Rumex acetosa Rumex acetosella (Van Wyk 2004, 278), and Rumex patientia L. (Andr 1956, 178, 276). The name lapathos comes from Greek or possibly related to “to empty, discharge,” be cause of its laxative effect (Andr 1985, 137-138; Bo ldrer 1996, 324-325; LSJ; Van Wyk 2004, 278). Pliny

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311 ( HN 20. 231-235) discusses various varieties of lapathum and their medicinal uses; he says that the leaves in parti cular have laxative properties: eadem [sc. radix ] decocta cum vino sistit alvum, folia solvunt ( HN 20. 235). Cf. si dura morabitur al vus, / mitulus et viles pellent obstantia conc hae / et lapathi brevis herba (Hor. Sat 2. 4. 27-29). Vergil does not mention sorrel, as either lapathos or rumex Lubrica: Ash (1930, 114) remarks: “The adjective lubrica some say, aptly describes the herb when cooked; ot hers think that it is so called because of its laxative effect.” lubrica … lapathos is thus another instance of what Boldrer (1996, 322) elsewhere calls a “gioco etimologico bi lingue,” though she overlooks this example (1996, 324-325). Both Ash and Forster render lubrica … lapathos as “slippery sorrel,” Santoro as “lapazio lassativo,” and Boldrer as “lassativo lapazio;” these translations thus preserve the effect of Col.’s alliteration. Henderson (2004) renders it “oily sorrel,” which loses the alliteration. Because I regard the alliteration as worth preserving, I have adopted Ash’s and Forster’s rendering of this phrase. Thamni: What plant is intended here is uncertain. Thamni is printed by all modern editors, but Andr (1956, 310, 313) regards this as equivalent to tamni “black bryony.” Cf. OLD : “thamnus: see tamnus.” See quaeque tuas … bryonias alligat alnos (248-250). Santoro (1946, 59) identifies thamni as “genere di vite silvestre” and cites Pliny ( HN 21. 86), where tamnus is included in a list of herbae sponte nascentes ; Pliny says that, along with ruscus (see hirsuto rusco 374), it is one of the few such plants found in Italy. Col. includes thamnum in a list of plants used for pickling (12. 7. 1-2).

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312 Ash (1930, 114) and Saint-Denis (1969a, 70) assert that the use of thamnus for tamnus is due to confusion with Greek “shrub.” They also note that some editors have emended thamni in this line to rhamni “buckthorns” ( Rhamnus cathartica L., or perhaps Christ’s thorn, Paliurus australis Gaertn.; cf. Andr (1985, 217); see spinisque ferat paliuron acutis 22), though no recent editor has done so (but see Gesner 1735, 733-734). Fo rster (1968, 39) renders thamni as “bushes” but notes that in the context of this line, “a specific plant name seems r equired” and suggests “the original reading may have been tamni .” Henderson (2004, 63) refuses to attempt an identification and r enders this as “ thamnum shrubs.” Schneider (1794, v. 2 p t. 2 549-540) regards tamnum in Col. and Pliny ( HN 21. 86) as a corruption of tamum ; cf. uva taminia (Plin. HN 23. 17; 26. 138), a type of wild grape. Forster is correct that, given the context, a specific plant is meant here, rather than a generic “shrub.” Col. has referred to bryony already, so “black bryony” is a reasonable suggestion, given the text, and I have adopted it in my translation. It is, however, impossible to be certain. Sponte virescunt: Cf. iniussa virescunt gramina ( G 1. 55). See sua sponte (13); fecundo … horto (372). 374. Scilla: Also squilla from Greek the squill or sea onion, Urginea maritima Baker = Scilla maritima L. and other species (Andr 1985, 220-230; 1956, 284285; Van Wyk 2004, 331). Varro ( Rust 1. 7. 7) gives the squ ill as an example of a plant that lives in the sea, citi ng Theophrastus (cf. Theophr. Hist. pl 1. 4. 3). Pliny ( HN 19. 93), in his discussion of bulbs, remarks: verum nobilissima [sc. bulborum ] est scilla,

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313 quamquam medicamini nata exac uendoque acuto; nec ulli amp litude maior, sicuti nec vis superior He goes on to distinguish three types: duo genera medicae, masculum albis foliis, femineum nigris; et tertium genus est cibis gratum, Epimenidu vocatur, angustius folio ac minus aspero ( HN 10. 93). Vergil mentions squill once, as a source of ointment for the skins of sheep after shearing ( G 3. 451). Hirsuto rusco: Ruscus or ruscum is butcher’s broom, Ruscus aculeatus L. (Andr 1985, 221; Wright 1984, 222; Van Wyk 2004, 279). Pliny ( HN 21. 86) mentions it, along with tamnus as one of the few herbae sponte nascentes found in Italy. Of its medicinal uses, Pliny ( HN 21. 173) says: rusci radix decocta alternis diebus in calculorum valetudine et to rtuosiore urina vel cruenta He also notes ( HN 23. 166) that the leaves are prickly ( foliis acutis ), and that in the country brooms are made from it ( fiunt ruri scopae ). Vergil ( G 2. 413) refers to aspera rusci / vimina and his Thyrsus ( Ecl 7. 42) wants to appear horridior rusco hirsutus thus refers to th e bristliness of the broom’s leaves. Col. includes ruscum thamnum and asparagus together in his list of plants that can be pickled according to the recipe he gives (12. 7. 1-2); cf. thamni (373); asparagi corruda simillima filo (375). 375. Asparagi corruda simillima filo: Corruda is wild asparagus, probably Asparagus officinalis L., though possibly Asparagus aphyllus L., Asparagus tenuifolius L., or Asparagus acutifolius L. (Andr 1985, 76); for asparagus and corruda see et baca asparagi spinosa prosilit herba (246). 376. Andrachle: Andrachle is Lundstrm’s (1900-1902, 185-186) emendation for the ms. reading andrachiae and is accepted by most subsequent editors. Santoro and Forster follow Hussner (1889, 24, 35) in printing andrachne a reading found in early

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314 printed editions; Marsili prints the ms. reading andrachiae From Greek or this is probably purslaine, porcillaca or portulaca Portulaca oleracea L. (Andr 1985, 16, 205-206; OLD ; LSJ; cf. Wright 1984, 526; Van Wyk 2004, 423). Cf. andrachlen omnes fere Graecis porcillacae nomine interpretantur, cum sit herba et andrachne vocetur unius litterae diversitate (cf. Theophr. Caus. pl 1. 10. 4); cetero andrachle est silvestris arbor, neque in planis nascens, similis unedoni (Plin. HN 13. 120 ) ; inter utraque genera68 sunt andrachle in Graecia et ubique unedo: reliqua enim folia decidunt iis praeterquam in cacuminibus (Plin. HN 16. 80); huic [sc. aizoo ] similis est quam Graeci andrachlen agrian vocant, Italia inlecebram, pusillis latioribus foliis et breviore cacumine (Plin. HN 25. 162; illecebra or elecebra can refer to the stonecrop, Sedum album L., Sedum stellatum L., or to purslaine; A ndr 1985, 93, 131). Pliny recommends andrachle agria for eye trouble, headaches, and earaches ( HN 25. 163164), as well as for stomach troubles: miscetur his [sc. nucleis nucis pineae ] contra vehementiores stomachi rosiones cu cumeris semen et sucus porcilacae ( HN 26. 143) He says that the poppy should be sown together with cabbage and porcillaca ( HN 19. 167). Col. includes portulaca with herbs that can be pres erved at the time when the vintage ( vindemia ) is coming (12. 13. 2). Ve rgil does not mention purslaine. 377. Gravis: See longa phaselos (377). 68 I.e., deciduous trees and evergreens; cf. praeterea arborum aliis decidunt folia, aliae sempiterna coma virent (Plin. HN 16. 78); cf. [sc. ] … … (Theophr. Hist. pl 1. 9. 3).

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315 Atriplici: Atriplex or atriplexum from Greek ,69 is the orach or saltbush, Atriplex hortensis L. (Andr 1985, 30; 1956, 46; Wright 1984, 522; Van Wyk 2004, 401). Ernout (1951, 96) remarks, “Les formes rom anes remontent peut-tre une forme plus voisine de l’original grec atrapex atripex .” Andr (1985, 30) suggests that the Latin form atriplex developed due to the influence of -plex compounds in Latin, esp. triplex Cf. chaerephyllum itemque holus atriplicis, quod Graeci vocant circa Kalendas Octobres obrui oportet non frigidissimo loco. … papaver et anethum eandem habent condicionem sationis quam chaerephyllum et (11. 3. 42); quae rectam non habent radicem statim plurimis nituntur capillamentis, ut atriplex et blitum (Plin. HN 19. 99). Pliny ( HN 19. 117) states that atriplex breaks through the ground on the eighth day after pl anting. He identif ies a wild orach, atriplex silvestre which has a variety of topical and internal medicinal applications ( HN 20. 119121); Andr (1956, 46; Andr 1985, 30) identifies this as Chenopodium Bonus Henricus L., a type of goosefoot (cf. Van W yk 2004, 94). Vergil does not mention atriplex Longa phaselos: The phaselos or phaselus from Greek or is a type of leguminous plant of genus Dolichos or Vigna possibly Vigna sinensis Endl.; the term can refer to the plant as well as to the pods and seeds or beans (Andr 1985, 196; Andr 1956, 246-247). So me beans are also classed in genus Phaseolus (Wright 1984, 508; Van Wyk 2004, 237), but this genus is now used solely for plants originating in the Americas (Boldrer 1996, 327). Col. discusses the cultivation 69 “Les formes romanes remontent peut-tre une forme plus voisine de l’original grec atrapex atripex ” (Ernout 1951, 96). Andr (1985, 30) suggests that the Latin form atriplex developed due to the influence of -plex compounds in Latin, esp. triplex

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316 of this plant: cf. phaseoli mod [sic] quattuor obruuntur totide m operis, occantur una, metuntur una (2. 12. 3); iugerum agri recipit … phaseli modios quattuor (11. 2. 75). According to Andr, Pliny’s passiolus may refer to the same plant or type of plant: siliquae … passiolorum cum ipsis manduntur granis; serere eos qua velis terra licet ab idibus Octobribus ( HN 18. 125). Vergil also prescri bes the time for planting the phaselos : si vero viciamque seres vilemque phaselum, / nec Pelusiacae curam aspernabere lentis, / haud obscura cadens mittet tibi signa Bootes ( G 1. 227-229; according to Thomas (1988 v. 1, 107), the evening setting of Bootes occurs at the end of October).70 See also fabis (113). Longa : Santoro (1946, 60) suggests “cio i baccelli lunghi alla maniera dei fagioli, pieni di semi dell’ atriplice, sorta di ortaggio che si mangia cotto.” Since one of the botanical genera in the bean family is Dolichos Col. might here be engaging in another of his bilingual puns (see candida leucoia 97): longus = Boldrer (1996, 327) links longa with gravis : “L’aggettivo, riferito a phaselos allude al fatto che la pianta soffoca l’atreplice con le sue ramificazione (vd. longa nel verso) se troppo vicina….Columella, indicando la posizione delle piante, sembre avere presente un orto reale.” For this sense of gravis cf. solet esse gravis cantantibus umbra, / iuniperi gravis umbra, nocent et frugibus umbrae ( Ecl 10. 75-76). 378. Chelydri: Cf. gravis … chelydros ( G 3. 415); nigris exesa chelydris ( G 2. 214). Col.’s use of this word recalls Vergil’s various mentions of snakes; see intortus cucumis praegnasque cucurbita serpit (380). 70 Cf. Vergilius …seri iubet … viciam vero et passiolos et lentem boote occidente (Plin. HN 18. 202); this supports the argument that Pliny’s passiolus is the same as Col.’s and Vergil’s phaselus

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317 380. Intortus cucumis praegnasque cucurbita serpit: For the cucumber ( cucumis ) and the gourd ( cucurbita ), see et tenero cucumis fr agilique cucurbita collo (234); lividus et cucumis … morbos aestatis iniquae (389-392). Intortus cucumis … serpit clearly recalls Vergil’s tortusque per herbam / cresceret in ventrem cucumis ( G 4. 121-122). Rebecca Armstrong (2008, 366-368) argues that Vergil is comparing the cucumber to a snak e, and that this recalls other Vergilian references to snakes: latet anguis in herba ( Ecl 3. 93); immanem ante pedes hydrum moritura puella / servantem ripas alta non vidit in herba ( G 4. 458-459, on Eurydice’s death); Vergil’s prescriptions to the farmer for repelling snakes ( G 414-439); and the simile likening Sergestus’ wrecked ship to a snake run over on the road ( Aen 5. 273279), esp. nequiquam longos fugiens dat corpore tortus ( Aen 5. 276). Robert Cowan (2009, 286-289) links Vergil’s snaky cucumber with Col.’s. Armstrong argues that Vergil plays with expectations in making what seem s at first like a dangerous snake turn out to be a harmless cucumber. Cowan sees Col., by contrast, inverting this expectation: that what begins as a harmless cucumber turns into a dangerous snake. Vergil did not originate the likening of the cucumber to a snake: cf. Varro, Rust 1. 2. 25: cucumis anguinus (used in a recipe for killing bugs). Cf. cucumis anguineus (2. 9. 10; 7. 10. 5; 7. 13. 2); multi hunc [sc. cucumin ] esse apud nos qui anguinus vocetur, ab aliis erraticus, arbi trantur, quo decocto sparsa mures non adtingunt (Plin. HN 20. 9). Andr (1985, 80) notes: “le fr uit, au simple toucher, crache son fruit et ses grains comme le serpent son venin.” Vergil’s snake-turned-cucumber comes in the context of his praise for the beauty and bounty of the garden ( G 4. 116-146). While Col.’s cucumber-turned-snake also

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318 comes in the midst of his praise of the fertilit y of the garden ( fecundo … horto 373), it also appears not long after his discussi on of garden pests and their remedies ( parvulus aut pulex … tristi consumpta veneno 321-336). Moreover, Col. uses the same verb, serpit to describe that action of both the snaky cucumber and the destructive caterpillar ( serpitque eruca per hortos 333). Thus, this passage continues Col.’s admonitions about the dangers that might pres ent themselves in the garden and leads to his warning about the perils of the lividus … cucumis (389). Col. expands on Vergil’s snake simile by including the gourd along wit h the cucumber; in Book 10, Col. always pairs the two plants. See also fetidus hic succo … candidus (393-396). Martial (11. 18. 10-11) also links cucumbers with snakes: in quo nec cucumis iacere rectus / nec ser pens habitare tota possit 386. Naryciae picis: Narycia was a city in Bruttium in southern Italy, settled by Greek colonists from Locris ( Aen 3. 399; Ov. Met 15. 705); cf. Narycum, a town in Locris in Greece (Plin. HN 4. 27). It was also called Loc ri Epizephyrii and was the only Locrian colony in Italy ( OCD ). For pitch from that region, cf. Naryciaeque picis ( G 2. 438); pix in Italia ad vasa vino condendo maxime probatur Bruttia (Plin. HN 14. 127). 387. Bacchove lagoenam: For the use of Bacchus as metonymy (AG 641) for wine, cf. cum fruges Cererem, vinum Liberum dicimus, genere nos quidem sermonis utimur usitato, sed ecquem tam amentem e sse putas, qui illud, quo vescatur, deum credat esse? (Cic. Nat. D. 3. 41). See munera Bacchi (3). 389-392. Lividus at cucumis … morbos aestatis iniquae: See intortus cucumis praegnasque cucurbita serpit (380).

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319 389. Lividus … cucumis: Cf. caeruleus cucumis ( Copa 22). Pliny ( HN 19. 65) mentions different varieties of cucumbers. Cf. cucurbita quoque omni modo fastigiatur, vaginis maxime vitilibus, contecta in eas pos tquam defloruit, crescitque in qua cogitur forma, plerumque draconis intorti figura ( HN 19. 70); cf. intorti cucumis (380). 393-395. Fetidus hic succo … candidus: A second variety, the white cucumber, is also imagined as a creeping snake: at qui sub trichila manentem repit at undam (394). Earlier in the poem Col. had depicted the cucu mber and the gourd hanging under the trichila before he compared them to snakes: tum modo dependens trichilis, modo more chelydri … intort us cucumis praegnasque cucurbita serpit (378380). Cowan (2009) discusses Col.’s likening of the intortus cucumis and lividus cucumis to a snake, but does not menti on that Col. also imagines the candidus cucumis in a similar way. 396. Candidus: sc. cucumis as distinguished from the lividus cucumis (389). Late summer (lines 400-422) 400. Canis Erigones flagrans Hyperionis aestu: This is Sirius, the Dog-Star. For Sirius and Erigone, see sitiens … Sirius (41). See also Titan (42); Sirius ardor (289). Erigones is a first-declension Greek genitive singular form (AG 44). 401. Cumulataque moris … manat fiscella cruore: Morum is the mulberry, Morus nigra L., from Greek ; morum is the fruit, morus i f. is the tree (Andr 1985, 164). Both Vergil and Ovid rema rk on the blood-like co lor of the mulberry: cf. iamque videnti / sanguineis front em moris et tempora pinguit ( Ecl 6. 21-22); arborei fetus adspergine caedis in atram / vertunt ur faciem, madefacta que sanguine radix / purpureo tinguit pendentia mora colore (Ov. Met 4. 125-127). This is Col.’s only

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320 mention of the mulberry, though it is mentioned once in the pseudo-Col. De arboribus (25. 1). Andr (1985, 164) notes that morum is also used to designate the fruit of a bramble bush, Rubus fruticosus L., which seems to be different from the blood-red mulberry, which Pliny ( HN 24. 120) calls sativa morus and which is the fruit of a tree ( HN 16. 74); cf. in duris haerentia mora rubetis (Ov. Met 1. 105); nec rubos ad maleficia tantum genuit natura, ideoque et mora hi s, hoc est vel hominibus cibos, dedit (Plin. HN 24. 117); Pliny continues with a list of the many medicinal application of these berries ( HN 24. 117-120). 403. Tunc praecox … ab arbore ficus: This line is almost a so-called “golden line”71, except that the adjectives and nouns are arranged chiastically (cf. AG 598 f 2): praecox (a) bifera (b) … arbore (B) ficus (A). Wilkinson (1963, 215-216) calls this pattern a “silver line.” Bifera … ab arbore: Both Col. and Pliny refer to fig trees that bear fruit twice or thrice a year; cf. omnes [sc. fici ] etiam biferae vel triferae flosculi (5. 10. 11); sunt et biferae in iisdem [i.e., ficis ], in Coo insula caprifici triferae sunt: primo fetu sequens evocatur, sequenti tertius (Plin. HN 16. 114). Praecox … ficus: Ficus is the common cultivated fig, Ficus carica L.; the name is used for both the tree and its fruit (Andr 1985, 104). Col. names ten different types of figs at 413-418, and also at 5. 10. 11 (though not the same set of ten). He also gives 71 Cf. Mayer (2002, 139-179). Panhuis (2006, 206) regards the golden line as “two crossed hyperbata;” for hyperbaton, cf. also AG 641.

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321 a recipe for making vinegar from figs, for use in places in quibus vini ideoque etiam aceti penuria est (12. 17. 1). Vergil does not mention the fig. Praecox : Cf. ficus et praecoces habet quas Athenis prodromos vocant (Plin. HN 16. 113). 404. Armeniisque: Armenia here for Armeniaca (sc. poma ), are apricots, Prunus armeniaca L.; the tree is Armeniaca (sc. arbor ) (Andr 1985, 25). Col., in discussing types of fruit trees to plant in orchard ( pomaria ), remarks: sorbi [sc. mali ] quoque et Armeniaci et Pers ici non minima est gratia (5. 10. 19). Andr thinks that Pliny is referring to the apricot when he m entions a variety of plums which he calls Armeniaca : necnon ab externa gente Armeniaca, quae sola et odore commendantur ( HN 15. 41). Vergil does not mention apricots. Cereolis: Sc. prunis ; this is a variety of plum, Prunus domestica L.; see pruni lapidosis obruta pomis (15). Pliny ( HN 15. 41-43) discusses several varieties of plums and their cultivation; one type he mentions, [ pruna ] cerina ( HN 15. 41), “waxy plums,” is likely the same variety which Col. mentions here, as is Vergil’s cerea pruna ( Ecl 2. 53). Vergil mentions plums in his discussion of grafting: mutatamque insita mala / ferre pirum et prunis lapidosa rubescere corna ( G 2. 33-34); and in his pr aise of the Old Man of Tarentum: et spinos iam pruna ferentis ( G 4. 145). Prunisque Damasci: “Plums of Damascus,” the damson plum, Prunus damascena R. This is mentioned by Pliny ( HN 15. 43) in his catalogue of different varieties of plums: in peregrinis arboribus dicta sunt Damascena a Syriae Damasco cognominata

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322 405-406. Pomis, quae barbara Persis / miserat: This seems to refer to the persea Greek or Mimusops Schimperi L., a tree known in Egypt (Andr 1985, 193); cf. Aegyptus et perseam arborem su i generis habet, similem piro, folia retinentem (Plin. HN 13. 60). Pliny asserts that its name comes from the mythic hero Perseus rather than the country Persia: eam quoque eruditiores negaverunt ex Perside propter supplicia translate, sed a Perseo Me mphi satam, et ob it Alexandrum illa coronari victores ibi instituisse in honorem atavi sui (Plin. HN 15. 46). Vergil does not mention the persea Because there seems to be no common English equivalent, I have retained persea in the translation. Patriis armata venenis: The persea was alleged to be poisonous, though apparently there was some confus ion on this point between the persea and the peach: falsum est venenata cum cruciatu in Pe rsis gigni et poenarum causa ab regibus translata in Aegyptum terra mitigata; id enim de persea di ligentiores tradunt, quae in totum alia est myxis rubentibus similis nec extra orientem nasci voluit (Plin. HN 15. 45). 409-410. Eiusdem gentis … Persica malo: Persicum [sc. malum ] is the peach, Prunus persica Sieb. et Z. (Andr 1985, 193). Pliny ( HN 15. 42) includes peaches among a group of fruits that will last for a season if kept in jars like grapes ( ut uvae cadis condita ). Col. includes the peach among a group of trees that should be grafted in mid-March (11. 2. 11). Vergil does not mention the peach. 411412. Tempestiva madent … Asiatica fetu: Gallica and Asiatica are different varieties of peaches; cf. Plin. HN 15. 39. Pliny ( HN 15. 40) says that the Asiatic variety ripens in late autumn, though one type ripens earlier, in the summer ( aestate praecocia [sc. Persica ]); he goes on to say t hat ordinary peaches grow

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323 everywhere ( popularia undique ) and are given to the sick ( pomum innocuum expetitur aegris ). 413-419. At gravis … Lydia tergo: In this section Col. describes ten different varieties of figs. He mentions a number of these varities in the Book 5 of the Res Rustica : serendae sunt autem praecipue Livianae [ sc. ficus] Africanae Chalcidicae † fulcae † Lydiae callistruthiae †astopiae† Rh odiae Libycae Tiburnae, omnes etiam biferae et triferae flosculi (5. 10. 11). See praecox … ficus (403). 413. Gravis Arcturi sub sidere: Arcturus is the fourth -brightest star in the sky and is the brightest star in the conste llation Bootes (Ridpath 1988, 35). Vergil specifically mentions Arct urus when admonishing the farme r to pay attention to the stars: praeterea tam sunt Arcturi sidera nobis / Haedorumque dies servandi et lucidus Anguis ( G 1. 2-4-205, quoted by Col. at 11. 1. 31). Accord ing to Col., Arcturus rises early at night ( prima nocte ) on 21 February (11. 2. 21; cf. He s. Op. ); sets on 7 June (11. 2. 45); begins to set again on 26 August (11. 2. 58); rises on 5 Sept ember (11. 2. 63); and sets in the evening on 29 October (11. 2. 78). It was regar ded as a portent of stormy weather; cf. interdum pluvia (11.2. 58); [sc. canit ] Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones; / quid tantum Ocean o properent se tinguere soles / hiberni ( Aen 1. 744-746, the Song of Iopas); increpui hibernum et fluctus movi maritimos. / nam Arcturus signum sum omnium acerrimum: / vehemens sum exoriens, cum occido vehementior (Plaut. Rud 69-71). 414. Livia: Forster (1954, 94) and Ash (1930, 122) suggest that this fig variety was named for Livia, the wife of Augustus; Ash further suggests that this may be inspired by the story that Li via poisoned Augustus by smearing poison on the figs in his

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324 garden (cf. Cass. Dio 56. 30). Pliny suggests that the name may ha ve come from the person who introduced this variety, but he does not try to identify the specific individual: sunt et auctorum nomina iis [sc. ficis ], Liviae, Pompei ( HN 15. 70). Cf. 5. 10. 11. Chalcidicis: This is one of several fig varieties which, according to Pliny, take their name from their country of origin: ad nos ex aliis transiere gentibus, Chalcide, Chio ( HN 15. 69). Chalcis is a city on the Greek island of Euboea ( OCD ). Varro ( Rust 1. 46. 6) also mentions ment ions together figs from Chalcis and Chios. Pliny ( HN 15. 71) remarks of this variety: ex Chalcidicis quarun dam trifero proventu Cf. 5. 10. 11. Caunias: Caunus was a city in Caria, near the border between Caria and Lycia ( OCD ). It was famous for its dried figs (Ash 1930, 123; Richter 1981-83 v. 2, 497 n. 131; cf. Plin. HN 15. 82-83). Caunias is Ursinus’ conjecture, printed by Rodgers. The oldest mss. read caunis caunias would be a Greek first-declension nominative singular, on the model of bryonias (250) and bunias (422) (q.v.). In this interp retation, Col. is setting up two parallel comparisons: the Livian fig is com pared with the Chalcidian, and the Caunian with the Chian. Fernndez-Galiano (1975, 66) and Boldre r (1996, 344) print the ms. reading Caunis and construe it as nominat ive singular (with a long i -), thus following the same two-comparison interpretation. Forster (1968, 43) and Henderson (2004, 64) also interpret the passage this way. Ash also prints Caunis but construes it as a dative plural parallel with Chalcidis and Chiis equivalent to Cauneis (Ash 1930, 122; Richter 19 81-1983 v. 2, 497 n. 131). In this interpretation, the Livian fig is being compared with three types, the Chalcidian,

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325 Caunian, and Chian—which, as Saint-Denis (1969a, 74) and Boldrer (1996, 344) point out, is made awkward by the lack of a conjunction between Caunis and Chiis Santoro (1946, 64) also prints caunis and construes it as a dative plural, but interprets is as a common noun rather than a proper noun: “Cauno era … rinomata per i suoi fichi secchi; in seguito il solo sostantivo pl. Caunae ( arum ) si adoper a significare qualsiasi specie di fichi secchi.” Chiis is thus an adjective modifying the noun caunis ; in Santoro’s reading, Col. is thus comparing Li vian figs to two other varieties, those of Calchis and those of Chios: “C olumella vuol dire che il fico Livio era grandevole come quelli Calcidici e i fichi secchi di Chio.” Boldrer (1996, 344) objects: “sorprende il referimento a fichi essiccati in una rassegna di frutti freschi.” Saint-Denis (1969a, 74) reviews the options and ends up taking Santoro’s suggestion further: “Reste une seule solution: traiter caunis comme un nom commun, synonyme de ficis (mme emploi de carica qui originellement tait la figue de Carie).” Thus caunis here essentially just means “figs” in general, or perhaps “figs like those from Caunus.” Richter (1981-1983 v. 2, 461) also adopts this interpretation. Despite the problems interpreting caunis there is no convincing reason to reject the ms. reading and replace it with caunias a form attested nowhere else (even if Col. himself offers possible parallels). In addition, Boldrer’s (1996, 344) objection to interpreting Caunis as generic (and thus as dative plural) is persuasive: “non persuade la combinazione di termini geographici (di cui uno perderebbe il significato originario complicando inutilmente l’espressione), mentre verosimile che, in un elenco di variet distinte in base all’origine, ognuno des igni una specie distinta.” As for Caunis as a nominative singular rather than a dative plural, Col. has provided parallels in callistruthis

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326 (416) and gongylis (421). Hence I accept the ms. reading Caunis in my translation, understanding it as a nominative singular (modifying an understood ficus ), following the interpretation of Forster, Henders on, Fernndez-Galiano, and Boldrer. Chiis: Chios is an island in the Aegean, purported settled by colonists from Euboea in the 9th cent. B.C.E. ( OCD ). Martial remarks on the taste of Chian figs: nam mihi, quae novit pungere, Chia sapit (7. 25. 8); Chia seni similis Baccho, quem Satia misit, / ipsa merum secum portat et ipsa salem (13. 23). See Chalcidicis (414); Mariscae (415). 415. Purpureaeque Chelidoniae: Chelidonia is derived from Greek “swallow.” Ash (1930, 123), Forster (1968, 43), and Richter (1981-1983, v. 2 497) derive the name from the Chelidonian (“Swallow ”) Islands off the coast of Licia; Andr (1956, 137) suggests that it is due to t he color, “rouge-brun comme la gorge de l’hirondelle;” Boldrer (1996, 345) tentatively suggests that the name may come from the time of year when it ripens, “perch il fico matura al tempo delle migrazioni.” Pliny ( HN 15. 71) says that this variety of fig ripens late, almost in winter: novissima sub hiemem maturatur chelidonia Pliny ( HN 37, 155) remarks on “swallow st ones” that are purple in color: chelidoniae duorum sunt gener a, hirundinum colore, ex al tera parte purpureae, in alia purpuram nigris interpellantibus maculis (cf. HN 11. 203). Regardless of the origin of the name of these figs, Col.’s use of purpureae to describe these figs is likely a remark on their resemblanc e to “swallow stones.” Mariscae: Cato mentions this variety of figs: ficos mariscas in loco cretoso et aperto serito ( Agr 8. 1; quoted by Pliny at HN 15. 71); cf. also Varro, Rust 1. 6. 4, Plin. HN 15. 70. Seneca the Elder ( Suas 2. 17) indicates that Mariscan figs were

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327 undesirable: eo pervenit insania ius, ut … ficus non esset nisi mariscas Martial describes these figs’ taste as fatuas (7. 25. 7) and he uses Chian and Mariscan figs as an example of opposites: non eadem res est: Chiam volo, nolo mariscam: / ne dubites quae sit Chia, marisca tua est (12. 96. 9-10). See Chiis (414). 416. Callistruthis: From lit. “beautiful sparrow.” The form callistruthis found only here, is nominative singular; cf. gongylis (421). The form callistruthiae is found once in Col. (5. 10. 11), and once in Pliny ( HN 15. 69), when he remarks on the flavor of this variety: callistruthiae [sc. fici ] farti sapore praestantiores, ficorum omnium frigidissimae Ash (1930, 123) and Boldrer (1996, 345) suggest that this fig was so named because sparrows (Greek ) were particularly fond of it. 417. Albaque … cerae: This is a roundabout way of naming the fig called albicerata by Pliny ( HN 15. 70); for this kind of periphrasis, cf. tertia, quae spisso … cognomine gentis (183-184). Cato ( Agr 6. 1) and Varro ( Rust 1. 24. 1) describe a type of olive called albiceris which Pliny ( HN 15. 20) calls albicera Col. describes using alba cera white wax, to seal stor age jars (12. 52. 16). 418. Libyssa: The term Libya generally referred to the North African coast west of Alexandria, though its usage could range fr om referring to just the area around Cyrenaica to referring to entire continent now called Africa ( OCD ). Cato ( Agr 8. 1, quoted by Pliny at HN 15. 72) refers to one variety of figs as Africanae (as does Col. at 5. 10. 11); Pliny ( HN 15. 74) records a story that Ca to used a fresh African fig to demonstrate how close the Carthaginians we re to Rome, when urging the Senate to embark on the Third Punic War. For the adjectival form Libyssus cf. quam magnus

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328 numerus Libyssae harenae / lasarpiciferis iacet Cyrenis (Catull. 7. 3-4); belua nec retinet tardante Libyssa amore (Sil. Pun 6. 459). Picto … Lydia tergo: Lydia was in Western Asia Minor, bordering Caria ( OCD ). Lydia figures prominently in Herodotus as th e kingdom ruled by Croesus (Hdt. 1. 6-96). Varro ( Rust 1. 46. 6) includes Lydian figs, as well as Chalcidian and Chian, in a list of types of imported figs. Pliny ( HN 15. 69) describes Lydian figs as purpureae Cf. 5. 10. 11. Picto … tergo : Tergum here refers to the skin of the fig; cf. Vergil’s use of tergum for the surface of a tree (G. 2. 271). For Col.’s use of tergum to describe the surface of the ground, see resolutaque terga (7). He also uses it to describe the back of the constellation Sagittarius, imagined as a centaur (57). 419. Tardipedi sacris iam rite solutis: Col. is referring to the Vulcanalia, the festival of Vulcan; cf. Volcanalia a Volcano, quod ei tum feriae et quod eo die populus pro se in ignem animalia mittit (Varro, Ling 6. 20). This took place on 23 August (Degrassi 1963, 17, 30-31, 48, 79, 500-502; Scullard 1981, 178-180).72 Ash (1930, 123) remarks that at this time of year “the new grain would be in the barns and in danger from fire.” Col. elsewhere says: X Kal Sept. ex eodem sidere [i.e., Fide ] tempestas plerumque oritur, et pluvia (11. 2. 58) but does not mention that this is the date of the Vulcanalia. He also remarks: ceterum Augusto circa Vu lcanalia tertia satio est (11. 3. 18), but does not give the date. 72 Evidence that the Vulcanalia was observed on 23 August is epigraphical (e.g., the Fasti given in Degrassi 1963). No extant literary source mentions the specific date of the festival.

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329 Tardipedi: An epithet of Vulcan/Hephaestus, referring to his lameness; cf. tardipedi deo (Catull. 36. 7). In Greek, Hephaestus is called “lame” (Hes. Theog 571). Homer ( Il 1. 590-594) tells how Hephaestus, hurled from Olympus by Zeus, fell all day until he landed in Lemnos. 421. Gongylis: From Greek (and thus nominative si ngular), this word occurs only here in Latin literature (cf. Bolder 1996, 347). Ash (1930, 124) and Andr (1985, 112, 216) identif y this with Latin rapum : Brassica rapa L., the turnip. Col. recommends planting turnip-fields ( rapinae ) in late September ( 11. 2. 71). Pliny ( HN 18. 126-132) discusses at length the nature, cultivation, and us es of the turnip. He remarks: alius usus praestantior his non est and observes that one of the reasons for its great usefulness is that it can serve as f odder for animals as we ll as food for humans ( HN 18. 126), an observation also made by Col. (2. 10. 22). Pliny further notes its various medicinal uses ( HN 20. 18-19) and identif ies a wild variety, silvestre rapum distinct from the cultivated kind ( HN 20. 20). Pliny ( HN 19. 75) groups turnips and navews among cartilaginous plan ts that grow underground ( reliqua cartilaginum naturae terra occultantur omnia ). See also bunias (422). Nursia: Nursia was a Sabine town in the central Apennines ( OCD ); cf. qui Tiberim Fabarimque bibunt, quos frigida misi t / Nursia et Ortinae classes populique Latini ( Aen 7. 715-716). Suetonius ( Ves 1. 3) records that Vespasian’s mother was born at Nursia. Pliny ( HN 18. 130) praises turnips grown in Nursia: palma in Nursino agro nascentibus [sc. rapis ]. 422. Amiternis … arvis: Amiternum was another Sabine town in the central Apennines ( OCD ); cf. una ingens Amiterna cohors ( Aen. 7. 710). Pliny ( HN 19. 77)

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330 says that the best navews come from Am iternum, the next-best from Nursia: palma Romae Amiterninis [sc. napis ] datur, dein Nursinis Bunias: From Greek Andr (1985, 41, 169) identif ies this as the navew, Brassica napus L., Latin napus This word occurs twice in Lat in literature, in this line of Col. and in Pliny ( HN 20. 21), where he identifies it as a type of navew. Col. says that navew-beds ( napinae ) should be planted in late September, along with turnip beds (11. 2. 71). He elsewhere discu sses the cultivation of navews and turnips together (2. 10. 21-24); he remarks: riguis locis utrumque recte ab solsti tio seritur, siccis ultima parte mensis Augusti vel prima Septembris (2. 10. 23). Pliny discusses the cultivation of navews along with that of turnips and notes: satus utrique generi iustus inter duorum numinum dies festos, Neptuni atque Volcani ( HN 18. 131-132); the Neptunalia took place on 23 June (Scullard 1981, 168), the Vu lcanalia on 23 August (see 419). Pliny ( HN 19. 75-77) identifies several different vari eties of navew and stresses the similarity of the navew and the turnip See also gongylis (421). For the form of the word bunias see bryonias (250). Autumn: End of the Gardening Year (Lines 423-432) 423-425. Sed iam … claudimus: The gardening year is complete, the garden has given all its produce for the year and is s hut until the cycle will repeat itself. Like the finished garden, Col. also bri ngs his finished poem to its end. 424-425. Claudamus … claudimus: For this repetition, cf. claudite Nymphae, / Dictaeae Nymphae, nemorum iam claudite saltus ( Ecl 6. 55-56)—though Col. has departed from his Vergilian model in altering the form of the ve rb in the repetition, rather

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331 than repeating it exactly. Col. strives to include variety in his poem as well as in his garden. 424. Euhios: A title of Bacchus; see et “te Euhie Euhie Paean” (224). Rodgers adopts and prints Boldrer’s conjecture Euhios ; in support of it, Bolder (1996, 348-349) argues that it has “desinenza ar caica e poetica, pi vicino alla forma tradita ed a quella originaria greca .” Saint-Denis, Fernndez-Galiano and Richter print Euhius which Rodgers (2010, 418) identifies as a conj ecture of Iucundus. Forster follows some of the older editors (e.g., Ge sner and Schneider) in printing Evius Lundstrm, Ash, Santoro, and Marsili print Euchios the reading of most of t he mss. Based on line 224, either Euhios or Euhius is preferable; there is no other example of a title of Bacchus with the form Euchios Euhios would be a Greek second-declension nominative masculine singular form (AG 52). Col. uses Greek forms elsewhere (e.g., achrados 15); in addition, al though the ms. reading Euchios is not correct as it stands, it is possible that the ending -ios preserves a trace of the orig inal reading; on the principle difficilior lectio potior (cf. Reynolds 1991, 221-222)—or, in this instance, difficilior coniectura — Euhios might perhaps be preferred over Euhius Both Euhios and Euhius are found elsewhere in Latin; cf. pars Hymenaee canunt, pars clamant Euhion, euhoe (Ov. Ars am 1. 563); lyncem Maenas flexura corymbis / euhion ingeminat (Pers. 1. 101-102); non levis Euhius (Hor. Carm 1. 18. 9); Mithridatem … illum Euhium, Nysi um, Bacchum, Liberum nominabant (Cic. Flac 60). Given that this is a choice between two c onjectures, and that examples of each are attested elsewhere in Latin liter ature, it is reasonab le in this instance to accept Rodgers’ judgment that Boldrer’s conjecture Euhios is correct.

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332 426. Iacche: Another title of Bacchus; see Iaccho (235). 427. Lascivos Satyros: A satyr ( ) is a divine hedonistic woodland creature; cf. si di sunt, suntne etiam Nymphae deae? si Nymphae, Panisci etiam et Satyri (Cic. Nat. D 3. 43); sunt mihi semidei, sunt, rust ica numina, nymphae / faunique satyrique et monticolae silvani (Ov. Met 1. 192-193). Pliny ( HN 19. 50) mentions the presence of statues of satyrs as apotropaic charms in gardens: hortoque et foro tantum contra invidentium effascinatione s dicari videmus saturica signa Like Pan, they are thought of as biform creatures; cf. capripedes Satyros (Lucr. 4. 580); see also Panasque biformes (427). Panasque biformes: Pan, the Arcadian god of shepherds and wildlife, was generally throught of as part human and part goat ( OCD ); cf. semicaper Pan (Ov. Met 14. 515); capripedes … Panes (Prop. 3. 17. 34). Vergil includes Pan among the rustic gods whose aid he invokes at the beginning of the Georgics : ipse, nemus linquens patrium saltusque Lycaei, / Pan, ovium cust os, tua si tibi Maenala curae, / adsis ( G 1. 16-18). 429. Et te Maenalium, te Bacchum, teque Lyaeum: All three of these titles refer to Bacchus. For Maenalius see Maenaliosque choros Dryadum (263). Boldrer (1996, 351) remarks: “ originale l’uso di Maenalus … come appellativo di Bacco.” For Bacchus, see munera Bacchi (3). Vergil also mentions Maenala in conjunction with Pan ( G 1. 17).Lyaeum: Lyaeus, from Greek is a cult title of Dionysos/Bacchus, “the god who frees men from care s” (Ash 1930, 126), from “to release” (LSJ); cf. patrique Lyaeo ( Aen 4. 58); Bacchumque vocant Bromiumque Lyaeumque (Ov. Met 4.

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333 11); corniger increpuit thyrso graviore Lyaeus (Ov. Am 3. 15. 17); altera frumentis quoniam favet, altera Baccho,/ densa ma gis Cereri, rarissima quaeque Lyaeo ( G 2. 228-229). 430. Lenaeumque patrem: Lenaeus, from Greek is a cult title of Dionysos/Bacchus as god of the wine-press, from “wine press” (LSJ); cf. huc, pater o Lenaee ( G 2. 4, 7); te, libans, o Lenaee vocat ( G 2. 529); et cum Lenaeo genialis consitor uvae (Ov. Met 4. 14); dulce periculum est, / o Lenaee, sequi deum (Hor. Carm 3. 25. 18-19). 431-432. Ferveat … musto: For the ideas expressed in these lines, cf. aut dulcis musti Volcano decoquit umorem / et foliis undam trepidi despumat aeni ( G 1. 295-296); huc pater o Lenaee (tuis hic omnia plena / muner ibus, tibi pampineo gravidus autumn / floret ager, spumat plenis vindemia labr is), / huc, pater, o Lenaee, veni nudataque musto / tingue novo mecum de reptis crura cothurnis ( G 2. 4-8). The pressing of the new wine is a sign of autumn. In the passage from Georgics 1 (295-296), Vergil uses Volcanus as metonymy for fire. But Col.’s mention of mustum (432) so soon after setting the scene for autumn with the Vulcanalia (419) immediately recalls Vergil’s dulcis musti Volcano decoquit umorem ( G 1. 295). Mixto: This is Boldrer’s emendation, which Rodgers prints; the earlier mss. read musto which is printed by Lundstrm; later mss. read multo which is printed by all other modern editors. Ash (1930, 126) remarks, in defense of multo (as opposed to musto ): “Either reading is possi ble, but the latter [i.e., multo ] seems to have the greater probability in that musto in the next line must stand, and Columella studiously avoids

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334 such close and unemphatic repetition.” Bo ldrer (1996, 353) dismisses the reading musto in this line as “ lapsus o errore grafico.” Boldrer (1996, 353-354) conjectures mixto and then construes mixto … Falerno as an ablative absolute. She defends it by referring to Col.’s recipe for preserving and improving defective wine by mixing into it must obtained from superior grapes (12. 19. 2-20.1), and by adducing several instances of miscere used with Falernum : cf. Surrentina vafer qui miscet faece Falerna / vina (Hor. Sat 2. 4. 55); doctus eris vivam [sc. gallinam] mixto mersare Falerno (Hor. Sat 2. 4. 19); qua sapient melius mixta Falerna manu (Mart. 10. 66. 6). This is clever but not convincing enough to reject the ms. reading multo even though it is found only in later mss. As Boldrer herself said about another conjecture, which she found unpersuasive, mixto is “ingenioso ma non necessario” (see falcifero … Priapo 108). Thus I have preferred the reading multo for my translation.431. Falerno: Falernus refers to a region in northern Campania and, in particular, to wine from that region. Cf. Latinus ager … et Falernus … plebi Romanae dividitur (Liv. 8. 11. 13); Falernus ager a ponte Campano laeva petentibus Urbanam coloniam Sullanam nuper Capuae contributam incipit, Faustianus circiter IIII milia pasuum a vico Caedicio, qui vicus a Sinuessa VI M. passuum abest (Plin. HN 14. 62). For the wine, cf. si quis Falerno vino delectetur (Cic. Brut 287); nec cellis ideo contende Falernis ( G 2. 96, discussing various types of wine); seu te in remoto gramine per dies / festos reclinatum bearis / interiore nota Falerni (Hor. Carm 2. 3. 6-8); da nobis vina Falerna (Petron. Sat 55. 3); secunda nobilitas Falerno agro erat et ex eo Faustiano; cura culturaque id coegerat … nec ulli nunc vino maior auctoritas. solum vinorum

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335 flamma accenditur. tria eius genera, auste rum, dulce, tenue, quidam ita distinguunt (Plin. HN 14. 62). The context in which Faleri an in mentioned sugges ts that it was highly prized; Horace ( Carm 2. 11. 18-20) suggests that it was strong and also calls it liquidi … Falerni (Epist. 1. 14. 34); Tibullus (2. 1. 27) describes it as fumosos … Falernos Epilogue (Lines 433-436) Col. ends his poem with a four-line epilogue that recalls the seven-line epilogue at the end of the Georgics Like Vergil’s epilogue, Col.’s acts as a kind of signature. 433. Hactenus … docebam: Col. echoes his own opening line, line 1, in restating the theme of the work, hortorum cultus (which also functions effectively as a title for the poem); the r epetition of the vocative Silvine ; and docebam which echoes docebo (line 1). Silvine docebam occupies the same metrical line position as Silvine docebo in line 1, which further underlines the echo. The wording of this line also clearly echoes the first line of Vergil’s Georgics epilogue, haec super arvorum cultus pecorumque canebam ( G 4. 559): Col.’s hactenus … hortorum cultus … docebam correspond to Vergil’s haec … arvorum cultus … canebam Cf. also the beginning of the epilogue of Col.’s prose treatm ent of gardening in Book 11: hactenus praecipiendum existimavi de cultu hortorum (11. 3. 65). 434. Siderei … Maronis: Col. again explicitly lays clai m to the legacy of Vergil (= Maro: cf. 7. 3. 23; 9. 4. 1; Mart. 1. 61. 2; Juv. 11. 180), as he did at the beginning of the poem, when he set out his intention to “c omplete” the unfinis hed work of the Georgics (Pr. 3; lines 2-5).

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336 Siderei: This description recalls Vergil’s stated desire to be a poet of the heavens: me vero primum dulces ante omnia Musae … accipiant caelique vias et sidera monstrent (G. 2. 475, 477), even though he ends up acknowledging that this might be beyond him, and that his next wish is to be a poet of the countryside ( G 2. 483-486). For Col., though Vergil is clearly the premier poet of the countryside he is also the supreme poetic model, a ki nd of guiding star for Co l.’s poetic ambitions. Vatis: See vatis maxime venerandi (Pr. 3). Col. refers to Vergil as vates in at least one (Pr. 3) and possibly two (220) othe r passages in the poem. Even if Col. had not named Vergil ( Maronis ) in this line, vatis would make it clear whom he meant. Referre praecepta: Cf. possum multa tibi veterum praecepta referre ( G 1. 176). 435-436. Qui primus … per oppida carmen: Col. ends as he began, by quoting the Georgics : sanctos ausus recludere fontis, / A scraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen ( G 2. 175-176). Thomas ( 1988 v. 1, 190) says of this line of Vergil: “The clausula is elegantly ordered, in the m anner of a golden line … and with balancing references to Greek tradition ( Ascraeum … carmen = Hesiodic) and to the Roman application (Romana per oppida).” He adds: “Such juxtaposition reflect[s] the dual traditions of Augustan poetry.” By quoting Verg il, Col. stakes his claim to be Vergil’s poetic—and georgic—heir. Col., however, does not quote exactly; as he does elsewhere, he changes his model very slightly. The last line and a half is almost a word-for-word repetition—except for the form of canere This is similar to his practice elsewhere: quoting almost, but not quite exactly. See claudamus … claudimus (424-425); also 1-5.

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337 Ascraeum: Col. is claiming the mantle of Vergil as Vergil had claimed that of Hesiod. Ascra, a town in Boeotia was the birthplace of Hesiod; cf. ’ ’ / ’ (Hes. Op 638-639, on his and Perses’ father); cf. also: esset perpetuo sua quam vitabilis Ascra / ausa est agricolae Musa docere senis: / et fuerat genitus terra, qui scripsit, in illa, / intumuit vati nec tamen Ascra suo (Ov. Pont 4. 14. 31-34). Vergil elsewhere refers to Hesiod as Ascraeo … seni ( Ecl 6. 70). Ovid compares himself to Hesiod, to whom the Muses had appeared as he tended flocks: nec mihi sunt visae Clio Cliusque sorores / servanti pecudes vallibus, Ascra, tuis ( Ars am 1. 27-28; cf. Hes. Theog 2223).

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338 APPENDIX INDEX OF PLANT NAMES This list includes the classical Latin plant names for plants mentioned or described in Rust 10 or discussed in the commentar y, their common modern English names, and their modern botanical scientific names. Included are t he proper classical Latin names for plants which Col. describes but does not name, or for which he uses a Greek name. Greek names used by Col. in Latinized form are also included. In instances where the modern identification of t he plants is uncertain or speculative, all possibilities mentioned in the commentary ha ve been included. The classical Latin or Greek plant names and the Latin portions of modern botanical names are in italics. Citations are to line numbers in the te xt and lemmata in t he commentary. A acanthus ……………………………………………………………………………….241 acanthus……………………………………………………………………………….241 Acanthus mollis L……………………………………………………………………. 241 achras …………………………………………………………………………………... 15 alexanders……………………………………………………………………………. 123 alium …………………………………………………………………………….. 112, 314 allium ………………..…………………………………………………………… 112,314 Allium caepa L..………………………………………………………………... 123, 314 Allium porrum L…………………………………………………………....139,167, 371 Allium sativum L…………………………………………………………. .112, 113, 314 amaracus ……………………………………………………………………….. 171, 296 amaranth……………………………………………………………………………… 175 amarantum …………………………………………………………………………… 175 amarantus …………………………………………………………………………….. 175 Amaranthus caudatus L…………………………………………………………….. 175 andrachle …………………………………………………………………………….. 376 anethum………………………………………………………………………… 120, 314 Anethum graveolens L………………………………………………………… 120, 314 Anthriscus cerefolium L……………………………………………………………... 110 Anthriscus silvestris L……………………………………………………………….. 110 Antirrhinum majus …………………………………………………………………….. 98 apium ……………………………………………………………………………. 166, 371 Apium graveolens L…………………………………………………………….166, 371 apius …………………………………………………………………………….. 166, 371 apple……………………………………………………………………………………. 16 arbos Punica ……………………………………………………………………. 242-243 armoracia …………………………………………………………………….………. 114 Armoracia rusticana P. Gaertn., Mey. & Scherb…………………………………. 114 arugula………………………………………………………………………….. 109, 371 arum …………………………………………………………………………………… 244

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339 Arum colocasia L…………………………………………………………………….. 244 asparagus …………………………………………………………………………….. 246 asparagus…………………………………………………………………………….. 246 asparagus, wild………………………………………………………………………. 375 Asparagus officinalis L………………………………………………………………. 246 atriplex ………………………………………………………………………………… 377 Atriplex hortensis L………………………………………………………………….. 377 atriplex silvestre ……………………………………………………………………… 377 B balsam………………………………………………………………………………… 301 balsamum …………………………………………………………………………….. 301 basil…………………………………………………………………………………… 319 bean…………………………………………………………………………………… 113 beet……………………………………………………………………………… 254, 326 beta ……………………………………………………………………………… 254, 326 Beta cicla L……………………………………………………………………... 254, 326 Beta vulgaris cicla …………………………………………………………………… 254 black cumin…………………………………………………………………………… 245 bramble………………………………………………………………………………… 22 brassica ……………………………………………………. 326; cf. 127-139, 178, 369 Brassica cretica Lamb………………………………………………………………. 178 Brassica napus L…………………………………………………………………….. 422 Brassica nigra Koch…………………………………………………………………. 122 Brassica olereaca L……………………………………………………… 127-139, 178 Brassica rapa L………………………………………………………………………. 421 Brionia doca Jacq……………………………………………………………... 250, 347 bryonias ………………………………………………………………………………. 250 bryony…………………………………………………………………. 250, 347; cf. 373 bulbus …………………………………………………………………………………. 106 bunias …………………………………………………………………………………. 422 butcher’s broom……………………………………………………………………… 374 C cabbage……………………………………………………….. 127-139, 178, 326, 369 caepa ………...…………………………………………………………………..123, 314 caerefolium…………………………………………………………………………… 110 Calendula arvensis L…………………………………………………………………. 97 Calendula officinalis L………………………………………………………………… 97 calta ……………………………………………………………………... 97, 307; cf. 258 Campanula rapunculus……………………………………………………………… 114 caper………………………………………………………………………………….. 118 cappari ………………………………………………………………………………... 118

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340 capparis………………………………………………………………………………. .118 Capparis spinosa L………………………………………………………………….. 118 cardoon…………………………………………………………………..... 235, 237-241 carbasa …………………………………………………………………………………. 17 cas(s)ia ………………………..……………………………………………………... 301 celery……………………………………………………………………………. 166, 371 Celosia cristata ………………………………………………………………………. 175 Celtis australis L……………………………………………………………………... 258 cepa ……………………………………………………………………………... 123, 314 chaerefolium ……………………………………………………………………….… 110 chaerephyllum ……………………………………………………………………….. 110 chaerophylum ……………………………………………………………………..…. 110 Chenopodium Bonus Henricus L………………………………..………………… 377 Cheiranthus cheiri L…………………………………………………………….. 97, 102 chervil…………………………………………………………………………………. 110 chicory………………………………………………………………………………… 111 Christ’s thorn…………………………………………………………………………... 22 Cicorium endivia L…………………………………………………………………… 111 Cicorium intybus L…………………………………………………………………… 111 cicuta …………………………………………………………………...…………….... 20 cinara ………………………………………………………………………. 235, 237-241 Cinara cardunculus L…………………………………………………….. 235, 237-241 cinnamon…………………………………………………………………………….. 301 Cinnamomum aromaticum L………………………………………………………. 301 Cochlearia armoracia L……………………………………………………………... 114 cockscomb………………………………………………………..………………….. 175 colocasia……………………………………………………………………………… 244 Colocasia antiquorum Schott………………………………………………………. 244 Commiphora (Genus)…………………………………………………………. 103, 173 Commiphora kataf …………………………………………………………….. 103, 173 Conium maculatum L…………………………………………………………………. 20 corambe ……………………………………………………………………….……… 178 coriander……………………………………………………………………………… 244 coriandrum ……………………………………………………………………………. 244 Coriandrum sativum …………………………………………………………………. 244 corruda ……………………………………………………………………………….. 375 cress…………………………………………………………………………………... 231 crocus …………………………………………………………………………………. 170 Crocus sativus L……………………………………………………………………... 170 cucumber………………………………………………………….... 234, 380, 389, 396 cucumis ……………………………………………………………... 234, 380, 389, 396 Cucumis sativa L…………………………………………………… 234, 380, 389, 396 cucurbita ……………………………………………………………………………… 234 cumin………………………………………………………………………………….. 245 cuminum ……………………………………………………………………………… 245

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341 Cuminum sativum L…………………………………………………………………. 245 cunila ……………………………………………………………………………….…. 233 cyminum ……………………………………………………………………………… 245 D daffodil……………………………………………………………………………….…. 98 daphne………………………………………………………………………………... 301 Daphne mezereum L………………………………………………….…………….. 301 Daucus carota L……………………………………………………………………… 168 Delphinium Ajacis L…………………………………………………………………. 175 dill……………………………………………………………………………...… 120, 314 Dolichos (Genus)…………………………………………………………………….. 377 dragon’s mouth………………………………………………………………………... 98 dwarf elder……………………………………………………………………………... 10 E ebulum …………………………………………………………………………….……. 10 elecampane…………………………………………………………………………... 118 Elephant’s ear………………………………………………………………………... 244 elleborus ……………………………………………………………………………….. 17 elm……………………………………………………………………………………… 13 endive…………………………………………………………………………………. 111 eruca …………………………………………………………………………….. 109, 371 Eruca sativa Lam…………………………………………………………………….. 109 European hackberry…………………………………………………………………. 258 F faba …………………………………………………………………………………… 113 fennel……………………………………………………………………………... 21, 118 ferula ……………………………………………………………………………… 21, 118 Ferula communis L……………………………………………………………………. 21 Ferula ferulago L………………………………………………………………………. 21 Ferula galbanifera Koch……………………………………………………………… 21 ficus …………………………………………………………………….….. 403, 413-418 Ficus carica L……………………………………………………………... 403, 413-418 fig………………………………………………………………………… 403, 413-418 G garlic……………………………………………………………….……… 112, 113, 314 gillyflower………………………………………………………………………… 97, 102 Gladiolus segetum Gawl……………………………………………………………. 175

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342 gongylis ……………………………………………………………………………….. 421 goosefoot…………………………………………………………………………….. 377 gourd……………………………………………………………………………. 234, 380 H harum …………………………………………………………………………………. 244 Helleborus niger L…………………………………………………………………….. 17 hemlock………………………………………………………………………………… 20 holus atrum …………………………………………………………………………… 123 holus pullum ………………………………………………………………………….. 123 horehound……………………………………………………………………………. 356 horseradish…………………………………………………………………………… 114 houseleek…………………………………………………………………………….. 356 hyacinthus ………………………………………………………………………. 100, 175 I innula ………………………………………………………………………………….. 118 intiba ………..…………………………………………………………………………. 111 intuba ………………………………………………………………………………….. 111 inula …………………………………………………………………………………... 118 Inula helenium L……………………………………………………………………... 118 J jujube, wild……………………………………………………………………………. 258 L lactuca ………………………………………………………………..……. 111, 181-189 lactucula …………………………………………………………………… 111, 181-189 Lactucula sativa L………………………………………………………… 111, 181-189 Lagenaria vulgaris Serv……………………………………………………….. 234, 380 lapathus ………………………………………………………………………………. 373 leaf beet………………………………………………………………………………. 254 leek………………………………………………………………………… 139, 167, 371 leo………………………………………………………………………………………. 98 lepidium ………………………………………………………………………….. 124-126 Lepidium latifolium L…………………………………………………………… 124-126 Lepidium sativum L………………………………………………………………….. 231 lettuce…………………………………………………………………...…. 111, 181-189 leucoium………………………………………………………………………………... 97 ligustrum ……………………………………………………………………………… 300 Ligustrum vulgare L…………………………………………………………………. 300

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343 lilium…………………………………………………………………………………….. 99 Lilium candidum L…………………………………………………………………….. 99 lily……………………………………………………………………………………….. 99 lotus …………………………………………………………………………………… 258 lotus…………………………………………………………………………………… 258 M Majorana hortensis Moench………………………………………………….. 171, 296 malache ………………………………………………………………………………. 247 mallow………………………………………………………………………………… 247 malum …………………………………………………………………………………... 16 malva ………………………………………………………………………………….. 247 Malva silvestris L………………………………………………………………..…… 247 mandragora………………………………………………………………………...….. 20 Mandragora (Genus)………………………………………………………………….. 20 marjoram…………………………………………………………………..……. 171, 296 marrubium ……………………………………………………………………………. 356 Marrubium creticum L……………………………………………………………….. 356 Marrubium vulgare L………………………………………………………………… 356 Matthiola incana L…………………………………………………………………….. 97 melanthium ………………………………………………………………………..….. 245 menta …………………………………………………………………………………. 119 Mentha (Genus)……………………………………………………………………… 119 Mentha viridis L………………………………………………………………………. 119 Mimusops Schimperi L………………………………………………………… 405-406 mint…………………………………………………………………………….……… 119 moloche ………………………………………………………………………………. 247 Morus nigra L………………………………………………………………………… 401 morum ……………………………………………………………………………….... 401 mulberry………………………………………………………………………………. 401 murra ……………………………………………………………………………. 103, 173 mustard…………………………………………………………………………..…… 122 myrrh……………………………………………………………………………. 103, 173 N napus ………………………………………………………………………………….. 422 narcissus ................. ................ ................ ................ ............... ...................... 98, 297 narcissus…………………………………………………………………………. 98, 297 Narcissus poeticus L……………………………………………………………. 98, 297 Narcissus serotinus L…………………………………………………………… 98, 297 Narcissus tazetta L……………………………………………………………… 98, 297 nasturcium .…………………………………………………………………………… 231 nasturtium ……………………………………………………………….……………. 231

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344 navew…………………………………………………………………………………. 422 Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn…………………………………………………………… 258 Nigella sativa L………………………………………………………………………. 245 O ocimum………………………………………………………………………...…….. 319 Ocimum basilicum L…………………………………………………………………. 319 olea ……………………………………………………………………………………. 121 olea europea L………………………………………………………………………. 121 oliva…………………………………………………………………………………… 121 olive…………………………………………………………………………………… 121 onion…………………………………………………………………………….. 123, 314 orach………………………………………………………………………………….. 377 Origanum majorana …………………………………………………………………. 171 P paliurus …………………………………………………………………………..…….. 22 Paliurus australis Gaertn……………………………………………………………... 22 Paliurus spina Christi…………………………………………………………………. 22 panaces ………………………………………………………………………….…… 103 papaver …………………………………………………………………………. 104, 314 Papaver somniferum L………………………………………………………… 104, 314 parsley…………………………………………………………………………... 166, 371 parsnip………………………………………………………………………….. 114, 168 pastinaca ………………………………………………………………………. 114, 168 Pastinaca sativa L……………………………………………………………... 114, 168 peach……………………………………………………………………………. 410-412 pear……………………………………………………………………………………... 15 pear, wild……………………………………………………………………………….. 15 pepperwort………………………………………………………………………. 124-126 persea …………………………………………………………………………… 405-406 Persicum malum ………………………………………………………………... 410-412 Petroselinum crispum Mill…………………………………………………………... 166 phaselos …………………………………………………………………………….… 377 pirus ……………………………………………………………………………………. 15 Pirus amygdaliformis Vill……………………………………………………………... 15 Pirus crataegifolia ……………………………………………………………………... 15 Pirus malus …………………………………………………………………………….. 16 Pirus piraster Burgs…………………………………………………………………… 15 Pirus silvestris …………………………………………………………………………. 15 plum………………………………………………………………………………..…… 15 pomegranate……………………………………………………………………. 242-243 poppy……………………………………………………………………………. 104, 314

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345 porcillaca ……………………………………………………………………………… 376 porrum …………………………………………………………………….. 139, 167, 371 portulaca ……………………………………………………………………………… 376 Portulaca oleracea …………………………………………………………………... 376 pot marigold……………………………………………………………………………. 97 privet…………………………………………………………………………………... 300 prunus ………………………………………………………………………………….. 15 Prunus domestica L…………………………………………………………………… 15 Punica granatum L……………………………………………………………... 242-243 Prunus persica Sieb. et Z……………………………………………………… 410-412 purslaine……………………………………………………………………………… 376 R radish………………………………………………………………………………….. 114 radix Syriaca ……………………………………………………………………. 114, 316 rampion……………………………………………………………………………….. 114 Raphanus sativus L…………………………………………………………………. 114 raphanus Syriacus …………………………………………………………………… 114 rapum …………………………………………………………………………………. 421 rocket……………………………………………………………………………. 109, 371 rosa ………………………………………………………………………… 37, 261, 287 rose…………………………………………………………………………. 37, 261, 287 Rosa gallica L……………………………………………………………… 37, 261, 287 rubus ………………………………………………………………………………..….. 22 Rubus (Genus)………………………………………………………………………… 22 rue………………………………………………………………………………….….. 121 Rumex (Genus)……………………………………………………………………… 373 ruscus ……………………………………………………………………………….… 374 Ruscus aculeatus L………………………………………………………………….. 374 ruta ………………………………………………………………………………….…. 121 Ruta graveolens L…………………………………………………………………… 121 S saffron………………………………………………………………………...………. 170 saltbush……………………………………………………………………………….. 377 Sambucus ebulus L…………………………………………………………………… 10 sampsucum ………………………………………………………………………….. 171 satureia ……………………………………………………………………………….. 233 Satureia capitata L…………………………………………………………………... 233 Satureia hortensis L…………………………………………………………………. 233 Satureia thymbra L………...………………………………………………………... 233 savory………………..……………………………………………………………….. 233 scilla …………………………………………………………………………………… 374

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346 Scilla bifolia L………………………………………………………………………… 100 Scilla hyacinthodes L……………………………………………………………….. 100 Scilla maritima L……………………………………………………………………... 374 sea onion……………………………………………………………………………... 374 sedum …………………………………………………………………………………. 356 Sempervivum tectorum L…………………………………………………………… 356 sinapi ………………………………………………………………………………….. 122 sinapis ……………………………………………………………………………..….. 122 Sinapis alba L………………………………………………………………………… 122 sisaron …………………………………………………………….………………….. 114 siser …………………………………………………………………………………... 114 Smyrnium olusatrum L………………………………………………………………. 123 snapdragon………………………………………………………………………..…… 98 sorrel …………………………………………………………………………………. 373 squill…………………………………………………………………………….. 100, 374 staphylinus ……………………………………………………………………………. 168 stock……………………………………………………………………………………. 97 summer savory………………………………………………………………………. 233 Swiss chard…………………………………………………………………………... 254 T tamnus ……………………………………………………………………………….. 250 Tamus communis L………………………………………………..……………….. 250 taxus ……………………………………………………………………………………. 18 Taxus baccata …………………………………………………………………………. 18 thamnum ……………………………………………………………………………... 373 thamnus ……………………………………………………………..…………. 250, 373 thapsia ………………………………………………………………………………….. 21 Thapsia gargantica ……………………………………………………………………. 21 thymbra ………………………………………………………………………….……. 233 thyme………………………………………………………………………………….. 233 thymum ……………………………………………………………………………….. 233 thymus ………………………………………………………………………………… 233 Thymus capitatus Hoff.-Link………………………………………………………... 233 Thymus vulgaris L…………………………………………………………………… 233 turnip………………………………………………………………………………….. 421 U ulmus …………………………………………………………………………………… 13 ulpicum ………………………………………………………………………………... 113 Ulmus atinia……………………………………………………………………………. 13 Ulmus gallica …………………………………………………………………………... 13 Ulmus glabra Huds……………………………………………………………………. 13

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347 Ulmus minor Miller…………………………………………………………………….. 13 Ulmus nostras …………………………………………………………………………. 13 Ulmus silvestris ………………………………………………………………………... 13 Urginea maritima Baker…………………………………………………………….. 374 V veratrum ……………………………………………………………………………….. 17 Veratrum album ……………………………………………………………………….. 17 Vicia (Genus)………………………………………………………………………… 113 Vigna (Genus)……………………………………………………………………….. 377 vine……………………………………………………………………………………... 38 vine, wild……………………………………………………………………………….. 14 viola ……………………………………………………………………….. 102, 259, 300 viola alba ……………………………………………………………………………….. 97 viola lutea ………………………………………………………………………………. 97 Viola odorata L…………………………………………………………….. 97, 102, 300 viola purpurea …………………………………………………………………………. 97 violet…………………………………………………………………... 97, 102, 259, 300 vitis …………………………………………………………………………………. 14, 38 vitis alba ………………………………………………………………………………. 347 vitis nigra ……………………………………………………………………………… 250 Vitis silvestris Gmel…………………………………………………………………… 14 Y yew …………………………………………………………………………………….. 18 Z Zizyphus lotus Willd…………………………………………………………………. 258

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348 LIST OF REFERENCES Abbe, Elfriede. 1965. The Plants of Virgil’s Georgics Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Andrai, Silvia. 1981. Aspects du Vocabulaire Agricole Latin Rome: L'Erma di Bretschneider. Andr, Jacques. 1956. Lexique des Termes de Botanique en Latin Paris: C. Klincksieck. ____________. 1985. Les Noms des Plantes dans la Rome Antique Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Armstrong, Rebecca. 2008. “Virgil’s Cucumber: Georgics 4. 121-2.” Classical Quarterly n.s. 58: 366-368. Apicius. 1969. Apicii Decem Libri qui dicuntur De Re Coquinaria et Excerpta a Vinidario Conscripta Ed. M. E. Milham. Lei pzig: B. G. Teubner. Apollodorus. 1921. The Library 2 vol. Ed. J. G. Frazer Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Apollonius, Rhodius. 1961. Apollonii Rh odii Argonautica Ed. H. Frnkel. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Appendix Vergiliana 1966. Ed. W. Clausen et al Oxford: Clarendon Press. Apuleius. 1989. Metamorphoses 2 vols. Ed. J. A. Hanson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ____________. 2002. Apologie; Floride Ed. P. Vallette. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Aristophanes. 1907. Aristophanis Comoediae 2nd ed. Ed. F. W. Hall, W. M. Geldart. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Aristotle. 1978. Meteorologica Ed. H. D. P. Lee. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Ash, H. B., ed. 1930. L. Iuni Moderati Columellae Rei Ru sticae Liber Decimus: De Cultu Hortorum Text, critical apparatus, translation, and commentary Philadelphia: Westbrook Publishing Company. ____________, ed. 1941. Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella: On Agriculture vol. 1: Res Rustica I-IV. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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349 Athenaeus, of Naucratis. 2006-2012. The Learned Banqueters 8 vols. Ed. S. D. Olson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Baldwin, Barry. 1963. “Columella’s Sources and How He Used Them.” Latomus 22: 785-791. Barth, Caspar von. 1624. Adversariorum Comme ntariorum Libri LX Frankfurt: Typis Wechelianis. Bernhardt, Peter. 2008. Gods and Goddesses in the Gar den: Greco-Roman Mythology and the Scientific Names of Plants New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Blythe, Ian. 2009. “A Sort of Engl ish Georgics: Vita Sackville-West’s The Land .” Forum for Modern Language Studies 45: 19-31. Boldrer, Francesca, ed. 1996. L. Iuni Moderati Co lumellae Rei Rusticae Liber decimus: Carmen De Cultu Hortorum Pisa: Edizioni ETS. Bowe, Patrick. 2004. Gardens of the Roman World Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum. Boyd, B. W. 1997. Ovid’s Literary Loves: Influence and Innovation in the Amores Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Brummitt, R. K. and Powell, C. E., ed. 1992. Authors of Plant Names Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cancik, Hubert, Schneider, Helmuth, and Landfester, Manf red, ed. 1996Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopdie der Antike. 16 vol. + Suppl. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler. Caesar, Julius. 1900. C. Iuli Caesaris Commentariorum Pars Prio r qua continentur Libri VII De Bello Gallico cum A. Hirti Supplemento Ed. R. du Pontet. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ____________. 1901. C. Iuli Caesaris Commentariorum Pars Posterior qua continentur Libri III De Bello Civili cum Libris Ince rtorum Auctorum De Bello Alexandrino Africo Hispaniensi Ed. R. du Pontet. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Cassius Dio Cocceianus. 1968-1981. Dio’s Roman History 9 vols. Ed. E. Cary, H. B. Foster. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Cato, Marcus Porcius. 1936. Marcus Portius Cato, On Agriculture ; Marcus Terentius Varro On Agriculture Ed. W. D. Hooper, rev. H. B. Ash. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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350 Catto, Bonnie A. 1986. “Lucretian labor and Vergil’s labor improbus .” Classical Journal 81: 305-318. Catullus. 1958. C. Valerii Catulli Carmina Ed. R. A. B. Mynor s. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Chantraine, Pierre. 1999. Dictionnaire tymologique de la Langue Grecque: Histoire des Mots New ed. Paris: Klincksieck. Ciarallo, Annamaria. 2000. Gardens of Pompeii Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. 1922. M. Tulli Ciceronis Rhetorica 2 vols. A. S. Wilkins. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ____________. 1928. De Republica, De Legibus Ed. C. W. Keyes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ____________. 1968-1980. M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes 6 vols. Ed. A. C. Clark, W. Peterson. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ____________. 1969-1979. M. Tulli Ciceronis Epistulae 3 vols. Ed. L. C. Purser et al. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ____________. 1971. Tusculan Disputations Ed. J. E. King. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ____________. 1979a. De Natura Deorum; Academica Ed. H. Rackham. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ____________. 1979b. De Senectute, De Amicitia, De Divinatione Ed. W. A. Falconer. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ____________. 2002. Aratea; Fragm ents Potiques Ed. J. Soubiran. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Claudianus, Claudius. 1922. Claudian 2 vols. Ed. M. Platnauer. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Clausen, Wendell. 1987. Virgil’s Aeneid and the Tradition of Hellenistic Poetry Berkeley: University of California Press. ____________. 1994. A Commentary on Virgil: Eclogues Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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363 ____________. 1970. Roman Farming Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. White, Peter. 1993. Promised Verse: Poets in the Society of Augustan Rome Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Wilkinson, L. P. 1963. Golden Latin Artistry Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wright, Michael. 1984. The Complete Handbook of Garden Plants New York: Facts on File Publications.

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364 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH David J. White was born and raised in Akron, Ohio and graduated from Walsh Jesuit High School in 1980. In 1984, he gr aduated from the University of Akron with a B.A. in classics. In 1987, he obtained an M.A. in classical studies at the University of Pennsylvania, where he was an Annenberg Fello w. Also in 1987, he received a Lord Scholarship to attend the summer session of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. He received a master’s in lib rary and information science in 2000 from Kent State University and has worked as a library ca taloger at the University of Pennsylvania, the Cleveland Museum of Art, and the Wester n Reserve Historical Society. He earned a Ph.D. in classical studies fr om the University of Florida in 2013. He has taught at the University of Pennsylvania, the University of the Arts, Lehigh University, St. Joseph’s University, and the University of Akron. Si nce 2004, he has taught at Baylor University where he is currently a Senior Lectu rer in the Department of Classics.